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FRANCISCO   GOYA 


BY  THE  SAME  AUTHOR 


THE       ETCHINGS      OF       CHARLES 
MERYON 

BENOZZO  GOZZOLI 

SIR  ANTHONY  VAN  DYCK 

THE  ART  TREASURES  OF  LONDON 
—PAINTING 

VELAZQUEZ,  HIS  LIFE  AND  WORKS 

A  PRINCE  OF  PLEASURE.     Philip  of 
France  and  his  Court,  1640-1701 

MADAME    DE     BRINVILLIERS     AND 
HER  TIMES,  1630-1676 


About  1796 


FRANCISCO   GOYA   Y   LUCIENTES,    PINTOR 
After  tJte  etched Jrontispiece  in  ' '  Los  Caprichos."    Plate  i 


■^S?^^o 


FRANCISCO     GOYA 

A  STUDY  OF  THE  WORK  AND  PERSONALITY 

OF   THE   EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY  SPANISH 

PAINTER  AND    SATIRIST 


BY 

HUGH  STOKES 

WITH    48     FULL-PAGE 
ILLUSTRATIONS 


HERBERT   JENKINS    LIMITED    PUBLISHERS 
12   ARUNDEL   PLACE   HAYMARKET   LONDON 

MCMXIV 


ZHB  ANCHOB  PBESfl,  IiDOTED,  TIPTBEE,   ESSEX. 


TO 

MY   WIFE 


PREFACE 

WITH  the  exception  of  two  short  monographs  by 
Mr.  William  Rothenstein  and  Mr.  Albert  F. 
Calvert,  together  with  a  translation  of  a 
slight  critical  essay  by  Dr.  Richard  Miither,  no  biography 
of  Francisco  Goya  has  yet  appeared  in  English.  The 
time  seems  ripe  for  a  volume  which  attempts  to  show  this 
fine  genius  in  relation  to  the  art  of  his  own  country,  as 
well  as  to  that  of  the  other  schools  of  painting  in  Europe. 
England  has  been  comparatively  late  in  its  appreciation 
of  Goya,  but  across  the  Channel  a  steady  stream  of 
critical  exegesis  has  flowed  from  the  day  when  Theophile 
Gautier  returned  to  Paris  after  his  voyage  of  discovery 
beyond  the  Pyrenees.  The  first  biography  of  Goya,  by 
Laurent  Matheron,  was  published  in  France,  and 
appropriately  dedicated  to  Eugene  Delacroix.  Nine 
years  later  came'  a  more  ambitious  performance  by 
Charles  Yriarte.  In  the  meanwhile  the  index  of  the 
Gazette  des  Beaux- Arts  will  reveal  what  an  impression 
Goya's  paintings  and  etchings  had  been  creating  in  the 
French  studios.  Biirger-Thore,  Feuillet  de  Conches, 
F.  Lagrange,  Jacques  Desrosiers,  Paul  Lefort,  Charles 
Blanc,  Philippe  Burty,  and  a  dozen  other  well-known 
critics  of  the  Second  Empire,  continually  quoted  and 
alluded    to    Goya    in  their   articles.     Since  then    the 


viii  PREFACE 

published  correspondence  of  poets,  like  Baudelaire,  and 
of  artists,  like  Manet,  proves  that  Goya  was  a  formative 
influence  of  the  first  importance  upon  the  French  art 
of  the  nineteenth  century. 

The  biographies  of  Matheron  and  Yriarte  have  become 
the  foundation  of  what  may  be  called  the  French  tra- 
dition regarding  the  personaUty  of  Goya.  Both  authors 
accepted  the  romantic  anecdotes  of  his  youth,  and  the 
scandalous  legends  of  his  behaviour  at  the  Court  of 
Charles  IV.  His  attitude  towards  Church  and  State 
they  considered  a  logical  result  of  his  admiration  of  the 
poUtical  principles  which  governed  the  French  Revolution. 
These  biographical  conclusions  were  fiercely  controverted 
by  Francisco  Zapater,  who  published  in  1868  a  tiny 
booklet  containing  extracts  from  the  correspondence 
between  Goya  and  his  father,  Martin  Zapater  of  Zaragoza. 
He  could  not  have  made  use  of  the  whole  correspondence, 
which,  if  it  has  not  been  destroyed,  may  probably  be  a 
treasure  for  some  future  author.  Writing  for  a  CathoHc 
journal  (his  pages  were  first  issued  in  La  Perseverencia) 
he  sketched  the  portrait  of  a  hard-working  youth,  who 
certainly  did  not  desert  the  God  of  his  ancestors,  had  no 
desire  to  play  skittles  with  the  Ten  Commandments,  and 
was  not  only  a  good  son,  a  truth  which  cannot  be  dis- 
puted, but  a  faithful  husband — a  statement  open  to 
considerable  doubt. 

Zapater's  motive  was  praiseworthy,  but  he  was  an 
amateur  historian  who  twisted  his  facts  to  suit  his 
prejudices.  The  deeper  we  push  our  researches  into 
Goya's  career  the  less  able  are  we  to  agree  with  his  thesis. 
Laurent  Matheron  appears  to  have  visited  Madrid,  and 
much  of  his  material  is  vouched  for  by  first-hand  evidence. 


PREFACE  ix 

He  knew  De  Brugada,  Goya's  companion  during  the  last 
years  in  Bordeaux,  and  cites  him  more  than  once  as  the 
source  of  his  information.  He  was  writing  within  thirty 
years  of  Goya's  death,  and  his  chapters  were  compiled 
with  care  and  good  taste.  About  the  same  time  Valentin 
Carderera  (who  had  written  an  article  upon  Goya  in  El 
A  rtista  of  Madrid  as  early  as  1835)  was  collaborating  with 
Philippe  Burty  in  the  Gazette  des  Beaux- Arts,  and  his 
contributions  in  no  way  contradict  Matheron's  views. 
Charles  Yriarte's  Spanish  quest  in  1866-67  was  exhaustive, 
and  he  was  fortunate  in  gathering  the  final  reminiscences 
of  a  bygone  generation.  He  visited  the  Duke  de  Mont- 
pensier  at  San  Telmo,  and  the  Duke  de  Osuna  at 
Alameda.  The  Duke  de  Alba  opened  the  Palace  of  the 
Liria  to  him,  and  he  was  cordially  assisted  by  Frederico 
de  Madrazo,  Zarco  del  Valle,  Francisco  Zapater,  and 
Valentin  Carderera.  Many  of  the  Goya  family  papers 
were  placed  at  his  disposal.  Yet  upon  Yriarte  has  fallen 
the  full  brunt  of  a  hostile  attack,  and  a  German  bio- 
grapher, describing  Goya  as  "  a  man  of  noble  character, 
straightforward  and  religious,  full  of  deep-rooted  naive 
piety,"  gracefully  refers  to  Yriarte's  life  of  the  artist 
as  the  work  of  "an  imaginative  Gascon." 

The  true  Goya  is  not  to  be  found  in  one  or  the  other. 
He  was  neither  the  ferocious  republican  nor  the  pious 
Catholic.  There  was  a  diabolical  side  of  his  nature  (to 
quote  Mr.  William  Rothenstein)  which  cannot  be  lost 
sight  of.  On  the  other  hand  he  was  not  the  carrion- 
seeking  hyena  of  Mr.  P.  G.  Hamerton's  excited  brain.  I 
have  tried  to  draw  a  picture  of  a  man  who,  despite  his 
faults  and  eccentricities,  was  undoubtedly  loved  by  those 
who  knew  him  best.    And  the  evidence  of  the  sympathy 


X  PREFACE 

he  inspired  cannot  be  lightly  set  aside.  Upon  a  full 
knowledge  of  his  life  and  personality  we  are  best  able  to 
judge  his  art. 

Valerian  von  Loga's  careful  biography  neglects  to 
exhibit  its  subject  in  a  proper  frame.  It  is  impossible 
to  appreciate  Goya,  or  to  judge  his  actions,  if  we  are 
ignorant  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  English  readers 
know  little  of  Spain  during  the  eighteenth  century.  The 
names  of  Philip  II.  or  Philip  IV.  come  pat  to  our  lips 
when  we  talk  about  Velazquez  and  his  forerunners,  and 
it  is  comparatively  easy  to  form  some  opinion  upon  the 
Spanish  decadence  of  the  seventeenth  century.  But 
the  reigns  of  Philip  V.,  Ferdinand  VI.,  Charles  III., 
Charles  IV.,  and  Ferdinand  VII.,  carry  few  associations. 
The  social  history  of  their  Courts  is  an  undiscovered 
continent.  Yet,  if  we  wish  to  understand  Goya's  position, 
we  must  learn  something  of  the  existence  around  him. 
We  must  at  least  attempt  to  breathe  the  atmosphere  of 
Madrid  during  those  days  of  transition,  and  to  follow  the 
tangled  political  situation  which  resulted  in  the  Peninsula 
War.  How  can  Hogarth's  art  be  enjoyed  if  we  refuse 
to  glance  at  the  London  of  the  early  Georgians  ?  French 
art  of  the  eighteenth  century  cannot  be  disassociated 
from  the  history  of  Louis  XV.  Art,  even  more  than 
literature,  is  the  mirror  of  the  life  from  which  it 
springs. 

This  must  be  my  apology  for  dealing  somewhat  fully 
with  several  aspects  of  Spanish  art  which  naturally  lead 
to  a  consideration  of  Goya's  own  work,  as  well  as  to 
the  inclusion  of  some  account  of  Spanish  politics  and 
Madrid  life  during  the  reign  of  Charles  IV.  Goya  was 
described  a  few  months  ago  as  a  dull  artist  who  could  only 


PREFACE  xi 

interest  dull  people.  Would  it  be  too  presumptuous  to 
hope  that  this  book  will  lead  to  a  reconsideration  of  so 
sweeping  a  verdict  ?  In  reality  the  art  and  personality 
of  Goya  are  of  an  engrossing  fascination.  Unfortunately 
his  pictures  cannot  be  studied  to  any  large  extent  outside 
Spain,  and  his  position  as  an  artist  has  suffered  for  that 
reason.  A  few  works  are  scattered  throughout  the 
museums  and  private  collections  of  Europe  and  America. 
But  a  visit  to  Madrid  is  as  necessary  for  an  examination 
of  his  career  as  it  is  for  a  full  understanding  of  the  genius 
of  Velazquez. 

Goya  was  a  painter  of  most  unequal  standards.  He 
must  be  judged  upon  his  best  work,  and  not  upon  the 
many  unsatisfactory  and  dubious  sketches  which  are  so 
often  exhibited  under  his  name.  His  European  celebrity, 
of  a  comparatively  recent  growth,  is  not  likely  to  suffer 
from  the  criticism  of  the  future.  Goya  is  essentially  a 
modern,  and  his  finest  work  will  not  be  injured  by 
Time. 

The  biographical  facts  in  this  volume  are  based  upon 
the  works  to  be  found  in  the  Bibliography,  most  of 
which  I  have  studied.  No  life  of  Goya  can  be  written 
without  a  sense  of  obligation  to  predecessors,  notably 
Charles  Yriarte,  Paul  Lefort,  the  Count  de  Viiiaza, 
Valerian  von  Loga,  and  Paul  Lafond.  If  I  cannot  accept 
all  their  conclusions  I  must  bear  witness  to  the  extent 
of  their  labours  in  a  difficult  field.  The  list  of  pictures 
has  been  based  upon  the  catalogues  of  Von  Loga,  Lafond, 
Yriarte,  Vinaza,  and  recent  exhibitions  held  during  the 
past  ten  years.  Several  changes  of  ownership  have  been 
noted,  as  well  as  some  new  discoveries.  But  a  perfect 
list  of  Goya's  paintings  is  not  yet  possible,  particularly 


xii  PREFACE 

whilst  so  many  examples  are  hidden  in  the  private 
collections  of  Spain.  With  the  etchings  and  lithographs 
there  is  not  the  same  trouble.  They  have  been  so 
exhaustively  catalogued  by  Paul  Lefort  and  Julius 
Hofmann  that  I  have  not  attempted  to  rival  those 
authors  in  wealth  of  detail,  and  the  lists  in  this  volume 
must  be  taken  simply  as  an  indication  and  explana- 
tion of  the  various  plates.  Mr.  Albert  F.  Calvert  has 
generously  placed  at  my  disposal  his  unique  collection 
of  Spanish  photographs,  and  has  granted  permission  for 
the  reproduction  of  six  in  his  copyright.  My  thanks 
are  also  due  to  Mr.  H.  Granville  Fell,  who  has  given  me  the 
benefit  of  his  expert  knowledge.  Lastly,  to  my  fellow- 
traveller  through  Spain,  whose  unfailing  sympathy  and 
help  has  been  more  valuable  than  I  can  express,  I  offer 
this  book  in  affection. 

H.  S. 
Nice,  August,  1913. 


CONTENTS 

PAOB 

CHAPTER   I 

GOYA'S   PRECURSORS 

The  Death  of  Velazquez.  Primitive  Spain.  The  "  Lady  of  Elche." 
Seventeenth-century  Spanish  Art.  Velazquez  and  Rembrandt. 
Velazquez  and  Goya  in  Advance  of  their  Time.  The  Church  and 
Spanish  Art.  A  Contrast  between  Spanish  and  Italian  Artists.  Lack 
of  Imagination  in  Spanish  Art.  The  Carvings  of  ValladoUd.  Spanish 
Portrait-painting.  El  Greco.  Zurbaran.  Velazquez.  Goya's  Borrow- 
ings from  the  Past.  Decadence  of  Spain.  Juan  del  Mazo.  Carrefio. 
Claudio  Coello.  Giordano.  Phihp  V.  and  the  French  Invasion.  The 
Fire  at  the  Alcazar.     Stagnation  of  Native  Art  i 

CHAPTER   II 

ARAGON  AND   ZARAGOZA 

The  School  of  Aragon.  Richard  Ford  on  the  Different  Schools  of  Spanish 
Painting.  The  Character  of  the  Aragonese.  Arrival  in  Zaragoza. 
Typical  Independence  and  Love  of  Freedom  of  the  Aragonese.  A 
Composite  Race.  Moslem  Influences.  EI  Pilar.  La  Seo.  The 
Audiencia  and  its  Guardians  29 

CHAPTER  III 

GOYA'S  BIRTH  AND  EARLY  LIFE  IN  ZARAGOZA.   1746-1765 

The  Village  of  Fuendetodos.  Goya's  Father  and  Mother.  Goya's  first 
Drawing.  Don  Felix  Salzedo.  The  Pignatelli  Family.  Jos6  Luzan 
and  his  School.  His  Manner  of  Teaching.  Goya's  Youthful  Friends. 
His  Pleasures.  Rehgious  Animosities  in  2^ragoza.  Street  Battles. 
The  Inquisition  decides  to  arrest  Goya.     His  Flight  to  Madrid  4t 

CHAPTER  IV 

GOYA'S   FIRST  VISIT  TO   MADRID.    1765-1769 

Little  exact  Information.  Description  of  Madrid  by  Contemporary 
Travellers,     Spanish  Inns.    The  Insurrection  of  1766.    Active  Foreign 


xiv  CONTENTS 

PAOB 

Element.  The  Aristocracy  in  Madrid.  Goya  and  Francisco  Bayeu. 
Rafael  Mengs.  The  Art  Theories  of  Winckelmann.  Goya  studies  the 
Old  Masters.  Mengs  and  Sir  Joshua  Re5Tiolds.  His  Appreciation  of 
Velazquez.  Goya  devoted  to  Pleasure.  He  is  found  dangerously 
wounded.  His  Friends  smuggle  him  out  of  the  City.  He  is  said  to 
have  joined  the  Bull-fighters.     Goes  to  Rome  55 

CHAPTER  V 

STUDENT  DAYS  IN  ROME.    1769-1771 

Goya's  Arrival  in  1769.  A  great  Religious  Procession.  Carnival  Scenes. 
The  Spanish  Colony  of  Artists.  His  Friendship  with  David  dis- 
proved. An  Invitation  to  Russia.  Foolhardy  Exploits.  A  Portrait  of 
the  Pope.  Wins  a  Prize  from  the  Academy  of  Parma.  His  Irregular 
life  in  Rome.  Attempts  to  abduct  a  Nun.  Under  Sentence  of  Death. 
Is  set  free  upon  condition  that  he  leaves  the  City.  Re-appears  in 
Zaragoza  74 

CHAPTER  VI 

ZARAGOZA,    1 772-1 774 

Gojra  returns  to  Zaragoza.  His  first  Commission  to  decorate  El  Pilar, 
Did  he  visit  Italy  a  second  Time  ?  The  Chartreuse  of  Aula  Dei.  Its 
Forgotten  Frescoes.  Doubts  as  to  Goya's  Authorship  of  the  whole 
Series.  Little  exact  Information  as  to  his  Employment.  He  courts 
Josefa  Bayeu  88 

CHAPTER  VII 

THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS,    1 775-1 780 

Josefa  Bayeu.  Her  Portrait.  Distractions  of  Madrid.  Church  Work. 
The  Holy  Family.  Rafael  Mengs.  The  Tapestry  Factory  of  Santa 
Barbara.  Goya  commissioned  by  Mengs.  Description  of  the  Cartoons. 
Goya  and  Hogarth.  Increasing  Reputation.  Presented  to  the  King, 
but  refused  a  Royal  Appointment.  Other  Paintings.  The  Crucifixion 
of  San  Pladdo.  A  Crucifixion  by  Velazquez.  Goya  elected  a  Member 
of  the  Academy  of  San  Fernando  94 

CHAPTER  VIII 

EARLY  ETCHINGS,    1775-1779 

Philip  Gilbert  Hamerton  on  Goya.  Interest  of  the  early  Etchings.  The 
Flight  into  Egypt.  Goya's  first  Etching.  San  Isidro  and  San 
Francisco.  The  Etchings  after  Velazquez.  Studies  for  the  Etchings. 
The  Blind  Street  Singer.     Hogarth  and  Goya  115 

CHAPTER  IX 

ZARAGOZA  AND   MADRID,    1775-1785 

Goj^  neglected  in  Zaragoza.  The  Decorations  of  El  Pilar.  His  Sim- 
plicify  of  Life.     Further  Work  upon  the  Cathedral.     The  Quarrel 


CONTENTS  XV 

FAOB 

■with  Francisco  Bayeu.  A  Discussion  with  the  Committee  and  Canon 
Allu6.  The  new  Frescoes.  Goya's  Letter  to  the  Committee.  Prior 
Salzedo.  Goya  returns  to  Madrid.  Family  Affairs.  A  Commission 
for  the  Church  of  San  Francisco  el  Grande.  Trouble  with  Florida 
Blanca  over  the  Payment.  Goya's  Friendship  with  the  Infante  Don 
Luis.  He  is  again  refused  a  Court  Appointment.  Elected  Director 
of  the  Royal  Academy  of  San  Fernando.    Two  Portraits  of  the  Artist     122 

CHAPTER   X 

TRANSITION 

Go37a  not  a  ferocious  Revolutionary.  Hamerton's  Explanation  of  the 
Artist's  Renown.  Spain  passing  through  an  Age  of  Transition. 
Ferdinand  VI.  Charles  III.  His  Portrait  by  Goya.  The  Plot  against 
the  Jesuits.  The  Count  d'Aranda.  Influence  of  the  French  Philo- 
sophers upon  the  Spanish  Nobility.  Moral  as  well  as  Political 
Changes.  Bad  Example  of  the  Heir  to  the  Throne.  Maria  Luisa  of 
Parma.  Accession  of  Charles  IV.  Goya  appointed  a  Peiinter  of  the 
Chamber.  His  Portraits  of  Jovellanos  and  the  Count  de  Florida 
Blanca.     Commencement  of  his  best  Period  of  Portraiture  142 

CHAPTER   XI 

THE  LATER  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS,    1786-1791 

Goya's  growing  Success.  His  Household.  New  Blood  required  at  the 
Tapestry  Factory.  The  "  Second  Series."  Criticism  by  P.  G. 
Hamerton  and  Richard  Muther.  Description  of  the  Designs.  Genre 
Pictures  for  the  Osuna  Family.  Goya  and  Gainsborough.  Some 
Portraits  belonging  to  this  Period.  The  Marquesa  de  Pontejos.  Goya's 
Prices.     Rehgious  Pictures  157 

CHAPTER   XII 

CHARLES  IV.   AND  MARIA  LUISA.    1788-1792 

Character  of  Charles  IV.  His  Amusements.  Queen  Maria  Luisa.  Her 
Independence  and  Extravagance.  Goya's  Portraits  of  the  King  and 
Queen.  His  Personal  Friendship  with  the  Royal  Family.  Letters  to 
Zaragoza.  Illness  in  his  Household.  His  own  bad  Health.  Visits  to 
Valencia  and  Zaragoza  172 

CHAPTER  XIII 

GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA 

Goya's  Political  Opinions.  His  Success  in  Madrid  Society.  Popular 
Stories.  His  Acquaintance  with  the  Duchess  of  Alba.  Her  Behaviour 
towards  his  Wife.  Her  Character.  Various  Portraits  of  the  Duchess. 
Energetic  Action  of  the  Queen.  The  Journey  to  San  Lucar.  Goya's 
Deafness.  Return  to  Madrid.  The  Maj'a  vestida  and  the  Maja  desnuda. 
A  Question  of  Identity.  Their  Artistic  Value.  Death  of  the  Duchess. 
The  Fciscination  of  these  Portraits.     Baudelaire's  Admiration  182 


xvi  CONTENTS 

FAQB 

CHAPTER   XIV 

LOS   CAPRIGHOS 

The  Foundation  of  Goya's  Cosmopolitan  Fame.  In  Progress  from  1793 
to  1798.  Goya's  l«,d  Health.  Origin  of  Los  Caprichos.  The  Unpub- 
lished Preface.  Popular  Explanations  of  the  Plates.  Manuscript 
"  keys."  Satire  of  Social  Life  in  Madrid.  Doubts  as  to  Personal 
Caricature.  A  new  Harlot's  Progress.  Goya's  Realism.  Coarseness 
in  Art.  English  Caricature  of  the  Eighteenth  Century.  The  Scenes 
of  Witchcraft.  Demonology  in  Art  and  Literature.  Rusldn  and  Los 
Caprichos.  Goya  as  Etcher  and  Aquatintist.  Gautier's  Appreciation 
of  the  Plates.  Los  Caprichos  taken  over  by  the  State.  Editions  and 
Impressions  202 

CHAPTER   XV 

THE   FRESCOES   OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  LA   FLORIDA,    1798 

Five  genre  Pieces.  The  Carnival  Scene.  Portraits  in  1794- 1796.  A  Royal 
Command.  The  Church  of  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida.  Goya's 
Decorations.  Various  Criticisms  upon  these  Frescoes.  Royal 
Approval.  Goya  appointed  First  Painter  of  the  Court.  His  Friendship 
with  Charles  IV.  and  Maria  Luisa  222 

CHAPTER   XVI 

THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD,    1798-1818 

A  Portrait-painter's  Prime.  Goya's  Slow  Evolution  and  Lack  of 
Uniformity.  The  Family  of  Charles  IV.  The  Portrait  of  Godoy. 
General  Urrutia.  The  French  Ambassador  Guillemardet.  Leandro 
Moratin  and  his  Portrait.  Some  other  Portraits  of  Men.  La  Tirana. 
Dofia  Antonia  Zarate.  A  Portrait  in  the  National  Gallery.  Portraits 
of  Women.  The  so-called  Charlotte  Corday.  The  Bookseller's 
Daughter.  Majos  and  Majas.  The  Majas  on  the  Balcony.  Goya  as  a 
Painter  of  Fops.  His  Portraits  of  Elderly  Men.  Portraits  of  Children. 
An  Allegory.    The  Santa  Justa  and  Santa  Rufina  ot  Se\ille  231 

CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  PENINSULA  WAR 

Death  of  Goya's  Wife.  Spanish  Politics.  Napoleon  and  the  Bourbons. 
Invasion  of  the  Peninsula.  Ferdinand  VII.  His  Portrait  by  Goya. 
The  "  Dos  de  Mayo."  Goya's  two  Great  Pictures  of  the  Revolt.  His 
Attitude  towards  King  Joseph  Bonaparte.  A  Portrait  of  Palafox. 
The  two  Sieges  of  Zaragoza.  Goya  visits  Aragon.  Los  Desastres  de  la 
Guerra.  Goya's  Portrait  of  the  Duke  of  WelUngton.  An  Exciting 
Incident.  The  Restoration  of  Ferdinand  VII.  Goya  goes  into  Hiding, 
but  is  pardoned  by  the  King.  Portrait  of  Juan  Martin,  "  El  Empe- 
cinado."  Juan  Martin's  Reward.  Goya  contemplates  a  Voluntary 
Exile  255 


CONTENTS  xvii 

PAGE 

CHAPTER   XVIII 

y^y  GOYA  IN   RETIREMENT,    1818-1823 

Goya's  Country  House  outside  Madrid.  Leocardia  and  Rosario  Weiss. 
Two  Portraits  of  the  Artist.  The  Meeting  of  the  Cortes.  Portraits  and 
Religious  Subjects.  The  Portrait  of  Don  Ramon  Satud.  The  Tauro- 
tnaquia.  Los  Proverbios.  The  Prisoners.  The  Frescoes  in  his 
Country  House.     Indignant  Criticism.     Satan  devouring  his  Children      273 

CHAPTER   XIX 

BORDEAUX   AND   PARIS,    1824- 1825 

Goya  applies  for  Leave  to  go  to  Plombiferes.  His  Arrival  in  Bordeaux. 
Letters  from  Moratin.  He  reaches  Paris,  July,  1824.  Meets  Horace 
Vemet.  Studies  Contemporary  French  Art.  Paints  two  Portraits. 
Returns  to  Bordeaux  in  September.  His  Household.  Applies  for  an 
Extension  of  his  "  Leave."  Work  and  Recreation  in  Bordeaux.  His 
Restlessness.  His  Health  in  June,  1825.  Financial  Worries.  A 
Letter  to  his  Son.  His  "  Adopted  Daughter,"  Rosario  Weiss.  Her 
Artistic  Gifts  and  Education.     Her  Career  and  Early  Death  285 

CHAPTER   XX 

THE   LITHOGRAPHS 

Goya  experiments  with  Lithography  in  1819.  His  first  Lithographs. 
The  Bull-fights  of  Bordeaux.  Unsuccessful  Attempts  to  sell  the  Litho- 
graphs in  Paris.  Correspondence  with  Ferrer.  Goya  on  "  Memory 
Drawing."     His  last  Lithographs  dated  1826  and  1827  299 

CHAPTER   XXI 

LAST   DAYS,    AND   DEATH,    1826-1828 

Portrait-painting  in  Bordeaux.  A  Visit  to  Madrid.  The  Portrait  of  Goya 
by  Vicente  Lopez.  Return  to  Bordeaux.  The  Portrait  of  Muguiro. 
His  last  Work.  The  Chocolate  Shop  in  the  Rue  de  la  Petite-Taupe. 
His  latest  Drawings.  Antonio  Brugada.  Physical  Ailments.  Letters 
to  Madrid.  A  Visit  from  his  Son.  Goya's  decreasing  Strength.  His 
Death,  April  16,  1828.  Burial  at  Bordeaux.  Removal  of  the  Body  to 
Madrid  in  1899.     Goya's  Son  and  Grandson  305 

CHAPTER   XXII 

GOYA'S   INFLUENCE   ON   EUROPEAN   ART 

His  Criticism  of  Academic  Teaching.  The  three  Masters.  Goya  and 
Constable.  Delacroix  and  the  Romantic  Movement.  Deterioration 
of  French  Art.  The  Spanish  Reaction  of  1859.  Manet.  Baudelaire. 
Henri  Regnault.  Bonnat.  J.  S.  Sargent.  Goya  a  Link  between  the 
Past  and  the  Future.  Eugenio  Lucas  and  Vicente  Lopez.  The 
Modem  Spanish  School.     Conclusion  318 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Francisco  Goya  y  Lucientes,  Pintor  Frontispiece 

1796.    After  the  etched  frontispiece  in  "  Los  Caprichos."    Plate  I. 

to  face  page 
Portrait  of  a  Lady  8 

Louvre. 

The  Bewitched  24 

1798.    Scene  from  a  play,  "  El  hechizado  por  fuerza,"  National  Gallery,  London. 

The  Swing  42 

1787.  In  the  collection  of  the  Duque  de  Montellano,  Madrid. 

A  Blind  Man  singing  56 

After  the  etching  in  the  British  Museum. 

A  Carnival  Scene  62 

1793.    The  Burial  of  the  Sardine.    Prado,  Madrid. 

A  Bull-Fight  72 

Royal  Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand. 

A  Drawing  90 

The  figure  possibly  represents  Goya  himself.    British  Museum. 

The  Crockery-Seller  106 

1778.    "  El  Cacharrero."    Tapestry  Cartoon  XIII.    Prado,  Madrid. 

The  Garotte  118 

After  the  etching  in  the  British  Museum. 

Francisco  Bayeu  y  Subias  132 

1786.    Prado,  Madrid. 

Portrait  of  a  Lady  152 

Collection  of  Don  R.  Garcia. 

The  Vintage  164 

1786.    "  La  Vendimia."    Tapestry  Cartoon  XXXIII.    Prado,  Madrid. 

Doi5A  Maria  Ana  Monino,  Marquesa  de  Pontejos  168 

About  1785.    Collection  of  the  Marquesa  de  Martorell  y  de  Pontejos,  Madrid. 

La  Romeria  de  San  Isidro  170 

1788.  A  popular  feast  on  the  outskirts  of  Madrid.    Prado,  Madrid. 

Charles  IV.  172 

About  1790.     Prado,  Madrid. 


XX  ILLUSTRATIONS 

to  face  fagb 
Maria  Luisa,  Queen  of  Spain  178 

About  1790.     Ptado,  Madrid. 

The  Duchess  of  Alba  186 

1795.  Liria  Palace,  Madrid. 

Goya  and  the  Duchess  of  Alba  192 

1793.    Collection  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Romana,  Madrid. 

The  Maja  nude  196 

1799.    Prado,  Madrid. 

The  Maja  clothed  198 

1799.  Prado,  Madrid. 

"  A  Rough  Night  "  208 

1796.  Mala  Noche.    After  the  etching  in  "  Los  Caprichos."    Plate  36. 

"  Poor  little  Things  "  210 

1796.     Pobrecitas  !     After  the  etching  in  "  Los  Caprichos."     Plate  22. 

"  Nail-Trimming  "  214 

1796.    Se  repulen.    After  the  etching  in  "  Los  Caprichos."    Plate  51. 

"  Bon  Voyage  "  218 

1796.    Buen  Viaje.    After  the  etching  in  "  Los  Caprichos."     Plate  64. 

Dona  Maria  Francisca  de  Sales  Portocarrero  y  Zuniga,  Contesa  del 
Monti  JO,  and  her  four  daughters  234 

Palacio  de  Liria,  Madrid. 

Charles  IV.  and  his  Family  236 

1800.  Prado,  Madrid. 

The  Toreador  Costillares  238 

Collection  of  Sr.  de  Lazaro  Galdeano. 

The  Poet  Don  Leandro  Fernandez  de  Moratin  240 

1799.     Royal  Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand,  Madrid. 

La  Tirana  242 

1802.    Royal  Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand,  Madrid. 

DoSa  Isabel  Corbo  de  Porcel  244 

1806.    National  GaUery,  London. 

The  Bookseller  of  the  Calle  de  Carretas  246 

About  1790.     In  a  private  collection,  Madrid. 

Dona  Josefa  Castilla  Portugal  de  Garcini  248 

1804.     In  the  collection  of  Don  Vicente  Garcini. 

An  Allegory  252 

1801.  Collection  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Torrecilla. 

A  Combat  between  the  Spanish  and  the  Mamelukes  of  the  French 

Imperial  Guard,  Puerta  del  Sol,  Madrid,  May  2,  1808  262 

About  1808-09.    Prado,  Madrid. 

An  Episode  during  the  French  Occupation  of  Madrid,  May  3,  1808        264 

About  1808-09.    Prado,  Madrid. 


ILLUSTRATIONS  xxi 

TO  FACE  PAGB 

"  Escaping  through  the  Flames  "  266 

i8io.    Escapan  entre  las  llamas.    From  "  Los  Desastres  de  la  Guerra."     Plate  41. 

"  This  is  Worse  "  268 

1810.    Esto  es  Peor.    After  the  etching  In  "  Los  Desastres  de  la  Guerra."    Plate  37. 

Arthur  Wellesley,  Duke  of  Wellington  270 

1812.    Drawing  in  red  chalk.    British  Museum. 

General  Juan  Martin,  El  Empecinado  272 

Collection  of  the  Marquis  de  Casa  Torres,  Madrid. 

Portrait  of  the  Artist  274 

Collection  of  the  Count  de  ViUagonzalo,  Madrid. 

JUANITO  APINANI  IN  THE  BULL  RiNG,   MADRID  278 

About  1815.    After  the  etching  in  "  La  Tauromaquia."     Plate  20. 

Mariano  Ceballos  in  the  Ring  280 

About  1815.      After  the  etching  in  "  La  Tauromaquia."      Plate  23. 

Satan  devouring  one  of  his  Children  284 

About  1810.    One  of  the  frescoes  formerly  on  the  walls  of  Goya's  country  house.    Prado,  Madrid. 

Portrait  of  the  Artist  288 

1815.    Prado,  Madrid. 

Head  of  a  Dying  Man  :  Fray  Juan  Fernanez  300 

About  1812.  Drawing  in  chalk  on  the  back  of  the  portrait  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington.  British  Museum . 

Francisco  Goya  308 

1827.    Painted  by  Vicente  Lopez  y  Portana.    Prado,  Madrid. 

Arabs  around  a  Camp  Fire  320 

Gouache  drawing.    British  Museum. 


FRANCISCO   GOYA 


FRANCISCO     GOYA 


CHAPTER    I 
goya's  precursors 

The  Death  of  Velazquez.  Primitive  Spain.  The  "  Lady  of  Elche." 
Seventeenth-century  Spanish  Art.  Velazquez  and  Rembrandt.  Velaz- 
quez and  Goya  in  Advance  of  their  Time.  The  Church  and  Spanish  Art. 
A  Contrast  between  Spanish  and  Italian  Artists.  Lack  of  Imagination 
in  Spanish  Art.  The  Carvings  of  ValladoHd.  Spanish  Portrait-painting. 
El  Greco.  Zurbaran.  Velazquez.  Goya's  Borrowings  from  the  Past. 
Decadence  of  Spain.  Juan  del  Mazo.  Carreiio.  Claudio  Coello.  Gior- 
dano. Phihp  V.  and  the  French  Invasion.  The  Fire  at  the  Alcazar. 
Stagnation  of  Native  Art. 

VELAZQUEZ  died  August  6,  1660.  The  date 
may  be  accepted  as  roughly  marking  the  close 
of  the  most  brilliant  period  in  the  history  of 
Spanish  art.  Like  a  colossus,  Velazquez  overshadowed 
his  contemporaries,  and  the  perfection  of  his  genius 
extinguished  the  lesser  men  who  sought  to  emulate  his 
master-work.  At  his  death  a  flame,  which  had  touched 
the  skies,  flickered  above  a  dying  fire  whose  feeble  rays 
made  the  gathering  shadows  even  darker.  The  artistic 
impulse  of  the  nation  was  exhausted.  Generations  were 
to  elapse  before  Francisco  Goya  emerged  from  a  crowd 
of  mediocrities  and  revived  the  vigorous  traditions  of 
the  past. 

The  painter  who  immortalised  Philip  IV.  left  no  real 

B 


2  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

successor.  During  the  forty  remaining  years  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  artists  who  had  worked  by  his  side, 
and  pupils  who  had  come  under  his  direct  personal 
influence,  vanished  one  by  one  from  the  scene  of  their 
labours.  The  royal  house  which  had  so  generously 
patronised  them  became  extinct.  The  Bourbons  imported 
new  ideals,  and  encouraged  men  who  were  strangers  to 
the  land.  The  great  days  had  ended,  and  the  country 
neglected  the  claims  of  its  art  in  grappling  with  the  calls 
and  necessities  of  a  new  dispensation.  During  those 
early  years  of  the  eighteenth  century  Europe  was  sleep- 
ing through  a  stupor,  both  spiritual  and  political.  Then 
came  the  rebirth,  more  striking  in  its  consequences  than 
the  revival  of  the  old  learning  two  centuries  before. 
Fresh  breezes  swept  across  the  Pyrenees  into  Spain, 
dissipating  man}^  fogs  of  ignorance  and  superstition. 
But,  "  sow  a  wind,  and  reap  a  whirlwind,"  as  the  prophet 
Hosea  said  ages  ago.  The  period  closed  in  tempest  and 
moral  shipwreck,  and  Goya  personifies  in  many  respects 
Spain  during  a  perilous  transition. 

Spain  is  two  hundred  years  behind  the  rest  of  Europe, 
wrote  Richard  Ford.  The  fact  was  true  long  before 
he  stated  it,  and  is  still  apparent  to  the  most  casual 
visitor  at  the  present  day.  Indeed,  it  forms  one  of  the 
chief  fascinations  of  the  Peninsula  to  the  modem  mind, 
which  is  beginning  to  ask  whether  progress  really  is  the 
law  of  life.*    Many  reasons,  geographical  and  tempera- 

*  Browning's  Paracelsus : 

"  Progress  is 
The  law  of  life,  man  is  not  man  as  yet." 

The  idea  is  typically  Victorian.  Tennyson  wrote  in  Locksley  Hall 
that  "  the  thoughts  of  men  are  widen'd  with  the  process  of  the  sirns," 
a  statement  open  to  considerable  doubt.    Shakespeare  did  not  preach 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  3 

mental,  can  be  suggested  for  a  characteristic,  to  be  praised 
or  blamed  according  to  our  own  respective  points  of  view. 
Spain  is  a  land  of  pre-historic  races  whose  individuality 
has  not  been  wholly  submerged  by  later  barbarians. 
Along  the  slopes  of  the  Pyrenees,  as  in  the  depths  of  the 
mountains  of  Auvergne,  are  descendants  of  the  earliest 
inhabitants  of  Europe,  a  hardy  people  which  appears 
to  have  lost  little  of  its  primaeval  animal  strength.  The 
Basques  are  of  neolithic  origin  ;  the  Visigoths  a  fascin- 
ating community  revelling  in  imagination,  romance, 
and  adventure.  The  Moors  brought  as  their  contribu- 
tion to  the  common  stock  oriental  indolence,  a  truly 
artistic  appreciation  of  luxury,  a  sense  of  dignity  and 
power,  and  that  brooding  spirit  of  the  East  which  shrouds 
Spain  from  end  to  end.  Men  of  whom  history  has  lost 
proof,  because  they  lived  before  history  began,  wandered 
across  this  land  and  left  mysterious  traces  of  their  exist- 
ence. Outside  the  seigniorial  houses  of  Avila  strange  beasts 
stand  on  guard,  carved  in  the  hardest  granite.  Their 
age  no  antiquary  can  guess  at ;  their  species  is  not  to 
be  found  in  any  modem  natural  history.  Who  was  the 
sculptor  of  the  fantastic  toros  scattered  throughout  Old 
Castile  ?  In  the  Louvre  is  that  marvellous  bust  of  the 
"  Lady  of  Elche,"  unique  relic  of  a  lost  Iberian  art. 
Her  smile  is  as  tantalising  and  enigmatic  as  that  of  the 
lost  Monna  Lisa.  Archaeologists  say  she  was  created 
five  hundred  years  before  the  Christian  era.  It  is  easy 
to  talk  of  Greek  influences,  or  of  impressions  travelling 
across  continents  from  farthest  Ind  ;   they  but  partially 

the  "  pushful  "  doctrine,  either  for  men  or  nations,  and  in  this  forward, 
restless  age  we  can  fully  sympathise  with  his  "  happiest  youth,"  who, 
"  viewing  his  progress  through,  what  perils  past,  what  crosses  to  ensue, 
would  shut  the  book,  and  sit  him  down  and  die." 


4  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

explain  so  supreme  an  effort  of  plastic  beauty.*  Yet 
in  the  veins  of  the  peasants  who  sit  in  the  shadow  of  the 
embattled  walls  of  Avila,  or  labour  in  the  fields  of  Valencia, 
flows  the  blood  of  those  who  carved  the  toros  of  Castile 
and  were  of  kin  to  the  woman  of  Elche. 

The  art  of  Spain  is  more  truly  individualistic  than 
that  of  any  other  country  in  Europe.  War  and  civil 
commotion,  as  well  as  a  characteristic  lethargy,  hin- 
dered its  development.  Under  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 
the  plant  commenced  to  show  signs  of  blossom,  and 
then  for  a  century  burst  into  a  flower  of  most  extra- 
ordinary rarity.  In  the  sixteenth  century  there  were 
few  native  artists  of  any  considerable  importance.  In 
the  seventeenth  century  not  only  was  Velazquez  at  work, 
but  with  him  were  Ribalta,  Zurbaran,  Cano,  Murillo, 
Ribera — all  men  of  outstanding  genius.  And  it  must 
be  noted  that  they  owed  practically  nothing  to  the  foreign 
schools.  The  art  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  essen- 
tially Spanish.  Aragon  and  the  provinces  of  the  eastern 
littoral  were  in  touch  with  Italy.  Jan  van  Eyck  had 
passed  through  Castile  on  his  way  to  Portugal.  Political 
association  with  Flanders  filled  the  Emperor's  palaces 

*  "  In  her  enigmatic  face,  ideal  and  yet  real,  in  her  living  eyes,  on 
her  voluptuous  lips,  on  her  passive  and  severe  forehead,  are  summed  up 
all  the  nobility  and  austerity,  the  promises  and  the  reticences,  the 
charm  and  the  mystery  of  woman.  She  is  oriental  by  her  luxurious 
jewels,  and  by  a  vague  technical  tradition  which  the  sculptor  has 
preserved  in  the  modelling  ;  she  is  Greek,  even  Attic,  by  an  inexpres- 
sible flower  of  genius  which  gives  to  her  the  same  perfume  as  her  sisters 
on  the  Acropolis  ;  she  is  above  all  Spanish,  not  only  by  the  mitre  and 
the  great  wheels  that  frame  her  deUcate  head,  but  by  the  disturbing 
strangeness  of  her  beauty.  She  is  indeed  more  than  Spanish ;  she 
is  Spain  herself,  Iberia  arising  still  radiant  with  youth  from  the  tomb 
in  which  she  has  been  buried  for  more  than  twenty  centuries."  Quoted 
by  Mr.  Havelock  Ellis  in  his  Soul  of  Spain,  from  the  Essai  sur  I' AH 
et  I' Industrie  de  I'Espagne  Primitive  (1903),  by  Pierre  Paris. 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  5 

with  those  beautiful  examples  of  Memlinc,  Mabuse,  Patinir, 
and  Van  der  Weyden,  which  to-day  overflow  in  the  base- 
ment of  the  Prado.  But  the  native  painters  were  not 
greatly  impressed  by  these  exhibitions  of  foreign  skill. 
Morales  is  said  to  have  been  influenced  by  Leonardo, 
but  no  one  could  ascribe  his  panels  to  a  Florentine  or 
Milanese  source.  Alonso  Cano  has  been  called  an  Italian 
in  spirit,  but  his  work  is  distinctively  Spanish.  There  is 
a  vitality  in  Spain  which  no  disaster  is  able  to  crush. 
Logically,  the  seventeenth  century,  being  a  period  of 
decadence,  should  only  have  produced  bad  art ;  actually, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Dutch  school,  the  Spanish 
artists  surpassed  the  whole  world. 

An  atmosphere  of  detachment  and  repose  is  not  un- 
healthy for  characters  of  strength  and  originality.  The 
search  for  experience  often  ends  in  an  aimless  pursuit 
of  distraction.  Great  truths  can  more  often  be  found  in 
solitude.  Perhaps  this  obvious  thought  explains  the 
curious  paradox  that  a  nation  always  lagging  in  progress 
and  endeavour  has  twice  produced  artists  in  advance 
of  their  age.  The  first  was  Velazquez,  the  second 
Goya. 

Diego  Velazquez  was  so  modem  a  painter  that  his  full 
influence  did  not  make  itself  felt  until  two  hundred  years 
after  his  death,  when  he  became  the  inspiration  of  the 
late  nineteenth  century.  Comparing  him  with  Rembrandt, 
whose  career  was  practically  coterminous,  we  find  Velaz- 
quez a  living  force  in  the  world  of  art,  whilst  Rembrandt 
has  long  been  an  extinct  volcano.  The  technical  in- 
fluence of  Rembrandt  ceased  with  the  generation  which 
followed  his  death.  No  man  to-day  tries  to  paint  in  the 
manner  of  Rembrandt,  any  more  than  he  tries  to  paint 


6  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

in  the  style  of  Turner.*  But  every  young  art-student 
of  discernment  and  ability  yearns  for  a  ticket  to  Madrid. 
There  is  value  in  a  comparison  between  Velazquez 
and  Rembrandt,  for  Goya  ardently  admired  and  studied 
them  both.  Of  the  two  men,  Rembrandt  was  immeasur- 
ably greater,  because  his  scope  was  so  infinitely  wide. 
He  was  interested  in  life  itself,  whereas  Velazquez  was  only 
interested  in  some  of  the  details  of  life.  Velazquez  was 
a  craftsman  of  superb  gifts — possibly  the  most  consum- 
mate craftsman  the  world  will  ever  see.  But  he  was 
little  more  than  a  craftsman.  He  lacked  the  energy  and 
perpetual  striving  which  characterises  the  Amsterdam 
master.  Rembrandt  was  an  experimentalist  ever  seeking 
to  extend  his  empire.  He  was  a  restless  worker  of 
tremendous  output.  Every  medium  of  artistic  endeavour 
came  within  his  grasp — portraits,  genre,  landscape, 
drawings,  etching.  He  never  put  aside  the  tools  of  his 
trade.  His  hand  was  as  busy  as  his  brain.  Velazquez, 
on  the  contrary,  apparently  lacked  this  overpowering 
instinct  to  create.  Although  a  rapid  worker,  like  most 
Spanish  artists,  he  did  not  leave  behind  an  extraordinary 
number  of  canvases.  His  subjects  were  very  limited.  He 
seldom  neglected  his  ordinary  task  to  experiment.  And 
he  was  able  to  drop  his  palette  and  engage  in  the  prosaic 
routine  of  a  methodical  man  of  business.  The  mystery 
of  his  appointment  as  Aposentador  Mayor  cannot  be 
adequately  explained,  but  it  affords  a  key  to  the  tempera- 
ment of  the  artist.     Rembrandt  would  never  have  under- 

*  That  Lenbach  followed  the  methods  of  Rembrandt,  whilst  Ziem 
and  H,  B.  Brabazon  worshipped  Turner  from  very  different  points  of 
view,  may  be  advanced  as  a  criticism  of  this  remark.  But  these 
artists  possessed  a  personality  which  prevented  them  from  slavishly 
imitating  their  models. 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  7 

taken  such  onerous  duties.  All  he  asked  for  were  canvases, 
pigments,  brushes,  charcoal,  copperplates,  gravers.  Life 
fascinated  him,  and  his  single  aim  was  to  translate  the 
humanity  he  loved  into  art.  Bankrupt,  discredited, 
ruined,  deserted,  he  painted  and  etched  his  own  battered 
features,  or  made  studies  from  such  willing  models  as 
Hendrikje  Stoffels  and  his  son  Titus.  Velazquez  appears 
never  to  have  stepped  outside  the  palace  which  con- 
tained his  studio.  When  he  mixed  with  the  crowd  it 
was  not  as  an  artist  but  as  a  court  chamberlain  over- 
whelmed with  a  multitude  of  official  cares  and  respon- 
sibilities. He  does  not  give  us  the  slightest  pictorial 
comment  upon  the  picturesque  life  of  Old  Castile,  its 
adventurers,  its  ecclesiastics,  its  gipsies  and  vagabonds, 
its  country-folk.  His  work  affords  the  slightest  indication 
of  his  personality.  vSerenely  unconscious  of  the  teeming 
world  around  him,  he  picked  his  way  with  eyes  only  for 
the  King  and  his  intimates.  Despite  his  genius,  we  can 
but  recognise  that  his  outlook  was  narrow. 

Technically,  Francisco  Goya  cannot  be  classed  with 
either  Velazquez  or  Rembrandt.  He  lacked  their  super- 
lative skill.  But  in  temperament  he  is  more  akin  to 
Rembrandt  than  to  his  own  countryman.  He  too  was 
a  born  experimentalist,  with  that  disdain  for  materials  and 
methods  which  may  sometimes  be  found  in  Rembrandt 
but  never  in  Velazquez.  He  worked  unceasingly,  and 
his  imagination  was  unusually  active.  Now  Velazquez 
was  stolidly  unimaginative,  and  it  is  only  his  superb 
craftsmanship  which  saves  Los  Borrachos  and  the  Forge 
of  Vulcan  from  failure.  In  another  respect  the  history 
of  Goya  follows  that  of  Velazquez  with  curious  exactness. 
His  own  practice  anticipated  a  school  of  painting  which 


8  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

did  not  come  into  formal  existence  until  fifty  years  after 
he  had  ceased  to  work.  Madrid  has  always  been  remote 
from  the  world,  and  it  needs  a  journey  to  the  Prado  to 
learn  that  Goya  is  the  godparent  of  Manet.  Bom  in 
mediaevalism,  educated  amidst  the  classic  revival,  he  was 
a  Romantic  before  the  leaders  of  that  group  were  bom. 
For  the  second  time  Spain  produced  an  artist  destined 
to  inspire  the  youth  of  other  lands.  The  influence  of 
Velazquez  is  possibly  on  the  wane ;  that  of  Goya  has 
hardly  commenced.* 

The  keynote  of  Spanish  painting  is  truth.  This 
factor  is  stamped  upon  the  art  of  the  Peninsula  from  the 
primitives  of  the  fourteenth  century  to  Zuloaga  and 
Sorolla  y  Bastida.  The  traditions  of  the  native  school 
have  always  remained  upon  an  exalted  plane.  The  later 
artists  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  took 
their  craft  seriously,  as  indeed  they  were  compelled,  for 
their  most  valuable  patron  was  the  Church.  "  The 
chief  end  of  the  works  of  Christian  art  is  to  persuade  men 
to  piety,  and  to  bring  them  to  God,"  wrote  Pacheco,  the 
father-in-law  of  Velazquez.  The  remark  was  not  a  simple 
statement  of  personal  opinion  ;  it  was  a  dogma  necessary 
for  the  salvation — body  and  soul — of  his  fellow-crafts- 
men. The  solemn  dignity  of  Spanish  painting  during 
the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  can  partly  be 
accounted  for  by  racial  temperament,  but  the  call  of 
rehgion  was  an  even  stronger  motive.     Slowly  the  power 

♦  Meaning  the  influence  of  Velazquez  as  a  fashion.  His  position 
as  a  master  can  only  increase.  The  curious  cycles  of  Spanish  influence 
upon  European  art  may  be  repeated  at  no  late  date.  Gradually  we  are 
succumbing  to  the  fascinations  of  El  Greco,  who  will  probably  father 
one  of  the  schools  of  to-morrow.  Unfortunately  he  can  only  be  studied 
adequately  at  Toledo,  which  is  rather  out  of  the  way. 


rORTKAIT   OK    A    LADY 
Louvre,  Paris 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  9 

of  the  Church  weakened.  Pacheco's  own  grand-daughter 
married  an  artist,  Juan  del  Mazo,  who  alone  amongst 
the  painters  of  his  age  did  not  execute  a  single  religious 
composition.*  A  century  later  appeared  an  artist  who 
never  ceased  to  ridicule  the  Church  and  all  its  works. 
Rather  than  incite  his  fellows  to  piety,  and  show  them  the 
path  to  God,  he  delighted  in  dancing  an  artistic  can-can 
over  all  their  most  cherished  convictions.  Despite  the 
assertions  of  Zapater,  Francisco  Goya  was  not  a  good 
child  of  the  faith. 

He  lived  in  an  hour  of  dawning  freedom.  Under  the 
House  of  Austria  there  was  no  such  liberty.  The  Church 
was  omnipotent,  and  even  defied  and  fought  the  Crown 
for  the  possession  of  unrestricted  authority.  Art  and 
letters  were  controlled  by  an  Inquisition  whose  unremit- 
ting censorship  was  strengthened  by  merciless  punishment. 
The  arts  made  a  virtue  of  necessity,  and  became  not  only 
the  servants  but  the  slaves  of  their  taskmaster.  Since 
the  expulsion  of  the  Moors,  secular  buildings  had  practi- 
cally ceased  to  call  for  the  skill  of  artists,  and  the  decora- 
tion of  churches  was  almost  the  sole  employment  of 
painters  and  carvers.  Even  the  erection  of  the  huge 
Escorial  could  have  caused  little  perceptible  activity. 
Externally,  no  sculptor  was  invited  to  break  the  severity 
of  the  barrack-like  fa9ade.  The  era  of  flamboyant 
Gothic,  when  every  inch  was  covered  in  flowing  hne,  had 
ended  with  the  usual  reaction  to  a  simpler  taste.  Herrera's 
granite  walls  remain  in  much  the  same  condition  as  when 
the  masons  stepped  off  their  scaffold.  The  apartments 
of  PhiHp  n.  are  plain  to  bareness.  Only  in  the  vast 
church  were  the  artists  offered  an  opportunity,  which, 
*  My  authority  is  Seiior  de  Beruete  y  Moret. 


10  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

however,  came  too  late  to  be  of  service  to  the  native 

school. 

Men  who  live  gravely  and  under  restraint  can  only 

think  seriously.     There  is  not  the  slightest  note  of  light- 

heartedness   in   seventeenth-century   Spanish   painting, 

not  even  a  suggestion  of  that  simple  joy  in  life  which 

characterises  so  much  Italian  art.     You  will  not  find 

amongst  the  innumerable  lesser  masters  of  Spain  that 

musical  happiness  in  the 

fitful  sunshine-minutes,  coming,  going. 
As  if  earth  turned  from  work  in  gamesome  mood. 

Wander  amidst  the  interminable  Crucifixions,  Pietas, 
Torments,  Martyrdoms,  which  convert  most  Spanish 
galleries  into  chambers  of  horror.  Rarely  will  it  be  found 
that  the  artist  turns  from  his  death  and  butchery  to  note 
pictorially  the 

long  blue  solemn  hours  serenely  flowing. 

Marco  Basaiti*  painted  a  Virgin  and  Child,  but  was  unable 
to  resist  calling  the  attention  of  the  onlooker  to  the  exqui- 
site world  around  him — a  world  even  more  wonderful 
and  beautiful  than  the  mother  and  her  babe — the  wide 
expanse  of  glorious  sky,  the  sound  of  the  plough  as  it 
turned  up  the  sweet-smelling  earth,  the  sun  striking  the 
white  walls  of  the  tiny  town  on  the  rising  ground. 

The  hill-side's  dew  pearled  ; 
The  lark's  on  the  wing ; 
The  snail's  on  the  thorn  : 
God's  in  his  heaven — ■ 
All's  right  with  the  world ! 

Bellini  painted  the  murder  of  St.  Peter  Martyr  in  the 

*  At  least  they  call  him  Marco  Basaiti  to-day.  I  am  referring  to 
the  Madonna  of  the  Meadoiv  in  the  National  Gallery  (No.  599),  which  is 
often  ascribed  to  Giovanni  Bellini.  Mr.  Berenson  says  that  Basaiti 
was  a  mediocrity.    Would  that  art  had  no  greater  incompetents. 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  ii 

same  spirit.  Some  pious  ecclesiastic  commissioned  him 
to  depict  the  saint  "  with  twenty  trenched  gashes  on  his 
head."  But  all  Bellini's  enthusiasm  is  devoted  to  the 
copse  in  which  the  woodcutters  are  busy  with  their 
ringing  axes.  St.  Peter  Martyr  may  not  be  the  greatest 
picture  in  the  world,  but  it  captures  our  heart  because 
it  was  painted  by  a  man  who  loved  life  and  nature. 

The  Italians  kept  closely  in  touch  with  the  open  air ; 
the  Spaniards  worked  in  their  studios.  No  Spanish 
master  painted  the  northern  mountains  as  Titian  painted 
the  blue  hills  of  Cadore.  The  arid  plains  of  the  Peninsula 
did  not  invite  landscape  art.  The  only  nature  studies 
which  can  be  definitely  ascribed  to  Velazquez  were  painted 
in  Rome.*  With  the  exception  of  Murillo,  and  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  Zurbaran,  Goya  was  the  first  Spanish  artist 
to  be  interested  in  the  daily  life  of  his  own  time.  The 
art  instincts  of  the  race  were  totally  divorced  from  the 
literary.  The  picaresque  novel  and  the  comedy  of  cap 
and  sword  were  in  no  way  reflected  in  Spanish  painting, 
which  remained  cold,  gloomy,  and  dignified,  yet  exces- 
sively realistic.  When  Cervantes  endeavoured  to  des- 
troy the  books  of  chivalry  he  helped  to  destroy  idealism. 
With  the  Inquisition  dominating  the  studios,  imagination 
was  a  dangerous  gift,  and  an  insurmountable  wall  barred 
those  truant  excursions  to  the  isles  of  fancy  which  were 
permitted  by  the  more  pagan  rulers  of  Italy  and  France. 

Spanish  art  was  thus  driven  in,  becoming  introspective 
and  morbid,  terms  which  can  never  be  applied  to  the 
sister  Latin  races.    The  plastic  art  can  be  quoted  as  an 

*  The  beautiful  vistas  in  the  gardens  of  the  Villa  Medici  (Prado, 
Nos.  I2I0  and  1211).  The  fine  views  of  Aranjuez  I  am  inclined  to  agree 
are  by  del  Mazo,  as  de  Beruete  suggests. 


12  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

illustration.  Had  they  been  allowed  a  free  exercise  of 
their  talents,  Spanish  sculptors  might  have  raised  their 
school  to  the  level  of  the  finest  work  of  the  Renaissance. 
Their  carving  in  wood  is  more  than  remarkable,  and  a  few 
scattered  bronzes  prove  their  power.  In  the  Museum 
at  Valladolid,  a  huge  rambling  warehouse,  half  palace, 
half  monastery,  gallery  upon  gallery  is  crammed  with  the 
accumulated  loot  of  destroyed  churches  and  dispersed 
convents.  Battalions  of  carved  figures  (mostly  life-size) 
posture  in  the  various  attitudes  of  the  Passion.  The 
realism  is  masterly,  and  overwhelming.  Every  attitude 
of  human  agony  and  suffering  has  been  minutely  dissected 
and  reproduced.  Like  fiends  the  sculptors  have  gloated 
over  the  rebellion  of  soft,  quivering,  yielding  flesh  against 
cruel  torment  and  unnatural  strain.  In  striving  to  drive 
home  the  lesson  of  the  Redemption  they  produce  a  bitter 
revolt  of  the  spirit.  Horror  is  crowded  upon  horror, 
until  the  eye  grows  dizzy  and  the  brain  swims.  The 
visitor  tries  to  escape  from  this  nightmare.  He  rushes 
to  the  gates,  overjoyed  to  escape  into  the  courtyard,  and 
almost  astonished  to  find  that  the  sun  is  still  shining, 
that  the  pure  air  is  fresh  to  breathe,  that  hfe  was  made 
for  happiness  and  not  for  suffering. 

On  Tadda's  fountain  in  the  courtyard  of  the  Palazzo 
Vecchio  is  a  tiny  child,  of  "  golden-winged  host,"  singing 
as  he  clasps  the  dolphin  to  his  breast,  not  less  heavenly 
because  so  frankly  pagan.  He  has  no  brother  in  Spain, 
where  every  Holy  Child  has  the  shadow  of  the  Cross  above 
his  brow. 

The  only  secular  commissions  at  the  disposal  of  the 
artists  were  portraits,  and  here  again  imagination  and 
grace  were  not  desired.     It  has  often  been  said  that  Goya 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  13 

caricatured  his  sitters.  On  the  contrary  he  painted  them 
according  to  the  Spanish  manner,  which  is  disconcerting 
but  truthful.  The  portraits  of  the  sixteenth  and  seven- 
teenth centuries  are  statements  as  matter-of-fact  as  a 
lawyer's  bill.  Antonio  Moro  (who  influenced  Spanish 
painting  more  than  is  generally  credited)  was  a  meticulous 
upholder  of  absolutely  sincere  detail.  His  rule  was 
followed  without  flinching,  and  patrons  never  seem  to 
have  objected.  There  is  no  flattery  in  the  portraits  which 
hang  on  the  walls  of  the  palaces  of  Spain,  In  the  Library 
of  the  Escorial  we  can  see  Philip  II.  not  only  as  Pantoja 
de  la  Cruz  painted  him,  but  as  he  actually  lived  ;  jaun- 
diced, bigoted,  sensual,  with  heart  as  stony  as  the  build- 
ing he  raised,  and  mind  as  arid  as  the  mountain  slopes 
he  selected  for  his  home.  In  the  National  Gallery  we  have 
PhiUp  IV.  the  man,  certainly  not  Philip  IV.  the  king. 
Our  sense  of  amazement  at  Velazquez's  art  is  increased  by 
our  wonder  at  his  daring.  In  the  Prado,  Carreno's  portrait 
of  Charles  II.  is  more  than  a  decorative  footnote  to  history, 
rather  an  historical  document  of  the  first  importance. 
The  House  of  Austria  must  plainly  die ;  this  hydroce- 
phalous  boy  is  doomed.  A  physiognomist  could  almost 
write  the  history  of  Spain  from  a  portrait-gallery  of  its 
monarchs.  The  state  portraits  of  Versailles,  the  master- 
pieces of  Largilliere,  Rigaud,  Van  Loo,  are  mere  studies  of 
clothes  in  comparison  with  the  works  of  even  the  lesser 
Spanish  masters.  Surprise  is  often  expressed  at  the  harsh 
truth  of  Goya's  official  portraits,  particularly  of  Charles  IV. 
and  the  Queen  Maria  Luisa.  He  was  simply  following  a 
fashion  which  had  become  a  law.  Spanish  artists  and 
their  sitters  lived  in  a  palace  of  truth. 

El  Greco  stands  apart,  both  in  his  portraiture  and  his 


14  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

large  subject  compositions.  There  is  little  doubt  that 
he  influenced  Goya.  He  belonged  to  no  circle,  and, 
although  he  had  a  few  pupils  who  endeavoured  to  imitate 
his  fantasy,  he  founded  no  school.  A  Greek  by  family, 
Theotocopuli  does  not  fail  to  remind  us  of  the  archaic 
Byzantines.  At  first  his  limited  palette,  his  crudity, 
his  angularity,  excite  repulsion.  All  his  figures  are 
muscularly  distended,  as  if  they  had  recently  passed  the 
ordeal  of  the  rack.  Gradually  these  very  defects  attract. 
There  is  a  movement  and  passion  in  his  pictures  which  can 
be  found  in  very  few  purely  Spanish  works.  These 
agitated  patriarchs  and  apostles,  with  draperies  caught 
by  every  wind  of  heaven,  are  almost  demoniac.  Nature 
herself  assists,  for  each  horizon  in  the  background  frowns 
with  a  gathering  maelstrom  of  black  thunderclouds.  And 
yet,  because  El  Greco  could  not  resist  bright  colour, 
the  inky  skies  are  rifted  with  a  patch  of  purest  blue. 
Perhaps  here  we  have  the  key  to  the  artist's  complex 
personality.  Like  so  many  of  the  Spanish  artists,  Goya 
included.  El  Greco  was  a  man  of  passionate  temper.  Yet, 
if  his  paintings  do  not  tend  to  convince  us  that  "  the  blue 
of  heaven  is  larger  than  the  cloud  "  they  certainly  hold 
out  hopes  of  heaven,  which  Goya's  works  never  do. 

Despite  every  sign  of  artistic  eccentricity,  El  Greco 
frequently  strikes  a  noble  chord.  There  is  a  St.  Peter 
in  the  sacristy  of  the  Escorial  which  has  the  grandeur 
of  an  Apostle  in  the  Sistine  Chapel.  Most  Spanish  palettes 
tend  towards  schemes  of  blacks  and  greys,  and  El 
Greco  painted  many  of  his  portraits  in  a  monochrome 
of  nervous  brush  work  which  Goya  did  not  forget.  At 
other  times  his  tonality  is  light,  and  he  paints  with  loving 
care  a  white  cope,  trimmed  with  gold,  and  studded  with 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  15 

sparkling  gems.  His  larger  compositions  have  a  spiritual 
exaltation,  an  overwhelming  sense  of  the  supernatural, 
which  is  entirely  individual  to  this  strange  artist. 
Religious  ecstasy  is  to  be  found  in  much  Spanish  art, 
from  Morales  to  Murillo  ;  often  it  degenerates  into  a 
mystical  sweetness,  like  a  heavy  perfume,  and  thus  palls, 
because  the  call  it  makes  is  too  direct  an  excitement  of 
the  senses.  With  less  gifted  masters  it  sinks  still  lower, 
becoming  maudlin  and  unbalanced.  Rarely  is  it  purely 
an  exaltation  of  the  soul,  rising  "  higher  still  and  higher 
...  an  unbodied  joy." 

El  Greco  was  the  Blake  of  Spain,  a  poet  with  that 
spiritual  insight  which  is  the  rarest  of  gifts.  If  his 
technical  powers  had  not  been  so  curiously  limited  he 
would  have  ranked  as  a  world-master.  He  remains  one 
of  the  most  original  of  artists,  supremely  captain  of 
his  soul,  owning  allegiance  to  no  man.  Goya  was  of 
materialistic  temperament,  but,  during  his  visits  to 
Toledo,  he  undoubtedly  pondered  over  the  lessons  El 
Greco  offered. 

Zurbaran  proves  that  naturalism  was  typical  of  the 
artists  of  his  country,  independently  of  the  province  from 
which  they  came.  His  Saint  Lawrence  (in  the  Hermitage) 
is  the  portrait  of  a  comfortable  parish  priest,  undisturbed 
by  any  premonition  of  the  use  to  which  the  grid  he  is 
holding  may  be  put.  Our  Lord  after  the  Flagellation 
(Church  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  Jadraque)  is  an  excuse 
for  the  study  of  the  nude.  More  typical  is  the  large 
Adoration  of  the  Shepherds,  in  the  National  Gallery, 
where  the  artist  has  selected  his  models  from  the 
peasantry  amongst  whom  he  was  reared.  There  is  no 
religious  feeling,    so-called.    The    Virgin's    head  is   an 


i6  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

awkward  copy  of  Morales.  But  the  black-haired  child, 
the  tawny-skinned  man,  and  the  wrinkled  beldame, 
who  gaze  at  the  smiling  babe,  can  be  found  in  any  village 
in  central  Spain.*  The  Portrait  of  a  Lady  as  Saint 
Margaret  offers  more  than  one  problem,  for  it  expresses 
a  dawning  sense  of  sex  which  is  strangely  absent  from 
Spanish  female  portraiture  until  Goya  painted  the  beauties 
of  the  Court  of  Charles  IV.  This  is  explained  in  part  by 
the  jealousy  of  husbands,  and  even  Philip  IV.  issued  an 
edict  requiring  ladies  to  veil  their  faces  when  in  public. 
His  reason  was  that  his  followers  should  be  saved  from 
the  danger  of  their  glances. 

As  we  shall  note,  Goya  studied  the  art  of  Velazquez 
very  attentively,  and  to  a  certain  extent  founded  his 
ideas  of  portraiture  upon  those  of  his  great  predecessor. 
The  personality  of  Velazquez  remains  an  enigma.  We 
know  as  little  about  him  as  of  Shakespeare.  He  repre- 
sents the  uninspired  man  of  genius.  His  deficiencies 
cannot  be  better  studied  than  at  the  Prado,  where  he 
stands  in  the  company  of  Titian,  Tintoretto,  Van  Dyck, 
Rubens.  Yet  as  a  painter  pure  and  simple  he  surpasses 
them  all.  His  Christ  in  the  House  of  Martha  (in  the 
National  Gallery),  one  of  the  early  bodegones,  is  the  study 
of  an  untidy  kitchen  and  an  ill-featured  scullery  drudge. 
He  does  not  rise  to  any  of  those  charming  domestic 
fancies  which  delighted  the  German  painters. 

Diirer  had  more  invention  in  his  little  finger  than  Velaz- 
quez possessed  in  his  whole  body.     Compare  the  prosaic 

*  There  is  a  repetition  of  this  subject  belonging  to  the  Comtesse  de 
Paris,  and  now  probably  in  the  Chateau  de  Randan,  near  Aigueperse, 
Puy-de-dome.  The  Virgin  and  many  of  the  details  are  the  same, 
but  angels  appear  in  an  open  heaven.  The  National  Gallery  version 
is  a  better  composition. 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  17 

Topers,  and  its  most  ungodlike  Bacchus,  with  Titian's 
golden  Bacchanal  only  a  few  steps  away.  The  complete 
lack  of  imaginative  conviction  in  the  Spanish  picture 
is  as  typical  of  its  school  as  Titian's  exuberant  revelry 
is  representative  of  Venetian  art  at  its  apogee.  Yet  we 
can  quite  understand  Wilkie  spending  hours  in  front 
of  Los  Borrachos,  and  at  last  rising  from  his  seat  with 
a  sigh  of  despair.  We  can  believe  without  question 
Rubens'  legendary  statement  that  Velazquez  was  the 
greatest  painter  in  Europe.  When  he  executed  the  por- 
trait of  Philip  IV.  which  established  his  favour  at  Court, 
Pacheco  explicitly  chronicled  that  "  all  was  painted  from 
Nature,  even  the  landscape."  Vicenzo  Carducho,  theTus- 
can,  bitterly  assailed  Velazquez's  naturalistic  tendencies. 
In  his  essay  upon  painting  (published  in  1633)  he  refers 
to  the  genre  studies  which  "  injure  Art  without  bringing 
any  honour  "  to  their  authors.  The  reference  is  probably 
to  Los  Borrachos,  which  lacks  the  supreme  touch  of  genius 
because  it  is  so  matter-of-fact.  The  Forge  of  Vulcan 
marked  a  development,  although  not  a  reversal  of  the 
old  policy  of  minute  and  careful  study  of  the  model. 
Then  came  the  visit  to  Italy.  Velazquez  allowed  no 
theory  to  come  between  his  unerring  vision  and  nature. 
The  slight  climatic  change  was  instantly  noted,  and  he 
awoke  to  the  beauty. of  atmosphere.*    The  landscapes 

*  To-day  artists  travel  with  ease  from  Ballinskellig  to  the  Greek 
Archipelago,  and  their  genius  changes  with  the  thermometer.  Turner 
was  one  of  the  earUest  masters  who  methodically  toured  in  search  of  a 
subject.  His  journeyings  amphfied  his  talent,  and  we  cannot  imagine 
a  Turner  who  had  never  crossed  the  Alps  into  Italy.  Cosmopolitanism 
in  art  is  not  altogether  an  unmixed  gain,  but  how  fascinating  would 
have  been  some  of  the  results  had  Velazquez  painted  the  mists  of  the 
Dutch  canals,  and  Rembrandt  caught  the  Madrid  express  to  work  on 
the  scorched  tablelands  of  Castile. 

C 


i8  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

painted  in  the  gardens  of  the  Villa  Medici  have  the  soft 
charm  of  a  Corot.  A  tiny  sketch  hanging  on  the  walls 
of  the  Casa  del  Greco  at  Toledo  (belonging  to  the  Marquis 
de  la  Vega  Inclan)  is  so  exquisite  in  colour  that  I  trust 
Senor  de  Beruete  y  Moret  does  not  ascribe  it  to  Juan  del 
Mazo. 

We  cannot  refrain  from  following  the  works  of  Velaz- 
quez with  care,  because  they  manifestly  influenced  the 
subject  of  this  volume.  Goya,  like  all  great  men,  was 
very  impressionable.  In  his  youth,  when  at  work  on 
religious  compositions,  he  borrowed  freely  from  earlier 
Spanish  masters.  In  his  old  age,  when  he  decorated 
his  country  house  with  those  fantastic  imaginations  which 
so  annoyed  Philip  Gilbert  Hamerton,  he  borrowed  again 
from  Rubens.  At  one  stage  in  his  career  he  painted  in  the 
manner  of  the  Velazquez  to  whom  we  may  attribute  the 
magnificent  Christ  at  the  Column  ;  at  another  period  he 
had  transferred  his  allegiance  to  the  later  Velazquez — 
although  he  never  captured  the  amazing  tonality  of  Las 
Menihas  or  the  shimmering  beauty  of  Las  Hilanderas. 

The  development  of  Velazquez's  genius  forms  an 
engrossing  study  which  can  only  be  unravelled  in  these 
pages  so  far  as  it  elucidates  the  genius  of  Goya.  At  his 
death  Spanish  art  commenced  to  deteriorate.  Velaz- 
quez's patron  did  not  long  survive  his  favourite  artist. 
Phihp  IV.  died  on  September  17,  1665,  leaving  a  child 
of  four  to  inherit  an  entangled  and  bankrupt  kingdom, 
whose  government  would  have  taxed  the  energies  of  the 
most  keen-witted  statesman.  The  seventeenth  century 
had  been  glorious  indeed  for  Spanish  art,  but  fatal  to 
Spanish  pride.  When  Philip  III.  expelled  the  Moors  in 
161  o  he  sealed  the  ruin  of  his  country.    Under  the  rule 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  19 

of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  the  population  of  Spain  was 
estimated  at  some  twelve  millions.  Under  Charles  III. 
it  had  fallen  to  less  than  six.  Even  the  historian  of  art 
cannot  afford  to  neglect  such  economic  facts.*  Had  the 
fortunes  of  Spain  been  on  the  upward  trend  it  is  impossible 
not  to  believe  that  the  great  school  of  painting  of  the 
seventeenth  century  might  have  been  succeeded  by  an 
even  more  virile  group. 

At  the  death  of  Velazquez  three  artists  of  importance 
were  left  working  in  Madrid.  Mazo,  Carreiio,  and  Coello, 
may  be  called  the  masters  of  the  decadence,  although 
there  was  slight  decadence  in  their  own  work.     In  all 

*  Francis  Galton,  in  his  Hereditary  Genius,  under  the  chapter- 
heading,  "  Influences  affecting  the  natural  ability  of  nations,"  deals 
with  this  matter,  which  unquestionably  affects  any  discussion  of  the 
tendencies  of  a  national  art.  "  The  Church,  having  just  captured  all 
the  gentle  natures,  and  condemned  them  to  celibacy,  made  another 
sweep  of  her  huge  nets,  this  time  fishing  in  stirring  waters,  to  catch 
those  who  were  the  most  fearless,  truth-seeking,  and  intelligent  in  their 
modes  of  thought,  and  therefore  the  most  suitable  parents  of  a  high 
civilization,  and  put  a  strong  check,  if  not  a  direct  stop  to  their  pro- 
geny. Those  she  reserved  on  these  occasions  to  breed  the  generations 
of  the  future  were  the  servile,  the  indifferent,  and  again  the  stupid. 
.  .  .  The  Spanish  nation  was  drained  of  freethinkers  at  the  rate  of 
1,000  persons  annually  for  the  three  centuries  between  1471  and 
1781 ;  an  average  of  100  persons  having  been  executed  and  900 
imprisoned  every  3'ear  during  that  period.  The  actual  data 
during  those  300  years  are  32,000  burnt,  17,000  persons  burnt  in 
efhgy  (I  presume  they  mostly  died  in  prison  or  escaped  from  Spain) 
and  291,000  condemned  to  various  terms  of  imprisonment  and  other 
penalties.  It  is  impossible  that  any  nation  could  stand  a  pohcy  hke 
this  without  paying  a  heavy  penalty  in  deterioration  of  its  breed." 

The  steady  emigration  of  the  better-class  yeomanry  and  peasantry 
from  Great  Britain  is  likely  to  have  a  marked  result  upon  the  art  of 
the  succeeding  generations  in  our  own  country.  Art,  even  more  than 
literature,  has  found  its  brightest  recruits  in  these  sections  of  the 
community  rather  than  in  the  higher  ranks  of  society.  Indeed  the 
increasing  mediocrity  of  English  art  may  possibly  be  ascribed  to  the 
fact  that  most  art-students  of  to-day  belong  to  famihes  of  gentle  birth 
and  easy  means. 


20  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

histories  of  Spanish  art  it  has  become  the  fashion  to  exalt 
one  master  at  the  expense  of  nearly  all  his  contemporaries. 
Had  these  three  artists  not  lived  in  the  shadow  of  Velaz- 
quez their  rank  would  have  been  far  higher,  for  they  were 
no  mere  mediocrities.*  Mazo  died  in  1667,  Carrefio 
in  1685,  and  Coello  in  1693.  With  the  last,  Spanish  art 
died.  The  artistic  instinct  of  the  nation  was  extinguished 
and  there  were  no  native  artists  of  sufficient  strength  to 
make  headway  against  the  introduction  of  strangers  and 
the  domination  of  a  monarchy  alien  in  thought  and  ideals. 
Juan  Bautista  Martinez  del  Mazof  has  only  recently 
been  restored  to  his  rightful  place  in  the  history  of  Spanish 
painting  by  the  valuable  researches  of  Senor  A.  de  Beruete 
y  Moret.  His  position  in  respect  to  Velazquez  was 
peculiarly  intimate.  He  was  the  master's  pupil,  son-in- 
law,  and  assistant.  "  He  aided  his  master,"  writes 
Seiior  de  Beruete,  "  or  worked  on  his  own  account,  using 
the  same  materials,  living  in  the  same  atmosphere,  copying 
the  same  models,  and  pressing  on  towards  the  same  goal."  J 
It  is  hardly  a  matter  of  surprise  that  Mazo's  pictures 
should  be  confused  with  those  of  Velazquez.  Palomino, 
who  wrote  only  a  few  years  after  both  were  at  work,  said  : 
"  He  was  so  skilled  a  copyist,  especially  with  regard  to  the 
works  of  his  master,  that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  distin- 
guish the  copies  from  the  originals.  I  have  seen  some 
copies  of  his,   after  pictures  by  Tintoretto,   Veronese, 

*  We  would  admire  Eugenio  Caxes'  large  historical  compositions 
more  highly  if  we  could  forget  Velazquez's  Surrender  of  Breda.  Alonso 
Cano  does  not  receive  justice  because,  outside  Spain,  he  is  practically 
unknown. 

I  He  was  bom,  either  in  Madrid  or  Cuenca,  about  1612  ;  married 
Doiia  Francisca,  the  surviving  daughter  of  Velazquez,  in  1634,  and 
died  in  Madrid,  February  10,  1667. 

X  The  School  of  Madrid,  English  edition,  p.  56. 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  21 

and  Titian,  which  are  now  in  the  possession  of  his  heirs  ; 
if  these  copies  were  produced  in  Italy,  where  his  talent 
is  unknown,  they  would  be  taken,  without  any  doubt, 
for  originals."  *  The  Spanish  critic  attributes  to  Mazo 
a  number  of  works  which  have  hitherto  been  ascribed 
to  Velazquez,  notably  the  Adrian  Pulido  Pareja,  in 
the  National  Gallery,  f  the  Prince  Balthasar  Carlos  in  the 
Prado,  and  the  Philip  IV.  at  Dulwich.  Whether  or  no 
Goya  ever  differentiated  between  the  respective  work  of 
Velazquez  and  his  son-in-law  cannot  be  said  definitely, 
although  studio  gossip  probably  preserved  some  of  the 
truth.  In  any  case  he  studied  the  known  works  of  Mazo, 
who  must  be  cited  as  a  distinct  early  influence.  Goya 
was  familiar  with  the  masterly  Doiia  Mariana  of  Austria, I 
whilst  the  View  of  ZaragozaS  by  Velazquez  and  Mazo 
jointly,  not  only  brought  a  flood  of  local  reminiscence  to 
his  mind,  but  undoubtedly  inspired  his  own  delightful 
La  Romeria  de  San  Isidro. 

Juan  Carrefio  de  Miranda  (1614-1685)  is  a  more  inter- 
esting painter  because  he  did  not  merge  his  personality 
in  that  of  a  greater  master.  Of  noble  birth,  he  was  par- 
ticularly successful  with  court  portraits,  and  one  anec- 
dote must  have  been  often  on  Goya's  lips.  When  he 
refused  the  Order  of  Santiago  his  friends  told  him  that  he 
should  have  accepted  the  decoration  because  of  the  honour 
it  conferred  upon  painting.     He  replied  : 

*  See  El  Museo  Pictorico  y  Escala  Optica,  Vol.  III.  El  Parnaso 
Espanol  Pintorisco  Laureado,  Madrid,  1724. 

t  But  the  specific  reasons  Senor  de  Beniete  advances  for  ascribing 
this  work  to  Mazo  apply  with  ahnost  equal  force  to  the  full-length 
Philip  IV.  (No.  1129)  on  the  opposite  wall,  which  he  accepts  as  a 
Velazquez. 

+  Prado,  No.  888. 

§  Prado,  No.  889. 


22  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

"  Painting  has  no  need  to  receive  honour  from  anyone  ; 
she  is  capable  of  conferring  it  upon  the  whole  world." 

Carrefio's  decorative  works  must  have  been  carefully 
studied  by  Goya  during  his  early  residence  in  Madrid. 
The  mythological  compositions  perished  in  the  fire  of 
1734.  But  of  the  frescoes  in  the  church  of  San  Antonio 
de  los  Portugueses,  Sefior  de  Beruete  writes :  "  There  is 
much  that  is  very  interesting  in  this  ceiling.  Of  all  the 
works  in  fresco  which  were  executed  by  artists  of  the 
Spanish  school,  it  is  the  most  typical  example,  or  perhaps 
it  would  be  better  to  say  that  it  is  the  work  which  best 
preserves  the  style  of  the  school,  uninfluenced  by  Italian 
art.  The  subject  represented  is  Saint  Anthony  in  ecstasy, 
adoring  the  Christ-child  ;  he  is  placed  on  a  cloud,  sur- 
rounded by  angels.  Carreno  was  obliged  on  this  occasion 
to  modify  his  realism  ;  nevertheless,  the  characteristics 
of  the  school,  the  striving  to  represent  the  truth,  and  the 
avoidance  of  foreign  conventionalities,  are  very  plainly 
shown  in  his  treatment  of  the  subject.  We  see  it  in  the 
figures  of  the  angels,  in  the  saint,  and  in  the  Christ-child 
himself.  With  the  angels  we  are  already  familiar  ;  we 
have  seen  the  same  figures  with  the  same  characteristics, 
in  the  openings  of  the  heavens,  and  aloft  amongst  the 
clouds,  in  the  many  Assumptions,  Conceptions,  and  other 
similar  subjects  which  were  produced  at  that  time  by  the 
artists  of  the  school  of  Madrid.  .  .  .  The  artist  shows 
in  this  painting  that  he  could  change  his  medium  without 
changing  his  style.  For  this  reason,  the  fresco  is  per- 
haps more  interesting  than  any  of  those  painted  by  Rizi 
and  other  painters  of  the  day,  whose  only  aim  was  to  copy 
the  Italian  frescoes  as  closely  as  they  could.  The  colour 
is  moreover  of  great  delicacy,  and  very  harmonious." 

Goya  knew  these  frescoes  well,  and  Carrefio's  portraits 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  23 

were  equally  familiar  to  him.  They  represented  a  dis- 
tinct change  from  the  persistent  imitation  of  Velazquez's 
manner,  which  prevailed  towards  the  end  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  in  Madrid.  His  colouring  is  richer  and 
more  briUiant  than  that  of  Velazquez.  He  came  under 
the  sway  of  Van  Dyck,  and  the  mellow,  luscious  glow  of 
the  Flemish  artist  pleased  him  better  than  Velazquez's 
harmonies  of  silvery  grey.  A  few  portraits  by  Carreiio 
in  Madrid,  and  elsewhere,  bid  us  proclaim  him  as  indis- 
putably the  greatest  portrait-painter  of  the  dying  school. 
Only  a  man  of  talent,  almost  if  not  quite  a  genius,  could 
have  painted  the  child  Charles  II.,  the  Queen-Mother 
Dona  Mariana  of  Austria  (in  the  Altes  Pinakotek,  Munich), 
and  the  magnificent  Peter  Ivanovitz  Potemkin  of  the 
Prado.  The  latter  directly  inspired  Goya  both  in  treat- 
ment and  colour.  In  Carreiio 's  picture  the  bearded 
ambassador,  who  was  also  a  priest — but  more  like  one 
of  the  warrior-prelates  of  the  middle  ages  than  a  man  of 
peace — stands  superbly  upright  on  the  canvas.  His 
right  hand  holds  a  staff  of  office  ;  his  left  rests  upon  his 
girdle,  significantly  close  to  a  dagger.  His  silk  robe 
reaches  his  ankles,  and  his  cloak  is  of  richly  patterned 
brocade.  His  conical  cap  is  covered  in  fur.  Carrefio's 
handling  is  of  the  boldest,  and  the  fine  depth  and  quality 
of  his  tone  admirably  support  the  mystery  of  this  stranger 
from  the  cold  north.  How  much  Goya  adapted  of  the 
method  and  the  scheme  can  be  immediately  seen  in  his 
portrait  of  the  General,  Don  Juan  Martin,  known  as 
El  Empecinado.  During  his  youth  Goya  must  have  been 
in  touch  with  the  traditions  of  Carreno's  studio,  for  Barto- 
lome  Vicente,  one  of  the  master's  many  pupils,  was  a 
native  of  Zaragoza,  and  died  in  his  native  city. 

Last   of  the  trinity,  Claudio  Coello's  influence  is  less 


24  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

directly  traceable.  He  decorated  many  of  the  churches 
and  public  buildings  of  Madrid,  and  these  Goya  must  have 
known.  In  1683  he  was  working  in  Zaragoza  for  the 
Archbishop  upon  the  dome  of  the  church  of  the  Augus- 
tines,  and  the  following  year  he  painted  his  greatest  work, 
the  Sagrada  Forma  in  the  Sacristy  of  the  Escorial,  repre- 
senting Charles  II.  and  his  court  assisting  at  a  Celebration 
in  the  same  chamber  in  which  the  picture  hangs.  The 
canvas  is  recessed  over  the  altar,  and  when  the  visitor 
stands  before  it  the  effect  is  that  of  gazing  into  a  mirror. 
The  Sagrada  Forma  is  the  swan  song  of  seventeenth- 
century  Spanish  art.  Coello  never  rivalled  its  realistic 
perfection,  and  in  some  directions  he  inclines  to  the  ex- 
aggerated baroque  style  which  announced  the  decadence. 
Coello  was  the  first  martyr  of  the  decadence. 

Like  all  the  princes  of  the  House  of  Austria,  Charles 
II.  had  marked  artistic  appreciations  and  tastes.  The 
decoration  of  the  vast  palace,  monastery,  and  church  of 
the  Escorial  was  still  in  spasmodic  progress,  and  Charles 
did  not  neglect  to  continue  the  labours  of  his  ancestors. 
Luca  Giordano  of  Naples  was  commissioned  to  carry  on 
the  schemes  of  Cambiasi.  In  company  with  his  pupils, 
Aniello  Rossi  and  Matteo  Pacelli,  he  proceeded  to  the 
conquest  of  Spain,  and  in  a  short  while  he  not  only  de- 
livered some  damaging  blows  against  the  native  art  but 
even  killed  its  greatest  living  master. 

Sefior  de  Beruete  quotes  an  anecdote  (from  Palomino) 
which  reveals  Coello's  apprehension  when  the  royal 
invitation  was  sent  to  Italy. 

"  Giordano  is  coming  to  teach  you  how  to  make  a  great 
deal  of  money,"  remarked  a  friend,  with  the  kindly  atten- 
tion of  which  only  friends  are  capable. 


THE   BKWITCHED 
Scene  from  a  play,  "E/  hecliizado  por/uerza."    National  Gallery,  London 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  25 

"  Yes,"  was  the  reply.  "  He  will  absolve  us  from  our 
sins  and  faults,  and  take  away  our  scruples." 

Giordano  was  a  painter  of  fatal  ease.  Paul  Lefort 
says  that  he  possessed  "  a  deplorable  facility,  which 
brought  him  the  admiration  of  the  foolish,*  and  earned 
for  him  the  surname  of  fa  presto.  Finally  he  reigned 
sovereign  master  of  the  school,  which  he  perverted  and 
dragged  through  the  mud  to  its  complete  decadence." 

The  revulsion  against  Giordano  has  been  so  extreme 
that  his  merits  are  completely  overlooked.  For,  despite 
la  grande  admiration  des  sots,  and  the  danger  of  being 
included  in  the  wilderness  of  fools,  Giordano  was  an 
artist  of  great  gifts.  He  was  the  Alexandre  Dumas  of 
painting.  Facility  is  not  invariably  the  sign  of  a  lack 
of  genius — on  the  contrary.  Giordano  had  a  passion, 
and  a  desire  for  applause.  He  said  that  the  good  painter 
is  the  one  the  public  likes,  and  that  the  public  is  at- 
tracted more  by  colour  than  design.  The  first  aphorism 
is  a  matter  of  opinion,  the  second  indisputably  true,  for 
design  only  appeals  to  the  educated  taste,  whereas  most 
men  and  women  have  a  natural  instinct  for  colour. 
Giordano  had  passed  through  the  usual  Italian  training. 
His  master  was  Pietro  da  Cortona,  and  he  copied  the 
works  of  Raphael,  Michael  Angelo,  and  Julio  Romano. 
He  was  certainly  attracted  by  Veronese.  When  he  com- 
menced an  independent  career  his  energy  was  terrific.  His 
limpid  brush  skimmed  over  acres  of  canvas,  and,  even  if 
we  do  not  like  his  productions,  we  cannot  fail  to  recognise 
his  immense  talent. 

Giordano's  favour  at  Court  probably  rankled  in  Coello's 

*  "  A  la  grande  admiration  des  sots,"  writes  the  angry  French 
critic,  in  his  Peiniure  Espagnole,  p.  254. 


26  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

sensitive  soul  far  more  than  the  NeapoHtan's  activity 
as  an  artist.  Giordano  had  all  those  parlour  tricks  the 
dignified  man  cannot  fight  against.  The  stranger  was 
famous  for  his  conversational  ability.  He  amused  his 
patrons.  The  Queen  of  Spain  once  asked  him  about  his 
wife.  Whilst  talking  he  painted  upon  the  canvas  at 
which  he  was  working  a  portrait  of  the  lady.  Coello 
could  not  rival  such  extravagances.  With  one  mighty 
effort  he  painted  the  Martyrdom  of  St.  Stephen,  which 
brought  him  the  enthusiastic  praise  of  the  King  and 
Giordano.  Then  he  laid  down  the  brush,  died  April  20, 
1693,  only  a  year  after  the  arrival  of  Giordano,  and  was 
buried  in  Madrid. 

"  Carreno  and  Claudio  Coello  carried  to  the  sepulchre 
the  glorious  traditions  of  Spanish  painting,  and  it  may 
be  said  that  the  fine  painting  of  the  Santa  Forma  was  the 
testament  of  the  national  school,"  writes  a  Spanish 
critic*  Coello  seems  to  have  left  little  money,  for  his 
widow  received  assistance  from  the  royal  treasury.  But 
Luca  Giordano  returned  to  Naples,  in  the  words  of  a 
biographer,  "  gorged  with  wealth." 

The  death  of  Coello  marks  the  close  of  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  periods  of  painting  in  the  history  of  art. 
There  were  still  many  artists  at  work  in  Madrid,  such  as 
Teodoro  Ardemans,  Isidoro  Arredondo,  Antonio  Palo- 
mino, and  others.  But  after  the  glories  of  the  seventeenth 
century  their  work  is  pitiable  in  its  incompetence  and 
weakness.  With  the  death  of  Charles  II.  on  November 
I,  1700,  the  House  of  Austria  became  extinct,  and  the 
succession  passed  to  the  Bourbons.  Philip  V.  was  a 
Frenchman  by  birth  and  temperament.  He  encouraged 
*  Menendez  y  Pelayo  :  Esfeticas  V.  III.  pt.  2. 


GOYA'S  PRECURSORS  27 

the  arts,  but  not  the  arts  of  Spain.     His  country  retreat 

was  "  a  Httle  Versailles."     He  admired  the  imitators  of 

Le  Brun  and  imported  his  pupil,  Rene  Antoine  Hovasse, 

Jean  Ranc,  who  had  studied  under  Rigaud,  and,  towards 

the  end  of  his  reign,  Louis  Michel  Vanloo.     "  I  like  Michel 

Vanloo,"  wrote  Diderot,  in  one  of  his  Salons.     "  But  I  like 

truth  better."  For  Michel  could' vanlote  as  well  as  his  uncle. 

In  the  old  days,  Spanish  painters  only  went  to  Italy 

as  accomplished  masters  of  their  craft.     Now  Philip  V. 

sent  them  to  Rome  as  pupils  and  royal  pensioners,  where 

they  concocted  feeble  imitations  of  Maratti,  Sacchi,  and 

the  Naturalisti,  following  the  precept  of  the  Spanish  proverb, 

Cuaiido  a  Romo  fuercs 
Haz  como  vieres. 

**  When  thou  art  at  Rome  do  as  thou  shalt  see."  French 
and  Italian  painters  and  sculptors  invaded  Spain.  Van- 
vitelli,  Conca,  Olivieri,  Procaccini,  Solimena,  Ventura, 
Lighi,  Vaccaro,  Mattei,  Amigoni,  Corrado,  Fremin  are 
names  which  mean  nothing  to-day.  The  only  Spanish 
artist  the  King  employed  was  Antonio  Viladomat  (1678- 
1755),  who  did  not  entirely  forget  the  traditions  of  the 
past.  Philip  V.  was  not  altogether  a  philistine.  He  was 
an  amateur  of  the  arts,  sketched  with  ease,  bought  the 
marbles  collected  by  Queen  Christina  of  Sweden,  founded 
the  institution  which  afterwards  became  the  Royal 
Academy  of  San  Fernando,  and  built  royal  palaces. 
"  The  loveliest  spot  within  the  bounds  of  Castile  is  de- 
graded by  a  mansion  in  the  vile  taste  of  France  in  the 
days  of  the  Regency.  How  striking  is  the  contrast  pre- 
sented by  the  gaudy  pavilions  of  the  French  King,  and 
the  solemn  Escorial  of  Philip  II."  * 

*  Stirling-Maxwell :  Annals  of  the  Artists  of  Spain,  p,  1159. 


28  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

On  Christmas  Day,  1734,  the  Alcazar  of  Madrid,  the 
palace  which  contained  the  art  accumulations  of  a  dynasty, 
burst  into  flame.  Happily  much  was  saved,  but  treasures 
perished  whose  loss  we  can  still  weep  over.  The  salvage 
was  roughly  stored  in  an  old  building  belonging  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Toledo  in  the  Street  of  the  Holy  Sacra- 
ment.* Apparently  little  interest  was  displayed  in  their 
safe  custody  until  Juan  Garcia  de  Miranda  was  chosen  to 
examine  them  and  repair  the  damage. 

The  stagnation  was  complete.  No  native  artist  ap- 
peared with  the  slightest  claim  to  more  than  average 
ability.  Not  until  Francisco  Goya  arose  from  the  pro- 
vincial school  of  Aragon,  a  school  relatively  so  unimpor- 
tant that  some  art-historians  refuse  to  acknowledge  its 
existence,  did  these  dry  bones  move  with  life  again. 

*  F.  Rousseau :  Regne  de  Charles  III. 


CHAPTER    II 

ARAGON  AND  ZARAGOZA 

The  School  of  Aragon.  Richard  Ford  on  the  Different  Schools  of 
Spanish  Painting.  The  Character  of  the  Aragonese.  Arrival  in  Zaragoza. 
Typical  Independence  and  Love  of  Freedom  of  the  Aragonese.  A  Com- 
posite Race.  Moslem  Influences.  El  Pilar.  La  Seo.  The  Audiencia 
and  its  Guardians. 

PAUL  LEFORT,  in  the  preface  to  his  valuable  hand- 
book upon  Spanish  painting,*  protests  energetic- 
ally against  the  sub-division  of  Spanish  art  into 
a  series  of  local  schools,  composed  of  artists  born  or 
settled  in  the  same  common  centre.  Such  a  classifica- 
tion he  considered  arbitrary  and  misleading.  In  an 
aesthetic  sense,  the  word  "  school  "  should  imply  the  more 
or  less  prolonged  existence  of  a  group  of  artists  possessing, 
if  not  a  unity  of  manner,  at  least  a  community  of  tradi- 
tions, tendencies,  sentiments,  and  even  a  certain  frater- 
nity of  executive  methods.  These  conditions,  he  con- 
sidered, could  not  be  applied  with  success  to  any  of  the 
local  centres  of  Spain.  At  first  the  Spaniards  imitated 
the  Italian  primitives  and  the  early  Flemish  painters. 
Then,  as  the  yeast  of  the  Renaissance  slowly  penetrated 
Spain,  its  sons  hastened  to  study  the  crafts  in  Rome, 
Florence,  and  Venice.  Foreign  artists  settled  in  all  the 
larger  cities,  and  neither  Seville,  Valence,  Toledo,  Madrid, 
*  La  Peinture  Espagnole,  Paris,  1893,  p.  5. 


30  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

nor  the  provinces  of  Aragon  and  Catalonia,  escaped  a 
slight  impression  of  exterior  influences. 

But  the  French  critic  does  not  sufficiently  allow  for  an 
influence  even  stronger  than  that  of  the  foreigner.  Vol- 
taire said  that  three  factors  governed  man's  intelHgence 
— climate,  government,  and  religion.  He  might  have 
added  that  these  very  largely  account  for  racial  tempera- 
ment, which  dominates  art  and  artists  to  a  supreme  degree. 
To  call  Goya  "  the  Spanish  Hogarth  "  is  as  absurd  a  mis- 
nomer as  to  term  Maeterlinck  "  the  Belgian  Shakespeare." 
There  are  almost  greater  racial  differences  between  the 
various  provinces  of  Spain  than  can  be  found  between  the 
citizens  of  Madrid  and  London.  Environment  is  apt  to 
play  strange  tricks  with  that  very  delicate  plant  we  call  art. 

The  individual  characteristics  of  the  three  chief 
schools  of  Spanish  painting,  the  schools  of  Seville,  Val- 
encia, and  Castile,  are  too  strongly  marked  to  be  sub- 
merged in  one  common  designation.  Over  half  a  century 
ago,  a  writer  in  the  Quarterly  Review  pointed  out  that : 
"  strictly  speaking  there  were  four  schools  ;  the  indepen- 
dent kingdom  of  Aragon  possesses  another  of  its  own, 
in  which  a  marked  oriental  type  gave  evidence  of  early 
communication  between  commercial  Catalonia  and  the 
East ;  but  neither  Head  nor  Stirling  visited  these  pro- 
vinces, and  though  Ford  did,  he  says  little  of  their  art — 
without  doubt  from  its  never  having  produced  a  master 
capable  of  setting  on  it  an  original  and  distinctive  stamp." 
The  qualifying  reference  to  Ford's  knowledge  is  somewhat 
extraordinary,  for  he  himself  was  the  author  of  the 
article  in  the  Review* 

*  Quarterly  Review,  June,  1848.  See  also  the  Letters  of  Richard 
Ford  (1935). 


ARAGON  AND  ZARAGOZA  31 

Despite  his  immense  treasures  of  knowledge  concerning 
the  arts  of  Spain,  Richard  Ford  closed  his  chapter  of 
appreciation  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and 
basked  in  the  glorious  sun  of  the  day  before  yesterday 
as  contentedly  as  any  Spaniard.  His  one  short  reference 
to  Goya  is  somewhat  contemptuous,  although  he  could 
not  but  admit  the  artist's  talent,  and  he  was  clearly  of 
opinion  that  Aragon  had  failed  to  produce  a  master- 
genius.  Yet  Aragon  contains  works  of  art  as  interesting 
as  any  in  Spain,  and  from  that  province  came  one  of  the 
most  original  and  distinctive  artists,  not  simply  in  Spain, 
but  in  all  Europe.  Francisco  Goya  was  a  son  of  Aragon, 
and  a  very  typical  Aragonese.  Unfortunately  he  be- 
longed almost  to  Ford's  own  century,  and  the  traveller — 
like  so  many  other  connoisseurs  of  taste — could  enjoy 
the  works  of  every  age  but  his  own. 

Ford,  however,  drew  attention  to  that  marked  indi- 
viduality of  Aragonese  art  which  seems  to  have  escaped 
the  notice  of  Lefort.  Aragon  possessed  a  school  of  paint- 
ing and  the  allied  arts  for  nearly  four  hundred  years. 
It  was  distinguished  by  an  inherent  originality,  and  no 
consideration  of  Goya  and  his  place  in  the  Spanish  school 
can  neglect  the  province  which  gave  him  birth,  or  the  city 
in  which  he  passed  his  youth.  No  visitor  can  walk 
through  the  streets  of  Zaragoza,  the  capital  of  Aragon, 
without  recognising  that  if  he  is  not  in  the  most  pictur- 
esque city  of  Spain,  he  has  certainly  discovered  a  com- 
munity of  extreme  individuality  and  attraction. 

Railways  have  killed  much  of  the  romance  of  traveling. 
The  dusty  winding  road,  which  suddenly  revealed  a  vista 
of  the  promised  Mecca,  has  given  way  to  steel  rails  and 
the  train  de  luxe.    How  many  tourists  to  Italy  gain 


32  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

their  first  view  of  the  Eternal  City  and  the  Seven  Hills 
from  that  spot  on  the  posting  road  which  enraptured 
Byron  and  Shelley  ?  To-day  we  prefer  to  awake  in  our 
sleeping  berth  at  the  northern  station,  and  if  we  want 
to  see  the  famous  view  a  glance  through  Turner's  sketches 
of  the  Campagna  will  content  us. 

Zaragoza  is  not  a  city  easily  to  be  invested,  as  Napoleon's 
troops  found  to  their  cost.  More  than  a  century  has 
elapsed  since  Lannes  and  Palafox  battled  round  the  walls 
of  this  isolated  town,  and  to-day  the  means  of  entry, 
though  easier,  demand  much  endurance  as  well  as  a 
resolute  heart.  The  visitor  from  Madrid  or  Barcelona 
will  probably  arrive  in  the  early  morning.  It  is  a 
peculiarity  of  Spanish  railway  time-tables  that  they 
invariably  conspire  to  drop  the  traveller  at  his  destina- 
tion at  some  hour  after  midnight  and  before  dawn,  an 
arrangement  far  less  reasonable  than  that  enjoyed  by 
France,  where  the  entire  service  comes  to  a  standstill 
at  noon  for  the  benefit  of  the  buffet.  But  at  Zaragoza 
the  intrepid  tourist  will  step  on  to  the  platform  tired, 
sleepy,  and  dejected.  Without  protest  he  will  allow 
his  body  and  his  baggage  to  be  fought  over  by  a  dozen 
touts,  and,  governed  by  an  attitude  of  resistance  more 
passive  than  active,  will  at  last  find  himself  in  a  vehicle 
which  apparently  dates  from  the  Wars  of  Independence.* 
By  degrees  the  tiny  box  will  fill  until  he  has  reason  to 
congratulate  himself  upon  his  foresight  in  sitting  by  the 
door.  The  company  in  the  hotel  omnibus  is  always  the 
same,  a  couple  of  nuns,  too  exhausted  even  to  tell  their 

*  Not  necessarily  an  exaggeration.  When  Charles  IV.  and  his 
Queen  went  to  Napoleon  at  Bayonne  in  1809  they  travelled  in  the  same 
state-coaches  which  had  conveyed  Philip  V.  to  Spain  in  1700.  Bausset 
in  his  Memoirs  refers  to  the  astonishment  of  the  French. 


ARAGON  AND  ZARAGOZA  33 

beads,  a  priest,  a  commercial  traveller,  an  old  lady,  who, 
like  old  ladies  all  the  world  over,  is  encumbered  by  a 
multitude  of  parcels,  and  probably  a  small  girl.  At  the 
last  moment  the  complement  is  made  up  by  a  couple 
of  nondescripts,  who  may  belong  to  any  rank  of  society, 
from  higglers  to  Grandees  of  Spain. 

The  keen  morning  air  cuts  the  face,  and,  after  the  warm 
heavy  atmosphere  of  the  railway  carriage,  the  eyes  smart 
unpleasantly.  The  coachman  gives  a  wild  cry,  the  mules 
shake  their  jingling  harness,  and  the  diligence  uneasily 
sways  across  the  cobbles  towards  the  town. 

The  sun  is  lazily  rising  in  a  leaden  sky.  Nature  herself 
seems  sluggish,  and  unwilling  to  turn  from  a  warm  bed. 
For  some  distance  the  road  skirts  a  sandy  parade.  In 
the  centre  three  unhappy  cavalry  recruits  are  exercising 
under  the  eye  of  a  sergeant.  Round  and  round  gallop 
the  horsemen,  in  endless  circle,  like  figures  ona  child's 
revolving  toy.  From  time  to  time  they  advance  in 
line,  or  drop  into  Indian  file,  but  always  reverting  to  the 
eternal  circle.  Dust  flies  in  every  direction.  The  dili- 
gence flings  itself  at  a  weather-beaten,  dilapidated,  and 
extremely  narrow  town-gate,  and  becomes  involved  in  a 
maze  of  gloomy  alleys.  Glimpses  of  spires,  domes,  and 
towers  cut  the  brightening  horizon.  A  chambermaid, 
whose  outlook  upon  life  has  been  permanently  soured  by 
having  to  rise  before  she  has  had  her  first  sleep,  interns 
the  traveller  in  a  cell  which  has  the  discomforts  of  a  prison 
without  its  conveniences.  For  the  boxes  of  the  com- 
mercial travellers  are  being  heavily  dragged  along  pas- 
sages as  interminable  as  the  nightmares  of  Piranesi. 
The  traveller  dreams  that  he  is  a  luckless  cavalry  recruit, 
strapped  upon  a  phantom  horse  whose  hard  bones  search 

D 


34  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

out  the  tenderest  parts  of  his  anatomy.  And  amidst 
the  penetrating  dust  he  rides  round  and  round  and  round, 
until  at  length  he  awakes  from  an  unrefreshing  and  dis- 
turbed slumber. 

Such  is  the  first  impression  of  Zaragoza,  or  of  any  other 
town  in  Northern  Spain.  But  when  the  sun  is  declining 
and  the  streets  are  crowded,  the  city  bears  another 
aspect.  The  citizens  are  a  first  study.  "  To  the  gravity 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Catalonia  is  added  the  wide-awake 
air  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Castiles,  enlivened  still  more 
by  an  expression  of  pride  which  is  peculiar  to  the  Aragonese 
blood,"  wrote  the  Italian  novelist  Emondo  de  Amicis. 
And  this  hot,  proud  blood  is  the  keynote  of  Goya's  art. 

"  Aragon,  a  disagreeable  province,  is  inhabited  by  a 
disagreeable  people,"  wrote  Richard  Ford.  The  inhabi- 
tants have  certain  marked  racial  characteristics.  They 
are  obstinate  and  self-willed.  "  Donnez  un  clou  a 
TAragonais,  il  I'enfoncera  avec  sa  tete  plutot  qu'avec  un 
marteau,"  said  a  Frenchman  long  ago.  As  a  people 
they  have  no  fear,  and  will  suffer  no  contradiction.  They 
have  an  inborn  love  of  freedom.  The  General  Privilege 
granted  by  Pedro  III.  in  1283  to  the  Cortes  of  Zaragoza 
declared  that  absolute  power  never  was  nor  shall  be  the 
constitution   of  Aragon.*     But  in   many    respects    the 

*  The  political  institutions  of  Aragon  in  the  fourteenth  century  were 
the  most  liberal  that  existed  in  any  country  of  mediaeval  Europe. 
The  King,  escorted  by  twelve  peers  of  the  realm,  knelt  down 
before  the  Chief  Justice  as  he  swore  to  maintain  the  laws  which 
were  made  by  the  representatives  of  burghers  and  nobles,  assembled 
in  annual  or  special  Councils,  which  consisted  of  the  Great  Lords,  the 
Lesser  Knights,  the  Clergy  and  the  Commons.  The  veto  of  a  single 
member  sufficed  to  defeat  or  postpone  any  measure  introduced  and 
supported  by  the  most  powerful  majority  in  the  Chamber.  See 
A  History  of  Spain,  by  Uhck  Ralph  Burke,  Vol.  L,  p.  235. 


ARAGON  AND  ZARAGOZA  35 

Aragonese  differed  from  their  Catalonian  neighbours, 
who  incHned  towards  repubHcanism.  The  Aragonese 
boasted  that  they  were  a  free  and  law-abiding  people 
ruled  by  a  free  and  law-abiding  king.  Each  law  had  to 
receive  the  assent  of  the  four  classes  of  the  community, 
the  clergy,  the  aristocracy,  the  rich  who  were  not  noble, 
and  the  people.  The  monarch  was  forbidden  to  inter- 
fere in  questions  of  finance  and  personal  liberty.  Law 
and  equity  were  represented  by  an  official  called  Justicia,. 
who  stood  between  the  king  and  the  people.  The  early 
kings  were  little  more  than  hereditary  presidents.  Such 
an  ideal  state  could  not  have  long  existed  in  a  period 
of  centralised  government.  Aragon  was  an  independent 
state  until  Ferdinand,  its  heir  apparent,  married  Isabella, 
in  1479,  and  his  kingdom  became  eventually  swallowed 
up  in  the  vast  empire  of  his  grandson,  Charles  V.  Liberty 
was  lost  when,  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
Philip  IL  hanged  the  Justicia  in  front  of  his  own  court. 
The  Aragonese,  however,  never  forgot  their  old  tradi- 
tions, and,  if  they  lost  political  freedom,  preserved  a 
private  freedom  of  religious  thought  which  was  very 
remarkable.  In  the  fifteenth  century  there  was  a 
popular  rising  in  Zaragoza  against  the  Inquisition,  and 
the  Chief  Inquisitor,  Pedro  de  Arbues,  was  murdered 
before  the  altar  of  El  Seo.  The  whole  province  asserted 
its  right  of  the  liberty  of  personal  thought.  At  Villanueva, 
in  Aragon,  was  born  Michael  Servet,  the  doctor,  philo- 
sopher, and  free-thinker,  "  precursor  of  Spinoza  and 
Strauss,"  who  was  burnt  for  heresy  at  Geneva  in  1553, 
Two  centuries  and  a  half  later  another  famous  Aragonese, 
J.  A.  Llorente,  wrote  a  history  of  the  Inquisition,  which 
book  is  still  a  battlefield.     Goya  and  Llorente  were 


36  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

acquainted,  and  the  artist  contested  the  power  of  the 
Holy  Office  as  hotly  in  his  drawings  as  Llorente  did  in 
print. 

The  race  is  of  composite  stock.  There  must  still  be 
a  trace  of  the  blood  of  the  forgotten  Iberians  in  their 
veins.  Then  came  the  Berbers,  followed  by  the  early 
Goths.  The  very  name  of  Zaragoza  is  in  itself  a  history 
of  the  people  who  inhabit  the  town.  The  Celtic-Iberian 
Salduba  gave  way  to  Csesarea  Augusta  under  the  Roman 
dominion.  This  was  modified  by  the  Arabs  into  Sara- 
kostah,  becoming,  in  modern  language,  Zaragoza.  The 
climate  is  hard,  and  has  made  the  inhabitants  spartan. 
Although  the  valleys  of  the  Ebro  are  fertile,  the  province 
is  swept  by  the  cold  winds  which  blow  down  from  the 
Pyrenees.  The  Aragonese  believe  in  themselves  and 
hate  the  stranger.  In  the  Fueros  it  was  stipulated  that 
the  aid  of  foreigners  might  be  accepted,  but  they  were 
never  to  be  rewarded  by  a  share  in  the  conquests.  There 
is  a  rugged  harshness,  a  self-sufficiency,  a  turbulent 
passion,  a  desire  for  liberty,  in  the  typical  Aragonese 
which  explains  many  of  the  characteristics  of  Francisco 
Goya. 

"  Some  people  will  have  it  that  Zaragoza  is  a  trading 
city.  I  saw  no  appearance  of  any  such  thing.  The 
inhabitants  were  all  lounging  about  with  arms  folded ; 
the  warehouses  were  empty  ;  and  not  a  single  skiff 
could  be  seen  on  the  Ebro.'*  Thus  wrote  the  Marquis 
de  Langle  in  1786,*  and  the  description  applies  with 

*  Precise  biographers  suggest  that  the  Marquis  de  Langle  never 
troubled  to  visit  Spain  before  writing  his  account  of  that  country.  In 
some  respects,  however,  his  descriptions  are  so  true  to  fact  that  he 
must  have  based  his  adventures  upon  actual  experiences.  A  Senti- 
mental Journey  through  Spain  (English  edition,  1786). 


ARAGON  AND  ZARAGOZA  37 

equal  truth  at  the  present  time.  Doubtless  municipal 
statistics  prove  increasing  prosperity.  Zaragoza  has  a 
comfortable  air.  But  for  a  greater  part  of  the  day  the 
only  movement  in  the  broad  street  crossing  the  city  is 
created  by  the  little  bustling  noisy  tram,  without  which 
no  self-respecting  continental  town  can  exist  unashamed. 
As  the  stranger  wanders  haphazard  along  its  winding 
alleys,  he  cannot  fail  to  remember  that  Zaragoza  has  been 
the  scene  of  continual  warfare,  from  the  days  when 
Childebert  and  the  Merovingians  besieged  its  already  his- 
toric walls,  to  the  fierce  assaults  of  the  Moors  in  the  eighth 
century,  the  recapture  by  the  Christians  in  11 18,  innumer- 
able fights  during  the  middle  ages,  the  campaign  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  in  1707,  and  the  sanguinary  combats 
when  Napoleon's  army  invested  the  city  in  1808  and  1809. 
That  intrepid  woman  Madame  Dieulafoy  has  recently 
told  us  that  Zaragoza  instantly  reminded  her  of  a  Persian 
town.  The  ordinary  tourist  has  not  usually  penetrated 
so  far  east,  but  when  he  gazes  upon  the  fantastic  roof -line, 
broken  by  innumerable  towers,  domes,  and  spires,  his 
fancy  cannot  fail  to  travel  to  the  orient.  Zaragoza  was 
too  long  under  the  rule  of  the  Moors  ever  to  throw 
off  their  influence.  And  when  the  Moors  were  defeated 
and  the  city  became  nominally  Christian  the  atmosphere 
did  not  change.  Moslem,  Jew,  and  Christian  lived  side 
by  side  in  peace  and  amity,  and  artists  and  craftsmen 
of  Moorish  descent  stamped  the  architecture  of  Zaragoza 
with  an  exotic  individuality  time  itself  cannot  wholly 
eradicate.  The  belfry  of  the  Magdalena,  built  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  the  belfries  of  San  Paolo  and  San 
Miguel  de  los  Navarros,  in  the  Jewish  quarter,  are  almost 
purely  Moorish  in  design  and  decoration.    The  Leaning 


38  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Tower  (destroyed  in  1887)  was  one  of  the  wonders  of 
Spain.  There  still  exists  a  facade  of  the  parish  church 
forming  part  of  the  old  cathedral  of  La  Seo  which  "  might 
be  a  wall  in  an  old  mosque  of  Ispahan."  *  Gothic 
builders  have  chipped  and  defaced  it,  opening  ogive 
windows,  and  otherwise  defacing  the  deHcate  tracery 
and  the  lustre  of  the  exquisite  faience.  Here,  as  in  many 
other  cities  of  Spain,  art  and  history  go  hand  in  hand. 
Even  in  comparatively  modern  days  the  Cross  seems 
to  have  been  unable  to  resist  the  Crescent.  Late  in  the 
seventeenth  century  the  Zaragozans  decided  to  commemo- 
rate the  miracle  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Pillar  by  the 
erection  of  a  great  cathedral  on  the  banks  of  the  Ebro. 
The  architecture  was  to  rival  that  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome. 
El  Pilar  was  to  be  not  only  the  largest  church  in  Aragon 
but  in  all  Spain.  Unfortunately  El  Pilar  was  conceived 
at  a  moment  of  decadence  fatal  to  good  composition. 
Francisco  Herrera  el  Mozo,  and  his  successor,  Ventura 
Rodriguez,  hardly  did  justice  to  themselves.  The  church 
is  grandiose,  but  wearily  so  ;  lacking  in  expression  and 
grace,  coldly  pedantic,  unpleasantly  rococo.  Zaragoza 
is  supremely  proud  of  El  Pilar,  proud  of  the  tawdry 
votive  banners  which  cover  its  discoloured  walls,  offer- 
ings from  every  city  of  Spain  and  Latin  America.  In  a 
dark  crypt  stands  the  sacred  image  which  has  conse- 
crated this  most  holy  of  spots.  But  the  interior,  with  its 
classical  pretension,  is  frankly  disappointing.  Far  other- 
wise is  the  curious  and  bizarre  building  when  viewed  from 
the  massive  bridge  which  spans  the  Ebro.f     Its  cupolas 

*  J.  Dieulafoy :    Aragon  et  Valence,  1901. 

f  The  Puente  de  Piedra,  of  unknown  age,  and  suggesting  in  rough 
strength  the  hands  of  the  Roman  bridge-builders.  Somewhere  hidden 
in  the  Ebro  is  Don  Quixote's  Island  of  Barataria,  over  which  Sancho 


ARAGON  AND  ZARAGOZA  39 

and  pinnacles  cast  a  thousand  reflections  in  the  rippling 
water,  and  throw  the  strangest  shadows.  The  sun  plays 
across  a  broken  roof,  tiled  in  outlandish  patterns  of  green, 
blue,  yellow,  and  white.  The  scheme  is  Slavonic,  and 
suggests  the  Kremlin  of  Moscow  on  a  smaller  scale,  until 
we  reahse  that  only  the  Crescent  can  crown  these  minarets. 
As  the  sun  drops  from  high  heaven  a  mirage  passes  over 
the  scene.  No  longer  does  the  angelus  bell  fitfully  toll 
from  these  belfries.  From  each  tower  a  Moslem  priest 
bows  to  the  East,  and  with  an  appealing  cry  of  "  Allah  ! 
Allah  !  "  bids  every  true  believer  sink  upon  his  praying 
mat  in  silent  adoration.  And  in  this  dream  we  find  the 
true  Zaragoza. 

The  twin-cathedral,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Arch- 
bishop's palace,  belongs  to  another  age — or  it  might  be 
said,  to  another  country.  La  Seo  is  one  of  those  magni- 
ficent Gothic  churches  which  are  the  chief  glory  of  north- 
eastern Spain.  It  ranks  in  style  with  Barcelona  and 
Gerona.  Here  the  exterior  is  unimpressive,  and  the 
baroque  belfry,  with  flying  apostles  supporting  a 
clock,  can  hardly  escape  ridicule.  But  pushing  aside 
the  leather  curtain  across  the  portal  we  enter  another 
world,  as  still,  dark,  and  cold  as  the  sepulchre.  A  few 
lost  rays  of  sunshine  penetrate  the  glass  ;  the  slender 
pillars  of  the  nave  and  aisles  rise  higher  and  higher  until 
they  become  lost  in  the  impenetrable  gloom  of  the  roof. 
Every  chapel  recalls  the  dead,  every  stone  is  a  tomb.  An 
old  sacristan  of  parchment  face,  in  black  gown  and 
white  ruff — a  portrait  by  El  Greco  come  to  life  again — 

Panza  was  appointed  perpetual  governor.  It  has  been  identified 
as  Alcala  del  Ebro,  a  village  near  Pedrola,  on  a  peninsula  formed  by  a 
bend  of  the  Ebro. 


40  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

wanders  like  a  lost  soul  from  altar  to  altar,  as  if  striving 
to  discover  his  forgotten  resting-place.  A  tiny  child 
enters,  and  drops  on  his  knee.  But  the  icy  chill  pene- 
trates his  soul,  he  is  overwhelmed  by  black  oppression, 
the  church  is  crowded  by  a  million  dreadful  spirits. 
In  fear,  he  flies  to  the  door.  La  Seo  is  not  a  church  for 
children,  but  a  church  for  the  dead,  for  those  who  have 
lost  hope,  and  chng  in  despairing  anguish  to  a  faith  which 
bids  them  live — and  suffer. 

There  are  many  other  great  buildings  in  Zaragoza. 
The  Lonja,  or  Merchants'  Hall,  Goya  painted  in  the  back- 
ground of  a  tapestry  cartoon.  A  huge  brick  pile,  Hke 
an  Italian  palazzo,  it  stands  crumbling  and  deserted  at 
the  entrance  to  the  city.  The  home  of  the  famous 
Luna  family,  which  gave  a  Pope  to  the  Church,*  fronts 
the  Cosso.  Life  has  not  deserted  it,  for  the  building  is 
used  as  the  Audiencia.  On  each  side  of  the  entrance 
gate  stand  semi-nude  figures  of  colossal  ogres,  in  menacing 
posture,  with  uplifted  clubs.  Their  attitude  is  typical 
of  the  old  Aragon  spirit,  fiercely  independent,  and  ever 
ready  to  fell  its  enemies  to  the  ground.  The  boy  Goya 
must  often  have  gazed  at  these  forbidding  statues,  and 
pondered  over  their  significance.  Character  is  largely 
based  upon  the  early  impressions  of  youth,  and  the  moral 
of  the  stone  giants  who  guard  the  Audiencia  may  perhaps 
be  found  in  the  story  of  the  artist's  life.  But  in  any  case,  a 
visit  to  Zaragoza  and  a  study  of  its  conflicting  influences, 
Moslem,  Christian,  political,  religious,  Gothic,  rococo, 
reveal  many  of  the  hidden  sources  of  the  art  of  Goya. 

♦  Or  rather  an  anti-pope,  Benedict  XIII.,  who  reigned  at  Avignon. 
Another  member  of  the  same  family  turns  up  in  Verdi's  opera  11 
Trovatore,  the  action  of  which  passes  in  Zaragoza. 


CHAPTER  III 
goya's  birth  and  early  life  in  zaragoza,  1746-1765 

The  Village  of  Fuendetodos.  Goya's  Father  and  Mother.  Goya's  first 
Drawing.  Don  Felix  Salzedo.  The  Pignatelli  Family.  Jose  Luzan 
and  his  School.  His  Manner  of  Teaching.  Goya's  Youthful  Friends. 
His  Pleasures.  Rehgious  Animosities  in  Zaragoza.  Street  Battles. 
The  Inquisition  decides  to  arrest  Goya.     His  Flight  to  Madrid. 

THE  tiny  village  of  Fuendetodos  boasts  a  popula- 
tion of  some  few  hundred  souls.  Situated 
upon  the  banks  of  a  sluggish  stream  called 
Huerba,  the  straggling  hamlet  nestles  at  the  foot  of 
mountains  black  with  pine  trees  rising  from  tangled 
undergrowths  of  heath.  The  ruins  of  a  Moorish  strong- 
hold dominate  the  landscape,  and  across  the  fields  of  a 
vast  plain  the  passing  breeze  fitfully  carries  the  sound 
of  bells  in  Zaragoza. 

Fuendetodos  is  about  six  leagues  from  the  capital  of 
Aragon.  Here,  in  a  humble  farmhouse  now  converted 
into  an  inn,*  Francisco  Jose  Goya  y  Lucientes  was  born 
on  March  30,  1746. f  Of  his  father's  occupation  there 
are  conflicting  reports.  Francisco  Zapater,  in  his 
Noticias  hiogrdficas,X  describes  Jose  Goya  as  a  lahrador, 

*  Francisco  Zapater :  Noticias  hiogrdficas  (1868),  p.  6.  No.  18,  Calle 
de  la  Alf6ndiga,  in  the  lower  part  of  the  village.  The  house  formerly 
belonged  to  the  Goya  family,  but,  when  Zapater  wrote  in  1868,  it  had 
passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Count  de  Fuentes. 

f  Sometimes  wrongly  given  as  March  31,  1756. 

J  Noticias  biogrdficas,  p.  7. 


42  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

a  term  which  generally  means  a  tiller  of  the  soil,  and 
includes  farmers  employing  labourers  as  well  as  those 
who  dig  their  own  land  or  work  for  others.*  Sancho 
Panza,  according  to  Cervantes,  was  a  lahrador,  and  typical 
of  his  class.  Other  biographers  have  followed  Zapater's 
lead,  and  Jos6  Goya  is  usually  said  to  have  been  a  small 
farmer,  who,  shortly  after  his  son's  birth,  settled  in  Zara- 
goza  as  a  gilder.  But  the  Count  de  la  Viiiaza,  in  his  recent 
additions  to  Cean  Bermudez's  dictionary,!  corrects  his 
previous  statement  that  the  parents  of  the  artist  were 
agriculturists  who  possessed  "  scarcely  more  than  the 
fruits  of  their  labour."  %  Jose  Goya,  he  asserts  on  the 
authority  of  Don  Mario  de  la  Sala,  left  his  family  in 
Fuendetodos  early  in  life,  and,  settling  in  Zaragoza, 
became  a  tradesman  before  the  birth  of  his  son,  and  not 
after.  His  choice  of  a  trade  suggests  a  slight  inclination 
towards  the  arts.  His  progress  could  not  have  been 
unsuccessful,  for,  in  1749,  he  was  able  to  buy  his  own 
house. 

On  the  paternal  side  Francisco  Goya  undoubtedly  came 
from  peasant  stock.  His  mother,  Gracia  Lucientes, 
was  of  gentler  birth.§  She  too  belonged  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Fuendetodos,  which  was  probably  the  reason 
why  the  child  first  breathed  the  pure  air  of  the  country 
rather  than  the  foul  miasma  of  a  crowded  alley  in  Zara- 
goza. The  Lucientes  family  held  a  certain  position  in 
the  neighbourhood.    Francisco  Zapater  classes  them  with 

*  See  J.  Fitzmaurice  Kelly's  edition  of  Don  Quixote,  Vol.  I.,  p.  35. 

t  Conde  de  la  Vinaza :  Adiciones  al  Diccionario  hisforico  de  los 
mas  illustres  profesores  de  las  bellas  artes  en  Espana  de  Don  Juan 
Angustin  Cean  Bermudez  {1894),  article  "  Goya." 

X  Vinaza  :     Goya  (1887),  p.  15. 

§  Noticias  biogrdficas,  p.  7. 


1787 


Photo.  Calvert 


THE  SWING 
In  the  collection  0/  the  Ditque  dc  Montellano,  Madrid 


GOYA'S  BIRTH  AND  EARLY  LIFE  43 

other  clans,  the  Salvadores,  the  Grasas,  the  Aznarez, 
and  relates  that  their  arms  were  yet  to  be  seen  crumbling 
above  the  doorways  of  ancestral  dwellings.*  They  were 
of  hidalgo  rank,  and  when  Francisco  Goya  was  created  a 
royal  painter,  and  placed  upon  the  establishment  of  the 
Court  of  Spain,  he  did  not  forget  this  fact  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  his  genealogical  tree. 

The  day  after  his  birth  the  child  was  baptised  in  the 
parish  church  of  Fuendetodos.  He  received  his  Christian 
name  from  his  godmother  Francisca  Grasa,  whose  family 
name  appears  in  the  list  cited  by  Zapater.  The  entry 
of  the  baptism  still  exists, f  and  was  prepared  with  such 
careful  detail  as  to  suggest  that  the  head  of  the  Goya  y 
Lucientes  household  was  something  more  than  a  penniless 
tradesman  or  simple  farm-hand.  After  the  baptism 
comes  a  long  gap  in  the  story  of  Francisco's  youth 
which  can  only  be  filled  by  surmise.  According  to  Vifiaza 
Jos6  Goya  was  living  at  Zaragoza  in  the  Calle  de  la  Moreria 
Cerrada  from  1746  to  1760.  He  and  his  wife  sold  their 
house  in  the  latter  year,  and  removed  to  the  Calle  de 
Rufas.J  Zapater  says  that  the  boy  Francisco  did  not 
leave  his  birthplace  until  1760. §    Probability  asks  us  to 

•  Noticias  hiogrdficas,  p.  9. 

t  "  En  trienta  y  uno  de  Marzo  de  mil  settecientos  cuarenta  y  seis, 
Bautice  yo  el  infrascripto  Vic°  un  Nino  que  nacio  el  dia  antecedente 
inniediato,  hijo  legitime  de  Jph  Goya  y  de  Gracia  Lucientes  Legitim** 
casados  habitantes  en  esta  Parroquia  y  vecinos  de  Zaragoza  :  se  le 
puso  por  nombre  Francisco  Joseph  Goya  :  fue  su  Madrina  francisca 
Grasa  desta  Parroquia,  4  la  qual  adverti  el  Parentesco  espiritual  que 
abia  contraido  con  el  Bautizado  y  la  obligacion  de  ensenarle  la  doctrina 
Christiana  en  defecto  de  sus  Padres,  y  por  la  verdad  hago  y  firmo  la 
Presente  en  fuendetodos  dho  dia  mes  y  aiio  ut  supra  etc.  Licenciado 
Jph  Ximeno,  Vic°." 

X  Vinaza  :  Adiciones  al  Diccionario  histcrico. 

§  Zapater  :  Noticias  hiogrdficas,  p.  7. 


44  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

believe  that  he  was  reared  in  Zaragoza,  for  there  were 
brothers  and  sisters  in  this  domestic  circle.  Fuendetodos 
is  not  far  from  Zaragoza,  and  maybe  the  young  family 
lived  in  the  country,  whilst  the  father  worked  in  the 
town. 

Vasari's  charming  anecdote  of  Cimabue  discovering 
the  youthful  Giotto  sketching  the  flock  he  was  supposed 
to  be  tending  has  been  demolished  by  the  modern  his- 
torian. Possibly  a  like  fate  awaits  the  legends  which  sur- 
round the  early  years  of  Goya.  Contradictory  in  detail, 
they  agree  in  one  chief  fact — that  a  passing  stranger  recog- 
nised the  child's  dormant  talent  and  promptly  rescued  him 
from  impending  servitude  as  a  journeyman  gilder  or  a 
daily  husbandman.  One  story  relates  that  a  monk, 
walking  through  Fuendetodos,  found  the  boy  roughly 
outlining  on  a  white-washed  wall  the  features  of  the 
village  bhnd  man.  Mat  heron  gives  practically  the  same 
tale.*  Jose  Goya  sent  his  son  to  the  mill  with  a  sack 
of  flour.  A  priest  on  the  road  to  Zaragoza  watched 
him  drawing  a  pig  on  a  barn  wall. 

**  Who  is  your  teacher  ?  "  he  asked. 

"  I  haven't  one,  your  reverence,"  replied  the  child. 
*'  I  have  always  been  trying  to  do  it." 

"  If  you  like  to  come  with  me  to  Zaragoza,  I  will  find 
you  a  master,  and  you  will  become  a  great  artist." 

"Go  to  Zaragoza  !  Of  course,  if  my  father  will  give 
his  consent." 

This  picturesque  conversation  need  not  be  vouched  for, 

but  there  is  general  agreement  that  a  priest  did  rescue 

Goya  from  the  slavery  of  uncongenial  toil.     Don  Felix 

Salzedo,  prior  of  the  Chartreuse  of  Aula  Dei,  not  far 

*  Laurent  Matheron  :  Goya  (1858),  chap.  II. 


GOYA'S  BIRTH  AND  EARLY  LIFE  45 

from  the  gates  of  Zaragoza,  was  Goya's  earliest  admirer, 
and  lived  long  enough  to  see  the  success  of  his  protege. 
With  the  approbation  of  Jose  and  Gracia  he  brought  the 
case  to  the  notice  of  the  Count  of  Fuentes,  who  was 
seigneur  of  Fuendetodos  and  the  most  influential  noble- 
man of  the  district.  The  Count  de  la  Vifiaza  writes  that 
there  was  no  necessity  for  protection  and  financial  help 
from  the  Count  of  Fuentes,  as  Goya's  parents  were  in  a 
position  to  support  their  son.*  But  this  need  not  neces- 
sarily rule  out  the  protection  of  the  Pignatelli  family. 
Of  Neapolitan  extraction,  its  power  in  Aragon  was  almost 
kingly,  and  its  members  accepted  their  feudal  responsi- 
bilities in  a  proud  spirit.  Not  the  least  of  their  activities 
was  a  whole-hearted  support  of  the  fine  arts.  In  the 
eighteenth  century  a  man  of  wealth  encouraged  artists ; 
to-day  he  patronises  art-dealers,  and  the  result  is  not 
altogether  satisfactory.  The  art-loving  Pignatellis  fol- 
lowed the  wiser  path.f 

Don  Salzedo  carried  his  point  and  placed  Francisco 
under  the  care  of  one  of  the  most  celebrated  masters  of 
Zaragoza.  WTiether  or  no  the  boy  was  added  to  the  already 
innumerable  pensioners  of  the  Pignatelli  household  it  is 
now  impossible  to  say.    We  do  not  even  know  the  exact 

*  Vifiaza  :  Adiciones  al  Diccionario  historico. 

f  In  The  S-panish  Journal  of  Elizabeth,  Lady  Holland,  edited  by 
the  Earl  of  Ilchester,  is  a  reference  to  this  family  which  shows  that  half 
a  century  later  it  had  lost  Uttle  position.  Under  the  date  November 
12,  1802,  Lady  Holland  chronicles  a  visit  to  the  theatre  with  the  wife 
of  the  Danish  minister.  "  Afterwards  we  went  to  Conde  de  Fuentes 
.  .  .  one  of  the  most  powerful  men  in  Spain  in  point  of  wealth  and 
influence  ...  his  possessions  are  in  many  provinces,  also  countries, 
Naples,  Flanders,  France,  Germany.  He  is  the  son  of  Count  Egmont, 
and  grandson  of  the  Mardchal  de  Richelieu.  His  family  name  is 
Pignatelli.  His  revenue  hundred  thousand  pounds  a  year ;  his  expendi- 
ture double."    Goya's  Count  was  possibly  an  uncle  to  this  young  man. 


46  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

date  of  his  entry  as  a  formally  adopted  student  into  the 
world  of  art.  Francisco  Zapater,  writing  in  the  capital 
of  Aragon  almost  a  century  after  the  event,  asserts  that 
the  boy  went  to  Zaragoza  in  1760.*  Charles  Yriarte, 
upon  the  authority  of  Valentin  Carder  era,  f  says  that 
Goya  became  an  art-student  in  1758  at  the  age  of  twelve. { 
The  Count  de  la  Vinaza  reminds  us  that  Goya's  parents 
had  been  living  in  Zaragoza  since  I749,§  which  clashes 
with  the  earlier  pages  of  Zapater's  pamphlet,  despite  the 
fact  that  Martin  Zapater  and  Francisco  Goya  had  grown 
up  side  by  side  in  the  mediaeval  city. 

The  name  of  Don  Jose  Luzan  y  Martinez  has  been 
rescued  from  oblivion  by  the  fame  of  his  pupil.  Luzan 
was  about  fifty  years  of  age  when  Goya  entered  his  studio. 
Bom  in  Zaragoza  in  1710,  he  had  been  educated  as  an 
artist  at  the  cost  of  the  Pignatelli.|j  This  tends  to  support 
the  assertion  that  the  boy  was  also  cared  for  by  the  same 
noble  house,  and  was  thus  naturally  placed  under  the 
tuition  of  an  earlier  pensioner.  In  1730  Luzan  made  the 
usual  foreign  tour  of  all  Spanish  artists  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  He  travelled  through  Italy,  visiting  Florence, 
Venice,  and  Rome,  finally  resting  in  Naples,  where  he  con- 
tinued his  studies  under  MastroleolF.  Returning  to  Spain 
in  1735,  he  settled  in  Zaragoza  and  speedily  gained  a  lucra- 

*  Zapater  :    Noticias  biogrdficas,  p.  8. 
t  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  i860,  Vol.  VII.,  p.  216. 
I  Charles  Yriarte  :     Goya,  Fans,  1867,  p.  12. 
§  Vinaza  :    Adiciones  al  Diccionario  histCrico. 


1!  Ihid. 


il  Mastroleo,  who  died  in  1744,  gained  some  fame  in  his  time  as  an 
historical  painter.  He  had  formerly  worked  in  the  atelier  of  Paolo 
de  Matteis  (1662-1728),  a  pupil  of  Luca  Giordano  who  had  acquired  his 
master's  rapidity  of  execution.  Thus  Luzan  to  some  extent  inherited 
the  Giordano  tradition. 


GOYA'S  BIRTH  AND  EARLY  LIFE  47 

live  reputation  amongst  the  ecclesiastical  authorities 
of  the  northern  provinces.  In  1741  we  find  him  busily 
engaged  upon  portraits,  altar-pieces,  and  frescoes.  To 
such  a  degree  did  he  please  the  Church  that  he  was 
created  artistic  censor  to  the  Inquisition,  and  the  honour 
was  followed,  in  1744,  bj^  an  appointment  as  one  of  the 
Court  painters  to  Philip  V.  This  took  him  for  a  short 
while  to  Madrid,  but  he  speedily  returned  to  his  native 
city,  where  he  resided  until  his  death. 

Luzan  was  by  no  means  a  great  artist.  To  this  day  the 
Prado,  the  national  museum  of  Spain,  has  not  troubled 
to  add  to  its  collection  an  example  of  the  work  of  Goya's 
first  teacher.  However,  the  student  can  readily  make 
good  this  deficiency  in  his  knowledge  when  he  reaches 
Aragon.  Like  most  of  the  members  of  the  school  of 
Aragon,  Luzan  had  been  carefully  trained.  His  drawing 
was  good,  and  his  Italian  journey  had  given  him  some 
feeling  for  decoration  and  harmony  of  colour.  In  Rome 
and  Naples  he  had  copied  Luca  Giordano  and  Pietro  de 
Cortona.  Tiepolo  had  undoubtedly  influenced  his  brush. 
He  never  rose  to  any  height  of  inspiration,  and  his  gifts 
were  hardly  superior  to  those  of  hundreds  of  fellow- 
craftsmen  who  were  scattered  throughout  the  cities 
and  towns  of  Italy  and  Spain.  But  he  took  his  art 
seriously,  and  in  one  respect  his  record  was  a  very  honour- 
able one.  His  talent  as  an  instructor  was  pre-eminent. 
He  was  to  Goya,  suggests  Paul  Lafond,  what  Otto 
Vcenius  was  to  Rubens,  and  Quentin  Varin  to  Poussin.* 
The  Count  de  Vinaza  selects  an  apter  parallel  from  the 
art  histor}^  of  his  own  land,  and  describes  Luzan  as  an 
Aragonese  Pacheco.f     Francisco  Pacheco  was  cultured, 

*  Paul  Lafond :  Goya,  p.  13.     f  Vinaza :  Goya,  Madrid,  1887,  p.  17. 


48  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

but  slow  and  infinitely  painstaking.  These  characteristics 
seem  to  form  part  of  the  individuality  of  Luzan.  In  the 
art  circles  of  Seville  and  Zaragoza  the  two  men  occupied 
almost  analogous  positions.  But  Vifiaza  will  not  admit 
that  Luzan's  abilities  were  equal  to  those  of  Velazquez's 
master  and  father-in-law,  and  declares  the  Aragonese  to 
be  *'  a  very  decadent  Pacheco." 

This  judgment  is  in  several  respects  unduly  harsh,  for 
Luzan  did  most  valuable  work  as  a  teacher,  if  not  as  a 
creator.  Like  most  of  the  Spanish  artists  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  his  methods  were  scrupulously  exact ;  unHke 
them,  he  did  not  wholly  renounce  nature.  His  artistic 
principles  were  straightforward,  and  no  better  mentor 
could  be  found  for  youth.  Like  all  born  teachers,  he  loved 
teaching,  and  soon  after  his  return  from  Italy  and  settle- 
ment in  Zaragoza  he  opened  an  atelier  for  pupils.  He  had 
a  saying,  which  he  was  always  ready  to  impress  upon  his 
friends,  that  the  best  way  to  reach  perfection  in  art  was 
to  teach  it.  The  fine  spirit  of  the  man  can  be  judged  from 
the  fact  that  he  refused  to  accept  any  payment  from  his 
pupils. 

Such  a  centre  of  enthusiasm  naturally  attracted  the 
brightest  students  in  Zaragoza,  which  had  already  pos- 
sessed good  teaching  facilities  for  nearly  half  a  century. 
In  1755  Luzan  opened  a  public  academy  of  the  fine  arts 
with  a  regularly  constituted  staff.*  The  building  was 
given  by  the  Pignatelli  family,  never  backward  in  any 
movement  affecting  the  arts.  Many  of  the  Aragonese 
artists  gathered  to  support  Luzan's  venture.  Amongst 
the  professors  were  Luzan's  father-in-law,  Juan  Zabalo, 

*  Zapater  :  Apuntes  historico-hiogrdficas  de  la  Escuela  Aragonesa 
de  Piniura.    Madrid,  1863. 


GOYA'S  BIRTH  AND  EARLY  LIFE  49 

Pablo  Raviella,  and  Jose  Ramirez,  the  sculptor,  whose 
father,  Juan  Ramirez,  had  founded  an  earlier  school. 
Juan  Ramirez  held  classes  in  the  principles  of  design  and 
for  the  study  of  the  nude  model  until  his  death  in  1740. 
Jose  then  opened  an  atelier  in  his  own  house,  and  con- 
tinued his  father's  work  until  Luzan's  more  important 
scheme  probably  led  to  the  amalgamation  of  their  forces.* 

The  new  academy  did  not  depart  from  the  principles 
upon  which  Luzan  had  founded  his  original  school. 
Instruction  was  still  given  without  charge.  Pupils  came 
in  considerable  numbers.  Of  most  we  hear  no  more, 
but  a  few  deserve  their  place  in  the  archives  of  the  local 
school,  and  to  a  lesser  extent  in  the  not  too  glorious  history 
of  Spanish  eighteenth-century  art.  The  three  brothers 
Bayeu,  Jos6  Herat  on,  who  died  as  success  opened  its 
gates  to  him,  Tomas  Vallespin,  and  Antonio  Martinez 
come  under  the  second  category.  But  Francisco  Goya 
ultimately  surpassed  them  all,  to  find  his  niche  in  the 
European  Valhalla. 

Luzan's  method  of  teaching  was  old-fashioned,  but 
thorough.  The  pupil  was  first  set  to  copy  engravings  with 
the  most  painstaking  exactitude.  The  idea  is  despised 
nowadays,  but  many  famous  artists  have  commenced 
in  the  same  manner.  As  a  child,  G.  F.  Watts  copied 
engravings  in  the  way  Luzan  taught  Goya  to  copy,  and, 
judging  from  the  reproductions  in  Mrs.  Watts's  volume, 
the  English  boy  was  very  faithful  to  his  exemplars. 
When  Luzan's  pupils  had  gained  a  certain  amount  of 
facility,  together  with  a  control  over  their  tools,  the  master 
put  them  in  front  of  the  plaster  cast,  and  here  they  spent 
laborious  days  saturated  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  antique. 
♦  Zapater  :  AputUes  historico-biogrdjicas. 

£ 


50  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Finally  they  were   allowed  to  draw    from   the   living 
model. 

This  was  an  excellent  training  for  those  able  to  profit 
by  it,  and  Goya's  masterly  ease  with  the  pencil  was  the 
result  of  Luzan's  teaching.  In  the  studios  of  Zaragoza 
the  youthful  Goya  must  have  spent  some  of  the  happiest 
hours  of  his  life.  He  foimd  several  congenial  companions. 
Jose  Beraton  was  a  lad  of  his  own  age.  Francisco  Bayeu 
y  Subias,  the  eldest  of  the  three  brothers,  was  an  older 
man,  having  been  bom  in  Zaragoza  in  1734.  He  was 
soon  off  to  Rome,  and  Goya  could  have  seen  little  of  him. 
Ramon  Bayeu,  however,  like  Beraton  and  Goya,  was  bom 
in  1746.  Vallespin  was  about  the  same  age,  as  also 
Antonio  Martinez,  destined  to  become  a  goldsmith.  A 
third  Bayeu  was  studying  art  and  preparing  for  the 
priesthood  at  the  same  time.  This  fact,  coupled  with 
Luzan's  ecclesiastical  patrons  and  official  connection  with 
the  Inquisition,  suggests  that  his  workshop  may  have  had 
an  air  of  pious  if  not  prudish  restraint.  But,  if  popular 
tradition  is  to  be  beHeved,  the  tale  was  a  different  one 
when  the  students  left  the  peaceful  ateher  for  the  crowded 
streets  of  Zaragoza. 

In  his  monograph  upon  Velazquez,  the  late  R.  A.  M. 
Stevenson  draws  upon  his  youthful  recollections  to 
illustrate  one  phase  of  Spanish  life.  "  Many  old  men, 
reared  in  the  puritanical  and  hypocritical  Edinburgh  of 
the  past,  could  tell  you  the  private,  reactionary  effect 
of  that  Hfe  of  repression  and  humbug  upon  a  decent, 
genuine  man.  That  you  may  not  think  at  all,  or  act  for 
yourself,  is  to  add  the  zest  of  piracy  to  experiment  in 
life  and  originality  in  thought.  Where  public  profession 
is  manifestly  a  He,  and  pubUc  manners  a  formal  exaggera- 


GOYA'S  BIRTH  AND  EARLY  LIFE  51 

lion,  life  becomes  a  chest  with  a  false  bottom,  which  opens 
into  a  refuge  for  the  kindlier,  wiser,  and  more  ardent 
among  human  beings.  As  much  as  Spain,  the  Court,  and 
the  priest,  asked  of  man  in  those  days,  so  much  you  may 
be  sure  did  the  courageous  individual  repay  himself  in  the 
freedom  of  private  life,  and  in  the  audacity  of  private 
thought."  These  sentences  are  so  truthfully  put  that 
they  form  in  many  respects  a  master-key  to  the  discussion 
of  Goya's  character.  The  harsh  creed  of  Scottish  Calvinism 
was  not  less  onerous  to  the  bohemian  soul  than  the  strict 
rule  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Spain  to  the  lawlessly 
disposed  artist.  The  brilliant  critic  was  able  to  explain 
with  some  personal  feeling  an  atmosphere  of  repression 
which  is  foreign  to  English  life. 

It  is  easy  to  believe  that  the  young  art-student,  like 
Byron's  Childe  Harold,  chased  the  glowing  hours  with 
flying  feet.  There  was  plenty  of  amusement  in  Zaragoza. 
To  this  day,  the  old  city,  although  shorn  of  all  its  privi- 
leges, and  deteriorated  from  the  capital  of  a  kingdom 
to  the  chief  town  of  a  province,  is  far  from  dull.  When 
the  burning  sun  has  disappeared,  and  the  citizens  stroll 
out  in  the  cool  night  air,  the  streets  quickly  become 
crowded,  the  cafes  are  densely  packed,  and  the  lively 
rhythms  of  piano  and  guitar  ring  from  the  open  windows. 
Zaragoza  has  not  forgotten  the  habits  of  its  Moorish 
conquerors,  and  still  retains  many  of  the  customs  of  the 
orient.  Joy  grows  with  the  night,  and  the  city  does 
not  sink  to  rest  until  long  after  midnight. 

In  Zaragoza  Goya  became  a  clever  musician.  There 
were  also  sterner  pleasures,  and  he  appears  to  have  added 
swordsmanship  to  his  other  accomplishments.  The  city 
was  militantly  religious,  and  animated  by  the  fiercest 


52  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

sectional  rivalries.  The  partizans  of  the  two  cathedrals. 
La  Seo  and  El  Pilar,  were  so  tenacious  of  their  respective 
rights  that  the  only  solution  was  to  share  alternately 
the  predominance  for  periods  of  six  months.  Then 
each  parish  fought  for  supremacy  with  its  neighbours. 
Each  church  had  its  special  festivals,  which  could  only 
be  celebrated  by  public  procession.*  The  religiously 
inclined  trailed  their  piety,  like  an  Irish  coat,  through  the 
streets  of  the  city,  and  days  of  holy  excitement  ended  in 
sanguinary  encounters.  Tradition  says  that  Goya  was 
more  often  than  not  engaged  in  defending  the  glory  of 
his  parish.  Francisco  Zapater  contradicted  these  stories, f 
which  he  asserts  were  invented  by  the  French  biographers, 
Mather  on  and  Yriarte.  The  latter  writes  that  Goya 
captained  the  battle  on  behalf  of  the  partizans  of  the 
cathedral  church  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Pillar  :  the  opposing 
band  represented  the  parish  of  San  Luis,  and  the  fight 
took  place  by  the  Ebro  on  the  lower  side  of  the  town. 
Many  were  wounded,  and  three  bodies  were  left  on  the 
field  of  honour.  J  Francisco  Zapater  appears  to  base  his 
denial  upon  the  fact  that  the  parish  of  San  Luis  did  not 
exist  at  the  time.§  But  we  must  recognise  that  many  of 
his  statements  are  inexact,  and  undoubtedly  savage 
conflicts  did  take  place  in  Zaragoza.     In  August,  1792, 

*  These  religious  processions  were  famous.  "  In  October,  crowds 
come  to  pay  their  respects  to  the  Madonna.  Their  processions  are 
very  singular ;  the  women  appear  in  masquerade  dresses ;  the  men 
on  horseback  ;  the  children  naked."  So  writes  the  Marquis  de  Langle, 
and  I  believe  that,  though  he  wrote  from  hearsay  and  gossip,  many  of 
his  facts  are  not  far  from  the  truth. 

t  Zapater  :    Noticias  hiogrdficas,  p.  8. 

X  Yriarte  :  Goya,  p.  13. 

§  Zapater  :  Noticias  hiogrdficas,  p.  8. 


GOYA'S  BIRTH  AND  EARLY  LIFE         53 

the  fight  was  so  severe  that  seven  combatants  were 
slaughtered.* 

The  tradition  that  Goya  fled  from  his  native  city  because 
of  his  active  participation  in  these  murderous  feuds  is  too 
strong  to  be  swept  aside.  The  Holy  Office  was  moved 
to  action,  for  the  affair  had  become  a  scandal  to  the  city 
and  a  blot  upon  its  religious  life.  The  young  art-student 
was  marked  as  a  notorious  ringleader,  and  this  distinc- 
tion agrees  with  all  we  know  of  Goya's  hot  and  impulsive 
temper.  Through  his  master  Luzan,  who  was  officially 
connected  with  the  avenging  powers,  the  culprit  probably 
received  early  warning  of  his  fate.  There  was  small 
chance  of  appeal  against  so  influential  a  body.  Con  el 
Rey  y  con  la  Inquisicion,  chiton,  says  the  Spanish  proverb. 
"  With  regard  to  the  King  and  the  Inquisition  be  silent." 
Goya  slipped  through  the  hands  of  the  familiars,  and 
reached  Madrid. 

He  had  lived  six  years  in  the  capital  of  Aragon,  if  we  may 
believe  Zapater's  testimony,  f  Perhaps  six  years  of  active 
studentship  would  be  a  more  correct  description,  if 
Vinaza's  researches  are  accepted  as  exact.  Zapater  cites 
the  recollections  of  three  old  inhabitants  of  Zaragoza, 
Cenon  Grasa  and  his  wife  Vicenta,  and  Thomas  Goya's 
niece,  to  support  his  contention  that  Goya  left  Zaragoza 
in  the  normal  course  of  his  studies.  J  These  reminiscences 
are  so  colourless  that  they  mean  very  little.  Mas  mal  hay 
en  el  Aldeguela  del  que  se  suena,  is  one  of  the  proverbs  of 
Spain  which  applies  to  the  discussion.  "  There's  more  mis- 
chief in  the  village  than  comes  to  one's  ears."    Matheron 

♦  Yriarte  :  Goya,  p.  13. 

t  Zapater  :  Noticias  hiogrdficas,  p.  11. 

X  Zapater  :  Noticias  hiogrdficas,  p.  10. 


54  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

records  that  Jos6  Goya  gave  the  boy  twenty  pounds,  with 
the  words,  "  My  son,  if  you  are  wise  this  money  will 
take  you  to  Madrid  and  Rome."  *  The  Count  de  Vifiaza 
also  suggests  that  the  parents  sold  some  of  their  property 
to  aid  their  son's  career. f 

From  a  sad-faced  childj  he  had  developed  into  a  bold- 
tempered  and  strongly  built  youth,  who  looked  the  world 
in  the  face  without  fear,  and  possessed  an  undeniable 
gift  of  personal  attraction.  He  was  nineteen  years  of  age, 
had  made  many  friends  (notably  Martin  Zapater),  and 
his  removal  to  the  capital  could  not  have  been  long  de- 
layed in  any  case.  Of  his  professional  attainments  we 
know  nothing,  and  this  suggests  that  he  had  gained 
little  reputation  amongst  his  companions.  In  1808, 
during  one  of  his  periodical  visits  to  Zaragoza,  an  obliging 
friend  brought  out  one  of  his  earliest  efforts,  an  altar- 
piece  dealing  with  the  miracle  of  the  Virgin  of  the  Pillar. 
The  artist  looked  at  it  with  no  kindly  eyes. 

"  Don't  tell  anyone  that  I  did  that,"  was  his  disgusted 
comment.§ 

*  Matheron  :  Goya,  chap.  III. 
•f  Vifiaza  :  Adiciones  al  Diccionario  historico. 
X  Zapater  :    Noticias  biogrdficas,  p.  10. 
§  Zapater  :    Noticias  biogrdficas,  p.  11. 


CHAPTER   IV 

GOYA'S   first  visit  to   MADRID,    I765-I769 

Little  exact  Information.  Description  of  Madrid  by  Contemporary 
Travellers.  Spanish  Inns.  The  Insurrection  of  1766.  Active  Foreign 
Element.  The  Aristocracy  in  Madrid.  Goya  and  Francisco  Bayeu. 
Rafael  Mengs.  The  Art  Theories  of  Winckelmann.  Goya  studies  the  Old 
Masters.  Mengs  and  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds.  His  Appreciation  of  Velaz- 
quez. Goya  devoted  to  Pleasure.  He  is  foimd  dangerously  wounded. 
His  Friends  smuggle  him  out  of  the  City.  He  is  said  to  have  joined 
the  Bull-fighters.    Goes  to  Rome. 

GOYA'S  first  residence  in  Madrid  lasted  some  three 
or  four  years.  So  little  is  known  about  his 
doings  that  we  cannot  state  whether  or  no  he 
remained  in  the  capital  the  whole  time.  His  genius  was  of 
slow  growth,  and  he  did  not  reveal  any  sign  of  future  cele- 
brity. None  of  his  work  is  to  be  dated  so  early,  and  to 
some  extent  it  may  be  surmised  that  he  was  an  idle  appren- 
tice. We  can  only  attempt  to  recreate  the  atmosphere  in 
which  his  art  and  individuality  were  gradually  evolved. 

To  this  day  Madrid  appears  remote  from  the  rest  of 
the  world.  It  is  not  on  the  travellers'  high  road  from  one 
country  to  another.  It  does  not  offer  the  social  delights  of 
Paris,  or  the  historical  attractions  which  make  the  cities 
of  Italy  so  fascinating  to  the  tourist.  Indeed,  the  lover 
of  antiquity  will  deem  it  the  last  city  of  Spain  to  visit 
rather  than  the  first.  Arbitrarily  selected  by  Charles  V. 
as  a  seat  of  government  because  the  air  suited  his  gouty 


56  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

disposition,  it  has  never  become  pre-eminently  the  business 
centre  of  the  nation,  and  its  supremacy  has  been  chal- 
lenged more  than  once  by  towns  of  greater  commercial 
importance  and  richer  historical  tradition.  Unhealthy, 
and  difficult  of  access,  Madrid  has  retained  its  position  as 
the  chief  city  of  Spain  because  it  has  continued  to  be  the 
most  important  home  of  the  monarch,  and  the  centre  of 
administrative  power.  Of  natural  advantages  it  pos- 
sesses few.  Even  the  river  upon  which  it  stands  requires 
a  careful  voyage  of  discovery.*  Until  recent  years,  with 
the  exception  of  the  palace,  the  pubHc  buildings  did  not 
rise  above  provincial  mediocrity.  It  is  easy  to  agree 
with  Stirling-Maxwell  that  "  the  royal  residence  at  Madrid 
is  perhaps  the  finest  existing  example  of  a  Bourbon 
palace  .  .  .  Rising  proudly,  in  a  grand  white  mass,  from 
its  airy  terraces,  the  new  palace  is  the  chief  object  which 
arrests  the  eye  on  approaching  Madrid,  and  invests  it 
with  somewhat  of  the  dignity  of  a  metropolitan  city." 
But  it  is  by  no  means  distinctively  Spanish.  "  In  the 
sentiment  which  it  awakens,  and  in  the  style  of  its  decora- 
tions, both  without  and  within,  it  belongs  to  that  Italian 
architecture,  embellished  according  to  the  florid  taste 
of  France,  which  arose  at  Versailles,  and  overspread 
Europe  in  the  last  century."  Sachetti's  huge  pile  was 
ever  before  the  eyes  of  the  young  Goya.  Upon  every  side 
the  arts  were  under  the  bonds  of  foreign  influence. 
Native  artists  forgot  the  glories  of  Spanish  art  during  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  were  only  happy  when  imitating 

*  The  Manzanares  may  be  in  flood  sometimes.  All  the  writer  saw 
was  the  merest  trickle.  The  size  of  this  stream  has  always  been  a 
joke.  The  inhabitants  of  Madrid  were  nicknamed  the  Ballenatos,  or 
whalemen,  from  the  story  that  they  mistook  a  mule's  saddle  floating 
along  their  river,  when  in  flood,  for  a  whale. 


A    BMND    MAN'    SINGING 
After  the  etching  in  the  British  Museum 


GOYA'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  MADRID  57 

the  lesser  masters  of  the  Watteau  school,  or  the  sprawhng 
monsters  of  the  decadence  in  Italy.  Goya  was  the  first 
to  set  aside  these  weaknesses,  and,  although  he  failed 
to  establish  a  new  school,  he  remains  the  one  distinctively 
national  painter  of  his  age.  To  appreciate  his  work  we 
must  know  a  little  about  the  world  which  surrounded 
him. 

The  truest  impressions  of  Madrid  in  the  late  eighteenth 
century  can  be  obtained  from  the  memoirs  of  the  few 
English  and  French  travellers  who  crossed  the  Pyrenees, 
either  as  diplomatic  representatives,  or,  more  rarely 
still,  searchers  after  the  strange.  When  the  first  Lord 
Malmesbury  (then  James  Harris,  a  commoner)  journeyed 
south  to  join  the  British  embassy  in  1768,  he  made  every 
effort  to  reach  Madrid  without  delay.  But  although  he 
rested  only  twenty-four  hours  at  Bordeaux,  and  hardly 
so  long  at  Bayonne,  the  voyage  from  Paris  to  Madrid 
occupied  exactly  twenty-six  days.  Such  painful  travelling 
did  not  invite  visitors.  The  roads  were  bad,  often  mere 
bridle  tracks  which  could  only  be  safely  traversed  by  the 
sure  feet  of  mules.  "  Except  at  the  Carolina  in  the  Sierra 
Morena,  and  for  a  few  leagues  about  Madrid,  I  have  never 
seen  any  made  roads,"  writes  one  traveller.  The  accom- 
modation of  the  inns  was  atrocious,  and  became  a  by- 
word throughout  Europe.  Major  Dalrymple  gives  a 
vivid  impression  of  a  country  posada.  "  Our  apartment, 
which  had  a  flagged  floor,  was  furnished  with  two  broken 
chairs,  a  small  table,  and  a  picture  of  our  Saviour  on  the 
Cross.  There  was  a  square  hole  cut  out  of  the  wall,  that 
served  to  let  in  the  light  and  air  ;  there  were  two  pieces  of 
old  deal  put  together,  and  intended  for  a  shutter,  but 
did  not  cover  half  the  space.    This  sumptuous  lodging. 


58  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

together  with  the  use  of  a  few  kitchen  utensils,  and  straw 
for  the  cattle,  were  all  the  comforts  we  had  to  expect  in 
the  posada.  We  had  brought  a  ham  along  with  us,  and 
the  village  afforded  a  few  eggs,  a  light  white  wine,  with 
barley  for  our  cattle."  *  The  major  was  lucky  to  have 
his  ham,  and  his  travels  contain  some  weird  descriptions 
of  the  old  Spanish  cuisine.  As  Sancho  Panza  explained 
to  Doctor  Pedro  Recio  Aguero  of  Tirteafuera,  "  I  am 
accustomed  to  goat,  cow,  bacon,  hung  beef,  turnips,  and 
onions.  Serve  me  with  oUa  podrida,  and  the  rottener  it 
is  the  better  it  smells.  And  let  the  cook  put  into  it 
whatever  he  Ukes,  so  long  as  it  is  good  to  eat."  Major 
Dalrymple  complains  that  his  salads  were  made  with 
lamp  oil.  He  was  fortunate  to  find  a  salad.  When  Don 
Quixote  and  Sancho  Panza  were  travelling  to  Zaragoza 
they  rested  at  an  inn,  and  Sancho  commanded  supper. 
*'  What  have  you  ?  "  asked  he. 

"  Your  mouth  is  the  measure,"  repHed  the  landlord. 
"  Ask  what  you  will.  The  inn  is  provided  with  the  birds 
of  the  air,  and  the  fowls  of  the  earth,  and  the  fish  of  the 
sea." 

"  A  couple  of  chickens  ?  "  suggested  Sancho. 

The  landlord  was  sorry.  The  hawks  had  stolen  all  the 
chickens. 

"  Roast  a  pullet  ?  " 

"  Pullet !  I  sent  more  than  fifty  to  the  city  yesterday. 
But  saving  pullets,  ask  what  you  will." 

"  Have  you  any  veal  or  goat  ?  " 

"  At  the  moment  it's  all  finished.  But  next  week  there 
will  be  enough  and  to  spare." 

*  Travels  through  Spain  and  Portugal  in  1774,  by  Major  William 
Dalrymple.    London,  1777,  p.  94. 


GOYA'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  MADRID  59 

**  Bacon  and  eggs  ?  "  cried  Sancho. 

"  You  must  be  precious  dull.  If  I  have  neither  pullets 
nor  hens  how  can  I  give  you  eggs  ?  Talk  of  other  dainties 
if  you  please,  but  don't  ask  for  hens  again." 

"  Body  o'  me,  let's  settle  the  matter.  Say  at  once 
what  you  have  got,  and  let  us  have  no  more  words  about 
it." 

"  In  truth  and  earnest,  senor  guest,  all  I  have  is  a  couple 
of  cow-heels  like  calves'  feet,  or  a  couple  of  calves'  feet 
like  cow-heels.  They  are  boiled  with  chick-peas,  onion, 
and  bacon,  and  at  this  moment  they  are  crying,  *  Come  eat 
me,  come  eat  me  ! '  " 

Sancho  marked  them  for  his  own.  "  I  don't  care  a  pin 
whether  they  are  feet  or  heels."  The  landlord  explained 
that  persons  of  quality  brought  their  own  cook  and  larder, 
not  surprising  news.  Away  from  the  towns  the  Spain  of 
Cervantes  was  little  different  from  the  Spain  of  Goya,  and 
this  miniature  of  a  Spanish  inn  helps  us  to  realise  the 
daily  adventures  of  the  artist.  For  Goya  mixed  with 
every  condition  of  man,  and  had  a  decided  partiality  for 
company  which  may  be  "  low  "  but  is  always  curiously 
fascinating. 

The  first  view  of  Madrid  in  the  days  of  Charles  III. 
and  his  successor  was  far  from  inspiriting.  Major  William 
Dalrymple,  who  toured  through  Spain  from  Gibraltar 
in  1774,  speaks  of  the  capital  as  "  surrounded  with  a 
kind  of  mud  wall,  with  gates  at  different  avenues  ;  it  is 
enclosed,  with  a  view  to  prevent  the  introduction  of  the 
various  articles  of  subsistence,  etc.,  without  paying  the 
impost."  Madrid,  with  its  "  kind  of  mud  wall,"  compared 
unfavourably  with  the  glories  of  Seville,  the  unbroken  and 
frowning  bastions  of  Avila,  which  father  all  the  legends 


6o  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

of  Old  Castile,  or  the  fortified  heights  of  Toledo,  that  town 
of  fantasy.  Yet  the  comparison  seems  to  place  Madrid 
in  its  typical  position  amongst  the  cities  of  Spain.  The 
capital  was  as  devoid  of  character  as  the  Bourbon  kings 
who  ruled  over  it.  If  any  suggestion  was  made  for  im- 
provement, the  answer  came  pat :  "  Quiere  V.  M.  com- 
poner  el  mundo  ?  "     "  Do  you  wish  to  reform  the  world  ?  " 

Major  Dalrymple  gives  some  valuable  descriptions  of 
Madrid  at  this  period  of  Goya's  life  in  the  capital.  "  The 
houses  here  are  chiefly  brick.  Those  of  the  nobility  are 
plastered  and  painted  on  the  outside.  The  vestiges  of 
jealousy  are  still  to  be  seen ;  rejas,  or  large  iron  grates, 
are  placed  at  every  window.  Some  of  the  houses  are 
very  lofty,  five,  six,  or  seven  stories,  particularly  in  the 
plaza  major,  which  is  a  large  square,  where  the  royal  bull- 
fights are  held.  The  middling  people  live  on  separate 
floors,  as  at  Edinburgh,  which  renders  the  one  common 
entrance  to  many  families  very  dirty  and  disagreeable. 
The  portals  are  the  receptacles  for  every  kind  of  filth." 
The  inhabitants  had  retained  many  Moorish  habits, 
neither  picturesque  nor  sanitary.  In  dress  they  had 
partially  followed  French  fashions,  although  in  the  country 
the  old  habits  continued.  The  women  wore  mantillas, 
but  since  an  insurrection  which  took  place  in  1766  no 
man  was  allowed  to  wear  a  flapped  hat.* 

Did  Goya  take  part  in  this  mimic  revolution  ?  If  he 
was  living  in  Madrid  at  the  time  we  may  be  sure  that  his 
ardent  soul  pushed  him  to  the  front  of  the  battle.  The 
cause  of  the  dispute  was  quite  parochial,  and  ostensibly 

*  They  were  supposed  to  favour  crime  and  assassination.  For  the 
full  history  of  the  rising  see  Coxe's  Memoirs  of  the  Kings  of  Spain,  Vol. 
IV.,  chap.  64. 


GOYA'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  MADRID  6i 

concerned  the  paving  and  lighting  of  the  streets,  and  the 
decree  forbidding  flapped  hats  and  long  coats.  The 
palace  was  besieged  with  all  the  etiquette  of  war.  "  At 
the  time  of  that  commotion  the  mob  regularly  took  their 
siesta,  and  then  returned  to  their  different  places  of 
rendezvous.  Government  was  so  sleepy  that  it  also  did 
the  same,  so  that  there  seemed  to  be  a  convention  between 
administration  and  the  people  for  a  few  hours  every  day.  " 

This  rising  provoked  considerable  comment,  and  Lord 
Malmesbury  also  refers  to  it.  But  it  is  difficult  to  take 
seriously  a  revolution  in  which  both  sides,  with  dignified 
courtesy,  forbear  to  irritate  their  enemies  during  the  heat 
of  the  day.* 

Dalrymple  noted,  and  the  fact  is  valuable  in  any  sur- 
vey of  Spanish  art  at  this  period,  that  the  chief  activity 
of  the  city  was  confined  to  the  foreign  element.  "This 
town  swarms  with  French  and  Italian  manufacturers  and 
shopkeepers.  If  one  hears  of  an  artist,  one  is  sure  to  find 
him  a  foreigner,  for  the  arts  have  made  but  little  progress 
amongst  the  natives."  Indeed  the  Madrilenos  were 
rather  an  idle  race.  "  The  part  of  their  character  we  are 
most  deceived  in  is  of  their  being  serious,"  wrote  the 
ambassador,  Malmesbury.  "  I  never  met  a  nation  more 
fond  of  amusements,  and  which  pursues  them  with  more 
avidity.  The  people  are  gay  beyond  conception."  The 
town  supported  a  bull-ring  and  two  theatres.  During 
the  carnival  the  masquerades  were  crowded.  Charles 
III.,  an  essentially  pious  man,  set  his  face  against  bull- 
fighting   and    public    dancing,    but    both    amusements 

*  Turenne  once  took  advantage  of  this  national  characteristic,  and, 
by  moving  his  troops  during  the  siesta  of  his  Spanish  adversaries,  won 
a  battle.    But  it  was  hardly  a  sportsmanlike  action. 


62  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

flourished.  During  Lent  the  whole  aspect  of  the  city 
changed,  for  forty  days  the  playhouses  were  shut,  and 
the  only  recreations  officially  recognised  were  puppet- 
shows,  acrobats,  and  rope-dancers.  Lord  Malmesbury, 
writing  in  1768,  tells  us  what  the  streets  were  like  when 
Goya  walked  abroad.  "  During  Holy  Week,  those  of  the 
Court  and  of  the  better  sort  dress  themselves  in  black 
velvet,  with  flame-coloured  waistcoats,  and  sleeves 
trimmed  with  gold.  The  ladies  also  are  clothed  in  the 
same  manner.  The  bourgeoisie,  supposed  to  be  occupied 
in  acts  of  devotion,  leave  their  shops  and  work,  and  pass 
the  whole  week  in  the  streets. 

"  From  Friday  to  Sunday  no  coaches  are  allowed  to  be 
used  ;  the  grandee-men  go  on  horseback,  and  the  grandee- 
women  in  sedan  chairs.  The  parade  both  of  the  one  and 
the  other  does  not  carry  with  it  an  air  of  humiliation. 
They  are  generally  attended,  the  one  by  led  horses, 
ecuyers,  grooms,  etc.,  the  other,  by  numberless  pages  and 
footmen."  *  Major  Dalrymple  adds  some  curious  details. 
"  Not  a  woman  gets  into  a  coach  to  go  a  hundred  yards, 
nor  a  postiUion  on  his  horse,  without  crossing  themselves  ; 
even  the  tops  of  tavern  bills,  and  the  directions  of  letters, 
are  marked  with  crosses.  There  are  eternal  processions 
in  the  streets,  which  the  people  are  very  fond  of,  and  the 
clergy  take  care  to  encourage."  These  years  marked  the 
close  of  the  old  mediaeval  life  which  surrounded  the  boy- 
hood of  Goya.  The  Irish  traveller  saw  signs  of  change. 
"  Though  the  clergy  must  have  considerable  power  in  this, 
as  well  as  every  other  country,  yet  it  has  been  much 
reduced  of  late  years."  Charles  III.,  essentially  a  respecter 
of  the  Church  and  a  good  Christian,  realised  the  necessity 
*  Diaries  and  Correspondence  of  the  1st  Earl  of  Malmesbury. 


Pholo.  Lacostc 


A  CARNIVAL  SCENE 
The  burial  of  the  Sardine.    Prado,  Madrid 


GOYA'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  MADRID  63 

for  change  and  was  steadily  endeavouring  to  recapture 
for  the  State  much  of  the  temporal  power  which  had  been 
usurped  by  the  Church.  At  this  period  it  was  computed 
that  Spain  contained  about  54,000  friars,  34,000  nuns, 
and  20,000  secular  clergy.  The  whole  population  of  the 
kingdom  was  not  much  more  than  10,000,000.* 

The  Academy  of  San  Fernando  had  been  founded  in 
June,  1752,  and  Goya  may  have  worked  with  its  pupils. 
But  there  is  no  documentary  evidence  of  his  enrolment, 
and,  when  he  settled  in  Rome,  he  was  not  counted  amongst 
the  pupils  who  received  a  subvention  from  the  State. 
Probably  he  assisted  Francisco  Bayeu  y  Subias,  who, 
after  leaving  Zaragoza,  had  worked  in  Rome,  and  then 
returned  to  Madrid,  where  he  was  soon  attached  in  an 
official  capacity  to  the  Court.  Francisco  Bayeu  was 
considerably  older  than  Goya,  and  already  a  man  of  some 
importance  in  the  artistic  life  of  the  city.  To  him  Goya 
probably  owed  his  introduction  to  Rafael  Mengs,  who 
ruled  the  art  world  of  Madrid  as  Pompeo  Battoni  con- 
trolled the  same  circles  of  Rome. 

Fame  has  dealt  harshly  with  this  son  of  Bohemia,  who 
was  educated  in  Dresden.  Anton  Rafael  Mengs  was  a 
man  of  an  extreme  talent  which  nearly  approached  genius. 
In  1 741,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  went  to  Rome,  and, 
like  many  another  painter,  his  art  suffered.  He  became 
the  slave  of  theories  rather  than  the  student  of  nature. 
To  adopt  Richard  Muther's  tellmg  phrase,  he  was 
"  poisoned "  by  Winckelmann,  that  pedant  who  had 
laid  down  as  indisputable  dogma  the  statement :  "  The 
sole  means  for  us  to  become — ay,  if  possible,  inimitably 
great — is  the  imitation  of  the  ancients."  This  had  been 
*  The  census  of  1787  returned  a  population  of  10,268,150. 


64  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

published  by  Winckelmann  in  his  Thoughts  upon  the 
Imitation  of  Greek  Works,  issued  about  1755.  In  his  History 
of  Ancient  Art  (1764)  he  compared  the  tendencies  of  the 
art  around  him  to  the  masterpieces  of  Athens  and  Rome. 
"  If  Holbein  had  studied,  and  been  able  to  imitate  the 
works  of  the  ancients,  he  might  even  have  become  as  great 
as  Raphael,  Correggio,  and  Titian ;  yes,  he  might  have 
surpassed  them."  The  Dutch  were  ignoble,  and  "  aped 
mean  nature."  Rembrandt  he  detested  ;  Watteau  was 
an  ugly  "  realist."  Gerard  de  Lairesse  was  one  of  the 
greatest  painters  of  all  time,  that  Gerard  of  Liege  who — 

showed  our  sky 
Traversed  by  flying  shapes,  earth  stocked  with  brood 
Of  monsters, — centaurs  bestial,  sat5TS  lewd, — 
Not  without  much  Olympian  glory,  shapes 
Of  god  and  goddess  in  their  gay  escapes 
From  the  severe  serene :  or  haply  placed 
The  antique  ways,  god-counselled,  nymph-embraced.* 

And  Winckelmann  delighted  in  the  archaeological  detail 
of  the  pictures  by  this  "  Olympian  glory."  In  describing 
one,  he  writes  :  "  The  face  of  Seleucus  is  taken  from 
profiles  of  the  best  heads  on  the  medals,  the  vases  are 
devised  after  the  best  works  of  antiquity,  the  trestle 
before  the  bed  he  makes,  like  Homer,  of  ivory,  the  back- 
ground represents  a  splendid  Greek  temple,  the  sphynxes 
on  the  bed  are  an  allegory  of  medical  research."  And,  as 
Richard  Muther  points  out,  Winckelmann  had  a  crowd 
of  disciples,  who  believed  with  their  master  that  the  Greek 
statues  were  the  ideal  study  for  the  painter.  "  In  Greek 
sculpture  the  painter  can  attain  to  the  most  sublime  con- 
ception of  beauty,  and  learn  what  he  must  lend  to  nature 

*  Robert  Browning  :  Parleyings  with  certain  people  of  importance  in 
their  day.    "  With  Gerard  de  Lairesse." 


GOYA'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  MADRID  65 

in  order  to  give  dignity  and  propriety  to  his  imitation," 
wrote  Solomon  Gesner  in  1759.  And  in  1762,  Hagedom, 
who  also  came  from  Dresden,  deplored  in  his  Treatise  on 
Painting  that  "  Terburg  and  Metsu  never  showed  us  fair 
Andromache  amongst  her  industrious  women,  instead  of 
Dutch  sempstresses." 

Mengs,  although  eleven  years  younger  than  Winckel- 
mann,  had  been  in  the  closest  friendship  with  that  archaeo- 
logist and  historian,  and  his  remarkable  technical  powers 
allowed  him  to  carry  out  his  mentor's  theories  in  practice. 
His  skill  over  his  material  was  probably  equal  to  that  of 
any  of  his  contemporaries — and  he  lived  during  the  age 
of  Reynolds  and  Gainsborough  in  England,  of  Boucher 
and  Fragonard  in  France.  Few  bo3^s  of  sixteen  have 
ever  rivalled  his  extraordinary  facility.  Before  he  came 
under  the  sway  of  Winckelmann  and  the  Greek  revival 
his  personal  sympathies  must  have  tended  towards  the 
Baroque,  a  style  which  raged  through  early  eighteenth- 
century  Germany  like  a  pestilence.  Mengs  spent  the 
best  years  of  his  life  in  Rome,  and  during  a  journey  to 
Naples  was  presented  to  the  reigning  monarch  of  that 
house,  who  afterwards  ascended  the  throne  of  Spain  as 
Charles  III.  An  invitation  to  Madrid  quickly  followed 
his  patron's  accession,  and  Mengs  became  a  pontiff 
from  whose  decrees  there  was  no  appeal. 

The  young  Goya  spent  much  of  his  leisure  amongst 
the  royal  pictures.  To-day  the  masterpieces  collected 
by  Philip  II.  and  his  successors  have  been  brought  to- 
gether under  one  roof  in  the  Prado.  A  century  and  a  half 
ago  they  were  scattered  throughout  the  palaces,  the 
Escorial,  Aranjuez,  the  Casa  del  Campo.  Through  the 
Court  influence  of  Bayeu,  Goya  was  undoubtedly  free  to 

F 


66  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

examine  them.  In  no  city  in  Europe  could  he  have 
found  such  a  collection  of  chefs-d'oeuvre,  and  in  the 
twentieth  century  the  Prado  is  certainly  still  one  of  the 
most  fascinating  museums  on  the  continent.  The  palaces 
were  crowded  with  examples  of  the  Flemish  and  Dutch 
schools,  and  assuredly  some  of  the  masters  appealed  to 
Goya's  taste.  "  Hell "  Brueghel  attracted  him  in  subject 
rather  than  in  style.  David  Teniers  had  a  potent  influence 
upon  the  mind  of  a  youth  who  was  to  conceive  so  many 
scenes  of  sorcery  and  devil-worship.  Jeronimo  Bosch's 
fantastic  inventions  were  not  forgotten  when  the  caprices 
came  to  be  etched  upon  the  copper.  The  portraits  of 
the  German  and  Flemish  schools  were  clearly  studied 
with  much  attention.  The  influence  of  the  two  magnifi- 
cent Diirers  is  less  apparent  in  the  portrait  work  of  Goya 
than  that  of  the  marvellous  Old  man  by  Holbein. 
The  Italian  schools  were  supremely  represented.  Ra- 
phael's Pearl,  the  Holy  Family  which  passed  from  the 
collection  of  Charles  I.  of  England  to  the  Monastery  of 
the  Escorial,  was  less  appealing  than  the  portraits  of 
Andrea  Navagero  and  the  Cardinal  Alidorio.  Religious 
art  never  appealed  strongly  to  Goya.  Then  were  to  be 
seen  the  magnificent  succession  of  Tintorettos  which  had 
escaped  the  fire  in  the  Alcazar  in  1734.  There  are  thirty- 
four  examples  of  Tintoretto  now  in  the  Prado,  and  most  of 
them  were  then  housed  in  Madrid.  The  Titians,  brought 
together  by  the  three  Philips,  included  the  equestrian 
Charles  V.,  the  Bacchanal,  which  sums  up  the  whole 
spirit  of  Italy,  and  the  glorious  Offering  to  the  Goddess  of 
Love,  The  works  of  Veronese  covered  the  walls  of  all 
the  royal  palaces.  Indeed,  out  of  Venice,  the  Venetian 
school    could — and  can — be    best    studied  in    Madrid. 


GOYA'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  MADRID  67 

The  last  of  the  great  Venetians,  Gian  Battista  Tiepolo, 
was  actually  at  work  in  the  royal  palace  from  1762  to 
1770,  and  some  of  his  most  brilliant  decorations  adorn 
Sachetti's  building.  The  influence  of  Tiepolo  upon 
Goya  may  be  more  fitly  discussed  when  we  come  to  the 
frescoes  of  San  Antonio  de  Florida.  Lastly,  amongst 
the  treasures  of  the  palaces,  were  the  canvases  of  the 
Spanish  school.  That  Goya  was  a  humble  pupil  of 
Velazquez  is  evident  in  all  his  work.  Charles  Yriarte 
says  that  at  this  moment  of  his  career  he  copied  the 
Menippus  and  the  Socrates,  and  that  his  copies  were 
decidedly  bad.*  Probably  he  studied  Velazquez  more 
searchingly  upon  his  return  from  Rome,  when  he  com- 
menced to  etch  the  subjects. 

Meanwhile  every  young  artist  who  wished  to  succeed 
had  to  cultivate  the  goodwill  of  Rafael  Mengs.  The 
Bohemian  was  not  a  man  to  suffer  argument  or  contra- 
diction. Sir  Joshua  Reynolds  refers  to  him  in  the  sixth 
Academy  discourse,  delivered  December  10,  1774.  "  I 
remember,  several  years  ago,  to  have  conversed  at  Rome 
with  an  artist  of  great  fame  throughout  Europe  ;  he  was 
not  without  a  considerable  degree  of  abilities,  but  those 
abilities  were  by  no  means  equal  to  his  own  opinion  of 
them.  From  the  reputation  he  had  acquired,  he  too 
fondly  concluded  that  he  stood  in  the  same  rank  when 
compared  with  his  predecessors,  as  he  held  with  regard 
to  his  miserable  contemporary  rivals.  In  conversation 
about  some  particulars  of  the  works  of  Raffaelle,  he 
seemed  to  have,  or  to  affect  to  have,  a  very  obscure 
memory  of  them.  He  told  me  that  he  had  not  set  his 
foot  in  the  Vatican  for  fifteen  years  together ;  that  he 
*  Yriarte :  Goya,  p.  14. 


68  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

had  been  in  treaty  to  copy  a  capital  picture  of  Raffaelle, 
but  that  the  business  had  gone  off ;  however,  if  the  agree- 
ment had  held,  his  copy  would  have  greatly  exceeded 
the  original."  And  Sir  Joshua  did  not  hide  his  own 
opinion  of  Mengs  (for  this  paragraph  can  only  apply  to 
him)  :  "  the  merit  of  this  artist,  however  great  we  may 
suppose  it,  I  am  sure  would  have  been  far  greater,  and 
his  presumption  would  have  been  far  less,  if  he  had 
visited  the  Vatican,  as  in  reason  he  ought  to  have  done, 
at  least  once  every  month  of  his  life." 

Sir  Joshua  advocated  a  careful  study  of  nature  in 
conjunction  with  the  works  of  the  great  masters.*     But 

*  Whether  or  no  Sir  Joshua  practised  his  own  doctrine  is  another 
matter.  Mr.  William  Rothenstein  in  his  little  volume  on  Goya,  pub- 
Hshed  in  1900,  refers  to  Reynolds'  study  of  nature,  and  the  passage  is  too 
interesting  to  omit.  "  A  general  tendency  amongst  English  painters 
has  been,  I  think,  with  few  notable  exceptions,  to  seek  inspiration  from 
pictures  rather  than  from  Nature.  The  influence  Hogarth  might  have 
exercised  was  quickly  overridden  by  that  of  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds, 
whose  erudition  and  passion  for  pictures,  and  genuine  dishke  of  all 
he  did  not  consider  to  be  sufficiently  sublime  in  life,  whose  high  stan- 
dard of  excellence,  and  distinguished  personality,  earned  for  him  a 
position  no  artist  had  hitherto  held  in  England.  The  veriest  hint 
from  Nature  sufficed  him  for  his  pictures,  and  if  he  was  a  little  too 
familiar  with  beauty,  it  was  at  least  this  lack  of  himiility  which 
enabled  him  to  hand  down  to  posterity  a  host  of  beautiful  women  and 
distinguished  gentlemen,  with  ghmpses  of  poetic  scenery  behind 
them."  In  the  thirteenth  edition  of  the  Catalogue  of  the  Wallace  Collec- 
tion (1913) — the  most  readable  and  engrossing  catalogue  of  any  public 
gallery  in  Europe — there  is  a  curious  note  about  a  portrait  of  Don 
Baltasar  Carlos,  after  Velazquez,  which  came  from  the  Reynolds  col- 
lection. Quoting  Rej'nolds'  pupil,  Northcote  (p.  iSq  of  his  Life),  we 
are  told :  "  It  was  a  particular  pleasure  to  Sir  Joshua  when  he  got 
into  his  hands  any  damaged  pictures  by  some  eminent  old  master  ; 
and  he  has  very  frequently  worked  upon  them  with  great  advantage^ 
and  has  often  made  them,  both  in  effect  and  colour,  vastly  superior 
to  what  they  had  ever  been  in  their  original  state.  For  instance, 
with  respect  to  one  picture  by  Velazquez,  a  full-length  portrait  of 
Philip  IV.   of  Spain   when  a   boy  [an  obvious  mistake  for  Prince 


GOYA'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  MADRID  69 

he  did  not  forget  to  add  that  even  the  masters  were  to  be 
studied  with  suspicion,  for  great  men  were  sometimes 
exempt  from  great  thoughts.  Goya  knew  httle  of 
Reynolds  or  his  work  ;  and  the  Discourses  hardly  pene- 
trated to  Madrid.  Mengs's  writings,  on  the  contrary, 
were  translated  into  most  European  languages,  and  as 
the  young  Aragonese  was  able  to  listen  to  Mengs's  conver- 
sation we  know  exactly  what  he  heard.  Art  was  divided 
methodically  into  sections,  and  labelled  as  the  sublime, 
the  beautiful,  the  graceful,  the  expressive,  the  natural, 
the  vitiated,  and  the  easy.  Examples  of  the  sublime 
were  to  be  found  in  the  Apollo  Belvidere,  the  paintings 
of  Raphael  and  Michel  Angelo,  Annibale  Carraci,  and 
Dominici  Zampieri ;  the  beautiful  was  to  be  found  in 
Raphael,  Annibale,  Albani,  and  Guido  ;  the  graceful  in- 
cluded Correggio  and  Parmegiano,  with  a  passing  reference 
to  the  "  inelegancy  "  of  Raphael,  who  was,  however,  cited 

Baltasar  Carlos],  I  well  remember,  when  I  entered  his  painting  room 
one  day,  and  saw  this  picture,  he  said  to  me :  '  See,  there  is  a  fine 
picture  by  ^'elazquez.'  I  looked  at  it  and  greatly  admired  it,  and  with 
much  simplicity  said  :  '  Indeed  it  is  very  fine ;  and  how  exactly  it  is  in 
your  own  manner.  Sir  Joshua  !  '  Yet  it  never  entered  into  my  mind 
that  he  had  touched  upon  it,  which  was  really  the  fact,  and  particularly 
on  the  face."  The  writer  of  the  catalogue  adds  that  an  examination 
of  the  picture  (No.  4,  in  Gallery  XVI.)  confirms  the  story,  though  the 
repainting  affects  the  face  less  than  some  other  parts.  The  shadow 
round  the  jaws  has  been  worked  upon  the  forehead  and  the  hair, 
which  his  lost  its  form  ;  the  left  hand  is  now  pure  Reynolds ;  but 
it  is  chiefly  on  the  background,  as  the  cracks  alone  would  prove,  that 
he  has  repainted.  To  the  right  of  the  original  was  a  table  with  a 
black  hat  upon  it,  and  beyond  that  a  gray  piece  of  wall.  Reynolds 
seems  to  have  taken  the  dark  patch  of  the  hat  as  defining  the  shape 
of  the  table  in  a  curve  ;  has  made  the  wall  a  sort  of  mantelpiece  with 
a  little  book  lying  on  it,  and  has  broken  a  second  curtain  across  it. 
Sir  Joshua  objected  to  Mengs  improving  Raphael,  but  did  not  scruple 
to  put  Velazquez  through  the  same  process.  But  then  Velazquez 
was  not  a  sacrosanct  Old  Master  in  the  eighteenth  century. 


70  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

as  a  perfect  model  for  the  expressive  style.  The  natural 
style  gave  Mengs  more  trouble.  One  paragraph  displays, 
amidst  some  crudities  of  thought,  an  appreciation  of 
the  greatest  genius  of  Spanish  art  which  even  Reynolds 
did  not  share.  In  speaking  of  the  "  natural  style," 
Mengs  said :  "  Though  painting  in  general  is  intended 
to  give  us  an  idea  of  nature,  I  distinguish  under  this 
arrangement  of  styles,  those  works  in  which  the  artist 
only  proposes  to  himself  that  simple  and  sole  idea,  without 
any  alteration  or  preference,  of  the  most  exquisite  objects 
of  nature  itself.  Thus,  I  mean,  to  be  understood  in 
speaking  of  painters,  who  attach  themselves  to  simple 
nature,  not  having  had  the  talent  to  enrich  the  object 
before  them,  or  giving  preference  to  its  best  objects,  but 
have  only  imitated  such  objects  as  casually  occurred  to 
them,  or  may  be  found  and  observed  every  day. 

"  I  think  I  may  compare  this  manner  of  the  art  with 
that  of  poetry,  respecting  the  comic  muse,  who  avails 
herself  of  poetic  numbers,  without  the  aid  of  poetic  ideas ; 
some  Dutchmen  and  Flemings  have  excelled  in  this  line, 
such  as  Rembrandt,  Gerard  Dou,  Teniers,  and  others  ; 
but  the  best  examples  of  it  may  be  produced  from  the 
works  of  Velazquez,  and  if  Titian  was  superior  to  this 
last  in  colouring,  Velazquez  had  greatly  the  advantage 
of  him  in  his  disposition  of  light  and  shade,  as  well  as 
aerial  perspective,  which  are  principal  requisites  in  this 
style  of  painting,  since  these  convey  very  just  ideas  of  the 
reality  ;  as  no  natural  objects  can  be  supposed  to  exist 
without  some  bulk  and  distance  from  each  other,  but 
they  may  have  a  more  or  less  brilliant  colour.  WHiosoever 
wishes  to  find  a  more  perfect  solution  of  this  truth  than 
is  to  be  observed  in  the  works  of  Velazquez  may  see  it  in 


GOYA'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  MADRID  71 

nature  herself ;  but  its  principal  parts  he  will  always 
meet  in  the  works  of  this  great  master."  *  This  is  one 
of  the  earliest  critical  appreciations  of  Velazquez ;  and 
although  the  Bohemian  and  the  Spaniard  looked  at  art 
from  vastly  different  standpoints,  their  likes  and  dislikes 
were  much  the  same.  Velazquez  told  Salvator  Rosa : 
"  Raphael,  to  be  plain  with  you,  for  I  prefer  to  be  candid 
and  outspoken,  does  not  please  me  at  all.  .  .  It  is  Titian 
that  bears  the  banner."  Indeed  the  criticism  of  Rafael 
Mengs  approaches  that  of  R.  A.  M.  Stevenson.  "  Velaz- 
quez uses  tone  as  an  important  element  in  his  composition; 
that,  in  fact,  he  utilises  the  expression  of  space  as  well  as 
the  expression  of  form  to  give  character  to  his  picture." 
And  again  :  "  Velazquez  relies  on  tone,  on  the  magic  of 
true  light,  on  delicate  adjustments  of  proportion  between 
masses  ...  he  gives  a  sense  of  intimacy  by  gradations 
of  tone  rather  than  by  fixed  contours. "f  Mengs  proved 
his  critical  discrimination  in  his  admiration  of  Velazquez, 
but  his  practice  failed  because  he  placed  Nature  second 
— if  not  third  or  fourth — rather  than  first.  "  Painting 
never  existed  as  an  art  in  any  country  prior  to  its  estab- 
lishment under  the  Greeks,  nor  ever  rose  to  a  higher  pitch 
than  it  did  amongst  those  people."  The  painter  who 
could  write  such  nonsense  was  hopeless,  despite  his 
occasional  acumen. 

These  pages  are  valuable  because  they  give  some  idea 
of  the  conversations  in  the  studios  of  Madrid  when  Goya 
was  a  youth.  That  he  took  his  part  in  the  debates  we 
may  feel  sure :  he  was  always  keenly  interested  in  every 

*  Quoted  from  the  English  translation  of  Mengs's  critical  works 
published  in  1796. 

t  R.  A.  M.  Stevenson  :  Velazquez,  1900. 


72  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

aspect  of  his  art.  His  celebrity,  however,  as  an  artist 
was  not  so  great  as  his  notoriety  in  other  respects.  Al- 
though Yriarte's  statements  are  traversed  by  Zapater, 
we  believe  the  French  biographer  to  be  near  the  truth 
when  he  asserts  that  Goya  had,  to  some  extent,  the  re- 
putation of  a  roystering  bully  who  was  always  ready  for 
a  fight  or  a  dissipation,  who  was  not  insensible  to  the 
charms  of  a  sparkling  eye  and  a  red  lip,  and  did  not  fear 
the  dangers  which  surrounded  a  too  ardent  admiration. 
Goya  was  an  expert  swordsman,  and  as  willing  to  display 
his  skill  as  any  member  of  the  forty-five  musketeers.  He 
was  also  a  fine  musician,  a  gift  as  acceptable  in  the 
boudoir  as  in  the  studio.  "  He  resuscitated  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  Renaissance,  and  became  the  leader  of  the 
young  Aragonese  colony  in  Madrid,  which  later  supported 
the  Count  d'Aranda.  Already  he  had  gained  popularity 
by  his  vivacity,  his  character,  and  his  audacity."  * 

Audacity  is  not  always  successful.  One  night  Goya  was 
picked  from  the  ground  by  his  Aragonese  followers  with 
a  dagger  in  his  back.  Again  he  had  given  cause  for 
scandal,  and  the  Inquisition  issued  an  order  for  his  arrest. 
Where  he  recovered  from  his  wound  we  do  not  know, 
but  his  friends  evidently  got  him  safely  out  of  Madrid. 
It  was  time  he  went  to  Rome,  but  he  had  little  or  no 
money,  and  could  count  upon  no  official  protection. 
Tradition,  based  upon  the  anecdotes  handed  down  by  the 
Spanish  students  in  Rome,  comes  to  our  aid.  Goya  is 
said  to  have  made  his  way  through  the  south  of  Spain  as 
a  bull-fighter.     His  passion  for  the  ring  was  equalled  by 

*  Yriarte  :  Goya,  p.  15.  Aranda,  of  course,  was  from  Aragon. 
Rich  and  poor,  the  natives  of  that  province  appear  to  have  kept 
close  company,  and  they  firmly  helped  each  other. 


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GOYA'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  MADRID  73 

his  knowledge  of  its  laws,  and  how  deep  that  was  we 
can  tell  from  the  plates  of  the  Tauromaquia.  In  a  letter 
cited  by  Zapater  he  signed  his  name  Francisco  de  los  Toros. 
There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  Goya  shared  the 
delights,  and  the  dangers,  of  the  handerillas  and  the 
toreadors,  before  he  left  Spain  for  Italy.  Some  bio- 
graphers say  that  by  these  exploits  in  the  arena  he 
earned  the  money  to  pay  his  passage  to  the  Eternal  City. 


CHAPTER  V 

STUDENT  DAYS   IN   ROME,    1769-I77I 

Goya's  Arrival  in  1769.  A  great  Religious  Procession.  Carnival  Scenes. 
The  Spanish  Colony  of  Artists.  His  Friendship  with  David  dis- 
proved. An  Invitation  to  Russia.  Foolhardy  Exploits.  A  Portrait  of 
the  Pope.  Wins  a  Prize  from  the  Academy  of  Parma.  His  Irregular  Life 
in  Rome.  Attempts  to  abduct  a  Nim.  Under  Sentence  of  Death.  Is  set 
free  upon  condition  that  he  leaves  the  City.    Re-appears  in  Zaragoza. 

OF  Goya's  life  and  work  in  Italy  we  have  little 
exact  information.  He  appears  to  have  arrived 
in  1769,  probably  early  in  the  year.  Zapater 
disposes  of  the  whole  journey  in  a  short  paragraph,*  upon 
which  Yriarte  bases  a  statement  that  the  artist  did  not 
return  to  Spain  until  1774.!  But  Valerian  von  Loga 
quotes  letters  clearly  proving  that  Goya  was  resident 
in  Zaragoza  in  the  autumn  of  1771. t  The  archives  of 
the  cathedral  of  El  Pilar,  published  by  the  Count  de 
Viiiaza,  show  that  the  artist  was  in  his  home  in  October, 
1771.  We  are  told  that  the  sea  voyage  was  so  trying 
that  upon  his  arrival  in  Rome  he  fell  dangerously  ill. 
His  attraction  of  manner  (one  can  hardly  call  it  charm) 
came  to  his  aid.     He  fell  into  the  hands  of  an  old  woman, 

*  Zapater :  Noiicias  hiogrdficas,  p.  12. 
t  Yriarte  :  Goya,  p.  18. 

X  Von  Loga  :  Goya,  Berlin,  1906,  p.  15,  quoted  from  Vinaza's  life 
where  the  text  is  given  in  the  Appendix. 


STUDENT  DAYS  IN  ROME  75 

who  cared  for  him  so  well  that  he  quickly  recovered.* 
Some  biographers  say  that  Goya  was  a  man  of  robust 
health  ;  yet  we  find  throughout  his  career  periods  of 
sudden,  and  in  some  cases  prolonged,  incapacity.  That 
he  had  great  powers  of  endurance,  as  well  as  much 
physical  strength,  need  not  be  questioned,  but  there  is 
more  than  a  suspicion  that  during  the  active  part  of  his 
life  he  was  subject  to  nervous  breakdown. 

Rome  in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  the 
undisputed  capital  of  the  arts,  and  for  the  first  time  in 
his  life  the  young  Spaniard  realised  what  art  really  meant 
in  the  social  life  of  the  community.  Zaragoza,  and 
even  Madrid,  must  have  seemed  in  retrospect  sadly 
provincial.  Rome  was  the  first  city  in  the  world,  and 
its  citizens  were  proudly  conscious  of  the  advantages 
they  had  to  offer.  Society  was  brilliantly  cosmopolitan, 
and  the  peculiar  conditions  of  the  Papal  States  intensi- 
fied an  atmosphere  of  culture  and  luxury  to  which 
Europe  could  show  no  equal. 

Pope  Clement  XIII.  died  on  February  2,  1769. 
His  successor,  the  monk  Ganganelli,  was  conducted  in 
state  to  the  Lateran  basilica  on  November  26th  following, 
under  the  title  of  Clement  XIV.  Thus  the  opening  of 
Goya's  residence  in  the  Eternal  Cit}''  was  distinguished 
by  a  succession  of  public  processions  and  parades  which 
must  have  delighted  the  eyes  of  the  excited  artist.  His 
native  city  was  celebrated  for  its  religious  functions,  but 
these  were  insignificant  when  compared  to  the  triumphal 
progress  from  the  Quirinale  to  the  Lateran  of  the  newly- 
elected  successor  to  St.  Peter.  That  Goya  took  full 
advantage  of  such  sights  cannot  be  questioned  for  a 
*  Matheron  :  Goya,  chap  III. 


76  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

moment.  He  must  have  fought  for  his  place  in  the  huge 
crowds  which  filled  the  narrow  streets  by  the  SS.  Apostoli 
and  Gesu  and  the  Campidoglio,  by  the  Aracoeli,  or  in  the 
Forum.  David  Silvagni  draws  a  vivid  picture  of  the 
scene.  The  balconies  filled  with  ladies  whose  beauty 
was  thought  to  be  enhanced  by  powder  and  patches  ;  the 
facades  of  every  palace  on  the  route  covered  with  price- 
less tapestries  and  carpets  of  the  most  exquisite  textures  ; 
the  Palazzo  Colonna  decorated  with  trophies  of  arms 
captured  in  past  days  from  the  Turks  ;  the  banner  of  the 
northern  republic  flying  above  the  Palazzo  Venezia  ;  the 
houses  of  the  Doria,  the  Asti,  the  Cenci,  the  Malatesta, 
and  a  score  of  like  noble  names,  enriched  with  hangings 
of  red  damask  and  gold  lace.  Then,  as  the  gun  on  the 
ramparts  of  San  Angelo  gave  the  signal  to  the  expectant 
cit}^  the  horsemen  of  the  "  Guardia  di  nostro  Signore  " 
opened  a  passage  through  the  throng  for  a  pageant  of 
priests,  noblemen,  and  high  dignities  of  the  Church, 
valigieri  in  scarlet  cloaks,  cavalry  in  crimson  velvet, 
monsignori  in  purple,  chamberlains  in  black,  the  Roman 
nobility  in  gala  attire,  the  glory  of  which  no  pigment 
could  dare  to  rival,  Swiss  Guards  in  yellow  and  black 
uniforms  half-covered  by  steel  cuirasses.  And  behind 
the  pontifical  cross  rode  Clement  XIV.  upon  a  white 
palfrey,  attended  by  twenty-four  pages  in  cloth  of  silver, 
followed  by  cardinals,  patriarchs,  and  bishops,  on  mules 
harnessed  in  gold  and  purple. 

This  was  the  magnificence  of  the  official  life  of  the 
city  on  the  hills.  Social  manners  and  customs  were 
equally  fascinating.  Goya  witnessed  one  if  not  two  carni- 
vals, when  masqueraders  scrambled  up  and  down  the 
Corso,  triumphal  cars  were  pulled  along  upon  which  the 


STUDENT  DAYS  IN   ROME  yy 

most  beautiful  women  of  the  aristocracy  postured  in  the 
scantiest  costumes,  every  cry  ceasing  at  the  hour  of  Ave 
Maria  on  the  Vigil  of  Ash  Wednesday,  when  thousands 
of  tiny  candles  burst  into  flame.  Amidst  wild  shouts  of 
"  Abbasso  il  moccolo  !  "  or  "  Sia  ammazzato  !  "  the 
lights  were  extinguished,  and  if  the  revelry  was  con- 
tinued it  was  behind  barricaded  shutters.  For  Lent  had 
commenced  and  the  police  of  the  Inquisition  were  ready 
to  arrest  the  contumacious.  "  Next  morning,"  to  quote 
Silvagni,  "  the  gay  ladies  who  had  figured  as  Venus,  or 
Pallas,  or  Psyche,  might  have  been  seen  in  sable  habili- 
ments, and  covered  with  huge  black  cloaks,  making 
their  way  to  church,  hearing  mass,  and  confessing 
their  sins  with  every  orthodox  sign  of  penitence."  * 

Such  was  the  society  into  which  Goya  had  been  thrown. 
He  must  have  had  a  little  money,  although  he  was  not 
amongst  the  Spanish  students  who  received  small  pensions 
from  their  home  government.  Vinaza  is  convinced  that 
Jose  Goya  sold  his  house  in  Zaragoza  to  support  his  son 
in  Rome.f  We  are  more  inclined  to  believe  \\'ith  Matheron 
that  the  gilder  sent  the  boy  a  few  pounds,  and  told  him 
to  shift  for  himself  with  all  the  wisdom  of  which  he  was 
capable.  {  Besides,  it  is  doubtful  if  Goya  was  ever  able 
to  keep  money  in  his  purse.  Life  had  too  ardent  a  call 
for  him.  The  ducats  must  quickly  have  vanished  in  those 
streets  of  forbidding  character  between  the  Piazza  di 
Spagna  and  the  Corso,  inhabited  by  artists'  models  and 
the  attractive  riff-raff  of  a  cosmopolitan  and  wicked 
city. 

*  Silvagni  :  La  Corie  e  la  Society  Romana  net  secoli  XVIII.  e  XIX. 
Florence,  1882-85. 

t  Vinaza  :  Adiciones  al  Diccionario  historico. 
X  Matheron  :  Goya,  chap.  II. 


78  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Charles  Yriarte's  description  of  Goya's  life  in  Rome 
should  be  near  the  truth,  for  the  French  critic  had  many 
of  his  facts  from  Don  Jos6  de  Madrazo,  who  knew  Goya 
towards  the  close  of  his  life.  The  pupils  of  the  newly- 
established  Academy  of  San  Fernando  of  Madrid  had 
hardly  the  status  of  the  French  students  gathered 
together  in  the  Villa  Medici,  and  Goya  had  no  official 
place  of  any  description  in  the  Spanish  art  colony.  But 
he  was  a  fellow-townsman  of  Bayeu,  and  probably  worked 
in  his  studio  and  amongst  his  friends.  Yriarte  mentions 
other  young  Spaniards  in  Rome  at  this  time,  but  their 
names  mean  little  to  the  stranger.  Zacharias  Velazquez 
and  Antonio  Ribera  are  responsible  for  some  of  the 
traditions  of  Goya's  residence  in  the  city,  but  they 
could  not  have  worked  with  him,  for  the  first  was  born  in 
1767  and  the  second  twelve  years  later.*  It  is  reasonable 
to  believe  that  Goya  saw  much  of  the  French  art-students 
and  very  little  of  those  from  England.  The  latter  sup- 
ported their  national  reputation  upon  the  Continent  for 
phlegm,  and  were  rather  a  dull  community  if  we  accept 
contemporary  evidence.  Samuel  Sharp  wrote  in  1766  : 
"  It  is  with  great  pleasure  I  can  tell  you  that  the  English 
students  here,  both  in  painting  and  sculpture,  have  great 
merit,  and  are  a  remarkable  set  of  sober,  modest  men, 
who,  by  their  decorum,  and  friendly  manner  of  living 
amongst  one  another,  do  credit  to  their  profession. "f 
Baretti  angrily  criticised  the  truthfulness  of  Sharp's 
observations,  and  probably  that  somewhat  self-satisfied 
and  highly  moral  traveller  was  himself  the  cause  of 
restraint  in  the  English  studios  he  visited. 

♦  Von  Loga  :   Goya,  p.  12. 

t  Letters  from  Italy.    London,  1767. 


STUDENT  DAYS  IN   ROME  79 

Goya  refused  to  submit  to  discipline,  rule,  or  control 
whilst  in  Italy.  He  was  a  free-lance,  and  followed  his 
own  inclinations.  He  had  not  to  justify  his  existence 
by  evidence  of  work,  as  had  the  students  of  the  Villa 
Medici  or  San  Fernando.  During  the  first  year  of  his  stay 
he  did  little  painting.  According  to  Yriarte  he  studied 
the  quality  of  the  Old  Masters,  rather  than  their  form  or 
design.  He  wandered  from  gallery  to  gallery,  and  pro- 
duced practically  nothing.*  Other  art-students  who  follow 
the  same  course  of  instruction  have  been  called  idle, 
but  it  is  more  pleasant  to  agree  with  Yriarte,  and  imagine 
that  Goya — being  a  genius — was  busiest  even  when 
most   inactive. 

He  does  not  appear  to  have  made  any  fresh  friends. 
Matheron  writes  :  "Of  all  the  men  he  had  known  in 
Italy,  Goya  spoke  in  his  old  age  chiefly  of  the  painter 
David.  For  a  short  while  they  were  in  close  intimacy."f 
I  am  more  disposed  to  credit  some  of  the  statements  in 
Matheron's  tiny  volume  than  many  of  Goya's  later 
biographers.  Like  Yriarte,  Matheron  must  have  known 
Madrazo,  and  he  wrote  within  thirty  years  of  Goya's 
death.  But  in  this  instance  the  old  painter's  conversa- 
tion must  have  been  misreported.  He  could  not  possibly 
have  met  David  in  Rome,  and  it  is  difficult  to  suggest 
where  he  could  have  studied  that  artist's  work. J 

Louis  David  competed  for  the  Prix  de  Rome  at  the 
age  of  twenty-three,  and  failed  four  successive  times.    At 

*  Yriarte  :     Goya,  p.  16. 

t  Matheron :    Goya,  chap.  III. 

X  Viiiaza  also  says  that  Goya  made  the  acquaintance  of  Loms  David, 
and  that  in  his  old  age  his  only  remembrance  of  Italy  was  his  friend- 
ship with  the  French  artist.  Did  Viiiaza  base  this  on  Matheron,  or 
did  Goya's  tongue  wander  in  his  old  age  ? 


8o  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

the  fifth  attempt,  in  1775,  he  took  the  prize  and,  as  his 
master  Vien  was  appointed  director  of  the  French  Aca- 
demy at  Rome  the  same  summer,  they  travelled  together 
to  Italy,  leaving  Paris  on  October  2,  1775.*  It  is  more 
than  probable  that  Goya  left  Italy  four  years  previously, 
and  we  can  only  accept  Yriarte's  and  Lafond's  statement 
that  he  remained  until  1774  or  1775  upon  the  supposition 
of  a  second  visit.  This  idea  can  scarcely  be  entertained, 
and  does  not  explain  an  acquaintanceship  with  David, 
for  Goya  was  certainly  in  Madrid  during  March,  1775, f 
and  wrote  a  letter  from  the  same  capital  to  Martin  Zapater 
dated  September  6,  1775.  Half  a  century  later,  when 
Goya  visited  Paris,  David  was  in  semi-exile  in  Brussels. 
The  two  men  probably  had  a  sympathy  for  each  other, 
and  had  passed  under  similar  influences.  Although 
Matheron's  sentence  is  so  explicit  it  cannot  be  supported, 
and  Goya  must  have  been  a  personal  stranger  to  the 
creator  of  the  Rape  of  the  Sahines  and  the  Coronation  of 
the  Emperor.  This  destroys  an  elaborate  structure  of 
critical  dissertation  upon  the  influence  of  the  French 
Conventional  upon  the  Spanish  sceptic.  Goya's  ad- 
vanced political  tendencies  can  be  explained  in  a  sim- 
pler and  more  truthful  fashion. 

But  at  Rome  he  was  little  more  than  a  boy,  and  more 
interested  in  the  wave  of  classicism  which  had  swept  south 
from  Germany,  than  in  the  rights  and  wrongs  of  monarch- 
ism  and  the  democracy.  Maybe  there  was  wild  talk  at 
the  Villa  Medici,  and  much  denunciation  of  Louis  XV. 
and  his  mistresses,  who  were  devouring  the  wealth  of 
France.     The  French  students  were  always  a  source  of 

*  C.  Saunier  :  Louis  David,  p.  15. 

f  Zapater  :  Noticias  biogrdjicas,  p.  12. 


STUDENT  DAYS  IN  ROME  8i 

trouble  to  the  Papal  authorities.*  With  regard  to  the 
Spaniards  the  case  was  different.  No  such  scandals  sur- 
rounded the  Court  of  Madrid,  and  Charles  III.,  although 
a  Bourbon,  led  an  existence  free  from  the  slightest  moral 
stain.  He  endeavoured  to  deal  with  the.  abuses  of  the 
administration  of  which  he  was  titular  head,  as  Clement 
XIV.  attempted  to  reform  the  Church.  Both  grappled 
with  the  Jesuits,  and  perhaps  Charles  III.  had  the  greater 
success,  for  he  died  a  natural  death,  which  was  not 
the  fate  of  the  Pontiff,  f  Goya's  free-thought  was  symp- 
tomatic of  the  intellectual  unrest  of  his  time.  The  late 
eighteenth  century  was  a  period  of  transition,  or  rather 
upheaval,  in  every  department  of  life.  Dogmas  that  had 
become  sacred  more  through  tradition  than  belief  were 
now  critically  examined  and  discarded. 

The  storm  had  not  yet  gathered,  and  Goya's  days  in 
Rome  were  free  from  anxiety.  He  painted  canvases 
representative  of  scenes  of  Spanish  life,  which  found  a 
ready  sale  amongst  the  visitors  who  flocked  upon  the  seven 
hills.  They  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Russian 
ambassador,  probably  Count  Ivan  Schuwalow,  who  had 

*  E.  J.  Delecluze  :  David,  p.  145.  This  was  particularly  so  during 
the  time  of  the  Revolution,  when  the  students  conducted  an  active 
republican  campaign  and  the  leaders  were  obliged  to  fly  across  the 
papal  frontier  to  preserve  their  lives. 

t  Cardinal  de  Bemis  wrote  to  his  master,  Louis  XV.  :  "  The  nature 
of  the  Pope's  illness,  and  all  the  circumstances  attending  his  death, 
make  everyone  beUeve  that  it  could  not  be  natural."  Three  years 
later  he  referred  to  a  private  conversation  with  Pius  VI.  "  The  Pope 
has  occasional  moments  of  frankness,  when  he  shows  his  real  sentiments, 
I  shall  never  forget  one  or  two  expressions  he  has  allowed  to  escape 
in  my  hearing,  from  which  I  can  guess  that  he  is  well  acquainted  with 
the  unhappy  end  of  his  predecessor,  and  that  he  has  no  desire  to  run 
any  risk  of  a  similar  fate."  These  rumours  must  have  been  well  known 
to  Goya,  and  account  in  some  measure  for  his  attitude  towards  the 
clergy. 

G 


82  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

been  commissioned  by  Catherine  II.  to  send  artists  of 
talent  to  St.  Petersburg  to  assist  in  her  schemes  for  the 
improvement  of  Russian  taste.*  Proposals  were  made 
to  Goya,  but  he  was  a  child  of  the  sun,  and  rejected  any 
suggestion  of  settling  in  the  bleak  north,  f  With  Charles 
Yriarte,  we  find  it  hard  to  imagine  the  sarcastic  author 
of  the  Caprices  becoming  the  courtier  of  a  despotic 
Empress,  and  quietly  submitting  to  the  iron  will  of  the 
Court  on  the  Neva. 

Matheron  writes  that  Goya's  life  at  this  period  was 
solitary,  J  a  statement  unsupported  by  the  traditions 
which  have  come  down  from  other  Spanish  students  in 
Italy.  He  seems  to  have  been  proud,  vainglorious,  and 
foolhardy.  One  day  he  crawled  round  the  crumbling 
cornice  of  the  Tomb  of  Cecilia  Metella  in  the  Campagna, 

...  A  stern  round  tower  of  other  days. 
Firm  as  a  fortress,  with  its  fence  of  stone, 
.  .  .  Standing  with  half  its  battlements  alone, 
And  with  two  thousand  years  of  ivy  grown. 

The  boyish  feat  commended  itself  to  him  and  his  com- 
panions by  reason  of  its  aimless  danger.  Perhaps  it 
was  this  same  monument  he  clambered  up  to  cut  his 
name  above  that  of  Vanloo.  "  What  a  Frenchman  can 
do,  a  Spaniard  ought  also  to  do,"  was  his  boast. §  Vanloo 
as  Court  painter  to  Philip  V.  could  have  been  but  a  name 
to  him,  but  the  ill-feeling  of  this  foreign  appointment  still 
rankled  amongst  Spanish  artists.  Upon  a  third  occasion 
he  climbed  up  the  lantern  of  the  dome  of  St.  Peter's  to 

*  Yriarte,  p.  i6.    Von  Loga,  p.  ii. 

f  Matheron  says  he  gave  up  the  idea  at  the  request  of  his  parents, 
who  did  not  wish  to  be  parted  from  him  for  so  long. 
X  Matheron :   Goya,  chap.  III. 
§  Yriarte  :   Goya,  pp.  17,  18. 


STUDENT  DAYS  IN  ROME  83 

cut  his  name  upon  a  stone  no  man  had  reached  since  the 
builders  had  struck  their  scaffolding.  There  was  a  story 
that  Poussin  had  tried  to  perform  the  same  deed,  and 
Goya,  full  of  patriotism,  wished  to  surpass  him.  The 
feat  was  perhaps  rendered  less  perilous  by  the  little 
iron  foot  supports  for  the  use  of  the  workmen  who  decor- 
ated the  dome  at  Easter,  but  their  task  was  always 
recognised  as  one  of  extreme  danger.  There  was  an 
emulous  spirit  abroad  at  this  period,  when  every  young 
soul  aspired  to  the  skies.  Von  Loga  draws  a  parallel 
between  Goya  at  Rome  and  Goethe  scaling  the  steeple 
at  Strasburg,  almost  in  the  same  year. 

Tradition  relates  that,  amongst  other  works,  Goya 
painted  a  portrait  of  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  Valerian  von 
Loga  disposes  of  this  statement  by  drawing  attention 
to  the  fact  that  Benedict  XIV.  died  in  1758,  eleven  years 
before  Goya  arrived  in  Rome.*  Clement  XIII.,  who 
died  in  February,  1769,  must  be  excluded  for  the  same 
reason,  and  the  only  possible  name  can  be  that  of 
Clement  XIV.,  who  suppressed  the  order  of  the  Jesuits. 
Von  Loga  refuses  to  accept  that  suggestion,  as  there  is  no 
trace  in  the  Vatican  of  any  portrait  of  this  pope  which 
can  be  ascribed  to  Goya.  Although  on  account  of  his 
youth  it  seems  unlikely  that  Goya  received  such  a  privilege, 
it  is  not  impossible,  for  the  Spanish  ambassador,  the 
celebrated  Count  of  Florida  Blanca,  had  much  influence  at 
the  Vatican,  and  the  portrait  may  yet  be  found  in  Spain. 

Paul  Mantz,in  turning  over  the  pages  of  the  Moniteur  de 

France,  found  under  the  date  of  January,  1772,  the  only 

document  which  relates  to  Goya's  Italian  years. f     "  On 

*  Von  Loga  :    Goya,  p.  12. 

t  V.  Carderera.  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  i860,  Vol.  VII.,  p.  216, 
where  the  paragraph  is  quoted. 


84  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

the  27th  June  last,  the  Royal  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  of 
Parma  held  a  public  conference  for  the  distribution  of 
prizes.  The  subject  of  the  painting  [for  competition]  was 
*  The  Conqueror  Hannibal  looking  upon  the  plains  of 
Italy  from  the  heights  of  the  Alps.'  The  first  prize  for 
painting  has  been  accorded  to  the  canvas  with  the  device 
Monies  fregit  aceto,  by  Monsieur  Paul  Borroni. 

"  The  second  prize  for  painting  has  been  taken  by  Mr. 
Frangois  Goya,  Roman,  pupil  of  Mr.  Vajeu,  painter  to  the 
King  of  Spain.  The  Academy  has  noted  in  the  second 
picture  the  beautiful  management  of  the  brush,  and  the 
depth  of  expression  in  the  face  of  Hannibal,  as  well  as 
the  individuality  and  grandeur  in  the  attitude  of  this 
general.  If  Mr.  Goya  had  not  been  so  slight  in  the  com- 
position of  the  subject,  and  if  his  colouring  had  been  more 
truthful,  he  would  have  divided  the  votes  for  the  first 
prize."  This  paragraph  is  extremely  valuable  in  adding 
to  our  knowledge  of  the  painter's  studentship.  He  was 
an  acknowledged  pupil  of  Bayeu,  who  returned  to  Madrid. 
The  canvas  was  probably  a  small  one,  little  more  than  a 
rough  sketch  executed  in  a  hurry.  We  know  for  certain 
that  Goya  was  in  Rome  in  1771 .  Whether  or  no  he  travelled 
to  Parma  to  receive  his  prize  is  doubtful.  There  was  a 
connection  between  that  city  and  Madrid,  for  the  heir 
to  the  Spanish  throne  had  found  a  bride  in  Maria  Luisa 
of  Bourbon,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Parma.  Both 
Prince  and  Princess  were  to  enter  into  Goya's  future  career, 
but  in  1772  they  were  but  names  to  him.  A  more  impor- 
tant witness  to  his  northern  journey  is  the  evidence  that 
Correggio's  frescoes  strongly  influenced  his  coming  work 
in  the  same  medium.  The  decoration  of  the  cupolas  of 
the  Benedictine  church  at  Parma  are  the  most  remark- 


STUDENT  DAYS  IN   ROME  85 

able  of  their  kind  in  Italy,  and  Goya  would  have  a 
very  natural  wish  to  examine  them  closely.  Some 
biographers  assert  that  he  closed  his  residence  in  Italy 
with  a  prolonged  tour  which  included  Florence  and 
Venice.  From  these  cities  it  was  easy  to  continue  the 
journey  to  Spain.  There  are,  however,  other  traditions 
too  strong  to  be  lightly  disregarded.* 

His  life  in  Madrid  had  been  irregular.     In  Rome  he 
did  not  change  his  habits,  for  he  found  greater  freedom 
and  greater  temptation.     More  than  once  he  escaped  from 
the  shirri  who  attempted  to  regulate  the  disorderly  life 
of  the  city.    Amongst  the  Trasteverini  he  found  much 
to  remind  him  of  his  own  province  of  Aragon.     The  men 
were  hasty,  passionate,  and  revengeful,  but  a  stronger  and 
more  vigorous  people  than  the  inhabitants  of  the  other 
quarters  of  Rome.    They  were  ever  ready  to  gamble  over 
mora,  and  to  hold  competitions  of  running  and  other 
athletics.      They  were  satirical,  appreciated  poetry  and 
music.     Love  formed  an  essential  part  of  their  light- 
hearted  existence.     Ready  to  quarrel  upon  the  slightest 
provocation,  they  were  quick  to  use  their  fists  and  their 
knives.     The  most  curious  of  their  amusements  was  the 
famous  stone-throwing  matches,  when  the  residents  of  the 
Monti  upon  the  Forum  were  challenged  to  combat.     The 
opposing  factions  faced  each  other,  armed  with  the  rough 
munition  so  prodigally  scattered  over  the  battlefield. 
At  a  given  signal  volleys  of  stones  darkened  the  air,  and 
finally  either  Trasteverini  or  Monticiani  were  compelled 

*  Vifiaza  considers  that  the  picture  of  Hannibal  was  painted,  and 
the  prize  won,  before  the  artist  went  to  Italy.  This  seems  very  im- 
probable, unless  Goya  visited  Rome  more  than  once,  of  which  we  have 
no  proof. 


86  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

to  seek  safety  in  flight.  Sometimes  mounted  cavalry 
and  sbirri  were  able  to  interfere  with  effect,  but,  as  a  rule, 
after  the  wounded  had  been  removed  to  the  hospital 
the  sport  recommenced.  This  was  a  game  to  Goya's 
own  heart,  for  it  brought  many  recollections  of  the 
parochial  fights  of  Zaragoza. 

Indeed,  during  his  residence  the  social  condition  of 
Rome  was  perhaps  at  its  worst,  and  we  are  told  that  in 
1774  the  state  of  anarchy  and  confusion  had  reached 
such  a  height  that  the  gravest  crimes  were  committed 
with  impunity  by  people  of  every  class.  At  nights  the 
streets  were  in  darkness,  the  only  light  a  tiny  lamp  before 
a  comer  shrine,  or  a  smoking  torch  at  the  gate  of  a  palace. 
Few  men  were  brave  enough  to  cross  the  city  without 
an  armed  guard.  Robberies  and  murders  were  of  almost 
daily  occurrence,  and  the  police  patrols  were  outwitted 
by  the  lurking  assassins  so  frequently  hired  by  princes, 
ambassadors,  and  cardinals. 

Goya  was  an  adventurous  youth,  willing  to  pass  the 
time  of  day  with  the  biggest  scoundrel.  Even  if  the 
tradition  of  his  life  in  Rome  is  false,  his  character  tells  us 
that  he  was  ready  to  mix  in  any  brawl,  prepared  to  use  his 
knife  without  fear  of  consequences.  The  story  runs  that 
one  black  night  he  scaled  the  walls  of  a  convent  in  order 
to  abduct  a  young  and  charming  nun.  Unfortunately 
his  usual  luck  deserted  him,  he  was  caught,  and  delivered 
into  the  hands  of  the  sbirri,  who  interned  him  in  a  Roman 
prison.* 

The  crime  was  unpardonable,  and  is  given  special  pro- 
minence in  Cardinal  Valenti's  criminal  code,  which  was 
drawn  up  whilst  he  was  Secretary  of  State  to  Benedict, 

*  Yriarte :   Goya,  p.  18. 


STUDENT  DAYS  IN  ROME  87 

not  being  abrogated  until  1833.  In  the  article  **  con- 
cerning the  Violation  of  Nunneries  "  it  is  set  forth :  *'  And 
because  all  sacred  places,  but  above  all  nunneries,  deserve 
every  respect,  his  Eminence  orders  and  desires  that  if 
anyone,  in  any  way  whatsoever,  seeks  to  enter  a  nun- 
nery without  official  permission,  whether  by  night  or  day, 
he  shall  incur  the  penalty  of  death  ;  even  if  he  have  not 
committed  any  special  fault.  And  all  who  have  in  any 
way  aided  or  abetted  him  shall  incur  the  like  penalty."* 
These  laws  were  carried  out  with  a  savage  ferocity,  and 
Goya  had  most  assuredly  rendered  himself  liable  to  the 
final  penalty.  But  he  was  no  longer  an  unknown  art- 
student,  and  had  many  influential  friends  amongst  the 
Spanish  colony.  The  ambassador  made  representations 
to  the  Holy  Seat  which  carried  weight.  Goya  was  par- 
doned and  liberated,  upon  the  condition  that  he  at  once 
left  the  Papal  States. 

The  story  is  probably  true,  for  it  agrees  with  the  indi- 
viduality of  this  stormy  petrel  of  art,  and  it  does  not 
contradict  the  suggestion  that  Goya  returned  to  Spain 
by  way  of  northern  Italy.  But  we  have  few  actual 
facts  to  deal  with  in  tracing  his  student  days  in  Italy,, 
and  we  cannot  even  be  sure  how  long  he  remained  out 
of  Spain.  Certainly  he  had  returned  long  before  1775, 
and  the  correct  date  is  more  probably  1771  when  he 
reappeared  in  Zaragoza. 

♦  Silvagni :   La  Corte  e  la  Societd  Rontana. 


CHAPTER  VI 

ZARAGOZA,   I772-I774 

Goya  returns  to  Zaragoza.  His  first  Commission  to  decorate  El  Pilar. 
Did  he  visit  Italy  a  second  Time  ?  The  Chartreuse  of  Aula  Dei. 
Its  forgotten  Frescoes.  Doubts  as  to  Goya's  Authorship  of  the  whole 
Series.  Little  exact  Information  as  to  his  Employment.  He  courts 
Josefa  Bayeu. 

THE  troubles  which  compelled  Goya  to  fly  from  his 
native  city  had  been  discreetly  forgotten  by  the 
ecclesiastical  authorities  of  Zaragoza.  Indeed,  it 
was  a  proposed  commission  for  the  church  which  brought 
the  young  painter  home.  The  cathedral  of  El  Pilar,  which 
had  commenced  building  in  1684,  was  now  at  a  stage 
when  its  internal  decoration  had  to  be  considered.  Rodri- 
quez  Ventura,  the  architect  in  charge,  had  drastically 
altered  the  original  design  of  Herrerra.  Although  the 
author  of  a  volume  which  laid  down  the  severest  laws  of 
style  for  other  architects,  he  considered  himself  bound 
by  no  similar  rules,  and  many  of  his  architectural  fancies 
are  based  upon  the  merest  caprice.  Von  Loga  describes 
the  church  as  "  one  of  the  purest  examples  of  the  style 
of  Louis  XVI."  In  reality  the  huge  building  is  a  piece 
of  meretricious  classicism,  lacking  all  true  inspiration, 
and  in  many  details  an  offence  to  the  cultured  eye. 

Goya's  invitation  to  prepare  a  scheme  for  the  decoration 
of  part  of  the  church  probably  came  through  Luzan  and 


ZARAGOZA  89 

the  elder  Bayeu.  With  the  Bayeu  family,  as  will  be 
seen,  he  was  evidently  on  terms  of  the  closest  affection. 
On  October  21,  1771,  he  submitted  to  the  Building 
Committee  sketches  for  the  decoration  of  the  vault  of 
the  chapel  of  the  Sacrament.  The  committee  solemnly 
deliberated,  and  some  while  elapsed  before  the  members 
arrived  at  a  decision.  Goya  was  a  young  and  untried 
artist ;  although  twenty-five  years  of  age  he  had  registered 
no  success,  and  could  show  very  little  completed  work. 
The  committee  consisted  largely  of  priests,  who  must 
have  been  influenced  by  the  not  too  favourable  personal 
reputation  of  the  young  man.  He  had  left  Zaragoza 
under  a  cloud,  had  been  smuggled  away  from  Madrid,  and 
then  finally  expelled  from  the  dominions  of  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff  for  a  most  heinous  crime.  These  facts  did  not 
affect  his  skill  as  an  artist,  but  they  were  unquestionably 
discussed,  for  corporate  bodies  are  nothing  if  not  highly 
moral.  However,  it  was  desirable  to  have  the  decoration 
in  hand  as  early  as  possible,  and  the  committee  appealed 
to  Canon  Mathias  Allue  for  expert  advice.  The  worthy 
canon's  qualifications  for  the  task  are  not  recorded,  and 
the  scope  of  his  enquiries  is  unknown.  On  February 
II,  1772,  he  reported  that  Goya  had  proved  his  ability 
in  the  technique  of  fresco,  and  was  prepared  to  undertake 
his  scheme  for  15,000  reals  (about  £150),  the  artist  pro- 
viding labour  and  materials.  As  Antonio  Velazquez,  the 
only  other  competitor,  demanded  25,000  reals,  the  com- 
mittee did  not  waste  any  more  time.  Although  Goya's 
designs  had  been  sent  to  Madrid,  and  submitted  to  the 
Royal  Academy  of  San  Fernando,  the  committee  did 
not  even  wait  for  the  official  verdict.  The  commission 
was  given  to  Goya  on  January  27, 1772,  two  weeks  before 


90  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Canon  Allue's  report  was  formally  received.  On  the 
first  day  of  the  following  June  the  work  appears  to  have 
been  completed,  for  the  scaffolding  was  then  being  taken 
down  from  the  roof. 

Goya's  earliest  decorations  in  the  cathedral  of  El  Pilar 
do  not  require  detailed  consideration.  The  vault  is  lofty, 
and  the  light  far  from  good,  whilst  there  has  been  consid- 
erable discoloration  of  the  original  pigments.  There  is  no 
more  distinction  or  individuality  in  Goya's  work  than  in 
any  of  the  surrounding  walls  by  contemporary  but  now 
justly  forgotten  artists.  It  is  good  church  decoration  of 
mediocre  abihty,  although  one  cannot  wholly  agree  with 
Von  Loga  that  Goya's  paintings  betray  the  inexperience 
of  a  beginner.  If  the  visitor  to  the  cathedral  is  not 
searching  for  traces  of  Goya's  brush  he  will  hardly 
give  these  decorations  a  second  glance.  As  far  as  can 
be  judged  at  the  present  day  the  young  Goya  had  a 
sympathy  for  rather  crude  reds  and  yellows,  and  was 
liable  to  over-accentuate  his  lights  and  shadows.  This 
may  have  been  due  to  a  remembrance  of  the  character- 
istics of  El  Greco,  but  was  more  probably  due  to  the 
artist's  own  immaturity.  The  Count  de  Viiiaza  asserts  that 
Goya's  visit  to  Rome  was  made  after  the  decorations  of 
El  Pilar,  and  that  in  fact  the  balance  of  the  15,000  reals 
provided  the  necessary  funds  for  the  journey.*  Cer- 
tainly these  frescoes  do  not  show  signs  of  a  deep  study  of 
Correggio ;  if  they  reveal  the  impression  of  any  other 
artist  it  is  that  of  Tiepolo,  but  even  that  very  slightly.  It 
is  easy  to  read  many  factors  into  such  featureless  designs. 

*  Vinaza's  biography  is  so  careful  that  all  his  suggestions  must 
receive  consideration.  But  it  is  most  unlikely  that  the  Parma  picture 
was  painted  out  of  Rome. 


A    DRAWING 
The  figure  possibly  represents  Goya  hiviself.     British  jMusciiiii 


ZARAGOZA  91 

Von  Loga  discovers  an  attempt  to  imitate  the  inferior 
productions  of  Murillo. 

At  the  end  of  July  the  committee  was  discussing  with 
the  elder  Bayeu  the  advisability  of  decorating  several  of 
the  smaller  cupolas.  That  Goya's  work  was  received 
with  satisfaction  is  doubtful,  for  he  was  not  given  a 
second  commission.  Here  we  are  stopped  in  our  investi- 
gations by  a  considerable  gap  in  his  history,  which, 
according  to  Vifiaza,  was  occupied  by  the  visit  to  Rome. 
Another  suggestion  is  that  he  made  a  second  visit  to 
Italy,  although  we  have  no  documentary  or  traditional 
evidence  to  support  the  idea.  More  probably  he  was 
engaged  from  1772  to  1774  upon  minor  church  work  in 
Aragon,*  and  also  upon  a  series  of  frescoes  chiefly  devoted 
to  incidents  in  the  life  of  the  Virgin,  which  are  to  be  found 
in  the  chartreuse  of  the  Aula  Dei,  an  institution  dating 
from  the  fifteenth  century,  some  ten  kilometres  north  of 
Zaragoza  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Ebro.  The  authority 
cited  is  that  of  Don  Tomas  Lopez,  a  Carthusian  monk.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  Goya's  earliest  patron  was  Don 
Felix  Salzedo,  prior  of  this  same  cartuja,  the  priest  who 
had  first  appreciated  the  boy's  dawning  talent,  so  it  is 
not  unHkely  that  early  work  of  his  should  be  found  in  the 
chartreuse. 

This  monastery  suffered  so  severely  during  the  French 
occupation  of  the  country  around  Zaragoza,  that  many 
of  the  frescoes  were  utterly  ruined.    The  whole  work  was 

*  We  know  that  he  painted  an  altar-piece  dealing  with  the  miracle 
of  the  Virgin  of  the  Pillar,  which  was  placed  in  the  parish  church  of 
Fuendetodos,  where  he  had  been  baptised,  and  shortly  after  his  marriage 
he  was  working  on  a  processional  banner  with  St.  Christopher  as  its 
subject. 


92  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

forgotten.*  "  Finally,"  writes  Von  Loga,  "  the  building 
was  sold,  and  became  dilapidated  and  deserted.  In  our 
own  time,  monks,  driven  from  France,  have  taken  pos- 
session of  the  ruins,  and  have  endeavoured  with  much 
industiy  to  restore  the  damaged  house.  For  over  half  a 
century  these  frescoes  remained  under  a  roof  which  had 
been  partially  burnt  away,  and  was  open  to  all  weathers. 
Without  adequate  protection  many  of  these  paintings 
have  been  almost  wholly  destroyed,  but  the  remainder 
(more  than  half),  untouched  by  the  hands  of  restorers, 
shine  with  an  unusual  freshness.  Goya's  hand  cannot 
be  doubted."  As  in  the  decorations  of  El  Pilar,  there  is 
the  same  bright  red  and  evident  love  for  yellows.  Von 
Loga  considers  the  drawing,  full  of  energy  and  decision, 
reminiscent  of  Tiepolo's  masterly  originality  of  concep- 
tion. The  same  biographer  is  also  reminded  of  the  Sistine 
Chapel  in  Rome,  which  hardly  supports  Vinaza's  belief 
of  a  later  visit  to  Italy.  Goya  was  certainly  impressed 
at  one  period  in  his  life  by  the  grandeur  of  Michel 
Angelo. 

Above  the  entrance  is  a  composition  depicting  Jacob's 
sacrifice.  In  extremely  bad  condition,  it  contains  the 
remains  of  the  figure  of  an  angel,  of  "  monumental 
grace."  f  Another  subject  is  the  journey  of  the  Three 
Kings,  which  the  same  critic  calls  "  a  tasteful  compo- 
sition." Certainly  Go37a  never  painted  in  after  life  such 
a  number  of  scriptural  subjects,  and  we  are  almost 
inclined  to  doubt  his  authorship  of  all  the  frescoes  in 

*  I  regret  that  I  was  not  able  to  visit  the  cartuja  during  my  stay  in 
Zaragoza.  Valerian  von  Loga  is  the  only  biographer  who  appears  to 
have  seen  these  frescoes. 

t  Von  Loga,  p.  17. 


ZARAGOZA  93 

the  Aula  Dei.  "  Monumental  grace  "  is  hardly  to  be 
discovered  in  other  works  from  his  brush.  Had  these 
frescoes  been  wholly  his,  we  ought  to  find  more  evidence 
relating  to  their  execution.  He  had  many  admirers 
in  Zaragoza,  and  frequently  visited  the  city,  both  before 
and  after  the  French  invasion.  It  is  strange  that  not 
the  slightest  mention  is  made  of  the  monastery  in 
Zapater's  biography,  and  that  his  own  letters  to  Martin 
Zapater  do  not  refer  to  what  is  evidently  a  very  con- 
siderable work.  And,  in  the  argument  which  afterwards 
arose  with  the  authorities  of  El  Pilar,  he  might  well 
have  referred  them  to  the  frescoes  of  the  cartuja. 

The  whole  disposition  of  his  time  during  these  early 
years  bristles  with  difficulties.  The  first  commission  in 
the  cathedral  proves  him  to  have  been  a  rapid  worker, 
and  this  is  corroborated  by  his  later  life  in  Madrid. 
Could  he  have  spent  two  years  over  the  decorations  of 
the  cartuja,  and  could  the  monks  have  afforded  to  pay 
him  for  so  large  a  slice  of  his  life  ?  The  best  suggestion 
that  can  be  offered  is  that  he  was  not  only  busily  painting 
the  chartreuse,  but  also  equally  active  courting  Josefa 
Bayeu,  the  only  sister  of  his  three  old  friends. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS,  1775-I780 

Josefa  Bayeu.  Her  Portrait.  Distractions  of  Madrid.  Church  Work. 
The  Holy  Family.  Rafael  Mengs.  The  Tapestry  Factory  of  Santa 
Barbara.  Goya  commissioned  by  Mengs.  Description  of  the  Cartoons. 
Goj^  and  Hogarth.  Increasing  Reputation.  Presented  to  the  King, 
but  refused  a  Royal  Appointment.  Other  Paintings.  The  Crucifixion 
of  San  Placido.  A  Crucifixion  by  Velazquez.  Goya  elected  a  Member 
of  the  Academy  of  San  Fernando. 

OF  Goya's  family  life  we  know  very  little,  and  can 
only  partially  reconstruct  it  by  means  of  a  few 
disconnected  references  in  his  letters  to  Zapater 
at  Zaragoza.  In  March,  1775,  he  wrote  from  Madrid  to 
the  committee  which  had  charge  of  the  decoration  of  the 
Cathedral  El  Pilar,  referring  to  Francisco  Bayeu  as  his 
brother-in-law.  We  may  therefore  assume  that  Goya 
married  Josefa  Bayeu  either  shortly  before  this  date,  or 
during  the  following  summer. 

Although  Josefa  Bayeu  y  Goya  came  of  a  family  of 
artists,  she  does  not  appear  to  have  had  any  artistic 
aptitude  herself.  Her  portrait  (now  in  the  Prado)  was 
probably  painted  at  the  time  of  her  marriage,  and  is 
therefore  one  of  the  first  in  the  series  which  brought  her 
husband  fame.  Of  remarkable  merit,  it  draws  attention 
to  the  fact  that  Goya  was  only  at  his  best  as  a  portrait- 
painter  when  in  sympathy  with  his  model.  This  he 
realised  in  later  life,  and  would  not  accept  every  casual 
client  who  wished  to  join  the  fashionable  throng  of  his 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  95 

sitters.*  But  the  portraits  of  the  members  of  his  family 
are  always  of  the  highest  quality,  and  it  is  odd  that  an 
artist  who  had  a  reputation  for  being  a  good  son  has 
not  left  us  portraits  of  his  father  and  mother. 

The  features  of  Dona  Josefa  are  not  of  classical  beauty. 
The  mouth  is  too  big,  and  the  nose  too  prominent.  Yet 
the  portrait  has  much  charm,  and  is  a  masterly  piece  of 
characterisation.  A  few  wandering  curls  fall  across  a 
wide  forehead.  The  chin  is  firm,  the  cheeks  well  pro- 
portioned. The  neck  has  the  same  proportions  of  that 
of  the  Venus  of  Milo.  A  light  scarf  is  thrown  airily  across 
the  shoulders,  and  the  only  technical  flaw  is  a  somewhat 
clumsily  modelled  left  arm  and  hand.  The  chief  fas- 
cination of  the  portrait  rests  in  the  large  brilliant  eyes, 
sparkling  with  life  and  vivacity.  Josefa  Bayeu  was  a 
true  Aragonese,  quick,  energetic,  excitable,  self-willed. 
The  lips  are  a  trifle  pinched,  and  support  the  tradition 
that  she  had  not  only  a  will  but  a  temper  of  her  own. 
Such  a  woman  would  not  endure  in  patience,  and 
Goya's  temperament  was  not  wholly  angelic. f 

A  recent  German  biographer  asserts  that  Goya  changed 
in  disposition  from  the  day  of  his  marriage.  He  set 
aside  his  youthful  love  of  travel  and  excitement,  gave 
up  his  participation  in  the  national  recreation  of  bull- 
fighting, and  developed  into  the  hard-working  father  of 
a  household,  devoted  to  his  work,  and  overflowing  with 
a  hitherto  unsuspected  energy. 

Such  a  miracle  is  hardly  human,  and,  unless  we  brush 

♦  Matheron,  chap.  V. 

I  In  a  short  footnote  to  Carderera's  article  on  Goya  {Gazette  des 
Beaux- Arts,  i860,  Vol.  VII.,  p.  216)  Philippe  Burty  says  that  Josefa  was 
ten  years  older  than  her  husband.  The  statement  is  not  made  by  any 
other  biographer,  and  I  am  inclined  to  disbelieve  it. 


96  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

away  all  the  traditions  enveloping  Goya's  name,  can  be 
scarcely  credited.  Undoubtedly  the  artist  attacked  his 
canvases  in  a  new  spirit  of  determination.  Practically 
no  easel  pictures  executed  before  his  marriage  are  in 
existence,  though  probably  he  destroyed  a  good  many 
early  attempts.  His  disgust  when  shown  one  of  his  first 
altar-pieces  is  symptomatic  of  his  maturer  judgment. 
Before  now  artists  have  purchased  their  own  work  to 
feed  a  critical  bonfire.  But  Von  Loga  fails  to  prove  that 
Goya  suddenly  reformed.  He  still  remained  passionately 
devoted  to  pleasure.  Such  a  mixture  of  toil  and  dissi- 
pation is  not  impossible.  No  painter  worked  harder 
than  Boucher,  yet  no  man  dallied  more  frequently  along 
the  primrose  path.  "  No  profit  grows  where  is  no 
pleasure  ta'en,"  was  the  motto  of  Goya,  and  had  there 
been  less  pleasure  there  might  not  have  been  greater 
profit.  But,  as  Renan  says,  man  finds  salvation  in 
more  than  one  way. 

Madrid  offered  innumerable  distractions  to  the  artist, 
and  many  of  these  recreations  Doiia  Josefa  could  hardly 
share.  Goya  loved  to  mix  with  the  rougher  elements 
of  the  city,  the  bull-fighters,  the  professional  swordsmen, 
the  gipsies,  the  musicians,  the  dancing  girls,  perhaps  also 
the  thieves  and  the  murderers,  of  whom  there  were  many. 
This  attraction  towards  the  pothouse  is  not  a  sign  of 
innate  depravity.  Goya  was  no  Tony  Lumpkin,  or 
even,  to  take  an  apter  example,  a  George  Morland.  The 
Spaniards  are  one  of  the  most  abstemious  races  in 
Europe,  and  call  for  water  before  they  call  for  wine. 
This  curious  underworld  fascinated  Goya  by  reason  of 
its  picturesqueness,  its  freedom  from  restraint,  its 
reaHsm  and  its  actuality. 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  97 

He  was  also  welcomed  in  the  most  intimate  circles  of 
the  Court  and  the  aristocracy,  and  here  again  his  wife 
could  not  follow  him.  With  the  growing  age  of  Charles 
HI.  the  earlier  restraint  of  manners  slowly  vanished. 
Society  was  dominated  by  Maria  Luisa  of  Parma,  who  set 
a  moral  standard  which  was  new  to  the  Court.  There 
was  little  difference  between  the  freedom  of  the  gitanas  in 
the  lowest  quarters  of  the  town,  and  the  behaviour  of  the 
men  and  women  who,  laden  with  official  distinctions 
and  honour,  tried  to  kill  time  in  the  palaces  of  the  capital. 

Goya  had  a  real  affection  for  his  wife  ;  that  he  faith- 
fully respected  his  marriage  vows  cannot  be  said. 
Von  Loga  suggests  that  when,  in  1781,  husband  and  wife 
were  at  variance,  the  discord  had  been  caused  by  the 
easy  morals  of  the  artist.  There  is  scanty  information  to 
be  gathered  concerning  Josefa,  but  she  seems  to  have  been 
a  very  good  wife,  and  to  have  forgiven  much.  In  later 
years  Goya  and  Bayeu  bitterly  quarrelled,  but  whether 
the  cause  was  professional  jealousy  or  ill-treatment  of 
Josefa  cannot  be  stated.  At  any  rate,  in  1775,  and  for 
some  years  after,  no  clouds  overshadowed  the  young 
household. 

During  the  summer  of  1775  Goya  endeavoured  to 
obtain  commissions  from  the  Church.  He  was  in 
negotiation  with  the  authorities  of  El  Pilar  at  Zaragoza, 
and,  from  a  letter  dated  September  6,  1775,  he  appears 
to  have  been  engaged  upon  a  processional  banner  bearing 
St.  Christopher  on  one  side,  with  the  Mater  Dolorosa 
on  the  other.  Valerian  von  Loga  dates  the  Holy 
Family  in  the  Prado  about  this  period,  which  is  not 
unlikely,  although  there  are  reasons  for  ascribing  it  to 
the  years  1776-1777.     But  when  the  German  biographer 

H 


98  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

likens  this  uninteresting  work  to  that  ot  Correggio,  it  is 
impossible  to  agree  with  him.  Goya  followed  the 
methods  of  Mengs,  rather  than  any  of  the  Italian  masters, 
and  in  this,  his  first  important  canvas,  he  based  the  lines 
of  his  composition  upon  his  remembrances  of  the  Raphael 
Madonnas  he  had  studied  in  Rome.  No  previous  bio- 
grapher has  realised  that  the  models  for  the  Holy 
Family  were  probably  found  in  the  artist's  own  home, 
and  that  the  radiant  Mother  is  Josef  a  Goya,  whilst  the 
Holy  Babe  and  the  tiny  St.  John  are  the  two  children  of 
the  artist.  The  face  of  Josef  a  has  been  slightly  ideal- 
ised, but,  after  comparing  the  features  of  the  Madonna 
with  the  portrait  of  Dona  Josef  a,  there  cannot  be  much 
doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  the  model.  The  children 
are  delightfully  painted,  the  St.  John  being  a  charm- 
ing figure.  Here  again  Goya  was  naturally  interested 
in  his  task.  As  a  whole  the  colour  is  poor,  and  Goya 
evidently  painted  to  catch  a  popular  fashion.  The  artist 
was  probably  the  first  to  reaHse  that  he  would  never 
attain  the  success  his  ambition  craved  for  with  sub- 
jects selected  from  Holy  Writ. 

There  is  no  documentary  evidence  of  a  personal 
relationship  between  Rafael  Mengs  and  the  young  Ara- 
gonese,  but  there  must  have  been  a  strong  friendship, 
for  Mengs  furthered  Goya's  career  very  considerably. 
Doubtless  Goya  was  ready  to  admit  the  technical 
excellence  of  Mengs's  work.  Although  Anton  Rafael 
Mengs  was  no  great  master,  he  hardly  merits  the  dis- 
paragement he  has  received  from  art-historians  during 
the  last  century.  Mengs  based  his  style  upon  Raphael 
and  Correggio,  and,  had  his  brush  not  been  frozen  by  the 
classical  ideals  of  Winckelmann,  his  place  in  the  history 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  99 

of  his  craft  would  have  been  more  exalted.  Only  one 
modern  critic,  Dr.  Richard  Muther,  has  had  the  courage 
to  admit  the  skill  of  Mengs.  "  There  is  nothing  insipid 
or  affected,  none  of  that  simpering  affability  that  his 
successors  brought  into  vogue,"  writes  Muther  of  the 
early  Dresden  portraits.  Of  the  later  work  he  remarks  : 
"  The  better  ones  are  distinctly  classic  ;  very  noble  in 
their  clear,  subtle  gray  tone,  strikingly  alive,  and  withal 
of  an  extraordinary  independence,  which  shows  no  lean- 
ing upon  any  other  master  whatever.  Mengs  belongs  to 
those  portrait-painters  who  look  into  the  souls  of  their 
sitters,  and  he  ranks,  hke  his  portrait  of  himself  in  the 
Munich  Gallery,  amongst  the  best  portrait-painters  of 
the  eighteenth  century."  Goya  had  only  to  see  the 
portraits  in  the  royal  collections  (many  of  which  are 
now  preserved  in  the  Prado)  to  discover  that  Mengs  was 
greater  than  his  theories.  His  classical  decorations, 
and  compositions  like  the  Mount  Parnassus,  did  not 
influence  Goya  in  the  slightest.  Mengs,  said  Azara, 
was  "  a  philosopher  who  painted  for  philosophers," 
whilst  Goya  was  essentially  a  man  of  action,  and,  as 
his  later  history  proved,  a  true  "  painter's  painter." 
But  Mengs  and  Goya  must  have  had  sympathies  in 
common,  Mengs  was  too  successful  a  man  to  go  out  of 
his  way  to  patronise  a  young  artist  he  was  not  interested 
in,  and  Goya  never  dissembled  his  feelings,  or  truckled 
to  success  in  order  to  gain  a  job.  To  Mengs  Goya  owed 
his  first  important  commission,  which  was  to  bring  him 
before  the  notice  of  the  Court  in  a  particularly  favour- 
able manner. 

Philip  V.  (probably  in  imitation  of  the  Gobelins  work- 
shops on  the  banks  of  the  Bievre  in  Paris)  had  founded  in 


100  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Madrid,  in  1720,  the  royal  tapestry  factory  of  Santa 
Barbara.  Under  the  management  of  Jacob  Van  der 
Goten  and  his  sons  from  Antwerp,  the  factory  speedily 
built  up  a  local  reputation.  Copies  were  made  after 
Wouwerman  and  Teniers,  and  original  cartoons  were 
designed  by  Giordano,  Andre  Procaccini,  Hovasse,  and 
other  Frenchmen  resident  in  Madrid.  Antoine  Lenger, 
a  French  craftsman,  lent  valuable  aid,  and  in  1730  the 
factory  produced  with  much  success  a  copy  of  Raphael's 
Pearl*  one  of  the  treasures  of  the  royal  collection. 
At  the  death  of  Van  der  Goten  the  management  passed 
into  the  hands  of  his  son  Francisco,  and  the  manufacture 
continued  to  flourish. 

Then  followed  a  gradual  loss  in  skill,  and  the  pro- 
ductions ceased  to  be  regarded  with  favour.  Charles  III. 
took  much  interest  in  ai:t,  although  his  critical  judgment 
was  not  of  the  purest.  He  decided  to  resuscitate  the 
fortunes  of  the  royal  tapestry,  and  was  helped  by  his 
consort,  a  Saxon  Princess  who  had  an  inclination  towards 
the  hobbies  of  a  connoisseur,  for  she  was  an  enthusiastic 
collector  of  Capo  di  Monte  ware. 

Mengs  was  then  at  the  summit  of  his  fortune.  A  few 
Spaniards  attempted  to  destroy  his  influence,  notably 
Don  Gregorio  Mayans,  who  afterwards  expressed  his 
views  in  a  pamphlet  El  Arte  de  Pintar,  published  in 
1776.  But  Mengs  was  securely  entrenched  behind  the 
royal  approbation,  and  the  King  turned  to  him  for  advice 
as  to  the  reorganisation  of  the  tapestry  factory.  From 
1762  he  was  responsible  for  its  artistic  control.  When 
Major  Dalrymple  visited  Madrid  twelve  years  later,  the 
establishment  was  of  sufiicient  importance  to  be  included 
*  Eugene  Muntz :    La  Tapisserie, 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  loi 

in  his  description  of  the  capital.  "  There  is  a  manufacture 
of  tapestry  that  was  founded  by  Ferdinand  VI.,  where 
there  are  about  twenty  looms  going.  There  is  also  a 
porcelain  manufactory,  but  no  one  is  admitted  to  see  it. 
These  fabrics  have  been  imitatively  established,  through 
a  puerile  vanity,  whilst  those  of  more  real  utility  are 
never  thought  of.  They  are  kept  up  at  a  considerable 
expense  by  royal  munificence,  for  their  produce  cannot  be 
purchased  but  by  the  opulent.  Indeed,  they  serve  to 
draw  some  of  the  wealth  from  the  clutches  of  the  Prince, 
which  is  distributed  among  those  who  would  otherwise 
most  probably  be  in  want  of  employment."  Dairy mple's 
view  is  of  that  strictly  utilitarian  character  which  may 
be  still  heard  in  councils  and  other  deliberative  assemblies 
where  they  talk.  In  his  opinion,  the  sustenance  of  mere 
artists  was  no  duty  of  the  state.  Apart  from  the  labour 
employed  at  the  china  factory,  the  designing  of  car- 
toons for  tapestry  kept  quite  a  number  of  artists  alive. 
Amongst  them  were  Andrea  de  Calleja,  Jose  del  Castillo, 
Salvador  Maella,  Antonio  Gonzalez,  and  an  artist  who 
had  now  taken  an  important  place  in  the  art  circles  of 
Madrid,  Francisco  Bayeu.  It  will  be  noted  that  Mengs 
made  use  of  native  talent. 

Goya's  name  is  mentioned  for  the  first  time  in  con- 
nection with  Mengs  and  the  tapestry  cartoons  on  June 
i8,  1776.  Working  with  characteristic  energy,  the  young 
artist  appears  to  have  delivered  his  commission  by 
October  30  of  the  same  year.  Mengs  had  formerly 
employed  artists  at  a  fixed  salary,  but  difficulties  had 
arisen  which  are  not  hard  to  imagine,  and  henceforth 
each  cartoon  was  paid  for  separately  upon  delivery,  after 
it  had  passed  the  scrutiny  of  a  committee  of  painters 


102  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

attached  to  the  Court.  Goya's  cartoons  were  inspected 
and  approved  of  by  his  brother-in-law  Francisco  Bayeu, 
and  Mariano  Salvador  Maella.  He  was  paid  7,000  reals, 
or  about  £75.* 

During  the  succeeding  four  years  he  continued  to  work 
for  the  factory  without  intermission,  the  only  break  in 
the  steady  production  of  designs  being  occasioned  by  one 
of  his  mysterious  illnesses  in  April,  1777.     By  January, 

1778,  he  had  delivered  ten  cartoons  of  various  sizes, 
mostly  intended  for  the  decoration  of  the  dining-room 
of  the  children  of  the  royal  family.  For  these  he  was 
paid  46,000  reals  (about  £478).  Before  April  27,  1778, 
he  had  delivered  seven  more  for  the  bedroom  of  the 
Princess  of  the  Asturias  at  El  Pardo.     On  January  5, 

1779,  an  additional  seven  had  been  completed  for  the 
bedroom  of  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias,  and,  by  January 
27,  1780,  twenty  cartoons  had  been  done.  In  all,  he 
was  responsible  for  thirty,  of  which  four  have  been 
lost.f  No  other  artist  in  the  employ  of  the  factory 
worked  so  hard.  His  younger  brother-in-law,  Ramon 
Bayeu,  was  responsible  for  twenty,  Antonio  Velazquez 
did  twenty-three,  and  Jose  del  Castillo,  who  always 
admired  Goya's  cartoons,  but  sixteen.  Goya's  cartoons 
brought  him  an  almost  immediate  celebrity,  not  only 
amongst  the  aristocracy,  but  also  with  the  lower  classes. 

*  The  chief  authority  upon  Goya's  connection  with  the  Santa  Barbara 
factory  is  G.  Cruzada  Villaamil's  Los  tapices  de  Goya,  Madrid,  1870. 

f  A  missing  cartoon  from  the  second  series  of  tapestry  designs  (see 
chapter  XI.)  appears  to  have  turned  up  at  the  Nemes  sale,  held  in 
Paris,  June  18,  1913.  "  At  the  close  of  the  sale,"  writes  The  Times 
correspondent,  "  the  announcement  was  made  that  the  Spanish 
government  had  lodged  a  protest  against  the  sale  of  Goya's  Las  Gigan- 
tillas  .  .  .  The  Spanish  government  alleges  that  it  was  stolen  in 
1869  from  the  tapestry  gallery  of  the  Prado  Museum." 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  103 

Their  success  is  simple  to  explain.  They  are  frankly 
nationalist,  and  nationality  in  art  is  always  a  sure 
card  for  even  a  moderately  gifted  artist  to  play. 

These  large  cartoons  are  now  preserved  in  the  base- 
ment galleries  of  the  Prado.  For  years  they  rotted 
away  in  a  forgotten  garret  until  Carderera  rescued  them 
in  1869.  Age  and  neglect  have  toned  their  crudities, 
and  this  is  no  drawback  to  an  appreciation  of  their 
merits.  But  the  rooms  do  not  form  an  ideal  gallery, 
and  the  cartoons  deserve  a  better  resting-place.  Yet 
in  every  way  they  justify  the  abundant  commissions 
Mengs  showered  upon  Goya,  and  they  prove  that  Mengs 
was  ready  to  set  aside  his  own  prejudices  and  recognise 
a  man  of  talent,  even  one  who  neglected  to  follow  the 
dogmas  of  Winckelmann  and  the  example  of  the  antique. 

Mengs's  greatest  decorative  effort  was  the  dull  and 
sedate  Parnassus  which  Goya  must  have  seen  in  the 
Aldobranini  Palace  at  Rome.  Apollo  stands  with  his  lyre 
in  the  centre  of  the  stage  like  an  actor-manager  basking 
in  the  limelight.  Round  him  pose  attendant  deities. 
The  stiffness  of  the  composition  at  first  sight  recalls 
a  Roman  pavement  mosaic,  and  the  figures  awake  more 
than  one  reminiscence  of  the  statues  in  the  Vatican 
gallery.  It  is  interesting  to  compare  this  staid  decoration 
with  the  gorgeous  imaginative  fancies  of  G.  B.  Tiepolo, 
who  was  engaged  upon  the  ceilings  of  the  royal  palace  in 
Madrid  from  1762  to  1770.  Twenty  years  later  Tiepolo 
profoundly  influenced  Goya's  frescoes,  but  in  the  tapestry 
cartoons  there  is  no  sign  that  the  young  Aragonese  had 
even  seen  the  wonderful  work  of  the  last  great  Venetian. 

Had  Goya  been  given  a  free  hand  in  the  selection  of 
his  subjects  it  is  probable  that  he  would  have  compounded 


104  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

a  dish  of  the  stale  mythology  which  had  so  well  served 
Lebrun  and  all  his  imitators  in  Spain.  Fate,  however, 
was  kind  to  him.  Charles  III.  desired  the  compositions 
to  deal  with  the  daily  life  of  the  country  over  which  he 
ruled  with  a  truly  paternal  affection.  Spain  was  begin- 
ning to  awake  from  her  long  slumber,  and  the  old  King 
himself  was  largely  responsible  for  the  reviving  spirit  of 
nationalism.  Strange  chance  placed  the  commission  in 
the  hands  of  one  of  the  most  nationalist  artists  of  the 
entire  school  of  Spanish  painting. 

Goya  had  never  succumbed  to  the  decadent  styles 
which,  coming  from  Bologna,  Naples,  and  Rome,  com- 
pleted the  ruin  of  Spanish  art.  His  earliest  cartoon 
reveals  a  decided  analogy  to  the  frescoes  of  the  Floren- 
tines. In  more  senses  than  one  he  was  a  real  Pre- 
Raphaelite.  La  merienda  ("  A  picnic  on  the  banks  of 
the  Manzanares  "),  the  first  of  the  tapestries,  was  executed 
in  1776,  and  is  therefore  one  of  the  earliest  canvases 
we  can  definitely  date.  The  artist  was  not  restrained 
by  any  consideration  for  the  material  into  which  his 
brushwork  was  to  be  translated.  He  simply  put  together 
an  easel  picture  of  size  sufficient  to  cover  the  large  space 
required.  This  picnic  party  is  somewhat  confused  in 
composition.  Had  Goya  travelled  in  France  during  his 
wanderjahre  we  would  say  that  his  youthful  eye  had 
nebulously  remembered  the  fetes  champetres  of  Watteau 
and  his  school.  These  cartoons  are  often  called  Wat- 
teauesque,  but  Goya  could  only  have  received  his 
impressions  at  second-hand.  There  are  two  small 
Watteaus  in  the  Prado,  but  whether  or  no  he  saw  them 
when  they  were  in  the  royal  collection  is  doubtful,  and 
they  are  hardly  of  sufficient  importance  to  influence  his 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  105 

design.  But  there  were  several  French  decorators  at  work 
in  Madrid,  who  had  been  steeped  in  the  traditions  of  the 
French  school  of  the  early  eighteenth  century,  and  Goya, 
as  a  young  artist  seeking  a  safe  path,  would  not  un- 
naturally turn  to  them  for  inspiration. 

In  La  merienda  considerable  attention  was  given  to 
the  landscape,  and  the  trees  and  foliage  are  set  down 
with  a  care  which  cannot  fail  to  recall  the  methods 
of  the  earUer  Italian  masters.  But  this  background  was 
unsuitable  for  tapestry.  The  colour  is  too  black,  and 
tends  to  absorb  the  figures.  In  the  succeeding  car- 
toons this  defect  was  remedied,  and  the  figures  are 
generally  sharply  silhouetted  against  a  light  sky.  The 
Dance  at  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida  ('^777)  shows  a 
tremendous  advance  as  a  piece  of  decoration.  The 
river  and  landscape  background  are  only  sHghtly  in- 
dicated, being  broadly  placed  upon  the  canvas  with 
a  dawning  sense  of  atmospheric  effect.  Instead  of  loading 
the  single  tree  with  a  blotch  of  dark  foliage,  the  almost 
naked  branches  are  revealed  in  their  exquisite  pattern. 
Goya  concentrated  all  his  skill  upon  the  four  men  and 
women,  who,  in  old  Spanish  costume,  tread  a  stately 
dance  to  the  music  of  the  sequedeilla.  In  the  same 
year  came  a  scene  outside  a  village  inn,  to  a  certain 
degree  conventional,  but  with  much  life  and  character, 
and  also  the  very  dehghtful  Andalusia,  in  which  the 
five  principal  figures  are  treated  with  considerable 
dexterity.  This  is  indeed  a  true  Watteau  subject  as 
seen  by  Spanish  eyes,  and  the  subtle  intermingling  of 
the  distinctive  characteristics  of  the  two  great  Latin 
races  is  a  fascinating  problem  to  disentangle.  The  scene 
is  evidently  an  interlude  in  a  bal  masque.     In  one  of 


io6  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

those  groves  that  Watteau  loved,  a  maja  in  lace  and  silks 
is  laughing  with  a  surly  individual  who  appears  to  have 
stepped  out  of  Beaumarchais'  most  celebrated  comedy. 
He  boasts  a  portentous  cocked  hat,  and  owns  the  most 
wonderful  legs  encased  in  white  stockings.  The  conversa- 
tion galante  arouses  the  jealousy  of  other  cavaliers.  But 
such  impeccable  calves  would  arouse  the  dormant  envy 
of  a  saint.  On  the  left,  a  cloaked  hildago  glares  at 
the  couple  from  beneath  a  huge  white  sombrero.  In 
the  background  are  two  more  masqueraders,  who  con- 
template the  little  coquette  with  equal  displeasure.  It 
is  an  interlude  of  melodrama.  "  Love  gilds  the  scene, 
and  woman  guides  the  plot."  This  is  the  earliest  com- 
position in  which  Goya  revealed  his  dramatic  gifts, 
that  innate  faculty  for  telling  a  story  to  be  seen  at  its 
best  in  the  etchings  and  some  of  the  historical  paintings. 
In  1778  followed  in  rapid  succession  the  Blind  beggar, 
the  Crockery  market,  the  Promenade,  and  La  acerolea. 
The  Blind  beggar  was  the  most  popular,  and  Goya 
etched  the  subject  shortly  after,  but  the  Crockery-seller 
{El  cacharrero)  has  a  charm  not  fully  appreciated  in  his 
own  day,  perhaps  because  it  represented  a  daily  sight 
in  the  Madrid  streets  which  did  not  interest  the  crowd 
because  it  lacked  a  sentimental  appeal.  Goya  found 
his  subject  in  a  comer  of  the  public  market.  One  of 
the  huge,  springless  coaches  used  by  the  nobility  occupies 
the  centre  of  the  canvas.  Three  magnificent  footmen, 
in  liveries  and  powdered  wigs,  hang  on  to  the  rear  of 
the  carriage,  and  an  equally  gorgeous  coachman  holds 
the  reins.  The  edge  of  the  frame  cuts  off  our  view  of 
the  horses,  and  thus  Go5^a  eluded  his  usual  difficulty. 
The  enormous  wheels  of  the  coach  give  an  air  of  move- 


1778 


Pholo,  Andtrson 


THE   CROCKERY   SELLER 
"  El  Cacharrero."     Tapestry  Cartoon  A'l I/.     Pra<io,  Madrid. 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  107 

ment  to  a  composition  which  radiates  from  their  spokes, 
and  the  tiny  procession  moves  forward  with  an  air  of 
triumph.  In  the  foreground  the  market-women  squat 
on  the  pavement,  with  an  attendant  man,  a  sleeping 
dog,  and  a  large  stock  of  earthenware,  painted  with  all 
the  fidelity  of  an  old  Dutch  master  or  a  bodegone  by 
Velazquez.  In  many  respects  the  Crockery-seller  re- 
minds the  English  student  of  Hogarth,  although  it  must 
be  admitted  that  Goya  was  technically  in  advance  of 
the  English  artist.  Both  used  that  peculiarly  nervous 
brushwork  with  accentuated  high  lights  which  may 
probably  be  traced  home  to  the  later  Venetians.  Indeed, 
we  find  it  in  all  mid-eighteenth  century  work,  particu- 
larly with  Guardi,  Longhi,  and  in  the  sketches  of  Tiepolo. 
Hogarth,  however,  was  too  ready  to  point  a  moral,  and 
thus  did  not  always  adorn  his  tale.  He  found  his  types 
in  the  lower  circles  of  the  metropolis,  and  his  good  men 
are  sanctimonious  whilst  his  rogues  are  degraded.  He 
was  perfectly  able  to  paint  a  handsome  figure  or  a  pretty 
woman,  but  he  did  not  search  for  beauty,  only  dealing 
with  good  looks  when  they  casually  passed  his  way.  Had 
Hogarth  travelled  through  Italy  to  Rome  his  art  might 
have  lost  in  individuality  but  probably  would  have 
gained  in  beauty  of  colour  and  form.  As  it  is,  his  fine 
natural  genius  is  too  exclusively  insular.  Goya,  in  his 
tapestry  cartoons,  had  a  simpler  aim  which  did  not  result 
in  compositions  so  ruthlessly  overcrowded  as  those  of 
Hogarth.  The  first  ideal  of  the  Spanish  artist  was  to 
provide  an  acceptable  wall  decoration  for  a  royal  palace. 
By  chance  he  was  allowed  or  commanded  to  select  his 
subjects  from  the  life  which  appealed  to  him  most. 
As  a  decorative  artist  he  was  practically  untrained,  and 


io8  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

it  was  only  gradually  that  he  learned  that  large  flat 
masses  were  more  important  than  accumulations  of 
detail.  In  order  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  material 
for  which  he  was  designing,  he  exaggerated  his  colour 
schemes,  and  this  was  an  advantage,  for  throughout 
his  life  his  palette  was  inclined  to  a  sombre  and  low 
key.  In  all  these  tapestry  cartoons  there  is  an 
evident  effort  to  extract  the  utmost  value  from  the  play 
of  light  on  silk  and  satin.  Some  critics  have  called 
his  work  crude,  but  the  real  crudity  is  in  the  tapestries 
themselves,*  and  not  in  the  cartoons.  As  a  whole  the 
tones  are  dark.  The  handling  varies  ;  in  some  cartoons 
it  is  meticulously  careful,  in  others  we  can  note  a  feverish 
and  hurried  brush.  Many  of  these  cartoons  are  experi- 
ments. As  Von  Loga  points  out,  Goya  understood  at  last 
that  a  strong  contrast,  although  often  producing  a  harsh 
and  rough  colour,  was  a  considerable  help  to  the  looms. f 

*  Now  hanging  in  the  palace  of  the  Escorial, 

t  Mr.  Thomas  Cole,  the  well-known  wood-engraver,  writes  in  his 
Old  Spanish  Masters :  "  While  a  few  of  the  cartoons  possess  great 
charm  and  brilliancy  of  tone,  the  majority  are  harsh  and  crude  in 
colouring,  owing  possibly  to  the  commercialism  of  the  time,  which 
may  have  demanded  something  gay  and  catching.  Certain  it  is  that 
in  black  and  white  they  have  greater  dignity  and  simplicity.  Know- 
ing them  only  from  reproductions  in  this  medium,  I  could  not  help 
marvelling,  on  seeing  the  originals,  that  the  artist  should  have  spoiled 
the  nobility  and  repose  of  his  works  by  staining  them  with  hard  and 
spotty  colours.  Their  unnaturally  bright  hues  are  accounted  for  by 
the  fact  that  they  were  done  for  copjang  in  tapestry,  as  though  it  were 
the  nature  of  the  texture  of  tapestry  to  soften  them.  But  in  fact  the 
reproductions,  instead  of  ameliorating  the  tints  of  the  originals,  have 
accentuated  their  defects,  and  this  so  deplorably  that  they  present  a 
garish  spectacle  of  pigments,  ill-suited  to  the  quiet,  unobtrusive  flatness 
so  becoming  to  the  walls  of  an  interior."  Whilst  not  agreeing  wholly 
with  Mr.  Cole's  criticism  (for  commercialism  had  little  to  do  with  the 
Santa  Barbara  factory)  his  remarks  about  the  hardness  of  some  of  the 
cartoons  is  perfectly  correct.  There  have  probably  been  many 
chemical  changes  in  the  pigments,  for  Goya  was  careless  about  the 
permanency  of  his  palette. 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  109 

As  Goya  advanced  with  the  series  he  endeavoured 
more  and  more  successfully  to  fulfil  the  requirements 
of  the  material  into  which  his  designs  were  translated. 
To  those  who  have  seen  the  tapestries  in  the  private 
apartments  of  the  royal  family,  it  is  a  matter  of  some 
surprise  that  these  charming  domestic  scenes  are  not 
better  known  and  more  widely  appreciated.  Their 
rococo  fancy  harmonises  well  with  a  setting  of  white 
and  gold.  The  compositions  suffer  from  a  certain 
sameness  of  invention.  The  motive  of  a  leafless  trunk 
on  the  right  or  left  of  the  scene  is  continually  repeated. 
But  the  little  groups  of  Madrilefias  live  and  move  with 
an  enchanting  vivacity.  The  large  Game  of  pelota 
{1779)  outside  the  walls  of  a  city  (probably  Madrid)  is 
a  surprising  contrast  to  the  artificial  combinations  of  the 
fashionable  school  which  derived  from  Lebrun.  In  the 
Washerwomen  (1779),  and  the  Game  of  pelota  {1779)  we 
have  scenes  of  low  life,  but  painted  with  much  grace, 
and  without  Hogarth's  brutality  and  coarseness.  The 
figures  in  the  Promenade  and  the  Fair  of  Madrid  (1778) 
are  beautifully  drawn.  Most  of  the  figures  in  the  cartoons 
it  must  be  mentioned,  are  life-size.  In  La  novillada 
(177 ())  Goya  used  as  his  background  the  Lonja,  or  Market 
Hall,  of  Zaragoza. 

Artistically  the  tapestry  cartoons  furthered  Goya's 
reputation.  He  painted  with  more  vivacity  than  any 
of  his  companions,  and  his  popular  subjects  appealed 
to  a  dawning  national  spirit.  Financially  the  cartoons 
placed  him  beyond  any  feeling  of  poverty,  for,  at  the 
time  of  his  marriage,  Goya  must  have  been  an  extremely 
poor  man.  Socially  they  introduced  him  to  the  most 
exalted    circles.       Early    in    January,    1779,    he    was 


no  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

presented  to  the  King  and  the  heir  apparent,  and  kissed 
hands.  He  wrote  to  Zapater,  describing  the  incident 
in  the  most  enthusiastic  terms.  "  I  tell  you  that  I  have 
nothing  more  to  wish  for.  They  were  extremely  pleased 
with  my  pictures,  and  expressed  great  satisfaction — not 
only  the  King,  but  the  Prince  as  well.  Neither  I  nor 
my  works  deserve  such  recognition."  *  This  is  hardly 
the  language  of  a  revolutionary,  and  indeed  Goya's 
republicanism  exists  largely  in  the  imagination  of  some 
of  his  later  biographers.  He  was  like  most  of  the 
Spaniards  of  his  time,  intensely  democratic,!  but  with  an 
inherited  veneration  for  the  crown.  This  is  an  aspect  of 
his  character  which  must  be  discussed  later. 

Besides,  as  a  young  painter  with  his  career  to  make, 
he  could  not  shut  his  eyes  to  the  advantages  of  royal 
patronage.  There  is  much  evidence  that  he  invited  the 
support  of  the  privileged  classes.  On  July  24,  1779, 
he  petitioned  the  King  for  an  appointment  as  one  of 
the  Court  painters.  He  recapitulated  his  work  in 
Zaragoza,  laying  stress  on  the  fact  that  he  travelled  to 
Rome  at  his  own  expense,  and  citing  the  name  of  Mengs 
as  a  man  who  had  encouraged  him.  His  petition  was 
refused,  and  it  is  easy  to  give  a  reason.  His  association 
with  the  royal  family  had  not  been  of  long  duration. 

*  Zapater :  Noticias  hiogrdficas,  p.  14. 

t  That  Spain  is  in  reality  a  democratic  country  has  been  noted  by 
two  travellers  so  very  different  in  ideals  as  Chateaubriand  and  George 
Borrow.  The  author  of  Rene  said  :  "  This  nation  has  no  servile  airs, 
none  of  those  phrases  which  stand  for  abject  thoughts  and  degraded 
souls.  The  great  lord  and  the  peasant  speak  the  same  language. 
Their  salutations,  their  compliments,  their  habits,  and  their  manners, 
are  the  same."  Borrow  was  more  direct.  "  One  of  the  few  countries 
in  Europe  where  poverty  is  not  treated  with  contempt,  and,  I  may 
add,  where  the  wealthy  are  not  blindly  idolised." 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  iii 

The  natural  resistance  of  two  successful  artists  like 
Mengs  and  Bayeu  to  foster  the  growth  of  one  who  prom- 
ised to  be  their  most  powerful  rival  may  have  had  some 
effect  upon  the  King's  councillors.  Lastly,  Goya's  tem- 
perament must  not  be  forgotten.  He  was  naturally  iras- 
cible, and  sharp-tongued.  Although  he  could  rapidly 
make  good  friends,  it  was  even  quicker  to  make  enemies. 

From  June  1776  to  the  early  spring  of  1780  Goya 
executed  ten  panels.  Six  large  cartoons  and  four  panels 
brought  him  46,000  reals,  and  he  was  actively  at  work 
in  other  directions.  He  accepted  commissions  for  por- 
traits in  1777,  he  was  etching  plates  after  Velazquez, 
and  he  was  also  travelling  to  and  fro  between  Madrid 
and  Zaragoza  in  connection  with  decorations  he  had 
undertaken  for  the  cathedral  El  Pilar.  In  three  years 
he  is  said  to  have  earned  114,000  reals  (about  £1,200), 
a  not  inconsiderable  income  for  an  artist  of  little  over 
thirty.  His  early  etchings  did  not  count  for  much  in 
this  total,  and  must  be  dealt  with  in  another  chapter. 
His  troubles  at  Zaragoza  also  require  separate  mention. 

In  addition  to  the  tapestry  cartoons,  the  portraits, 
and  the  etchings,  some  of  his  smaller  genre  compositions 
must  also  be  dated  about  this  period.  Mr.  Rothenstein 
attributes  the  five  small  canvases  in  the  Academy  of 
San  Fernando  to  a  year  shortly  after  Goya's  return  from 
Italy.*  But  the  "  delicate  and  silvery  key,  with  ex- 
quisite lightness  of  touch,"  which  fascinated  the  English 
artist, t  the  "  grande  deUcatesse  de  ton  "  which  Charles 

♦  They  have  all  been  moved  to  the  Prado,  and  may  be  identified  as 
the  Little  bullfight,  The  madhouse,  A  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition,  The 
flagellants,  and  The  burial  of  the  sardine. 

t  Wilham  Rothenstein :  Goya,  p.  6. 


112  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Yriarte*  could  not  refrain  from  noting  thirty-three 
years  earlier,  point  to  a  maturer  development  of  Goya's 
genius.  During  the  period  under  discussion  he 
painted  in  a  hard  and  tight  manner.  In  the  collection 
of  Sir  John  Murray-Scott  was  a  small  canvas  entitled 
Spaniards  dancing  a  bolero,  not  unlike  the  large  Dance 
amongst  the  tapestry  cartoons.  Many  of  its  motives 
can  be  found  in  the  first  or  second  series  of  cartoons, 
and  its  date  is  perhaps  about  1778.  There  is  plenty  of 
grip  and  movement  in  this  little  piece,  and  a  suspicion 
of  indecision  in  the  handling  suggests  that  here  we 
have  one  of  those  lost  studies  of  national  life  which 
sold  so  readily  to  the  foreign  visitors  in  Rome.f  Cer- 
tainly the  silvery  tones  of  the  pictures  from  the  Academy 
of  San  Fernando  are  not  visible. 

Goya  was  also  executing  church  works.  The  Cruci- 
fixion and  a  St.  Francis  for  the  church  of  S.  Francisco  el 
Grande  brought  great  applause.  The  Crucifixion  is  now 
in  the  Prado,  and,  although  like  all  Spanish  subjects  of  a 
similar  nature,  most  realistically  and  painfully  drawn, 
does  not  alter  our  conviction  that  Goya's  talent  was 
not  at  its  best  when  employed  upon  religious  subjects. 
In  this  case  his  inspiration  can  be  clearly  traced.  The 
Crucifixion  is  a  direct  challenge  to  Velazquez's  wonderful 
Crucifixion  of  San  Placido,  and  a  comparison  of  the  two 
works  is  not  to  Goya's  advantage.  Velazquez's  figure 
is  described  by  Thore-Burger  in  one  word — "  terrible." 
The  body  is  emaciated,  the  muscles  are  knotted  and 

*  Yriarte  :  Goya,  p.  131. 

f  This  interesting  canvas  was  originally  in  the  collection  of  Sir 
Richard  Wallace,  but  whether  he  acquired  it,  or  the  Marquis  of  Hert- 
ford, cannot  be  stated.  At  the  sale  of  the  Murray-Scott  collection, 
June  27,  1913,  at  Christie's,  it  changed  hands  for  250  guineas. 


THE  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  113 

distorted  in  agony.*  The  Crucifixion  of  San  Placido,  and 
the  Christ  at  the  column,  in  the  National  Gallery,  prove 
that  Velazquez's  sluggish  temperament  was  sometimes 
touched  by  the  flame  of  religious  ecstasy.    The  intense 
quivering  humanity  of  this  Christ  could  only  have  been 
reaUsed  by  an   artist  whose  soul  vibrated  in  sympathy 
with  the  tragedy  of  the  redemption.     Goya  lacked  the 
spirituality   of   the   old   Spanish   masters.     They   were 
mystics,  surrounded  by  an  invisible  world.     Goya  could 
not  escape  the  inherited  tendencies  of  untold  centuries. 
Aragon  is  a  land  of  soothsayers  and  witches.     He  fought 
against  superstitions  which  he  could  not  wholly  reject. 
He  turned  his  back  upon  Heaven,  and  was  haunted  by 
Hell.     There  is  no  celestial  peace  in  anything  he  produced. 
The  Crucifixion  of  San  Francisco  el  Grande  is  the  repre- 
sentation of  the  body  of  a  well-nourished  model,  better 
fitted  to  sustain  the  role  of  a  youthful  St.  Sebastian. 
There  is   no   trace   of   physical   pain.     In   Velazquez's 
painting  the  head  of  the  Christ  has  dropped.     Goya 
follows  the  example  of  the  older  master  line  by  Une,  but 
raises  the  head,  and  gives  the  features  a  conventional 
expression.    With  Velazquez  the  tortured  body  actually 
hangs  on  the  Cross  ;  with  Goya,  the  model  calmly  stands 
on  a  sustaining  pedestal.     The  Crucifixion  of  San  Fran- 
cisco is  good  studio  painting,   and  shows  that   Goya 
could  draw  the  human  figure  with  a  skill  that  certainly 
surpassed  his  contemporaries.     More  than  that  cannot 
be  said. 

*  "  I  suspect  the  Spaniards  of  finding  pleasure  in  the  sight  of  the 
sufferings  of  Christ,"  says  Maurice  Barres  (quoted  by  Havelock  Ellis). 
Some  of  Goya's  etchings  certainly  suggest  that  Goya  was  interested 
in  purely  human  suffering,  which  he  draws  with  as  little  emotion  as 
the  Spanish  crowd  watches  the  most  dreadful  incidents  of  a  bull-fight. 

I 


114  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Probably  these  technical  merits  accounted  for  its 
success,  despite  the  absence  of  feeling.  Goya  had  not 
been  led  away  into  the  wilderness  of  classicism  by  the 
plastic  theories  of  Winckelmann.  He  painted  his  figure 
in  a  slightly  reahstic  manner  from  the  living  model,  and 
did  not  treat  it  as  a  piece  of  carved  stone  dug  from  some 
ruin  of  antiquity.  His  skill  was  appreciated  by  the 
members  of  his  own  profession,  and  on  May  7,  1780,  he 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  San 
Fernando,  this  Crucifixion  being  cited  as  his  qualifying 
work.  Although  he  was  always  ready  to  scoff  at  the 
academical,  he  was  proud  of  the  distinction,  which  he 
frequently  referred  to  in  his  subsequent  dispute  with  the 
authorities  of  El  Pilar.  He  still  suffered  from  the  King's 
refusal  to  create  him  a  member  of  the  Court.  Academical 
recognition  helped  to  heal  the  wound,  and  he  was  eager 
to  make  use  of  its  commercial  value  to  the  utmost 
advantage.  Self-confidence  in  his  owti  abilities  he  had 
never  lacked. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

EARLY  ETCHINGS,   I775-I779 

Philip  Gilbert  Hamerton  on  Goya,  Interest  of  the  early  Etchings.  The 
Flight  into  Egypt.  Goya's  first  Etching.  San  Isidrod.n^  San  Francisco. 
The  Etchings  after  Velazquez.  Studies  for  the  Etchings.  The  Blind 
Street  Singer.     Hogarth  and  Goya. 

THE  early  etchings  by  Goya  are  interesting  chiefly 
because  they  reveal  the  endeavours  of  his  ardent 
spirit  to  conquer  a  new  field  of  artistic  energy. 
They  are  experiments,  and  must  not  be  regarded  in  any 
other  light.  Goya  himself  was  dissatisfied  with  them, 
and  destroyed  many  of  the  plates.  If  we  were  to  judge 
his  skill  as  an  etcher  merely  from  the  ability  displayed 
in  the  copies  after  Velazquez  we  should  be  compelled 
to  agree  with  Phihp  Gilbert  Hamerton 's  curious  verdict. 
That  authority  on  etching  wrote  that  Goya  "  never  felt 
the  real  pleasures  of  an  etcher,"  using  the  etching  needle 
*'  without  any  idea  of  the  artistic  capabilities  of  the 
instrument  and  the  art."  * 

Had  Hamerton  based  these  remarks  upon  Goya's 
first  attempts  he  might  be  excused,  but  apparently  he 
never  saw  the  early  plates,  and  gave  the  slightest  heed 

*  The  Portfolio,  1879,  and  reprinted  in  Portfolio  Papers.  As  an  alert 
journalist  Hamerton  noted  that  Goya's  pictures  in  the  Paris  Exhibition 
of  1878  attracted  considerable  attention.  Being  a  good  editor  it  was 
necessary  to  refer  to  them  in  his  magazine,  but  unfortunately  he  wrote 
the  article  himself,  and  an  odd  piece  of  criticism  it  is. 


ii6  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

to  the  Caprices,  the  Disasters  of  War,  and  the  Tauroma- 
quia.  Prints  from  the  original  plates  of  the  Proverbs 
were  appearing  in  that  line  French  periodical  L'Art,  and 
he  honestly  disliked  them.  Hamerton  approached  Goya 
without  sympathy,  and,  although  he  disclaimed  political 
feeling,  evidently  considered  the  Spaniard  as  a  wicked 
radical  who  was  trying  to  pose  as  a  great  artist.  Of  his 
paintings  he  admitted  he  knew  little,  and  his  criticism 
of  Goya  will  fall  more  properly  into  place  when  we 
consider  those  extraordinary  works  of  imagination  which 
Baron  Erlanger  rescued  and  gave  to  the  Prado. 

An  almost  complete  set  of  the  early  etchings  can  be 
studied  in  the  Print  Room  of  the  British  Museum. 
Other  examples  will  be  found  in  the  chalcographical 
collections  of  Paris,  Berlin,  and  Madrid.  Valerian  von 
Loga  has  reproduced  the  rarest,  and  the  worst,  in  a  hand- 
some volume  wholly  devoted  to  the  etchings,  and  further 
facsimiles  will  be  found  in  Hofmann's  catalogue.*  The 
trouble  was  hardly  worth  taking.  But  they  form  a  link 
in  the  development  of  the  talent  of  a  great  artist,  as, 
for  instance,  Turner's  crude  drawings  of  Folly  Bridge 
and  Nuneham  Harcourt  are  essential  in  any  comprehensive 
survey  of  that  genius.  They  are  useful  for  purposes  of 
comparison.  In  themselves.  Folly  Bridge  or  an  early 
etching  by  Goya  are  equally  worthless. 

Goya's  first  etching  was  probably  the  Flight  into 
Egypt,  which  must  have  been  done  somewhere  about 
1775.  In  those  days  every  painter  etched,  or  tried  to 
etch,  and  if  the  result  was  not   always  a  masterpiece, 

*  Valerian  von  Loga :  Francisco  de  Goya,  Meister  der  Graphik, 
Band  IV.,  and  also  Goya's  seltene  Radierungen  und  Lithographien. 
Berlin,  1907. 


EARLY  ETCHINGS  117 

it  was  at  least  a  reduplication  of  personality  which 
popularised  his  art  and  gave  pleasure  to  his  admirers. 
Modem  artists,  with  a  few  notable  exceptions,  seem 
afraid  to  etch.  If  the  rank  and  file  seek  for  immortaUty 
let  them  start  at  once.  Their  pictures  may  be  forgotten, 
but  their  etchings  will  wander  from  portfolio  to  portfolio 
for  eternity. 

A  chance  remark  by  Carderera  may  be  accepted  as 
the  reason  Goya  picked  up  the  etching  needle.  The 
Flight  into  Egypt,  he  suggests,  was  drawn  for  exchange.* 
Maella,  his  colleague  in  the  tapestry  factory,  did  a 
Repose  in  Egypt,  Bayeu  a  Holy  Family,  and  other  members 
of  the  Madrid  School  added  to  the  common  stock.  Their 
engravings  are  lost  to  fame,  and,  if  Goya  had  done 
nothing  else,  the  Flight  into  Egypt  would  have  suffered 
the  same  fate.  Von  Loga  talks  about  Tiepolo  and  the 
Venetian  idea  in  reference  to  this  extremely  slight 
sketch. f  Actually  there  is  very  little  idea  in  the  Flight. 
The  ass  is  badly  drawn — Goya  never  was  happy  with 
his  animals.  The  Virgin  and  the  Child  are  uncomfort- 
ably perched  upon  the  beast  in  an  attitude  which  por- 
tends disaster.  Naturally  St.  Joseph  looks  ill  at  ease. 
The  drawing  is  poor,  although  the  etched  line  is  firm 
and  incisive. 

The  next  prints  are  more  ambitious  failures.  Of  San 
Isidro  praying  but  a  single  copy  exists  in  the  National 
Library  of  Madrid.  The  Saint  is  typically  Spanish,  but 
the  draughtsmanship  is  far  from  good,  and  the  proof 
shows  that  Goya  lost  control  of  the  plate.    The  "  biting  " 

*  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  September,  1863,  p.  239. 

f  Von  Loga :  Goya,  Meister  der  Graphik,  p.  3.  The  etching  is  re- 
produced, together  with  the  San  Isidro  and  many  of  the  Velazquez 
subjects. 


Ii8  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

did  not  succeed,  and  the  work  was  left  unfinished.  Per- 
haps it  would  have  been  better  if  the  one  copy  had 
perished.  With  the  San  Isidro  may  be  mentioned  the 
San  Francisco  de  Paula,  of  which  the  plate  belongs  to  the 
Royal  Chalcography  of  Madrid,  and  recent  prints  have 
been  taken.*  Goya  was  never  disheartened  by  failures. 
He  was  closely  studying  the  Velazquez  portraits,  and 
he  decided  to  etch  them.  In  1778  he  completed  eleven 
large  plates.  During  the  same  year  he  delivered  fourteen 
of  the  tapestry  cartoons,  so  that  his  energy  must  have 
been  terrific. 

They  show  no  sign  of  haste,  and  must  have  been 
undertaken  as  a  pleasure.  Goya  may  have  received  some 
vague  promise  of  state  support.  The  multiplication  of 
these  masterpieces  was  a  patriotic  duty,  and  Godoy  did 
well  to  buy  the  plates.  But  this  purchase  did  not  take 
place  until  1793,  so  that  Goya's  labour  must  have  had 
little  financial  result  in  1778. f  But  as  reproductions 
of  Velazquez  these  etchings  are  not  only  singularly 
ineffective,  but  at  times  absolutely  false.  The  equestrian 
Philip  IV.  is  executed  with  a  niggling  delicacy  which 
Goya  rarely  attempted  in  his  painting.  The  etched 
line  is  scratchy  and  uncertain.  In  the  later  plates  the 
line  is  deeper  and  richer,  but  in  no  case  is  it  quite  happy. 
A  comparison  of  Velazquez's  ^sop  with  the  etching 
shows  how  strangely  Goya  lost  the  exquisite  gradation 
of  tone  in  the  original,  whilst  the  features  lack  the  serene 
dignity  of  Velazquez's  peasant  philosopher  and  deteriorate 

*  See  Lefort's  catalogue,  p.  116. 

f  Carderera  states  that  Goya  presented  these  plates  to  the  King  in 
I77p.  Another  version  asserts  that  they  were  purchased  in  1793, 
which  possibly  was  the  date  of  payment.  Otherwise  it  is  difficult  to 
reconcile  the  facts. 


i  y . 


THE   GAROTTE 
After  the  etching  in  the  British  Museum 


EARLY  ETCHINGS  119 

into  the  furrows  and  wrinkles  of  an  ill-tempered  old  man. 
Goya  was  certainly  aware  of  the  deficiencies  of  his  in- 
terpretation, for  he  did  not  trouble  to  carry  the  plate 
to  an  advanced  stage,  and  probably  looked  upon  his 
work  as  little  more  than  an  exercise  in  craftsmanship. 
Don  Sebastian  de  Morra,  one  of  the  famous  dwarfs,  is 
more  successful,  but  it  compares  feebly  with  the  original. 
The  Alcade  RonquiUo  (after  a  lost  portrait)  reveals  an 
increasing  mastery  of  the  technique  of  etching,  and  the 
plate  is  almost  overworked  by  the  needle.  Las  Meninas,* 
although  it  lacks  all  depth  and  beauty  of  tone,  is  a  gallant 
attempt  at  a  reproduction  of  the  silvery  atmosphere  of 
an  artist's  studio  in  the  old  palace.  The  labour  is 
conscientious,  and  Goya  must  have  spent  many  hours 
over  the  plate.  Some  of  the  detail  is  most  dehcately 
set  down,  and  it  is  interesting  to  reflect  that  the  artist 
turned  from  the  flowing  brushwork  of  the  tapestry  car- 
toons to  these  minute  exercises.  Goya  tried  to  strengthen 
the  plate  with  aquatint,  but  the  result  was  so  displeas- 
ing that  he  destroyed  the  copper.  But  this,  as  Von  Loga 
suggests,  could  not  have  been  in  1778,  at  the  time  of  the 
original  etching,  but  about  I79i.t 

The  whole  series  hardly  requires  a  detailed  commen- 
tary. There  is  a  Bacchus,  the  Cardinal  Infante  Ferdinand, 
the  most  indifferent  of  the  set,  a  Don  Juan  of  Austria 
(after  Carrefio)  better  in  drawing,  and  a  Barbarossa. 
Some  of  the  early  proofs  were  pulled  in  a  brownish- 
red  ink,  and  several  of  the  plates  were  strengthened 
with  aquatint.  For  most  of  the  etchings  careful  pre- 
liminary  studies   were   made   in   red   chalk.    Eight  of 

*  See  Carderera,  Gazette  des  Beaux- Arts,  1863,  Vol.  XV.,  p.  246. 
t  Von  Loga  :  Goya,  Meister  der  Graphik,  p.  9. 


120  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

these  drawings  are  now  in  Hamburg,*  many  of  the 
others  being  •  probably  intentionally  destroyed,  f  A 
sketch  of  the  Alcade  is  in  the  collection  of  the  Marquis 
de  Casa  Torres,  and  is  probably  the  one  referred  to  by 
Cean  Bermudez.J 

The  largest  plate  Goya  ever  attempted  was  the  Blind 
street  singer,  which  dates  from  the  early  part  of  1779. 
The  subject  has  a  close  relationship  to  the  tapestry 
cartoons,  being  a  version  of  one  of  the  large  cartoons 
now  in  the  Prado,  and  possesses  a  popular  and  sentimen- 
tal interest  which  gave  it  a  certain  vogue.  A  crowd  is 
grouped  in  pyramidical  form,  the  apex  being  formed  by 
a  man  on  horseback.  Various  types  of  Spanish  citizens 
— from  the  rich  merchant  to  the  black  water-carrier — 
stand  and  listen  to  the  blind  man  singing  to  the  music 
of  the  guitar.  On  the  left  a  drover  leads  a  yoke  of  oxen  ; 
on  the  right  is  a  small  group  of  market  people  which 
recalls  the  crockery  sellers  in  the  tapestry  cartoon. 
The  background  is  only  faintly  indicated.  A  huge  brick 
building  may  be  a  remembrance  of  one  of  the  brick 
palaces  of  Zaragoza.  As  the  representation  of  a  city 
scene  it  may  be  placed  by  the  side  of  one  of  Hogarth's 
London  plates,  and  at  once  it  must  be  noted  that  a  close 
comparison  of  Hogarth  and  Goya  is  hard  to  draw. 
Both  were  keen  observers,  both  were  satirists  with  a  not 
overwhelming  beHef  in  the  ideal.  Goya  was  the  better 
painter,  and  had  a  richer  imagination  than  Hogarth,  who 
can  hardly  be  called  an  imaginative  painter,  so  exactly 

*  Von  Loga  :  p.  7. 

I  Cean  Bermudez :    Diccionario  historico,  V.,  p.  178. 

X  An  interesting  speculation  as  to  whether  Velazquez  etched  any 
plates  after  his  portraits  will  be  found  in  the  Jahrbuch  der  KonigUch 
Preuszischen  Kunstsammlungen,  Vol.  XXI.,  p.  177. 


EARLY  ETCHINGS  121 

did  he  reproduce  the  life  around  them.  In  many  respects 
their  temperaments  were  akin,  although  their  work  was 
different.  They  found  the  world  rather  gross  and  earthy. 
Mercilessly  they  castigated  their  contemporaries,  making 
fun  of  poor  humanity's  weaknesses,  blunders,  hypocrisies, 
and  sins.  They  so  concentrated  their  attention  upon 
the  coarser  aspects  of  life,  that  their  efforts  arouse 
a  suspicion  that  Dryden  was  not  far  from  the  truth 
when  he  declared  that  "  none  but  the  base  in  baseness 
do  delight."  In  turning  over  the  leaves  of  Hogarth's 
Rake's  progress,  or  the  seventy-six  plates  of  Goya's 
Caprices,  which  we  have  yet  to  consider,  it  is  difficult 
to  dismiss  the  feeling  that  sometimes  the  satirist  is  lower 
than  the  creature  he  flays. 


CHAPTER  IX 

ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID,   I775-I785 

Goya  neglected  in  Zaragoza.  The  Decorations  of  El  Pilar.  His  Sim- 
plicity of  Life.  Further  Work  upon  the  Cathedral.  The  Quarrel  with 
Francisco  Bayeu.  A  Discussion  with  the  Committee  and  Canon  Allue. 
The  new  Frescoes.  Goya's  Letter  to  the  Committee.  Prior  Salzedo. 
Goya  returns  to  Madrid.  Family  Affairs.  A  Commission  for  the  Church 
of  San  Francisco  el  Grande.  Trouble  with  Florida  Blanca  over  the 
Payment.  Goya's  Friendship  with  the  Infante  Don  Luis.  He  is  again 
refused  a  Court  Appointment.  Elected  Director  of  the  Royal  Academy 
of  San  Fernando.     Two  Portraits  of  the  Artist. 

THAT  a  prophet  hath  Httle  honour  amongst  his 
own  kindred  is  a  proverb  of  eternal  and  cosmo- 
poUtan  apphcation.  Goya  loved  Zaragoza. 
Throughout  his  life  he  was  always  ready  to  revisit  his 
family  home,  and  he  remained  in  unbroken  correspon- 
dence with  Martin  Zapater.  But  that  Zaragoza  displayed 
any  pride  at  the  growing  renown  of  her  talented  son  there 
is  not  the  slightest  evidence.  In  the  earlier  years  of  his 
fight  for  success  the  citizens  seem  to  have  used  him  rather 
badly. 

He  had  already  been  employed  upon  the  internal  de- 
coration of  the  new  cathedral  on  the  banks  of  the  Ebro. 
In  April,  1774,  negotiations  were  resumed,  and  the  com- 
mittee in  charge  of  the  building  decided  to  commission 
him  to  paint  two  of  the  domes  and  the  four  smaller 
cupolas.  Goya  was  in  residence  at  Madrid  in  the  spring 
of  1775,  and  before  he  could  start  the  work  his  name 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  123 

had  to  be  ratified  by  certain  authorities  in  the  capital. 
He  commenced  his  task  in  May,  maldng  himself  respon- 
sible for  workmen  and  scaffolding.  Part  of  the  com- 
mission— a  Coronation  of  the  Virgin — was  completed  in 
February,  1776,  and  received  general  commendation. 
He  was  paid  the  agreed  sum  of  5,500  reals,  and  in  March 
returned  to  Madrid.  Probably  the  chance  of  employment 
by  Rafael  Mengs  in  the  tapestry  factory  offered  a  better 
prospect  than  remaining  in  Zaragoza  to  decorate  El 
Pilar.  Even  the  brightest  provincial  centre  cannot  offer 
such  opportunities  to  the  ambitious  man  as  a  capital 
city  with  a  royal  court  in  residence.  Besides,  the  works 
at  El  Pilar  were  intermittent,  and  largely  depended  upon 
the  funds  under  the  control  of  the  committee.  During 
the  next  few  years  Goya  was  invited  back  to  Zaragoza, 
but  he  refused  these  appeals  with  the  apology  that  he 
was  busy  with  numerous  commissions  in  Madrid  and 
Toledo. 

Not  until  1780  was  the  artist  ready  to  continue  the 
decorative  scheme  of  the  cathedral.  In  the  summer  of 
that  year  a  chance  note  proves  that  he  was  about  to 
settle  in  Zaragoza.  It  is  a  characteristic  letter.  He 
tells  his  correspondent  that  he  requires  very  little  furni- 
ture, merely  a  table,  five  chairs,  some  crockery,  a  lamp, 
a  little  wine,  a  violin,  and  a  draught-board.  Everything 
else  is  superfluous,  and  the  painter  is  revealed  as  a 
wholehearted  adherent  to  the  simple  life.  Most  artists 
love  to  gather  round  them  objects  of  beauty,  arms, 
china,  drawings  by  the  great  masters,  rich  carpets,  fine 
furniture.  Rembrandt's  house  in  the  Breestraat  must 
have  been  a  veritable  museum — pictures  and  drawings 
by  all  the  old  masters,  Roman  statuary,  armour,  rare 


124  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Chinese  porcelain,  Japanese  and  Indian  vases,  furniture 
in  cedar  and  mahogany,  portfohos  of  engravings,  brocaded 
curtains,  elaborate  musical  instruments.  But  we  never 
read  that  Goya  collected  anything,  and  the  fact  agrees 
with  what  we  know  of  his  temperament.  He  was  a 
terrific  worker,  and  he  earned  large  sums  of  money,  but 
he  sought  recreation  outside  the  practice  of  his  art. 
When  the  leisure  hour  came  he  did  not  meditatively 
dream  through  a  portfolio,  or  argue  with  a  friend  over 
the  merits  of  a  canvas.  Instead,  he  threw  himself  into 
fresh  action,  dived  in  the  pot-houses  of  Madrid,  crossed 
foils  with  the  latest  maitre  d'epee  from  Paris  or  Rome, 
sought  an  adventure  in  the  groves  of  the  Prado,  spent 
scented  hours  in  an  aristocratic  boudoir,  or  fraternised 
with  the  gipsies  who  camped  on  the  outskirts  of  the  town. 
Goya  was  essentially  a  man  of  action. 

In  October,  1780,  he  was  busily  engaged  on  the  sketches 
for  the  frescoes,  and  appears  to  have  been  working  in 
conjunction  with  his  younger  brother-in-law,  Ramon 
Bayeu.  The  sketches  were  submitted  to  the  committee, 
October  5,  1780,  and  the  members  approved  of  them 
with  the  remark  that  they  were  executed  with  much 
good  taste. 

These  worthy  men,  however,  were  not  wholly  free 
agents.  They  were  acting  under  the  advice  of  Francisco 
Bayeu.  The  position  is  somewhat  difficult  to  unravel, 
for  Bayeu  had  undoubtedly  brought  Goya's  name  to  the 
notice  of  the  committee,  and  had  spoken  very  highly 
of  his  talents.  But  many  events  had  happened  in  the 
interval  since  Goya's  first  commission.  He  had  found 
a  certain  amount  of  popular  success  in  Madrid,  and  he 
was  still  smarting  at  the  King's  refusal  to  appoint  him  a 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  125 

Court  painter.  Probably  Bayeu  was  not  altogether 
unresponsible  for  that  failure.  In  Zaragoza,  Goya  and 
Bayeu  were  soon  at  loggerheads.  A  recent  biographer 
states  the  true  source  of  the  trouble  when  he  sug- 
gests that  the  committee  refused  to  accept  Goya  at 
his  own  valuation.*  He  wished  to  be  treated  as 
Bayeu's  superior,  although  Bayeu  was  the  older  man 
with  an  acknowledged  official  position.  But  how  were 
provincial  ecclesiastics  to  know  that  one  was  a  genius 
and  the  other  a  mediocrity  ?  Goya  had  realised  the 
worth  of  his  own  powers  whilst  working  at  the 
tapestry  cartoons.  In  Zaragoza  he  had  not  only  to 
listen  to  the  captious  criticism  of  his  brother-in-law,  but 
was  compelled  to  submit  to  it. 

Open  revolt  quickly  followed.  On  December  14 
Bayeu  complained  that  Goya  refused  to  recognise  his 
authority  as  artistic  adviser  to  the  committee  and 
director  of  the  decorations.  He  accordingly  asked  the 
committee  to  reheve  him  of  any  responsibility  with  regard 
to  Goya's  designs,  f  No  request  was  more  calculated  to 
throw  the  committee  into  dismay.  The  members  had 
little  taste,  which  is  a  rare  enough  quality  in  any  case, 
although  the  most  ignorant  fool  deems  himself  fully 
competent  to  pass  judgment  upon  a  work  of  art.  But 
the  committee  had  charge  of  one  of  the  most  famous 
churches  in  northern  Spain,  and  could  be  called  to  account 
by  their  fellow  citizens.  Bayeu  was  their  artistic  sheet- 
anchor,  and  if  they  followed  his  lead  they  could  not  go 
far  wrong.  Bayeu's  complaint  was  solemnly  discussed, 
and  the  deliberations  summed  up  in  a  minute.     "  The 

*  Calvert :  Goya,  p.  36. 
t  Vinaza :    Goya,  p.  37. 


126  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Committee,  taking  into  account  that  Goya  had  come  to 
paint  owing  in  a  great  measure  to  the  pressure  and  eulogy 
of  Bayeu's  letters,  agreed  that  Canon  AUue,  the  director 
of  the  building,  should  frequently  see  the  artist  and  his 
work,  and  should  also  mention  any  defects  he  might 
notice,  and  should  impress  upon  Goya  how  grateful  he 
ought  to  be  for  the  good  offices  of  Don  Francisco  Bayeu 
in  engaging  him  as  his  assistant." 

No  more  unfortunate  resolution  could  have  been  passed. 
Canon  AUue,  in  his  efforts  to  make  peace  between  Josefa's 
husband  and  brother,  probably  never  conveyed  to  the 
passionate  artist  the  full  terms  of  the  committee's 
recommendation.  In  the  meanwhile,  Goya,  relieved  of 
all  brotherly  control,  continued  to  work,  and  in  February 
completed  the  dome.  He  tlien  at  once  prepared  his 
designs  for  the  four  pendentives,  the  subjects  being 
Faith,  Courage,  Charity,  and  Patience.*  His  courage 
was  unquestionable,  but  faith  and  patience  he  con- 
spicuously  lacked. 

He  had  frankly  not  endeavoured  to  harmonise  his 
frescoes  with  those  of  Francisco  and  Ramon  Bayeu.  To 
those  who  enter  the  cathedral  El  Pilar  with  a  recollection 
of  the  glowing  phrases  of  some  of  his  biographers  these 
decorations  will  be  found  disappointing.  Goya  undoubt- 
edly worked  under  the  influence  of  Correggio.  He 
had  not  forgotten  his  ItaUan  wanderings.  Tiepolo  too 
had  crossed  his  path,  but  not  the  Tiepolo  who  inspired 
the  coquettish  crowds  which  gaze  from  the  roof  of  the 
church  of  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida.  There  is  a  blight 
upon  the  decorations  of  El  Pilar,  and,  although  Goya 
proves  himself  more  skilful  and  more  modem  than  his 

*  Vinaza,  p.  38. 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  127 

associates,  a  visitor  to  Zaragoza's  holiest  spot  must  con- 
fess to  a  feeling  of  weariness.  But  the  very  qualities 
which  give  them  the  slight  interest  they  possess  to-day 
were  their  undoing  in  1780.  The  committee  and  the 
townsfolk  condemned  them  for  this  spirit  of  modernity, 
and  praised  the  feeble  excellence  of  the  frescoes  by  the 
brothers  Bayeu.  They  told  Goya  that  his  colours  were 
too  dark,  which  was  probably  true,  for  his  palette  was 
always  incHned  to  be  heavy.  Their  prudish  minds  were 
disturbed  by  the  insufficient  drapery  on  his  saints  and 
angels.  The  committee,  with  the  bright  sketches  in  front 
of  them,  "  fearing  to  expose  themselves  to  fresh  censure 
and  an  accusation  of  negligence  and  want  of  care,  put 
this  matter,  by  reason  of  the  confidence  he  had  won  from 
the  committee  and  the  whole  Chapter,  under  the  direc- 
tion and  in  the  hands  of  Don  Francisco  Bayeu,  hoping 
that  he  will  take  the  trouble  to  see  these  studies,  and  say 
whether  the  observations  of  the  committee  are  just  in 
deciding  that  the  pendentives  be  painted  in  such  a  way 
that  they  may  be  shown  to  the  public  without  fear  of 
criticism."  *  In  other  words,  the  worthy  Chapter,  un- 
certain of  its  own  taste,  and  quaking  with  the  fear  of  the 
outside  public,  threw  over  Goya,  and  again  attempted 
to  saddle  Bayeu  with  the  responsibility. 

Baj'^eu  was  too  clever  a  man  to  accept  the  risk. 
Considering  himself  offended,  he  refused  to  undertake 
the  recommendation.  Canon  Allue  tried  to  calm  the 
storm  by  asking  Goya  to  see  "if  there  be  any  way  of 
arranging  the  matter,  knowing  that  the  committee  desire 
harmony,  and  do  not  wish  to  expose  their  conduct  to 
censure,but  wish  only  that  the  work  be  skilful  and  perfect." 
•  Calvert :  Goya,  p.  39,  Vinaza  :  pp.  37-40. 


128  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Goya's  reply  is  dated  from  Zaragoza,  March  17,  1781. 
Written  with  considerable  skill,  in  the  earlier  pages  the 
artist  endeavoured  not  to  get  angry.  But  although  he 
says  that  at  the  beginning  of  his  work  at  El  Pilar  there 
was  no  motive  for  resentment  against  Francisco  Bayeu, 
he  becomes  warmer  as  he  proceeds,  and  makes  definite 
charges  of  malice  against  his  brother-in-law.  He  opens 
by  complaining  that  the  criticisms  against  the  frescoes 
recently  unveiled  had  been  prompted  by  principles  other 
than  those  of  justice,  and  that  the  verdict  was  not 
governed  by  the  authorised  rules  of  art.  Flattering  the 
rectitude  of  the  committee  he  assures  them  that  honour 
is  a  very  delicate  thing  for  an  artist.  **  He  is  sustained 
by  opinion,  his  whole  subsistence  depends  upon  his 
reputation.  When  that  is  obscured,  even  by  the  lightest 
of  shadows,  his  future  is  gone." 

The  letter  then  recapitulates  the  conditions  upon  which 
he  undertook  the  commission.  He  admits  that  the 
invitation  came  originally  from  Bayeu,  but  denies  any 
implied  control,  citing  his  membership  of  the  Academy 
of  San  Fernando,  his  reputation  in  Madrid,  and  the 
work  he  had  done  for  the  King.  Holding  such  qualifi- 
cations, submission  to  another  artist  would  be  detrimental 
to  his  honour. 

However,  wishing  to  be  on  terms  of  good-fellowship 
with  Bayeu,  he  showed  his  sketches  to  his  brother-in-law, 
who  entirely  approved  of  them.  In  one  detail  he  sub- 
mitted to  Bayeu's  judgment,  and  the  completed  work 
was  simply  an  enlargement  of  the  sketches  Bayeu  had 
seen  and  the  committee  passed.  Goya  denied  that  in 
any  way  he  had  lacked  the  respect  due  to  his  senior. 
'*  There  are  those  who  think  so,  because,  when  the  work 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  129 

was  well  in  hand  they  wished  to  make  me  understand 
that  the  agreement  with  Bayeu  was  that  he  might  inter- 
fere as  much  as  he  liked  with  the  work,  and  that  I 
must  obey  him,  as  a  subordinate,  in  execution,  com- 
position, style,  colour,  and  so  forth — in  a  word  I  was  to 
be  a  mere  assistant."  This  was  a  humiliation  he  would 
not  suffer.  "  Don  Francisco  Bayeu's  warning  that  he 
would  not  be  responsible  for  my  part  of  the  work  only 
shows  that  his  object  was  to  create  a  want  of  confidence 
that  should  cause  coercion  to  be  exercised." 

Underground  intrigues  are  revealed.  "  Things  were 
artfully  circulated  against  the  conduct  of  the  expositor 
(Goya),  concerning  his  temper,  proceedings,  and  dealings 
with  Bayeu,  he  being  accused  of  hauteur,  pride,  and 
stubbornness.  Malice  prepared  the  long  premeditated 
blow,  by  first  creating  personal  disaffection  with  his 
work."  Goya  refers  to  his  patience  whilst  Bayeu  went 
about  impairing  his  credit  "  with  insinuating  words," 
and  repeats  that  Bayeu  approved  of  the  sketches  when 
they  were  submitted  to  him  in  Madrid,  by  Goya,  "  as  an 
act  of  condescension  arising  from  a  desire  for  peace."  He 
accuses  Bayeu  of  working  against  him,  with  a  deliberate 
motive  of  arousing  public  censure,  and  depriving  the 
artist  of  any  of  the  merit  to  be  won  from  the  frescoes. 
The  letter  clearly  shows  that  the  quarrel  did  not  begin 
with  the  decorations  for  El  Pilar.  Goya  told  the  com- 
mittee that  he  had  given  way  to  make  peace,  and  indeed 
had  paid  many  visits  to  his  brother-in-law's  house. 
These  visits  were  not  returned.  Bayeu  had  also  been 
offered  every  facihty  to  inspect  the  work  in  progress. 

Then  Goya  opened  the  flood-gates  of  his  wrath,  drawing 
the  attention  of  the  committee    to    the    "  torrent  of 

K 


130  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

provocation,  insulting  to  his  honour  and  his  fame  .  .  . 
the  only  object  of  his  enemies  is  to  do  him  harm."  He 
had  endured  calumny,  slights,  and  contempt.  Now  he 
was  told  that  some  of  his  figures  in  the  decoration  of  the 
dome  must  be  altered.  This  was  more  than  any  artist 
could  endure.  The  Chapter  were  masters  in  their  own 
church,  but,  before  they  suffered  any  dauber  to  distort 
the  frescoes  Goya  begged  them  to  take  the  opinion  of  an 
expert  in  art  whose  verdict  would  be  impartial.  "  When 
his  criticism  detects  unskilfulness  and  error,  or  testifies  to 
sufficiency  and  skill,  then  he  (Goya)  will  watch  with  in- 
difference the  mutilations  that  may  be  executed."  For 
arbitrators  the  letter  named  two  members  of  the  Academy 
of  San  Fernando,  Mariano  Maella  or  Antonio  Velazquez. 
Goya  offered  to  pay  all  the  expenses  of  their  investi- 
gation. 

The  closing  paragraphs  of  this  remarkable  letter* 
exhibit  such  deep  feeling  that  they  prove  the  quarrel 
to  be  one  of  long  standing,  and  that  the  differences  over 
the  decorations  of  El  Pilar  were  merely  a  pretext  for  open 
hostihty.  Canon  Allue  was  evidently  sick  of  the  affair, 
and  he  turned  for  help  to  Father  Salzedo,  who  may  be 
identified  as  the  priest  who  first  set  Goya's  steps  on  the 
road  of  art. 

Prior  Salzedo  was  probably  one  of  the  few  men  who 
had  any  personal  influence  over  Goya.  On  March  30, 
1781,  he  wrote  a  long  letter  to  the  artist,t  in  which  he 
begged  him  to  exercise  his  judgment,  and  to  recollect 
the  humility  of  his  Saviour,  drawing  a  vivid  picture  of 

*  A  translation  of  the  whole  letter  will  be  found  in  Calvert's  Goya, 
and  the  original  is  reprinted  in  Vifiaza. 
t  Vifiaza  :  p.  40. 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  131 

the  troubles  that  might  follow  from  an  open  quarrel 
with  the  committee  of  El  Pilar.  "  With  all  generosity 
and  Christian  charity  submit  your  studies  to  Bayeu's 
opinion,  please  God  with  your  humility,  edify  the  public, 
and  give  pleasure  to  your  friends  .  .  .  My  advice,  as 
your  greatest  admirer,  is  that  you  submit  to  the  demands 
of  the  committee,  have  your  sketches  taken  to  your 
brother's  house,  and  say  to  him  in  the  best  possible 
manner,  '  This  is  required  by  the  Chapter.  Here  they 
are.  Examine  them  to  your  satisfaction,  and  put  your 
opinion  in  writing,  doing  as  God  and  your  conscience 
shall  dictate.'    Then  await  the  result." 

Goya  was  a  man  of  hot  and  impulsive  temper,  but  he 
took  the  unpalatable  advice  of  Salzedo  without  hesitation. 
A  letter,  dated  April  6,  was  sent  to  Canon  Allue,  in  which 
he  announced  his  intention  of  preparing  a  fresh  set  of 
sketches  in  conjunction  with  Bayeu,  and  at  the  same  time 
he  begged  Allue 's  pardon  for  all  the  trouble  which  had  been 
caused.  On  April  17  the  sketches  had  been  passed  by 
Bayeu  and  the  committee,  and  the  work  recommenced. 

Peace  did  not  last  for  long.  Within  a  month  enmity 
again  broke  out  between  Goya  and  Bayeu,  and  the  first 
declared  that  he  was  sullying  his  honour  as  an  artist.  To 
remain  in  Zaragoza  was  impossible,  and  he  asked  for  im- 
mediate permission  to  return  to  Madrid.  The  committee 
received  the  news  with  considerable  irritation.  Goya,  they 
considered,  had  not  only  been  discourteous  to  Canon  Allue, 
but  to  them  also.  They  requested  him  to  send  in  his  ac- 
counts for  settlement.  The  latter  part  of  their  resolution 
was  calculated  to  affront  and  wound  the  irritable  artist 
in  the  most  galKng  manner.  "  Under  no  circumstances 
would  he  be  permitted  to  continue  to  paint  any  more 


132  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

in  the  church,  but  this  was  not  to  deter  the  Director 
from  giving  some  medals  to  his  wife,  in  virtue  of  her 
being  the  sister  of  Don  Francisco  Bayeu,  a  man  so 
worthy  of  this  and  other  considerations  from  the  com- 
mittee, by  reason  of  his  skilful  work  in  the  church."  * 

This  was  an  insult,  and  Goya  shook  the  dust  of  Zara- 
goza  from  off  his  feet,  arriving  in  Madrid  before  June 
was  out.  He  received  payment  for  what  he  had  done, 
and  his  wife  was  bemedalled  as  a  reward  for  having 
such  a  brother.  An  undated  letter  from  Jovellanos  to 
the  Pater  Fray  Manuel  Bayeu,  youngest  of  the  three 
brothers,  refers  to  the  incident,  but  throws  no  light  upon 
the  dispute. f  Valerian  von  Loga  suggests  that  Goya's 
irregular  private  Hfe  had  led  to  this  family  squabble, 
and  that  Bayeu  was  upholding  the  cause  of  an  injured 
sister.  This  sounds  unlikely,  for  Bayeu  was  not  helping 
his  sister  by  destroying  her  husband's  professional 
reputation.  Other  biographers  assert  that  Goya  had 
no  real  cause  to  disagree  with  his  brother-in-law.  Fran- 
cisco Bayeu  had  undoubtedly  done  his  utmost  to  advance 
Goya's  interests  both  in  Madrid  and  Zaragoza,  and  a 
theory  more  reconcilable  to  the  few  known  facts  is  that 
the  growing  importance  of  the  younger  man  imperilled 
his  own  career.  Jealousy  was  the  root  of  the  trouble, 
a  jealousy  of  which  Goya  was  again  conscious  when  he 
was  denied  admission  into  the  select  circle  of  Painters  to 
the  Court.  Five  years  later,  in  1786,  the  feud  was  ended, 
if  not  healed,  and  Goya  painted  the  portrait  now  in  the 
Valence  Museum,  and,  a  little  later,  that  masterly 
portrait  of  his  brother-in-law  in  the  Prado.     He  reveals 

*  Resolution  dated  May  28,  1781.    Vifiaza  :  p.  40. 

t  Jovellanos :   Obras  (Barcelona,  1840),  Vol.  V.,*pp.  242,  244. 


1786 


Photo^  Anderson 


FRANCISCO    BAYEU    Y   SUBIAS 
Prndo,  Madrid 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  133 

Bayeu  as  a  person  of  cold  and  severely  critical  character, 
with  a  strong  undercurrent  of  querulous  irascibility. 
It  is  a  great  portrait  of  a  personality  which  has  no 
attraction.  Bayeu  had  a  strong  individuality,  and  in 
this  respect  was  akin  to  Goya.  But  two  such  tempera- 
ments could  not  possibly  live  in  agreement.  Subjects 
of  conflict  were  bound  to  arise  at  every  meeting.  Bayeu 
doubtless  presumed  upon  his  age  and  position  to  lecture 
a  young  relation.  Goya  did  not  take  advice  from  any 
man,  particularly  from  an  artist  whose  talent  was  so 
inferior  to  his  own. 

Josef a's  part  in  the  discussion  is  not  clear.  She  ought 
to  have  spumed  the  medal  from  El  Pilar  if  she  agreed 
with  her  husband's  standpoint.  Yet  she  received  the 
gift  as  a  sister  of  Bayeu,  and  then  returned  with  Goya 
to  Madrid.  The  affair  rankled  in  Goya's  mind.  "  Don't 
remind  me  of  it,"  he  wrote  to  Zapater.  "  It  has  given 
me  too  much  cause  for  grief.  I  smile  at  your  care  of 
my  interests,  but  I  don't  want  to  hear  anything  more 
about  the  business."  In  another  letter  he  says  :  "  When 
I  think  of  Zaragoza,  and  the  decorations,  my  face  bums." 
This  sense  of  injustice  was  probably  the  initial  cause 
of  the  continual  bad  health  which  racked  him  from  1780 
to  1790.  He  developed  a  nervous  and  morbid  state  of 
mind  which  looked  for  opposition  from  every  point  of 
the  compass,  with  Bayeu  at  the  head  of  his  innumerable 
enemies.  His  brother  the  priest  Camillo  (for  whom  he 
had  begged  and  obtained  a  benefice  at  Chinchon*)  wrote 
to  Zapater,  October  18,  1783  :  "  God  has  given  him 
luck  and  capacity,  but  he  loses  all  patience."  f 

*  Vinaza  :  p.  41. 
t  Zapater  :  p.  26. 


134  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

The  death  of  his  father  broke  up  the  paternal  home  in 
Zaragoza,  soon  after  the  unfortunate  quarrel.  The  son 
was  so  upset  that  he  refused  food.  Jose  Goya  died 
December  17,  1781,  and  was  buried  in  his  parish  church 
of  San  Miguel  de  los  Navarros.  He  left  no  will  because 
he  possessed  no  goods.  In  November,  1782,  Goya's 
sister  died.  "  I  find  consolation  in  the  fact  that  she  did 
nothing  but  good,  and  will  surely  have  her  place  in  the 
Eternal  Glory.  We  who  lead  a  vagabond  existence  must 
try  to  improve  our  lives  during  the  short  time  that  remains 
to  us."  In  September,  1783,  the  widowed  mother  joined 
her  son  in  Madrid,  but  she  could  not  rest  in  the  capital. 
Probably  she  did  not  agree  with  Josefa,  although  there 
was  plenty  to  be  occupied  with,  for  the  house  was  full 
of  young  and  evidently  ailing  children.  She  soon 
returned  to  Zaragoza,  and  Goya  paid  her  an  annuity 
for  the  rest  of  her  life. 

His  mood  did  not  alter,  and  he  suffered  from  the 
deepest  depression.  On  June  2,  1784,  he  wrote  :  **  I 
have  lost  all  strength,  and  work  very  little.  .  .  .  Pray 
to  the  Madonna  that  she  may  give  me  pleasure  in  my 
work."  When  a  man  of  Goya's  ardent  temperament 
loses  interest  in  his  work  the  outlook  is  ominous.  And 
there  was  plenty  of  work  waiting  to  be  done. 

One  reason  why  he  had  precipitately  left  Zaragoza 
after  the  quarrel  with  the  committee  was  the  knowledge 
that  important  commissions  were  being  shared  amongst 
the  artists  of  Madrid.  Ventura  Rodriquez,  chief  of  the 
architects  of  his  age,  was  building  the  church  of  San 
Francisco  el  Grande.  Pictures  would  be  required  for  the 
seven  altars,  and,  as  a  member  of  the  Academy,  with 
his  Crucifixion  still  fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  public. 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  135 

it  was  hardly  possible  that  the  strongest  opposition 
could  exclude  him.  Although  he  left  Zaragoza  in  June 
he  was  able  to  send  good  news  to  his  friend  Zapater  in 
August.  "  It  has  pleased  God  to  comfort  me,"  he  writes 
with  a  slightly  smug  self-satisfaction.*  There  was  a 
kind  of  competition  for  the  work,  and  the  Mengs  clique 
was  not  forgotten.  Goya  was  too  passionate  a  spirit  to 
remain  in  any  circle,  and  he  now — like  Ibsen's  strongest 
man — was  standing  alone,  f  His  commission  came  practi- 
cally from  the  royal  family  through  the  Count  de  Florida 
Blanca.  After  the  wounds  of  El  Pilar  it  acted  like 
a  heahng  balm.  In  the  following  autumn  his  sketches 
were  ready,  and  the  work  was  in  position  during  the 
summer  of  1784.  On  December  8,  1784,  the  altar-pieces 
were  ceremoniously  unveiled  in  the  presence  of  the 
King  and  his  Court. {  The  church  was  crowded  with 
the  society  of  Madrid,  and  Francisco  Bayeu,  to  whom 
had  been  allotted  the  high  altar,  travelled  from  Toledo  to 
be  present.  The  other  artists  were  Goya,  Mariano  Maella, 
Gregorio  Farro,  Antonio  Velazquez,  Jose  del  Castillo, 
and  Andrea  Calleja.  Goya  had  taken  for  his  subject 
St.  Bernardino  de  Siena,§  crucifix  in  hand,  preaching 
from  a  rock,  by  the  light  of  a  star,  to  King  Alfonso  of 
Aragon  and  his  courtiers.  Goya's  success  may  be 
chronicled  in  his  own  words,  December  11,  1784 : 
"  I  have  had  luck  with  my  St.  Bernardino,  not  only 
with  the  experts,  but  with  the  public  as  well.  Without 
any  reservation,   everyone  is  on  my  side.     The  King 

*  The  royal  order  came  tlirough  Florida  Blanca,  July  20. 
]  An  Enemy  of  the  People.     "  The  strongest  man  is  he  who  .stands 
alone."    The  last  words  of  Dr.  Stockmann, 
%  Vinaza :  p.  42. 
§  Vinaza  gives  a  detailed  description  of  these  altar-pieces,  p.  42. 


136  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

expressed  his  satisfaction  before  the  whole  Court." 
The  joy  of  the  artist  was  almost  childish — but  the 
true  artist  has  usually  much  of  the  child  in  his 
nature. 

When  a  question  of  payment  arose,  however,  all 
manner  of  difficulties  were  set  in  the  way.  On  April  25, 
1785,  three  of  the  artists,  Goya,  Farro,  and  Castillo, 
petitioned  the  Count  de  Florida  Blanca.  The  work 
had  engaged  them  for  two  years.  Their  livelihood 
depended  upon  their  exertions.  "  They  possessed  no 
fixed  income,  as  did  those  artists  who  have  the  happiness 
to  work  for  the  King."  Goya  had  not  forgotten  his 
previous  rebuff  over  the  coveted  Court  appointment. 
When  the  petition  was  sent  to  the  minister,  with  it  was 
taken  a  covering  letter  from  Antonio  Ponz,  the  secretary 
of  the  Roj^al  Academy  of  San  Fernando,  who  laid  stress 
upon  the  difficulties  of  the  artists,  and  asked  for  a 
favourable  reply  "  so  that  these  poor  men  may  not  lose 
heart,  and  that  reward  shall  inspire  them  to  fresh 
efforts."  Florida  Blanca's  reply  was  grudging.  After 
three  months'  delay  the  sum  of  6,000  reals  was  paid 
on  account,  and  a  later  marginal  note  on  the  memorial 
reads,  in  far  from  flattering  language  :  "  Pay  another 
4,000  reals  to  each.  The  pictures  are  not  of  great 
value,  but  these  three  are  not  the  worst."  * 

Despite  his  continued  nervous  ailment,  Goya's  life 
was  exceedingly  busy.  He  had  been  commissioned  to 
paint  several  devotional  subjects  for  a  college  at  Sala- 
manca, and  Jovellanos  was  asked  to  tell  the  artist  how 
singularly  satisfied  the  patron  was  at  the  care  and  dili- 
gence with  which  he  had  finished  the  paintings,  and  also 

*  Vifiaza  :  p.  44. 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  137 

at  their  eminent  merit.*  Portrait  commissions  com- 
menced to  come  to  his  studio  in  increasing  numbers, 
and  as  a  result  of  his  acquaintance  with  Florida  Blanca 
he  was  introduced  to  the  Infante  Don  Luis,  brother 
of  the  King,  and  husband  of  the  beautiful  Maria  Teresa 
Vallabriga.  Don  Luis  was  a  man  of  unconventional 
character,  noted  for  his  easy  temper,  his  easier  morals, 
and  his  artistic  tastes.  Jovellanos  truly  called  him 
"  a  benefactor  of  art  and  artists."  f  In  Goya  he  found 
a  sympathetic  soul.  Maria  Teresa  came  from  Aragon, 
and  her  romantic  history  was  common  property.  The 
artist  was  invited  to  the  palace  of  Arenas  de  San  Pedro, 
in  the  province  of  Avila,  where  he  painted  portraits 
of  the  Prince  and  his  family  and  also  spent  much  time 
hunting  with  his  host.  For  Goya  was  not  only  a  musician, 
a  fine  swordsman,  and,  if  not  a  toreador,  at  any  rate  an 
enthusiast  in  all  questions  of  tauromachia,  but  also 
a  keen  sportsman.  During  the  period  1780-1785  he 
found  the  surest  relaxation  for  his  overtaxed  nerves 
in  hunting  in  the  environs  of  Madrid. 

*  October  11,  1784. 

t  Don  Luis  was  the  last  son  of  Philip  V.  and  Elisabeth  Farnese. 
In  1735,  when  he  was  barely  ten  years  of  age,  he  was  created  a  cardinal, 
but  he  later  renounced  all  his  ecclesiastical  dignities  and  lived  with  his 
mother  at  San  Ildefonse.  Charles  III.  allowed  him  to  marry  the  Dona 
Maria  Teresa  Vallabriga  y  Rozas,  a  young  woman  of  great  beauty 
who  belonged  to  a  noble  family  of  Aragon.  The  marriage  took  place 
June  27,  1776,  but  the  ceremony  was  not  allowed  at  the  Court.  The 
Infante  was  conducted  in  the  royal  carriages  as  far  as  the  Tagus. 
When  he  crossed  the  river  he  relinquished  his  royal  privileges,  and  was 
met  by  his  own  servants  in  gray  livery  with  red  facings  and  silver 
lace.  He  lived  as  a  private  gentleman  at  Las  Arenas.  After  his 
death,  August  23,  1785,  his  wife  was  forbidden  to  live  in  Madrid,  in 
the  provincial  capitals,  or  at  the  royal  residences,  although  her  family 
boasted  its  descent  from  the  ancient  Kings  of  Navarre.  One  daughter 
married  Manuel  Godoy,  the  other  the  Duke  of  San  Fernando.  The 
son,  known  as  the  Cardinal  de  Bourbon,  became  Archbishop  of  Toledo. 


138  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Goya's  visit  to  Don  Luis  was  one  of  the  most  note- 
worthy events  of  the  earHer  portion  of  his  hfe.  In 
writing  to  Zaragoza,  he  described  the  Prince's  famity  as 
*'  simply  angelic."  He  hunted  almost  every  day  with 
the  Infante,  and  the  game  they  shot  he  commemorated 
in  several  very  clever  studies  of  still-life.  After  a  month 
host  and  guest  reluctantly  parted.  Goya  was  given 
a  handsome  present,  and  a  costly  brocade  dress  was 
despatched  to  his  wife.  Don  Luis  and  Maria  Teresa 
made  him  promise  to  return  the  following  year,  and  so 
careful  were  they  of  his  personal  comfort  that  they  sent 
him  home  to  Madrid  by  a  special  courier.  Unfortunately 
the  friendship  was  not  destined  to  grow  old.  The  Infante 
made  a  yearly  visit  to  his  brother  the  King  in  Madrid, 
but  Goya  kissed  the  hand  of  his  patron  for  the  last  time 
early  in  1785.  At  Las  Arenas  he  painted  many  family 
portraits,  which  are  described  as  being  dry  in  colour 
and  not  well  composed.  He  also  executed  life-sized 
portraits  of  the  children,  and  Court  portraits  of  the 
Infante.  These  were  afterwards  removed  to  Boadilla 
del  Monte,  a  palace  built  b}''  Rodriguez  near  Puerta 
Segovia,  where  they  filled  a  gallery  on  one  of  the  upper 
floors. 

Upon  the  success  of  his  altar-piece  at  San  Francisco 
el  Grande  he  built  great  hopes.  The  death  of  Andrea 
Calleja  again  opened  the  path  to  Court  favour.  On 
January  14,  1785,  in  writing  to  Zapater,  he  referred  to 
"  a  public  secret  in  the  palace,  yet  I  must  speak  only 
about  the  accomplished  fact."  But  Goya  was  not  to 
receive  the  coveted  appointment.  The  old  King, 
Charles  III.,  remained  obdurate,  and  Goya  was  not  made 
a  painter  to  the  Court  during  his  reign,  having  to  wait 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  139 

an  additional  four  years.  No  reason  can  be  advanced 
for  the  second  refusal,  for  Goya's  own  friends  were 
eager  to  do  him  honour.  Calleja's  death  left  vacant 
the  directorship  of  the  Academy  of  San  Fernando,  and 
Goya  was  elected  to  the  office  of  the  president.  "  Little 
profit  but  much  honour,"  he  told  Zapater  in  one  of  his 
letters,  the  salary  being  merely  twenty-five  doubloons. 
However,  it  practically  created  him  one  of  the  most 
important  artists  in  Madrid,  and  official  head  of  the  art 
world.  Ponz's  reference  to  him  as  one  of  the  "  poor 
men  "  could  hardly  have  been  justified  by  the  facts, 
for  Goya's  fortune  must  have  been  rapidly  growing. 

With  his  fortieth  year  he  entered  upon  the  most 
brilliant  period  of  his  career.  He  had  quickly  consolidated 
his  position,  for  up  to  the  age  of  twenty-five  he  had  done 
nothing.  Of  his  personal  appearance  about  this  time 
we  can  obtain  a  good  impression  from  two  portraits  repro- 
duced in  Charles  Yriarte's  biography.*  In  the  first  he 
is  dressed  in  the  height  of  fashion.  His  face  glows  with 
a  wilful  obstinacy,  a  passionate  energy.  If  there  be  any 
truth  in  the  laws  of  Lavater  we  have  here  a  man  ready  to 
enjoy  life's  pleasures  to  the  uttermost.  In  a  portrait, 
painted  by  himself,  at  the  age  of  thirty-two,  he  stands 
in  front  of  his  easel,  and  gazes  from  the  canvas  in  a  posi- 
tion almost  identical  with  that  of  Hogarth  in  the  portrait 
of  the  English  artist  and  his  dog  in  the  National  Gallery. 
If  we  reverse  the  Hogarth  portrait  we  can  compare  the 
lines  of  the  face,  feature  by  feature,  to  those  of  Goya. 
There  is  a  striking  physical  resemblance  between  the 
two  men.    They  possess  the  same  heavy  cheeks,  clean 

♦  Yriarte:  Goya  (1867).  The  first  portrait  is  on  p.  11,  "after 
a  miniature  "  ;  the  second,  on  p.  27,  in  the  collection  of  F.  de  Madrazo. 


140  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

shaven,  full-blooded,  with  strongly  marked  chins — 
perhaps  Hogarth's  is  the  more  determined,  but  there  is 
little  to  choose — the  eyes  are  equally  alert,  the  two  fore- 
heads high  but  square.  There  is  no  idealism  in  these 
men.  Their  outlook  is  cynical.  They  do  not  believe 
very  much  in  the  nobler  attributes  of  human  nature.  We 
must  not  accuse  Hogarth  of  vulgarity,*  yet  there  is  always 
the  strident  echo  of  the  London  guttersnipe  lurking  in 
his  moralities.  This  is  absent  from  Goya,  who,  though 
a  townsman,  was  country  bred.  Hogarth  was  coarse, 
because  he  belonged  to  a  coarse  age.  Goya  was  coarse 
for  the  same  reason.  But  Goya  was  a  sceptic  in  an 
age  of  free-thinkers,  whilst  Hogarth,  although  a  latitudi- 
narian  in  a  century  of  Trullibers,  was  sound  at  the 
core. 

The  portrait  of  Goya  at  the  age  of  thirty-five,  after  a 
miniature,  repays  our  study.  The  features  have  changed 
very  little,  but  the  dress  is  more  distinguished,  with  fine 
linen  ruffles  round  the  neck.  The  hair  has  been  care- 
fully curled,  and  tied  at  the  back  in  a  ribbon — ^it  is 
difficult  to  say  from  the  wood-engraving  whether  or  no 
powder  has  been  used,  but  it  is  probable.  As  a  whole 
the  miniature  carries  a  look  of  greater  determina- 
tion, the  eyes  have  an  ardent  fire,  not  to  be  found  in 
the  earlier  portrait.  Goya  now  has  the  confidence  of 
success,  the  joy  of  a  granted  ambition.  His  position 
is  secure.  His  patrons  are  the  rulers  of  the  land.  His 
closest  friends  are  to  be  found  in  the  salons  of  the  capital. 

*  Charles  Lamb  refers  to  the  critics  who  term  Hogarth  inferior  and 
vulgar.  "  These  persons  seem  to  me  to  confound  the  painting  of 
subjects  in  common  or  vulgar  life  with  the  being  a  vulgar  artist. 
The  quantity  of  thought  which  Hogarth  crowds  into  every  picture 
would  alone  unvulgarise  every  subject  he  might  choose." 


ZARAGOZA  AND  MADRID  141 

The  artist  has  fought  his  way  through  every  obstacle, 
and  reached  his  desire. 

Like  Rembrandt  he  loved  to  paint  his  portrait,  and 
a  number  of  these  miniatures  and  canvases  still  exist. 
They  form  a  running  commentary  upon  his  life.  With 
this  drawing  before  us  we  need  no  other  help  to  recon- 
struct the  personaUty  of  the  artist  at  his  period  of 
success. 


CHAPTER  X 

TRANSITION 

Goya  not  a  ferocious  Revolutionary.  Hamerton's  Explanation  of  the 
Artist's  Renown.  Spain  passing  through  an  Age  of  Transition. 
Ferdinand  VI.  Charles  III.  His  Portrait  by  Goya.  The  Plot  against 
the  Jesuits.  The  Count  d'Aranda.  Influence  of  the  French  Philosophers 
upon  the  Spanish  Nobility.  Moral  as  well  as  Political  Changes.  Bad 
Example  of  the  Heir  to  the  Throne.  Maria  Luisa  of  Parma.  Accession 
of  Charles  IV.  Goya  appointed  a  Painter  of  the  Chamber.  His 
Portraits  of  Jovellanos  and  the  Count  de  Florida  Blanca.  Commence- 
ment of  his  best  Period  of  Portraiture. 

IN  most  biographies  of  Francisco  Goya  it  is  usual  to 
depict  him  as  a  ferocious  revolutionary,  who  fawned 
upon  the  members  of  a  monarchy  he  sought  to 
destroy.  Historians  of  conservative  and  monarchical 
views  have  gloated  over  the  story  of  this  artist-republican, 
who  was  always  ready  to  set  aside  his  most  cherished 
beliefs  immediately  his  pocket  was  imperilled ;  this 
libertine  who  rebelled  against  all  the  laws  of  human 
morality,  and  preached  equality  whilst  he  made  love 
to  duchesses ;  this  atheist  who  willingly  accepted  com- 
missions to  paint  altar-pieces  and  decorate  churches; 
this  patriot  and  nationalist  who  was  one  of  the  first 
to  greet  Joseph  Bonaparte  upon  his  usurpation  of  the 
throne  of  Spain.  Such  a  many-sided  temperament 
lends  itself  to  those  rapid  contrasts  of  light  and  shade 
which    delight    the    biographer.     French    critics    have 


TRANSITION  143 

revelled  in  the  picture  of  a  man  who  flattered  France 
by  embracing  the  free-thinking  teaching  of  the  Encyclo- 
paedists, and  was  converted  by  David  himself  to  those 
political  theories  which  heralded  the  great  revolution. 
Spanish  authors  have  felt  it  necessary  to  protest  against 
this  point  of  view.  They  would  have  us  believe  that  the 
artist  lived  a  quiet  life  in  the  midst  of  a  happy  family, 
was  a  good  son  of  Mother  Church,  and  seldom  allowed 
his  heart  to  be  disturbed  by  the  flutter  of  a  petticoat. 
One  English  art  critic,  who  failed  to  appreciate  Goya 
as  an  artist,  elaborated  a  most  amazing  theory  that  his 
renown  as  a  painter  was  almost  wholly  political.  "  The 
celebrity  of  the  artist  is  in  great  part  political,  and  not 
artistic,  in  its  origin  ;  it  is  also  partly  a  protestation 
against  religious  tyranny,  which  Goya  hated  and  resisted 
in  his  own  way  with  considerable  effect  in  Spain.  In 
a  word,  Goya,  besides  being  an  artist,  was  a  great  Spanish 
Liberal.  .  .  .  The  friends  of  liberty,  both  in  Spain 
and  France,  are  therefore  strongly  prejudiced  in  his 
favour,  and  it  is  a  most  powerful  element  of  success,  even 
in  a.rt,  to  get  an  active  and  growing  political  influence 
on  the  side  of  one's  private  reputation.  .  .  .  Goya 
was  on  the  side  of  the  Revolution,  an  audacious  enemy 
of  tyranny,  hypocrisy,  stupidity,  and  superstition ; 
consequently  he  was  a  great  painter,  and  one  of  the 
most  accomplished  etchers  who  ever  lived  !  "  *  Only 
one  comment  is  necessary  upon  this  extraordinary 
verdict.  Political  activity  has  never  immortalised  the 
work  of  a  single  mediocre  artist.  To  this  fact  there  is 
not  a  single  exception,  for  art  can  only  live  through  the 
ages  upon  its  own  inherent  merit. 

*  P.  G.  Hamerton :  Portfolio  Papers — Goya,  p.  126. 


144  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

The  truth  about  Goya  is  not  to  be  arrived  at  by 
conscientiously  following  the  pictures  drawn  by  Zapater, 
Matheron,  Vinaza,  Yriarte,  or  even  Hamerton.  Goya's 
fame  is  based  upon  his  art,  and  his  art  alone.  His 
private  life  was  possibly  not  so  free  as  the  French  writers 
would  have  us  believe,  but  it  was  certainly  not  so  staid 
as  Zapater  asserts.  Goya  was  no  Benvenuto  CelHni ; 
neither  was  he  a  Fra  Angelico.  He  was  more  akin  to 
Lippo  Lippi,  whose  example  he  followed  when  he  broke 
into  the  Roman  convent.  Immorality  alone  never  leads 
to  celebrity.  Men  like  Aretino,  Casanova,  Cellini,  de 
Sade,  and  fifty  others,  gained  their  notoriety  more  from 
their  literary  and  artistic  works  than  from  their  deeds 
— however  much  the  latter  appealed  to  popular  fancy. 
When  Goya's  political  ideas  are  calmly  considered,  we 
find  that  there  is  little  novelty  in  them.  He  was  a 
child  of  Aragon,  a  province  distinguished  for  its  equal 
love  of  liberty  and  respect  towards  the  crown.*  These 
qualities  were  engrained  in  Goya's  blood.  He  could  not 
have  thrown  them  off  had  he  so  desired.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  he  ever  had  such  a  wish. 

The  secret  is  to  be  found  in  the  history  of  the  period. 

It  was  an  age  of  transition.     His  interest  in  politics 

was  probably  not  greater  than  that  of  any  ordinary 

intelligent  Spaniard  who  loved  his  country  and  longed 

to  see  it  better  governed.     But  he  could  not  escape 

♦  The  address  to  Charles  III.  from  the  nobihty  of  Aragon  after  the 
campaign  of  1762  forms  inspiring  reading.  "  The  nobihty  of  your 
kingdoms  attached  to  the  throne  of  Aragon  suppHcate  your  majesty 
to  intrust  to  their  zeal  the  defence  of  the  coasts.  .  .  .  We  have 
little  concern  in  regard  to  the  quality  of  the  posts  which  your  majesty 
may  assign  us,  less  for  the  climate  whither  we  may  be  sent,  and  none 
for  pay.  ...  He  is  not  a  gentleman  who  has  not  acquired  his  title 
by  illustrious  deeds  in  defence  of  his  country." 


TRANSITION  145 

influences  which  were  working  on  every  side.  Almost 
for  the  first  time  in  Spain  men  were  beginning  to  think 
for  themselves  and  were  free  to  express  their  unguarded 
opinions  without  mental  reservation.  Under  the  House 
of  Austria,  with  a  government  so  centralised  that 
Philip  II.  was  able  to  control  the  machine  of  state  to 
its  minutest  detail,  personal  liberty  of  thought  and 
action  was  practically  suppressed.  Whilst  admitting 
the  value  of  the  Inquisition  as  a  censor  of  morals,  the 
power  of  the  Holy  Office  was  directly  opposed  to  intel- 
lectual development  which  did  not  proceed  upon  lines 
agreeable  to  its  policy.  Individuality  was  dangerous  ; 
only  the  weaklings  and  time-servers  could  rely  upon  an 
unchallenged  personal  peace.  When  Charles  II.,  last  of 
his  House,  died,  and  Philip  V.,  grandson  of  Louis  XIV., 
ascended  the  throne,  the  old  order  was  bound  to  decay. 
The  Bourbons  did  not  encourage  criticism  any  more 
than  the  Hapsburgs,  but  there  is  an  inherent  logic  in 
the  Gallic  race  they  could  never  suppress,  and  it 
crossed  the  Pyrenees  in  their  train.  The  change  did 
not  come  at  once.  In  some  respects  it  was  antagonistic 
to  the  spirit  of  southern  Spain,  and  Philip  V.,  who  had 
learnt  the  art  of  government  as  elaborated  by  Louis  XIV., 
knew  his  duties  too  well  to  allow  much  scope  for  an 
educative  liberalism. 

His  successor,  Ferdinand  VI.,  only  surviving  son  of 
Philip  by  Maria  Luisa  of  Savoy,  was  just  and  benevolent. 
Little  more  can  be  said  of  him.  His  constitution  was 
delicate,  his  temper  placid — although  he  was  subject  to 
those  sudden  fits  of  violent  passion  which  were  almost  a 
family  inheritance.  Extremely  parsimonious,  he  was 
at  the  same  time  noted  for  his  punctilious  truthfulness. 

L 


146  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

After  the  fashion  of  another  historical  character,  and 
probably  in  more  strict  accordance  with  historical  fact, 
he  was  never  known  to  tell  a  lie.  Like  his  father  he  was 
hypochondriacal,  and  lived  in  the  perpetual  fear  of  death. 
The  minutiae  of  government  he  deputed  to  his  ministers  ; 
hunting  and  music  formed  his  only  distractions.  He  was 
indolent  and  incapable,  and  his  solitarj^  virtue  was  that 
he  recognised  and  admitted  his  faults.  Complimented 
on  his  prowess  as  a  sportsman,  he  answered  :  "It  would 
be  extraordinary  if  I  could  not  do  one  thing  well." 
During  his  reign  Spain  enjoyed  a  longer  period  of  in- 
ternal peace  than  had  occurred  since  the  days  of  Philip 
II.,  and  at  least  one  of  his  ministers  endeavoured  to  en- 
courage the  arts  and  sciences  of  the  land.*  The  school  of 
painting,  sculpture  and  architecture,  founded  by  Philip 
v.,  was  erected  into  a  royal  academy,  and  endowed  with 
funds  for  sending  the  most  promising  students  to  Italy. 
The  death  of  his  Queen  in  1758  drove  Ferdinand  into  a 
despair  which  was  not  far  removed  from  madness,  and 
the  Enghsh  ambassador  reported  that  "  the  monarch, 
besides  great  indispositions  of  body,  is  in  some  sort 
disordered  in  mind."  On  August  10, 1759,  his  melancholy 
ended  in  death,  and  his  half-brother  crossed  the  sea  from 
his  kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  and  ascended  the  Spanish 
throne. 

Amongst  the  royal  portraits  in  the  Prado  is  one  by 
Goya  of  Charles  III.,  painted  towards  the  end  of  his 
reign.  The  touch  has  all  the  hardness  of  some  of  the 
tapestry  cartoons,  and  the  composition  is  obviously 
based  upon  Velazquez's  portrait  of  Philip  IV.     Indeed, 

*  Don  Zeno  Somo  de  Villa,  Marquis  de  la  Ensenada,  a  man  of  humble 
origin,  who,  hke  Colbert,  started  life  as  a  bank  clerk. 


TRANSITION  147 

the  attitude  of  the  two  figures  is  almost  exactly  the  same, 
and  both  sovereigns  are  shown  in  hunting  costume. 
But  the  later  Bourbons  never  possessed  the  absorbing 
personal  fascination  which  enveloped  every  member  of 
the  House  of  Austria.  The  eighteenth-century  Bourbons 
were  a  dull  and  bored  race,  though  some — amongst  them 
Charles  III. — endeavoured  to  carry  out  their  kingly 
duties  with  earnestness  and  sincerity.  The  Earl  of 
Bristol,  British  ambassador  at  Madrid,  wrote  to  Pitt 
that  the  Catholic  King  "  has  good  talents,  a  happy 
memory,  and  an  uncommon  command  of  himself  on  all 
occasions.  His  having  been  often  deceived  renders  him 
suspicious."  The  description  adds  to  our  appreciation 
of  Goya's  skill  in  the  delineation  of  personality.  For 
suspicion  lurks  in  the  great  black  eyes  of  this  old  and 
disillusioned  monarch,  who,  in  a  most  dignified  cocked 
hat  and  wig,  peers  forth  from  the  canvas  as  if  the  very 
animals  he  is  about  to  slaughter  with  his  gun  are  waiting 
to  take  advantage  of  him.  Goya's  portrait  also  tallies 
with  the  vivid  description  of  Major  Dairy mple.  "  The 
King  has  a  very  odd  appearance  in  person  and  dress. 
He  is  of  diminutive  stature,  with  a  complexion  of  the 
colour  of  mahogany.  He  has  not  been  measured  for  a 
coat  these  thirty  years,  so  that  it  sits  upon  him  like  a 
sack  ;  his  waistcoat  and  breeches  are  generally  leather, 
with  a  pair  of  cloth  spatterdashes  on  his  legs.  .  .  .  He 
goes  out  a-sporting  every  day  of  the  year,  rain  or  blow, 
whilst  at  Madrid,  once  a  day,  in  the  afternoon  ;  but  in 
the  country,  at  the  sitios,  morning  and  evening  ;  he  often 
drives  six  or  seven  leagues  out,  and  back  again,  as  hard 
as  the  horses  can  go."  Dalrymple  added  that  life  was 
rough  for  the  royal  attendants,  who  often  received  falls 


148  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

from  their  horses,  resulting  in  dislocated  shoulders, 
broken  arms  and  legs,  and  numberless  contusions.  The 
whole  of  the  country  around  the  palaces  was  enclosed  for 
sport,  so  that,  in  painting  him  in  hunting  costume,  Goya 
seized  a  more  characteristic  pose  than  if  the  King  had 
stood  in  imperial  robes. 

The  Earl  of  Rochford  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  HaHfax, 
January  13,  1764,  saying :  "  With  regard  to  his  Catholic 
Majesty,  who  has  been  often,  I  know,  represented  as  a 
weak  prince,  he  is,  in  my  opinion,  very  far  from  it.  If  he 
would  deprive  himself  a  little  more  of  his  darling  passion 
of  shooting,  and  give  himself  time  to  look  into  the  national 
affairs,  he  would,  I  am  persuaded,  manage  them  more 
wisely  and  better  than  any  of  his  present  ministers." 

This  description  is  hardly  true  from  every  point  of 
view.  Charles  III.  was  heavy,  and,  though  virtuous,  far 
from  brilliant.  But  he  beUeved  in  the  sacredness  of  his 
office,  and  devoted  much  of  his  day  to  the  affairs  of  state. 
Unlike  his  brother,  he  refused  to  delegate  his  authority  to 
his  ministers  as  he  grew  older,  and  scrupulously  attempted 
to  fulfil  a  task  for  which  he  had  insufficient  ability. 

In  other  respects  Rochford's  judgment  of  Charles' 
character  was  a  tribute  to  the  ambassador's  gifts  of 
intuition,  for  the  King  carried  out  a  coup  d'etat  which 
made  Spain  rock.  Goya  is  accused  by  some  authors, 
and  praised  by  others,  for  his  anti-clerical  views.  But 
there  was  an  active  movement  in  the  highest  circles  for 
h  mi  ting  many  of  the  excessive  powers  of  the  Church. 
Even  under  Ferdinand  VI.,  dominated  as  he  was  by 
Father  Ravago,  his  Jesuit  confessor,  a  Concordat  was 
concluded  with  Benedict  XIV.,*  foreshadowing  a 
*  January  11,  1755. 


TRANSITION  149 

change  of  policy  towards  the  Church,  and  commencing 
by  abolishing  a  bad  system  of  ecclesiastical  patronage 
which  transferred  vast  sums  of  Spanish  money  to  Rome. 
Charles  III.  went  much  further.  The  members  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus  had  been  attacked  in  Portugal  and 
expelled  from  France,  but  it  was  almost  impossible  to 
believe  that  Spain  would  turn  against  the  wonderful 
organisation  which  had  been  bom  on  its  soil.  The 
Jesuits  were  not  loved  by  any  state.  "  Their  spirit  of 
intrigue,  dangerous  maxims,  bond  of  union,  and  persever- 
ing ambition,  had  long  rendered  them  an  object 
of  fear  and  jealousy  to  many  of  the  European  govern- 
ments, and  there  was  scarcely  a  political  intrigue,  or 
public  commotion,  in  which  they  were  not  actually  im- 
phcated,  or  supposed  to  be  engaged."  *  Whether  it  was 
true  or  no  that  they  promoted  the  Madrid  insurrection 
in  1765,  and  (according  to  the  despatch  of  the  English 
ambassador)  "  formed  a  design  on  the  Thursday  of  the 
Holy  Week  to  exterminate  his  Catholic  Majesty  and  "all 
his  family,"  cannot  be  proved  and  is  hardly  possible  to 
credit.  We  have  already  suggested  that  the  youthful 
Goya  was  interested  in  that  emeute,  although  certainly 
not  as  a  partizan  of  the  Jesuits.  But  Charles  un- 
doubtedly had  suspicions  based  on  exact  information. 
Besides,  he  belonged  to  the  Franciscans,  a  rival  order. 
In  conjunction  with  his  minister  the  Count  d'Aranda, 
he  plotted  against  the  watchful  order  with  such  skill  and 
secrecy  that  on  March  31,  1767,  the  six  colleges  of  the 
Jesuits  in  Madrid  were  surrounded  at  midnight,  and  the 
inmates  conveyed  under  escort  upon  a  journey  to  the 
coast,  before  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  were  awake. 
*  William  Coxe :  Memoirs  of  the  Kings  of  Spain,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  351. 


150  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Every  college  in  Spain  and  her  colonies  was  treated  in 
the  same  manner,  and  the  unfortunate  Jesuits  despatched 
to  Civita  Vecchia  and  the  papal  dominions  under 
conditions  of  extreme  barbarity.  The  edict  which 
ordered  their  expulsion  also  notified  that  if  any  Spaniard 
should  presume  to  publish  a  pamphlet  apologetic  or 
otherwise,  either  for  or  against  the  dreaded  order,  he 
should  be  punished  as  if  guilty  of  high  treason. 

With  the  aid  of  the  King,  Aranda  had  struck  the  blow 
almost  single-handed,  and  there  was  the  slightest  protest 
from  the  country.  The  minister  led  the  anti-clerical 
party.  "  His  administration  is  marked  by  a  series  of 
salutary  regulations  which  form  a  memorable  era  in  the 
history  and  government  of  his  country  ;  as  well  from  the 
diffusion  of  new  and  more  liberal  principles,  as  from  the 
attempts  to  confine  the  overgrown  power  of  the  Church, 
and  to  naturalise  a  spirit  of  toleration  hitherto  unknown 
in  Spain."*  The  ecclesiastical  courts,  which  decided 
both  criminal  and  civil  causes  in  which  the  regular  clergy 
were  concerned,  were  abolished.  Many  of  the  religious 
processions  and  feasts  were  suppressed.  Rights  of 
sanctuary  were  restricted.  Regulations  were  enacted 
to  reform  the  scandalous  abuses  of  the  monastic  bodies. 
Aranda  was  able  to  deprive  the  Inquisition  of  its  control 
over  the  press,  and  forbade  the  Holy  Office  to  interfere 
in  the  proceedings  of  the  civil  courts.  He  warned  that 
powerful  body  that  it  must  confine  its  activities  to  its 
proper  functions,  the  prosecution  of  heresy  and  apostasy, 
and  must  imprison  no  subject  of  the  Crown  without  the 
clearest  proofs  of  guilt. 

Aranda  was  a  statesman  of  outstanding  talent,  whose 
*  Coxe  :  Memoirs  of  the  Kings  of  Spain,  Vol.  IV.,  p,  404. 


TRANSITION  151 

personality  and  views  directly  appealed  to  Goya.  They 
both  came  from  the  same  province,  and,  when  Goya 
first  arrived  in  Madrid,  the  young  artist  had  attached 
himself  to  the  Aragonese  band  of  which  Aranda  was 
the  titular  leader.  Aranda's  history  explains  many 
aspects  of  Goya's  character,  and  cannot  be  omitted  from 
any  consideration  of  the  painter's  career.  He  had  lived 
in  France,  and  "  imbibed  that  freedom  of  sentiment  which 
then  began  to  be  fashionable,"  *  The  case  can  be  stated 
in  far  stronger  terms.  Aranda  had  travelled  extensively 
through  Europe,  had  met  most  of  the  philosophers  who 
were  shaping  the  thought  of  his  time,  and  his  own  ideas 
were  based  upon  their  political  and  social  theories.  He 
had  talked  in  the  Parisian  salons  of  Madame  Du  Deffand 
and  Mdlle.  de  Lespinasse,  and  visited  Femey  to  interview 
Voltaire.  In  Paris  he  mixed  with  the  Encyclopaedists, 
and  formed  a  close  friendship  with  Alembert.  The 
nobility  of  Spain  at  this  moment  were  separating  into 
two  distinct  classes.  On  the  one  hand,  a  large  number 
were  devoting  their  otherwise  idle  days  to  bull-fighting 
and  sport,  under  the  leadership  of  the  herculean  Prince 
of  the  Asturias.  The  more  thoughtful  were  breaking 
through  the  old  restraints.  Many  travelled  to  Paris 
and  London,  and  remained  in  correspondence  with  their 
new  acquaintances.  One  of  Goya's  sitters,  the  Duke 
de  Villahermosa,  who  was  closely  related  to  the  Aragonese 
Count  deJFuentes,  followed  Aranda's  example,  and 
called  at  Femey  upon  Voltaire,  where  he  was  warmly 
welcomed  by  the  old  poet.  Letters  have  been  preserved 
addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Spanish  embassy  in 
London  asking  for  books  of  philosophy  which  were 
♦  Coxe  :  Memoirs  of  the  Kings  of  Spain. 


152  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

forbidden  in  Spain.  Hobbes,  Spinoza,  Voltaire,  Diderot, 
Alembert,  and  Rousseau — although  on  the  Index — were 
freely  passed  from  hand  to  hand  amongst  the  cultured 
nobility.*  The  change  was  coming  from  above  and  not 
from  below,  and  Goya  was  in  the  thick  of  a  movement 
which  he  could  not  resist. 

Aranda's  passion  for  reform  was  reinforced  by  typical 
Aragonese  obstinacy.  "  You  are  more  obstinate  than 
an  Aragonese  mule,"  his  master  once  told  him.  When 
the  minister  went  out  of  office,  and  retired  to  Paris, 
the  Inquisition,  in  a  last  flutter  of  dying  power,  seized 
Olavide,  who  had  actively  engineered  Aranda's  schemes 
of    education.    Accusing   him    of   heresy,    one    of   the 

*  Diderot's  writings  on  Art  must  have  been  familiar  to  Goya,  who 
can  be  exactly  described  by  Diderot's  own  phrase  :  "  Les  esprits 
sup6rieiirs  sont  toujours  curieux."  Diderot  was  associated  with 
D'Alembert  from  1748  to  1772,  and  lived  long  enough  to  be  on  friendly 
terms  with  David.  Like  Rousseau  he  preached  the  doctrine  of  a 
return  to  Nature,  he  rebelled  against  the  classical  school,  and  called 
Winckelmann  a  fanatic.  "  The  antique  should  be  studied  to  teach 
us  how  to  observe  Nature."  In  another  essay  he  writes  :  "I  have 
been  tempted  a  hundred  times  to  say  to  the  students  whom  I  passed 
on  their  way  to  the  Louvre,  with  their  portfolios  under  their  arms, 
'  How  long  have  you  been  studying  there  ?  '  '  Two  years  !  '  '  Well, 
that  is  quite  long  enough.  Give  up  all  that  artificial  work.  Go  to 
Chartreux,  and  there  you  will  see  the  real  attitudes  of  devotion  and 
repentance.  To-morrow  go  to  the  wineshop,  and  you  will  see  the 
true  gestures  of  an  angry  man.  Frequent  public  places.  Observe 
what  passes  in  the  streets,  in  gardens,  in  markets,  in  houses,  and  you 
will  thus  learn  what  are  the  real  gestures  in  the  actions  of  daily  life. 
Just  look  at  those  two  companions  of  yours  who  are  quarrelling.  See 
how  their  quarrel  places  them,  without  their  knowledge,  in  certain 
attitudes.  Examine  them  carefully,  and  you  will  be  ashamed  of  the 
teaching  of  your  insipid  professor,  and  you  will  despise  the  imitation 
of  your  vapid  model."  Of  course  Leonardo  da  Vinci  said  much  the 
same,  but  his  manuscripts  were  unknown  to  either  Diderot  or  Goya. 
We  can  easily  imagine  the  young  Spaniard  reading  the  famous  Salons, 
overjoyed  to  find  his  ideas  of  artistic  education  and  development 
upheld  by  the  famous  French  critic. 


Photo.  Calvtrt 


PORTRAIT   OF   A    LADY 
Collection  of  Don  R.  Garcia 


TRANSITION  153 

charges  being  the  possession  of  a  letter  from  Voltaire, 
Olavide  was  sentenced  to  eight  years'  confinement  with 
monastic  discipline.  Under  another  monarch  the  pri- 
soner would  have  been  committed  to  the  flames.  But 
in  a  few  years  Spain  had  thrown  off  the  shackles  of 
centuries,  and  we  require  no  other  explanation  of  the 
Liberal  tendencies  of  Goya,  for  they  were  the  aspira- 
tions of  every  educated  man  of  his  time.  To  call  them 
revolutionary  is  an  exaggeration  of  terms. 

With  this  intellectual  and  political  transition  coincided 
a  vast  social  change.  The  circles  of  Ferdinand  VI.  and 
Charles  III.  had  been  exceedingly  staid.  The  orgies  of 
Louis  XV.  at  Versailles  were  not  repeated  in  Madrid  or 
Aranjuez.  Charles  III .  expressed  considerable  indignation 
and  disgust  at  the  personal  iniquities  of  his  royal  cousin. 
His  own  private  life  set  an  example  which  he  expected 
his  courtiers  to  follow.  Towards  the  end  of  his  reign  his 
influence  weakened.  His  wife  had  been  dead  for  years, 
and  he  was  unable  to  control  the  younger  men  and 
women  who  surrounded  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias  and 
Maria  Luisa  of  Parma.  Their  standards  of  decorum  were 
lower,  and  the  tone  of  the  Court  rapidly  degenerated. 
"  Gallantry  and  intrigue  are  terms  too  refined  for  this 
period,"  wrote  Major  Dairy mple  in  1776. 

Charles  III.  was  a  martinet  who  insisted  that  his 
courtiers  should  perform  their  duty  to  the  country,  and 
behave  with  decency,  at  least  in  public.  He  attached 
the  greatest  importance  to  form,  ceremony,  and  prece- 
dence. Charles  IV.  was  a  weak-minded  but  amiable  fool, 
with  the  instincts  and  inclinations  of  a  stableman.  Maria 
Luisa  can  be  described  in  Richard  Muther's  racy  but 
truthful  phrase  as  "  a  courtesan  seated   on  the  throne 


154  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

of  Spain."  Until  the  death  of  her  father-in-law  she  had 
been  compelled  to  submit  to  his  will.  She  protested  in 
vain.  One  of  the  recurring  sources  of  argument  between 
Charles  III.  and  the  Italian  Princess  was  his  methodical 
journey  from  one  palace  to  another  throughout  the  year, 
on  dates  fixed  with  the  regularity  of  a  clock  which  neither 
weather  nor  illness  could  alter.*  A  royal  progress 
through  a  winter  storm  hastened  the  death  of  the  well- 
meaning  but  self-willed  monarch. 

Although  Charles  III.  admired  the  tapestry  cartoons, 
Goya  was  probably  not  in  the  good  graces  of  the  old  King, 
who  could  not  have  listened  to  the  current  gossip  con- 
cerning the  artist's  disorderly  existence  with  any  degree 
of  leniency.  The  Prince  of  the  Asturias  was  two  years 
younger  than  Goya,  and  owned  many  tastes  in  common 
with  the  artist.  Maria  Luisa  had  considerably  more 
dignity.  But  she  was  even  freer  from  moral  scruples 
than  might  be  expected  from  a  Parmese  Bourbon. 
When  Charles  IV.  ascended  the  throne  in  1788,  Goya 
was  immediately  received  into  the  royal  favour,  with 
a  hearty  welcome  to  the  Court  and  freedom  to  behave 
as  he  wished.  Upon  the  death  of  Cornelius  van  der 
Goten  he  was  appointed  a  painter  of  the  Chamber  with  a 

*  "  On  the  26th  [July,  1774]  the  Court  set  out  for  San  Ildephonso. 
The  troops  were  under  arms,  lining  the  road  from  the  palace,  as  far 
as  they  could  reach ;  exclusive  of  the  horse  and  foot  guards,  there 
were  three  regiments  of  infantry,  and  one  of  cavalry.  The  coaches 
were  attended  by  the  guardia  de  corps,  and  drove  as  hard  as  they  could 
go.  The  Court  resides  from  the  middle  of  January,  till  a  little  before 
the  Holy  Week,  at  the  Pardo  ;  then  at  Madrid  till  after  Easter,  assisting 
at  the  religious  ceremonies  of  the  Holy  Week ;  at  Aranjuez  till  the 
middle  of  June ;  again  at  Madrid  for  three  weeks  or  a  month ;  at 
San  Ildephonso  till  October ;  at  the  Escorial  till  December ;  once 
more  at  Madrid  till  January,  and  so  on  annually."  Major  Dalrymple's 
Voyage  {1776). 


TRANSITION  155 

salary  of  15,000  reals,  and  thus  his  chief  ambition  was 
attained. 

Goya  had  already  visited  members  of  the  royal  family, 
although  the  Infante  Don  Luis  was  not  allowed  to 
assume  an  official  position  out  of  Madrid.  With  one  of 
that  Prince's  friends  he  entered  into  warm  friendship. 
Jovellanos,  the  author  and  politician,  was  a  few  years 
younger  than  the  painter,  over  whom  he  soon  com- 
menced to  exercise  much  influence  with  a  stimulating  and 
healthy  effect.  The  portrait  of  Jovellanos  may  be  dated 
between  the  years  1780  and  1790.  The  goodwill  of  the 
philosopher  brought  a  commission  which  Goya  regarded 
with  considerable  pride.  On  January  12,  1783,  Goya 
wrote  triumphantly  to  Zaragoza,  stating  that  he  had  a 
secret  he  could  only  share  with  his  wife  Josefa  and  his 
friend  Martin  Zapater.  He  had  been  asked  to  paint  a 
portrait  of  the  Count  of  Florida  Blanca,  the  prime 
minister,  who  had  already  seen  him  and  displayed  a 
gratifying  friendliness. 

Florida  Blanca  was  the  most  important  man  in  Spain 
after  the  King,  and  the  power  he  exercised  was  infinitely 
greater.  Not  until  April  26  was  he  able  to  find  time  for 
the  first  sitting.  Goya's  charm  of  manner  produced  its 
usual  effect.  Artist  and  minister  became  so  engrossed 
that  they  talked  for  hours,  to  the  jealousy  and  anger  of 
the  sycophants  who  surrounded  the  statesman.  The 
portrait  was  not  completed  until  January,  1784,  and 
received  much  praise.  The  paint  is  thinly  laid  on,  the 
impression  being  cold  and  unsatisfactory.  Though  Goya 
was  in  sympathy  with  Florida  Blanca  the  portrait  cannot 
rank  with  his  masterpieces.  That  Florida  Blanca  was 
pleased  is  uncertain.  Perhaps  the  delay  in  payment  was 
due  to  his  financial  embarrassments,  for,  like  all  honest 


156  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

men,  he  found  political  life  far  from  a  monetary  success. 
A  second  portrait  shows  him  holding  a  document  relating 
to  the  foundation  of  the  Banco  de  San  Carlos.  This  is 
happier,  and  led  to  commissions  from  several  of  the 
directors  of  the  bank,  notably  Don  Jose  y  Zambrano  and 
the  Marquis  de  Tolosa.  The  praise  of  the  Infante  Don 
Luis  paved  the  way  for  the  portrait  of  Charles  III.,  which 
has  already  been  spoken  of. 

In  these  relationships  with  some  of  the  brightest  spirits 
of  the  land  there  is  no  sign  of  that  ardent  republican  and 
revolutionary  spirit  with  which  Goya  has  generally  been 
credited.  When  Richard  Muther  writes  that  "  to  cleanse 
the  augean  stable  of  Spain  became  the  great  aim  of  Goya's 
life,"  he  advances  a  supposition  for  which  there  is  not 
the  slightest  foundation  in  fact.  Far  better  history  is  the 
German  author's  statement  that  Goya  not  only  painted 
Rococo  but  lived  to  the  full  the  wild  life  of  that  rococo 
period,  which  may  be  said  to  commence  about  the  years 
1785-86.  Portrait -painting  had  now  become  his  most 
important  professional  activity.  His  earliest  dated 
portrait  is  that  of  the  Count  de  la  Miranda,  which  can 
be  assigned  to  the  year  1777,  and  in  quality  much  sur- 
passes some  of  his  later  examples.  It  must  not  be 
forgotten  that  throughout  his  career  Goya  was  an  artist 
of  unequal  standards  and  varying  technique,  which  makes 
it  exceedingly  difficult  to  date  many  of  his  canvases.  A 
portrait  of  Cornelius  van  der  Goten,  the  director  of  the 
tapestry  manufactory,  belongs  to  1782,  and  Von  Loga 
ascribes  to  the  same  time  a  charming  sketch  of  a  boy 
dressed  in  red,  belonging  to  Madame  Bernstein  of  Paris. 
Earlier  examples,  such  as  the  portrait  of  Josef  a  Goya  y 
Bayeu,  have  already  been  cited.  But  the  period  of 
fine  portraits  did  not  actually  commence  until  1786. 


N 


CHAPTER   XI 

THE   LATER  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS,   1786-I79I 

Goya's  growing  Success.  His  Household.  New  Blood  required  at  the 
Tapestry  Factory,  The  "  Second  Series."  Criticism  by  P.  G.  Hamerton 
and  Richard  Muther.  Description  of  the  Designs.  Ganre  Pictures  for 
the  Osuna  Family.  Goya  and  Gainsborough.  Some  Portraits  belong 
ing  to  this  Period.  The  Marquesa  de  Pontejos.  Goya's  Prices.  Re- 
ligious Pictures. 

cc  -ifc.  -r  OTWITHSTANDING  all  my  work,  I  receive  no 
more  from  my  Bank  shares,  and  from  the 
Academy,  than  an  income  of  12,000  or  13,000 
reals  a  year.  With  this  sum  I  am  the  most  contented, 
and  the  happiest  man  in  the  world."  * 

Goya  wrote  these  Hnes  March  11,  1786,!  and  they 
indicate  that  he  was  not  only  successful  but  happy.  The 
family  quarrel  had  ended.  In  this  year  he  painted  the  first 
portrait  of  Bayeu,  now  at  Valence.  His  domestic  life 
seems  to  have  resulted  in  a  compromise,  for  he  was  in 
every  respect  self-indulgent  to  his  vices.  For  the  coming 
ten  years  scandal  made  free  with  his  name,  although 
doubtless  some  of  the  exploits  with  which  he  was  credited 
are  mythical.  Josefa  Bayeu  probably  recognised  that 
her  husband  must  be  allowed  to  follow  his  inclinations. 

*  This  must  be  a  reference  to  his  fixed  income  only,  apart  from  his 
professional  earnings,  for  12,000  reales  vellon  does  not  amount  to  much 
more  than  £125. 

t  Zapater,  p.  37. 


158  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Besides,  she  was  busy  rearing  the  twenty  children  of  which 
she  was  the  mother,  only  one  of  whom  reached  adult  age. 

Whatever  time  Goya  spent  in  dissipation  was  not 
stolen  from  his  working  hours.  During  the  thirteen 
years  1787-1800  his  production  was  so  incessant  that  it 
is  difficult  to  know  which  activity  first  to  chronicle.  He 
was  painting  innumerable  portraits,  accepting  commis- 
sions for  charming  little  genre  compositions  as  well  as 
church  altar-pieces,  and  he  also  renewed  his  engagements 
at  the  tapestry  factory.  He  had  not'set  aside  the  etching 
needle,  for  he  was  preparing  the  seventy  plates  of  the 
caprichos,  for  which  he  made  a  large  number  of  drawings. 
Outside  his  studio  he  was  building  up  that  legendary 
reputation  which  credits  him  as  being  the  most  dangerous 
Don  Juan  in  modem  Spain,  the  terror  of  all  husbands. 

His  work  for  the  tapestry  factory  may  be  taken  before 
more  important  matters.  When  Cornelius  van  der  Goten 
died  in  1786  it  was  decided  to  employ  native  artists  almost 
exclusively.  Livinio  Stuik,  a  cousin  of  Van  der  Goten, 
was  appointed  technical  director,  but  Francisco  Bayeu, 
now  senior  Court  painter,  appears  to  have  taken  an  active 
part  in  the  management.  In  a  letter  dated  April  17, 
1786,  to  the  minister  Lerena,  based  upon  a  report  made  by 
Castello,  Bayeu  suggested  that  the  establishment  needed 
fresh  blood,  and  a  few  days  later  he  proposed  that  two  or 
three  clever  artists  should  be  invited  to  work  upon  a  fixed 
salary  for  the  factory.  He  proposed  his  brother,  Ramon 
Bayeu,  his  brother-in-law,  Goya,  and  Jose  del  Castello.  It 
is  noteworthy  that  although  he  praises  Ramon  very 
highly,  he  has  not  a  single  word  of  commendation  in  his 
letter  for  Goya.  Without  disparaging  Bayeu's  good 
faith,  he  could  not  easily  have  made  any  recommendation 


THE  LATER  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS        159 

which  omitted  Goya's  name.  Maella  also  mentioned  the 
names  of  Ramon  Bayeu  and  Goya,  and  considered  that 
they  should  be  asked  to  prepare  sketches  of  biblical  and 
patriotic  scenes.  In  June  the  appointments  were  made, 
and  Goya  announces  himself  to  his  friends  as  Pintor  del 
Rey,  although  actually  he  had  no  right  to  that  distinctive 
title.*  He  boasted  that  he  had  done  nothing  to  gain  the 
unexpected  honour,  which  can  be  well  believed,  and  that 
he  could  calculate  his  income  at  about  28,000  reals. 
"  More  I  do  not  want,  thank  the  Lord,"  he  added  rather 
hypocritically.  The  tapestry  appointment  seems  to  have 
been  the  subject  of  some  intrigue.  Maella  coveted  one  of 
the  posts,  but  Bayeu  is  said  to  have  secured  it  for  his 
brother-in-law,  if  Goya  did  not  receive  it  mainly  on 
account  of  his  own  high  favour  at  Court. 

Goya  entered  into  his  new  duties  with  characteristic 
energy.  His  health  had  been  completely  re-established, 
although  a  fall  from  a  carriage  had  torn  the  sinews  of 
his  right  leg.  During  the  summer  he  worked  upon  a 
series  of  cartoons  for  tapestry  to  decorate  the  bedroom 
of  the  Infante  Don  Gabriel  Anton,  the  fourth  and  most 
gifted  son  of  the  King,  who  in  1785  had  married  Dona 
Victoria  of  Braganza.  Both  Prince  and  Princess  died, 
within  a  month  of  each  other,  in  1788. 

His  work  upon  the  factory  cartoons  was  continually 
interrupted  by  more  pressing  commissions  from  the  Court, 
the  Church,  and  the  nobility,  and|his  working  hours  must 
have  been  charged  with  unremitting  toil.  In  a  letter 
dated  April  13,  i79i,t  Livinio  Stuik  complained  that  the 

♦  In  a  letter  to  Martin  Zapater,  quoted  by  Francisco  Zapater  in 
his  Noticias  hiograficds,  p.  37. 
f  Quoted  by  Cmzada  Villaarail. 


i6o  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

factory  of  Santa  Barbara  was  deteriorating  into  a  hopeless 
condition.  The  workmen  were  in  want,  and  had  been 
discharged  owing  to  lack  of  employment,  and  he  laid 
the  blame  upon  the  artists  who  drew  their  salary  but 
neglected  to  supply  cartoons  for  the  looms.  Ramon 
Bayeu  was  as  busy  in  other  directions  as  Goya.  There 
was  some  excuse  for  their  conduct.  Mengs,  Maella,  and 
Francisco  Bayeu  drew  their  Court  salaries  without 
pledging  work  in  exchange.  Probably  they  considered 
their  emoluments  in  the  nature  of  retaining  fees.  When 
the  factory  demanded  cartoons,  Goya  advanced  the  plea 
of  his  duties  as  Court  painter  and  the  numerous  com- 
missions he  had  in  hand  for  the  royal  family. 

The  ministers  did  not  agree  with  the  artist's  point  of 
view ;  pressure  was  exerted,  and  gradually  cartoons  were 
delivered.  In  1791  four  were  ready  for  the  King's  study 
in  the  state  rooms  of  the  Escorial,  but  Goya's  health 
gradually  collapsed,  and  after  this  date  he  does  not  appear 
to  have  added  to  what  may  be  called  the  second  or  later 
series  of  cartoons  for  tapestry.  They  are  usually  classed 
with  the  earlier  commissions,  but  in  style  they  are 
thoroughly  distinct. 

The  second  series  of  cartoons  contains  examples  of 
some  of  the  most  charming  fancies  Goya  ever  created. 
In  P.  G.  Hamerton's  essay  the  critic  affirms  that  the 
Spanish  artist  was  coarse-minded  and  essentially  vulgar. 
Hamerton  admitted  that  he  had  seen  very  few  of  Goya's 
paintings,  and  he  condemned  his  work  chiefly  upon  a 
study  of  the  decorations  of  his  country  house  on  the  out- 
skirts of  Madrid.  Had  he  been  able  to  examine,  even  from 
photographs  or  the  roughest  drawings,  this  second  series 
of  tapestry  cartoons,  he  could  never  have  applied  such 


THE  LATER  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS       i6i 

terms  as  "  coarse  "  or  "  vulgar."  At  times  Goya  rises  to 
a  light-hearted  grace  which  no  other  decorative  artist  of 
the  eighteenth  century  surpassed,  and,  with  Mr.  Rothen- 
stein,  it  is  "  difficult  to  understand  why  they  should  not 
have  commanded  more  interest  outside  Spain."  *  They 
are  usually  compared  to  Watteau  and  his  school.  "  In 
point  of  style  these  works  are  very  different  from  those  of 
the  Frenchmen,  for  they  have  all  the  local  colour  of  the 
Peninsula.  We  miss  that  tender,  delicate  colouring,  those 
dainty,  capricious  gestures  which  we  have  learnt  to  admire 
in  the  work  of  Watteau  and  Lancret.  Boldly,  almost 
coarsely,  Goya  paints  side  by  side  the  strongest  reds  and 
yellows  ;  with  brutal  realism  he  depicts  the  rouge  on  his 
ladies'  cheeks  and  the  dark  pencilling  of  their  eyebrows. 
The  stiff  material  of  the  dress  conceals  all  the  beauties 
of  the  form,  and  the  black  mantilla  cuts  off  every  pos- 
sible grace  or  piquancy  of  movement ;  and  through  this 
essentially  Spanish  note  Goya's  works  resemble  far  more 
those  of  his  modem  compatriot,  Zuloaga,  than  those  of 
his  French  contemporaries. ' '  f  Muther 's  clever  description 
is  only  partially  true.  There  is  an  exceeding  grace  in 
these  cartoons,  which  in  some  respects  recall  the  spirituelle 
elegance  of  Fragonard. 

In  the  earlier  series  Goya's  hand  was  occasionally 
heavy,  almost  to  clumsiness,  and  the  designs  were  not 
well-suited  for  the  material  into  which  they  were  to  be 
translated.  The  workers  in  the  factory  declared  that  the 
figures  were  "  dandies  and  girls  with  so  much  decoration 
of  coifs,  ribbons,  fal-lals,  gauzes,  etc.,  that  much  time 
and  patience  is  wasted  on  them,  and  the  work  is  unpro- 

♦  W.  Rothenstein  :   Goya,  p.  lo, 
f  R.  Muther :    Goya,  p.  i8. 

M 


i62  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

ductive."  *  In  the  second  series  Goya  changed  his 
methods,  his  chief  aim  being  to  mass  his  figures  so  as  to 
silhouette  them  against  a  hght  and  often  empty  back- 
ground. His  success  was  complete,  and  in  many  cases 
the  result  is  one  of  exquisite  refinement. 

Hidden  in  the  basement  of  the  Prado,  where  the  light 
plays  odd  tricks  round  the  dark  comers  of  the  gloomy 
rooms,  these  cartoons  are  not  well  placed  for  a  close 
examination.  They  were  painted  with  extreme  rapidity. 
Goya,  like  Turner,  bent  his  material  to  his  will,  and  was 
not  always  careful  with  regard  to  the  permanency  of 
his  palette.  In  many  cases  the  colours  are  sadly  missing, 
and  the  cartoons  remain  but  ghosts  of  their  former 
brilliance.  In  the  palaces  hang  the  actual  tapestries, 
which  suffer  from  a  certain  crudity  of  tone.f  The 
artist  was  greater  than  the  craftsmen  who  carried  out 
his  designs.  Yet  both  tapestries  and  cartoons  are 
a  monument  of  Spanish  rococo  style  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  "  Le  cri  pousse  par  Goya  est  le  cri  national," 
wrote  Charles  Yriarte,  alluding  more  particularly  to  the 
patriotic  and  satirical  etchings.  Goya,  however,  is  quite 
as  nationahst  in  spirit  in  these  decorative  schemes, 
which,  in  dignity  and  grace,  are  essentially  Spanish. 

The  subjects  deal  chiefly  with  rural  life  and  the  sea- 
sons. The  Summer  (1786)  is  one  of  the  least  satisfactory, 
with  its  conventional  pyramidical  composition  of  hay- 
makers, and  its  hasty,  almost  scamped,  workmanship. 
A  street  scene   (1787)   reminds  the  English  visitor  of 

*  A.  F.  Calvert :   Goya,  p.  26. 

t  The  factory  of  Santa  Barbara  was  weaving  tapestries  from  the 
cartoons  up  to  1802.  Queen  Isabella  presented  examples  of  the 
tapestries  to  Leopold  I.  of  Belgium.  In  1832  some  of  the  designs 
had  been  reproduced  four  times. 


THE  LATER  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS       163 

Hogarth,  and  is  more  an  easel  picture  than  a  scheme  for 
decorative  tapestry.  Other  panels,  such  as  the  Water- 
carriers  (Las  mozas  del  cdntaro)  (1787),  are  interesting, 
but  quite  hasty  and  slight.  The  painter's  accomplish- 
ment varies,  a  striking  characteristic  of  Goya's  work. 
The  Stilt-walkers  (1788),  the  Dance  (1791)  and  the  Game 
of  pelota,  are  exceedingly  clever,  but  the  attraction  is 
mainly  in  the  subject  rather  than  the  treatment.  But 
when  Goya  paints  childhood  he  picks  up  the  brush 
Murillo  dropped.  The  Boys  climbing  a  tree  {1791),  and 
particularly  El  hehedor,  could  only  have  been  painted 
by  an  artist  soaked  in  the  Murillo  tradition.  A  couple 
of  boys  blowing  bubbles  recall  the  work  of  the  lesser 
masters  of  the  contemporary  English  school — Opie,  for 
instance — but  painted  with  a  yielding  softness  only  the 
great  men  of  the  north,  such  as  Reynolds  and  Gains- 
borough, ever  attained.*  In  turning  over  Goya's  draw- 
ings we  find  sketches  of  children  which  indicate  that  he 
had  all  the  qualities  necessary  for  a  successful  portrayer 
of  childhood.  Several  of  the  portraits  of  his  own  grand- 
children are  exceedingly  charming. 

He  was  an  artist  of  many  talents  and  varying  aspects. 
Simply  for  grace  and  beauty,  two  of  these  cartoons  are 
unapproachable  in  contemporary  art.  The  first  is  El 
quitasol  (The  parasol),  the  second.  La  vendimia  (The 
vintage).  Both  were  painted  in  1786.  El  quitasol  pos- 
sesses a  refinement  which  we  associate  with  the  best  age 
of  French  eighteenth-century  art.  If  we  take  the  dictionary 

*  Amongst  the  pictures  in  the  Osuna  collection  was  a  portrait- 
composition  of  the  children  of  the  ninth  Duke  by  Sir  William  Beechey, 
But  when  Beechey  painted  it,  and  how  it  got  to  Alameda,  are  puzzles 
difficult  to  explain.  See  Catalogo  des  los  cttadros  .  .  .  de  la  antiqua 
casa  ducal  de  Osuna  (1896),  p.  6. 


i64  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

meaning  of  the  term  '*  rococo  "to  be  that  appHed  to  an 
excessively  or  tastelessly  florid  or  ornate  art,  then  the 
word  cannot  be  applied  to  Goya's  designs  for  tapestry, 
or  in  fact  for  any  of  his  work.  But  rococo  is  a  descrip- 
tion which  it  is  useful  to  apply  to  the  period  into  which 
the  cartoons  naturally  fall,  and  El  quitasol  is  indubitably 
rococo.  A  girl  in  a  rich  costume  of  silk  or  satin  is  stretched 
on  the  sward.  Behind,  an  effeminate  youth  shades  her 
with  a  parasol.  The  background  is  a  suggestion  of  those 
fairy  glades  which  Fragonard  loved.  The  perspective 
of  the  parasol  might  be  truer  ;  the  arm  of  the  young 
lady  is  slightly  wooden.  Yet  the  whole  composition 
breathes  a  happy  ease  which  reveals  Goya's  genius  in 
a  new  light.  In  drawing,  and  the  massing  of  colour, 
the  scheme  irresistibly  recalls  a  Japanese  colour  print 
by  Hokusai  or  Utamaro.  More  than  once  an  atmosphere 
of  the  east  seems  to  surround  the  work  of  Goya.  His 
ladies  in  mantillas  have  a  suggestion  of  the  figures  of 
the  Persian  draughtsmen.  An  ethnologist  would  point 
to  the  dormant  influence  of  some  far-back  Arabic 
ancestor  in  Zaragoza.  A  more  probable  explanation  is 
that  the  basic  inspirations  of  fine  art  are  the  same  in  all 
quarters  of  the  globe. 

The  Vintage  is  a  frank  appeal  to  popular  national 
sentiment.  The  seated  youth  in  satin,  fine  laces,  and 
diamond  buckles,  the  lady  with  the  grapes,  the  little 
boy,  form  a  reminiscence  of  Goya's  visit  to  Las  Arenas 
or  Alameda.  These  puppets  are  playing  at  Strephon 
and  Chloe,  in  the  picturesque  costume  of  the  Spanish 
peasant.  The  scene  has  no  realistic  actuality,  but  the 
people  in  bulk  have  never  encouraged  reahsm  either  in 
pictorial  art  or  the  drama,  the  only  two  forms  of  art 


Photo.  Anderson 


THE  VINTAGE 

"/,«  Fcuiiiiitia."     Tapestry  Cartoon  XXXI II.     Pr ado,  Madrid 


THE  LATER  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS       165 

they  take  the  shghtest  interest  in.  No  peasant  cares 
to  look  at  the  works  of  Bastien-Lepage  or  L'hermitte, 
reproductions  of  a  painful  actuality  carrying  a  thousand 
unhappy  memories.  Realism  is  only  acceptable  to  self- 
conscious  youth.  Age  will  have  none  of  it,  and  tries  to 
drown  its  past  in  idealism,  or,  more  probably,  senti- 
mentalism.  Goya  painted  a  canvas  which  was  untrue, 
insincere,  false,  and  conventional.  But  it  has  a  fascinating 
delicacy,  the  delicacy  of  Dresden  or  a  piece  of  old  Chelsea. 
And  the  landscape,  the  mountains,  the  swelling  plains, 
are  indicated  with  a  most  successful  simplicity.  This  is 
rococo  because  it  is  artificial  in  essence.  Goya  could 
paint  with  the  rudest  strength.  In  these  tapestry  car- 
toons he  found  many  of  his  themes  in  the  exalted 
society  which  welcomed  him  as  a  guest. 

Goya's  friendship  with  the  ducal  house  of  Osuna  com- 
menced about  1785.  The  Duchess  had  married  her 
cousin  the  ninth  Duke,  and  brought  considerable  pro- 
perty to  an  already  important  family.  She  was  celebrated 
for  her  good  taste,  as  well  as  her  enormous  wealth,  and 
she  was  undoubtedly  attracted  by  the  personal  charm 
of  the  artist.  Her  name  has  not  escaped  the  scandalous 
gossip  which  besmudged  every  patrician  lady  who 
entered  Goya's  studio,  but  there  appears  to  be  less  truth 
in  this  legend  than  in  most  of  the  others.  She  gave 
Goya  innumerable  commissions,  which  extended  over 
fourteen  years,  the  first  being  a  portrait  of  herself  and 
her  husband. 

The  country  estate  of  the  Osuna  family  was  at  Alameda, 
south  of  Aranjuez.  The  portraits  can  hardly  be  accepted 
as  the  best  of  Goya's  work  in  that  direction.  As  a 
portrait-painter  his  genius  did  not  burst  into  full  blossom 


i66  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

until  1800.  But  from  the  opening  of  his  career  he  had 
been  executing  small  genre  works  of  a  wonderful  subtlety 
of  tone  and  atmosphere.  It  is  difficult  to  beheve  that 
the  Madhouse  or  the  Bull-fight  (formerly  in  the  Academy 
of  San  Fernando,  and  now  in  the  Prado)  were  painted 
so  soon  after  his  return  from  Italy  as  some  critics  state. 
The  twenty  subjects  for  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Osuna 
can  be  dated  more  accurately.  Seven  were  undoubtedly 
painted  shortly  before  the  spring  of  1787,  and  eleven 
years  later  the  Duchess  again  commissioned  her  favour- 
ite. The  works  he  then  delivered  were  evidently  on 
hand  during  the  whole  of  the  intervening  time.  Some 
are  painted  on  wood,  others  on  metal.  The  brush  work 
is  decidedly  fresh,  and  the  sparkling  key  of  the  colour 
is  in  remarkable  contrast  to  the  monotonous  gloom  of 
his  later  palette. 

It  is  impossible  to  refrain  from  comparing  the  Duke 
of  Osuna  and  his  family,  in  the  Prado,  with  Gains- 
borough's magnificent  Baillie  family,  in  the  National 
Gallery.  The  two  subjects  are  so  similar  that  one  natur- 
ally calls  the  other  to  mind.  Both  were  painted  within 
a  few  years,  but  Gainsborough  was  nearly  twenty  years 
older  than  Goya,  and  the  superiority  in  accomplishment 
of  the  Baillie  family  is  manifest.  Goya's  family  groups 
were  rarely  wholly  successful,  and  the  Family  of  the 
Countess  de  Monti  jo  is  one  of  the  best.  The  group  of 
Charles  IV.  and  the  royal  family,  finished  in  1800,  is  a 
striking  exception. 

Both  the  Osuna  family  and  the  Baillie  family  are  made 
up  of  six  figures,  in  each  case  the  parents  and  four 
children.  The  costumes  are  almost  identical  in  fashion. 
But  Goya  fails  where  Gainsborough  achieves  his  greatest 


THE  LATER  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS       167 

triumph.  The  masteriy  composition  of  the  Baillie 
family  is  an  example  of  that  art  which  conceals  its 
artifice.  The  effect  created  is  absolutely  natural.  James 
Baillie  leans  against  his  wife's  chair  in  the  easiest  of 
attitudes,  and  the  two  girls  on  the  left  rank  with  the  most 
consummate  figures  Gainsborough  ever  breathed  upon 
canvas.  The  Osuna  group  has  received  far  more  praise 
than  it  deserves.  There  are  many  of  those  clumsy 
awkwardnesses  Goya  was  never  able  to  free  himself 
from.  The  Duke  leans  against  the  chair  in  an  uncom- 
fortable manner,  as  if  he  were  about  to  fall.  The  position 
in  which  he  holds  the  child's  arm  is  angular,  and  the 
bend  is  repeated  without  reason  in  the  right  arm  of  the 
Duchess.  The  children  are  happier,  but  far  inferior  in 
grace  to  the  delightful  ease  of  the  Baillie  sons  and 
daughters.  The  Osuna  faces  are  extremely  feebly  mod- 
elled, although  the  Duchess  has  an  air  of  aristocratic 
distinction  which  the  Duke  singularly  misses.  It  is  in 
such  a  portrait  as  that  of  the  poet  Moratin  (1799)  that 
Goya  more  nearly  approaches  Gainsborough's  feathery 
touch,  and,  in  the  Bayeu  of  the  Prado,  and  the  Dr.  Petal 
of  the  National  Gallery,  the  sheen  of  material  recalls 
strongly  the  characteristics  of  the  great  Enghsh  genius. 
The  two  state  portraits  of  the  Duke  and  Duchess 
(now  respectively  in  the  possession  of  Don  Aureliano  de 
Beruete  and  M.  Gust  a  v  Bauer)  belong  to  a  formal  school 
which  based  its  methods  on  the  portrait  technique  of 
Mengs.  They  were  both  painted  in  1785.  The  Duke  is  a 
chubby-faced  aristocrat,  obviously  well  pleased  with  him- 
self, and  of  evident  kindly  disposition.  The  Duchess  ap- 
pears less  sympathetic  than  in  the  larger  group.  Both 
portraits  reveal   a   steady   advance   in    skill,   and   are 


i68  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

pleasing.  But  they  cannot  be  called  noteworthy.  Goya's 
best  period  was  not  yet,  although  his  portraits  are  of  out- 
standing excellence.  The  portrait  of  his  brother-in-law, 
in  the  Prado,  dating  from  1790,  was  a  triumph  in  the  new 
style  towards  which  he  was  tending.  The  exquisite 
Marquesa  de  Pontejos,  sister-in-law  to  the  minister 
Florida  Blanca,  is  a  trifle  earlier,  and  reverts  to  the 
Mengs  tradition.  It  breathes  the  coquettish  grace  Goya 
had  already  incorporated  in  the  second  series  of  the 
tapestry  cartoons,  and  remains  the  high-water  mark  of 
rococo  art  in  Europe. 

One  may  search  the  galleries  of  Europe  and  not  find 
a  more  perfect  specimen  of  this  style.  The  Marquesa 
de  Pontejos  is  the  personification  of  the  grande 
dame  who  endeavoured  to  be  in  the  fashion  when 
Rousseau  preached  a  return  to  Nature,  and  Marie  An- 
toinette played  at  rusticity  in  the  gardens  of  the 
Trianon.  This  young  Marquesa,  tightly  laced,  fluttering 
with  furbelows,  frills,  and  ribbons,  a  mass  of  vapid  but 
engaging  extravagance,  chaperoned  by  a  tiny  pug  which 
shakes  the  silver  bells  jingling  from  his  collar,  stares 
from  the  artist's  canvas  with  a  gaze  half  insolence,  half 
challenge.  Her  eyes  are  beautiful,  but  they  reveal  the 
littleness  of  her  soul  and  the  poverty  of  her  mind. 
In  her  left  hand  she  nonchalantly  holds  a  flower,  and  she 
slowly  advances  as  if  to  dance — not  a  fandango,  but 
a  formal  minuet  in  the  manner  of  Versailles.  The  Mar- 
quesa de  Pontejos  represents  the  influence  of  French 
fashion  over  the  wealthier  circles  of  Spanish  society, 
exactty  as  her  brother  was  moulded  by  the  philosophy 
of  D'Alembert  and  the  intellectual  life  of  Paris. 

There  are  so  many  female  portraits  by  Goya  which 


About  I 


Photo.  T.acoste 


DONA    MARIA   ANA    MONINO,    MARQUESA    DE    PONTEJOS 
Collection  of  the  Marquesa  de  Martot ell y  de  Pontejos,  Madrid 


THE  LATER  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS       169 

date  from  1785  to  the  end  of  the  century  that  it  is 
unnecessary  to  recapitulate  them  individually.  They 
vary  in  accomplishment,  and  they  follow  a  somewhat 
formal  type.  Forming  part  of  the  social  history  of  the 
reigns  of  Charles  III.  and  Charles  IV.,  they  are  of  more 
interest  as  historical  documents,  although  they  do  not 
lack  value  as  works  of  art.  The  Sehora  de  Cean  Ber- 
mudez  (belonging  to  the  Marques  de  Casa  Torres)  is 
a  good  example,  and  the  fine  portrait  of  an  unknown 
lady,  in  the  collection  of  Don  R.  Garcia,  is  perhaps 
the  best  of  its  class.  How  closely  Goya  followed  Mengs 
can  only  be  realised  by  studying  such  portraits  by  the 
older  painter  as  those  of  the  Queen  Maria  Carolina,  in 
the  Prado,  and  the  Marquesa  del  Llano,  in  the  Academy 
of  San  Fernando.  The  bust  of  the  Countess  and  Duchess 
of  Benavenfe-Ossuna  (No.  743  in  the  Prado)  heralds 
a  change  of  aim.  The  portrait  is  pleasing,  but  the 
modelling  of  the  features  is  so  undecided  that  Goya 
must  have  stayed  his  hand  for  fear  of  an  over-accent- 
uated elaboration. 

The  Osuna  gallery,  which  was  broken  up  in  1896,  has 
now  been  scattered  across  Europe.  Connoisseurs  who 
do  not  know  the  Spanish  collections  are  too  apt  to 
base  their  judgment  of  Goya  upon  the  Osuna  subjects. 
But  they  form  only  one  aspect  of  his  many-sided  genius, 
and  though  exceedingly  attractive  are  not  fully  charac- 
teristic. Many  went  to  the  Prado,  two.  La  merienda, 
and  the  Bewitched,  to  the  London  National  Gallery. 
The  technique  of  these  small  panels  varies  considerably. 
Some  are  broadly  painted,  others  with  an  attention  to 
detail  which  is  more  akin  to  Meissonier  than  any  other 
modem  master.     The  best  example  of  this  style  is  the 


170  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

remarkable  La  romeria  de  San  Isidro,  now  in  the  Prado, 
the  canvas  only  measuring  0*44  by  0*94.  Goya  him- 
self complained  to  Zapater  that  this  work  had  occu- 
pied too  much  time,  and  that  he  did  not  intend  in  future 
to  paint  with  such  finish. 

Amongst  the  archives  of  the  Osuna  family  are  preserved 
accounts  which  give  the  prices  Goya  received  for  these 
dehghtful  compositions.  The  sums  range  from  2,500  to 
4,000  reales  vellon.  Taking  the  real  as  worth  approxi- 
mately 2\d.  of  English  money,  these  figures  represent 
from  £26  to  £41,  which  cannot  be  called  extravagant. 
In  May,  1788,  Goya  receipted  an  account  for  22,000 
reals  (about  £230),  and  he  continued  at  intervals  to 
deliver  commissions  to  the  palace  of  Alameda  well  into 
the  new  century.* 

The  religious  canvases  of  this  period  must  be  men- 
tioned, although  they  are  the  least  attractive  portion 
of  GojT^a's  output.  About  this  time  he  painted  an 
Assumption  for  the  church  at  Chinchon,  where  his 
brother  Camillo  was  priest.  In  1784  he  received  the 
commission  for  the  altar-pieces  at  Salamanca,  through 
the  agency  of  Jovellanos.  These  were  delivered  in 
October.  Several  of  these  paintings  have  been  lost. 
One,  sent  to  the  church  of  Monte  de  Torrero,  by  Zara- 
goza,  disappeared  after  the  siege  of  1808.  Others, 
intended  for  Valladolid  and  South  America,  cannot  be 
traced.  In  January,  1787,  he  promised  to  paint  a 
Madonna  for  Zapater.  "  I  am  painting  you  a  very  fine 
Virgin,"  he  wrote  to  his  friend.     But  it  was  long  delayed, 

*  See  the  Catalogo  de  los  cuadros,  escuUuras,  grabados,  de  la  antigua 
casa  ducal  de  Osuna,  Madrid,  1896  :  also  La  Pintura  en  Madrid  by 
D.  Narciso  Sentenach  y  Cabanas,  p.  209. 


THE  LATER  TAPESTRY  CARTOONS        171 

and  he  made  many  excuses.  In  June,  1787,  he  was 
commissioned  by  the  King  for  work  which  was  to  be 
dehvered  by  the  end  of  the  next  month.  He  laboured  so 
assiduously  that  he  finished  three  important  altar-pieces 
in  less  than  eight  weeks,  and  he  appears  to  have  done 
everything  with  his  own  hand,  for  it  is  not  suggested 
that  he  had  any  pupils.  On  June  6  he  wrote  to  Zapater  : 
"  Although  I  have  not  yet  commenced  the  work  it  must 
be  ready  according  to  the  King's  command."  Yet  the 
pictures  we  can  see  to-day  reveal  no  signs  of  haste. 
A  Saint  Anne  at  Valladolid  has  been  described  as  sober 
and  plain  in  colour,  with  little  to  distinguish  it  from  an 
adjoining  canvas  by  Ramon  Bayeu.  But  the  magni- 
ficent unfinished  church  of  Valladolid  does  not  show  its 
decorations  to  advantage.  Von  Loga  considers  the 
Kiss  of  Judas  (1788)  at  Toledo  cathedral  an  improve- 
ment upon  the  Saint  Anne,  Gautier  thought  it  as 
fine  as  a  Rembrandt.  To  the  impartial  observer  there 
is  little  distinction  between  any  of  Goya's  ecclesiasti- 
cal commissions.  They  were  honest  "  pot-boilers,"  they 
could  not  have  been  congenial,  and  they  do  not  show 
the  slightest  trace  of  inspiration.  That  Goya  prided 
himself  on  his  energy  for  the  Church  is  clear.  "  God 
let  us  live  for  His  holy  service,"  he  wrote  to  Zapater, 
May  31,  1788 ;  but  some  of  his  activities  were  not  very 
commendable. 


CHAPTER  XII 

CHARLES   IV.   AND   MARIA  LUISA,    I788-I792 

Character  of  Charles  IV.  His  Amusements.  Queen  Maria  Luisa.  Her 
Independence  and  Extravagance.  Goya's  Portraits  of  the  King  and 
Queen.  His  Personal  Friendship  with  the  Royal  Family.  Letters  to 
Zaragoza.  Illness  in  his  Household.  His  own  bad  Health.  Visits  to 
Valencia  and  Zaragoza. 

THE  death  of  the  old  King  during  the  last  month 
of  1788,  the  result  of  his  obstinacy  in  moving 
from  one  palace  to  another  according  to  custom 
and  despite  the  weather,  led  to  many  changes  in  the 
social  life  of  Madrid.  The  new  monarch,  bom  in  1748, 
had  few  of  the  qualities  of  his  father.  His  intelli- 
gence was  extremely  limited.  Educated  by  German 
Jesuits,  even  those  famous  instructors  of  youth  failed 
to  impart  in  him  more  than  the  vaguest  notions  of 
geography  and  mathematics.  For  drawing  and  music 
he  had  some  aptitude,  although  he  never  attained  to 
more  than  mediocre  accomplishment.  His  chief  delight 
was  in  open-air  exercise.  As  a  hunter  he  surpassed  the 
endurance  of  his  sire,  and  he  admitted  that  it  was  his 
main  interest  in  hfe. 

Many  years  later,  at  Bayonne,  he  told  Napoleon,  with 
pathetic  frankness,  how  he  governed  Spain.  "  Every 
day,  no  matter  what  the  weather  might  be,  summer 
and  winter,  I  arose  from  breakfast,  heard  Mass,  and  then 


About  1790 


Photo.  LacosU 


CHARLES   IV 
Preido,  Maiirid 


CHARLES  IV.  AND  MARIA  LUISA         173 

went  hunting  until  one  o'clock.  After  dinner,  I  returned 
to  the  chase  until  sunset.  In  the  evening,  Manuel 
(Godoy)  told  me  whether  matters  were  going  on  well  or 
ill.  Then  I  went  to  bed,  and  began  again  next  morn- 
ing, unless  some  important  ceremony  compelled  me  to 
rest."  *  No  wonder  the  Emperor  decided  to  supplant 
such  a  King  by  one  of  his  own  virile  blood. 

As  a  young  man  Charles  IV.  found  his  happiness  in 
the  royal  stables.  Of  immense  physical  strength,  he 
excelled  in  all  bodily  exercises.  He  was  a  clever  boxer. 
At  night  he  sallied  forth  from  the  royal  palace  to  seek 
distraction  in  the  streets  of  Madrid,  and  when  his  more 
or  less  undignified  adventures  landed  him  in  unpleasant 
situations  his  powerful  fists  cleared  a  passage  to  the  door. 
Like  most  of  the  members  of  the  House  of  Bourbon  he 
had  a  terrific  appetite. 

Such  a  man  was  bom  to  be  amongst  the  governed, 
and  not  amongst  the  governors.  Quite  incapable  ot 
acting  with  any  decision  as  head  of  the  realm,  he  was 
completely  dominated  by  his  wife,  who,  if  three  years 
his  junior,  was  in  every  other  respect  his  elder  and 
superior.  The  character  of  Maria  Luisa  was  an  extra- 
ordinary mixture  of  good  and  bad.  She  was  a  woman  of 
remarkable  will,  and  might  have  been  of  invaluable 
service  to  her  adopted  country  had  she  exercised  her  gifts 
with  more  regard  for  the  rules  which  control  human 
conduct.  But  her  vices  were  stronger  than  her  virtues. 
Her  pride  was  overbearing,  and  she  exacted  every 
deference  due  to  a  Princess  of  such  exalted  rank.  At 
Parma,  no  sooner  was  she  betrothed  to  the  Prince  of  the 

*  L.  F.  J.  de  Bausset :  Memoires  de  Napoleon  (Paris,  1829),  Vol.  I., 
pp.  223,  224. 


174  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Asturias  (the  bridegroom  being  under  seventeen,  and  the 
bride  only  thirteen  years  of  age)  than  she  compelled  her 
own  family  to  give  her  precedence.  The  vexed  question 
led  to  interminable  quarrels  with  her  brother. 

"  I  will  teach  you  to  respect  me,"  she  cried,  "  for  one 
day  I  shall  be  Queen  of  Spain,  and  you  can  never  be 
more  than  Duke  of  Parma." 

The  boy  retahated  by  slapping  her  face.  "  At  least 
I  can  boast  that  I  have  struck  the  Queen  of  Spain,"  was 
his  not  unnatural  retort. 

She  arrived  in  Madrid  to  undergo  a  severe  educational 
course  to  fit  her  for  her  duties,  and  this  girl  who  had 
barely  left  the  nursery  found  herself  the  first  lady  of  the 
Court.     Charles  III.  had  long  been  a  widower ;  and  the 
entreaties  of  his  ministers  to  enter  the  marriage  state  for 
a  second  time  were  useless.     Against  the  rocks  of  his 
obstinacy  dashed  the  self-will    of   his  daughter-in-law 
from  Parma.     In  the  two  characters  there  was  not  a 
single  point  of   common  sympathy.     Charles  III.  was  a 
man  of  pure  morals,  bigoted  (although  not  bigoted  enough 
to  endure  the  Jesuits),  and  reactionary.     He  had,  how- 
ever, a  stem  sense  of  the  duty  he  owed  to  the  kingdom 
he  governed,  a  quality  which  had  not  distinguished  many 
Spanish   princes.     Like   his   ancestor,    Louis   XIV.,    of 
whom  one  of  his  secretaries  said  that  no  matter  where 
the  King  might  be  his  actions  could  be  ascertained  by 
looking  at  the  clock,  Charles  III.  was  a  martinet  for  order 
and  precision.     Maria  Luisa's  pleasure-loving  tempera- 
ment was  not  to  be  checked  by  any  such  salutary  regula- 
tion.  She  lived  in  an  atmosphere  of  opposition  and  pro- 
test.   At  the  age  of  fifteen  she  threw  off  the  strict  super- 
vision the  King  had  ordained,  and  walked  the  streets  of 


CHARLES  IV.  AND  MARIA  LUISA         175 

the  capital  unguarded  and  unattended.  In  asking  for 
liberty  she  encouraged  licence.  When  she  ascended 
the  throne  she  was  already  responsible  in  no  small 
degree  for  the  steady  deterioration  of  the  morals  of  the 
Court  she  ruled. 

There  is  no  need  to  enter  into  the  story  of  her  relation- 
ship with  Manuel  Godoy,  the  handsome  young  lieutenant 
of  the  royal  guards,  who,  under  her  patronage,  became 
the  most  important  man  in  the  realm.  The  scandal 
was  public  throughout  Spain,  and  only  one  person  re- 
mained in  ignorance.  Charles  IV.  was  either  very  stupid 
or  most  contemptible.  His  own  people  judged  him,  and 
decided  that  their  monarch  was  a  fool  rather  than  a  rogue. 
Goya's  portraits  confirm  this  decision,  and  agree  in  every 
respect  with  the  character  history  has  written  for  us. 

Coarse  and  hot-tempered,  a  King  who  got  so  angry 
with  his  ministers  as  to  strike  them  across  the  face,  or 
threaten  them  with  his  sword,  he  smiles  from  the  painter's 
canvases  with  an  air  of  inane  fatuity.  As  he  became 
older,  increasing  corpulence,  added  to  asthma,  weakened 
his  activity  and  diminished  his  will-power.  He  was  a 
weak,  rather  than  a  bad,  man,  and  hardly  deserves  the 
abuse  showered  on  him  by  various  commentators. 
Richard  Muther  describes  him  as  "  a  Moloch,  an  evil 
god  who  battened  upon  the  life-blood  of  his  people  !  " 
The  description  is  fantastic  and  inaccurate,  and  does  not 
even  apply  to  the  equestrian  portrait  which  Muther  had 
particularly  in  mind  :  "  A  figure  of  serene  stupidity,  such 
as  Wilke  would  draw  to-day  for  the  '  Simplicissimus ' 
journal  .  .  .  asthmatic  and  fat,  upon  his  fat  asthmatic 
horse,  and  with  his  fat  asthmatic  dog."  Charles  IV. 
was  no   Moloch,   but   merely   a   dull-witted  individual 


176  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

bom  to  a  position  for  which  he  was  unfitted.  And  Goya, 
it  must  be  insisted,  was  no  caricaturist,  but  an  artist  of 
genius  who  was  able  to  set  upon  his  canvas  not  only  the 
body  but  the  innermost  soul  of  his  model. 

The  magnificent  portrait  of  Queen  Maria  Luisa,  in  the 
Prado,  is  a  masterpiece  which  would  rank  as  one  of  the 
world's  great  pictures  if  the  subject  were  not  so  repulsive. 
Other  Court  painters  had  been  confronted  with  the  same 
problem,  although  not  to  such  an  unenviable  degree  as 
Goya.  Rubens,  when  he  drew  Marie  de  Medicis,  had  to 
depict  a  Queen  who  was  unlovely  in  life.  Yet,  if  the  Queen 
of  France  was  not  actually  beautiful,  she  was  far  from 
ill-looking,  and  the  clever  Fleming  gave  his  canvas  a 
specious  attractiveness.  Velazquez  had  the  trouble  to 
contend  against  when  he  was  commanded  to  paint  the 
portrait  of  Maria  of  Austria.  Both  Rubens  and  Velaz- 
quez glossed  the  truth,  as  so  many  of  their  fellow  crafts- 
men have  also  done.  Goya  painted  what  he  saw,  painted 
it  without  exaggeration  and  without  caricature.  The 
result  is  not  pretty,  but  it  is  a  human  document  of  great 
importance. 

The  finest  portrait  was  painted  in  1790,  when  the  Queen 
was  about  thirty-nine  years  of  age.  She  might  be  sixty. 
Her  cold  eyes  are  deep  in  their  sockets.  Across  her 
painted  cheeks  are  the  slightest  suspicions  of  ominous 
hollows  and  wrinkles.  Her  chin  is  hard  and  tight.  Her 
lips  are  compressed  like  a  vice.  It  is  a  masterful  and 
unholy  face.  Over  the  head  is  thrown  the  light  gauze 
of  a  black  mantilla,  and  in  her  hand  is  a  tiny  fan.  Most 
visitors  to  the  Prado  pass  the  canvas  hurriedly,  for  it 
repels  at  first  sight.  Study  it  attentively,  and  the  face 
will  be  found  full   of  intelligence  and  dignity.     Maria 


CHARLES   IV.   AND   MARIA  LUISA         177 

Luisa  is  a  queen,  a  woman  to  command,  and  to  be  obeyed. 
Goya  refused  to  flatter  her,  but  his  acute  intuition  caught 
the  better  side  of  her  tortuous  personahty.  It  is  easy 
to  read  into  this  portrait  more  than  it  contains.  Muther's 
description  is  extremely  clever,  and  extremely  false. 
He  refers  to  the  Queen's  "  ugliness,  false  hair,  and  false 
teeth."  The  ugliness  is  unquestionable,  the  false  hair 
and  false  teeth  are  open  to  doubt.  In  any  case  they  are 
problems  for  a  coiffeur  or  a  dentist  to  settle,  rather  than 
an  art-historian.  But  when  he  tells  us  that  Goya  gives 
"  the  very  accent  of  the  courtesan  in  every  line  of  his 
portrait,"  he  goes  too  far.  "  She  stands  there  in  a 
deeply  dicolletee  dress,  her  mantilla  drawn  coquettishly 
over  the  one  shoulder,  a  huge  hat,  such  as  a  Parisian 
cocotte  might  wear,  set  upon  the  thick  wig,  her  gaze 
as  direct,  as  keenly  piercing,  as  that  of  a  bird  of  prey 
eager  for  his  quarry.  No  caricaturist  of  that  age  or  this, 
no  Rowlandson,  or  Daumier,  or  Leandre,  ever  set  pen 
to  a  more  venomous  satire  than  this.  .  .  .  Goya  sets 
right  before  us  the  Messalina,  the  creature  insatiable 
in  her  appetite  for  passion."  Maria  Luisa  probably 
merits  the  comparison,  but  Goya,  with  superb  skill, 
eludes  all  temptation  towards  exaggeration  and  carica- 
ture, and  to  compare  this  portrait  with  the  work  of 
Rowlandson,  or  Daumier,  or  Leandre,  is  an  error  of 
critical  judgment.  Muther's  pen  is  so  brilliant  that  his 
description  will  probably  create  a  precedent  for  less 
gifted  authors,  although  he  ascribes  to  Goya  qualities 
which  in  this  case  the  artist  carefully  suppressed. 

With  the  exception  of  the  portrait  in  the  mantilla, 
these  representations  of  Queen  Maria  Luisa  are  not 
amongst  Goya's  happiest  efforts.     There  is  a  stiffness 

N 


178  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

of  pose  about  most  of  his  official  portraits.  The  artist 
did  not  possess  the  ordered  talent  of  Largilliere,  Rigaud, 
or  even  of  that  younger  Van  Loo  who  commemorated  the 
features  of  earlier  members  of  the  Spanish  royal  family. 
It  is  only  necessary  to  compare  the  portraits  of  Queen 
Maria  Luisa  and  Charles  IV.  in  the  ministries  and  private 
collections  of  Madrid  with  contemporary  portraits  of 
Louis  XVI.,  Marie  Antoinette,  or  George  III.  and  Queen 
Charlotte,  to  recognise  that  Goya's  standard  was  variable, 
and  that  he  was  not  always  at  his  best. 

Both  monarchs  endeavoured  to  cultivate  and  encourage 
the  fine  arts.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Academy  of  St. 
Ferdinand  in  1794,  Charles  IV.  attended  in  person,  and 
brought  some  paintings  by  himself  and  the  Queen. 
"  They  are  of  small  value,"  he  explained,  with  much  truth. 
"  But  they  may  be  of  some  use  as  proving  our  interest 
in  the  Academy."  * 

The  artist  was  kept  busy  for  a  considerable  time  with 
the  royal  portraits.  Numerous  replicas  were  commis- 
sioned, but  they  were  probably  executed  by  assistants, 
for  some  are  so  poor  in  quality  that  they  can  hardly  be 
ascribed  to  Goya's  own  brush.  The  equestrian  portraits 
of  the  King  and  Queen,  now  in  the  Prado,  have  received 
enthusiastic  praise,  but  they  are  weak  imitations  of 
Velazquez's  portraits  of  Philip  IV.  and  his  French  wife. 
When  Goya  painted  animals  he  courted  disaster. 

In  1790  he  was  working  on  the  portraits  destined  for 
Capo  di  Monte,  and  during  the  sittings  Charles  IV.  talked 
to  the  artist  about  the  conditions  of  agricultural  life  in 
Aragon.f    These  portraits  are  the  most  successful  of 

*  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  Vol.  XIX.,  p.  426, 
f  Zapater :  Noticias  biogrdficas,  p.  50. 


Photo.  Andtrson 


.MARIA    LUISA,    QUEEN   OF   SPAIN 
Prado,  Madrid 


CHARLES   IV.   AND  MARIA  LUISA         179 

the  series,  and  were  the  King's  favourites.  In  the  same 
year  Charles  IV.  was  portrayed  in  his  most  comfortable 
hunting  suit,  with  his  favourite  dog.  Again  Goya 
followed  the  inspiration  of  Velazquez,  and,  probably 
because  he  too  was  an  ardent  sportsman,  the  picture 
reveals  a  more  complete  sympathy  between  painter  and 
sitter.  But  Goya's  personal  friendship  with  Charles  IV. 
dated  from  1779,  when  he  submitted  tapestry  designs 
for  the  approbation  of  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias.  The 
artist  was  extremely  proud  of  the  King's  enthusiastic 
praise  of  his  work,  which  he  is  said  to  have  written  down 
in  a  notebook — a  pardonable  vanity.  "  It  appears  to 
me,  from  what  I  have  recently  seen,  that  the  King  takes 
notice  of  me,  and  wishes  to  see  me  more  frequently, 
notwithstanding  what  other  people  may  say,"  he  told 
Zapater. 

During  this  active  period  many  letters  passed  between 
Goya  and  Martin  Zapater,  and  friends  in  Zaragoza  were 
kept  well  acquainted  with  his  progress  and  well-being. 
He  kept  a  small  carriage  with  one  horse,  and,  after  he 
injured  his  leg  through  a  fall,  he  travelled  about  in  a  car 
with  two  mules. 

At  one  moment  he  writes  philosophically.  "As  I 
am  working  for  the  public,  I  must  continue  to  amuse 
them,"  he  told  Zapater  confidentially.*  Besides  being 
a  man  of  genius  he  was  also  a  man  of  common  sense. 
Whether  artists  should  amuse  the  beast  which  gives  them 
bread,  or  whether  they  should  adopt  the  more  exalted 
but  less  remunerative  position  of  educating  the  world, 
is  a  question  still  fiercely  debated — especially  by  those 
who  lack  talent. 

♦  Zapater:  Noticias  biogrdficas,  p.  58. 


i8o  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

"  The  few  days  that  remain  to  me  in  this  world  must 
be  Hved  according  to  my  own  incHnation,"  he  wrote  in 
another  letter,  unconscious  that  he  still  had  nearly  forty 
years  of  unremitting  toil  before  him.     In  February,  1790, 
a  request  to  borrow  money  arouses  his  quick  protest. 
"  My  position  is  entirely  different  from  what  the  majority 
of  the  public  imagine,"  he  wrote  energetically.     "  I  want 
a  great  deal,  firstly  because  my  position  entails  expendi- 
ture, and  secondly  because  I  like  it.     Being  a  very  well- 
known  man  I  cannot  reduce  my  expenses  as  other  people 
do.     I  was  about  to  ask  for  an  increase  of  salary,  but  the 
conditions  are  so  unfavourable  that  I  must  set  the  idea 
aside."  *    When  he  wrote  this  he  was  engaged  in  a  struggle 
with  the  authorities  over  his  salary  as  a  member  of  the 
artistic  staff  attached  to  the  tapestry  factory.     His  re- 
quest for  a  higher  salary  at  the  moment  he  was  contend- 
ing that  his  salary  carried  no  duties  was  hardly  hkely 
to  be  entertained  with  any  chance  of  success.     Possibly 
this  argument  was  the  reason  of  a  pensive  thought  in  a 
letter  dated  June  3,  1791.     "  I  often  pray  to  God  that 
He  will  take  away  that  feeling  of  pride  which  comes  over 
me  upon  such  occasions.    And,  if  I  check  myself,  and 
do  not  fly  about,  my  actions  for  the  remainder  of  my  life 
will  not  be  much  worse."  f 

His  health  was  bad.  "  I  am  old,  and  have  many 
wrinkles,  and  you  alone  would  be  able  to  recognise  me 
by  my  nose  and  weak  eyes. "J  He  was  worried  in  his 
home.  "  I  am  walking  about  as  in  a  dream.  My  wife  is 
ill,  and  my  child  still  worse.     Even  the  cook  is  laid  up 

*  Zapater  :  Noticias  hiogrdficas,  p.  50. 
f  Quoted  by  Cnizada  Villaamil. 
%  Zapater,  p.  45. 


CHARLES  IV.  AND  MARIA  LUISA  i8i 

with  fever."  *  In  August,  1790,  Dona  Josefawas  ordered 
to  take  sea  air,  and  he  accompanied  his  wife  to  Valencia. 
His  own  leisure  was  occupied  in  hunting,  but  he  did 
not  neglect  his  easel,  presenting  two  large  canvases  to 
the  Academy  of  St.  Charles  of  Valencia,  which,  in  return, 
elected  him  an  honorary  member.  At  the  end  of  the 
year  he  was  in  Zaragoza  painting  a  highly  successful 
portrait  of  Ramon,  a  member  of  the  Pignatelli  family, 
his  old  patrons,  and  another  of  his  friend  Martin  Zapater. 
Then  he  went  back  to  Madrid,  but  in  October,  1791, 
was  again  in  Zaragoza  taking  a  two  months'  holiday. 
These  feverish  journeys  from  place  to  place  may  be 
accepted  as  indications  of  broken  health,  for  the  distances 
were  long,  and  travelling  hard. 

In  1792  we  have  no  dated  pictures  and  no  correspond- 
ence.! We  are  told  that  during  this  year  the  artist  was 
very  ill,  and  that  his  malady  resulted  in  total  deafness. 
In  January,  1793,  it  is  briefly  chronicled  by  some  bio- 
graphers that  Goya  went  for  convalescence  to  Andalusia.} 
There  is  another  explanation  for  his  silence  in  1792,  and 
for  his  travel  to  San  Lucar.  The  romance  of  Goya's 
life  centres  round  this  year,  the  period  of  his  infatuation 
for  the  Duchess  of  Alba.  It  is  perhaps  characteristic 
of  the  man  that,  although  he  told  much  in  his  letters 
to  Martin  Zapater,  his  artistic  successes,  his  royal  patron- 
age, his  monetary  earnings,  his  varying  health,  and  the 
illnesses  of  his  family,  he  gave  by  no  means  a  complete 
picture  of  his  life  in  Madrid.  In  Zaragoza  he  must  have 
appeared  as  the  great  artist.  In  Madrid  he  did  not 
disdain  to  play  the  part  of  a  man  of  fashion. 

*  Zapater,  p.  51.  f  Valerian  von  Loga  :  Goya,  p.  71. 

{  Chiefly  based  upon  Zapater, 


CHAPTER   XIII 

GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS   OF  ALBA 

Goya's  Political  Opinions.  His  Success  in  Madrid  Society.  Popular 
Stories.  His  Acquaintance  with  the  Duchess  of  Alba.  Her  Behaviour 
towards  his  Wife.  Her  Character.  Various  Portraits  of  the  Duchess. 
Energetic  Action  of  the  Queen.  The  Journey  to  San  Lucar.  Goya's 
Deafness,  Return  to  Madrid.  The  Maja  vesti'da  and  the  Maja  desnuda. 
A  Question  of  Identity.  Their  Artistic  Value.  Death  of  the  Duchess. 
The  Fascination  of  these  Portraits.   Baudelaire's  Admiration. 

THE  peasant  boy  of  Fuendetodos  had  now  become 
one  of  the  famous  men  of  Spain,  and  a  very 
notable  figure  in  the  daily  life  of  the  capital. 
By  the  obstinacy  of  his  genius  he  had  gradually 
climbed  to  the  highest  rung  of  the  social  ladder.  His 
temper  was  awkward  and  self-willed,  he  refused  to  cringe, 
or  meet  his  patrons  cap  in  hand  ;  yet  he  was  welcomed 
everywhere.  He  enjoyed  a  success  which  does  not  seem 
to  have  filled  his  mind  with  conceit,  and  freely  mixed 
with  every  degree  of  the  community.  But  there  is  no 
evidence  to  prove  that  he  actively  assisted  in  any  scheme 
of  protest  against  the  established  order  of  society. 

Goya's  republicanism  is  not  only  suspect,  but  may 
almost  be  classed  as  a  myth.  On  the  other  side  of  the 
Pyrenees,  men  and  women  of  fashion  were  pirouetting  on 
the  edge  of  a  precipice  into  which  they  ultimately  fell. 
A  few  of  the  more  intellectual  members  of  the  Spanish 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  183 

aristocracy  had  trifled  with  the  ideas  of  the  French 
Encyclopaedists  and  basked  in  the  promise  of  their 
philosophy.  Immediately  the  Revolution  reared  its 
head,  the  Spanish  ministers  brushed  aside  all  inclinations 
towards  a  liberal  policy,  and  became  intensely  reactionary. 
And  their  action  was  evidently  in  accord  with  the  feeling 
of  the  country.  Even  Aranda,  the  former  friend  of 
Voltaire,  lost  his  earlier  sympathies  with  the  godfathers 
of  the  French  upheaval,  and  exerted  his  utmost  power 
fighting  against  the  extension  of  the  new  thought.  The 
only  newspaper  published  in  Madrid  rigidly  excluded 
all  information  from  France.  The  circulation  of  foreign 
newspapers  was  forbidden.  Minister  succeeded  minister, 
but  the  prohibitions  were  not  removed.  Florida  Blanca 
ordered  military  officers  to  abstain  from  discussing 
French  politics.  The  beginning  of  the  attack  upon 
Louis  XVI.  aroused  disgust  in  Spain,  and  revived  national 
support  for  the  Spanish  throne.  The  Cortes  which  met  in 
1789  was  particularly  marked  for  its  attitude  of  servility 
towards  the  Crown.  As  a  whole  there  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  the  slightest  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
Madrilefios  to  imitate  the  excesses  of  the  Parisian  mob. 
In  fact,  it  may  almost  be  said  that  the  success  of  the 
French  republicans  killed  liberalism  in  Spain. 

Francisco  Goya  was  intimate  with  all  the  authors  and 
artists  who  had  settled  in  Madrid.  But,  in  the  midst  of 
an  excessive  professional  activity,  he  must  have  spent 
much  of  his  leisure  with  more  aristocratic  friends.  A 
few  names  have  been  handed  down  to  us.  The  Marquesa 
de  Santa  Cruz  was  noted  for  her  artistic  accomphshments, 
the  Duchess  de  San  Carlos  had  the  voice  of  an  angel, 
good  humour  and  gallant  adventures  were  associated  with 


i84  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

the  name  of  the  Marquesa  de  Alcafiices,*  the  Countess 
del  Monti  jo  possessed  a  reputation  for  piety,  Madame 
Brunetti  had  attractions  which  have  not  been  chronicled 
in  detail.  These  ladies,  as  well  as  many  others,  leaders 
of  the  world  of  Madrid,  opened  the  doors  of  their  salons. 
Many  of  them  have  been  immortalised  by  his  brush,  but 
not  all.  Goya  was  a  difficult  man  to  persuade.  He  re- 
quired delicate  blandishments  before  he  would  grant  an 
appointment.  "  I  had  established  an  enviable  scheme  of 
life,"  he  wrote  to  Zapater.  "  I  refused  to  dance  atten- 
dance in  the  ante-chambers  of  the  great.  If  anyone 
wanted  something  from  me  he  had  to  ask.  I  was  much 
run  after,  but  if  the  person  was  not  of  rank,  or  a  friend, 
I  worked  for  nobody."  Scandalous  anecdotes  were 
whispered  concerning  the  painter  and  his  fair  sitters. 

A  young  lady  of  rank  and  fashion  had  vainly  implored 
Goya  to  exert  his  skill  in  transferring  her  beautiful 
features  to  canvas.  Even  her  husband  was  not  able  to 
extract  a  favourable  reply.  One  day  husband  and  wife 
entered  the  artist's  studio.  Goya  was  alone.  The 
Marquis  had  a  sudden  inspiration.  Other  means  having 
proved  useless,  he  determined  to  use  force.  Rushing  from 
the  studio,  he  double-locked  the  door.  Then,  through 
the  keyhole,  he  shouted  his  commands  : 

"  Now,  Goya,  you  are  my  prisoner.  I  shall  not  allow 
you  to  come  out  until  you  have  painted  the  portrait  of 
the  Marquesa.     And  I  give  you  two  hours  !  " 

He  left  them.  The  lady  was  as  gracious  as  she  was 
beautiful,  says  the  narrator  of  this  story.  When  the 
Marquis  returned  the  canvas  stood  on  the  easel,  a 
marvellous  chef-d'oeuvre. 

*  Vinaza,  p.  57. 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  185 

"  Ah,  Marquis,"  cried  Goya  maliciously,  "  how  can 
one  refuse  to  do  as  you  wish  ?  " 

"  Quite  right,"  replied  the  rash  husband.  "  I  am 
delighted  with  the  result  of  my  violence." 

According  to  Matheron,  Goya  remained  on  amiable 
terms  with  this  lady  for  many  j^ears,  and  other  anecdotes 
also  link  their  names  together.  Her  husband  was  once 
compelled  to  leave  Madrid  in  order  to  join  the  Court  at 
Aranjuez.  The  duty  of  the  Marquesa  was  naturally  to 
scorn  the  dehghts  of  the  capital,  and  follow  her  lord. 
She  asked  Goya  to  invent  a  sufficient  excuse.  He  picked 
up  his  brush,  and  painted  on  her  naked  foot  an  appalling 
bruise.  The  Marquis  was  in  despair  when  his  attention 
was  drawn  to  the  wound.  He  called  in  a  physician. 
Sangrado  examined  the  injured  limb,  declared  the  case 
one  of  gravity,  and  prescribed  dressings,  bandages,  and, 
above  all,  the  most  absolute  rest.  Very  troubled,  the 
Marquis  proceeded  alone  to  Aranjuez.  This  nobleman 
is  said  to  be  represented  in  plate  40  of  Los  Caprichos  as 
the  solemn  ass  feeling  the  pulse  of  an  unfortunate  invalid. 
The  donkey,  however,  has  also  been  identified  as  Doctor 
Galinsoya,  a  physician  attached  to  the  household  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace,  and  also  as  Godoy  himself.* 

These  and  other  anecdotes  have  been  questioned  by 
modem  biographers.  Von  Loga  states  them  to  be 
absolutely  untrue.  Spanish  authors  describe  them  as 
idle  and  malicious  inventions  which  have  only  been  kept 
alive  by  French  writers.  Yet  there  is  sufficient  evidence 
of  their  authenticity.  Matheron  preserved  several  of 
these  tales,  and  he  gained  his  information  from  a  Spanish 

*  Matheron,  chap.  V.,  and  note  in  Appendix.  See  also  Lefort, 
Essai  d'un  catalogue,  p.  54  (note). 


i86  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

artist  called  De  Brugada,  who,  during  the  'fifties  of  the 
last  century,  was  living  in  Madrid.  Brunet  adds  to  our 
knowledge,  and  also  refers  to  De  Brugada  as  a  young 
man  who  lived  in  Bordeaux  during  the  residence  of  Goya, 
and  was  acquainted  with  the  master.  The  stories  are 
very  characteristic  of  Goya's  impulsive  and  satirical 
character,  and,  if  they  do  not  give  added  lustre  to  his 
fame,  certainly  form  part  of  any  study  of  his  career. 
Evidence  of  his  advanced  political  opinions  is  difficult  to 
find,  but  there  is  abundant  justification  for  the  legends 
which  surround  his  private  life. 

Of  his  intimate  friendship  with  one  great  lady  there 
can  be  little  doubt.  "  When  Goya's  compositions  reveal 
a  shm  figure  elegantly  dressed,  with  burning  eyes,  and 
arched  eyebrows,  connoisseurs  will  recognise  this  patri- 
cian," wrote  Brunet,  one  of  the  earliest  biographers.  Her 
face  haunts  us  as  we  turn  over  any  collection  of  Goya's 
works.  He  painted  her  portrait  at  least  a  dozen  times, 
and  throughout  his  etchings  and  drawings  we  find  reminis- 
cences of  her  striking  personality.  The  Duchess  of 
Alba  remained  Goya's  ideal  to  the  end  of  his  life. 

Doiia  Maria  Theresa  Cayetana  de  Silva  y  Alvarez  de 
Toledo  was  the  thirteenth  Duchess  of  Alba  in  her  own 
right,  and  a  leader  of  fashion  at  the  Court  of  Charles  IV. 
and  Maria  Luisa.  Of  her  husband,  as  is  usual  with  the 
husbands  of  such  interesting  individualities,  it  is  difficult 
to  learn  anything  except  that  he  loved  music.  Her 
position  at  Court  was  not  easy.  The  Queen  was  jealous 
of  her  charms,  as  well  she  might  be,  for  Maria  Luisa  was 
far  from  being  a  beauty.  Others  conducted  campaigns 
of  active  hostility  against  the  Alba  salon  and  the  palace 
of  the  Liria.     Her  chief  rival  in  beauty,  as  well  as  in 


photo,  Lacoste 


THE   DUCHESS  OF   ALBA 
Liria  Palace,  Madrid 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  187 

less  attractive  attributes,  was  the  Duchess  of  Osuna.  In 
1789  gossip  reported  that  the  two  Duchesses  disputed  the 
patronage  of  Costillares  and  Romero,  the  most  celebrated 
bull-fighters  of  Spain.*  Their  despicable  dissoluteness, 
writes  one  historian,  was  of  public  notoriety.  High  and 
low,  at  Court  and  in  the  town,  all  spoke  of  the  affair. 
It  was  the  theme  of  daily  conversation.  The  episodes, 
the  bursts  of  passion  and  generosity  of  each  rival,  were 
related  with  full  details.  But  no  one  was  shocked  at 
the  immorality,  the  insolence,  and  the  scandal  of  this 
struggle. 

Goya  probably  met  the  Duchess  for  the  first  time 
about  this  period.  As  a  prominent  supporter  of  the 
bull-ring  he  knew  Costillares  and  Romero  intimately. 
Their  portraits  are  to  be  found  amongst  his  best  works, 
and  indeed  the  portrait  of  Costillares  is  one  of  his  master- 
pieces. That  he  made  an  immediate  impression  upon 
the  susceptible  Duchess  is  evident.  More  curious  is  the 
statement  that  she  extended  her  goodwill  to  the  whole  of 
the  artist's  family.  From  the  kitchen  of  the  Liria  food 
was  sent  to  Goya's  house,  and  a  compliment  was  paid  to 
its  mistress  in  a  peculiarly  Spanish  fashion.  The  dishes 
were  of  silver,  and  the  pride  of  a  great  family  forbade 
their  return. f     It  is  unfortunate  that  we  know  so  httle 

*  See  Godoy's  Memoirs  ;  also  Lady  Holland's  Spanish  Jovrnal,  p.  107. 

f  The  house  of  Alba  was  exceedingly  wealthy.  Major  Dalr\  mple 
gives  some  curious  details  of  the  life  of  the  Spanish  nobility  about  this 
period.  "  The  predecessor  of  the  present  Duke  of  Medina  Coeli  had  on 
the  death  of  his  father  an  income  of  £84,000  a  year,  with  six  millions 
of  hard  dollars  in  ready  money.  In  the  course  of  twenty-five  years  he 
spent  the  cash  and  mortgaged  as  much  as  he  could  of  the  estate.  There 
is  a  story  told  of  him  that  a  comedy  girl  he  kept  complaining  to  him 
in  the  winter  of  the  cold,  he  sent  her  a  silver  brasero  (a  round  vessel 
of  metal  containing  fire,  usually  placed  in  the  middle  of  rooms  during 
the  winter)  filled  with  gold  crowns.     The  present  Duke  pursues   a 


i88  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

of  the  character  of  Josefa  Bayeu.  Her  name  is  inter- 
mittently mentioned  in  the  letters  to  Zapater,  and  the 
allusions  are  invariably  made  with  evident  affection. 
Clearly  she  had  no  jealousy  of  Dona  Maria  Theresa,  for 
we  are  not  told  that  she  threw  the  silver  plates  at  the 
heads  of  the  servants  in  the  Alba  livery.  On  the  contrary, 
she  appears  to  have  added  them  to  her  household  store. 
Perhaps  the  key  to  this  apparent  lack  of  feeling  may  be 
found  in  her  domestic  anxieties.  She  was  ill,  and  her 
children  were  ill.     As  Goya  remarked  to  Zapater,  even 

different  system,  yet  the  establishment  of  his  family  is  very  considerable. 
All  these  great  families  have  pages,  who  are  gentlemen,  for  whom  they 
provide  sometimes  in  the  army,  etc.  The  custom  of  keeping  buffoons 
prevails  still  in  this  part  of  the  world.  I  often  saw  the  Duke  of  Alba's 
covered  with  ribbons  of  various  orders,  a  satire  on  such  baubles  !  He 
attends  his  master  in  the  morning,  and  the  instant  he  awakes  is  obliged 
to  relate  some  facetious  story,  to  put  his  Grace  in  good  humour.  The 
Duke  requires  so  much  wit  from  him  that  he  is  eternally  upon  the 
scamper  in  search  of  it. 

"It  is  hardly  possible  to  divine  how  these  people  can  spend  such 
amazing  fortunes  as  some  of  them  possess.  But  residing  at  the  Court, 
never  visiting  their  estates,  and,  in  general,  thinking  it  beneath  them 
to  examine  or  even  enquire  into  their  affairs,  their  stewards  enrich 
themselves  to  their  ruin.  Besides,  they  are  confiscated  by  horses, 
mules,  servants,  and  dependants.  I  was  told  that  the  Duke  of  In- 
fantado's  expense  for  attendants  and  pensioners  amounts  to  ;f  12,000 
a  year.  When  once  a  servant  is  admitted  into  a  family  it  is  certain 
maintenance  for  him  during  life,  if  he  commit  not  some  glaring  crime, 
and  even  his  descendants  are  taken  care  of. 

"  Women  are  another  considerable  expense.  The  conjugal  bed  is  not 
held  very  sacred  by  the  men  of  fashion,  and  since  the  Bourbon  family 
has  been  seated  on  the  throne  jealousy  has  lost  its  sting.  The  ladies 
are  not  behindhand  with  their  husbands.  Every  dame  has  one  cortejo 
at  least,  and  often  more.  The  cadets  of  the  guards  are  employed 
in  this  agreeable  office.  They  are  generally  necessitous,  and  are  sup- 
plied by  the  fair  with  means  for  their  extravagance.  Amongst  the 
people  of  rank  gratification  is  their  object,  and  they  stop  at  nothing 
to  accomplish  it.  Gallantry  and  intrigue  are  terms  too  refined  for 
this  people."  Travels  Through  Spain  and  Portugal  in  1774,  published 
in  London  1777. 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  189 

the  cook  had  fever.  The  Alba  dishes  conveyed  dehcacies 
for  a  home  which  at  times  resembled  a  hospital.  Goya 
loved  children — the  fact  is  evident  from  his  own  charming 
paintings — and  the  maladies  and  deaths  of  his  little  ones 
may  be  suggested  as  one  cause  of  his  own  despondent 
spirits. 

"  A  pretty  woman 's  worth  some  pains  to  see,"  wrote 
an  English  poet  whose  thoughts  are  not  usually  so  easy 
of  comprehension.  The  truth  of  the  little  phrase  does 
not  require  Browning's  imprimatur.  The  Dofia  Maria 
Theresa  was  far  more  than  pretty,  and  Goya  was  fas- 
cinated by  her  oval  features,  as  well  as  by  her  keen 
tongue  and  active  spirit.  She  lived  in  opposition  to 
the  v/orld  around  her,  a  Spanish  variant  of  a  type  more 
often  to  be  found  in  France  than  in  the  other  countries 
of  Europe.  She  reminds  us  of  those  brilliant  women  who 
directed  the  war  of  the  Fronde.  In  her  story  there  is 
more  than  a  reminiscence  of  the  Duchess  de  Chevreuse. 
Her  audacious  unconventionality,  the  bold  manner  in 
v/nich  she  showed  her  open  contempt  for  the  opinion  of 
society,  recall  such  a  personality  as  Lady  Holland.  She 
had  all  the  coquetterie  of  Madame  Recamier,  together  with 
a  passion  the  vestal  of  the  Rue  du  Bac  never  experienced. 
Wealth,  intellect,  and  beauty  form  a  rare  power  before 
which  all  men  must  bow  down  and  worship.  Women 
approach  it  in  a  different  spirit,  for  it  is  essentially ^a 
woman's  combination. 

The  most  celebrated  portrait  of  the  Duchess  of  Alba 
is  that  which  hangs  in  the  Liria  palace.  A  rephca, 
formerly  in  Naples,  now  forms  part  of  the  collection 
brought  together  by  the  late  Sir  Julius  Wem^er.  Against 
a  slightly  indicated  landscape  Doiia  Maria  Theresa  stands 


190  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

in  a  somewhat  stiff  attitude,  her  right  arm  stretched 
forward  with  an  air  of  authority  rather  than  of  entreaty. 
Her  white  robe,  of  the  plainest  fashion,  is  encircled  by  a 
wide  red  sash,  and  a  similar  bow  (which  may  possibly 
be  intended  to  carry  some  decoration)  is  crossed  upon  her 
breast.  Her  wonderful  hair  falls  like  a  torrent  across 
her  shoulders  down  to  her  waist.  A  tiny  dog  is  at  her 
feet.     This  portrait  was  painted  in  1795. 

Let  it  be  frankly  admitted  that  this  canvas  is  not  one 
of  Goya's  supreme  triumphs,  for  it  is  both  stiff  and 
affected,  and  cannot  be  compared  with  the  easy  grace  of 
the  Marquesa  de  la  Solana,  which  probably  dates  from 
1794,  the  majestic  dignity  of  Dona  Antonia  Zarate,  or  the 
bold  insouciance  of  The  bookseller  of  the  Calle  de  las 
Carretas.  Goya  was  too  deeply  impressed  by  the  absorb- 
ing personality  of  his  model  to  control  his  brush,  and  this 
was  the  chief  reason  of  his  partial  failure.  He  was  too 
interested  in  her  as  a  man  to  stand  absolutely  detached 
from  her  influence  as  an  artist.  Another  portrait  is 
equally  interesting,  though  again  not  wholly  satisfactory. 
The  canvas,  belonging  to  Don  Rafael  Barrio,  is  of  three- 
quarter  size.  Again  we  are  shown  the  same  pallid,  oval 
face,  with  long,  aquiline  nose,  large  black  eyes,  and  a 
mass  of  raven  hair  beneath  a  ribboned  hat.  The  dress  is 
of  the  finest  brocade,  the  tiny  waistband  fastened  by  a 
diamond  buckle.  In  the  left  hand  the  Duchess  clasps 
a  key,  probably  symbolical  of  her  rights  as  mistress  of 
San  Lucar.  This  may  possibly  be  an  earlier  portrait 
than  that  of  the  Liria,  for  the  face  is  younger  and  lacks 
significance.  A  third  portrait,  belonging  to  the  Orossen 
collection,  is  a  replica  with  slight  variations  of  the  same 
pose.     Another    canvas    reveals    the    Duchess    in    the 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  191 

simplest  of  Directoire  costumes.  The  hair  has  been 
carefully  dressed  and  curled,  and  the  only  ornaments 
are  two  enormous  earrings.  The  ensemble  suggests  the 
portraits  painted  by  David  and  his  pupils  about  this 
period.  A  whole-length  in  black  silk  and  a  mantilla  is 
artistically  the  most  attractive  of  the  series,*  and  is 
clearly  the  result  of  several  studies.  Of  these  the  most 
important  belongs  to  the  Marquis  de  la  Romana.  In 
this  sketch,  for  it  is  little  more,  Goya  represents  himself 
in  animated  conversation  with  Dofia  Maria  Theresa,  who, 
with  fan  in  hand  and  mantilla  over  head  and  shoulders, 
approximates  more  to  the  maja  type  than  to  the  tra- 
ditional dignity  of  a  great  noblewoman.  The  artist 
himself  masquerades  in  the  dandified  habit  of  a  man  of 
fashion.  His  long  hair,  unpowdered,  in  the  style  of  the 
Revolution,  the  thick  white  stock,  the  smartly-cut  coat, 
the  tight  breeches,  the  high  boots,  proclaim  him  a 
veritable  Beau  Brummel,  if  not  a  youthful  hero  of 
romance.  This  is  Goya  as  he  wished  to  be,  not  as  he  was, 
for  the  canvas  was  painted  in  1793,  when  he  had  reached 
forty -seven  years  of  age.  It  convicts  him  of  a  vanity 
towards  which  we  should  be  indulgent,  for  most  of  us 
are  equally  guilty.  The  scene  is  animated  and  artificial, 
for  both  Goya  and  the  Duchess  are  artificial  creatures 
pretending  to  breathe  an  atmosphere  of  nature  and 
turning  their  backs  upon  a  world  from  which  they  had 
no  wish  to  escape.  Dofia  Maria  Theresa  points  to  the 
black  clouds  of  a  gathering  storm.  She  smiles  at  the 
infatuated  artist.  He  follows  humbly,  for  he  does  not 
know  that  the  sunshine  of  his  life  is  over,   and  that  he 

♦  These   two  portraits  have  been   photographed  by  Moreno   of 
Madrid,  but  I  cannot  trace  the  originals. 


192  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

is  about  to  enter  its  gloom.  In  this  sketch  Goya 
indicates  the  charm  of  his  companion,  but  in  the  other 
portraits  of  the  Duchess  we  are  shown  the  countenance 
of  a  sphinx.  We  are  always  fascinated  by  what  we  cannot 
understand,  and  the  Duchess  of  Alba  will  never  lose  her 
attractions,  because  she  remains  an  enigma,  une  femme 
incomprise,  a  creature  of  innocence  and  duplicity,  as 
beautiful  as  the  sea  and  far  more  dangerous  because 
uncharted. 

Goya  must  have  painted  the  canvas  belonging  to  the 
Marquis  de  la  Romana  in  the  full  stress  of  his  passion. 
Early  in  1793  Queen  Maria  Luisa  determined  to  deal 
with  her  rival  without  mercy.  That  this  outburst  of 
vengeance  was  due  to  Dona  Maria  Theresa's  patronage  of 
Goya  is  hardly  credible,  although  the  artist  was  on  the 
friendhest  terms  with  the  Queen.  The  Duchess  was 
banished  to  her  estates  in  Andalusia.  There  was  no 
appeal.  Maybe  she  accepted  her  fate  with  resignation, 
for,  according  to  popular  legend,  when  she  left  Madrid 
Francisco  Goya  accompanied  her. 

Again  we  enter  the  arena  of  biographical  recrimination, 

but  all  the  facts  support  a  story  which  harmonises  with 

the  romantic  hfe  of  this  strange  man.     His  paintings, 

his   drawings,   and   his   etchings  prove  his   infatuation. 

Admittedly  he  went  to  Andalusia,  and  this  coincides  with 

a  gap  in  his  professional  activity.     Yriarte  speaks  of  a 

sketch-book  belonging  to  Carderera,  now  in  the  National 

Library  of  Madrid,   which  contains  particulars  of  the 

journey  with  Dona  Maria  Theresa.*     Lastly,  there  is  a 

curious  reference  in  a  letter  to  Zapater,  in  which  Goya 

petulantly   demands  :    "  Why  should  a  great   lady  not 

*  Charles    Yriarte:    Goya,    p.   34;    also   Gazette  des   Beaux-Arts 
September,  1863. 


Photo.  Lacoste 


GOYA    AND   THE   IJUCHESS   OF   AI.BA 
Collection  o/  the  Marquis  dc  la  Roiitana,  Madrid 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  193 

be  portrayed  by  an  artist  ?  "  *  As  Von  Loga  remarks, 
the  phrase  may  mean  anything  or  nothing,  and  he 
refuses  to  beheve  in  any  of  the  stories  which  hnk  their 
names  together,  f  But  does  it  not  point  to  the  existence 
of  contemporary  gossip  ?  "  Goya  was  a  man  of  his  age. 
He  neither  aspired  to  the  category  of  an  ascetic  nor 
opposed  the  customs  and  tendencies  of  his  time,  and  his 
age  being  one  of  transition  without  fixed  principles,  he 
accommodated  himself  to  its  duties  and  its  weaknesses, 
never  for  a  moment  failing  in  his  domestic  obligations, 
yet  not  refusing  those  outside  favours  that  presented 
themselves  to  him."  J  With  Mr.  Calvert  we  agree  that 
this  shrewd  and  common-sense  conclusion  approaches 
very  closely  the  truth. 

The  escapade  of  1793  signalises  the  close  of  Goya's 
youth,  for  youth  it  had  been,  although  he  was  now  a  man 
of  middle  age.  His  life  had  been  crowded  with  incident, 
he  had  seized  every  opportunity  for  pleasure,  yet  he  had 
never  neglected  his  art.  Despite  increasing  cares  and 
anxieties  he  had  tasted  more  happiness  and  success  than 
his  contemporaries.  He  had  done  great  things,  although 
the  period  of  his  finest  productions  was  yet  to  come. 
Now  fate  commenced  to  neglect  him.  The  first  cruel 
blow  was  physical.  He  who  had  delighted  in  music,  in 
the  brisk  conversation  of  the  studios,  the  merry  wit  of 
the  popular  clubs,  the  repartee  of  the  salons,  was  now 
struck  with  total  deafness. 

Like  most  of  the  facts  of  Goya's  life,  the  reason  is 
debatable.     Von  Loga  asserts  that  the  artist  had  already 
*  Zapater  :  Noticias  hiogrdficas,  p.  55. 
f  Von  Loga  :   Goya,  pp.  82-83. 

%  A.  F,  Calvert  :  Goya,  p.  56,  the  quotation  being  from  the  Boletin 
de  la  Sociedad  Espaiiola  de  Excursiones. 

O 


194  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

suffered  from  semi-deafness  for  over  thirteen  years,  and 
that  the  ultimate  result  must  be  attributed  to  long 
illness.  There  is  another  explanation.  Whilst  accom- 
panying the  Duchess  of  Alba  to  San  Lucar  the  coach 
collapsed  in  a  lonely  spot,  Despeiia-Perros,  where  aid 
was  diJHicult  to  obtain.  Goya,  impulsive  with  strength 
and  energy,  acted  the  part  of  a  blacksmith.  A  fire  was 
improvised,  and  the  bent  ironwork  beaten  straight. 
Overheating  himself,  a  chill  followed  which  ended  in  the 
great  calamity  overshadowing  the  remainder  of  his 
life.     This  story  is  quoted  in  the  letters  of  Goya's  son. 

Of  his  existence  at  San  Lucar  we  know  nothing.  He 
was  absent  from  Madrid,  it  is  stated,  for  two  years,  a 
period  difficult  to  reconcile  with  some  dated  corre- 
spondence in  1794.  He  certainly  relinquished  his  appoint- 
ment at  the  royal  tapestry  factory,  and  apparently 
deserted  his  family.  If  the  portrait  of  the  Marquesa  de  la 
Solana  is  correctly  dated  in  1794  he  must  have  been 
working  in  Madrid  during  the  course  of  that  year.  The 
plates  of  Los  Caprichos  were  ready  in  1796,  and  occupied 
at  least  the  whole  of  1795.  That  Goya's  outlook  on  life 
had  changed  within  a  remarkably  short  space  of  time 
can  be  proved  by  comparing  the  smiling  dandy  in  the 
Marquis  de  la  Romana's  conversation-piece  with  the 
grim,  satirical  face  which  forms  the  frontispiece  to  Los 
Caprichos.  One  man  enjoys  life  and  love  ;  the  other  has 
tasted  Dead  Sea  ashes.  Goya  had  suddenly  awakened 
from  his  dream  to  find  himself  not  only  more  famous  than 
before,  but  old,  exhausted,  and  bitter. 

The  Duchess  of  Alba  was  pardoned,  because,  so  it  is 
said,  no  other  way  remained  to  attract  Goya  back  to 
Madrid.    Their   friendship   probably   continued   for   at 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  195 

least  a  further  year.  Dona  Maria  Theresa  appears  in 
more  than  one  of  the  first  volume  of  etchings,  and  the 
three  extraordinary  compositions,  which  the  artist  had 
the  good  taste  not  to  pubUsh  abroad,  undoubtedly  refer 
to  her.  Plate  61  represents  a  beautiful  dame  flying  with 
outstretched  arms  in  butterfly  fashion,  but  supported  at 
the  feet  by  three  grotesque  creatures  crouched  in  the 
attitude  of  the  carved  misereres  under  monkish  stalls. 
Upon  a  copy  of  this  plate  Goya  scrawled  :  "  The  group 
of  sorcerers  who  form  the  support  for  our  elegant  lady 
are  more  for  ornament  than  real  use.  Some  heads  are 
so  charged  with  inflammable  gas  that  they  have  no  need 
for  balloons  or  sorcerers  in  order  to  fly  away."  This 
marks  the  waning  of  his  passion.  Perhaps  the  Duchess 
had  remembered  her  exalted  social  position,  and  the 
admirer  had  received  his  dismissal.  The  three  unpub- 
hshed  plates  were  etched  much  later  than  the  series 
usually  known  as  Los  Caprichos.  On  the  first  Goya 
wrote  under  the  figure  of  the  Duchess  :  "  Suefio  de  la 
mentira  y  inconstancia  "  (A  dream  of  lies  and  incon- 
stancy). The  second  plate  depicts  a  nude  woman  with 
a  double  face.  The  portrait  is  unquestionable.  This 
was  the  end. 

Before  leaving  the  story  of  the  Duchess  of  Alba, 
reference  must  be  made  to  two  important  canvases 
which  have  become  the  most  popular  of  Goya's  paintings, 
the  Maja  clothed  and  the  Maja  nude.  These  pictures  of 
the  same  beautiful  model  have  always  been  associated 
with  the  name  of  Doila  Maria  Theresa,  who  is  said  to 
have  posed  for  them.  The  popular  story  is  best  told  in 
Madame  Dieulafoy's  book  on  Aragon.  "  The  Duke  (of 
Alba),  learning  that  his  wife  often  went  to  Goya's  studio, 


196  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

became  suspicious.  He  bribed  the  artist's  servants,  and 
soon  discovered  that  she  posed  before  him  in  a  paradisiacal 
costume  which  marvellously  became  her.  Friends  warned 
both  artist  and  sitter  that  the  Duke  was  openly  swearing 
to  interrupt  the  next  sitting  in  a  startling  manner.  The 
next  day  the  Duke  presented  himself  at  the  doors  of  the 
studio,  accompanied  by  alguazils  and  police.  The  door 
was  broken  open,  and  the  Duchess  discovered  correctly 
clothed,  v/hilst  the  painter  was  busily  engaged  on  the 
Maja  vestida.  During  the  night  Goya  had  made  an 
exact  copy  of  the  Maja  desnuda,  so  as  to  ensure  that  if  the 
Duke  had  been  given  correct  information  concerning  the 
pose  he  had  been  deceived  with  respect  to  the  costume." 
The  tale  belongs  to  the  group  of  legends  concerning  Goya 
over  which  his  biographers  have  fiercely  battled.  The 
most  important  evidence  in  support  of  the  assertion  that 
the  Duchess  was  the  model  for  the  two  Majas  is  that  of 
the  face.  Comparing  the  features  of  this  entrancing 
damsel  with  the  accepted  portraits  of  Dona  Maria 
Theresa  it  must  be  admitted  that  there  are  too  many 
points  of  similarity  to  refute  the  current  belief.  The 
mass  of  dark  hair,  the  eyes  and  eyebrows,  the  nose, 
the  mouth,  and,  to  some  extent,  the  chin,  are  almost 
identical.  The  chief  difference  is  in  the  expression. 
The  portraits  are  inclined  to  melancholy.  The  Duchess 
gazes  from  her  canvas  with  eyes  of  sombre  dignity. 
The  Majas,  on  the  contrary,  are  frankly  self-conscious, 
and  look  at  the  spectator  with  the  slightest  suspicion  of 
a  graceless  twinkle.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Marquis  de 
la  Romana's  sketch  reveals  another  "  soul-side "  of 
skittish  frivolity.  If  it  be  suggested  that  great  ladies 
do  not  usually  sit  to  artists  in  what  poor  Trilby  called 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  197 

*'  the  altogether  "  there  is  httle  need  to  search  far  to  find 
examples  which  prove  the  contrary.  Pauline  Borghese, 
Napoleon's  most  beautiful  sister,  did  not  disdain  to  pose 
to  Canova,  and  Napoleon's  second  wife,  the  Empress 
Marie-Louise,  is  traditionally  said  to  have  been  the  model 
for  a  Venus  by  Prud'hon.* 

The  question  of  dates  is  the  most  awkward  bar  to  the 
story,  although  not  conclusive.  The  Majas  are  generally 
credited  to  1799,  and  Goya's  friendship  may  have  ceased 
before  that  year,  if  we  are  to  believe  plate  61  of  Los 
Caprickos.  The  unpublished  etchings  were  later,  and 
quite  possibly  contemporary  with  the  pictures.  The 
comments  belong  to  the  earlier  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

The  identity  of  the  Majas  must  therefore  remain  a 
secret  which  future  biographers  are  not  likely  to  unravel. 
She  may  have  been  a  model  known  in  the  Madrid  studios 
at  the  period.  Those  historians  who  refuse  to  admit 
that  the  Duchess  of  Alba  sat  to  Goya  state  that  the 
pictures  were  commissioned  by  Godoy,  Prince  of  Peace, 
in  commemoration  of  his  friendship  with  a  frail  beauty 
whose  name  is  to  be  found  in  the  chroniques  scandaleuses 
of  the  Court  of  Charles  IV.  f  The  question  is  of  little  real 
importance  in  comparison  with  the  artistic  value  of  the 
canvases.  "  Goya's  two  pictures  are  still  vivacious  and 
fresh,"  wrote  Mr.  Charles  Ricketts  in  a  happy  flight  of 
appreciation,  t     "  In  La  maja,  a  nude,  he  has  painted  the 

*  The  Venus  and  Adonis,  No.  347  in  the  Wallace  collection.  The 
thirteenth  edition  of  the  catalogue  tells  us  that  it  was  a  commission 
from  the  Empress  ini8  10,  adding,  "  there  is  a  tradition  that  she  sat  to 
Prud'hon  for  the  Venus," 

t  See  Von  Loga  :    Goya,  p.  84.     Possibly  Josefa  Tudo. 

X  Charles  Ricketts :    The  Prado  and  its  Masterpieces. 


198  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

sensuous  waist,  the  frail  arms,  the  dainty  head  of  the 
Duchess  thrown  upon  pillows,  contrasting  in  their  gray 
whiteness  with  the  gleam  upon  her  flesh.  In  the  other 
we  note  the  same  grace  of  pose,  a  more  summary  work- 
manship, touches  of  colour — too  many,  perhaps.  The 
Duchess  of  Alba  reclines  on  her  divan  in  her  rich  bolero 
and  white  duck  trousers  of  a  toreador  or  Spanish  dandy. 
We  pause,  we  are  astonished  and  charmed  ;  we  wonder 
how  such  a  thing  was  possible."  The  "  thing "  was 
possible  because  Goya,  ever  a  student  of  the  older  masters, 
had  suddenly  become  an  absorbed  disciple  of  Titian.  In 
the  Royal  Palace  was  that  glorious  Bacchanal  which  had 
come  from  the  Pamfili  gallery  at  Rome.  In  the  same 
collection  was  the  Venus  listening  to  music  bought  by 
Philip  IV.  at  the  sale  of  the  art  treasures  belonging  to 
Charles  I.  of  England.  To-day  they  hang  in  the  Prado 
but  a  few  steps  from  the  Maja  desnuda.  That  they 
directly  inspired  Goya  cannot  be  doubted.  He  was  too 
great  an  artist  to  copy  them  slavishly.  He  could  not 
suppress  his  own  powerful  individuality.  But  he 
borrowed  Titian's  idea,  as,  in  a  far  different  case — the 
decoration  of  his  country  home — he  seized  upon  one  of 
the  most  fantastic  imaginations  of  Rubens  and  converted 
it  to  his  own  use.  The  Maja  desnuda  is  a  solitary 
experiment,  "  the  dear  fleshly  perfection  of  the  human 
shape,  rosed  from  top  to  toe  in  flush  of  youth,"  one  of 
the  few  nude  paintings  in  a  school  which  did  not  en- 
courage the  study  of  the  undraped  figure.  Yet  Goya 
was  strong  enough  to  challenge  any  of  the  gifted  men 
who  had  been  working  a  few  years  earlier  in  Paris.  He 
had  that  subtle  feehng  for  the  flowing  curves  of  flesh 
which  distinguishes  Boucher.  His  brush  carries  a  vivid 
carnation  reminding  the  English  visitor  of  Etty. 


§1 

•J  « 
<  ^ 

s  S 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  199 

Sainte-Beuve  said  that  biography  was  an  ugly  word, 
smelhng  of  the  study,  fit  only  for  men,  and  not  to  be  used 
for  women.  "  Can  the  life  of  any  woman  bear  relation  ? 
It  is  felt,  it  passes,  we  have  caught  a  glimpse  of  it."  The 
Duchess  of  Alba  was  such  a  momentary  vision.  "  Dates 
in  connection  with  such  a  being  are  anything  but  elegant." 
She  passed  out  of  Goya's  life,  out  of  life  itself,  before  the 
paint  on  those  wonderful  canvases  had  grown  hard. 

Ou  sont  nos  amoureuses  ? 
Elles  sont  au  tombeau  ! 
Elles  sont  plus  heureuses 
Dans  un  sejour  plus  beau. 

Goya's  thoughts  must  have  been  the  same  as  those  of  the 
unhappy  Gerard  de  Nerval.  When  Dofia  Maria  Theresa 
died  in  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth  century  Goya 
was  already  an  old  man  entering  a  generation  whose  joys 
he  was  not  asked  to  share.  One  consolation  remained. 
His  genius  had  given  his  mistress  immortality. 

These  portraits  have  fascinated  poets  as  well  as  con- 
noisseurs. Baudelaire  was  curiously  attracted  by  a  face 
which  might  have  formed  the  frontispiece  to  his  own 
Fleurs  du  Mai.  Writing  to  his  friend  Felix  Nadar,  May 
14,  1859,  he  said  :  "...  if  you  are  an  angel  go  and 
flatter  a  person  named  Moreau,  picture  dealer.  Rue 
Lafitte,  Hotel  Lafitte  (I  intend  to  court  him  on  account 
of  a  study  I  am  preparing  upon  Spanish  painting),  and 
try  to  obtain  from  this  man  permission  to  take  a  photo- 
graph of  the  Duchess  of  Alba  (absolutely  Goya  and 
absolutely  authentic).  The  replicas  (life-size)  are  in 
Spain,  where  Gautier  has  seen  them.  In  one  frame  the 
Duchess  is  represented  in  national  costume,  in  the 
other  she  is  nude,  in  the  same  position,  on  her  back. 


200  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

The  triviality  of  the  pose  adds  to  the  charm  of  the 
pictures.  If  I  ever  used  your  slang  I  might  say  that  the 
Duchess  is  a  bizarre  woman,  with  a  wicked  look.  .  .  . 
If  you  were  a  very  wealthy  angel  I  would  advise  you  to 
buy  these  pictures,  for  the  occasion  will  not  repeat  itself. 
Imagine  a  Bonington,  or  a  gallant  and  ferocious  Deveria. 
The  man  who  owns  them  is  asking  2,400  francs.  It  is 
little  enough  in  the  opinion  of  an  amateur  mad  over 
Spanish  painting,  but  it  is  enormous  to  what  the  dealer 
has  paid  for  them.  He  admitted  to  me  that  he  bought 
them  from  Goya's  son,  who  had  become  extraordinarily 
embarrassed."  * 

Despite  the  enthusiasm  of  Gautier  and  Baudelaire, 
these  canvases  must  have  been  copies,  and  probably 
formed  part  of  the  collection  of  forgeries  which  Matheron 
tells  us  were  offered  for  sale  at  this  time  in  Paris  and  then 
withdrawn.  The  originals  have  recently  been  transferred 
to  the  Prado  from  the  Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand,  where 
for  years  they  remained  imprisoned  in  a  cabinet  noir, 
only  to  be  seen  by  the  privileged  few  with  the  special 
permission  of  the  custodian.  One  Spanish  monarch  had 
insisted  upon  their  seclusion,  and  would  not  even  allow  the 
adult  members  of  his  family  to  admire  the  beauties  of  the 
Maja  vestida  and  the  Maja  desnuda. 

Baudelaire  did  not  buy  the  pictures  in  the  Rue  Lafitte, 
but  to  his  last  days  remained  a  fervent  worshipper.  Dur- 
ing the  sad  hours  of  July,  1866,  when  his  reason  was 
quivering  in  its  balance,  the  French  poet  lived  under  the 
care  of  Doctor  Emile  Duval,  in  the  Rue  du  Dome,  Paris. 
The  chief  adornment  on  the  walls  of  his  room  was  a 

*  Charles  Baudelaire  :  (Euvres  Pcsthumes  et  correspotidaKces  inidites 
(1887),  p.  204. 


GOYA  AND  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBA  201 

couple  of  canvases  by  his  friend  Manet.  One  was  a 
copy  of  a  portrait  of  the  Duchess  of  Alba,  and  her  pale 
face  gazed  upon  his  fevered  bed  as  the  dying  poet 
gasped  his  last  sigh.* 

*  The  Duchess  was  married  in  1773,  at  a  very  early  age,  to  Don  Jos6 
Alvarez  de  Toledo,  eleventh  Marquis  de  Villafranca.  She  died  in  the 
summer  of  1802,  "  supposed  to  have  been  poisoned ;  her  physician 
and  some  confidential  attendants  are  imprisoned,  and  her  estates 
sequestered  during  their  trial,  but  by  whom,  and  for  what  reason  the 
dose  was  administered,  remains  as  yet  unknown.  She  was  very 
beautiful,  popular,  and  by  attracting  the  best  society  was  an  object 
of  jealousy  to  one  who  is  all-powerful."  The  Spanish  Journal  of  Lady 
Holland,  p.  45.  Sir  W.  Stirling-Maxwell  in  Annals  of  the  Artists  of 
Spain,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  1472,  refers  to  the  same  rumour.  Lady  Holland  also 
states  that  during  the  building  of  the  original  Alba  palace  in  the  Calle 
de  Alcala,  Madrid  (now  the  War  Office),  two  destructive  fires  broke 
out,  "  and  enough  was  discovered  to  convince  that  a  further  attempt 
to  finish  the  noble  edifice  would  end  in  a  similar  disappointment,  the 
train  being  laid  by  a  high  and  jealous  person.  .  .  .  The  Duchess  was 
always  an  object  of  jealousy  and  envy  to  the  great  lady  ;  her  beauty, 
popularity,  wealth,  and  rank  were  corroding  to  her  heart."  This 
"  great  lady  "  was  the  Queen.  "  A  short  time  before  her  death  she  was 
banished  for  three  years,  and  the  only  favour  shown  was  allowing  her 
the  choice  of  her  estates.  She  chose  to  reside  at  her  palace  at  St. 
Lucar  Barrameda  in  Andalusia."  At  her  death  her  pictures  were 
seized  and  sold  by  the  Crown.  Amongst  them  were  the  Madonna  della 
Casa  Alba  by  Raphael,  now  in  the  Hermitage  ;  the  Education  of  Love, 
by  Correggio  ;  and  the  famous  Venus  and  Cupid,  by  Velazquez.  The 
latter  passed  into  the  possession  of  Godoy,  at  his  sale  was  bought 
by  Wallis,  acting  for  Buchanan,  then,  on  the  recommendation  of  Sir 
Thomas  Lawrence,  was  purchased  by  Morritt  of  Rokeby,  and  is  now 
No.  2057  of  the  National  Gallery.  In  L'Art  et  les  Artistes,  1906,  Vol. 
II.,  p.  205,  a  portrait  of  the  Duchess,  hitherto  unknown,  attributed  to 
Goya,  is  reproduced.  No  particulars  are  given  as  to  ownership.  The 
last  edition  (1913)  of  the  Prado  catalogue  states  that  Goya  painted 
the  Maja  vestida  in  the  open  air. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

LOS   CAPRICHOS 

The  Foundation  of  Goya's  Cosmopolitan  Fame.  In  Progress  from 
1793  to  1798.  Goya's  bad  Health,  Origin  of  Los  Caprichos.  The  Un- 
published Preface.  Popular  Explanations  of  the  Plates.  Manuscript 
"  keys."  Satire  of  Social  Life  in  Madrid.  Doubts  as  to  Personal 
Caricature.  A  new  Harlct's  Progress.  Goya's  Realism.  Coarseness 
in  Art.  English  Caricature  of  the  Eighteenth  Century.  The  Scenes  of 
Witchcraft.  Demonology  in  Art  and  Literature.  Ruskin  and  Los 
Caprichos.  Goya  as  Etcher  and  Aquatintist.  Gautier's  Appreciation 
of  the  Plates.  Los  Caprichos  taken  over  by  the  State.  Editions 
and  Impressions. 

HAD  Goya  not  etched  the  series  of  plates  to  which 
he  gave  the  title  of  Los  Caprichos  his  fame 
might  have  remained  for  many  years  strictly 
confined  to  his  own  country,  for,  as  Theophile  Gautier 
remarks  in  Tra  los  Monies,  "  never  was  there  a  less 
harmonious  genius,  never  a  Spanish  artist  more  local." 
As  a  painter  his  reputation  was  slow  in  crossing  the 
Pyrenees,  and  then  was  chiefly  based  upon  the  testimony 
of  the  few  strangers  who  had  visited  Madrid.  But  when 
the  volumes  of  Los  Caprichos  reached  Paris,  the  un- 
challenged centre  of  European  art,  these  extraordinary 
works  attracted  unstinted  appreciation,  and  awoke  general 
curiosity  with  respect  to  the  personality  of  the  almost 
unknown  Spaniard.  Officers  attached  to  the  Enghsh 
army  quartered  in  the   Peninsula  sent  copies  of  Los 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  203 

Caprichos  home  to  London.  Later  still  the  book  pene- 
trated into  Germany.  These  etchings  thus  formed  the 
foundation  of  Goya's  cosmopolitan  celebrity. 

Los  Caprichos  consists  of  seventy-two  plates  which  are 
usually  dated  iy(^6-iy(^y.  Eight  additional  plates  were 
added  before  1803,  but  cannot  be  treated  as  part  of  the 
original  set.*  Without  wishing  to  disagree  with  such  com- 
petent critics  as  Paul  Lefort  and  Julius  Hofmann,  who 
have  so  carefully  annotated  the  etched  work  of  Goya,  it 
seems  more  probable  that  the  production  of  these  plates 
should  be  spread  over  a  longer  period.  Goya  must  have 
commenced  Los  Caprichos  as  early  as  1793  or  1794.  In 
1797  the  artist  was  more  than  usually  busy,  and  even 
his  superabundant  activity  was  unequal  to  the  addi- 
tional task  of  designing,  etching,  and  printing]  seventy- 
two  plates. 

Goya's  indifferent  health  has  already  been  mentioned. 
If  he  travelled  to  Andalusia  with  the  Duchess  of  Alba 
in  January,  1793,  simply  for  rest  and  convalescence,  his 
recovery  was  painfully  slow.  On  April  18,  1794,  Livinio 
Stuik  of  the  tapestry  factory  wrote  that  his  friend  was 
quite  unable  to  work.  The  same  month  another  com- 
panion remarked  that  the  artist  was  in  his  studio  again, 
but  lacking  in  application  or  energy — a  serious  statement 
to  make  of  a  man  who,  when  in  health,  bubbled  over  with 
life  and  virility. f  Goya  himself,  in  a  letter  to  Zapater, 
dated  April  23,  1794,  refers  to  his  condition.  "  My 
health  has  not  improved.  Often  I  get  so  excited  that  I 
cannot  bear  with  myself.     Then  again  I  become  calm, 

♦  Lafond  says  these  plates  were  added  "  before  1812,"  but  Carderera, 
who  gives  the  earlier  date,  is  a  safer  authority, 
f  These  letters  are  quoted  by  Cruzada  Villaamil. 


204  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

as  I  am  at  this  present  moment  of  writing,  although  I 
am  akeady  fatigued.  Next  Monday,  if  God  permit,  I 
will  go  to  a  bull-fight,  and  I  wish  you  were  able  to 
accompany  me."  * 

He  was  stone  deaf,  and  his  eyes  were  giving  him  trouble. 
Unable  to  attack  with  serious  purpose  any  large  canvas, 
he  did  what  many  an  ailing  painter  has  done  before  and 
since.  He  trifled,  pencil  in  hand,  over  his  sketch-book. 
Every  vague  fancy  idly  flitting  through  his  tormented 
brain  was  set  down  on  paper.  They  were  the  caprices, 
the  whims,  of  a  moment.  Then  he  picked  up  the 
etching  needle,  which  he  had  neglected  for  more  than 
twelve  years,  since  the  Velazquez  plates  of  1778.  Thus 
we  have  the  genesis  of  Los  Caprichos. 

Dozens  of  the  original  drawings  are  still  in  existence. 
Many  remain  in  Madrid,  hanging  in  the  basement  of  the 
Prado  amidst  the  tapestry  cartoons.  Others  have  been 
distributed  throughout  the  private  collections  and  public 
museums  of  Europe.  A  large  number  have  been  repro- 
duced in  facsimile  in  the  sumptuous  portfolios  edited 
by  Pierre  d'Achiardi.f  In  some  cases  the  etchings  have 
simplified  the  detail  of  the  sketches  ;  in  others,  the 
artist  follows  his  original  idea  with  scrupulous  fidelity. J 
Not  all  the  drawings  were  used.§ 

*  Zapater  :  Noiicias  biogrdficas,  p.  53. 

f  P.  d'Achiardi :  Les  Dessins  de  Francisco  Goyay  Lucientes  au  Musee 
dti  Prado  a  Madrid.     Rome,  1908.     3  vo's. 

X  Although  Goya  often  painted  in  haste,  his  etchings  show  signs  of 
the  most  careful  preparation.  In  the  Velazquez  series  he  made  many 
studies  and  working  drawings  before  he  touched  the  copper.  The  plates 
of  Los  Caprichos  were  brilliant  impromptus  not  left  to  the  inspiration 
of  the  moment. 

§  There  are  sketches  for  the  etchings,  which  were  never  used,  in  the 
art  museimi  at  Hamburg.    They  came  from  the  Fortuny  collection. 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  205 

The  first  edition  is  usually  said  to  have  been  issued  in 
1797,  but  this  is  an  error  based  upon  the  discovery  of  a 
sketch  for  the  title-page  dated  in  that  year.  Isolated 
proofs  were  to  be  seen  in  1796,  but  the  whole  work  was 
not  ready  until  1798  or  1799.  Goya  was  slowly  printing 
the  two  hundred  copies  in  an  attic  workroom  he  had 
specially  engaged  for  the  purpose  at  the  comer  of  the 
Calle  de  San  Bernardino,  but  for  some  while  the  job  was 
completely  set  aside.  He  drew  up  a  draft  prospectus 
which  was  never  published.  He  explains  that  he  has 
"  chosen  subjects  which  afford  opportunities  to  turn  into 
ridicule  and  stigmatise  those  prejudices,  impostures,  and 
hypocrisies  which  have  been  consecrated  by  time."  He 
protests  against  any  plate  being  treated  as  a  personal 
satire,  for  this  would  be  to  mistake  the  object  of  art  and 
the  means  art  has  placed  in  the  hands  of  artists.  He 
asks  for  the  indulgence  of  the  public,  for  "  the  author  has 
not  attempted  to  imitate  the  work  of  other  people,  or 
even  to  copy  Nature.  The  imitation  of  Nature  is  as  diffi- 
cult as  it  is  admirable — when  successfully  accomplished  ; 
let  us  therefore  admire  a  method  which  leaves  Nature 
out  of  the  question,  and  reveals  to  our  eyes  forms  and 
movements  existing  only  in  the  imagination  .  .  . 
Painting,  like  poetry,  selects  from  the  universe  what  it 
considers  best  for  its  own  end.  In  a  single  fantastic 
figure  it  is  able  to  concentrate  circumstances  and  charac- 
teristics which  Nature  scatters  amongst  a  crowd  of 
individuals.  Thanks  to  this  wise  and  ingenious  com- 
bination the  artist  must  be  allowed  the  title  of  inventor, 
and  ceases  to  be  a  mere  servile  copyist."  * 

*  This  draft  belonged  to  Valentin  Carderera,  who  quoted  it  in  the 
Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  Vol.  XV.,  September,  1863,  p.  240. 


2o6  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

The  early  copies  were  sold  at  the  price  of  288  reals, 
about  £3,  and  Goya's  wealthy  patrons  subscribed  eagerly 
for  the  limited  issue.  The  Duchess  of  Osuna  paid  1,500 
reals  for  her  copy,  and  Goya's  receipt  is  dated  January, 
1799.  There  was  more  than  the  artistic  interest  in  the 
compilation.  Despite  Goya's  protest  against  any  plate 
being  identified  as  a  vehicle  of  personal  satire  Madrid 
society  whispered  that  many  of  the  etchings  audaciously 
satirised  not  only  medicine,  the  army,  the  law,  the  Church, 
and  even  themselves,  but  actually  the  throne  itself. 
The  very  fact,  if  true,  reveals  an  amount  of  personal 
Hberty  in  Spain  which  could  only  be  equalled  in  London 
or  Paris,  and  was  certainly  not  to  be  found  in  any  other 
European  capital.  Apparently  the  artist  suffered  no 
harm,  experienced  no  retaliation,  and  met  his  victims 
without  ill-will.  The  character  of  Goya  must  fall  in  our 
estimation  if  we  accept  the  various  "  keys "  to  the 
drawings.  They  reveal  him  caricaturing  personal  friends 
and  liberal  patrons,  and  exposing  to  public  laughter  the 
weaknesses  of  women  with  whom  he  had  been  on  the 
most  intimate  terms.  The  popular  interpretation  of 
Los  Caprichos,  however,  is  very  misleading.  Goya  was 
partly  to  blame  for  a  mystification  without  apparent 
motive.  It  is  true,  as  Richard  Muther  says,  that  Goya 
penned  a  pasquinade  upon  the  social,  political,  and 
ecclesiastical  conditions  of  his  age,  that  he  fought  against 
dandyism  and  wantonness,  against  servile  courtiers 
and  venal  functionaries,  against  the  hypocrisy  of  the 
priesthood  and  the  stupidity  of  the  people.  But  that 
he  held  up  to  shame  the  men  and  women  from  whom  he 
was  receiving  generous  encouragement,  who  opened 
their  houses   to  him    and  shared  their  salt,   is  not  so 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  207 

obvious.  Commentators  have  read  more  into  Los  Cap- 
richos  than  the  artist  ever  intended,  more  than  the 
drawings  actually  contain.  Goya's  character  requires 
clearing  of  an  accusation  which  is  a  serious  injustice  to 
his  memory. 

The  seventy-two  plates  of  Los  Caprichos  may  be 
roughly  divided  in  three  parts  which  have  practically 
nothing  in  common.  Excluding  the  frontispiece-por- 
trait,* plates  2  to  36  deal  with  the  social  life  of  Madrid, 
caricaturing  the  Madrilenas  with  a  good  deal  of  fun  and 
satire,  but  lacking  fantasy  or  imagination.  A  few  later 
plates  (such  as  Nos.  55,  78,  79,  and  80)  should  have  been 
included  in  the  same  section,  of  which  they  naturally  form 
a  continuation.  Plate  37  opens  an  entirely  fresh  vein, 
and  we  see  animals  acting  as  humans.  This  series  ends 
abruptly  with  plate  42,  and  upon  these  etchings  is  based 
the  accusation  that  Goya  bit  the  hands  which  fed  him. 
The  charge  must  be  examined  in  detail. 

When  Los  Caprichos  appeared  Madrid  society  promptly 
read  into  the  drawings  names  and  personalities  which 
the  artist  disclaimed  even  before  publication.  That  he 
intended  satire  is  obvious,  but  his  ideas  were  general, 
rather  than  personal.  However,  manuscripts  were  written 
and  passed  from  hand  to  hand  which  professed  to  give 
the  key  to  each  plate.  They  were  copied,  and  they  were 
added  to.  Charles  Yriarte  says  that  in  his  investigations 
he  came  across  at  least  five  or  six.  One  manuscript  is 
so  frankly  coarse  that  Paul  Lefort  was  unable  to  incor- 
porate it  in  his  valuable  work  on  the  etchings.  Another, 
written  by  Goya  himself,  at  Bordeaux,  thirty  years  after 
thepublicationof  the  plates,  must  be  accepted  with  extreme 
*  This  portrait  was  originally  intended  to  form  plate  43. 


2o8  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

caution.  An  old  and  embittered  man,  with  a  certain 
amount  of  animosity  against  Ferdinand  VII.  and  Madrid, 
he  was  not  unwilHng  to  throw  a  Httle  mud  at  the  society 
he  had  renounced.  His  descriptive  remarks  are  not  only 
banal  but  exceedingly  vague.  Comparing  these  manu- 
scripts with  the  plates  themselves,  we  find  the  slightest 
evidence  to  justify  the  most  decided  explanations.  More 
important  still  is  the  discovery  that  the  manuscripts  and 
their  scandalous  traditions  are  invariably  contradictory. 
Many  of  these  plates  can  possess  no  direct  personal 
meaning.  Goya  followed  his  imagination  through  the 
mazes  of  his  fancy.  He  pursued  rather  nebulous  thoughts 
on  morality  and  politics  which  in  his  old  age  he  attempted 
to  clothe  in  personal  applications.  He  would  have  been 
more  honest,  had  he — like  Browning — confessed  his 
inability  to  explain  his  earlier  work. 

The  chief  actress  in  the  scandals  of  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century  was  the  Queen,  and  gossip  identified 
her  as  the  heroine  of  several  of  these  plates.  No.  2 
represents  a  girl,  her  face  covered  with  a  domino,  and  her 
hair  put  up  in  a  grimacing  mask.  She  is  being  led  to  the 
altar  by  a  bridegroom  who  is  far  from  handsome.  Two 
fantastically  ugly  old  women  accompany  her,  and  a  crowd 
grins  in  the  background.  "  She  says  yes,  and  takes  the 
hand  of  the  first  person  who  passes,"  is  the  original 
description  beneath  the  etching.  Goya's  manuscript 
throws  little  light  upon  the  subject :  "  easiness  with 
which  women  contract  marriage,  hoping  therefore  to 
gain  greater  liberty,"  is  his  comment.  In  another 
manuscript  personalities  are  hinted  at.  "  She  is  a 
disguised  princess,  who  later  will  behave  worse  than  a 
dog,  as  indicated  by  the  mask  on  her  hair.  .  .  .  She  has 


1796 


"A   ROUGH    night" 
M.ila  Noche.     After  the  etching  in"  Los  Cafrichos."    Plate  3b 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  209 

two  faces  like  Janus  ...  A  stupid  crowd  applauds 
this  marriage,  and  behind  walks  a  charlatan  who  prays 
for  the  happiness  of  the  nation."  *  The  phrases  are  as 
vague  and  unsatisfactory  as  the  prophesies  of  a  fashion- 
able palmist.  If  the  words  mean  anything  they  refer 
to  Charles  IV.,  Maria  Luisa,  and  Godoy,  but  it  is  impos- 
sible to  fit  any  of  these  personalities  to  the  figures  in  the 
drawing.  One  can  as  easily  explain  Leonardo's  gro- 
tesques as  political  allusions  reflecting  upon  the  policy 
of  the  Medici. 

Underneath  A  rough  night  (plate  36)  Goya  wrote  :  "To 
such  inconveniences  do  light-hearted  young  ladies  expose 
themselves  when  they  do  not  wish  to  remain  at  home." 
This  is  the  aimless  and  garrulous  conversation  of  senility. 
A  contemporary  annotation  explains  that  Goya  wished 
to  recall  certain  nocturnal  excursions  made  by  the  Queen 
which  excited  comment.  The  plate  does  not  corroborate 
the  suggestion.!  Poor  little  things  (plate  22)  is  said  by 
the  same  authority  to  allude  to  the  vengeance  exercised 
by  the  Queen  against  women  of  whom  she  was  jealous. 
It  is  probably  nothing  but  a  street  scene  in  Madrid.  The 
same  remarks  apply  to  many  of  the  etchings  in  the  first 
section  of  Los  Caprichos. 

Charles  Yriarte  exhaustively  examines  this  problem 
as  to  the  identity  of  the  characters  in  the  etchings,  {  and 
arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  in  many  cases  there  can 
be — as  Goya  himself  asserted— no  personal  application. 
For  instance,  plate  19  represents  two  well-featured  young 

*  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts  (1867),  Vol.  XXII.,  p.  200  (note). 

f  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts  (1867),  Vol.  XXII.,  p.  197  (note).  See  also 
p.  201  (note). 

X  L  Art,  Vol.  II.  (1877).  These  four  articles  are  brilliantly  written, 
but  appear  to  have  escaped  the  notice  of  most  biographers. 


210  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

women  plucking  an  unhappy  bird  with  the  head  of  a  man. 
On  the  branches  of  a  tree  are  several  other  birds  with 
male  and  female  heads,  whilst  one  pert  fowl  boasts  a 
cocked  hat  and  a  high  stock.  In  the  next  plate,  No.  20, 
the  same  wretched  animals,  remorselessly  stripped  of 
their  feathers,  are  being  chased  away  by  two  damsels 
with  brooms.  These  etchings  have  a  graceful  and 
fantastic  wit  which  is  very  alluring.  They  are  said  to 
refer  to  the  many  scandals  in  which  the  Queen  became 
involved,  and  the  birds  are  named,  one  representing 
Godoy,*  another  Juan  Pignatelli.f  But,  as  Yriarte 
remarks,  the  situation  is  so  ordinary  that  it  requires  no 
personal  application.  How  many  men,  who  innocently 
believed  that  they  were  loved  for  themselves  alone,  have 
been  stripped  of  their  goods,  and  ignominiously  driven 
forth  when  they  had  nothing  but  their  hearts  to  offer  ! 
It  is  the  eternal  thesis  of  moralists,  satirists,  and  carica- 
turists of  all  countries.  Goya  follows  his  idea  through  six 
plates,  Nos.  19  to  24.  Woman  the  despoiler  does  not  have 
it  all  her  own  way.  Three  vampires,  in  the  costume  of  the 
law,  seize  the  poor  little  bird  with  the  head  of  a  woman, 
and  pluck  her  without  mercy.  Plate  22  gives  the  next 
act  of  the  drama.  These  young  ladies,  the  Manon 
Lescauts  of  Madrid,  are  being  conducted  to  a  house  of 
correction  by  the  alguazils.  "  Poor  little  things !  " 
cries  Goya.  After  the  arrest  comes  the  judgment  in 
plate  23.  In  her  robe  of  penitence  the  wretched  girl 
sits  on  a  platform,  surrounded  by  a  dense  crowd,  listening 
to  the  reading  of  her  sentence.  Plate  24  shows  the  punish- 
ment.    Semi-nude,   she   rides   an   ass  to   the   place   of 

*  Godoy  protested  in  his  Memoirs  against  these  insinuations. 
t  Gazette  des  Beaux-AHs  (1867),  Vol.  XXII.,  p.  197  (note). 


1796 


"POOR    I.ITTLK   things!" 
Pobrccitas!    After  the  etchhig  in''' Los  Caprichos."     Plate  22 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  211 

execution,  surrounded  by  a  grinning  mob,  and  guarded 
by  the  stem  officers  of  the  Holy  Office.  Goj^a  wrote 
beneath  this  plate,  "  No  hubo  remedio  "  (There  is  no 
remedy).  And  there  is  no  remedy  for  the  evil  which 
Hogarth  treated  in  the  Harlot's  progress,  and  the  Spaniard, 
on  similar  lines,  in  these  six  plates. 

Yriarte   refers    to    the    realistic    fidelity    of    Goya's 
drawings. 

Goya  is  more  a  satirist  than  a  caricaturist,  although 
satire  does  not  adequately  describe  such  a  plate  as  Love 
and  Death,  where  a  girl  vainly  attempts  to  revive  her 
murdered  lover,  or  the  pathetic  thought  in  the  thirty- 
fourth  etching  (a  prison-scene)  that  sleep  is  the  only 
happiness  for  the  unhappy.*  The  drawing  of  a  priest 
attempting  to  hide  his  money-bags  is  satire.  But  the 
old  man,  in  plate  29,  who  reads  a  newspaper  whilst  a 
barber  dresses  his  hair,  is  broad  fun,  akin  in  subject  to 
the  social  jests  of  Rowlandson,  Bunbury,  Wigstead,  or 
Richard  Newton.  Goya  was  "  coarse-minded  and  essen- 
tially vulgar,"  wrote  P.  G.  Hamerton.  Such  an  accusa- 
tion is  easy  to  make,  and  difficult  to  refute,  especially 
when  directed  by  one  of  the  anaemic  English  critics  of  the 
nineteenth  century  against  an  artist  of  Latin  race.  In 
the  constitution  of  every  artist  or  author  of  virile  strength 
lies  hidden  a  vein  of  coarseness  which  forms  an  essential 
part  of  his  intellectual  equipment.  It  may  be  a  survival 
of  what  the  revivalists  call  "  the  old  Adam,"  the  sinful 

*  With  all  his  realism  Goya  had  the  mind  of  a  poet.  The  same  idea 
is  repeatedly  expres-ed  by  our  Elizabethans.  Sir  Philip  Sidney  calls 
sleep  "  the  certain  knot  of  peace  .  .  .  the  balm  of  woe  .  .  .  the 
prisoner's  release."  Shakespeare  writes  of  the  "  sleep  that  sometimes 
shuts  up  sorrow's  eye  .  .  .  that  knits  up  the  ravelled  slave  of  care 
.  .  .  sore  labour's  bath,  balm  of  hurt  minds." 


212  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

nature  of  man  which  may  be  repressed  but  can  never 
be  wholly  eradicated.  According  to  the  intellectual 
breadth  and  sanity  of  that  artist  so  will  the  coarseness 
increase  or  diminish,  overwhelm  and  distort  his  work, 
and  become  a  weakness,  or  simply  flash  from  time  to 
time,  giving  an  added  power  to  his  creations. 

But,  according  to  the  same  critic,  because  Goya  was 
"  coarse-minded  and  essentially  vulgar,"  there  was 
"  something  wanting  in  his  temperament,  and  that 
something  the  delicate  aesthetic  sense  .  .  .  there  is  no 
evidence  of  that  sweet  enjoyment  of  natural  beauty  which 
is  given  only  to  the  pure  in  heart."  The  assertion  is 
preposterous,  and  Goya's  finest  portraits  prove  its  false- 
hood. In  general  application  it  is  equally  untrue. 
Shakespeare  was  coarse  if  judged  by  prudish  canons. 
Yet  no  poet  had  a  purer  appreciation  of  beauty.  Rem- 
brandt was  undoubtedly  coarse,  but  who  would  dare 
suggest  that  he  lacked  a  delicate  aesthetic  sense  and 
failed  to  rise  to  supreme  heights  of  mysticism.  No 
great  artist  escapes  this  blemish,  if  you  will,  this  flaw 
in  a  piece  of  exquisitely  coloured  marble.  Moral  England 
loves  to  fling  the  taunt  at  the  Latin  races,  and  it  is  one 
of  the  easiest  and  most  smashing  blows  of  an  unsym- 
pathetic criticism  because  it  is  irrefutable.  Great  men 
are  always  coarse. 

The  coarseness  of  Goya  is  hardly  noticeable,  unless  we 
set  out  to  look  for  it.*  There  is  nothing  which  can  be 
classed  with  the  few  notorious  plates  of  Rembrandt 
which  all  collectors  know,  those  hidden  creations  of 
the  Renaissance,   or  even   the    full-blooded  caricatures 

*  "  Those  who  find  ugly  meanings  in  beautiful  things  are  corrupt 
without  being  charming." — Oscar  Wilde. 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  213 

which  disfigured  the  Georgian  age  in  England.  Goya's 
social  etchings  have  often  much  grace.  The  majas  who 
masquerade  through  the  early  pages  of  Los  Caprichos 
are  as  attractive  as  a  sketch  by  a  modem  Parisian 
illustrator.  A  rough  night  reminds  us  of  a  drawing  in 
wash  by  Fragonard.  If  Goya  never  captured  Rowland- 
son's  soft  pencil  he  far  surpassed  other  artists  who  were 
busy  in  London.  In  several  of  his  subjects  there  is  an 
atmosphere  of  happiness,  an  absence  of  that  fierce  hatred 
of  his  fellows  which  so  many  of  his  biographers  consider 
the  outstanding  feature  of  his  character.  His  wit  is 
biting,  his  satire  sometimes  envenomed,  but  it  seldom 
approaches  the  bludgeoning  and  the  brutal  obscenities 
which  distort  the  drawings  of  Gillray  and  his  school. 
If  Charles  IV.  and  Maria  Luisa  were  caricatured,  which 
is  most  improbable,  they  were  lightly  dealt  with  in  com- 
parison to  their  cousins  of  Great  Britain,  George  III.  and 
Queen  Charlotte. 

After  the  first  section  of  Los  Caprichos  follows  a  short 
series  of  plates  (Nos.  37  to  42)  dealing  with  the  adventures 
of  animals  acting  as  men,  another  version,  in  fact,  of 
Gulliver's  adventures  amongst  the  Houyhnhnms,  but 
with  asses  instead  of  horses.  Goya's  temperament  and 
imagination  have  many  curious  points  of  similarity  in  the 
personahty  of  Swift.  These  plates  are  chiefly  identified 
with  the  name  of  Godoy,  but  the  weaknesses  they  satirise 
are  common  to  human  nature.  Plate  43  opens  a  fresh 
departure.  It  is  neither  caricature  nor  satire.  A  man 
has  fallen  asleep  in  his  chair  over  paper  and  pencils. 
His  head  rests  on  the  edge  of  his  drawing-table.  Owls 
and  bats  circle  round  him  in  the  gloom.  A  wakeful  cat 
glares  at  his  feet.     One  bird  offers  him  a  crayon  to  resume 


214  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

his  labours.  On  a  paper  by  the  table  are  the  words, 
"  El  sueno  de  la  razon  monstnios  "  (Reason's  dream 
gives  birth  to  monsters).  The  man  is  Goya  dreaming 
in  a  world  of  hallucinations.  The  face  is  hidden,  but  the 
identity  is  unquestionable,  for  Goya  at  first  intended  the 
frontispiece  portrait  to  take  the  place  of  this  composition. 
The  plate  forms  a  fitting  introduction  to  a  collection  of 
the  most  remarkable  inventions  of  diablerie  that  mind  of 
artist  ever  conceived. 

Although  Goya  piously  asked  the  permission  of 
the  Almighty  to  attend  a  bull-fight,  and  often  drew  a 
cross  at  the  head  of  his  letters,  there  cannot  be  much 
question  as  to  his  lack  of  religious  conviction.  According 
to  the  fashion  of  his  time  he  was  more  atheistic  than 
agruostic.  In  an  etching  representing  a  corpse  rising 
from  the  tomb  with  the  grim  message  "  Nada  "  (Nothing) 
he  symbohsed  the  negation  of  his  creed.  But,  in  the 
words  of  Parson  Adams,  if  he  was  not  afraid  of  ghosts 
he  did  not  absolutely  disbelieve  in  them.  These  etchings 
of  brujas  (wi  tches)  place  him  at  the  head  of  a  tiny  group 
of  artists  who  have  devoted  their  genius  to  a  revelation 
of  the  supernatural.  Had  they  doubted  the  existence 
of  the  fantastic  world  they  dreamt  of  could  they  have 
depicted  it  on  paper  ?  They  present  the  problem  of 
demoniac  possession  in  a  new  light.  The  gift  of  the 
macabre  and  the  horrible  is  rare,  and  at  its  best  a  sur- 
vival of  mediaevalism.  We  find  it  in  the  diabolical  can- 
vases of  Hieronymus  van  Bosch,  in  the  temptations  and 
hells  of  the  younger  Teniers,  in  some  of  the  imaginings 
of  Martin  de  Vos  and  Callot,  and,  coming  to  a  later  day, 
in  the  theatrical  morbidness  of  Wiertz.  There  is  a  trace 
of  the  fascination  for  the  ghastly  in  Albert  Diirer,  as  well 


1796 


"nail  trimming" 

Se  repulen.     After  the  etching  in ''^ Los  Caprichos."    Plate Ji 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  215 

as  in  Gustave  Dore,  and  fainter — because  artificial, 
affected,  and  borrowed — in  that  draughtsman  of  yester- 
day, Aubrey  Beardsley.  Classical  mythology  and  art 
have  no  room  for  its  deities,  but  it  will  be  found  in 
Japanese  and  Chinese  art  as  well  as  in  the  grotesques 
carved  by  the  masons  who  built  the  great  cathedrals 
of  the  Middle  Ages.  In  literature  there  are  numerous 
examples.  Hoffman  and  Edgar  Allan  Poe  come  readily 
to  mind,  but  the  Arabian  Nights,  with  its  genii,  sorcerers, 
and  other  unnatural  creations,  is  the  true  source  of  all 
the  later  variations.  It  is,  in  fact,  a  survival  of  man's 
earliest  terrors,  when,  trembling  in  his  cave,  he  listened 
to  the  tyrodactyl  ominously  flapping  its  huge  wings 
through  the  black  forest,  or  the  roar  of  some  giant 
megatherium  as  it  wallowed  in  primeval  swamps. 

Goya  had  imagined  every  kind  of  Walpurgis  revel, 
attaining  a  wealth  of  illuminative  detail  which  renders 
the  last  half  of  Los  Caprichos  a  popular  handbook  of  de- 
monology  and  witchcraft.  In  Homage  to  the  master  the 
chief  figure  is  almost  Egyptian  ;  in  Nail-trimming  he 
gives  an  insight  into  the  domestic  life  of  these  unclean 
beings. 

"It  is  so  dangerous  to  have  long  nails  that  even  the 

sorcerers  are  forbidden  to  sport  them,"  he  wrote  in  an 

explanatory  footnote.     The  Fates  spin,  witches  ride  on 

broomsticks,    young   children    are    offered   in   sacrifice, 

hags  crowd  together  over  steaming  cauldrons,  muttering 

frightful  charms  and  incantations. 

Round,  around,  around,  about,  about ! 

All  ill  come  running  in,  all  good  keep  out  I 

Here's  the  blood  of  a  bat. 

Put  in  that,  O  put  in  that ! 

Here's  Ubbard's  bane. 


2i6  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Put  in  again  ! 

The  juice  of  toad,  the  oil  of  adder  : 

Those  will  make  the  younker  madder. 

Put  in — there's  all — and  rid  the  stench. 

Nay,  here's  three  ounces  of  the  red-haired  wench. 

Round,  around,  around,  about,  about ! 

Even  Thomas  Middleton's  verse  does  not  do  full 
justice  to  some  of  these  scenes  of  the  black  world.  And 
with  them  Goya  mingles  a  rough  commentary  upon  the 
bad  laws  which  make  hard  cases.  He  satirises  marriage 
— a  man  and  a  woman  chained  to  a  tree  from  which  it  is 
impossible  to  escape,  whilst  a  grotesque  bird  watches 
over  them.  Surely  Goya  had  no  reason  to  complain  of 
the  bonds  of  wedlock.  He  gibes  at  dull  sermons — a 
parrot  preaching  to  appreciative  monks.  How  many 
sermons  had  he  sat  out  ?  He  pleads  for  a  higher  morality. 
"  Do  as  I  say  !  "  he  urges,  and  might  well  add,  "  but  not 
as  I  do."  The  reformed  sinner  makes  a  brave  show  on 
the  platform,  although  we  cannot  always  be  sure  that 
the  conversion  is  genuine. 

Ruskin  destroyed  a  copy  of  Los  Caprichos,  and  his 
attitude  is  typical  of  much  EngHsh  criticism.*  Philip 
Gilbert  Hamerton  speaks  of  the  series  as  "  eighty  of 
Goya's  ugUest  etchings  "  by  an  artist  who  "  illustrated 

*  The  story  is  to  be  found  in  Vol.  XXXVII.  of  the  Complete  Works 
of  Ruskin  (1909),  amongst  the  "  Letters,  1870-1889."  In  a  letter  from 
Brantwood,  dated  September  19, 1872,  he  asks  F.  S.  Ellis  :  "  Any  effect 
produced  on  customers'  minds  yet  by  our  burnt  sacrifice  ?  "  The 
editors  add  the  following  note :  "  The  enquiry  is  a  jest — the  story  is 
this.  Ruskin  saw  in  Mr.  Ellis's  possession  a  fine  copy  of  the  Cap- 
riccios  de  Goya,  and  commented  on  its  hideousness,  adding  that  '  it 
was  only  fit  to  be  burnt.'  Mr.  EUis  agreed  with  him,  and,  putting 
the  volume  into  the  empty  grate  (for  it  was  in  August),  he  and  Ruskin 
set  light  to  it,  and  the  book  was  burned  to  ashes."  Ruskin's  arrogance 
is  only  equalled  by  the  bookseller's  self-sacrifice.  In  the  twentieth 
century  it  would  be  as  hard  to  find  an  EUis  as  a  Ruskin. 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  217 

every  turpitude  and  vice  in  a  spirit  of  ferocious  satis- 
faction," using  the  etching-needle  "merely  for  his  political 
purpose,  as  so  many  people  use  the  pen  in  writing,  with- 
out any  idea  of  the  artistic  capabilities  of  the  instrument 
and  the  art."  This  is  a  singularly  unfortunate  judgment, 
for  Goya,  particularly  in  the  scenes  of  witchcraft,  dis- 
plays a  complete  command  of  his  tools.  There  is  none 
of  the  bungling  so  noticeable  in  the  plates  after  Velaz- 
quez. Occasional  crudities  mar  the  progress  of  the  work, 
but  as  a  rule  the  technique  is  on  the  same  plan  as  the 
invention.  Goya,  ever  ready  for  an  artistic  experiment, 
tried  his  hand  at  the  comparatively  new  invention  of 
aquatint.  Several  of  the  plates  are  in  pure  aquatint 
(No.  32  is  a  fine  example),  and  how  cleverly  he  succeeded 
is  proved  in  A  rough  night.  A  recent  historian  of  this 
method  writes  :  "  Goya  raised  the  combination  of  etching 
with  aquatint  to  a  position  of  surpassing  merit.  .  .  .  He 
will  always  remain  the  master  of  mixed  aquatint  engraving, 
and  his  work  should  be  carefully  studied  by  all  interested 
in  the  legitimate  scope  of  aquatint  engraving."  *  This 
verdict  is  substantially  just,  coming  with  force  from  a 
writer  who  had  made  himself  acquainted  with  the  whole 
art  of  aquatint.  Hamerton,  led  away  by  his  hatred  of 
Goya's  political  opinions — ^which  Goya  probably  never 
professed — demolishes  Goya  as  a  man,  as  an  artist,  and 
as  an  etcher.  "  Goya  was  to  a  really  cultivated  etcher 
what  a  peasant  fiddling  in  an  alehouse  is  to  Joachim 
interpreting  Beethoven.  Of  the  resources  of  etching — 
its  pianos  and  its  fortes,  its  harmonies  and  oppositions, 
its  tender  cadences  and  its  notes  of  triumphant  energy — 
Goya  lived  in  Philistine  ignorance.  If  his  etchings  had 
*  S.  T.  Prideaux  :  History  of  Aquatint  {1909). 


2i8  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

been  good  he  would  never  have  endured  to  spoil  them  by 
heavy  aquatint.  He  was  as  unskilful  in  aquatint  as  in 
etching  proper,  but  he  could  lay  a  coarse,  flat  shade, 
which  served  in  some  measure  to  hide  the  poverty  of  his 
performance  with  the  needle."  * 

Oscar  Wilde  said  that  diversity  of  opinion  about  a 
work  of  art  shows  that  the  work  is  new,  complex,  and 
vital.  The  days  of  Ruskin  and  Hamerton  are  over. 
One  modem  painter  not  inaptly  compares  Goya  to 
Hokusai.  But  there  never  was  any  great  diversity  of 
opinion  as  to  his  genius  amongst  artists  and  critics  who  did 
not  need  teaching  that  "  the  moral  life  of  man  forms  part 
of  the  subject-matter  of  the  artist,  but  the  morality  of  art 
consists  in  the  perfect  use  of  an  imperfect  medium."  f 
Eugene  Delacroix  copied  over  fifty  of  the  plates  in  Los 
Caprichos,X  with  a  care  and  patience,  says  Charles 
Yriarte,  of  which  few  would  consider  him  capable.  The 
etchings  appealed  to  many  of  the  artists  of  the  French 
Romantic  movement,  and  some,  like  Louis  Boulanger, 
borrowed  freely  from  them.  Daumier  was  strongly 
influenced  by  their  power.  Our  own  banker-poet,  Samuel 
Rogers,  added  the  set  to  his  library.  Theophile  Gautier 
was  no  mediocre  critic,  and  several  of  the  most  brilliant 
pages  in  his  Tro  los  Monies  endeavour  to  describe 
the  fantastic  invention  lavished  on  the  plates  of  Los 
Caprichos.^ 

*  P.  G.  Hamerton :  Portfolio  Papers,  "  Goya,"  p.  153. 

I  Theophile  Gautier :  Voyage  en  Espagne,  edition  1845,  pp.  131-134. 
Gautier  particularly  admired  plate  59,  haggard  creatures  attempting 
to  raise  a  huge  stone  which  threatens  to  crush  them.  "  Dante  him- 
self never  arrived  at  such  an  effect  of  suffocating  terror."  He  also 
speaks  of  the  vivacity  and  energy  of  Bon  Voyage. 

X  One  of  these  drawings  is  in  the  Print  Room  of  the  British  Museum. 

§  Theophile  Gautier  :  Voyage  en  Espagne  (1845),  pp.  129-134. 


" BON    voyage" 
Buen  Vinje.     After  the  etching  in  ^^  Los  Caprichos."    Plate  64. 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  219 

Whether  Goya  was  seriously  threatened  by  the  Inquisi- 
tion, for  the  Church  had  not  been  spared  by  his  lash, 
or  whether  he  found  an  opportunity  to  make  a  profitable 
bargain,  cannot  be  stated  definitely.  The  negotiations 
for  purchase  are  said  to  have  been  suggested  by  Manuel 
Godoy .  If  the  Prince  of  Peace  had  been  really  caricatured 
he  would  never  have  helped  Goya  to  preserve  the  etchings. 
In  1803  the  eighty  plates  were  offered  to  the  King,  who 
accepted  them  in  very  flattering  terms.  Muther's  sug- 
gestion that  Charles  IV.  "  was  not  even  in  a  position  to 
grasp  the  meaning  of  these  plates  "  may  be  brushed  aside. 
The  Queen  would  never  have  permitted  the  Government 
to  publish  etchings  which  attacked  her  own  moral 
character,  and  at  the  moment  when  the  etchings  were 
in  circulation  Goya  was  painting  the  portrait  of  the 
royal  family.  That  the  State  accepted  them  is  additional 
proof  that  the  insinuations  of  the  manuscript  "  keys  " 
have  little  foundation  in  fact. 

"  Your  Excellency,"  wrote  Goya  to  the  Minister,  Don 
Miguel  Cayetano  Soler.  "  I  am  in  receipt  of  His  Majesty's 
royal  order,  which  your  excellency  communicated  to  me 
on  the  6th  inst.,  accepting  the  offer  of  my  work,  the 
Caprichos  on  eighty  copper  plate  engraved  with  aquafortis 
by  my  hand,  which  I  will  hand  to  the  Royal  Calcografia 
with  the  lot  of  prints  which  I  had  printed  by  way  of  pre- 
caution, amounting  to  two  hundred  and  forty  copies 
of  eighty  prints,  in  order  not  to  defraud  His  Majesty  in 
the  least,  and  for  my  own  satisfaction  as  to  my  mode  of 
procedure.  I  am  very  grateful  for  the  pension  of  twelve 
thousand  reals  which  His  Majesty  has  been  pleased  to 
grant  to  my  son,  for  which  I  offer  my  best  thanks  to  His 
Majesty,  and  to  your  excellency."    After  referring  to 


220  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

some  portraits  and  their  frames,  in  which  he  offers  every 
assistance,  the  letter  ends  :  "I  only  desire  your  excel- 
lency's orders,  and  that  you  may  keep  well.  May  God 
preserve  your  excellency's  valuable  life  for  many  years. 
"  Your  excellency's  obedient  and  grateful  servant, 

"  Franco,  de  Goya. 

"Madrid,  October  9,  1803." 

This  is  hardly  the  letter  of  a  man  who,  we  are  asked  to 
believe,  had  been  running  amuck  through  the  Court  and 
the  ministries.* 

Goya's  son,  Xavier,  was  working  as  an  art-student 
(he  never  seems  to  have  done  much  as  an  artist)  and  the 
pension  was  valuable,  as  it  enabled  him  to  study  abroad. 
A  few  years  later  the  pension  was  withdrawn,  for  the 
reason  that  money  was  no  longer  required  for  the  youth's 
education.  Goya,  however,  had  not  lost  all  influence, 
and  the  annuity  was  restored  in  June,  i8i6.f  As  for 
the  plates,  Rafael  Esteve  superintended  the  printing  of  a 
second  edition  at  the  cost  of  the  State,  which  was  issued 
in  1806-1807.  This  is  an  extremely  rich  impression.  A 
third  edition  was  published  by  the  Chalcographical 
Department  in  1856,  but  the  plates  were  rapidly  wearing. 
It  can  be  distinguished  by  the  portrait  of  Goya  on  the 
cover.  A  fourth  edition  was  printed  in  1892.  Facsimile 
editions  were  issued  from  Barcelona  in  1885,  and  from 
Paris  in  1888.  The  rare  proofs  of  the  original  edition 
can  be  identified  by  the  ink.     The  earliest  have  a  reddish 

*  The  letter  is  quoted  in  the  Gazette  des  Beaux- Arts,  i860,  p.  241,  and 
is  reproduced  in  facsimile  in  Mr.  Calvert's  monograph,  p.  88,  and  also 
by  Von  Loga,  p.  77. 

t  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  1863,  Vol.  XV.,  p.  241. 


LOS  CAPRICHOS  221 

hue,  and  later  impressions  are  of  a  brown  that  is  almost 
black.  The  paper  of  the  proofs  pulled  by  Goya  himself 
is  moderately  thick,  and  bears  no  watermark  other  than 
that  of  the  wires.* 

*  In  the  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  September,  1863,  Philippe  Burty 
draws  attention  to  a  portfoKo  of  ten  lithographs  entitled  Caricatures 
espagnoles  par  Goya,  published  at  Paris  in  1824.  They  are  poor  and 
sometimes  modified  copies  of  plates  10,  14,  15,  18,  24,  32,  40,  43,  52, 
and  55. 


CHAPTER    XV 

THE    FRESCOES    OF    SAN    ANTONIO    DE    LA    FLORIDA,    I798 

Five  genre  Pieces.  The  Carnival  Scene.  Portraits  in  1794-1796.  A 
Royal  Command.  The  Church  of  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida.  Goya's 
Decorations .  Various  Criticisms  upon  these  Frescoes.  Royal  Approval. 
Goya  appointed  First  Painter  of  the  Court.  His  Friendship  with 
Charles  IV,  and  Maria  Luisa. 

FRANCISCO  GOYA  may  be  well  described  as 
"  one  who  never  turned  his  back,  but  marched 
breast  forward."  A  man  of  indomitable  per- 
severance, like  all  true  artists  he  had  but  one  aim  in  life — 
his  art.  We  have  seen  him  the  hero  of  a  romantic 
entanglement  which  certainly  did  not  add  to  his  lasting 
happiness  ;  we  have  traced  the  course  of  innumerable 
illnesses  and  obscure  nervous  collapses,  ending  in  the 
deafness  which  cut  him  off  from  the  joys  of  social  inter- 
course. His  friends  tell  each  other  that  he  is  so  unwell 
that  he  is  unable  to  work.  When  at  last  he  enters  his 
studio  he  devotes  himself  to  the  mordant  satire  of 
Los  Caprichos.  Yet  if  we  were  to  describe  him  as  an 
embittered  man  we  should  be  at  fault.  In  the  midst 
of  this  fight  against  physical  disease  and  acute  mental 
weariness  Goya  made  a  great  effort  to  regain  the  mastery 
of  his  distracted  genius,  and,  gathering  together  his 
whole  artistic  strength,  achieved  his  greatest  work.     The 


THE  FRESCOES  OF  SAN  ANTONIO       223 

years  between  1795  and  1810  include  the  period  of  his 
finest  paintings. 

Letters  from  Stuik  and  Bayeu  dated  early  in  1793  have 
already  been  quoted.  Go3^a  himself  wrote  in  April,  1794, 
complaining  that  he  was  no  better.  Yet  in  January  of 
the  same  year  he  told  Bernardo  de  Yriarte  that  he  wanted 
to  exhibit  some  of  his  recent  pictures  at  the  Academy  of 
San  Fernando,  "  in  order  to  end  the  continual  gossip 
regarding  my  illness."  He  informed  his  friend  that  he 
had  painted  some  canvases,  which  "  not  being  com- 
missioned had  therefore  more  artistic  feeling,"  a  naive 
confession,  although  perfectly  natural  and  easy  to  under- 
stand. In  a  second  letter  he  explains  that  he  has  based 
these  paintings  upon  studies  made  in  Zaragoza.  They 
may  probably  be  identified  as  A  bull-fight,  A  procession 
of  flagellants,  A  meeting  of  the  Inquisition,  A  madhouse, 
and  possibly  the  Carnival  scene,  also  known  as  El 
entierro  de  la  sardina*  These  charming  little  genre 
compositions  betray  a  change  of  method,  a  light,  feathery 
touch  being  substituted  for  the  harder  technique  of  the 
earlier  paintings.     The  Madhouse  may  be  particularly 

*  This  Carnival  Scene  is  interesting  because  it  represents  a  phase  of 
social  enjoyment  now  almost  extinct.  The  art  of  being  foolish  in 
public,  wildheadedly  and  wholeheartedly,  is  gradually  being  lost  on 
the  continent,  and  has  quite  disappeared  in  England.  It  is  impossible 
to  recapture  the  atmosphere  of  the  mediaeval  feasts  and  fairs,  because 
the  race  has  become  self-conscious — probably  owing  to  false  educational 
ideals,  cheap  photography,  accentuated  during  the  present  century  by 
cinemas  and  illustrated  newspapers.  Even  football  crowds  cannot 
stand  naturally  in  front  of  a  camera.  Only  the  very  wise  and  the  very 
simple  can  enjoy  playing  the  fool,  and,  in  these  days  of  successful 
mediocrity,  the  wise  are  too  worried  and  the  simple  herded  together  aS 
"  mental  deficients."  Wagner  used  to  greet  his  friends  by  standing  on 
his  head  and  waving  his  legs  in  the  air.  This  is  the  true  spirit  of 
carnival,  and  even  Dr.  Johnson  experienced  the  thrill  when  he  made 
that  famous  trip  to  Gravesend  with  his  young  companions. 


224  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

noted  for  its  amazing  control  of  lights  and  shadows  as 
well  as  a  wonderful  delicacy  of  handling.  Technically 
it  is  foreign  to  the  centur}^  in  which  it  was  painted,  possess- 
ing all  the  sparkle  and  atmospheric  vibration  which  the 
French  artists  of  the  Romantic  School  endeavoured  to 
capture  thirty  years  later.  Mr.  Rothenstein  refers  to  the 
Bull- fight  as  showing  the  "  trick  of  putting  as  it  were  a 
girdle  of  figures  along  the  frame,  round  the  central  point 
of  interest,  the  use  of  which  fascinated  Goya  throughout 
his  life.  These  small  pieces  are  perhaps  more  comparable 
with  the  early  paintings  of  Hogarth  at  the  period  when  he 
too  was  influenced,  through  Ricci,  then  in  England,  by 
the  late  Venetians  :  such  paintings  as  we  see  in  the  sketch 
of  the  Street  Musicians  at  the  Oxford  Gallery,  or  in  the 
small  panels  he  executed  before  the  engravings  for  Butler's 
Hudibras."  *  There  is  considerable  difference  of  critical 
opinion  as  to  the  dates  of  these  delightful  works.  Mr. 
Rothenstein  ascribes  them  to  the  period  following  Goya's 
return  from  Italy  ;  Seiior  Tormo  y  Monzo  dates  the 
Entierro  de  la  sardina  as  late  as  1818-1828.!  But 
the  brushwork  is  not  so  crudely  hard  in  manner  as  that 
immediatel}^  following  Goya's  days  of  apprenticeship, 
or  so  loose  and  fluid  as  the  late  Madrid  period.  Both  in 
tone  and  accomplishment  they  easily  drop  into  sequence 
with  the  year  indicated  by  the  letter  to  Bernardo  de 
Yriarte. 

In  1794  a  few  dated  portraits  can  be  identified,  such 
as  Don  Felix  Colon  de  Larriafegui,  General  Ricardo,  and 
a  portrait  of  an  unknown  officer  belonging  to  Don  Luis 

*  Rothenstein  :  Goya,  p.  10. 

t  Elias  Tormo  y  Monzo  :  Verios  estudios  de  Artes  y  Letras — Las 
pinturas  de  Goya,  p.  223.     Madrid,  1902. 


THE  FRESCOES  OF  SAN  ANTONIO       225 

da  Navas.  The  portrait  of  Mercedes  Fernandez  probably 
belongs  to  the  same  time.  But  Goya  had  other  pre- 
occupations, and  the  years  were  lean  in  output.  In  1795 
came  the  Duchess  of  Alba  of  the  Liria  palace,  and  in  1796 
many  hours  must  have  been  spent  over  Los  Caprichos. 
Not  until  almost  the  end  of  the  century  did  Goya  recover 
his  former  health  and  energy.  Then  he  appears  to  have 
been  overwhelmed  with  commissions. 

The  first  was  of  some  magnitude.  Goya's  experiences 
of  church  decoration  were  sufficiently  bitter,  and  his 
remembrances  of  the  treatment  he  received  from  the 
ecclesiastical  dignities  of  Zaragoza  is  probably  one  explan- 
tion  of  the  deep  animosity  against  the  Church  revealed 
in  the  etchings  of  Los  Caprichos.  The  new  invitation, 
however,  was  also  a  command  he  was  unable  to  refuse. 
The  King  owned  a  hunting-box  on  the  outskirts  of  Madrid 
known  as  the  Casa  del  Campo,  not  a  very  regal  dwelling- 
place,  if  we  are  to  believe  Major  Dalrymple.  "  The  Casa 
del  Campo,  across  the  Manzanares,  about  a  mile  out  of 
town,  is  but  a  hovel  for  a  prince,"  that  traveller  wrote 
in  1774.  "  There  is  nothing  striking  in  the  park  or 
enclosure,  which  is  kept  for  the  King's  sport."  The 
park  had  originally  belonged  to  the  Vargas  family,  and 
was  acquired  by  Philip  II.,  who,  with  his  successor,  added 
fresh  lands  to  the  domain.  On  this  property  was  the 
Hermitage  of  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida,  which  stood 
in  a  most  picturesque  situation — 

La  primera  verbena 

Que  Dios  en  via 
Es  la  de  San  Antonio 

De  la  Florida. 

To-day  its  site  is  to  be  discovered  in  a  gloomy  quarter 

Q 


226  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

of  the  town  at  the  back  of  the  northern  railway  station. 
Rebuilt  once,  if  not  twice,  the  little  church  was  again 
reconstructed  in  1792  in  a  more  pretentious  style  by 
Ventura  Rodriquez,  who  delighted  in  the  florid  lines  of  a 
debased  renaissance.  In  1798  Goya  was  asked  by  Charles 
IV.  to  decorate  the  interior.  With  the  assistance  of 
JuUa  Asensi  he  completed  the  task  in  three  months. 
There  is  not  a  more  joyous  piece  of  church  decoration  in 
existence.* 

The  subject  which  covers  the  little  cupola  is  that  of  St. 
Anthony  of  Padua  raising  a  dead  man  to  life  in  order 
that  he  might  reveal  the  name  of  his  murderer,  a  gloomy 
and  rather  forbidding  theme.  Goya  had  proved  himself 
in  Los  Caprichos  a  supreme  master  of  the  macabre.  He 
had  already  etched  one  figure  returning  from  the  tomb, 
who,  instead  of  revealing  any  of  the  secrets  of  the  world 
beyond  the  grave,  had  simply  muttered  the  significant 
word  "  Nothing !  "  Clearly  Goya  had  his  private  opinions 
upon  the  problems  of  life  and  death,  and  also  with  regard 
to  St.  Anthony's  capability  as  a  miracle-maker.  Hov/- 
ever,  he  did  not  trouble  himself  with  deep  speculations 
on  the  theory  of  the  universe,  or  grandiose  schemes  of 
decoration.  He  was  not  harassed  by  a  committee  of- 
priests,  or  even  a  brother-in-law,  and  he  climbed  up 
his  scaffolding  with  the  lightest  of  hearts.  The  rapidity 
of  the  execution  proves  that  the  work  was  congenial. 
Round  the  cupola,  massed  within  a  railing,  are  all  the 
fashionable  men  and  women  of  the  moment,  one  hundred 
figures  more  than  life-size.    The  pendentives  are  occu- 

*  The  best  reproductions  are  to  be  found  in  Frescos  de  Goya  en  la 
iglesia  de  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida,  engraved  by  Jose  M.  Gal  van  y 
^ndela,  with  text  by  Juan  de  Dios  de  la  Rada  y  Delgado.  Madrid,  1888. 


THE  FRESCOES  OF  SAN  ANTONIO       227 

pied  by  angels,  the  smaller  niches  by  tiny  naked  children. 
A  few  of  these  onlookers  gaze  at  the  saint  and  the 
murdered  being  who  strives  to  rise  from  his  bier.  But  the 
miracle  does  not  excite  much  interest.  Several  of  the 
boys  are  trying  to  climb  over  the  railing.  The  men  are 
ogling  the  women,  and  the  women  are  pretending  to  be 
unconscious  of  their  admirers.  They  sit  and  loll  in 
positions  of  considerable  freedom,  and  their  bodies  are 
garbed  in  tightly  fitting  garments  best  calculated  to 
draw  attention  to  charms  they  have  no  wish  to  conceal. 
There  is  none  of  that  ecstatic  mysticism  which  can  be 
traced  through  Spanish  art  of  an  earlier  period.  The 
atmosphere  is  that  of  the  Bal  BuUier,  the  crowd  fashion- 
able rather  than  well-mannered,  and  the  exceedingly 
human  angels  clearly  out  for  a  romp.  If  Goya  imagined 
a  Heaven  it  was  a  Paradise  of  cakes  and  ale  where  ginger 
was  hot  in  the  mouth. 

Technically  these  frescoes  are  a  brilHant  artistic  success, 
painted  with  a  breadth,  a  verve,  an  abandonment,  more 
to  be  looked  for  in  a  youth  of  twenty-five  than  a  man 
of  fifty-two.  Undoubtably  Goya  recollected  Correggio's 
decorations  at  Parma,  and  Tiepolo's  work  was  close  at 
hand  for  study  and  suggestion.  But  Correggio's  figures 
never  lacked  dignity,  and  Tiepolo*s  sprawling  gods  and 
goddesses  breathe  the  serene  paganism  of  the  Renaissance. 
Goya's  men  and  women  have  no  dignity — rather  a  naughty 
insolence.  His  angels  are  the  figurantes  of  a  ballet. 
They  are  beautiful  both  in  colour  and  form,  but  it  is  the 
beauty  of  the  flesh  and  not  of  the  soul.  The  frescoes  of 
San  Antonio  de  la  Florida  are  in  art  what  Offenbach  is 
in  music. 

Nothing  Goya  ever  painted  has  aroused  more  discordant 


228  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

and  contradictory  criticism,  and  the  old  battle  of  the 
artist's  faith,  or  want  of  faith,  is  transferred  to  a  fresh 
field.  Richard  Muther  calls  the  frescoes  "  Casanova 
transferred  to  colour  .  .  .  figures  as  full  of  piquant 
intention  as  can  be  found  in  the  most  erotic  paintings 
of  Fragonard."  A  Spanish  writer  valiantly  endeavours 
to  combine  the  two  points  of  view.  "  Apart  from  the 
fact  that  Goya  was  a  believer  and  respectful  to  all  that 
pertained  to  religion,  he  is  as  manifestly  mystic  and  deli- 
cate as  any  painter  of  the  spiritual  school.  In  the  central 
group  the  risen  man  partakes  of  both  realism  and  religious 
unction.  The  expression  could  not  be  better,  nor  could 
the  attitude  of  the  saint  be  more  dignified.  Apart  from 
this,  in  the  other  groups  he  copied  what  he  was  wont  to 
observe  in  popular  gatherings,  as  he  saw  it,  as  it  was, 
as  it  will  always  be."  *  Excellent  criticism — for  the 
blind.  More  to  the  truth  is  the  Count  de  Vihaza,  when, 
after  drawing  attention  to  the  admirable  energy,  the 
splendid  scale  of  tones,  the  magic  of  colour,  he  denounces 
the  wanton  beauty  of  the  angels,  and  complains  that  the 
saint's  miracle  is  treated  "  as  familiarly  as  the  spectacle 
of  a  wandering  rope-dancer."  f 

Whether  Charles  IV.  was  annoyed  when  he  saw  the 
members  of  his  Court  gazing  in  effigy  from  the  ceiling  of 
San  Antonio  is  doubtful.  Paul  Lefort  speaks  of  "  the 
absurd  tradition  "  that  Goya  found  his  models  in  the 

*  Sefior  Rada,  quoted  in  Calvert's  Goya,  p.  80. 

I  "  Imagine  a  coquettish  little  church  with  a  white  and  gold  interior, 
more  like  a  boudoir  than  a  shrine,  but  furnished  with  altar,  and  seats, 
and  confessionals  ;  one's  nostrils  expect  an  odour  of  frangipani  rather 
than  incense,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  Goya's  frescoes  do  not 
strike  a  discordant  note  in  this  indecorously  holy  place." — W.  Rothen- 
stein,  Goya,  p.  18. 


THE  FRESCOES  OF  SAN  ANTONIO       229 

most  fashionable  circles  of  Madrid  society.  The  tradition 
is  too  strong  to  be  disregarded,  and  the  crowd  around  the 
saint  is  decidedly  late  Spanish  eighteenth  century  in 
dress  and  expression.  The  pious  faithful  were  probably 
astonished  when  the  church  was  reopened,  July  i,  1799, 
but  no  protests  were  raised  against  the  presence  of  the 
philandering  angels  and  the  tiny  amorini.  The  decora- 
tions brought  a  quick  reward.  Goya  ardently  coveted  the 
appointment  of  first  Court  painter  to  the  King,  which 
had  been  vacant  since  the  death  of  his  brother-in-law, 
Francisco  Bayeu,  in  1795.  Godoy  had  placed  Goya's 
claims  before  the  King,  who  replied  that  he  wished  to 
save  the  salary.  At  last,  on  October  31,  1799,  the  royal 
command  was  issued.  "  His  Majesty  wishing  to  reward 
your  distinguished  merit  and  to  give  in  person  a  testi- 
mony that  may  serve  as  a  stimulus  to  all  professors,  of 
how  much  he  appreciates  your  talent  and  knowledge  of 
the  noble  art  of  painting,  has  been  pleased  to  appoint 
you  his  chief  painter  of  the  Chamber,  at  a  yearly  salary 
of  fifty  thousand  reals,  which  you  will  receive  from  this 
date  free  of  rights,  and  also  five  ducats  a  year  for  a 
carriage.  And  it  is  also  his  pleasure  that  you  occupy  the 
house  now  inhabited  by  Don  Mariano  Maella,  should  he 
die  first."* 

Goya's  sincere  joy  at  this  distinction  is  again  hard  to 
reconcile  with  the  theory  of  his  ardent  republicanism. 
He  was  never  a  revolutionary,  and,  although  he  desired 
to  see  his  country  more  prosperous  and  better  governed, 
he  did  not  refuse  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the 
Ciown.  Besides,  he  was  on  the  happiest  personal  terms 
with  the  sovereigns.  Charles  IV.  gave  him  a  seat  in  his 
*  Calvert :  Goya,  p.  79. 


230  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

own  coach — the  highest  honour  a  Bourbon  could  confer 
on  a  subject — and  talked  to  him  in  the  language  of  signs. 
Maria  Luisa's  attention  to  the  deaf  artist  was  equally 
gracious,  and  far  more  dehcate  in  its  flattery.  She  gave 
Goya  a  Uttle  painting  by  Velazquez,  the  only  picture  by 
another  artist  that  we  definitely  know  he  possessed.* 

*  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  2'""  periode,  Vol.  XIX.,  p.  426.  A  man  eat- 
ing soup,  formerly  in  the  Peleguer  collection.  I  have  been  unable  to 
trace  it. 


CHAPTER    XVI 

THE   GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD,   I798-1818 

A  Portrait-painter's  Prime.  Goya's  Slow  Evolution  and  Lack  of 
Uniformity.  The  Family  of  Charles  IV.  The  Portrait  of  Godoy. 
General  Urrutia.  The  French  Ambassador  Guillemardet.  Leandro 
Moratin  and  his  Portrait.  Some  other  Portraits  of  Men.  La  Tirana. 
Dona  Antonia  Zarate.  A  Portrait  in  the  National  Gallery.  Portraits 
of  Women .  The  so-called  Charlotte  Corday.  The  Bookseller's  Daughter. 
Majos  and  Majas.  The  Majas  on  the  Balcony.  Goya  as  a  Painter  of 
Fops.  His  Portraits  of  Elderly  Men.  Portraits  of  Children.  An 
Allegory.    The  Santa  Justa  and  Santa  Rufina  of  Seville. 

AT  the  age  of  fifty,  or  thereabouts,  a  portrait- 
painter  should  be  at  his  best.  Rubens  is  an 
exception,  and  Van  Dyck  died  at  forty-two. 
But  the  rule  holds  wonderfully  good  in  a  number  of 
cases.  Rembrandt  was  fifty-five  when  he  finished  the 
Syndics,  in  the  Rijks  museum,  Velazquez  no  older  at 
the  moment  of  Pope  Innocent  and  the  later  portraits  of 
Philip  IV.  The  equestrian  Charles  V.,  in  the  Prado,  is 
the  work  of  a  veteran,  but  Titian  was  engaged  on  some 
magnificent  portraits  shortly  after  1530,  when  he  had 
recently  turned  the  half-century.  Reynolds,  bom  in 
1723,  was  in  the  full  flood  of  his  genius  about  1773,  the 
year  of  the  Graces  decorating  a  terminal  figure  of  Hymen, 
and  the  famous  Strawberry  girl.  Gainsborough,  four  years 
younger  than  Reynolds,  was  busy  over  the  Honourable 
Mrs.  Graham  (National  Gallery  of  Scotland)  in  1775,  and 


232  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Perdita,  of  the  Wallace  collection,  must  be  allotted  to 
1779  <^^  1780.  Romney  met  his  beautiful  model  Emma 
Hart  at  the  age  of  forty-eight,  and  Millais  was  also  forty- 
eight  in  1877,  when  the  Yeoman  of  the  Guard  left  his 
studio. 

Goya's  talent  was  of  slow  evolution,  and  most  of  his 
best  portraits  were  painted  after  1798,  when  he  was 
fifty-two,  and  before  1818,  when  he  had  passed  the  three- 
score years  and  ten  of  the  Psalmist.  This  period  of 
twenty  years  excludes  much  good  early  work,  such  as 
the  portraits  of  Charles  IV.  and  Maria  Luisa,  Jovellanos, 
Florida  Blanca,  his  brother-in-law  Bayeu,  the  Osuna 
family,  and  the  Duchess  of  Alba.  It  embraces,  however, 
all  those  portraits  upon  which  his  fame  must  ultimately 
rest.  Goya  changed  his  technical  methods  with  such 
erratic  frequency  that  it  is  difficult  to  date  many  of  his 
canvases.  The  Marquesa  de  la  Solana  (belonging  to  the 
Marquis  del  Socorro)  a  self-possessed  Spanish  dame  of 
characteristic  type,  possessing  all  the  inborn  dignity 
of  her  rank  as  well  as  the  alluring  fascination  of  her  sex 
and  race,  a  portrait  remarkable  in  psychology  as  well  as 
in  paint,  is  dated  1794.  The  same  year  the  artist  pro- 
duced the  weak  Dona  Tadea  Urias  de  Enriquez,  in  the 
Prado,  which,  apart  from  some  clever  passages  in  the 
dress,  is  by  no  means  a  wonderful  achievement.  Uni- 
formity of  style,  or  of  talent,  will  not  be  found  in  Goya's 
collected  work.  He  trusted  to  the  inspiration  of  the 
minute,  as  weU  as  the  attraction  of  the  sitter,  and  in 
many  cases  the  results  were  frankly  disastrous.  If  we 
were  not  sure  that  he  is  responsible  for  some  of  these 
canvases  we  could  easily  ascribe  them  to  an  unknown 
pupil  of  indifferent  skill.     The  Mengs  tradition  was  one 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         233 

of  laborious  finish,  whilst  Velazquez  gave  an  example 
of  bold  brushwork  and  a  search  for  atmosphere.  Goya 
vacillated  between  the  two  extremes,  and  his  pictures 
suffered  from  the  excess  of  a  temperament  which  was 
nervous,  irritable,  excited,  and  subject  to  passion. 

With  the  completion  of  the  frescoes  at  San  Antonio 
de  la  Florida,  and  his  appointment  as  first  painter  to 
the  King,  Goya  resumed  a  relationship  with  the  royal 
family  which  had  apparently  been  broken  during  the 
episode  of  the  Duchess  of  Alba.  If  the  Queen  Maria 
Luisa  had  ever  been  jealous  at  his  open  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  superior  charms  of  the  Duchess — and  the 
suggestion  is  made  in  contemporary  gossip — he  was  now 
forgiven.  Although  the  tale  of  his  adventures  was  by 
no  means  ended,  his  deafness  made  him  a  staider  man. 
No  longer  did  he  play  those  impudent  jokes  which  de- 
lighted the  simple-hearted  King.*  If  he  continued  to 
flout  the  rules  and  precedents  of  the  most  ceremonious 
Court  in  Europe,  we  do  not  read  that  he  indulged  in  the 
light-hearted  tricks  of  his  youth.  The  fact  that  upon  his 
appointment  he  had  his  genealogy  emblazoned,  and 
assumed  the  aristocratic  "  de  "  in  his  name,  shows  that 
his  point  of  view  had  altered.  And  it  also  helps  to 
destroy  the  legend  of  his  hot  republicanism. 

The    first    royal    commission    under    these    changed 

*  Once,  when  the  Court  was  in  deep  mourning,  Goya  presented 
himself  at  the  palace  wearing  white  stockings.  The  chamberlains, 
shocked  at  such  a  lack  of  decorum,  stopped  him  at  the  foot  of  the 
grand  staircase.  The  artist  went  into  the  guardroom,  asked  for  pen 
and  ink,  and  covered  his  white  stockings  with  portraits  of  the  Court 
officials.  Having  completed  these  drawings,  he  forced  his  way  into 
the  throne  room,  where  general  curiosity  was  excited  by  the  extra- 
ordinary stockings.  The  King  and  Queen  recognised  the  portraits 
and  laughed  more  than  anybody  else. 


234  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

circumstances  was  the  great  family  portrait,  commenced 
in  1799,  and  completed  either  within  the  same  year, 
or  during  the  earlier  months  of  1800.  The  Family  of 
Charles  IV.  was  the  largest  portrait  group  Goya  had  ever 
attempted,  and  it  stands  alone  in  the  sequence  of  his 
work.  As  a  whole  his  groups  had  been  rarely  successful ; 
the  Osuna  family,  and  the  Marquesa  de  Montijo  and  her 
daughters,  leave  much  to  be  desired.*  They  have  an 
awkwardness  of  line ;  in  a  word  they  are  maladroit.  The 
reason  is  hard  to  discover.  When  Goya  drew  a  band  of 
smugglers,  or  a  dozen  of  his  Aragonese  peasantry,  his 
figures  live  and  move  with  perfect  grace  and  ease.  A 
noble  mother  and  her  children  curiously  disconcerted 
the  pencil  which  revelled  in  the  composition  of  a  witches' 
sabbath,  or  a  street  carnival. 

In  the  Family  of  Charles  IV.  Goya  surmounted  all 
obstacles.  Probably  the  triumph  was  only  purchased 
by  infinite  pains,  and  Goya  did  not  again  embark  upon  a 
task  of  equal  magnitude.  Always  a  rapid  rather  than  a 
plodding  painter,  he  never  cared  to  spend  too  much  time 
over  a  single  canvas.  Of  his  success  in  this  instance  there 
can  be  no  question.  Whereas  the  tapestry  cartoons  are 
better  translated  into  monochrome  than  in  the  original, 
no  photograph  or  engraving  can  do  the  slightest  justice 
to  the  scintillating  vibration  of  this  portrait  group.  His 
difficulty  in  all  his  canvases  was  to  escape  a  flatness  of 
tone  together  with  a  loss  of  colour,  and  the  trouble  in- 
creased as  he  grew  older.     He  was  evidently  aware  of  the 

*  Lucien  Solvay,  referring  to  this  portrait  in  L'Art  et  les  Artistes, 
1906,  Vol.  II.,  p.  193,  describes  the  child  on  the  right  as  the  future  Em- 
press of  the  French,  an  extraordinary  error,  for  the  Empress  Eugenie  (de 
Montijo)  was  born  at  Granada  in  1826  when  Goya  was  living  at 
Bordeaux. 


DONA  MARIA  FRANCISCA  DE  SALES  PORTOCARRERO  Y  ZUNIGA,  CONTESA  DEL  MONTIJO, 

AND    HER    FOUR    DAUGHTERS 

Palacio  dt  Liria,  Madrid,    Reproduced  /rom  a  photograph  by  permission  of  Mr.  A.  Calvert 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         235 

danger,  and,  when  at  his  best,  easily  evaded  it.  At 
other  times  one  cannot  help  feeling  that  he  unduly  forced 
his  colour  note  in  order  to  avoid  a  monotonous  weakness. 
When  he  succeeded,  as  in  La  Tirana,  the  Toreador 
Costillares,  and  other  portraits  readily  to  mind,  he  ranks 
with  the  greatest  masters  of  his  craft. 

The  Family  of  Charles  IV.  has  been  compared  to  Velaz- 
quez's Las  Meninas.  There  is  little  in  common  between 
the  two  groups.  One  is  a  state  ceremonial,  the  other  a 
domestic  incident.  Velazquez  painted  singularly  few 
official  portraits,  and,  in  an  age  when  kings  moved  freely 
amongst  their  subjects,  there  was  no  need  for  an  elaborate 
and  somewhat  theatrical  display  of  the  trappings  and 
paraphernalia  of  royalty.  Not  until  the  reign  of  Louis 
XIV.,  and  the  rise  of  the  modem  state,  did  the  "  official  " 
portrait  develop  in  all  its  artificiality.  Goya  followed  the 
methods  of  the  French  Court  painters,  and  had  a  remark- 
able example  close  at  hand,  which  to-day  hangs  within 
a  few  steps  of  his  canvas  in  the  gallery  of  the  Prado. 
The  Family  of  Philip  V.  by  Michel  Van  Loo  is  a  supreme 
effort  in  a  genre  controlled  by  the  strictest  conventions. 
The  younger  Van  Loo  knew  his  metier.  He  had  been 
trained,  almost  by  instinct,  to  paint  those  vast  canvases 
which  hang  on  the  walls  of  most  continental  palaces, 
and  convert  the  gilded  salons  into  mausoleums  of  departed 
and  forgotten  greatness.  Goya  copied  Van  Loo,  and, 
challenging  him  on  his  own  ground,  produced  a  master- 
piece. 

His  first  problem  was  to  invest  an  undistinguished 
family  with  an  air  of  distinction.  Gautier  is  said  to  have 
remarked  that  this  group  of  Charles  IV.  surrounded  by 
his  family  reminded  him  of  a  small  shopkeeper  who  had 


236  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

won  a  prize  in  a  lottery.  It  is  hard  to  believe  that  so 
gifted  a  critic  uttered  such  an  absurd  judgment.  The 
group  has  no  suggestion  of  parvenu  self-complacency. 

O  wretched  state  of  kings  !  that  standing  high, 
Their  faults  are  marks  shot  at  by  every  eye. 

The  later  Bourbons  had  many  faults,  but  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  rob  them  of  one  quality  they  usually  possessed. 
They  were  not  intellectual.  They  were  mostly  idlers 
who  did  not  even  pretend  to  carry  out  their  duties. 
Indeed,  like  the  Stuarts,  they  seem  to  have  been  sent  by 
Heaven  to  contradict  all  the  theories  and  ideals  of  mon- 
archical government.  But  they  were  able  outwardly 
to  play  their  parts,  to  dress  the  character,  and  to  act 
the  prince.  What  the  family  of  Charles  IV.  lacked  in 
essentials  Goya  made  up. 

How  methodically  he  set  to  work  can  be  seen  in  the 
careful  studies  he  executed  of  each  subject.  These 
rapid  sketches,  in  oil  on  a  red  primed  canvas,  are  pre- 
served in  the  Prado,  the  royal  palaces,  and  the  collection 
of  the  Comtesse  de  Paris.  In  freedom  of  handling  and 
directness  of  attack  they  may  be  compared  to  the  sketches 
of  Lawrence,  or  the  unfinished  canvases  which  Romney 
left  in  his  studio.  The  best  are  those  of  the  boyish  Don 
Carlos  Maria  Isidro,  and  his  uncle  Don  Antonio,  both  in 
the  Prado.  In  the  large  canvas  Goya  is  even  happier 
with  the  younger  members  of  the  circle  than  with  their 
elders.  The  colour  scheme  is  not  too  simple.  Charles 
IV.  wears  a  chestnut  hued  uniform  ;  Ferdinand,  Prince 
of  the  Asturias,  is  in  blue  ;  his  brother  is  in  red.  The 
Queen  and  the  Princesses  are  in  white  silk,  veiled  with 
shimmering    gold    and    silver    tissues.     The    men    are 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         237 

covered  with  decorations,  the  women  with  jewels.  In 
the  background  stands  Goya  himself.  No  critic  has  yet 
explained  why  the  artist  was  allowed  to  paint  his  own 
figure  in  a  state  group  of  this  description.  The  reason 
is  so  simple  that  it  has  been  overlooked.  The  family 
consists  of  thirteen  persons  !  There  was  only  one  way 
of  solving  the  ominous  difficulty,  and  that  was  by  allowing 
Goya  to  take  his  place  in  front  of  the  easel.  In  the  fore- 
ground stand  Charles  IV.  and  Maria  Luisa.  Holding  the 
Queen's  hand  is  the  little  Francisco  de  Paulo,  youngest 
son  of  the  King.  (Scandal  said  he  was  the  son  of  Godoy.) 
On  the  right  of  the  Queen  is  her  daughter  Maria  Isabella 
who  became  Queen  of  Naples.  On  the  left,  in  the  fore- 
ground, is  Ferdinand,  Prince  of  the  Asturias,  afterwards 
Ferdinand  VII.  Goya  painted  him  when  he  was  King, 
but  never  so  well  as  in  this  group.  On  the  left  of  the 
Prince  is  his  first  wife,  and  a  few  paces  behind,  on  his 
right,  is  Don  Carlos  Maria  Isidro,  his  younger  brother, 
who  claimed  the  Spanish  throne  in  1833  as  Charles  V. 
Between  Ferdinand  and  his  wife,  like  a  ghost  of  the  past, 
peers  the  shrivelled  face  of  Maria  Josefa,  eldest  daughter 
of  Charles  III.  And  although  she  belonged  to  a  different 
age,  she  is  not  out  of  place  behind  her  nephew,  who  was 
destined  to  become  a  reactionary  of  the  most  benighted 
description.  On  the  right  of  the  canvas  stand  Prince 
Louis  of  Parma  and  his  wife.  Dona  Maria  Luisa,  daughter 
of  Charles  IV.,  holding  in  her  arms  their  infant  child. 
Napoleon  created  Prince  Louis  King  of  Etruria.  "  This 
is  a  poor  King,"  he  wrote  from  Paris.  "  It  is  impossible 
to  form  an  idea  of  his  idleness.  He  has  not  taken  a  pen 
in  his  hand  since  he  has  been  here,  and  I  cannot  get 
him  to  attend  to  business.    All  these  Princes  are  alike." 


238  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Goya  has  painted  in  a  masterly  fashion  the  features  of 
this  good-looking,  worthless  faineant.  In  the  rear  are 
two  more  heads,  Don  Antonio,  brother  of  Charles  IV., 
and  Dona  Carlotta  Joaquina,  daughter  of  Charles  IV., 
who  became  Queen  of  Portugal  as  wife  of  King  John  VI. 

With  the  exception  of  Doiia  Maria  Josefa,  each  one  of 
these  Princes  and  Princesses  played  an  active  part  in  the 
tale  of  deceit  and  intrigue  which  made  up  the  history 
of  Spain  and  Portugal  during  the  earher  part  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Goya's  canvas  is  a  footnote  to  history 
of  the  deepest  importance,  and  we  can  appreciate  his 
value  as  a  portrait-painter  when  we  learn  something  of 
the  characters  of  the  men  and  women  he  immortalised. 
There  is  one  curious  discrepancy  about  the  group  which 
does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to  any  previous  biographer. 
The  canvas  is  usually  dated  1799,  and  there  is  not  much 
doubt  that  it  was  completed,  or  almost  completed,  at 
the  end  of  that  year.  The  Princess  standing  on  the 
left  of  Ferdinand  is  described  as  Maria  Antonia,  daughter 
of  Queen  Caroline  of  Naples,  the  friend  of  Nelson  and  Lady 
Hamilton.  But  Ferdinand  did  not  marry  his  first  wife 
until  October,  1802,  and  the  wedding  formed  part  of  a 
hastily  conceived  diplomatic  scheme  which  also  included 
the  union  of  his  sister  Maria  Isabella  to  the  heir  of  the 
Neapolitan  throne.  Was  the  figure  of  Ferdinand's  wife 
painted  before  the  Princess  had  been  selected  by  the  King 
and  his  ministers  ?  The  face  of  Dofia  Maria  Antonia 
has  been  purposely  turned  towards  the  shadow,  as  if 
the  painter  had  not  desired  to  give  too  much  prominence 
to  features  he  could  not  yet  plainly  delineate. 

Goya  was  now  working  in  three  distinct  manners. 
He  had  not  thrown  aside  the  careful  finish  and  elabora- 


PUvto.  Lacoste 


THE   TORKADOR   COSTILr.AKES 
Collection  of  Sr.  de  Lazaro  Galdeano 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         239 

tion  which  distinguished  the  Mengs  period.     This  can 

be  noted  in  the  portrait  of  Manuel  Godoy,  which  dates 

from  the  early  years  of  the  new  century.     Commissioned 

by  the  Duke  of  Osuna,  the  work  has  received  much  praise, 

but  the  attitude  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  is  affected,  ungainly, 

and  far  from  attractive.     This  portrait  was  painted  at 

the  moment  of  the  favourite's  supreme  power.     Another 

equestrian  portrait,  dating  from  the  same  time,  has  been 

lost.     Goya  was  also  painting  for  Godoy  at  the  end  of 

the  century  the  lost  Venus  of  the  Alcudia,  as  well  as  the 

decorative  subjects  which  are  now  in  the  Ministry  of  the 

Navy  at  Madrid.     Godoy's  political  influence  was  bad, 

but  he  fully  earned  his  title  of  Protector  of  the  Noble 

Arts  of  San  Fernando,  and  Goya  found  in  him  a  lavish 

patron.*     In  the  full-length  General  Urrutia,  painted  in 

1798,  now  in  the  Prado,  the  atmosphere  is  more  natural, 

and  the  strained  composition  of  the  Godoy  has  not  been 

repeated.    This  is  one  of  the  most  dignified  portraits 

Goya  painted,  and  in  many  respects  it  recalls  the  English 

school  of  the  late  eighteenth  century.     By  the  side  of 

the  best  work  of  Reynolds  and  Gainsborough  it  would 

lose  little  of  its  effect. 

In  the  same  year  Goya  painted  another  great  portrait, 

which  he  believed  to  be  his  best  work.     The  ambassador 

*  The  attitude  of  Goya  towards  Godoy  is  hard  to  understand. 
"  During  morning  visits  to  his  friends,  he  (Goya)  v/ould  take  the  sand- 
box from  the  inkstand,  and  strewing  the  contents  on  the  table,  amuse 
them  with  caricatures  traced  in  an  instant  by  his  ready  finger.  The 
great  subject,  repeated  with  ever  new  variations  in  these  sand  studies, 
was  Godoy,  to  whom  he  cherished  an  especial  antipathy,  and  whose 
face  he  was  never  weary  of  depicting  with  every'  ludicrous  exaggeration 
of  its  peculiarities  that  quick  wit  and  ill-will  could  supply."  Stirling- 
Maxwell  :  Annals  of  the  Artists  of  Spain,  p.  1478.  This  was  told  to 
that  author  by  Don  Bartolome  J.  Gallardo,  who  had  himself  seen 
Goya  paint  and  caricature  in  the  manner  described. 


240  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

of  the  French  Repubhc  to  Spain  in  1798  was  Francois 
Guillemardet,  a  former  Conventional,  and  in  earHer  hfe 
a  doctor  of  Autun.  When  he  returned  to  Paris  he  carried 
this  wonderful  work  with  him,  and  in  1865  it  was  acquired 
from  his  heirs  by  the  authorities  of  the  Louvre.  Goya 
could  not  be  better  represented  in  that  great  collection, 
and  the  Ambassador  Guillemardet  did  much  to  promote 
his  fame  in  France  during  the  late  Second  Empire.  Upon 
its  exhibition  it  was  received  with  enthusiasm  by  the 
French  critics.  "  It  is  the  work  of  a  colourist  of  tempera- 
ment who  sees  the  tones  of  nature  in  all  their  richness, 
and  who  knows  how  to  paint  them  in  their  true  affinity. 
Never  has  a  French  artist  placed  in  such  harmonious 
relation  the  three  national  colours.  Goya  has  thrown 
the  hat  with  the  tri-coloured  plumes  on  to  a  yellow  table, 
against  the  tri-coloured  scarf  of  a  person  seated  on  a 
yellow  chair,  and  clothed  entirely  in  blue.  These  dis- 
sonances mingle  in  a  brilliant  concerto  which  sounds  softly 
to  the  ear.  We  forget  to  notice  that  the  head  takes  the 
aspect  of  a  piece  of  red  stained  glass  by  reason  of  over- 
reflection.  The  colours  live  as  if  shown  through  trans- 
parent water,  or  touched  by  the  capricious  play  of  light."  * 
Goya  was  aiming  at  the  same  effect  of  vibrating  atmo- 
sphere and  glittering  colour  which  he  perfected  in  the 
Family  of  Charles  IV.  The  combination  of  red,  white, 
and  blue  was  one  of  those  artistic  experiments  which 
delighted  his  soul.  But  his  genius  rose  and  fell  in  a  most 
extraordinary  manner,  for  in  1799  he  painted  the  feeble 
Marquis  de  Bondad  Real,  a  reversion  to  an  earlier  manner 
which  might  well  have  been  forgotten  by  such  a  con- 
summate artist.  Then  within  the  same  few  months  he 
*  L6on  Lagrange  in  the  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  1865. 


rhtto.  AmUrson 


THE    POET    DON    LEANDRO    FERNANDEZ    DE    MORAIIN 
Royal  Academy  of  Si.  Ferdinand,  Madrid 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         241 

produced  the  portrait  of  the  poet  Moratin,  as  great  in 
its  way  as  the  larger  Guillemardet,  but  reached  in  quite 
another  manner.* 

At  the  end  of  the  century  Moratin  was  not  only  the 
best  but  also  the  most  popular  man  of  letters  in  Spain. f 
Fortune  had  been  kind  to  him.  Wealthy  patrons  had 
come  forward,  he  had  travelled  throughout  Europe, 
making  the  acquaintance  of  kindred  poets  such  as  Goldoni. 
In  Goya's  portrait  the  happiness  of  success  is  written 
across  his  bright  and  ardent  face.  The  portrait  will 
live  when  the  poet's  verses  have  been  forgotten,  said 
Moratin  to  the  artist,  and  the  compliment  was  not  wholly 
an  exaggeration.  The  painting  is  a  poem  on  canvas — 
not  an  epic,  but  a  perfectly  phrased  vers  de  socUte.  Goya 
laid  his  pigments  on  in  broad,  thin  washes,  and  the  colour 
is  deep,  though  beautifully  restrained.  This  is  another 
experiment,  no  fantasia,  like  the  portrait  of  the  French 
ambassador,  but  a  symphony  of  the  most  exquisite 
harmony.  Leandro  Moratin  reveals  Goya's  affinity  to 
Gainsborough,  but  it  suggests  many  other  masters — 
the  delicacy  of  Whistler,  the  boldness  of  Manet,  the 
freedom  of  Sargent.     In  Goya's  own  work  it  must  be 

*  Don  Elias  Tormo  y  Monzo  (in  Varios  esttidios  de  Artes  y  Letras, 
1902)  ascribes  these  three  portraits  to  i;  99,  which  is  also  the  year  of 
the  Family  of  Charles  IV.  Matheron,  however,  dates  Guillemardet 
in  1798,  and  this  is  more  probably  correct,  although  the  difference  is 
only  that  of  a  few  months.  Oertel's  date,  1795,  is  surely  wrong. 
Francois  Guillemardet  rallied  to  the  Empire,  and  was  one  of  the 
sponsors  of  the  infant  Eugene  Delacroix — an  odd  coincidence,  con- 
sidering the  influence  of  Goya  upon  Delacroix's  art. 

t  Leandro  Fernandez  de  Moratin  (1760-1828)  was  painted  a  second 
time  by  Goya  {see  chapter  XIX.).  His  fate  was  sad.  In  1808  he  sided 
with  the  French,  and  went  into  exile  at  the  restoration.  Ferdinand 
VII.  offered  him  a  pardon,  which  he  refused  to  accept,  and  his  last 
days  were  passed  in  poverty. 

R 


242  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

classed  as  one  of  a  long  series  belonging  to  the  same 
technical  idea,  and  including  the  portrait  of  Don  Evaristo 
Perez  de  Castro,  in  the  Louvre,  "  the  finest  portrait  Goya 
ever  painted,"  according  to  one  enthusiastic  critic,  the 
exquisitely  modulated  Toreador  Costillares,  the  actor 
Isidoro  Maiquez,  in  the  Prado,  the  two  portraits  in  the 
Bowes  museum,  the  portrait  of  Melendez  V aides,  and  the 
National  Gallery  Doctor  Peyral,  although  the  last-named 
is  more  akin  to  the  second  portrait  of  Francisco  Bayeu 
in  the  Prado.  The  sitters  were  all  acquaintances  and 
friends,  actors,  bull-fighters,  authors,  and,  as  in  the  case 
of  Doctor  Peyral,  connoisseurs  and  lovers  of  art.  Goya 
painted  the  portraits  for  his  own  gratification  and 
pleasure.  They  vary  in  several  technical  aspects,  and 
they  are  not  of  equal  excellence.  But  they  represent  an 
aspect  of  Goya's  art  little  known  outside  Madrid,  and  they 
are  witnesses  to  the  truth  that  Goya  in  Madrid  was 
attacking  problems  in  1800  which  did  not  arouse  the  other 
centres  of  European  art  until  more  than  fifty  years  later. 
Goya  was  the  pioneer  of  nineteenth-century  art. 

This  period  includes  two  of  the  finest  female  portraits 
that  we  have  from  the  master.  La  Tirana  and  Dona  Maria 
Zarate.  The  ladies  were  well-known  actresses  on  the 
Madrid  stage,  and  Goya  painted  them  both  more  than 
once.  The  principal  portrait  of  Rosario  Fernandez, 
"  La  Tirana,"  in  the  gallery  of  the  Academy  of  San 
Fernando,  is  variously  dated  in  1798  and  1802.*  No 
portrait  better  displays  the  excellences  and  defects  of  the 
artist.  The  painting  of  the  dress  is  magnificently  spon- 
taneous. It  is  difficult  to  name  any  contemporary 
master  who  surpassed  or  equalled  the  Spaniard  in  this 
*  La  Tirana  died  in  1803. 


Photo,  l.acostt 


LA  TIRANA 
Royal  Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand,  Matiria 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         243 

respect.  The  flaws,  however,  are  shght,  but  apparent. 
The  right  arm  is  bent  in  a  clumsy  manner,  and  the  left 
hand  is  only  roughly  attempted.  Whilst  Goya  was  work- 
ing on  the  portrait  of  La  Tirana  in  Madrid,  Sir  Thomas 
Lawrence  was  finishing  the  Mrs.  Siddons  now  in  the 
London  National  Gallery.  A  comparison  of  the  two 
portraits  provokes  some  interesting  reflections,  not  only 
upon  the  two  artists,  but  also  upon  the  two  actresses. 
In  each  case  the  composition  is  almost  similar.  Neither 
La  Tirana  nor  Mrs.  Siddons  could  claim  much  personal 
beauty  in  1802,  but  they  were  women  of  considerable  per- 
sonal dignity  which  Goya  reproduced  and  Lawrence  failed 
to  catch.  Probably  it  is  not  just  to  compare  Lawrence's 
failure  with  Goya's  success.  The  Englishman  had  a 
diflicult  subject.  As  Mrs.  Siddons  grew  older  she  became 
more  and  more  stolidly  bourgeoise,  convinced  that  dull- 
ness alone  was  the  hall-mark  of  virtue,  and  that  attacks 
against  her  respectability  could  only  be  repelled  by  a 
foglike  atmosphere  of  boredom.  It  is  hard  to  discover 
in  Lawrence's  portrait  a  vestige  of  the  fascinating  girl 
Gainsborough  saw.  Lawrence  painted  a  potential  mother- 
in-law,  for  he  was  courting  both  her  daughters.  Goya 
painted  his  mistress,  according  to  gossip.  Does  this  ex- 
plain the  respective  failure  and  success  ? 

The  three-quarter  length  figure  of  La  Tirana,  belonging 
to  the  Count  de  Villagonzalo,  is  a  more  intimate  portrait 
which  does  not  attempt  to  rival  the  canvas  of  San  Fer- 
nando. The  two  portraits  of  Doha  Antonia  Zarate  both 
originally  belonged  to  the  Senora  Viuda  de  Albacete 
of  Madrid.  The  first,  in  which  the  sitter  wears  a  white 
mantilla,  is  almost  a  sketch.  The  young  face  bears  an 
appeahng  look  not  to  be  found  in  the  second  canvas, 


244  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

now  in  the  collection  of  Mr.  Otto  Beit.*  The  actress  is 
clad  in  a  decollete  black  robe,  with  a  black  lace  mantilla, 
and  gloves  to  the  elbow.  The  background  is  brown  and 
yellow.  This  great  portrait  stands  by  itself.  Distin- 
guished by  an  extraordinary  atmosphere  of  repose  and 
restraint,  it  lacks  all  sensation  or  theatricality,  and 
presents  an  enigmatic  personality  to  which  we  return 
again  and  again.  Between  Dona  Antonia  Zarate,  as 
Goya  painted  her,  and  the  Lady  of  Elche,  carved  by  the 
unknown  Greco-Phoenician  sculptor  centuries  earlier, 
there  is  an  essential  likeness,  not  only  a  Unk  of  race  and 
blood,  but  a  far  deeper  personal  resemblance  in  tempera- 
ment, individuality,  and  even  in  actual  features.  Who 
was  Dofia  Antonia  ?  We  know  as  little  of  her  as  of  the 
woman  of  Elche.  She  was  an  actress  who  died  young. 
Yet,  when  we  study  this  calm,  passive  face,  of  serenely 
classical  outline,  we  recognise  that  it  hides  more  than  it 
tells.  The  great  canvas  enshrines  a  forgotten  story. 
When  Dona  Antonia  Zarate  passed  away  in  the  flower  of 
her  youth  and  beauty  the  world  lost  one  of  those  souls 
Blake  speaks  of  as  cutting  "  a  path  into  the  heaven 
of  glory,  leaving  a  track  of  light  for  men  to  wonder  at." 

*  A  writer  in  the  Boletin  de  la  Sociedad  Espanola  de  Excursiones, 
quoted  by  Mr.  A.  F.  Calvert  in  his  Goya,  p.  72,  offers  an  explanation. 
"  But  where  Goya  shows  the  most  exquisite  sensibility  and  profound 
psychology  is  in  these  two  portraits  of  one  person,  in  which  he  incor- 
porates the  whole  story  of  a  dreamer  swayed  in  life  and  death  by  the 
highest  ideals,  a  woman  of  a  race  of  poets  and  artists,  Antonia  de 
Zarate.  Though  in  the  first  portrait  he  represented  her  smihng  and 
in  perfect  health,  in  the  second  he  knew  her  existence  was  undermined 
by  a  treacherous  disease  which  was  to  cause  her  death.  Never  have 
we  felt  more  deeply  the  impression  of  pathos  than  before  this  pre- 
sentment of  a  soul  rather  than  a  person,  before  this  face  enveloped  in 
transparent  veils,  with  life  showing  in  the  eyes,  and  in  that  hfe  a 
melancholy  realisation  of  approaching  death." 


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DONA    ISABEL  CORBO   DE   PORCEL 
National  Gallery,  London 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD  245 

Goya  was  a  man  of  rapid  contrasts.  There  is  a  family 
likeness  in  all  Reynolds'  portraits,  but  no  common  bond 
unites  the  women  who  sat  to  the  artist  in  Madrid.  From 
the  solemn  gravity  of  Doiia  Antonia  Zarate  we  turn  to  a 
portrait  which  was  finished  about  the  same  time,  the 
Dona  Isabel  Corbo  de  Parcel  of  the  London  National 
Gallery.  Painted  in  1806,  it  is  now  unhappily  separated 
from  the  companion  portrait  of  the  husband,  Don  Antonio 
Corbos  de  Porcel,  a  knight  of  the  order  of  Charles  III., 
a  mighty  hunter,  and  a  country  gentleman  who  lived  with 
his  wife  in  Grenada.  Dofia  Isabel  is  an  Andalusian  of 
the  most  characteristic  racial  type.  With  arms  akimbo, 
dressed  in  a  rose-coloured  satin  which  shines  through  the 
folds  of  the  mantilla,  she  surveys  the  world  without  fear. 
There  is  a  touch  of  rouge  on  her  cheeks,  for  the  rouge- 
pot  found  its  place  on  the  toilette  of  every  Spanish  lady. 
Her  eyes  are  brilliant  in  defiant  challenge.  "  Is  this 
portrait  a  masterpiece  ?  "  asked  Paul  Lefort,  when  it  was 
added  to  the  gallery  in  1896.  "  We  would  not  care  to 
assert  it."  But  he  added  with  much  truth,  "  all  the 
same,  it  is  a  very  pretty  piece  of  painting."  * 

The  list  of  Goya's  female  portraits  dating  about  the 
early  years  of  the  nineteenth  century  is  a  long  one.  It 
includes  the  excellent  Marquesa  de  Caballero  (1807),  who 
was  lady-in-waiting  to  Queen  Maria  Luisa,  Doha  Josefa 

*  Lucien  Solvay  quotes  a  tiny  Spanish  varse  which  might  have  been 
inspired  by  this  charming  portrait : 

El  confessor  me  dice 
Que  no  te  quiera, 
Y  yo  le  digo :  Padre 
Si  usted  la  viera  ! 

("  My  confessor  ordered  me  To  love  her  no  longer,  And  I  answered 
him :  '  Father,  if  you  saw  her  ! '") 


246  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Castilla-Portugal  (1804),  the  Duchess  de  Ahr antes  (1816),* 
the  Marquesa  de  Santiago,  the  Marquesa  de  Espeja, 
the  Marquesa  de  Lazdn,  the  Countess  de  Fernan-Nunez, 
the  Duchess  de  Penaranda,  and  many  which  cannot  be 
identified  by  name,  such  as  the  small  Spanish  lady  of  the 
Louvre,  which  was  painted  in  i799,t  a  more  recent  acqui- 
sition of  a  girl's  portrait,  in  the  same  collection,  and  the 
deHghtful  Lady  with  the  rose,  also  known  as  Charlotte 
Cor  day,  painted  about  1800 — an  Andalusian  brunette, 
in  a  light  dress  of  the  revolutionary  period,  seated 
against  a^dark  background,  with  her  hands  clasped  upon 
her  knees,  and  holding  a  couple  of  roses.  The  portrait 
was  exhibited  at  the  Retrospective  Exhibition  held  in 
Brussels  in  1873,  and  in  several  public  exhibitions  in 
Paris,  where  it  has  always  created  an  impression.  Whether 
or  no  Goya  intended  to  paint  Charlotte  Corday  is  not 
known,  although  his  heroine's  striped  dress  is  almost  the 
same  as  that  Paul  Baudry  depicted  in  his  picture  of  Cor- 
day stabbing  Marat.  Perhaps  Lafille  a  la  rose  is  a  better 
title,  although  Goya  had  the  revolutionary  subject  in  his 
mind,  for  he  sketched  several  studies  of  Marat  in  his 
fatal  bath. 

Lastly  comes  that  sullen-faced  beauty,  generally  called 
The  bookseller  of  the  Calle  de  Carretas,  now  hidden  in 
some  private  collection,  and  only  to  be  studied  by  means 
of  a  photograph.  J     Usually  dated  in  1790,  it  can  be  more 

*  Dona  Manuela  Giron  y  Pimental,  not  to  be  confused  with  that  other 
Duchesse  d'Abrantes,  Laure  Permon,  the  wife  of  Junot,  author  of  the 
voluminous  memoirs,  and  friend  of  Balzac. 

f  Bequeathed  to  the  Louvre  in  1865  by  the  Guillemardet  family, 
it  was  probably  brought  from  Spain  by  the  republican  ambassador. 

X  Some  years  ago  it  belonged  to  Don  Benito  Garriga,  and  may 
probably  still  be  in  the  same  collection. 


About  1790 


Photo.  Lacoste 


THE   BOOKSELLER   OF  THE  CALLE   UE   LAS  CARRETAS 
In  a  private  collection,  Madrid 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         247 

safely  transferred  to  the  period  of  Dona  Antonio  Zarate.'* 
Madrid  legend  relates  that  Goya  fell  deeply  in  love  with 
this  bookseller's  daughter,  and  that  the  portrait  was  a 
token  of  his  affection.  As  far  as  can  be  judged  from  a 
reproduction  it  seems  to  be  one  of  the  most  perfect  of 
Goya's  female  portraits,  although  probably  La  Tirana  is 
the  first  if  criticised  upon  purely  artistic  considerations, 
whilst  Dofia  Antonia  Zarate  is  the  greatest  as  a  revela- 
tion of  hidden  personality — and  this  gift  of  divination  it 
must  be  remembered  is  the  real  test  of  a  portrait-painter's 
genius. 

In  the  Spanish  dictionary  the  word  majo  is  described 
as  a  boaster,  braggart,  fop,  and  dandy,  a  sufficiently 
appalling  combination.  "  An  idiot  is  the  work  of  Nature," 
says  the  national  proverb,  "  and  the  fop  is  the  work  of 
women  and  vanity."  Whilst  the  majo  is  an  object  of 
contempt,  the  maja  is  always  very  alluring.  What  is 
vice  in  man  forms  one  of  the  most  adorable  attractions 
in  woman,  for  with  her  "  not  a  vanity  is  given  in  vain." 
Goya  was  interested  in  the  majos  and  majas  of  Madrid. 
They  masquerade  through  all  the  earlier  pages  of  Los 
Caprichos,  and  they  crowd  round  the  dome  of  San  Antonio 
de  la  Florida.  The  Majas  on  the  balcony  was  painted 
in  1800,  and  belongs  to  the  collection  of  the  Comtesse  de 
Paris,  Evidently  suggested  by  the  frescoes,  it  is  in 
reality  an  amplication  of  several  of  the  ideas  in  Los 

*  There  are  surprising  differences  in  some  of  the  dates  allotted  to 
Goya's  portraits.  Tormo  y  Monzo,  who  elaborately  divides  Goya's 
art  into  five  periods  (1776-1788,  1788-1800,  1800-1810,  1810-1817,  and 
1818-1828),  most  difficult  to  reconcile  with  the  work  as  we  see  it,  dates 
Goya's  portrait  of  his  wife  in  the  period  1810-1817.  But  Josefa  Bayeu 
died  about  1804,  and  the  portrait  in  the  Prado  shows  a  comparatively 
young  woman.  In  1804  Goya  himself  was  fifty-eight,  and  Josefa 
is  said  to  have  been  older  than  her  husband. 


248  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Caprichos.  The  two  majas  sit  behind  a  Hght  iron  raiUng, 
clad  in  soft  dresses,  and  covered  with  black  and  white 
mantillas.  Behind  are  two  sombre  majos  in  a  fashionable 
variation  of  those  heavy  cloaks  which  Charles  III. 
unsuccessfully  endeavoured  to  drive  out  of  the  country. 
*'  My  citizens/'  he  complained,  "  skulk  about  the  streets 
with  covered  faces  more  hke  conspirators  than  the  sub- 
jects of  a  civilised  monarch."  *  In  the  museum  at  Lille 
is  a  picture  of  a  most  entrancing  maja,  in  a  skin-tight 
white  bodice,  attended  by  a  servant  and  a  tiny  dog,  the 
background  being  a  group  of  laundresses  on  the  banks 
of  the  Manzanares.f 

Goya's  skill  as  a  painter  of  dandies  has  never  yet  been 
adequately  recognised.  For  a  few  years  during  the 
early  century  he  produced  a  series  of  little  masterpieces 
in  a  manner  which  evidently  gave  him  particular  satis- 
faction. Then  came  civil  commotion  and  war,  and  the 
dandies — like  butterflies — vanished.  The  Marquis  de 
Bondad  Real  has  already  been  mentioned.  His  military 
costume  belonged  to  pre-revolutionary  Spain.  The  full- 
length  of  the  Duke  de  San  Carlos  (belonging  to  the  Marquis 
de  la  Torrecilla)  represents  a  nobleman  in  Court  uniform, 
and  so  hardly  falls  within  the  scope  of  the  majo  series. 
The  Marquis  de  San  Adrian,  Don  Juan  Jose  Mateo  Arias 

*  How  these  eighteenth  century  monarchs  worried  themselves  and 
their  subjects  about  clothes  !  Charies  III.,  with  liberal  tendencies, 
wanted  his  Spaniards  to  discard  their  old-fashioned  habits.  A  few 
years  later  Paul  I.  of  Russia  denounced  frockcoats,  waistcoats,  and 
high  collars  as  S5anbols  of  a  liberalism  he  abhorred.  The  unhappy 
wearer  of  a  round  hat  was  chased  through  the  streets  of  St.  Peters- 
burg and  castigated  by  the  police.  Even  the  British  ambassador 
had  to  change  his  headgear. 

f  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  Vol.  XXXIV.,  s"*  periode  {1905),  p.  39, 
engraved  by  A.  Mayeur,  with  a  note  by  J.  Momm^ja. 


]8o4 


Photo.  Calvert 


DONA  JOSEFA   CASTILI.A    PORTUGAL   V>V.   GARCINl 
In  the  collection  of  Don  Vicente  Garcini 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         249 

D  air  la,  the  Duke  de  Fernan-Nunez,  Don  Manuel  Garcia  de 
la  Prada,  and  the  Young  man  in  a  gray  coat  are  extremely 
interesting  examples  of  the  picturesque  dress  which 
spread  from  Paris  in  the  days  of  the  Directoire  to  the  other 
great  cities  of  Europe.  In  many  of  the  men's  portraits 
painted  in  Paris  during  this  period  we  find  an  identical 
fashion  of  clothes.  But  the  Frenchmen  who  produced 
portraits  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  classical  school  lacked 
vitality — and  a  very  real  vitality  is  the  essence  of  Goya's 
art  as  a  portrait-painter.  His  men,  in  their  buckskin 
breeches,  their  "  highlows,"  their  thick  white  stocks,  and 
"  fly-away  "  coat-tails,  are  elaborately  posed  in  a  rather 
conventional  manner.  But  there  is  no  doubt,  despite 
their  foppishness,  that  they  are  men  and  not  mannikins. 
Two  of  the  best  belong  to  French  collections,  the  Young 
man  in  a  gray  coat,  which  came  from  the  Salamanca  sale, 
and  Don  Manuel  Garcia  de  la  Prada,  in  the  Pacully  col- 
lection. The  first  has  also  been  called  Goya's  son,  but 
the  identification  is  doubtful.*  The  small  coat  is  gray, 
with  a  violet  silk  lining  on  the  broad  lappels.  The  stock 
is  frilled  with  fine  lace  ;  the  waistcoat  is  white,  with  two 
large  bunches  of  gold  seals  ;  the  breeches  are  a  sHghtly 
darker  gray,  with  bold,  vertical  lines ;  boots,  which  come 
almost  to  the  knees,  with  tassels,  an  enormous  cocked 
hat  held  in  the  same  hand  as  a  fine  walking-stick,  com- 
plete an  ensemble  only  to  be  described  as  staggering.  A 
little  white  dog  with  a  red  rosette  crouches  at  his  master's 

*  M.  Paul  Lafond  calls  him  Mariano,  but  Mariano,  Goya's  grandson, 
was  not  in  the  worid  when  the  canvas  was  painted.  The  portrait 
may  not  improbably  represent  Xavier  Goya  at  about  the  age  of  twenty. 
The  features  are  very  strongly  marked,  and  have  a  suggestion  of  the 
painter's  heavy  face. 


250  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

feet.*  The  canvas  bears  every  sign  of  rapid  workman- 
ship, and,  according  to  one  French  critic,  possesses  "  a 
Greuze-hke  harmony,"  whilst  another  is  reminded  of  the 
grace  of  Debucourt.  In  French  family  collections  one 
can  find  innumerable  examples  of  the  ancestors  of 
Directoire,  Consulate,  or  Early  Empire  days,  painted  by 
almost  forgotten  artists  such  as  Jacques  Antoine  Vallin. 
But  they  never  equal  Goya's  striking  portraits.  The 
Don  Garcia  de  la  Prada,  a  full-length  figure,  is  apparently 
a  few  years  later  than  the  Young  man  in  gray,  and  the 
costume  is  more  restrained  in  colour,  but  not  in  "  cut," 
which  is  evidently  of  the  most  fashionable  design.  The 
left  hand  rests  on  a  chair  which  supports  a  beaver  hat  of 
exaggerated  size  ;  the  right  hand  strokes  a  tiny  pug. 
The  high  boots  have  now  given  place  to  knee-breeches 
and  white  stockings.  The  legs  are  crossed  in  a  manner 
which  looks  awkward  and  must  have  been  exceedingly 
uncomfortable,  and  Don  Manuel  smiles  from  above  a 
white  stock  which  threatens  to  engulf  his  entire  face. 
The  Duke  de  Fernan-Nunez  is  a  melodramatic  gentleman 
dressed  entirely  in  black,  which  has  given  Goya  an 
opportunity  for  a  superb  piece  of  bravura  painting  in  his 
favourite  pigment. f     When  Byron  visited  Spain  in  1809 

*  One  writer  on  Goya  states  that  the  little  white  dog  was  only 
painted  in  the  portraits  of  the  Duchess  of  Alba,  and  was  inserted  as  a 
kind  of  artistic  signature  and  identification  of  the  subject  with  the  Duch- 
ess. The  dog  (a  variety  of  griffon)  certainly  does  appear  in  one  of  the 
Alba  portraits,  but  it  will  also  be  found  in  the  Lille  Maja,  who  is  not 
the  Duchess.     In  the  portrait  of  Garcia  de  la  Prada  there  is  a  tiny  pug. 

f  The  only  reproduction  of  this  portrait  will  be  found  in  La  Piniura 
en  Madrid,  by  N,  Sentenach  y  Cabafias.  It  seemed  impossible  when 
in  Madrid  either  to  find  the  picture  or  obtain  another  photograph. 
Don  Manuel  Garcia  de  la  Prada  wiM  be  found  in  M.  Lafond's  Goya,  and 
there  is  a  rough  woodcut  of  the  Young  man  in  gtay  in  the  Gazette  des 
Beaux-Arts,  Vol.  X.  {1874),  p.  299. 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         251 

it  was  a  sad  pity  he  never  got  so  far  as  Goya's  studio, 
for  Goya,  and  only  Goya,  was  the  artist  of  temperament 
allied  to  the  poet's  genius  who  could  have  given  us  that 
inspired  portrait  of  the  apostle  of  Romanticism  which 
history  lacks. 

Goya's  portraits  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  of  Generals  Palafox 
and  Wellington,  of  guerilla  captains  such  as  Don  Juan 
Martin,  of  soldiers  like  Don  Pantaleon  Perez  de  Nenin 
and  the  Count  de  Teba,  and  of  that  brave  sailor  Admiral 
Mazarredo,  although  falling  properly  within  the  scope  of 
this  chapter,  belong  to  the  time  of  the  Spanish  War  of 
Independence.  But  during  this  long  and  active  period  he 
painted  numerous  portraits  of  elderly  men,  and  a  few  of 
children.  Both  are  so  characteristic  of  his  many-sided 
talent  that  they  cannot  be  omitted  from  our  survey.  The 
Don  Tomas  Perez  Estala  (belonging  to  the  Countess  de 
Cedillo)  is  instantly  reminiscent  of  those  Scottish  worthies 
Raebum  was  immortalising  in  a  northern  capital.  Don 
Jose  Luis  de  Munarriz  (in  the  Academy  of  San  Fernando), 
painted  in  1818,  is  one  of  the  last  portraits  of  this  period 
before  Goya's  hand  commenced  to  show  signs  of  decay. 
From  many  points  of  view  it  is  a  better  piece  of  work  than 
the  Don  Jose  Vargas  y  Ponce,  in  the  Historical  Academy 
of  Madrid,  which  was  done  in  1805.  But  it  remains  almost 
impossible  to  divide  Goya's  portraits  into  any  ordered 
sequence.  In  1810  he  was  painting  the  Don  Juan  Martin 
de  Goicoechea  (belonging  to  the  Marquis  de  Casa  Torres) 
which  should  be  classed  with  the  Munarriz  of  181 8,  and 
even  the  Don  Joaquin  Maria  Ferrer  painted  in  Paris  in 
1824.  The  characteristic  Don  Juan  Antonio  Cuervo,  an 
architect  in  his  official  dress  as  director  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  San  Fernando,  seated  before  a  table  upon 


252  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

which  is  spread  a  large  plan,  might  easily  be  placed  before 
the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  Goya's  own  signa- 
ture is  dated  1819.  A  very  similar  portrait,  the  Marquis 
de  Caballero,  in  an  elaborate  uniform  with  many  decora- 
tions, must  have  been  finished  about  1807.  The  full- 
length  of  Don  Juan  Antonio  Llorente  was  done  between 
1808  and  1 813,  and  is  one  of  the  few  portraits  Goya 
painted  of  ecclesiastics — but  then  Llorente  was  the 
victim  as  well  as  the  historian  of  the  Inquisition.  In 
its  superb  treatment  of  black  it  forms  a  vivid  contrast 
to  the  full-length  in  scarlet  of  the  Cardinal  Infant  Don 
Luis  Maria,  now  hanging  on  the  walls  of  the  Prado. 

The  portraits  of  children  carry  us  into  quite  another 
world.  The  little  angels  of  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida 
have  already  been  spoken  of.  In  the  Family  of  Charles 
IV.,  Doha.  Maria  Luisa  nurses  the  tiny  infant  who 
succeeded  his  father  on  the  transitory  throne  of  Etruria. 
The  collection  of  the  Baron  de  Rothschild  includes  the 
portrait  of  a  boy  in  a  long  cloak  with  large  buttons,  and  a 
tiny  little  girl.  Dona  Clara  de  Soria,  holding  a  book.  This 
is  one  of  the  most  exquisite  portraits  of  childhood  that 
Goya  ever  painted,  and  can  only  be  compared  in  its 
atmosphere  of  innocence  with  some  of  the  Dutch  portraits 
of  similar  style.  The  collection  of  Madame  Bernstein 
contains  Don  Manuel  Osorio  de  Zuniga,  a  small  boy  with 
a  birdcase  and  three  unnatural-looking  cats.  A  portrait 
of  Dona  Feliciana  Bayeu  has  recently  been  added  to  the 
Prado.  The  collection  of  the  Marquis  de  Alcanices 
contains  the  portrait  of  Goya's  grandson,  Mariano  de 
Goya  y  Goicoechea,  afterwards  known  as  the  Marquis 
de  Espinar.  The  child  wears  an  elaborate  lace  collar, 
and  a  round  hat  with  curved  brim,  and  the  canvas  is 


AN   ALLKGOKY 
Collection  0/  the  Marquis  <ie  lajlorrecilla.     Reproduced  from  a  photograph  by  permission 
0/  Mr.  A.  Calvert 


THE  GREAT  PORTRAIT  PERIOD         253 

most  sympathetically  painted  with  rich  depth  of  colour. 
In  the  summer  of  1913,  Messrs.  Knoedler  exhibited  in 
their  London  gallery  a  portrait  of  Victor  Guye,  nephew 
of  General  Nicolas  Guye,  a  child  of  about  seven  years, 
dressed  as  a  court  page  to  Joseph  Bonaparte  when  King 
of  Spain.  His  serious  face  peeps  from  a  stiff  blue  military 
uniform  covered  with  gold  lace.  A  sketch  of  a  peasant 
child  (belonging  to  the  Marquis  de  Casa  Torres),  in  scanty 
dress  and  bare  legs,  is  of  much  freer  execution,  and  sug- 
gests in  subject  the  English  school  of  Thomas  Webster 
and  William  Collins. 

These  portraits  hint  at  a  Goya  of  whom  we  know  but 
little,  a  Goya  who  loved  children,  who  knew  their  ways 
and  could  join  in  their  games.  But  Goya's  personality 
was  a  combination  of  Jekyll  as  well  as  Hyde.  The  artist 
who  had  imagined  the  terrible  scenes  of  devil-worship 
in  Los  Caprichos  easily  passed  from  worlds  of  light  to 
baser  planes.  In  1801  he  painted  An  allegory,  an  ampli- 
fication of  an  idea  in  Los  Caprichos  (No.  55)  which  perhaps 
is  intended  to  represent  the  Countess  of  Benavente, 
although  the  meaning  is  exceedingly  vague.  A  few  years 
before  he  had  invented  those  extraordinary  pieces  of 
genre,  sometimes  called  the  Duchess  of  Alba  and  her  duenna. 
In  one  the  duenna,  own  cousin  to  Juliet's  nurse,  holds 
a  crucifix  in  front  of  her  imploring  mistress  ;  in  the 
second  her  skirt  is  being  pulled  by  two  little  pages,  one 
a  tiny  negro.  These  belong  to  the  same  style  as  the 
Allegory,  but  lack  its  venom. 

From  time  to  time  religious  compositions  came  from 
the  same  studio.  In  1817  Goya  went  to  Seville  to  paint 
a  Saint  Justa  and  Saint  Rufina  for  an  altar  in  the  cathedral. 
For  his  models  he  selected  two  famous  demi-mondaines. 


254  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

"  I  will  cause  the  faithful  to  worship  vice,"  was  his 
blasphemous  explanation.  The  picture  has  been  much 
praised,  but  owes  its  fame  more  to  this  scandalous 
anecdote  than  its  own  merit. 


CHAPTER    XVII 

THE   PENINSULA  WAR 

Death  of  Goya's  Wife.  Spanish  PoHtics.  Napoleon  and  the  Bourbons. 
Invasion  of  the  Peninsula.  Ferdinand  VII.  His  Portrait  by  Goya. 
The  "  Dos  de  Mayo."  Goya's  two  Great  Pictures  of  the  Revolt. 
His  Attitude  towards  King  Joseph  Bonaparte.  A  Portrait  of  Pala- 
fox.  The  two  Sieges  of  Zaragoza.  Goya  visits  Aragon.  Los  Desastres 
de  la  Guerra.  Goya's  Portrait  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington.  An  Exciting 
Incident.  The  Restoration  of  Ferdinand  VII.  Goya  goes  into  Hiding, 
but  is  pardoned  by  the  King.  Portrait  of  Juan  Martin,  "  El  Empe- 
cinado,"  Juan  Martin's  Reward.  Goya  contemplates  a  Voluntary 
Exile. 

GOYA'S  wife  died  about  1804,  some  ten  years  after 
the  death  of  her  brother  Francisco  Bayeu. 
The  artist  lost  friends  on  every  side  during  the 
early  years  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  Duchess 
of  Alba  died  in  1802  ;  Maria  del  Rosario  Fernandez, 
"  La  Tirana,"  about  the  same  time.  Martin  Zapater, 
his  life-long  correspondent  in  Zaragoza,  had  already 
disappeared  from  the  scene,  and  was  followed  to  the  grave 
in  1806  by  Juan  Martin  de  Goicoechea,  whose  grand- 
daughter had  married  Goya's  son.  The  deaf  master's 
reflections  could  not  have  been  very  cheerful,  for,  in 
addition  to  his  personal  sorrows,  the  state  of  affairs  in 
the  country  was  rapidly  going  from  bad  to  worse. 

The  military  campaign  against  the  French  Republic 
had  ended  in  unconditional  surrender,  and,  by  the  treaty 


256  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

of  San  Ildefonso,  Godoy  had  joined  hands  with  the 
government  of  revolution  against  Great  Britain.  The 
royal  favourite  succeeded  Aranda  as  prime  minister  in 
1792.  Although  hated  by  the  people,  the  Choricero  * 
retained  his  position  at  the  head  of  the  government,  for 
the  infatuation  of  Charles  IV.  and  Maria  Luisa  passed 
even  the  limits  of  decency.  His  marriage  to  the  eldest 
daughter  of  Don  Luis,  the  King's  uncle,  was  bitterly 
resented,  for  it  was  well  known  that  his  household  was 
ruled  by  Dona  Josef  a  Tudo.  In  1798,  in  deference  to 
popular  feeling,  the  King  was  compelled  to  relieve  him 
of  his  functions  as  a  minister.  The  Queen,  it  is  said, 
had  also  fallen  in  love  with  another  guardsman  named 
Mallo.f  But  Godoy  was  soon  back  in  office,  and  his 
burlesque  performances  as  generalissimo  of  the  campaign 
against  Portugal  consolidated  his  power.  Ambition  led 
him,  and  his  sovereign,  into  a  trap  which  proved  the 
ruin  of  both. 

Napoleon's  policy  towards  Spain  was  summed  up  in 
the  remark,  "  Un  Bourbon  sur  le  trone  d'Espagne,  c'est 
un  voisin  trop  danger eux."  In  the  days  of  the  Directory, 
the  alliance  of  Charles  IV.  was  bought  by  the  tempting 
suggestion  that  the  crown  of  Louis  XVI.  might  be  offered 
to    the    Spanish    Bourbon.     With    Bonaparte    as    First 

*  "  The  sausage  man,"  a  nickname  given  to  Godoy  because  he  came 
from  Estremadura,  a  centre  for  pig-breeding,  and  the  reputed  home  of 
all  Spanish  sausage  makers. 

t  "  During  the  brief  reign  of  Mallo  in  the  heart  of  Maria  Luisa, 
Charles  IV.,  from  the  balcony  of  the  Pardo,  saw  at  a  distance  that 
fortunate  guardsman  driving  four  horses  in  a  brilliant  equipage.  '  I 
wonder,'  said  the  King,  '  how  the  fellow  can  afford  to  keep  better 
horses  than  I  can  ?  '  '  The  scandal  goes,  your  Majesty,'  said  the  Prince 
of  Peace,  '  that  he  is  himself  kept  by  a  rich,  ugly  old  woman,  whose 
name  I  have  forgotten.'  " — Letters  from  Spain  (1822),  p.  352,  written 
by  Blanco  White. 


THE  PENINSULA  WAR  257 

Consul  that  dream  was  at  an  end,  but  Spain  had  become 
too  entangled  in  the  French  toils  for  retreat.  Godoy 
was  held  by  the  promise  of  an  independent  principality 
to  be  carved  out  of  southern  Portugal.  Napoleon  had 
thus  the  whole  of  Spanish  policy  within  his  grip.  His 
own  schemes  were  confessed  at  St.  Helena.  Speaking 
of  the  Spanish  royal  family,  he  said  :  "  When  I  saw  them 
at  my  feet,  and  could  judge  by  myself  of  their  incapacity, 
I  pitied  the  lot  of  a  great  people,  and  seized  the  unique 
occasion  which  fortune  presented  me  to  regenerate  Spain, 
to  rescue  her  from  England,  and  to  unite  her  entirely 
to  France."  According  to  a  conversation  reported  by 
Las  Casas,  he  threw  the  blame  of  his  downfall  upon  the 
Spanish  Bourbons.  "  When  I  saw  those  idiots  quarrelling, 
and  trying  to  oust  each  other,  I  thought  I  might  take 
advantage  of  it  to  dispossess  a  family  antagonistic  to  me. 
I  did  not  invent  their  quarrels,  and  if  I  had  known  the 
matter  would  have  brought  so  much  trouble  to  me,  I 
should  never  have  undertaken  it." 

The  anti-French  party  continued  its  storm  of  protest 
against  Godoy.  Ferdinand,  Prince  of  the  Asturias,  with 
the  help  of  his  wife  (daughter  of  the  Anglophil  Queen  of 
Naples)  and  his  former  tutor.  Canon  Escoiquiz,  was  in 
direct  antagonism — personal  as  well  as  political — to  his 
parents  and  their  minister.  The  sudden  death  of  the 
Princess  of  the  Asturias  in  May,  1806,  changed  his  atti- 
tude. To  ensure  the  downfall  of  Godoy  he  negotiated 
secretly  with  France,  and  suggested  that  he  might  be 
allowed  to  marry  one  of  the  Emperor's  sisters. 

Ferdinand  believed  that  his  mother  the  Queen  was 
plotting  to  disinherit  him,  and  to  place  Godoy,  or  at 
least  her  youngest  child,  the  reputed  son  of  Godoy,  upon 

S 


258  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

the  throne.  An  anonymous  letter  warned  Charles  IV. 
that  the  heir  apparent  was  intriguing  to  depose  him 
and  poison  the  Queen.  The  Prince  was  arrested,  and 
documents  were  found  in  his  desk  which  proved  his 
endeavour  to  overturn  the  royal  authority.  They  also 
revealed  his  secret  negotiations  with  Napoleon.  Charles 
IV.  pardoned  his  son,  but  published  the  whole  wretched 
business  in  the  Madrid  Gazette.  In  publicly  discrediting 
his  son  he  discredited  himself. 

Napoleon  held  the  key  of  the  situation.  Under  the 
pretext  that  Spanish  independence  must  be  guaranteed 
against  British  attack  he  obtained  permission  for  his 
army  to  enter  Spain.  Early  in  1807  over  100,000  French 
soldiers  were  south  of  the  Pyrenees.  The  national  hatred 
of  the  foreigner  now  complicated  the  already  overcharged 
atmosphere.  A  rumour  that  the  royal  family  was  taking 
to  flight  provoked  a  popular  rising  against  Godoy. 
Charles  IV.,  to  prevent  the  murder  of  his  favourite,  signed 
a  decree  handing  the  throne  to  Ferdinand  VII.  Within 
a  few  days  Murat  entered  Madrid  at  the  head  of  an  army 
corps.  Charles  withdrew  his  abdication,  and  Ferdinand 
asserted  his  right  to  the  crown.  Father  and  son  then 
commenced  to  outbid  each  other  for  the  support  of  a 
master  who  intended  to  crush  them  both. 

Napoleon's  plans  had  been  momentarily  upset,  for 
his  original  intention  had  been  to  frighten  Charles  IV. 
and  his  family  from  Spain,  and  he  had  already  offered 
the  crown  to  his  brother  Louis.  By  adroit  cajolery 
Ferdinand  was  inveigled  to  Bayonne  for  a  conference 
with  the  Emperor.  On  another  road  Charles  IV.  and 
Maria  Luisa  were  being  conveyed,  surrounded  by  a  French 
escort,  to  the  same  town  under  the  pretext  that  Napoleon 


THE  PENINSULA  WAR  259 

was  about  to  confirm  their  sovereignty.  Ferdinand, 
upon  his  arrival,  was  placed  under  arrest  and  deposed. 
His  parents  quickly  realised  that  they  could  never  return 
to  Madrid,  and,  to  spite  their  son,  formally  resigned  all 
their  rights  in  the  Spanish  throne  to  the  Emperor.  Under 
pressure  Ferdinand  withdrew  his  claims  to  find  that  he 
had  been  duped,  and  that  his  father  had  given  the  crown 
to  France.  It  was  an  adroit  piece  of  unscrupulous 
manoeuvring.  Charles  IV.,  Maria  Luisa,  and  Godoy 
retired  to  Rome,  and  disappear  from  history.  Ferdinand 
was  sent  a  prisoner  to  Valen9ay,  where  he  remained  for 
the  next  six  years.  But  Madrid  was  in  revolution,  and 
although  Joseph  Bonaparte  was  accepted  by  a  servile 
Junta  as  King  of  Spain,  the  whole  unhappy  country  had 
risen  in  arms  against  foreign  domination. 

Goya  knew  intimately  all  the  actors  in  this  tragedy, 
and  it  is  impossible  to  judge  his  actions  during  the  War 
of  Independence  unless  we  have  some  knowledge  of  the 
tangle  of  Spanish  politics  during  the  early  nineteenth 
centur}^  Ferdinand  was  immensely  popular  amongst 
the  lower  orders,  probably  because  of  his  animosity  against 
Godoy.  Goya  clearly  did  not  share  the  general  enthu- 
siasm, for  his  portraits  of  the  Prince  lack  sympathy  and 
accentuate  the  repellent  side  of  his  character.  Only 
in  the  Family  of  Charles  IV.  does  the  artist  allow  him  the 
slightest  grace.  Seven  years  later,  at  the  moment  of 
his  arrest  in  the  Escorial,  the  Prince  is  described  as  :  "A 
stout,  well-built,  fresh-coloured  young  man  of  twenty- 
three,  of  singularly  sinister  aspect.  His  forehead  was 
white  and  well-shaped,  and  over  his  dark  eyes  lowered 
conspicuously  heavy,  smooth,  jet-black  eyebrows,  glossy 
like  leeches  ;  but  it  was  the  lower  part  of  the  face  which 


26o  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

mainly  attracted  attention.  The  point  of  the  drooping 
Bourbon  nose  descended  over  a  very  short  upper  Up  to 
the  level  of  the  straight-slit  mouth  ;  whilst  the  nether 
jaw,  underhung  like  those  of  the  Princes  of  the  House  of 
Austria,  stood  clear  out,  so  that  the  underlip  was  on  a 
level  with  the  point  of  the  nose.  This  was  Fernando, 
Prince  of  the  Asturias,  who  in  his  own  person  centred 
all  the  evil  qualities  of  both  his  Bourbon  and  Hapsburg 
ancestors  without  any  of  their  virtues  ;  a  man  of  un- 
doubted ability,  beloved  to  frenzy  by  a  generous,  loyal 
people,  who  made  greater  sacrifices  for  him  than  a  nation 
ever  made  for  a  ruler  ;  but  a  Prince  who  yet,  through  the 
whole  of  a  long  life,  belied  every  promise,  betrayed  every 
friend,  repaid  every  sacrifice  by  persecution,  rewarded  love 
and  attachment  by  cruelty  and  injustice  ;  and  who  thus 
early  began  by  treason  to  an  over-indulgent  father  an 
evil  career  which  was  to  bring  untold  misery  to  his  country 
and  a  heritage  of  war  of  which  the  end  has  not  yet  been 
reached."  *  The  canvas  in  the  Prado,  showing  Ferdinand 
in  the  midst  of  a  military  camp,  is  said  to  have  been 
painted  in  the  early  years  of  the  century,  before  he 
ascended  the  throne,  f  The  statement  appears  doubtful 
when  the  picture  is  compared  with  the  portrait  in  the 
family  group  of  1799,  for  the  features  are  much  older.  The 
figure  is  stiff,  the  colour  like  steel,  and  the  ensemble  far 
from  pleasing.  Another  representation  of  Ferdinand,  in 
almost  exactly  the  same  pose,  but  clad  in  his  coronation 
robes,  must  have  been  painted  upon  his  restoration  in 
1814.  The  equestrian  portrait,  frankly  based  upon 
Velazquez,  is  usually  reported  to  have  been  painted  after 

*  Martin  A.  S.  Hume  :  Modern  Spain  (1899),  p.  89. 
t  Valerian  von  Loga :   Goya,  p.  112. 


THE   PENINSULA  WAR  261 

the  abdication  of  Charles  IV.  and  before  Ferdinand's 
journey  to  Bayonne — a  period  of  a  few  weeks. 

Goya's  attitude  towards  the  new  King  in  1808  could 
only  have  been  one  of  supreme  disgust.  The  entry  of 
Murat  and  25,000  French  soldiers  into  Madrid  excited 
his  patriotic  indignation.  Within  a  few  days  came  the 
terrible  "  Dos  de  Mayo,"  of  which  Goya  was  an  active 
witness.  Charles  IV.  had  ordered  his  daughter,  Doiia 
Maria  Luisa,  Queen  of  Etruria,  and  his  son  Francisco  de 
Paula,  the  only  members  of  the  royal  family  left  in  the 
capital,  to  join  him  at  Bayonne,  and  their  departure  was 
arranged  for  May  2.  Early  in  the  morning  a  large 
crowd  surrounded  the  gates  of  the  palace,  protesting 
against  the  removal  of  the  child  Francisco,  who  was  a 
popular  favourite.  A  footman  reported  that  the  boy 
was  in  tears  at  the  prospect  of  leaving  his  home.  A 
French  officer  passing  at  the  instant,  a  woman  screamed, 
"  He  is  taking  them  away  from  us  !  "  The  mob  attacked 
the  officer  and  his  escort  in  wild  fury,  and  broke  to  pieces 
the  travelling  carriages  waiting  for  the  Prince  and  Princess. 

The  crowd  was  practically  unarmed,  and  could  have 
been  dispersed  without  trouble.  Murat,  however,  con- 
sidered that  the  time  had  arrived  to  prove  who  was  the 
master.  French  troops  were  hurried  into  the  square, 
and  a  couple  of  volleys  poured  into  the  quivering  mass. 
The  news  ran  through  Madrid,  and  the  population  rose 
in  revolt.  The  great  square  of  the  Puerta  del  Sol  became 
a  scene  of  the  most  savage  butchery.  Fresh  brigades 
were  marched  in  from  the  French  camp,  and  by  midday 
the  Mamelukes  held  undisputed  mastery.  Then  Murat 
drove  his  victory  home.  Every  man  caught  with  arms, 
or  even  suspected  of  anti-French  sympathies,  was  sent 


262  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

to  the  drumhead.  Throughout  the  afternoon,  into  the 
early  hours  of  the  next  morning.  Grouchy  sentenced 
hundreds  of  Madrilenos  to  death.  They  were  immedi- 
ately shot  in  the  fields  of  the  Prado,  or  outside  the  walls 
of  the  city. 

As  Goya  sat  in  his  studio,  the  windows  shook  again 
and  again  whilst  the  French  artillery  were  clearing  the 
streets  of  the  capital.*  In  the  revolt  of  1766  he  had  been 
amongst  the  combatants,  but  forty  years  had  made  all 
the  difference  in  the  man,  and  now  he  could  be  nothing 
more  than  an  onlooker.  A  few  days  later  he  was  stand- 
ing in  the  Prado,  the  centre  of  a  group  of  idlers.  Sud- 
denly he  dipped  his  handkerchief  in  the  mud  of  a  gutter 
and  then  rushed  to  the  nearest  wall.  To  and  fro  he 
went  from  gutter  to  wall,  using  one  as  his  palette,  the 
other  as  canvas.  Gradually,  in  bold  strokes  and  washes, 
the  wall  was  covered  with  a  gigantic  sketch  representing 
an  incident  of  May  2.  It  was  Goya's  reproof  to  a  popu- 
lation which  had  allowed  itself  to  be  conquered  by  the 
foreigner.  This  sketch  was  the  foundation  for  the 
famous  picture  in  the  Prado  Gallery,  f 

The  Dos  de  Mayo  is  one  of  the  great  historical  pictures 
of  the  world.  Its  appalling  realism  strikes  the  visitor 
with  horror  ;  it  is  unpleasant  to  look  at.  There  is  no 
reticence,  no  slurring  over  facts  and  details  we  would 
prefer  not  to  notice.  The  figures  are  life-size,  and  the 
canvas  must  have  been  painted  with  extreme  rapidity. 

*  The  story  of  art  in  Madrid  has  many  recollections  of  war.  There 
is  a  letter  in  the  correspondence  of  Henri  Regnault  which  describes 
how,  as  he  sat  quietly  copying  a  Velazquez  in  the  Prado,  the  discharge 
of  cannon  stopped  all  work  and  everyone  rushed  out  to  join  Prim's 
triumphal  march  through  Madrid. 

t  Matheron  :  Goya,  chap.  VI. 


THE   PENINSULA  WAR  263 

Matheron  says  that  the  artist  used  a  spoon  instead  of  a 
brush  for  his  pigments,  but,  under  repeated  coats  of 
varnish,  there  is  no  sign  of  overloaded  colour,  although  the 
tones  have  a  beautiful  depth.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  Goya  actually  witnessed  from  some  window  the 
terrible  scene  he  reproduced,  a  bull-fight  on  a  large 
scale — but,  instead  of  bulls,  men  were  being  slaughtered. 
The  French  cavalry  are  giving  way  to  the  Spanish  attack. 
A  Mameluke,  with  a  look  of  inexpressible  terror  upon  his 
face,  falls  backward  from  his  horse  as  a  manola  raises  a 
stiletto  to  plunge  into  his  breast.  Another  insurgent 
bodily  throws  himself  upon  a  turbaned  horseman.  Goya 
has  caught  an  extraordinary  sense  of  almost  electric 
action  in  this  composition,  not  to  be  found  in  the  well- 
ordered  pictorial  exercises  of  Horace  Vernet  or  the  French 
military  artists  of  the  Second  Empire.  His  soul  rose  with 
indignation  as  he  worked,  and,  being  a  genius  of  masterly 
power,  his  paint  still  conveys  his  own  passionate  horror  to 
the  spectator. 

A  companion  picture  of  equal  size  commemorates 
the  execution  of  the  prisoners.  The  day  is  about  to 
break  over  the  towers  and  steeples  of  the  capital.  The 
wretched  captives  gaze  with  hopeless  despair  at  the  guns 
of  the  grenadiers.  One  man  throws  up  his  arms  and 
curses  the  executioners.  The  guards  stand  shoulder  to 
shoulder,  firm  as  rocks,  immovable  as  fate  itself,  as  they 
prepare  to  fire.  In  a  second  the  word  of  command  will 
be  given,  a  crash  of  musketry  will  rattle  against  the  walls 
of  the  city,  re-echoing  through  the  silent  streets  ;  another 
trembhng  gang  will  be  pushed  into  position  upon  the 
blood-stained  earth,  and  yet  another.  .  .  .  Grouchy  is 
merciless. 


264  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Yet,  when  Joseph  Bonaparte  entered  Madrid  as  its 
King,  Goya  welcomed  him,  accepted  the  office  of  Court 
painter  under  the  new  dispensation,  and  wore  the  ribbon 
of  the  Legion  of  Honour  ! 

The  action  was  illogical,  but  there  was  good  excuse. 
Many  other  intelligent  Spaniards  took  the  same  step. 
The  policy  of  Charles  IV. — or  rather  of  Godoy  and  Maria 
Luisa — had  wrecked  the  country.  Nothing  could  be 
expected  from  the  miserable  Ferdinand.  The  public 
debt  was  £72,000,000,  three-quarters  of  which  had  been 
accumulated  since  the  death  of  Charles  III.  The  annual 
deficit  was  three  and  a  half  millions.  Only  a  strong 
administration  could  save  Spain,  and  Napoleon's  financial 
assistants  had  grappled  successfully  with  even  greater  dis- 
orders. When  Goya  is  harshly  criticised  these  facts  should 
be  remembered.  In  Madrid  he  was  an  afrancesado ;  in 
the  country  he  was  a  patriot.  At  one  moment  he  is 
painting  the  portrait  of  El  Rey  intruso  ;  at  another  he  is 
depicting  the  atrocities  of  the  French  soldiers.  Torn  by 
conflicting  emotions,  a  sincere  nationalist,  he  was  forced 
to  recognise  that  Spain  could  only  be  saved  by  the  hated 
foreigner. 

From  1808  to  1813  the  Peninsula  was  a  shambles. 
Amidst  such  overwhelming  disasters  it  is  wonderful 
that  Goya  was  able  to  work  at  all,  but  he  managed  to 
continue  his  portraits,  and  from  time  to  time  he  travelled 
into  Aragon.  On  August  3,  1808,  the  first  British 
expeditionary  force  landed  in  Mondego  Bay,  and  during 
the  summer  of  1808  four  independent  campaigns  were 
in  operation — in  Portugal,  in  Catalonia,  in  Galicia  and 
Old  Castile,  and  in  Aragon.  The  first  defence  of  Zara- 
goza  under  Palafox  lasted  from  June  15  to  August  13. 


THE  PENINSULA  WAR  265 

When  King  Joseph  retreated  from  Madrid  on  August  i, 
the  French  generals  retired  from  Aragon  and  the  city  was 
free.  Goya,  who  appears  to  have  been  in  Madrid,  soon 
left  for  his  native  province,  and  arrived  in  Zaragoza 
early  in  October.  He  was  received  by  Palafox,  whose 
portrait  he  painted.  This  canvas  is  now  in  the  Prado. 
Palafox  sits  a  prancing  horse,  and  flourishes  his  sabre. 
The  attitude  is  stilted  and  conventional,  although  there 
is  a  certain  verve  in  the  paint.  Goya  visited  Fuende- 
todos,  but  travelling  was  difficult  owing  to  the  disturbed 
condition  of  the  country,  and  he  returned  to  Madrid. 
In  November  Palafox  was  defeated  by  Lannes,  and 
withdrew  to  Zaragoza,  but  Goya  must  already  have 
arrived  in  the  capital  which  surrendered  to  the  Emperor 
in  person  on  December  3. 

The  second  siege  of  Zaragoza  commenced  December  20, 
1808.  The  French  broke  through  the  outer  walls  of 
the  city  on  January  27,  1809,  but  three  weeks  of  street 
fighting  remained  before  the  Aragonese  surrendered. 
Over  20,000  fighting  men  and  30,000  of  the  populace 
perished,  and  the  siege  remains  one  of  the  most  sanguinary 
in  the  history  of  Europe.  "  I  have  never  seen  stubbornness 
equal  to  the  defence  of  this  place,"  wrote  Lannes  to  the 
Emperor.  "  Women  allow  themselves  to  be  killed  in  front 
of  every  breach.  Every  house  needs  a  separate  assault. 
...  In  a  word.  Sire,  this  is  a  war  which  horrifies."  Lady 
Holland,  in  her  diary,  under  the  date  April  29,  1809, 
tells  a  curious  little  story.  "  Palafox  was  insulted  by  the 
French  and  cruelly  treated  ;  they  removed  the  surgeon 
who  attended  him,  and  placed  a  Frenchman  in  his  place. 
In  his  room  there  were  several  drawings  done  by  the 
celebrated  Goya,  who  had  gone  from  Madrid  on  purpose 


266  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

to  see  the  ruins  of  Zaragoza  ;  these  drawings  and  one  of 
the  famous  heroine,  also  by  Goya,  the  French  officers 
cut  and  destroyed  with  their  sabres  at  the  moment  too 
when  Palafox  was  dying  in  his  bed."  * 

Again  Goya  paid  a  flying  visit  to  the  heap  of  ruins 
which  he  had  known  as  Zaragoza,  taking  as  a  companion 
Luis  Gil  Ranz,  his  pupil.  On  the  journey  he  was  arrested 
as  a  spy,  his  deafness  complicated  the  situation,  and  he 
narrowly  escaped  being  shot.  For  some  years  he  appears 
to  have  remained  in  Madrid,  but  his  movements  are 
difficult  to  trace.  Early  in  1809  he  painted  an  allegorical 
picture  showing  Madrid  as  a  beautiful  girl  holding  a  shield 
which  encircled  a  portrait  of  King  Joseph.  The  model 
bears  some  likeness  to  the  style  he  used  in  the  frescoes 
of  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida.  The  portrait  of  the  King 
was  afterwards  erased,  and  replaced  by  the  words, 
"  Dos  de  Mayo."  Another  portrait  of  Joseph  Bonaparte 
has  been  lost.  On  October  25,  18 10,  he  was  appointed 
in  conjunction  with  Maella  and  Napoli  to  select  fifty 
pictures  from  the  royal  collection  to  be  sent  to  France  for 
the  museum  Napoleon  was  forming.  He  must  have 
accepted  the  commission  with  mixed  feelings,  but  he 
selected  the  canvases  with  considerable  skill,  for  there 
was  not  one  amongst  them  which  was  likely  to  be  missed. 
The  three  by  Velazquez  included  a  St.  Joseph,  Don 
Balthasar  Carlos,  and  a  Martyrdom  of  St.  Jacob.  To 
these  he  added  three  Murillos,  five  Zurbarans,  four 
Riberas,   one  Alonso  Cano,   and  many  less   important 

*  The  Spanish  Journal  of  Elizabeth,  Lady  Holland  (1910),  p,  324. 
Lady  Holland  was  at  the  time  in  Seville.  She  does  not  mention  ever 
meeting  Goya,  although  she  was  a  frequent  visitor  to  Madrid  during 
the  years  1802-1809. 


^   I 
''I 


THE  PENINSULA  WAR  267 

masters.  These  works  never  left  Madrid  for  Paris, 
although  several  have  since  been  lost  or  stolen.* 

Goya's  health  now  took  a  sudden  turn  for  the  worse. 
He  left  his  easel,  and,  as  he  had  done  before,  turned  to 
his  etching  tools.  The  result  can  be  seen  in  the  collection 
of  plates  known  as  Los  Desastres  de  la  Guerra,  a  production 
which  covers  the  years  1810  to  1813.  In  all  there  are 
eighty-two  plates.  Goya  printed  a  few  proofs  during 
his  lifetime,  but  the  whole  series  was  first  published  in 
1863  by  the  Academy  of  San  Fernando.  This  edition 
consists  of  eighty  etchings,  two  of  the  plates  having  passed 
into  other  hands.  Goya's  own  proofs  were  pulled  in  a 
blackish  ink.  The  rare  first  edition  of  1863  can  be  dis- 
tinguished by  its  reddish  hue. 

Los  Caprichos  is  a  mixture  of  satire,  fantasy,  and  the 
grotesque.  Los  Desastres  is  an  appalling  commentary 
upon  war.  In  the  history  of  art  there  is  nothing  like  it. 
Goya's  etchings  have  been  compared  to  Callot's  Miseries 
of  War,  but  if  there  is  similarity  of  idea  there  is  no  simi- 
larity in  treatment.  Callot  was  an  artist  first ;  his  quaint 
miniatures  produce  the  same  effect  as  a  set  scene  on  the 
stage  of  a  marionette  theatre.  He  draws  horrible  things 
in  a  pleasant  manner.  We  agree  with  him  that  war  is  a 
miserable  affair,  that  convents  could  be  sacked  in  a  most 
picturesque  fashion,  and  that  a  public  execution  offered 
much  scope  for  an  artist.  The  Miseries  of  War  appeals  to 
us  aesthetically  but  not  emotionally. 

The  case  is  different  with  Los  Desastres  de  la  Guerra, 
Not  for  one  instant  does  Goya  attempt  artistic  effect ;  in 
fact,  he  remains  a  great  artist  in  spite  of  himself.    Boiling 

*  A  list  will  be  found  in  the  Count  de  Viiiaza's  Goya,  and  other 
details  in  Pedro  de  Madrazo's  Viaje  artistico. 


268  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

over  with  a  rage  which  at  times  is  lost  in  pity  he  tries 
to  preach  a  sermon  with  an  obvious  moral.  A  French 
author  has  said  that  Goya  could  never  claim  excellence 
in  a  certain  class  of  the  emotions  such  as  pity,  piety,  and 
the  grief  of  humble  folk.*  If  piety  means  a  regular 
attendance  at  church,  Goya  was  certainly  not  pious,  and 
he  could  hardly  be  reverent  towards  a  Deity  whose 
existence  he  doubted.  But  there  is  a  piety  of  patriotism 
which  breathes  throughout  these  living  drawings,  and 
there  is  pity,  and  a  sympathy  with  the  grief  of  humble 
folk,  to  be  found  upon  almost  every  page.  The  very  first 
plate  represents  a  starved,  half-naked  peasant  on  his 
knees  imploring  mercy. 

Goya  was  a  realist,  and  he  set  down  unflinchingly 
and  without  reticence  the  facts  of  war.  The  glories 
of  war  did  not  interest  him.  He  turned  to  its  shame  and 
horror,  and  it  is  well  that  one  man  has  done  the  repellent 
task,  for  it  is  unlikely  ever  to  be  repeated.  Murder  and 
rapine  are  the  keynotes  of  the  collection.  The  French 
grenadiers  and  dragoons  stalk  through  these  pages 
like  fiends.  Goya  holds  the  balance  fairly,  and  shows 
the  fearful  acts  of  retaliation  from  the  peasantry.  Sex 
and  age  are  allowed  no  privilege,  but,  with  a  cruelty 
rivalling  that  of  the  lowest  circles  of  Hell,  men,  women, 
and  children  are  tortured  and  slain  with  a  barbarity  which 
surpasses  the  imagination.  Every  aspect  of  war  is 
brought  before  our  eyes — except  the  heroic.  Rubens,  as 
Richard  Muther  reminds  us,  had  painted  an  allegorical 
picture  of  the  horrors  of  war.  But  Goya  saw  life  from  a 
different  aspect,  and  forestalling  such  artists  as  Wiertz 

*  Leonce  Amaudry  in  an  article  in  the  Burlington  Magazine 
(December,  1904),  Vol.  VI.,  p.  191. 


oc^ 


(-1  .8 


THE  PENINSULA  WAR  269 

and  Verestchagin,  repeated  again  and  again  the  same 
haunting  question  : 

"  To  what  end  ?  " 

Los  Desastres  de  la  Guerra  can  only  be  properly  studied 
with  the  aid  of  the  actual  etchings,  or  their  reproductions. 
The  plates  have  not  an  equal  value,  and  towards  the  close 
of  the  series  Goya  abruptly  changed  his  original  idea  and 
revived  the  old  Caprices,  whilst  others  are  purely  political 
and  satirise  the  government  and  King  Joseph.  These 
are  often  weak  in  design.  But  at  his  best  Goya  exhibits 
a  superb  mastery  of  his  medium.  Los  desastres  de  la 
Guerra  is  revolting,  cries  one  indignant  critic.  But  war 
itself  is  revolting,  and  a  man  who  can  convince  his 
fellows  that  such  butchery  is  unnatural  has  performed  a 
service  to  humanity. 

On  August  10,  1812,  King  Joseph  left  Madrid,  the 
battle  of  Salamanca  having  rendered  his  position  unsafe. 
On  August  12  Wellington  entered  the  capital  at  the  head 
of  a  combined  Spanish  and  English  army.  With  his 
peculiar  adaptability  Goya  made  friends  with  the  new- 
comers. He  was  commissioned  to  paint  a  portrait  of 
Wellington,  and  the  red  chalk  sketch,  now  carefully  pre- 
served in  the  British  Museum,  is  certainly  the  most  faithful 
portrait  in  existence  of  the  great  general.  The  finished 
canvas  is  at  Strathfieldsaye.  Whilst  the  work  was  in  pro- 
gress, the  Duke,  who  did  not  wholly  appreciate  the  likeness, 
made  some  remarks  which  were  misunderstood  by  the 
deaf  artist.  Goya  in  sudden  passion  rushed  to  his  pistols 
to  avenge  the  fancied  insult.  Xavier  Goya  was  in  the 
studio,  and  snatched  the  arms  from  his  father.  Welling- 
ton, also  a  man  of  hot  temper,  was  not  appeased  for 
several  days,  but  eventually  peace  was  made  and  the 


270  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

portrait  finished.  However,  Goya  nearly  changed  the 
course  of  the  world's  history. 

The  English  troops  did  not  remain  long  in  Madrid, 
for  Joseph  Bonaparte  returned  in  December,  and  the 
French  did  not  finally  evacuate  the  city  until  May,  1813. 
A  year  later  Ferdinand  VI I.  re-entered  his  capital  amidst 
the  delirious  joy  of  the  mob.  The  prisons  were  crowded 
with  Liberals  and  afrancesados ,  and  Goya  was  given  a 
shelter  by  Don  Jose  Duaso  y  Latre,  remaining  in  hiding 
for  three  months.  More  fortunate  than  many  of  his 
friends,  he  was  restored  to  his  old  position  as  first  painter 
to  the  King.  Ferdinand  was  a  vain  creature  with  sufficient 
artistic  discernment  to  know  that  Goya  was  the  only 
living  Spanish  portrait-painter  who  could  adequately 
depict  him  in  all  the  splendour  of  his  robes  of  state. 

"  You  have  deserved  exile,  you  have  merited  the 
garotte,  but  you  are  a  great  artist,  and  we  will  forget 
everything,"  was  the  King's  form  of  pardon  when  Goya 
was  presented  at  the  new  Court. 

Ferdinand  had  his  portraits,  but  Goya's  interest  in  the 
Bourbons  gradually  died  away.  Perhaps  it  would  have 
been  more  honourable  if  he  had  not  accepted  the  re- 
appointment, although  financial  reasons  probably  moved 
him  to  beg  for  a  renewal  of  the  royal  favour.  His  old 
friends  were  being  remorselessly  punished  and  exiled. 
The  Inquisition  was  re-established,  and  the  clock  set 
back  more  than  a  century.  Life  under  Charles  III.,  an 
enlightened  monarch  of  liberal  ideas,  was  freedom  itself 
compared  with  the  reactionary  rule  of  his  grandson. 
Even  the  men  who  had  fought  for  Spain  whilst  Ferdinand 
was  living  in  peaceful  comfort  at  Valen9ay  were  punished. 

When  Wellington  entered  Madrid  in  1812,  at  the  head 


ARTHUR   WELI.ESLEY,    DUKE   OF   WELLINGTON 
Drmviitg  in  red  chalk.     British  Museum 


THE  PENINSULA  WAR  271 

of  the  Spanish  troops  rode  Juan  Martin,  a  peasant  who 
had  commanded  the  guerrilla  bands  with  striking 
ability,  a  born  military  genius  of  the  type  of  the  Breton 
Cathelineau  or  the  Savoyard  Catinat.  Goya  painted  the 
portrait  of  El  Empecinado,  a  canvas  of  most  remarkable 
power.  Clearly  the  son  of  one  peasant  was  in  thorough 
accord  with  the  son  of  another. 

Upon  Ferdinand's  return  from  Valengay  Juan  Martin 
was  rewarded  for  his  great  service  by  strict  imprisonment. 
He  escaped  to  Portugal,  but  was  recaptured  in  November, 
1823.  "  He  was  kept  by  the  local  authorities  at  Roa 
for  the  next  ten  months,"  writes  Martin  Hume,  "  suffer- 
ing the  most  revolting  tortures  in  prison,  being  brought 
out  every  market  day  in  an  iron  cage  to  be  exposed  to 
the  insults  of  the  crowd.  For  four  days  at  a  time  he 
was  kept  without  food  or  drink,  confined  in  one  position  ; 
and  his  prayers  that  he  should  promptly  be  put  out  of 
his  misery  only  brought  upon  him  fresh  persecution. 
In  vain  the  English  ambassador  protested  to  the  King 
against  such  inhumanity  ;  the  Empecinado  refused  to 
acknowledge  any  crime  or  beg  for  mercy,  as  he  had 
formerly  refused  the  bribe  of  a  peerage  to  desert  the 
Constitution,  and  he  was  at  length  condemned  to  the 
gallows.  He  was  calm  and  dignified  almost  to  the  last ; 
but  on  his  way  to  the  scaffold  he  was  driven  to  sudden 
fury  by  seeing  one  of  his  persecutors,  a  royalist  volunteer 
officer,  flourishing  the  famous  sword  which  he,  the 
Empecinado,  had  borne  throughout  the  war.  With  a 
prodigious  effort  he  burst  his  fetters  and  scattered  those 
who  held  him  captive  ;  but  he  tripped  over  the  shroud 
in  which  he  was  clothed,  and,  fighting  furiously  to 
the  last,   this,   one   of   the  greatest  heroes  of  Spanish 


272  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

independence,  was  dragged  by  the  neck  until  he  was 
dead,  and  the  last  insults  might  be  offered  to  his  corpse 
with  impunity."  * 

This  was  but  one  of  many  similar  incidents.  Men  like 
Leandro  Moratin,  who  had  been  forced  into  exile,  refused 
the  pardon  of  Ferdinand  VII.  as  an  insult.  Goya  him- 
self was  now  considering  the  idea  of  a  voluntary 
expatriation. 

*  Martin  A.  S.  Hume  :  Modern  Spain  (1899),  p.  257. 


About  1812 


Photo.  Calvert 


GENERAL  JUAN    MARTIN,    EL   EMPECINADO 
Collection  of  the  Marquis  de  Casa  Torres,  Madrid 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

GOYA  IN   RETIREMENT,   1818-1823 

Goya's  Country  House  outside  Madrid.  Leocardia  and  Rosario  Weiss. 
Two  Portraits  of  the  Artist.  The  Meeting  of  the  Cortes.  Portraits  and 
Religious  Subjects.  The  Portrait  of  Don  Ramon  Satue.  The  Tauro- 
maquia.  Los  Proverbios.  The  Prisoners.  The  Frescoes  in  his 
Country  House.     Indignant  Criticism.      Satan  devouring  his  Children. 

SOON  after  the  restoration  of  Ferdinand  VII.  Goya 
gave  up  his  residence  in  Madrid,  and  retired  to 
a  Httle  property  he  had  bought  some  years 
before,  outside  the  city,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river 
Manzanares,  and  close  to  the  Puenta  de  Segovia.  Not  far 
away  stood  the  Casa  del  Campo,  and  within  a  stone's 
throw  was  the  scene  of  his  picture  La  romeria  di  San 
Isidro.  The  house  was  a  small,  unpretentious  building  of 
two  stories,  and  the  windows  commanded  a  fine  view  of 
Madrid.  In  the  rear  could  be  seen  the  Guadarrama 
mountains  with  their  snow-capped  ridges.  This  land- 
scape gave  much  delight  to  the  old  artist,  who  compared 
it  to  the  Roman  Campagna  with  the  Alban  hills  in  the 
distance.  His  rural  home,  in  which  he  loved  to  entertain 
his  friends  from  the  city,  became  known  as  the  "  Huerta 
del  Sordo,"   the  House   of  the   Deaf  Man.*    Domestic 

*  Charles  Yriarte,  in  L'Art,  Vol.  II.,  p.  g,  says  that  Goya  bought 
the  Quinta  when  he  was  busy  upon  the  decorations  of  San  Antonio 
de  la  Florida.  A  drawing  of  the  house,  in  the  midst  of  a  somewhat 
ragged  garden,  is  given  on  the  same  page.  Another  drawing  will  be 
found  in  the  same  author's  Goya  (1867),  p.  91. 

T 


274  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

arrangements  were  controlled  by  his  second  cousin, 
Leocardia  Servilla,  who  had  married  the  son  of  a  travelling 
salesman  from  Bavaria,  Isidro  Weiss.  Her  husband  having 
parted  from  her,  for  reasons  unknown,  she  took  charge 
of  Goya's  house,  and  lived  under  his  roof  with  a  little  girl 
called  Rosario  Weiss,  who  had  been  born  in  1814.  When 
Goya  went  to  Madrid  he  is  said  to  have  stayed  with  the 
bookseller  of  the  Calle  de  Carretas,  whose  wife — or 
daughter — ^he  painted.  But  there  is  no  clue  to  the  year 
in  which  this  well-known  portrait  was  finished,  and  it  is 
probably  earher  than  the  date  of  his  complete  removal 
from  Madrid. 

Goya's  portrait  in  the  Academy  of  San  Fernando  was 
painted  in  181 5,  and  does  not  greatly  differ  from  the 
frontispiece  of  Los  Caprichos  of  1796.  The  face  is  strong, 
heavy,  and  powerful,  with  every  outward  sign  of 
un quenched  vitality.*  A  full-length  portrait,  belonging 
to  the  Count  de  Villagonzalo,  was  probably  painted  at 
the  Quint  a  on  the  banks  of  the  Manzanares,  although  its 
exact  date  is  difficult  to  fix.  Goya  stands  before  his 
easel,  his  figure  silhouetted  against  the  blinding  light  of 
the  large  studio  window.  He  is  clad  in  a  tightly-fitting 
toreador  dress,  and  wears  one  of  those  fantastic  round  hats 
which  are  so  frequently  to  be  seen  in  Jan  Steen's  canvases. 
For  an  instant  we  catch  a  glimpse  of  Goya  as  he  appeared 
when  at  work.  As  usual  the  portrait  is  an  experiment, 
for  Goya  was  now  trying  an  exercise  in  the  last  manner  of 
Velazquez.  "  In  nature  colour  does  not  exist  any  more 
than  line,"  he  told  a  friend.     "  There  is  but  the  sun  and 

*  This  portrait  has  since  been  transferred  to  the  Prado.  Another 
interesting  portrait  of  Goya  in  a  three-cornered  hat  is  given  in  the 
Gazette  des  Beaux- Arts  (1868),  Vol.  XXIV.,  p.  173. 


Photo,  I.acoste 


PORTRAIT   OF   THE    ARTIST 
Collection  of  the  Count  <le  yUlagonzalo,  Madrid 


GOYA  IN   RETIREMENT  275 

the  shadows.  Give  me  a  piece  of  charcoal,  and  I  will 
make  you  a  picture."  *  This  portrait  is  an  attempt  to 
paint  ambient  atmosphere,  and  he  grappled  with  the 
same  problem  in  the  large  composition  belonging  to  the 
Museum  of  Castres,  "  one  of  the  most  troubling  and 
singular  of  Goya's  works." 

The  meeting  of  the  Cortes  (sometimes  known  as  The 
commission  of  the  Philippines)  was  painted  between  the 
years  1814  and  1820.  Oertel  gives  1819  as  the  date  of 
the  preliminary  sketch  in  the  Berlin  gallery,  but  this  is 
somewhat  late.  Its  history  is  vague.  In  1892,  together 
with  two  portraits  by  the  same  master,  it  was  bequeathed 
to  the  Museum  of  Castres  (in  the  French  department  of 
the  Tarn)  by  a  townsman  named  Briguiboul.  As  Marshal 
Soult  came  from  the  same  locality,  it  has  been  suggested 
that  these  pictures  formed  part  of  his  Spanish  loot  during 
the  French  occupation  of  the  Peninsula.  A  more 
probable  explanation  is  that  the  elder  Briguiboul  bought 
them  from  Goya  in  Bordeaux.  But  they  were  painted 
before  he  went  to  Bordeaux,  and  how  he  smuggled  them 
away  from  Madrid  is  hard  to  guess.  The  Portrait  of  a 
man  is  supple,  free,  and  fluid,  the  second  Portrait  more 
opaque.  Both  are  later  than  1800.  The  large  com- 
position, sketched  with  feverish  fury,  strongly 
reminded  Louis  Gonse,  the  French  critic,  of  the  later 
work  of  Manet.  With  a  cruel  sincerity  of  observation, 
evidently  satiric  in  intention,  Goya  shows  Ferdinand  VII. 
surrounded  by  his  ministers.  In  a  huge  hall,  broken  by 
transparent  flying  shafts  of  sunlight  from  the  tall  windows, 
sit  the  members  of  the  council  presided  over  by  their 
sovereign.     "  The  work  of  the  artist  is  not  less  extra- 

*  Matheron. 


276  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

ordinary  than  the  work  of  the  satirist,"  writes  Louis 
Gonse.  "  Never  did  Goya  show  himself  more  a  virtuoso, 
more  audacious,  more  revolutionary.  .  .  .  He  seems  to 
have  wanted  to  revenge  himself  upon  the  regime  which 
condemned  him  to  exile.  .  .  .  The  constrasted  play  of 
lights  in  this  salle  with  bare  walls  is  a  miracle.  .  .  .  By 
strength  of  design,  by  magic  of  colour  and  philosophic 
depth,  this  powerful  sketch  is  almost  a  masterpiece.  In 
any  case,  with  the  Dos  de  Mayo  it  forms  one  of  Goya's 
most  characteristic  creations."  * 

For  a  septuagenarian  Goya's  activity  was  marvellous. 
He  refused  commissions  for  portraits  unless  from  personal 
acquaintances,  and  painted  chiefly  for  his  own  pleasure. 
In  1815  came  the  portrait  of  Don  Manuel  Garcia,  the 
father  of  Malibran,f  in  1816  the  Duke  de  Osuna,  son  of 
his  old  friend  and  patron  who  had  died  in  1807.  The 
portraits  of  Ferdinand  VII.  have  already  been  mentioned. 
There  was  a  steady  output  of  religious  compositions. 
The  Seville  altar-piece  of  Santa  Rufina  and  Santa  Justa, 
praised  by  the  contemporary  critic,  Cean  Bermudez,  as 
the  artist's  best  work — a  judgment  difficult  to  agree  with 
— ^was  followed  by  Christ  in  the  Garden  (1819)  and  a  San 
Josef  of  Calasanz,  in  the  church  of  San  Anton  Abas, 
Madrid  J    (1820).     The   first   is    crudely  powerful   in   a 

*  Louis  Gonse :  Les  chefs-d'ceuvre  des  Musees  de  France. — La  Peinture 
{1900),  p.  99.  The  Castres  pictures  are  also  referred  toby  P.  Lafond, 
"  Trois  tableaux  de  Goya  au  Musee  de  Castres,"  in  the  Chronique  des 
Arts,  March,  1896,  and  the  Berlin  sketch  by  F.  Laban  in  the  Jahrbuch 
der  Kcniglich  Preuszischen  Kunstsammlungen  (1900), Vol.  XXI.,  p.  177. 

f  In  1815  Goya  was  painting  the  father ;  over  ninety  years  later 
Mr.  Sargent  was  painting  the  son — a  curious  link  between  Goya  and 
one  of  his  artistic  descendants. 

I  This  painting  reminded  Mr.  Rothenstein  of  the  work  of  Alphonse 
Legros.     "  There  was  some  unpleasantness  on  the  part  of  the  canons. 


GOYA  IN   RETIREMENT  277 

Rembrandtesque  manner,  and  looks  as  if  painted  by 
lamplight.  Some  of  the  sketches  in  the  Bonnat  collection 
at  Bayonne  belong  to  this  period.  Still  later  came  the 
portrait  of  Don  Ramon  Satue,  Alcalde  de  Corte,  dated  by 
the  artist  on  the  canvas  in  1823,  ^.nd  now  in  the  collection 
of  Dr.  Carvallo  of  Paris.  M.  Leonce  Amaudry  describes 
the  painting  as  "  in  three  tones,  black,  white,  and  red,  and 
Goya  has  carefully  abstained  from  impasto.  One  might 
fancy  that  the  painter  was  working  for  a  wager  as  to  how 
much  space  he  could  cover  with  how  little  paint.  Still 
more  surprising,  therefore,  at  a  little  distance,  is  the  depth 
he  has  obtained.  But  it  is  impossible  that  this  method 
should  have  been  adopted  on  the  spur  of  the  moment.  It 
has  nothing  in  common  with  the  partiality  or  the  fantasy 
of  an  artist  taking  pleasure  in  the  exercise  of  his 
virtuosity.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  the  result  of  a  long 
series  of  previous  essays,  and  the  final  formula  of  Goya, 
now  arrived,  at  the  age  of  seventy  and  over,  at  the 
complete  mastery  of  his  art.  .  .  .  The  smooth,  cynical 
air  of  the  man,  his  evil,  scornful  lips,  his  low  forehead 
under  thickset  hair,  his  untidy  dress,  his  costly  shirt 
half-open,  and  leaving  the  upper  part  of  his  chest  exposed, 
the  green  and  red  lights  of  a  much  used  garment  on  his 
riding  coat,  his  general  mixture  of  dandyism  and  disorder, 
all  combine  to  make  this  portrait  a  disturbing  character." 
M.  Leonce  Amaudry  is,  however,  in  error  when  he  states 
that  this  portrait  was  painted  at  Bordeaux.  It  is  dated 
1823,  and  Goya  did  not  leave  Madrid  until  June,  1824. 

who  objected  to  pay  the  price  Goya  asked  for  this  picture.  Enraged 
at  their  haggUng  he  refused  to  continue  it,  and  the  Superior,  so  the 
story  goes,  went  down  on  his  knees  before  the  old  painter,  whom  he 
eventually  appeased."    Goya,  p.  25. 


278  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

The  evidence  of  comparison  will  also  help  to  fix  the  date, 
for  in  style  and  composition  the  portrait  is  own  brother 
to  the  portrait  of  Goya's  intimate  friend,  Don  Tiburcio 
Perez,  the  architect,  signed  and  dated  in  1820.  Don  Ramon 
Satue  may  have  been  a  Liberal,  but  that  he  joined  the 
little  Spanish  colony  "  who  fled  to  the  capital  of  Guyenne 
after  the  restoration  of  Ferdinand  VII."  is  very  doubtful. 

Despite  his  severe  illness  towards  the  close  of  1819, 
these  labours  do  not  exhaust  the  whole  of  Goya's  pro- 
duction during  the  last  years  of  his  life  in  Spain.  He 
etched  thirty-three  plates  for  the  series  known  as  Tauro- 
maquia,  eighteen  of  which  come  under  the  heading  of 
Proverbios,  some  scattered  plates,  including  the  Colossus, 
and  was  also  busily  covering  the  walls  of  his  Quinta 
with  the  most  fantastic  inventions  that  ever  came  from 
the  mind  of  an  artist. 

The  Tauromaquia  was  commenced  during  the  early 
years  of  the  century.  Goya  issued  a  limited  number  of 
impressions  in  1815,  but  the  plates  were  hoarded  by  Xavier 
Goya  until  his  death,  and  were  not  actually  published 
until  the  Calcografia  Nacional  issued  a  second  edition 
in  1855,  together  with  the  etcher's  portrait  from  Los 
Caprichos.  In  1876  a  French  edition  appeared  with 
seven  additional  plates.*  In  addition  to  the  original 
thirty-three  plates  which  form  the  series,  Goya  etched 
six  plates  on  a  larger  scale.  These  he  afterwards 
destroyed,  using  the  coppers  for  other  subjects.  That 
he  did  not  attempt  to  spread  abroad  further  proofs  of 
such  popular  subjects  is  remarkable,  for  he  must  have 
recognised  that  the  Tauromaquia  included  his  supreme 

*  La  Tauromachie,  par  Don  Francisco  Goya  y  Lucientes.  Forty 
plates,  with  a  portrait  drawn  and  etched  by  E.  Loizelet.     Paris,  1876. 


05  o 
O 

,  5. 


Z-«i 


O  -^ 


GOYA  IN  RETIREMENT  279 

achievement  as  an  etcher.  In  Los  Desastros  de  la  Guerra 
his  indignation  at  times  overcame  his  art,  and  in  the 
technic  of  the  aquatint  washes  his  hand  lost  its  cunning, 
for  the  contrasts  are  often  harsh,  and  the  subtle  gradations 
of  tone  to  be  found  in  Los  Caprichos  were  not  always 
successfully  repeated.  Indeed,  in  aquatint,  Los  Caprichos 
is  Goya's  best  work,  for  in  several  of  the  plates  there  is  no 
line  at  all,  the  whole  effect  being  produced  by  the  wash. 
In  Los  Desastros  de  la  Guerra  Goya  relied  more  com- 
pletely upon  line.  In  the  Tauromaquia  the  combina- 
tion is  effected  with  masterly  skill. 

In  these  intensely  dramatic  compositions  the  artist's 
first  aim  seems  to  have  been  an  historical  review  of  the 
ring.  The  bull  is  hunted  across  open  country  by  Moors 
and  Spanish  peasantry,  and  Charles  V.  and  the  Cid  are 
shown  in  the  arena.  Then  follow  the  extraordinary 
performances  of  Goya's  own  contemporaries,  Martincho, 
Juanito  Apinani,  Mariano  Ceballos,  Reardon,  Fernando 
del  Toro,  Pepeillo,  and  Pedro  Romero.  The  bull  escapes 
amongst  the  spectators,  overthrows  a  picador,  or  tosses 
an  unfortunate  toreador  on  his  horns.  The  banderillas 
dance  round  the  victim  like  an  ordered  ballet  with  their 
be-ribboned  arrows.  Last  scene  of  all  the  espada 
advances  with  his  toledo  blade,  and  the  bull's  fate  is 
settled.  With  all  their  disgusting  incidents,  these  con- 
flicts for  life  between  man  and  beast  have  an  overpowering 
attraction,  and  only  those  who  have  sat  through  a  hot 
afternoon  in  the  plaza  of  Madrid,  or  some  other  Spanish 
city,  can  fully  realise  how  wonderfully  Goya  has  caught 
the  passing  thrills  and  emotions  of  an  unequal  duel.* 

*  Plates  Nos.  19,  28,  and  31  are  dated  1815.  Lefort  finds  two 
"  manners  "  in  the  series,  and  calls  attention  to  the  difference  between 


28o  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Los  Proverbios  must  be  classed  as  a  late  supplement 
to  Los  Caprichos.  One  critic  suggests  that  when  Goya 
was  overwrought  by  the  misfortunes  of  his  country  he 
turned  to  his  etching  needle  and  drew  these  plates  to  gain 
mental  relief  ;  another  writes  that  the  etchings  show  how 
Goya's  reason  had  been  affected  by  the  French  invasion. 
Charles  Yriarte  promised  a  monograph,  which  was  never 
written,  dealing  with  Goya  the  philosopher,  as  exemplified 
in  Los  Proverbios.  Gautier  came  nearer  to  the  truth  when 
he  said  that  these  plates  were  unexplainable,  and  Goya 
himself  gave  them  the  title  of  Suenos,  or  dreams,  "  the 
children  of  an  idle  brain,  begot  of  nothing  but  vain 
fantasy.'  The  date  of  production  cannot  be  fixed  with 
certainty.  Carderera  believed  them  to  be  the  work  of 
Goya's  old  age,*  but  Lefort  would  have  them  done  before 
1810,  his  chief  reason  being  that  they  reveal  no  sign  of 
decaying  powers.  But  although  Goya,  throughout  the 
whole  of  his  career,  was  a  most  unequal  artist,  we  cannot 
forget  that  the  lithographs,  drawn  in  his  eightieth  year, 
bear  not  a  trace  of  senility.  Los  Proverbios  must  have 
been  in  progress  from  about  1805  to  1820,  or  even  later. 

The  first  plate  represents  six  girls  tossing  a  dead 
donkey  and  some  mannikins  in  a  blanket.  In  one  of  his 
early  tapestry  cartoons  Goya  drew  the  mannikins,  but 
the  addition  of  a  dead  donkey  makes  the  composition  as 

Nos.  I  to  12,  and  Nos.  19,  23,  27,  28,  31,  and  32.  The  plates  pulled 
under  Goya's  superintendence  (a  few  sold  in  1815  and  the  small  balance 
placed  on  the  market  after  the  death  of  his  son)  are  brilliant  in  quality, 
and  extremely  rare.  Trial  proofs  bear  the  watermarks  "  Serra  " 
and  "  Morato."  Proofs  bearing  the  number  of  the  plate  in  the  series 
have  "  Nolo."  The  edition  of  1855  leaves  much  to  be  desired,  for  the 
plates  soon  showed  signs  of  wear.  Loizelet  of  Paris  published  an 
edition  in  1876  with  seven  extra  plates. 
♦  Gazette  des  Beaux- Arts,  September,  1863. 


GOYA  IN  RETIREMENT  281 

difficult  of  explanation  as  a  cartoon  in  Old  Moore's 
almanack.  The  second  plate  depicts  a  band  of  soldiers 
flying  from  an  enormous  spectre,  and  Lefort  considers  it 
analogous  to  the  fifty-second  Caprice.  Monsters  and 
grotesques  follow  on  succeeding  pages,  giants,  two-headed 
creatures,  flying  horses,  flying  men,  fights,  quarrels, — ■ 
a  phantasmagoric  jumble.  The  wild  dance  of  clownish 
majos  and  majas  in  plate  XII.  recalls  a  Flemish  kermesse. 
Plate  IX.,  in  which  a  masquerading  figure,  masked  like 
a  character  in  Venetian  comedy,  offers  an  armful  of  cats 
to  a  woman,  is  supposed  to  refer  to  Queen  Maria  Luisa, 
who  had  an  extreme  affection  for  kittens.  Plate  X.,  a 
girl  seized  and  tossed  in  the  air  by  a  prancing  horse,  has 
a  superb  sense  of  movement.*  Plate  XIII.  shows  men 
learning  to  fly.  Plate  XIV.  may  be  typical  of  the 
quarrel  between  Charles  IV.  and  Ferdinand  VII.  at 
Bayonne.f  Three  of  the  etchings  were  not  published 
until  1877,  when  they  illustrated  Charles  Yriarte's 
articles  in  UArt.X  The  first  edition  appeared  about 
1850,  and  the  Academy  of  San  Fernando  issued  further 
editions  of  poor  quality  in  1864,  1891,  and  1902. 

The  set  known  as  The  Prisoners  consists  of  but  three 
pieces,  and  belongs  to  the  same  indefinite  period.  The 
plates  belonged  to  Lumley,  a.n  Englishman,  who  had  a 
few  impressions  printed  in  1859.  Goya's  idea  v/as  to 
draw  attention  to  the  unnecessary  suffering  inflicted  upon 
prisoners  and  captives.     Three  proofs  he  presented  to 

*  "One  of  the  finest  plates  etched  by  Goya."  Rothenstein  :  Goya,p.22. 

f  Paul  Lefort  believed  that  many  of  these  plates  were  worked  upon 
by  another  hand. 

J  "  I  am  inclined  to  consider  them  as  among  the  last  etchings  by 
Goya's  hand  before  his  failing  eyesight  forced  him  to  lay  aside  the 
needle,  and  this  belief  is  supported  by  the  larger  size,  and  broader 
execution  of  the  plates  themselves."    W.  Rothenstein,  Goya,  p.  32. 


282  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Cean  Bermudez,  and  on  one  he  scribbled  :  "  Such  safe- 
guards are  as  barbarous  as  the  crime  !  "  on  another  : 
"  The  security  of  a  prisoner  does  not  necessarily  include 
torture,"  on  the  third  :  "  If  he  be  guilty  why  not  execute 
him  at  once  ?  " — humanitarian  sentiments  worthy  of 
John  Howard.  Lastly  amongst  these  detached  etchings 
is  that  wonderful  nude  figure  of  a  giant,  who  sits,  like 
Rodin's  Penseur,  under  the  stars,  and  gazes  into  the  black 
depth  of  night.  In  an  earlier  etching  Goya  had  drawn 
a  gaunt  being  rising  from  the  tomb,  with  the  single 
exclamation  "  Nothing  !  "  This  colossus  cannot  accept 
the  negation.  Had  Goya  himself  in  his  old  age  thrown 
aside  his  materialism  and  accepted  the  supernatural  ? 
The  wonderful  aquatint  suggests  a  change  in  his  attitude 
towards  the  unrevealed.*  Amongst  the  canvases  of  this 
late  period,  Cocaita,  a  landscape,  now  at  Berlin,  is  like 
nothing  else  in  Goya's  work,  unless  it  be  the  wall-paintings 
of  his  country  house. 

During  these  last  years  he  had  been  decorating  his 
Quinta  with  frescoes  which  have  been  since  transferred 
to  the  lower  galleries  of  the  Prado.  When  they  were  ex- 
hibited in  the  Trocadero  during  the  Paris  Exhibition  of 
1878  the  huge  canvases  excited  varied  feelings.  Hamerton 
declared  that  they  proved  how  Goya's  mind  "  grovelled 
in  a  hideous  Inferno  of  its  own — a  disgusting  region, 
horrible  without  sublimity,  shapeless  as  chaos,  foul  in 
colour  and  '  forlorn  of  light,'  peopled  by  the  vilest 
abortions  that  ever  came  from  the  brain  of  a  sinner. 
He  surrounded  himself,  I  say,  with  these  abominations, 

*  This  very  rare  plate  is  reproduced  in  facsimile  in  the  Jahrbuch 
der  Koniglich  Preuszischen  Kunsfsammlungen  (1906),  Vol.  XX VII.,  p. 
141.    The  original  copper  was  broken  after  the  third  proof. 


GOYA  IN   RETIREMENT  283 

finding  in  them  I  know  not  what  deviHsh  satisfaction, 
and  rejoicing,  in  a  manner  altogether  incomprehensible 
to  us,  in  the  audacities  of  an  art  in  perfect  keeping  with 
its  revolting  subjects.  It  is  the  sober  truth  to  say  that, 
in  the  whole  series  of  these  decorations  for  his  house, 
Goya  appears  to  have  aimed  at  ugliness  as  Raphael 
aimed  at  beauty  ;  to  have  sought  awkwardness  of  com- 
position as  Raphael  schemed  for  elegance  of  arrangement ; 
to  have  pleased  himself  in  foulness  of  colour  and  brutality 
of  style  as  Perugino  delighted  in  his  heavenly  azures,  and 
Bellini  in  his  well-skilled  hand.  ...  Of  all  these  things 
the  most  horrible  is  the  Satan.  He  is  devouring  one  of 
his  children  with  the  voracity  of  a  famished  wolf,  and  not 
a  detail  of  the  disgusting  feast  is  spared  you.  The  figure 
is  a  real  inspiration,  as  original  as  it  is  terrific,  and  not  a 
cold  product  of  mere  calculating  design.  .  .  .  Enough 
has  been  said  to  show  that  Goya  had  made  himself  a  den 
of  foulness  and  abomination,  and  dwelt  therein,  with 
satisfaction  to  his  mind,  like  a  hyena  amidst  carcases."  * 
This  easy  flow  of  a  high  moral  indignation  is  very 
readable.  Unfortunately  Hamerton,  whilst  admitting 
Goya*s  power,  denied  his  talent  as  an  artist,  a  contra- 
diction in  terms.  The  Victorian  creed  that  art  could  only 
be  art  if  it  joined  hands  with  morality  had  involved  him  in 
its  toils.  The  subjects  of  the  decorations  of  the  "  Huerta 
del  Sordo "  are  horrible,  but  Goya  had  a  natural 
inclination  towards  the  macabre  as  Rops  was  moved  by 
the  erotic.  These  gigantic  monochromes — for  they  lack 
all  colour — of  Judith  and  Holofernes,  The  witches'  sabbath, 
The  Fates,  and  several  others,  will  disgust  some  spectators 
exactly  as  Swift's  abominable  monsters  disgust  some 
*  P,  G.  Hamerton  :  Portfolio  Papers,  "  Goya,"  p.  123. 


284  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

readers.  But  there  is  a  certain  force  of  intense  imag- 
ination which  can  only  be  commanded  by  a  few  spirits, 
and  Goya  is  amongst  them.  Indeed  he  was  follow- 
ing a  vein  of  ideas  which  Watts  pursued — but  with  in- 
finitely less  power — in  such  compositions  as  The  Mino- 
taur, Mammon,  and  Jonah.  If  we  condemn  a  man's  art 
because  of  his  subject  we  must  pronounce  Shakespeare 
no  poet  because  the  bestial  Caliban  fouls  the  pure 
atmosphere  of  The  Tempest.  Mankind  in  bulk  has  an 
innate  attraction  towards  the  horrible,  and  one  of  the 
tasks  of  genius  is  to  hold  a  mirror  to  the  soul  of  humanity 
which  must  reflect  its  darker  as  well  as  its  lighter  sides. 
The  only  truly  revolting  art  is  that  inflicted  upon  the 
world  by  artists  who  lack  the  skill  and  sympathy  necessary 
to  their  calling. 

Satan  devouring  his  children  was  appropriately  the 
chief  decoration  of  Goya's  dining-room  in  the  Casa.  In 
the  Prado  is  a  fine  canvas  by  Rubens  depicting  the  same 
gruesome  subject,  and  this  was  undoubtedly  the  source  of 
Goya's  inspiration.*  But  no  critic  as  yet  has  compared 
Rubens  to  a  hyena  amidst  carcases,  nor  spoken  of  the 
Chateau  de  Steen  as  "  a  den  of  foulness  and  abomination." 

*  The  similarity  between  these  two  compositions  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  noticed  before.  Francisco  Xavier  de  Goya  died  in  1855 
and  the  Quinta  came  into  the  possession  of  the  artist's  grandson, 
Mariano  Goya  y  Goicoechea,  who  had  been  raised  to  the  peerage  as 
Marquis  de  Espinar.  The  house  remained  in  its  old  condition  until 
bought  by  the  Spanish  financier,  the  Marquis  de  Salamanca,  in  1873. 
In  1867  it  was  reported  as  most  dilapidated,  and  some  of  the  decorations 
were  copied  by  Eduardo  Gimeno.  The  new  proprietor  wished  to 
remove  the  frescoes,  and  one,  painted  by  Xavier  Goya,  having  been 
successfully  transferred,  Goya's  work  was  also  taken  dov/n,  and  little 
remained  of  the  house  itself,  which  in  191 2  could  not  be  located  by 
the  author  of  this  volume.  The  frescoes  were  exhibited  at  Paris  in  1878, 
and  have  now  found  a  permanent  home  in  the  gloomy  basement 
rooms  of  the  Prado  Gallery.    They  deserve  a  better  setting. 


About  1810 


Photo.  Anderson 


SATAN    DEVOURING   ONE   OF   HIS   CHILDREN 

One  0/  tlie/rescoes/orvicrty  on  the  walls  f>/  Goya's  country  house. 

Prndo  Museum,  Maiifiil 


CHAPTER    XIX 

BORDEAUX  AND   PARIS,   1824-1825 

Goya  applies  for  Leave  to  go  to  Plombieres.  His  Arrival  in  Bordeaux. 
Letters  from  Moratin.  He  reaches  Paris,  July,  1824.  Meets  Horace 
Vemet.  Studies  Contemporary  French  Art.  Paints  two  Portraits. 
Returns  to  Bordeaux  in  September.  His  Household.  Applies  for  an 
Extension  of  his  "  Leave."  Work  and  Recreation  in  Bordeaux.  His 
Restlessness.  His  Health  in  June,  1825.  Financial  Worries.  A  Letter 
to  his  Son.  His  "  Adopted  Daughter,"  Rosario  Weiss.  Her  Artistic 
Gifts  and  Education.     Her  Career  and  Early  Death 

GOYA  was  now  an  old  man  with  few  family  or 
social  ties  in  a  society  he  had  outlived.  He 
watched  with  disgust  the  reactionary  policy 
of  Ferdinand  VH.  and  his  ministers.  The  invasion  of 
Catalonia  by  the  French  troops  under  the  Duke  d'Angou- 
leme  in  1823  filled  him  with  patriotic  shame,  although  it 
was  hardly  so  sore  a  wound  as  M.  Paul  Lafond  would 
have  us  believe.  Renewed  ill-health,  accompanied  by 
much  pain,  led  to  deep  depression.  Goya  made  up  his 
mind  to  quit  Spain.  As  a  royal  servant  and  member  of 
the  Court  circle  he  could  not  leave  Madrid  without  the 
permission  of  his  master.  He  asked  for  six  months' 
holiday  in  order  to  take  the  cure  at  the  French  watering- 
place  of  Plombieres  in  the  Vosges.  The  request  was 
readily  granted,  and  the  authorisation  signed  at  Aranjuez, 
May  30,  1824.* 

*  M.  Paul  Lafond  quotes  the  document  in  the  Crown  Archives,  section 
relating  to  the  members  of  the  Court,  Grand  Chancellery,  register  G. 


286  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Had  he  any  real  intention  to  journey  so  far  as  Plom- 
bieres  ?  The  reason  was  possibly  only  a  pretext.  His 
personal  arrangements  were  quickly  made.  His  house 
was  shut  up  and  little  Rosario  Weiss  placed  under  the 
care  of  Tiburzio  Perez,  the  architect,  who  was  instructed 
to  continue  her  artistic  education.  The  mother  is  not 
mentioned.  Goya  lost  no  time  in  shaking  the  dust  of 
Madrid  off  his  feet.  Before  June  was  out  he  had  arrived 
in  Bordeaux,  travelling  alone,  without  even  a  servant. 
The  journey  is  not  an  easy  one,  particularly  during  the 
early  weeks  of  a  burning  Spanish  summer.  He  was 
probably  on  the  road  nearly  two  weeks,  and  the  jolting 
of  a  heavy  diligence  over  rough  and  almost  unmade  paths, 
the  uneasy  rests  at  inns  which  had  become  a  byword  in 
all  Europe,  the  varying  temperatures  and  foods,  could 
have  been  no  pleasant  experience  for  a  man  within  two 
years  of  his  eightieth  birthday. 

He  had  many  acquaintances  in  Bordeaux  who  had  fled 
across  the  Pyrenees  to  find  a  shelter  on  French  soil  from 
the  animosities  of  Ferdinand  VH.  But  he  refused  to 
rest,  and  after  a  brief  stay  of  three  days  with  his  friend 
the  poet  Leandro  Moratin,  who  was  keeping  a  boys* 
school,  the  old  man  took  the  path  again  for  Paris.  The 
Spaniards  were  amazed  at  his  energy,  and  Moratin  wrote 
from  Bordeaux,  June  27,  1824,  expressing  some  fear  as  to 
the  result. 

"  Goya  has  actually  arrived,  old,  heavy,  enfeebled. 

These  chapters  are  largely  indebted  to  M.  Lafond's  valuable  articles 
entitled  Les  derm  Ires  annees  de  Goya  en  France,  to  be  found  in  the 
Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  third  series.  Vol.  XXXVII.  (1907),  pp.  114-131 
and  241-257.  Another  source  of  information  is  the  pamphlet  on  the 
last  days  and  burial  of  Goya  published  by  Seiior  Mesonero  Romanos 
in  Madrid,  1900. 


BORDEAUX  AND  PARIS  287 

not  knowing  a  word  of  French,*  without  a  servant — 
and  no  one  needs  a  servant  more  than  he  !  However, 
he  is  very  pleased  with  himself,  and  very  anxious  to  see 
the  world.  He  remained  with  us  three  days,  and  for 
two  of  them  dined  with  us  like  one  of  the  young  pupils. 
I  advised  him  to  return  in  September,  so  as  not  to  get 
stuck  in  the  Parisian  mud,  or  to  be  surprised  by  the  winter, 
which  would  finish  him  off.  He  carries  a  letter  to  Arnao, 
who  will  look  after  him,  and  take  every  precaution  on  his 
behalf,  and  he  needs  many.  To  my  mind  the  chief  care 
should  be  that  he  must  go  out  only  in  a  carriage — if  he 
will  submit  to  it  ?  Later  on  we  shall  know  whether  this 
journey  will  kill  him  or  not.  I  shall  be  very  distressed 
if  anything  happens  to  him." 

The  spectacle  of  the  deaf  old  lion  "  anxious  to  see  the 
world  "  with  the  frank  joy  and  curiosity  of  a  schoolboy 
is  exhilarating,  and  it  certainly  impressed  his  associates. 
Moratin  wrote  again  from  Bordeaux  on  July  8,  1824: 
"  Goya  has  reached  Paris.  Thanks  to  the  letter  of 
introduction  I  gave  him  for  Arnao,  he  is  being  well  cared 
for.  Upon  his  arrival  Arnao  found  accommodation  with 
his  daughter-in-law's  parents.  He  will  continue  to  look 
after  this  young  traveller,  and  has  promised  to  send  him 
back  in  September." 

If  Goya  had  any  intention  of  continuing  his  journey 
to  Plombieres  the  idea  was  soon  abandoned.  For  two 
months  he  remained  in  Paris,  although  unfortunately 
there  is  no  exact  account  of  his  doings.  The  time  was  in- 
teresting, the  atmosphere  full  of  events.    Louis  XVHI. 

*  This  hardly  agrees  with  another  statement  that  Goya  was  a  good 
French  scholar,  and  could  write  in  that  language  fluently.  He  is  said 
to  have  learned  it  towards  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  Bui 
as  he  was  stone-deaf  the  knowledge  could  have  been  of  little  use. 


288  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

was  in  the  Tuileries,  nearer  death  than  he  knew.*  In 
politics  Chateaubriand  was  being  ejected  from  the  Foreign 
Ministry  by  Villele.  In  hterature  Victor  Hugo  had  written 
his  Odes  et  Ballades,  and  during  the  August  of  1824  a 
schoolboy  called  Alfred  de  Musset  received  a  sixth  prize 
for  Latin  verse.  At  the  Opera  they  were  playing  Rossini, 
Auber,  and  Boieldieu,  whilst  Talma,  Mademoiselle 
Georges,  and  Virginie  Dejazet  were  the  stars  of  the 
dramatic  horizon.  Goya's  keen  intellect  was  certainly 
occupied  by  the  current  events  of  the  French  capital. 
But  art  was  his  principal  preoccupation,  and  the  sum- 
mer is  not  a  good  season  to  meet  artists  in  Paris.  The 
only  one  we  know  he  met  was  Horace  Vemet,  but  we  are 
told  that  he  saw  most  of  the  pictures  of  the  year  and 
visited  many  studios.  A  student  named  Lariviere  had 
carried  off  the  Prix  de  Rome  with  The  death  of  Alcihiades. 
Did  Goya  see  this  undistinguished  work  by  a  forgotten 
painter,  and  dream  of  the  days — sixty  years  earlier — when 
he  too  consorted  with  the  Frenchmen  of  the  Villa  Medicis  ? 
At  the  Salon  of  1824  the  most  important  pictures  were 
Delacroix's  Massacre  of  Scio,  and  canvases  by  Ingres, 
Girodet,  Gros,  Gerard,  and  Vemet.  Gericault,  who  had 
won  fame  with  the  Raft  of  the  Medusa,  had  but  recently 
died.  Lafond  mentions  other  notable  paintings  Goya 
probably  examined.  They  include  Delacroix's  Dante 
and  Virgil,  Sigalon's  Locusta,  and  the  Odalisque  and 
(Edipus  and  the  Sphinx  by  Ingres.  Goya  found  himself 
in  the  midst  of  the  transition  from  the  Classical  to  the 
Romantic  school.  Would  that  we  had  his  comments  ! 
We  are  told  that  he  had  a  profound  admiration  for  Gros, 

*  He  made  his  last  public  appearance  in  the  streets  of  Paris  on 
August  28,  and  died  September  16. 


Photo.  Anderson 


PORTRAIT   OF   THE    ARTIST 
Prado 


BORDEAUX  AND  PARIS  289 

and  was  astonished  and  delighted  with  what  he  saw  of  the 
works  of  Gericault  and  Delacroix. 

Looking  at  these  canvases  awoke  the  desire  to  produce. 
Within  the  short  eight  weeks  of  residence,  amidst  strange 
and  probably  uncomfortable  surroundings,  he  painted 
two  life-size  portraits  which  reveal  few  traces  of  age  or 
feebleness.  The  three-quarter  bust  of  Don  Maria  Joaquin 
Ferrer  (now  belonging  to  the  Count  de  Candilla)  repre- 
sents a  man  of  about  forty  years  of  age,  with  dark  hair, 
steely  eyes,  sharply  modelled  nose,  clean-shaven  and  hard 
mouth,  and  a  strong  chin.  His  black  coat  is  closely 
buttoned,  and  he  holds  a  small  book  bound  in  red. 
Lafond  suggests  that  French  portraiture  had  already 
influenced  the  artist's  brush.  Goya  was  keenly  suscept- 
ible, and  perhaps  half  his  desire  to  paint  was  a  wish  to 
experiment  with  French  methods.  He  had,  however, 
little  to  learn  from  the  French  portrait-painters  of  1824, 
and,  judging  from  a  photograph,  the  only  difference  in 
this  portrait  from  his  Madrid  works  is  a  more  lavish  use 
of  thick  opaque  pigments  such  as  bitumen.  The  com- 
panion portrait  of  Dofia  Manuela  Alvarez  de  Coinas  y 
Ferrer,  although  evidently  faithful  to  the  model,  cannot 
rank  with  the  artist's  best  work.  But  the  firmness  of 
drawing,  and  the  solidity  of  the  brushwork,  are  remarkable 
when  we  consider  Goya's  age.* 

True  to  his  promise  not  to  be  caught  by  the  treacherous 
autumn  winds  of  Paris,  the  old  man  hurried  back  to 
Bordeaux,  where  a  home  had  been  prepared  for  him  by 
Leocardia  Weiss  and  her  daughter  Rosario,  who  had 
evidently  escaped  from  the  guardianship  of  the  architect 

*  Both  portraits  are  reproduced  in  the  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  Vol. 
XXXVII.  (1907).     I  have  not  been  able  to  see  the  originals. 

U 


290  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Perez.  On  September  20,  1824,  Leandro  Moratin  re- 
ported to  Madrid  :  "  Goya  has  installed  himself  with  the 
Senora  and  the  children*  in  a  good  and  well-situated 
apartment.  I  think  he  will  be  able  to  pass  the  winter 
in  comfort.  He  wishes  to  paint  my  portrait.  From 
this  I  deduce  the  fact  that  I  must  be  very  beautiful  for 
such  clever  brushes  to  aspire  to  multiply  my  effigy." 

This  was  the  second  time  Moratin  had  sat  to  Goya.  In 
1799,  when  the  poet  was  the  adulated  darling  of  Madrid, 
Goya  had  painted  that  wonderful  portrait  so  reminiscent 
of  the  magic  grace  of  Thomas  Gainsborough.  Now  Goya 
was  seventy-eight,  and  had  turned  his  back  on  his  native 
land.  Moratin  was  sixty-four,  an  age  when  life  has 
usually  played  havoc  with  the  poetic  ideals  of  youth. 
The  poor  rhymster  was  a  political  exile  turned  school- 
master in  order  to  keep  body  and  soul  together.  Goya 
had  not  lost  his  skill,  and  the  portrait  tells  its  story. 
Moratin  is  old,  worn,  flabby  in  features.  His  eyes  no 
longer  sparkle.  There  is  disappointment  to  be  read  in 
the  lines  of  the  face,  as  well  as  a  tired  but  unquenched 
courage. 

"  Take  care,"  said  Moratin  to  the  artist.  "  You  are 
painting  in  front  of  the  French." 

On  his  mettle,  Goya  destroyed  the  first  sketch,  and  then 
the  second.  The  third  is  the  portrait  now  belonging  to 
Don  Francisco  Silvela. 

Society  at  Bordeaux  was  as  congenial  as  the  mild 
climate.  The  Goicoechea  family,  originally  of  Zaragoza, 
allied  through  the  marriage  of  a  daughter  to  his  son,  had 
settled  in  the  city  on  the  Garonne.     Moratin  was  of  course 

*  There  was  only  one  child,  Rosario.  Perhaps  Leocardia  brought  a 
little  Spanish  maid. 


BORDEAUX  AND  PARIS  291 

an  intimate  friend.  He  was  one  of  many  in  similar  exile. 
Molino  had  been  mayor  of  Madrid  during  the  short  reign 
of  Joseph  Bonaparte  ;  Muguiro,  a  former  banker  in 
Madrid,  had  been  too  good  an  afrancesado  to  remain 
without  danger  at  the  Bourbon  restoration  ;  Silvela  was 
another  politician  ;  Peleguer,  the  artist,  had  engraved 
Goya's  San  Francisco  de  Borgia  of  Valence  ;  Alea  was 
an  author.  Goya  himself  was  busily  engaged  painting, 
sketching,  dreaming  of  new  etchings,  and  experimenting 
in  lithography.  But  he  was  still  the  servant  of  the  King 
of  Spain,  and  his  leave  expired  at  the  end  of  November. 
He  applied  for  a  prolongation  "  to  re-establish  his  health." 
He  wanted  to  try  the  waters  of  Bagneres,  a  little  thermal 
establishment  in  the  Pyrenees.  On  January  13,  1825, 
he  was  given  an  additional  six  months.  He  did  not 
leave  Bordeaux,  for  the  winter  is  not  the  best  time  for 
a  man  of  seventy-nine  to  go  mountaineering. 

Goya  was  now  living  at  a  house  numbered  24  (after- 
wards altered  to  28)  in  the  Cours  de  Toumy.  The 
small  establishment  was  not  exactly  a  restful  quietude. 
On  October  23,  1824,  Leandro  Moratin  wrote  to  a  friend  : 
''  Goya  is  here  with  his  Dofia  Leocardia,  and  there  is  no 
great  harmony  in  the  household."  Lafond  describes 
Leocardia  Weiss  as  "  turbulence  itself,  keen  for  distrac- 
tion, always  moving  about  and  turning  the  rooms  upside 
down."  Goya  was  her  obedient  slave,  and  she  dragged 
him  from  end  to  end  of  Bordeaux.  Arm  in  arm  they 
attended  the  popular  fairs  with  the  little  Rosario,  and 
every  circus  which  passed  through  the  city  was  patronised 
by  this  odd  family. 

The  master  was  deaf,  and  could  only  walk  with  extreme 
difficulty,  but  his  unconquerable  interest  in  life  was  as 


292  FRANCISCO  GOYA      . 

strong  an  incentive  to  these  excursions  as  Dona  Leo- 
cardia's  love  of  amusement.  He  refused  to  give  way  to 
his  infirmities,  or  to  accept  his  age.  He  hked  to  tell  his 
friends  of  the  deeds  of  his  youth.  "  Goya  maintains  that 
he  used  to  descend  into  the  arena,  and,  sword  in  hand, 
feared  not  a  soul,"  wrote  Moratin,  October  7,  1825. 
The  reference  was  either  to  some  fencing  exploit  or  his 
feats  in  the  bull-ring.  "  In  two  months  he  will  reach  his 
eightieth  year,"  adds  the  poet  in  amazement.  For  Goya 
kept  the  anniversary  by  removing  to  No.  10,  Rue  de  la 
Croix-Blanche,  "  a  tiny  house  very  well  fitted,  with  a 
north  light  and  a  small  garden."  * 

In  his  workroom  he  was  active  from  morning  to  night. 
At  one  period  there  was  a  suggestion  that  he  should  con- 
tinue the  series  Los  Caprichos.  Happily  it  fell  through, 
for  he  could  not  expect  to  repeat  in  1825  the  imaginative 
fantasies  of  1796.  "  What  you  say  about  Los  Caprichos 
is  not  possible,"  wrote  the  old  man  to  Don  Jose  Maria 
Ferrer,  December  20,  1825.  "  I  made  the  plates  over  to 
the  King  more  than  twenty  years  ago,  together  with 
others  I  had  then  engraved,  which  are  now  in  His 
Majesty's  collection.  ...  I  will  certainly  not  go  to 
copy  them,  having  to-day  better  things  which  would  sell 
more  easily." 

Sketching,  lithography,  drawing  with  crayon  and  pastel, 
and  particularly  miniature  painting,  were  now  engrossing 
his  days.  His  sight  became  so  feeble  that  he  used  strong 
magnifying  glasses  when  at  work  on  the  ivory.  Don 
Aureliano  de  Beruete  possesses  many  of  the  drawings  of 
the  Bordeaux  period,  mostly  scenes  of  daily  life  on  the 
quays  and  in  the  streets  of  the  city,  a  serpent  charmer,  a 
*  Now  renumbered  34. 


BORDEAUX  AND  PARIS  293 

tamer  of  crocodiles,  a  "  living  skeleton,"  and  execution 
by  guillotine — so  realistic  that  Goya  probably  witnessed 
it  from  a  window  overlooking  the  place  of  doom.  These 
innumerable  activities  are  supported  by  the  facts  stated 
in  his  correspondence  as  well  as  the  letters  written  by  his 
friends.  They  conjure  up  a  restlessness  which  had  more 
or  less  troubled  the  whole  of  his  career. 

"  Goya  does  not  know  what  he  wants,  or  what  he  wishes 
for,"  wrote  Moratin,  April  24,  1825.  "  I  advise  him  to 
remain  at  peace  until  his  '  leave  *  expires.  The  town 
pleases  him,  so  do  the  country,  the  climate,  the  food,  and 
the  tranquillity  he  has  enjoyed  since  his  arrival.  He 
has  not  had  to  suffer  from  any  of  the  annoyances  which 
troubled  him  before.  Yet  at  some  moments  he  has  the 
idea  that  there  is  much  for  him  to  do  in  Madrid.  If  we 
left  him  alone  he  would  take  to  the  road  on  a  stubborn 
mule,  with  his  cloak,  his  mantle,  his  stirrups,  his  bottle, 
and  his  wallet." 

About  this  date  his  health  broke  down,  but  he  rapidly 
recovered,  and  was  soon  back  at  his  easel.  "  Goya  has 
escaped  the  gaping  Acheron  this  time,"  wrote  Moratin, 
June  28,  1825.  "  He  is  up  again,  and  paints  without 
rest,  and  without  ever  wishing  to  retouch  what  he  paints." 
As  Lafond  remarks  in  his  excellent  article  on  these  later 
years,  the  master  painted  simply  for  the  pleasure  of 
handling  brushes  and  pigments.  He  wiped  in  his  colours 
with  the  aid  of  rags  and  a  palette  knife  upon  the  nearest 
material  to  his  grasp,  canvas,  wood,  paper,  or  zinc. 
Subject  or  material  was  indifferent  to  him,  although  he 
was  chiefly  interested  in  his  lithographs  and  his  minia- 
tures. In  a  letter  dated  December  20,  1825,  he  describes 
his  work. 


294  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

"It  is  true  that  last  winter  I  painted  on  ivory,  and  I 
have  a  collection  of  nearly  forty  of  these  essays.  But  my 
method  of  painting  miniatures  is  original,  and  I  have 
not  seen  it  used  elsewhere.  They  are  not  done  in  stipple, 
and  the  brush  work  resembles  that  of  Velazquez  or  Mengs." 
Having  smoked  the  ivory  he  allowed  a  drop  of  water  to 
fall  upon  the  plaque,  and  with  this  medium  he  evolved 
simple  figures  or  groups.  These  miniatures  are  rare, 
for  Goya  destroyed  many.  A  tiny  example,  belonging 
to  Mr.  Rothenstein,  is  reproduced  in  his  monograph. 
Valerian  von  Loga  without  sufficient  reason  doubts  its 
authenticity,  but  the  face,  a  grimacing  witch,  is  quite 
Goyaesque,  and  shows  that  to  the  end  of  his  life  his 
imagination  was  dominated  by  a  bizarre  attraction  for 
the  diabolic  and  horrible. 

Work  could  not  always  have  been  easy  for  the  old  giant. 
Perhaps  he  found  in  it  a  refuge  from  his  many  worries, 
personal,  domestic,  and  financial.  "  Be  merciful  to  this 
scrawl,"  he  begs  a  friend,  in  a  letter  quoted  by  Lafond. 
"  I  lack  sight,  strength,  pens,  ink;  and  the  only  thing 
I  have  in  abundance  is  goodwill."  There  was  no  bitter- 
ness in  such  a  spirit.  "  Valued  friend,"  he  writes  again, 
"  I  received  your  letter  of  the  13th,  with  the  greatest 
pleasure,  and  I  am  touched  at  your  solicitude  about  me 
and  my  health,  I  am  delighted  that  you  spent  the  summer 
in  town  with  your  beautiful  little  daughter.  .  .  .  From 
month  to  month  I  pick  up  my  pen  to  write  to  lago, 
the  only  person  in  Spain  with  whom  I  correspond.  I 
cannot  find  compliments  worthy  to  send  to  Dofia  Manuela. 
[Remembrances]  to  Amao,  to  your  lady,  to  the  children 
Sirena,  to  your  sister,  to  my  friend  the  painter,  and 
to  all  who  have  favoured  me  [with  their  good  wishes]. 


BORDEAUX  AND  PARIS  295 

I  finish  by  asking  you  to  kiss  the  beautiful  Httle  girl  for 
me.     I  say  it  sincerely. — Fr.  de  Goya."  * 

This  is  not  the  letter  of  a  soured  man,  and  his  affections 
are  even  more  strongly  revealed  in  a  letter  to  his  son 
written  on  Christmas  Eve,  1824. 

"  To  Don  Xavier  de  Goya,  Calle  de  Valverde,  No.  15, 
Madrid. 

"  Bordeaux,  24  December,  1824. 

"  Dear  Xavier, 

"  Your  valued  letters  have  been  missing  from  the 
three  last  posts.  Not  knowing  the  true  reason  I  have 
many  wild  ideas.  Are  any  of  you  ill  ?  But  I  go  every 
day  to  see  Don  Martin, f  and  they  tell  me  no  wrong  has 
happened. 

"  Should  I  be  deceived  if  I  suggested  transferring  the 
money  invested  in  the  mesadas  to  a  safer  security  ? 
I  do  not  think  this  should  displease  you,  for  it  seems 
probable  that  like  Titian  I  shall  live  to  be  ninety-nine 
and  have  no  other  resource.  And  further,  this  security 
must  pass  to  my  heirs,  as  I  have  told  Don  Martin  when 
the  conditions  were  discussed  and  I  signed  the  receipts. 
In  truth  I  do  not  know  what  more  to  say,  except  that 
the  income  runs  from  the  7th  or  the  9th  and  that  six 
months'  income  will  be  due  in  April.  I  can  do  no  more 
than  certify  the  contract,   and   I   do  not  know  what 

*  This  letter  was  written  to  Don  Joaquin  Maria  Ferrer,  whose 
portrait  he  painted  in  Paris,  and  "  the  beautiful  little  girl  "  was  the 
daughter  of  Don  Joaquin  and  Dona  Manuela.  lago  was  the  artist's 
son,  and  the  reference  proves  how  thoroughly  Goya  had  severed  himself 
from  his  old  acquaintances  in  Madrid.  The  letter  belongs  to  the  Marquis 
de  Seoane,  and  is  quoted  in  the  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  Vol.  XXXVII. 
(1907),  p.  128.  It  is  reproduced  in  facsimile  in  Goya,  Moratin,  etc., 
by  M.  Mesnero  Romanos,  p.  46, 

t  Don  Martin  de  Goicoechea,  to  whom  he  was  related  by  his  son's 
marriage.     He  died  in  the  following  year. 


296  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

guarantee  I  can  have.     Don  Martin  told  me  yesterday 
that  Monsieur  Galos  *  would  take  care  of  the  papers. 

"  All  these  matters  worry  me,  and  I  am  beginning  to 
believe  that  they  will  refuse  me  a  prolongation  of  my 
leave.  I  shall  have  nothing  if  I  lose  my  appointments. 
However  much  harm  it  does  me  I  shall  have  to  travel. 
I  have  already  said  this  in  another  letter,  and  although 
this  town  pleases  me  it  is  not  sufficient  for  me  to  abandon 
my  family  and  my  country. 

"  Thy  father, 

"  Fr.  de  Goya." 

The  most  charming  feature  of  his  residence  in  Bor- 
deaux was  his  friendship  with  the  little  girl  Rosario. 
"Dona  Leocardia  at  onetime  laments,  at  another  rejoices," 
wrote  Moratin.  "  La  Mariquita  speaks  French  like  a 
paroquet,  runs,  jumps,  and  amuses  herself  with  the 
French  children  of  her  own  age." 

She  was  born  in  Madrid  in  1814,  and  was  thus  eleven 
years  of  age.  In  some  letters  she  is  spoken  of  as  Goya's 
"  adopted  "  daughter,  in  others  as  his  "  god-daughter." 
Whatever  the  relationship,  actual  or  implied,  Goya's 
love  for  the  child  was  very  real.  His  renewed  interest 
in  miniature  painting  probably  arose  from  his  desire 
that  she  should  be  trained  as  a  miniaturist,  for  he  was 
enthusiastic  in  regard  to  her  artistic  talent.  On  December 
28,  1824,  he  wrote  to  Don  Joaquin  Ferrer  in  Paris,  as 
follows  :  "  This  astonishing  child  wishes  to  learn  minia- 
ture painting,  and  I  wish  it  also,  for  to  paint  as  she  is 
painting  at  her  age  is  the  greatest  phenomenon  in  the 

*  Jacques  Galos,  a  wealthy  shipowner,  who  looked  after  Goya's 
money  affairs.  Goya  painted  his  portrait,  now  belonging  to  the 
Countess  d'Houdetot,  "  fresh  and  luminous,"  we  are  told,  "  but  almost 
destroyed  by  bitumen." 


BORDEAUX  AND  PARIS  297 

world.  She  possesses  special  qualities,  as  you  will  see. 
If  you  will  be  good  enough  to  help  me  I  want  to  send  her 
to  Paris,  but  I  would  like  you  to  consider  her  as  if  she  were 
my  daughter.  I  will  repay  you  with  my  works,  or  my 
goods.  I  send  you  a  small  sample  of  her  ability.  All  the 
professors  at  Madrid  have  marvelled  at  it,  particularly 
the  incomparable  Martin.  If  I  were  not  afraid  of  adding 
to  the  weight  of  my  letter  I  would  send  you  more.  .  .  /* 
Rosario  Weiss  did  not  go  to  Paris,  but  continued 
working  in  Bordeaux  under  Goya's  superintendence. 
This  brought  Goya  into  contact  with  the  art  schools  of 
the  city.  For  two  years  La  Mariquita  studied  under  a 
wall-paper  designer  called  Vernet.  Then  she  passed 
into  the  atelier  of  Antoine  Lacour,  son  of  Pierre  Lacour, 
the  first  curator  of  the  Bordeaux  Museum  and  a  fellow 
pupil  with  David  under  Vien.*  Goya  often  took  Rosario 
to  the  studio,  and  was  tempted  to  look  at  the  productions 
of  her  fellow-pupils.  One  of  these  pupils  remembered 
how  the  old  master  passed  between  the  easels,  examining 
the  drawings,  and  muttering  under  his  breath,  "  No  es  eso  '* 
(It  is  not  like  that).  Knowing  Lacour,  Goya  almost 
certainly  visited  the  museum  which  had  been  founded  in 
1799,  and  then  contained  a  very  fine  Perugino,  and  works 
by  Giordana,  Tiepolo,  Cortona,  and  Rubens.  Amongst 
the  artists  he  met  were  Jean  Paul  Alaux,  a  landscape 
painter,  Frangois  Colin,  Madame  Sophie  Tavel,  G.  de 
Galard,  and  Feytaud,  all  represented  in  the  Bordeaux 

*  Does  this  not  give  some  explanation  of  the  statement  by  Matheron 
that  Goya,  whilst  at  Bordeaux,  referred  to  his  acquaintance  with  David 
in  Rome  ?  What  Goya  may  have  said  was  that  Antoine  Lacour's  father 
knew  David  in  Rome,  which  was  probably  the  fact,  as  they  had  worked 
together  in  Paris.  The  conversation  could  easily  have  been  misunder- 
stood, and  thus  misreported. 


298  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

gallery  at  the  present  day.  They  were  provincials  of 
respectable  mediocrity. 

Rosario  Weiss  did  not  fulfil  all  the  expectations  of  her 
"  godfather."  Lafond  describes  a  painting  entitled  La 
Sylphide  (formerly  in  the  Bordeaux  museum)  as  decidedly 
weak  and  sentimental  in  conception.  Goya  intended  to 
provide  for  her  future  in  his  will,  but  he  neglected  this 
duty,  and,  at  his  death,  Rosario  was  left  destitute. 
Whilst  in  Bordeaux  she  painted  and  lithographed,  and 
must  have  been  an  interesting  and  alert  companion. 
Moratin  taught  her  to  appreciate  the  Spanish  poets  ; 
she  knew  their  verses  by  heart,  and  scribbled  their  poems 
on  the  margins  of  her  drawings. 

Returning  to  Madrid  she  became  known  as  a  remark- 
ably faithful  copyist  of  the  pictures  in  the  Prado,  and 
in  1840  was  appointed  Professor  of  Drawing  to  Queen 
Isabella.  One  day  on  her  way  to  the  palace  she  became 
involved  in  the  crowded  excitement  of  a  riot,  which 
frightened  her  into  a  high  fever.  Of  this  she  died,  July 
31, 1840,  at  the  age  of  twenty-six.  Goya  was  not  destined 
to  leave  any  direct  artistic  heirs. 


CHAPTER   XX 

THE   LITHOGRAPHS 

Goya  experiments  with  Lithography  in  1819.  His  first  Lithographs. 
The  Bull-fights  of  Bordeaux.  Unsuccessful  Attempts  to  sell  the  Litho- 
graphs in  Paris.  Correspondence  with  Ferrer.  Goya  on  "  Memory 
Drawing."     His  last  Lithographs  dated  1826  and  1827. 

SENEFELDER  invented  the  art  of  lithography 
about  the  year  1796,  and  in  1806  opened  his 
hthographic  estabhshment  in  Munich.  The  new 
method  of  facsimile  reproduction  was  received  with 
enthusiasm  by  the  artists  of  Europe,  and  spread  from 
country  to  country  with  the  utmost  rapidity.  In  France 
the  chief  members  of  the  new  school  busily  exploited  a 
medium  which  was  so  admirably  adapted  to  their  bright 
and  incisive  style.  Amongst  the  active  lithographers  were 
the  two  Vernets,  Prud'hon,  Lami,  Gericault,  Boilly,  and 
above  all  Eugene  Delacroix.  In  Spain  an  old  man  of 
seventy-three,  a  confirmed  experimentalist,  who  in  his 
younger  days  had  been  the  first  to  make  use  of  aquatint, 
was  engrossed  by  the  fascinations  of  the  lithographic 
stone.* 

Ferdinand  VII.  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  to  draw 
Goya's  attention  to  Senefelder's  discovery.     We  cannot 

*  Goya's  lithographs  are  dealt  with  in  Valerian  von  Loga's  Goya's 
Lithographien  und  Seltene  Radierungen,  Berlin,  1907.  They  are 
exhaustively  catalogued  by  Paul  Lefort  and  Julius  Hofmann, 


300  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

state  definitely  the  earliest  of  Goya's  lithographs,  either 
the  Monk  holding  a  crucifix,  or  the  Old  woman  spinning, 
signed  and  dated  "  Madrid,  February,  1819."  He  became 
intensely  interested,  and  other  proofs  followed  in  quick 
succession.  The  duel  is  dated  "  March,  1819,"  and  some 
undated  drawings  (numbered  by  Lefort  265  to  271) 
appear  to  have  been  executed  after  1819  but  before  1824. 
The  subjects  are  typically  Goyaesque :  dogs  attacking  a 
bull,  a  woman  in  the  arms  of  a  peasant,  scenes  of  grotesque 
devilry.  The  compositions  are  full  of  energy,  and  the 
execution  bold  though  a  trifle  rough.  "  Nobody  ever 
used  a  lithographic  stone  so  barbarously,"  wrote  P.  G. 
Hamerton.  Goya  certainly  never  allowed  himself  to  be 
mastered  by  his  materials,  and  if  he  wished  to  produce  a 
certain  effect  threw  tradition  overboard  and  seized  the 
first  tool  which  came  to  his  hand. 

Towards  the  close  of  his  residence  in  Spain  his  interest 
flagged,  but  after  his  visit  to  Paris,  where  he  undoubtedly 
studied  the  drawings  of  the  French  school,  he  returned  to 
Bordeaux,  found  a  clever  printer  in  M.  Gaulon,  and 
immediately  started  the  set  known  as  the  Bullfights  of 
Bordeaux,  which  a  modern  critic  describes  as  "  certainly 
the  greatest  and  most  significant  lithographs  in  the  history 
of  the  art."  *  The  original  series  consists  of  four  large 
plates,  and  is  of  excessive  rarity,  as  Gaulon  printed  only 
three  hundred  copies.  The  first  plate,  entitled  El 
famoso  Americano  Mariano  Ceballos,  represents  the  most 
celebrated  toreador  of  the  period  mounted  on  a  bull  as 
on  a  horse,  and  riding  to  the  attack  of  a  second  bull.  In 
the  background,  behind  a  crowd  of  anxious  banderillas 
and  their  assistants,  rises  tier  upon  tier  of  white  faces 

*  W.  Rothenstein. 


About  1812 


HKAl)    OF    A    DYING    MAN  :     KKAY   JUAN    FP;RNANEZ 
Dratving  in  chalk  on  the  back  0/  the  portrait  0/  the  Duke  0/  Wellington 
British  Museum 


THE  LITHOGRAPHS  301 

peeping  through  the  gloom.  The  subject  was  a  favourite 
with  Goya,  for  it  was  one  of  the  most  daring  feats  of  the 
arena,  and  he  had  already  commemorated  it  in  the 
Tauromaquia.  The  second  drawing,  which  was  not  given 
a  title,  shows  a  picador  thrown  from  his  horse  and  caught 
by  the  bull.  The  third  is  called  Dibersion  de  Espana  ; 
two  young  bulls  have  been  freed  in  the  midst  of  an  arena 
crowded  by  amateur  toreadors  and  handerillas.  The 
opportunity  was  offered  to  every  ambitious  youth  to 
prove  his  mettle.  The  scene  is  typically  Spanish,  and 
Goya  had  painted  it  years  before.  The  last  plate  shows 
a  ring  divided  into  two  parts.  Goya  placed  the  litho- 
graphic stone  on  his  easel  and  worked  upon  it  as  if  painting 
a  canvas.  He  used  his  pencils  like  brushes.  He  com- 
menced by  covering  the  whole  surface  of  the  stone  with 
a  uniform  gray  tint  and  then  scraped  out  the  high  lights, 
here  a  head,  there  a  figure,  a  horse,  a  bull.  Then  he 
worked  over  the  drawing  with  his  pencil,  reinforcing  the 
shadows,  and  giving  movement  to  the  figures.  His 
eyesight  compelled  him  to  make  constant  use  of  his 
magnifying  glass.*  For  the  lithographs,  as  well  as  for 
the  etchings  and  the  paintings,  he  made  innumerable 
studies  in  chalk,  and  when  he  drew  a  bull-fight  his  hand 
revelled  in  the  spirit  of  the  subject. f 

*  Matheron. 

f  No  artist  has  ever  rivalled  Goya's  paintings,  etchings,  lithographs, 
and  drawings  of  the  bull-ring.  A  fine  sketch,  belonging  to  Dr.  Carvallo, 
is  reproduced  in  the  Burlington  Magazine  for  December,  1904,  and  M. 
Leonce  Amaudry  comments  as  follows  : — 

"  This  is  one  of  six  paintings  on  tin  representing  scenes  from  bull- 
fights which,  according  to  the  eminent  Spanish  critic,  Seiior  Beruete, 
were  painted  by  Goya  two  years  before  his  death,  during  a  visit  to  Paris. 
He  painted  them  from  memory,  making  use  of  an  incalculable  number 
of  sketches  and  drawings,  which  are  now  in  the  cases  in  the  Prado. 


302  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Unfortunately  these  masterly  lithographs  remained  on 
the  shelves  of  the  printer  and  in  the  studio  of  the  artist. 
They  profoundly  impressed  fellow-artists,  such  as  Dela- 
croix and  Daumier.  But  collectors  were  disinclined  to 
add  the  Bull-fights  of  Bordeaux  to  their  portfolios.  Goya 
lost  no  opportunity  of  pressing  the  sale,  and,  on  December 
6,  1825,  wrote  to  his  friend  in  Paris,  Don  Joaquin  Maria 
Ferrer,  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  Dihersion  de  Espaiia.  "  If 
you  find  it  worthy  of  publication,  I  will  send  you  as  many 
copies  as  you  think  fit.  .  .  .1  have  finished  three  other 
plates  of  the  same  size,  dealing  with  other  incidents  of  the 
bull-ring."  Evidently  Ferrer  could  do  nothing  with  the 
print,  and  his  reply  must  have  been  disappointing,  for 
Goya  wrote  again  : 

"  Bordeaux,  20  December,  1825. 

**  My  estimable  Friend, 

".  .  .  .  I  understand  what  you  tell  me  about  the 
prints  of  the  bull-fights  :  but  I  had  thought  of  circulating 
them  amongst  the  artists  and  amateurs  who  abound  in 

These  paintings  are  the  pictorial  complement  of  the  lithographs 
executed  at  Bordeaux  in  1825.  That  now  under  notice  is  the  second 
of  a  pair,  the  first  of  which  (in  the  collection  of  the  Marquis  of  Baroja) 
represents  a  picador  awaiting,  with  lance  in  rest,  the  charge  of  the  bull, 
which  is  standing  motionless,  full  of  rage  and  ready  to  bound  forward. 
In  the  second  of  the  two  the  attack  has  taken  place.  The  brute 
has  unhorsed  the  picador,  fallen  on  him,  and  raised  him  on  his  horns, 
while  the  other  occupants  of  the  arena  are  trying  to  rescue  their 
comrade  from  his  terrible  position  and  circling  in  a  busy,  alert  group 
round  the  bull  and  the  disembowelled  horse.  The  background  and 
the  dress  of  the  figures  are  identical  in  both  cases.  Here  and  there 
occur  the  same  qualities  of  picturesque  and  delicate  painting,  which 
catches  and  fixes  in  little  bright  spots  the  light  and  the  colours  of  the 
open  air."  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  Goya  painted  six  of  these 
sketches,  in  addition  to  the  portraits  he  finished  during  his  two 
months'  visit  to  Paris.  The  picture  belonging  to  Dr.  Carvallo  came 
through  M.  Kleinberger  from  the  collection  of  the  Duke  de  Dino. 


THE  LITHOGRAPHS  303 

the  great  capital.  Further,  if  a  number  of  people  see 
them,  I  thought  that  it  would  have  been  easy  to  give 
them  to  a  print-dealer  for  a  modest  price  without  saying 
my  name. 

"F°°-  DE  Goya." 

How  he  could  have  hidden  his  name  is  difficult  to 
imagine,  for  Goya's  genius  is  not  only  written  all  over 
them,  but  they  are  signed. 

His  spirit  was  unconquerable.  Although  the  litho- 
graphs were  commercially  unsaleable  he  was  not  de- 
pressed, and  started  a  new  Bull-fight.  They  were  mar- 
vellous exercises  in  memory  drawing.  Thomas  Cole,  the 
wood  engraver,  has  preserved  a  little  anecdote  relative 
to  Goya  in  this  respect.  "  I  was  told  by  a  Spanish 
painter  whose  father  had  known  Goya  personally  that 
the  great  man  was  wont  to  declare  that  he  who  aspired 
to  the  name  of  artist  should  be  able  to  reproduce  from 
memory,  with  brush  or  pencil,  any  scene  or  incident  in 
all  its  essential  features,  after  having  once  beheld  it."  * 

The  Bull- fights  of  Bordeaux  remains  Goya's  most 
brilliant  achievement  as  a  lithographer.  He  drew  some 
further  subjects,  including  a  very  charming  and  sprightly 
Spanish  dance,  dated  in  1825.  A  group  of  men  and 
women  surround  a  maja  who  is  dancing  a  vito  to 
the  sound  of  guitar  and  tambour,  f  Another  duelling 
scene,  entitled  by  M.  Lefort  Le  coup  d'epee,  is  dated  in 

*  T.  Cole  :  Old  Spanish  Masters.  As  for  rapidity  of  draughtsman- 
ship Baudelaire  writes  in  L'Art  Romantique  (1869)  p.  35  :  "  If  you  are 
not  clever  enough  to  make  a  sketch  of  a  man  who  has  thrown  himself 
out  of  a  window  during  the  time  that  he  spends  in  falling  from  the 
fourth  floor  to  the  ground,  you  will  never  do  great  things  !  " 

I  Reproduced  in  facsimile  in  the  Jahrhuch  der  Koniglich  Preus' 
zischen  Kunsisammlungen  (1905),  Vol.  XXVI.,  p.  136. 


304  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

1826.    Then  came  a  Portrait  of  M.  Gaulon*  his  printer, 

which  may  be  as  late  as  1827,  and  the  catalogue  of  Goya's 

lithographs  ends. 

*  Paul  Lefort  bought  a  copy  of  this  lithograph  at  the  sale  of  Dela- 
croix's effects,  and  that  artist  had  evidently  brought  together  a  large 
number  of  Goya's  lithographs  as  well  as  all  his  etchings,  and  many 
drawings. 


CHAPTER   XXI 

LAST   DAYS,   AND   DEATH,    1826-1828 

Portrait-painting  in  Bordeaux.  A  Visit  to  Madrid.  The  Portrait  of 
Goya  by  Vicente  Lopez.  Return  to  Bordeaux.  The  Portrait  of  Muguiro. 
His  last  Vl^ork.  The  Chocolate  Shop  in  the  Rue  de  la  Petite-Taupe. 
His  latest  Drawings.  Antonio  Bnigada.  Physical  Ailments.  Letters 
to  Madrid.  A  Visit  from  his  Son.  Goya's  decreasing  Strength.  His 
Death,  April  16,  1828.  Burial  at  Bordeaux.  Removal  of  the  Body 
to  Madrid  in  1899.    Goya's  Son  and  Grandson. 

THERE  is  a  tiny  drawing  belonging  to  the  Marquis 
de  Seoane,  and  reproduced  in  the  Gazette  des 
Beaux- Arts*  which  gives  an  admirable  impres- 
sion of  Goya  at  this  period.  With  age  his  face  has 
become  a  trifle  thinner,  but  the  mouth  is  as  firm  and 
determined  as  before.  Although  the  eyelids  droop  a  trifle 
they  do  not  wholly  conceal  the  critical  gaze  of  the  earlier 
portraits.  The  old  artist  is  wearing  a  large  soft  cap  with  a 
big  peak,  and  bears  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  weather- 
beaten  street  hawkers  who  perambulate  their  goods 
through  the  slums  of  London  and  Paris. 

He  was  now  eighty  years  of  age,  and  still  energetic. 
In  acknowledgment  of  the  goodwill  of  Galos,  the  ship- 
builder, who  acted  as  his  banker,  he  painted  that  citizen's 
portrait.  Goya  was  evidently  proud  of  his  skill,  and  at 
the  foot  of  the  canvas  wrote  his  age  as  well  as  the  date : 

*  See  Vol.  XXXVIL,  s"""  p6riode  (1907),  p.  114. 

X 


3o6  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

*'  Don  Santiago  Galos,  pintado  por  Goya  de  edad  de  80 
afios  en  1826."  Manuela  Silvela,  the  exiled  politician 
who  assisted  in  Moratin's  school,  was  commemorated  in 
a  similar  fashion.  A  tall,  thin  man,  with  strongly  marked 
features,  his  eyes  have  that  wandering  lack  of  concen- 
tration so  often  to  be  noted  amongst  the  disappointed 
dreamers  and  idealists — and  dreamers  and  idealists  usually 
arrive  at  disappointment.  "  The  work  displays  a  true  dis- 
tinction which  involuntarily  recalls  Greuze  or  Reynolds," 
writes  M.  Paul  Lafond.  Although  evidently  dull  in  colour 
(Goya  painted  almost  in  monochrome  during  the  last 
ten  years  of  his  life)  this  portrait  is  surprisingly  strong 
and  characteristic.  The  Milkmaid  of  Bordeaux,  the  last 
of  his  many  portraits  of  female  beauty,  lacks  actuality 
when  judged  from  the  standard  of  Goya's  own  works. 
All  the  same  it  is  a  wonderful  achievement  for  so  old  a 
man,  and  has  even  a  touch  of  sentiment  in  its  composition. 
Goya  was  still  the  first  painter  to  the  Spanish  Court, 
and  drawing  a  salary  from  the  King.  Twice  had  he  been 
allowed  terms  of  leave,  and  it  now  became  necessary  to 
make  a  third  application.  This  could  only  be  arranged 
personally,  and  he  announced  his  intention  of  paying  a 
visit  to  Madrid.  The  little  colony  in  Bordeaux  protested, 
but  without  avail.  He  started  in  the  middle  of  May, 
1826.  "  If  he  has  good  luck,  and  no  harm  befalls  him 
on  the  road,  you  will  be  able  to  congratulate  him,"  wrote 
Leandro  Moratin  from  Bordeaux,  May  7,  1826.  "  If 
he  does  not  arrive,  do  not  be  astonished.  The  slightest 
breakdown  will  probably  result  in  his  death  in  the  comer 
of  some  inn."  But  he  did  not  die.  The  hardships  of  the 
journey  from  Bordeaux  to  Madrid  had  no  terrors  for  this 
obstinate  old  genius.    He  arrived  at  the  end  of  the  month. 


LAST  DAYS,  AND  DEATH  307 

after  an  absence  of  two  years,  brimming  over  with  life 
and  activity.  Presented  to  Ferdinand  VII.  he  begged 
as  a  favour  that  his  further  holidays  should  not  be  limited 
as  to  time.  Evidently  his  sole  desire  was  to  return  to 
Bordeaux  and  the  company  of  Leocardia  and  the  little 
Rosario.  Ferdinand  received  him  very  graciously,  and 
granted  his  request  upon  one  condition,  that  he  should 
sit  to  Vicente  Lopez  for  his  portrait. 

Vicente  Lopez  was  the  fashionable  portrait-painter  of 
that  age.  A  quarter  of  a  century  earlier  Lady  Holland 
had  proclaimed  him  an  artist  of  promise.  Whilst  agree- 
ing with  M.  Paul  Lafond  that  Lopez  was  a  clever  observer 
of  Nature,  precise  and  exact  in  his  work,  the  best  of  his 
contemporaries,  it  is  difficult  to  follow  the  same  critic  in 
his  judgment  that  Lopez  was  a  portrait-painter  of  the  first 
order.  The  portrait  of  Goya  itself  reveals  the  extent  and 
limitation  of  his  talent.  Other  portraits  in  Spanish 
galleries  show  him  to  be  a  careful,  painstaking,  but 
essentially  uninspired  artist.  He  lacked  the  inspiration 
and  fire  of  the  old  master,  and  his  canvases  convey  the 
impression  that  he  was  personally  a  dull  and  heavy  man. 
A  great  portrait-painter  must  be  essentially  a  man  of 
society.*  However,  Lopez  could  "  catch  a  likeness," 
and  his  portrait  of  Goya  was  a  success. 

There  are  several  traditional  stories  about  this  por- 
trait. Whilst  sitting  Goya  related  all  the  exploits  of 
his  youth  in  the  bull-ring,  incessantly  darting  up  from  his 

*  All  the  great  portrait-painters — Titian,  Van  Dyck,  Reynolds, 
Raeburn,  Hoppner,  and  Lawrence,  to  cite  names  quickly  to  mind — 
were  welcomed  in  society  not  only  for  their  genius  as  artists  but  for 
their  natural  wit  and  intellect.  Gainsborough  and  Romney  were  less 
prominent,  but  did  not  hold  themselves  aloof.  Genius  is  many-sided, 
and  rarely  flourishes  in  solitude. 


3o8  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

chair  to  illustrate  his  movements  when  in  combat. 
Naturally  he  criticised  the  technique,  and  taking  up  the 
palette  and  brushes  added  a  few  strokes  of  his  own  to  the 
canvas.  He  showed  his  true  judgment  by  refusing  to 
allow  Lopez  to  finish  the  painting,  for  Lopez  certainly 
never  knew  when  to  put  a  portrait  aside.  Finally  he 
insisted  that  Lopez  should  be  the  model,  and  he  once  more 
the  painter.  Either  his  hand  was  too  feeble,  or,  more 
probably,  he  lacked  time.  The  portrait  could  hardly 
have  been  commenced,  and  no  trace  of  it  remains. 

There  is  not  much  information  to  be  gleaned  about 
this  visit  to  Madrid.  He  paid  a  visit  to  his  old  home  on 
the  banks  of  the  Manzanares,  and  he  entered  again 
the  church  of  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida.  He  remained 
in  Madrid  barely  two  months,  and  left  for  Bordeaux 
early  in  July,  accompanied  by  his  son  Xavier,  and  his 
grandson  Mariano.  In  a  letter  dated  July  15,  1826, 
Moratin  reported  that  the  master  had  reached  Bordeaux, 
"  in  a  perfect  state." 

Without  wasting  an  instant  he  picked  up  his  tools 
and  set  to  work  again.  His  sight  being  no  better  he 
added  double  glasses  to  the  large  magnifier,  and  succeeded 
in  painting  a  portrait  of  Don  Juan  Bautista  Muguiro. 
As  the  production  of  a  semi-blind  octogenarian  it  ranks 
as  a  curiosity,  but  many  younger  artists  have  never  been 
able  to  paint  so  well.*  Goya  was  pleased  at  the  result, 
and  signed  it  in  full :  "  Don  Juan  de  Muguiro  por  su 
amigo  Goya  a  las  81  afios  en  Burdeos,  Mayo  de  1827." 
The  figure,  seated  in  an  armchair  by  the  side  of  a  writing- 
table,  is  stiff,  and  the  former  banker  holds  an  unfolded 

*  For  a  reproduction  see  theGazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  Vol.  XXXVIL, 
3"°  periode  (1907),  p.  247. 


1827 


Photo.  I.acoste 


FRANCISCO   GOYA 
Painted  ly  Vicente  I.opezy  Portana.     Prado,  Madrid 


LAST  DAYS,  AND  DEATH  309 

letter  in  his  right  hand  in  a  somewhat  painful  manner. 
The  back  of  the  chair  forms  part  of  Muguiro's  shoulder 
in  an  odd  way  which  might  easily  have  been  obviated. 
The  face,  however,  is  evidently  faithful  to  the  model. 
But  one  sighs  for  the  easy  grace  of  the  portraits  of 
Florida  Blanca  or  Guillemardet.  This  was  Goya's  last 
portrait. 

At  Bordeaux  he  saw  little  of  the  French,  usually  mixing 
with  his  own  compatriots  who  met  day  by  day  in  a  choco- 
late shop  kept  by  a  former  citizen  of  Zaragoza,  in  the 
Rue  de  la  Petite-Taupe.  Branlio  Poc  was  a  man  of 
much  originality  and  resource,  according  to  the  researches 
of  M.  Paul  Lafond.  Bom  in  1788,  his  father  was  a  rich 
Aragonese  and  the  owner  of  many  mule-trains.  Ruined 
through  politics,  the  son  became  a  chocolate-maker.  The 
siege  of  Zaragoza,  and  his  liberal  politics,  completed  the 
embarrassments  of  the  family.  Upon  the  restoration  of 
Ferdinand  VII.  he  fled  to  Bordeaux  in  order  to  escape 
imprisonment,  and  resumed  his  former  trade. 

The  shop  in  the  Rue  de  la  Petite-Taupe  speedily  became 
the  headquarters  and  club  of  the  Spanish  colony.  All  the 
bright  but  disappointed  spirits  met  there :  Muguiro, 
the  man  of  finance  ;  Leandro  Moratin,  the  poet ;  Silvela, 
the  politician  (but  they  were  all  politicians)  ;  Gurea, 
Pastor,  and  O'Daly,  three  military  men,  and  a  mysterious 
gentleman  known  only  by  his  nickname  of  Platero 
(goldsmith).  When  the  evening  discussions  became 
heated,  every  visitor  speaking  at  the  same  time,  and  the 
hubbub  too  deafening  for  comfort,  the  master  of  the  shop 
took  his  guitar  down  from  the  wall — for  he  was  a  good 
musician  and  an  agreeable  poet — chanted  a  light  sequi- 
dilla  or  improvised  some  couplets.     Peace  was  restored. 


310  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

But  if  this  was  not  sufficient  he  played  a  lively  jota 
aragonesa,  and  the  company  were  soon  dancing. 

Discussing  the  crimes  of  Ferdinand  VII.  over  cups  of 
sugary  chocolate,  or  around  dishes  of  steaming  puchero, 
the  exiles  forgot  for  a  short  while  their  unhappy  fate. 
Moratin  was  a  voluntary  exile.  He  had  proudly  refused 
the  pardon  offered  him  by  the  King.  Goya  also  was 
free  to  come  and  go.  Many  of  the  men  were  miserably 
poor,  and  Goya's  purse,  which  was  never  empty,  des- 
pite his  fears,  must  have  been  often  called  upon  for 
assistance. 

His  deafness  prevented  him  from  joining  in  the  argu- 
ments, but  his  nature  would  not  allow  him  to  sit  idle. 
**  Goya  marked  five  dots  at  random  on  a  piece  of  paper, 
or  had  them  marked  by  a  friend.  Then  he  drew  a  figure, 
of  which  the  head,  the  hands,  and  the  feet  had  to  pass 
these  points.  The  exercise,  which  used  to  be  much  prac- 
tised in  studios,  was  known  in  Spain  under  the  name  of 
Juego  de  riguitillas.  If  we  examine  carefully  most  of  the 
drawings  made  by  Goya  at  Bordeaux  we  find  the  five 
dots."  * 

One  of  his  closest  attendants  at  this  moment  was  a 
young  pupil  of  the  Academy  of  San  Fernando.  Antonio 
Brugada,  a  native  of  Madrid,  is  known  as  a  capable 
marine  artist  who  had  studied  under  Gudin  in  Paris. 
Goya  became  less  fit  to  go  abroad  unattended,  and 
Brugada  was  a  daily  companion.  Blind,  and  almost 
unable  to  walk,  the  old  man  was  most  troubled  by  his 
deafness.  He  longed  to  hear  again  the  old  songs  of 
Aragon,  and  one  day,  snatching  the  guitar  from  a  musi- 
cian, he  rapidly  passed  his  fingers  over  the  strings. 

*  Paul  Lafond. 


LAST  DAYS,  AND  DEATH  311 

"  Nada  !   Nada  !  "  was  his  despairing  cry. 

Matheron  says  that  he  did  not  much  care  to  discuss 
questions  of  art.  He  was  angry  at  his  physical  weak- 
ness. "What  a  humihation!"  he  cried.  "At  eighty 
years  of  age  I  am  taken  about  Hke  a  child.  I  have  got 
to  learn  to  walk."  Brugada  replied  in  the  language  of 
signs.  "  Can't  you  make  your  gestures  more  discreetly  ?  " 
he  complained  to  the  young  man.  "  Do  you  take  a 
pleasure  in  allowing  everyone  to  see  that  old  Goya  is 
neither  able  to  walk  nor  to  hear?  " 

His  indomitable  spirit  never  confessed  itself  con- 
quered. A  letter  to  his  son,  who  was  contemplating  a 
visit  to  Paris,  proves  how  keenly  he  was  interested  in 
the  world  around  him. 

"  Bordeaux,  17  January,  1828. 
*'  Dear  Xavier, 

"  Your  last  letter,  with  its  news  of  your  travellers 
to  Gibraltar,  made  me  foolish  with  joy.  Time  has  passed, 
and  you  will  receive  this  with  a  little  delay,  but  what 
does  that  matter  !  Provided  they  come  and  pass  one  or 
two  years  here  with  you.  I  suppose,  as  it  ought  to  be, 
that  you  will  stay  with  me  all  the  time  you  remain  in 
Bordeaux,  both  coming  to  and  going  from  Paris  ;  at 
least  I  imagine  it  so,  and  I  am  already  preparing  for  your 
reception.  Warn  me  in  advance  of  their  departure  from 
Barcelona,  and  also  about  everything  you  do,  everything, 
so  that  nothing  escapes  your  memory.  You  know  already 
what  Galos  has  belonging  to  us,  and  that  everything  is 
yours. 

"  Yesterday  I  was  told  that  Pallardo  had  been  assassi- 
nated, and  I  was  much  troubled. 

"  My  happiest  moments  are  those  when  I  receive  a 
letter  from  you.     Give  every  compliment  to   Muguiro. 


312  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

Say  how  much  I  appreciate  the  amiabihties  with  which 
our  travellers  have  been  received  at  Gibraltar.  All  com- 
phments  equally  to  the  family,  and  to  friends. 

"  Your  father  embraces  you, 

"  Fr.  de  Goya. 

"  A  thousand  regards  to  Don  Rafael  Esteve.  I  often 
think  of  him." 

Goya  followed  the  movements  of  his  son's  family  with 
close  attention ;  and  the  reference  to  Galos,  his  banker, 
was  intended  as  a  hint  that  money  was  not  lacking.  Two 
months  later  he  wrote  a  second  time. 

"To  Don  Fran.  Xavier  de  Goya,  Calle  de  Valverde, 
No.  15,  Madrid. 

"  Dear  Xavier, 

**  I  received  your  letter  of  the  3rd  March.  I 
believe  you  are  right  in  regretting  the  decision  of  your 
travellers.  But  I  hope  to  realise  your  wish  and  mine, 
and  see  them  visit  Paris,  and  also  to  make  a  long  stay  in 
this  town,  preferable  for  them,  and  affording  special 
facilities  for  Mariano.  What  else  do  they  want  ?  You 
must  come  also,  you  will  spend  less,  for  the  return  journey 
will  perhaps  give  an  advantage.  1  will  pay  their  ex- 
penses here  and  in  Paris,  for  you  know  what  Marianito 
has  with  Galos.  The  other  day  in  going  to  draw  the 
amount  of  a  mesada  I  asked  him  how  much  was  lacking 
to  make  up  an  interest  yielding  12,000  reals.  He 
answered,  3,000  francs  of  capital.  For  myself,  I  know 
nothing  about  it,  but  you  are  curious,  do  you  know  ? 
If  not,  look  through  the  papers. 

"  I  await  their  arrival,  and  I  hope  for  a  letter  telling 
me  they  are  ready  to  start.  Adieu.  I  am  not  able  to 
write  any  more. 

"  Your  father, 

"  Fr.  de  Goya." 


LAST  DAYS,   AND  DEATH  313 

The  old  man  became  troubled  upon  learning  that  the 
journey  was  postponed,  but  he  still  hoped  to  see  his  son's 
family.     Within  a  few  weeks  he  was  writing  again. 


"  Bordeaux,  26  March,  1828. 
"  Dear  Xavier, 

"  I  am  waiting  very  impatiently  for  my  dear 
travellers,  and  I  have  cares.  Everything  you  told  me  in 
your  last  letter,  that  in  order  to  remain  longer  with  me 
they  had  decided  not  to  go  to  Paris,  affords  me  the  greatest 
pleasure  you  are  able  to  give  me.  They  will  have  every 
satisfaction  here,  and  if  you  can  come  this  summer  I  shall 
have  all  I  can  desire.  On  Saturday  I  was  with  Galos, 
and  received  the  two  mesadas  you  sent  me.  I  have  yet 
to  make  use  of  the  other  letter  of  exchange  for  979  francs. 
If  you  send  me  the  two  other  mesadas  I  shall  be  able  to 
make  up  stock  yielding  12,000  reals  of  revenue,  which 
will  form  a  perpetual  income  for  Mariano  and  his  descen- 
dants. Is  this  not  so?  I  am  much  better,  and  I  hope  soon 
to  be  as  well  as  I  was  before.  This  recovery  I  owe  to 
Molina,  who  told  me  to  take  valerian  ground  to  a  powder. 
I  am  very  happy  to  be  so  much  better,  in  order  to  receive 
my  much  loved  travellers.     Adieu. 

"  Your  father, 

"  Fr.  de  Goya." 

Disappointment  was  in  store.  For  some  reason  the 
family  did  not  reach  Bordeaux,  and  he  was  left  with  the 
grandchild  Mariano,  the  little  Rosario,  and  the  excitable 
Leocardia.  A  sudden  physical  change  gave  him  the 
gravest  apprehensions.  He  told  Mariano  to  send  his 
last  wishes  to  Xavier.  The  son  replied  that  he  would 
come  to  Bordeaux  without  delay.  Again  Mariano  wrote 
to  his  father. 


314  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

"  Dear  Papa, 

"  Grandfather  is  going  to  write  four  words  at 
the  foot  of  my  letter  to  prove  that  he  is  still  alive." 

At  the  bottom  of  the  page  are  scrawled  Goya's  last 
words,  as  he  urgently  awaited  his  son's  coming : 

**  Dear  Xavier, 

"  I  am  not  able  to  say  anything  more  to  you.  Joy 
has  made  me  ill,  and  I  keep  my  bed.  Please  God,  I  shall 
see  you,  and  my  happiness  will  be  complete. 

"  Francisco."  * 

Xavier  Goya  reached  Bordeaux  early  in  April.  With 
extraordinary  vitality  the  invalid  recovered,  but  the 
tide  of  life  was  against  him.  On  April  15  he  was  struck 
down  with  apoplexy.  For  a  few  hours  he  remained 
unconscious,  and  death  came  early  the  next  morning, 
April  16, 1828.  Surrounding  his  bedside  were  his  son,  his 
grandson,  Leocardia,  Rosario,  and  Antonio  Brugada. 
His  age  was  eighty-two  years  and  a  few  days.f 

*  Goya's  letters  to  his  son  belong  to  Don  Ricardo  de  Madrazo. 

t  Nearly  all  modern  biographers  and  gallery  catalogues  give  the  date 
of  Goya's  death  as  the  i6th  March,  an  error  arising  from  the  extra- 
ordinary mistake  on  the  monument  in  the  cemetery  of  the  Chartreuse. 
But  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  true  date.  The  death  was  civilly 
registered  in  the  Bordeaux  archives  as  follows  : 

"  Le  dit  jour, — 16  Avril  1828, — il  a  ete  depose  au  bureau  de  I'Etat- 
Civil  un  proems- verbal  fait  par  le  commissaire  aux  deces,  duquel  il 
resulte  que  Frangois  Goya  y  Lucientes,  age  de  quatre-vingt-cinq  ans, 
natif  de  Fuendetodos,  Espagne,  veuf  de  Josefa  Bayeu,  fils  de  defunt 
...  est  decede  ce  matin,  a  deux  heures.  Fosses  de  I'lntendance,  No. 
39,  d'aprds  la  declaration  des  sieurs  Jose  Pio  de  Molina,  proprietaire, 
m6me  maison,  et  Romualdo  Yanes,  negociant,  cours  de  Tourny,  No. 
36,  temoins  majeurs,  qui  ont  signe  le  dit  proces-verbal. 

"  L'adjoint  au  maire, 

"  De  Coursson." 

The  certificate  is  quoted  in  full  by  Paul  Lafond  {Gazette  des  Beaux- 


LAST  DAYS,  AND  DEATH  315 

A  funeral  service  was  held  in  the  parish  church  of  Notre 
Dame,  Molina  and  Brugada  acting  as  pall-bearers.  The 
body  was  then  interred  in  the  vault  in  the  cemetery  of 
the  Chartreuse  where  the  remains  of  Martin  Goicoechea 
had  been  placed  in  1825.     The  tomb  was  of  imposing 

Arts,  Vol.  XXXVII.,  s""  periode  (1907),  p.  256,  and  also  by  V.  von  Loga, 
Goya,  appendix,  p.  176,  who  gives  as  his  authority  Archives  de  I' art 
francais,  1851-1852,  p.  319,  But  the  two  quotations  do  not  agree,  as 
Von  Loga  gives  Goya's  age  as  eighty-two  years,  adds  the  "  de  "  to  his 
name,  and  mis-spells  the  christian  name  of  Yanes.  Unfortunately, 
when  in  Bordeaux  I  did  not  search  the  municipal  archives,  but  M. 
Lafond's  copy  appears  to  have  been  made  from  the  original.  The  letter 
from  Goya  to  his  son  is  conclusive,  for  it  is  dated  March  26,  1828,  seems 
to  have  been  posted  in  Bordeaux  on  the  same  day,  and  to  have 
arrived  in  Madrid  on  March  31.  M.  Lafond  says  that  Goya's  son 
arrived  at  Bordeaux  on  March  3,  but  this  is  impossible,  for  the  artist 
in  the  letter  on  p.  312  writes  from  Bordeaux :  "  I  have  received  your 
letter  of  March  3."  Xavier  reached  his  father's  bedside  on  April  3, 
and  Goya  died  April  16,  the  proccs-verhal  being  made,  according  to 
French  custom,  within  a  few  hours  of  his  decease.  A  drawing  of  Goya 
on  his  deathbed  was  made  by  F.  de  la  Torre,  and  lithographed  by 
Gaulon.  It  is  reproduced  in  M.  Mesnero  Romanos'  pamphlet,  p.  49, 
and  also,  in  miniature,  in  Von  Loga's  Goya,  p.  153. 

In  August,  1912,  the  present  writer  made  a  vain  attempt  to  locate 
Goya's  residences  in  Bordeaux.  He  tried  picture-dealers,  curiosity 
shops,  even  carvers  and  gilders — all  were  blissfully  unconscious  even 
of  the  name  of  the  Spanish  artist.  A  wander  through  the  Rue 
Voltaire  failed  to  identify  the  house.  Lack  of  time  prevented  a 
visit  to  the  H6tel  de  Ville.  In  October,  1912,  a  correspondent  in 
L'Intermediare  (Vol.  LXVI.,p.483)  called  attention  to  the  removal  of  a 
commemorative  tablet  which  had  previously  been  fixed  upon  the  house 
numbered  i.  Rue  Voltaire,  at  the  angle  of  the  Cours  de  I'lntendance, 
No.  41.  An  article  in  the  Nouvelliste  de  Bordeaux  (October  22)  stated 
that  no  one  knew  who  fixed  the  tablet  or  who  removed  it,  but  that  Goya 
did  not  die  at  No.  i.  Rue  Voltaire,  but  at  the  house  named  in  the  proces- 
verhal,  originally  numbered  39,  but  now  No.  57,  Cours  de  I'lntendance, 
facing  the  Rue  Vital-Carles.  By  this  time  a  tablet  has  probably  been 
affixed,  and  there  will  be  little  difficulty  in  finding  the  building.  In 
La  Liberte  du  Sud-Ouest,  October  25,  1912,  it  is  mentioned  that  the 
original  inscription  over  the  tomb  in  the  Cemetery  of  the  Chartreuse 
has  been  preserved  by  the  Bordeaux  municipality. 


3i6  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

architectural  design,  enclosed  by  an  iron  railing,  and  sur- 
mounted by  an  iron  cross,  in  the  most  important  part 
of  the  cemetery.  Goya's  epitaph  was  written  by  Pio 
de  Mohna. 

Hie  jacet 
Franciscus  a  Goya  et  Lucientes 
Hispaniensis  peritissimus  pictor, 
Magnaque  sui  nominis 
Celebritate  notus, 
Decurso,  probe,  lumine  vitcB, 
Ohiit  XVI  Kalendas  maii, 
Anno  Domini 
M.DCCC.XXVIII. 
Mtatis  sucB 
L.XXXV. 
R.I.P. 

The  double  error  of  age  and  date  escaped  notice,  or, 
at  least,  was  never  rectified.  For  seventy-one  years 
the  tomb  was  left  undisturbed,  although  more  than  once 
it  was  suggested  that  the  remains  should  be  transferred 
to  Spain.*  In  1888  the  Cortes  voted  a  credit  for  the 
erection  of  a  monument  in  the  church  of  San  Isidro 
to  receive  the  body  of  so  great  a  genius.  But  things  move 
slowly  in  the  Peninsula,  and  it  was  not  until  June  5, 
1899,  that  Don  Alberto  Albifiana  y  Chicote,  a  professor 
of  the  National  School  of  Architecture  of  Madrid, 
arrived  in  Bordeaux  to  reclaim  the  master  of  modem 
Spanish  art.  On  the  next  day  the  Spanish  and  French 
officials  went  to  the  cemetery  of  the  Chartreuse  to  carry 
out  the  exhumation. 

Goya's  life  was  full  of  unexpected  incident.     Even  in 

*  A  photograph  of  the  tomb  will  be  found  in  M.  Mesnero  Romanos' 
little  book,  p.  51,  and  a  wood-block  in  Yriarte's  Goya,  p.  54. 


LAST  DAYS,  AND  DEATH  317 

this  long-delayed  act  of  national  appreciation  there  was 
a  surprise,  gruesome  and  macabre.  The  monument  and 
the  vault  beneath  had  been  allowed  to  fall  into  disrepair. 
When  the  stones  were  raised  it  was  found  impossible  to 
identify  the  two  bodies.  There  was  but  one  way  out  of 
the  difficulty.  The  bones  of  Goicoechea  and  Goya  were 
sealed  in  one  casket  and  conveyed  to  the  church  of  Saint 
Bruno.  After  a  religious  service  the  remains  were  taken 
the  same  night  to  Madrid.  On  May  11,  1900,  Goya  was 
buried  in  the  cemetery  of  San  Isidro  by  the  graves  of 
Leandro  Moratin  and  Menendez  Valdes. 

Of  Goya's  only  living  son,  Francisco  Xavier,  there  is 
little  to  say.  In  the  first  edition  of  his  Handbook  to 
Spain  Richard  Ford  wrote  that  he  was  always  willing  to 
show  his  father's  pictures  and  drawings  to  strangers,  and 
gave  his  address.  Later  it  is  said  that  he  hoarded  up  the 
collection,  and  practically  suppressed  the  issue  of  the 
etchings  which  had  not  passed  into  the  custody  of  the 
Calcografia  Nacional.  Baudelaire  refers  to  his  financial 
troubles,  and  he  died  in  the  'fifties  of  the  last  century. 
The  grandson  Mariano  became  the  Marquis  de  Espinar, 
and  owner  of  the  little  estate  on  the  banks  of  the 
Manzanares.  At  his  death  the  direct  descent  from  the 
painter  became  extinct. 


CHAPTER   XXII 

GOYA'S   influence   on   EUROPEAN    ART 

His  Criticism  of  Academic  Teaching.  The  three  Masters.  Goya  and 
Constable.  Delacroix  and  the  Romantic  Movement.  Deterioration 
of  French  Art.  The  Spanish  Reaction  of  1859.  Manet,  Baudelaire. 
Henri  Regnault.  Bonnat.  J.  S.  Sargent.  Goya  a  Link  between  the 
Past  and  the  Future.  Eugenio  Lucas  and  Vicente  Lopez.  The  Modern 
Spanish   School.     Conclusion. 

GOYA'S  influence  upon  the  art  of  Europe  has  been 
very  great.  Although  an  academician  himself, 
one  of  the  many  contradictions  of  a  contra- 
dictory life  was  his  keen  hostility  towards  the  academic. 
"  Always  lines  and  never  body,"  he  cried  when  criticising 
his  own  contemporaries.  "  But  where  do  we  find  these 
lines  in  Nature  ?  I  can  only  see  masses  in  light,  and 
masses  in  shadow,  planes  which  advance,  or  planes  which 
recede,  reliefs  or  backgrounds.  My  eye  never  catches 
outlines  or  details.  I  do  not  count  the  hairs  on  the  head 
of  the  man  who  passes  me  in  the  street.  The  buttons  on 
his  coat  are  not  the  chief  objects  to  catch  my  glance.  My 
brush  ought  not  to  have  better  eyesight  than  its  master. 
When  these  candid  teachers  meet  Nature  their  ensemble 
is  a  mass  of  detail  and  these  details  are  almost  always 
fictitious  and  lying.  They  confuse  their  young  pupils 
by  making  them  trace  for  years,  with  sharply -pointed 


GOYA'S  INFLUENCE  ON  EUROPEAN  ART    319 

pencils,    almond-shaped    eyes,    mouths    like    arches    or 

hearts,  noses  resembling  the  figure  seven  upside  down, 

oval  heads.     Ah,   if  they  were  but   allowed  to  study 

Nature.     Nature  is  the  only  master  of  drawing."  *     At 

another  time  he  said  :    "  My  only   masters  have  been 

Nature,    Velazquez,    and    Rembrandt."     Tradition    he 

refused  to  bow  down  to.     Although  in  personality  not 

unlike  Turner,   his  artistic  ideals  were  more  those  of 

Constable.     The   Englishman  wrote    in    1802 :    "  There 

is  room  enough  for  a  natural  painter.     The  great  vice  of 

the  present  day  is  bravura,  an  attempt  to  do  something 

beyond  the  truth.     Fashion  always  had,  and  will  have, 

its  day  ;    but  truth  in  all  things  will  last,  and  can  only 

have  just  claims  on  posterity."    The  words  might  have 

come  from  the  mouth  of  Goya,  so  exactly  do  they  agree 

with  all  his  expressed  ideas.     "  A  picture  that  is  true  is 

finished,"  he  used  to  say. 

Goya's  attraction  for  the  Frenchmen  of  the  Romantic 

School  was  more  that   of  vivid   action   and   dramatic 

subject  than  of  colour.     They  knew  him  chiefly  through 

the  etchings  and  lithographs,  for,  in  1830,  there  could 

scarcely  have  been  more  than  a  dozen  of  his  canvases 

north  of  the  Pyrenees.     Even  this  indirect  influence  was 

stronger  than  might  be  thought,  and  had  Goya's  paintings 

been  exhibited  in  Paris  as  Constable's  landscapes  were 

shown,  the  Spaniard  would  probably  have  received  the 

*  Matheron  :  Goya,  chap.  IV.  Although  Goya  was  a  fierce  critic, 
he  objected  to  criticism.  One  critic  who  entered  his  studio  had  a 
large  hat  pushed  over  his  head  upon  his  shoulders.  "  Learn  to  respect 
the  head  big  enough  to  carry  this  hat,"  was  the  explanation.  A 
second,  asked  to  take  a  seat,  was  suddenly  bespattered  with  paint, 
with  the  remark.  "  I  give  you  dirt  for  dirt.  I  disfigure  you  as  you 
disfigure  me."  Yet  Goya  remained  on  very  good  terms  with  Cean 
Bermudez — who  was,  perhaps,  a  better  man  than  a  critic. 


320  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

whole  credit  of  the  Romantic  movement.  His  work 
dominated  Delacroix's  youth  in  a  remarkable  way,  and 
its  recollection  was  so  keen  that  when  the  Frenchman 
touched  the  coast  of  Spain  for  a  few  hours,  in  1832,  on 
his  way  to  Tangier,  he  immediately  wrote  home  to  Paris, 
"  All  Goya  breathes  around  me  !  " 

However,  the  men  of  1830  drew  their  inspiration 
chiefly  from  English  sources,  in  literature  from  Byron,  in 
art  from  Constable.  A  London  company  of  actors 
interpreted  Shakespeare  on  the  Paris  boards,  and  the 
impression  they  created  can  be  read  of  in  the  memoirs  of 
Berlioz.  Bonington  linked  the  two  countries  together. 
Constable  returned  to  Fitzroy  Street  with  his  gold  medal. 
Gericault  visited  Epsom,  and  Delacroix  himself  crossed 
the  Channel.  Gradually  the  generation  aged.  Ideals 
changed,  and  the  movement  was  extinct. 

The  Romantic  School  was  of  rapid  growth,  and  died  of 
its  own  excesses.  History  teaches  that  French  art  can 
only  live  by  means  of  successive  enthusiasms,  for  the 
French  race  has  an  inborn  desire  for  perfection  and 
ogical  form  which  in  art  must  necessarily  deteriorate 
into  accomplished  mediocrity  directly  the  original 
inspiration  has  been  lost.  During  the  'forties  and 
'fifties  of  the  last  century  painting  in  France  fell  back  to 
the  position  from  which  the  Romantic  movement  had 
rescued  it.  The  technical  skill  of  the  artists  was  extra- 
ordinary, but  the  old  fires  had  been  extinguished.  "  Cher 
maitre,"  said  Charles  Blanc  to  Ingres,  "  you  discovered 
photography  years  before  we  had  any  photographs." 
Delaroche,  the  son-in-law  of  Horace  Vemet,  was 
applauded  for  preposterous  Salon  anecdotes  as  false  in 
historical  truth  as  they  were  artificial  in  art.    Meissonier 


?  s 


GOYA'S  INFLUENCE  ON  EUROPEAN  ART  321 

was  busy  with  the  marvellous  exercises  so  aptly  described 
by  Manet  as  "  steel  all  over — except  the  armour."  French 
painting  needed  its  periodical  tonic,  and,  as  usual,  it 
came  from  the  foreigner. 

In  1859  a  band  of  Spanish  dancers  and  musicians 
invaded  Paris  and  took  it  by  storm.  The  younger 
French  artists  were  drawn  towards  Spain,  and  there  was 
much  material  in  the  galleries  and  private  collections  of 
the  city  to  base  a  judgment  upon.  The  Louvre  contained 
magnificent  examples  of  Spanish  art.  King  Louis 
Philippe's  collection  had  only  recently  been  dispersed. 
The  Universal  Exhibition  of  1855  introduced  Goya  afresh, 
and  the  novelty  and  audacity  of  his  methods  fascinated 
students  who  commenced  to  paint  in  the  Goya  manner 
years  before  they  went  to  Spain. 

Manet,  who  had  copied  the  portraits  of  Hals,  discovered 
a  great  similarity  between  that  master  and  the  Spaniard. 
The  dancers  from  Madrid  had  also  caught  his  fancy,  and 
most  of  his  canvases  had  a  Spanish  setting.  In  1861  he 
painted  the  Guitarero,  in  1862  Lola  de  Valence,  in  1864 
the  Ballet  Espagnol  and  the  Episode  d'un  combat  de 
taureaux.  In  1865  came  the  famous  Olympia,  un- 
questionably suggested  by  Goya's  Maja  desnuda.  Yet, 
if  we  are  to  believe  Baudelaire,  ^fedouard  Manet  had  never 
studied  Goya.  "  M.  Manet  has  never  seen  a  Goya," 
wrote  the  poet  to  Thore  in  1864.  "  So  much  has  been 
said  about  his  pastiches  after  Goya  that  he  very  much 
wishes  to  see  some  Goyas."  *     Manet,  however,  could  not 

*  Lettres  de  Charles  Baudelaire,  1841-1866,  Paris,  1906,  p.  362. 
Baudelaire  admired  Goya,  but  his  verse  on  the  artist  is  not  very  happy. 

Goya,  cauchemar  plein  de  choses  inconnues, 
De  foetus  qu'on  fait  cuire  au  milieu  de  sabbats, 

Y 


322  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

have  been  unacquainted  with  the  Caprichos  and  the 
Tauromaquia,  although  his  journey  to  Madrid  was 
delayed  until  the  autumn  of  1865.  The  influence  of  Goya 
upon  his  later  work  is  unmistakable.  Four  years  after 
his  visit  that  wonderful  young  genius,  Henri  Regnault, 
was  copying  in  the  Prado,  and  the  single  portrait  he 
painted  in  Madrid,  the  Countess  de  Barck,  has  been  well 
described  as  a  curious  mixture  of  Goya  and  Watteau. 
After  the  war  Paris  became  for  a  short  while  the  most 
important  art  centre  of  the  world.  Amongst  the  masters 
of  that  period  were  Bonnat  and  Carolus  Duran.  Bonnat 
was  almost  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  and  had  worked  under 
Goya's  friend  Madrazo.  Carolus  Duran,  despite  his 
northern  origin,  had  keen  Spanish  sympathies,  though 
more  inclined — like  Bonnat — ^to  the  school  of  Ribera. 
But  Bonnat's  pupil,  Mr.  J.  S.  Sargent,  had  seen  Manet, 
and,  when  he  travelled  south,  in  such  subjects  as  El 
Jaleo  and  Carmencita  proved  himself  a  true  descendant 
of  Francisco  Goya. 

Goya  is  the  link  between  the  art  of  Velazquez  and  the 
art  of  the  future.  In  La  Cocaita  he  forestalls  the  poin- 
tellistes  ;  and  he  has  as  much  right  to  be  classed  amongst 
the  earliest  impressionists  as  Turner.  He  experimented 
in  every  possible  way  with  his  materials,  and  it  must  be 
admitted  that  some  of  these  experiments  do  not  add  to 
his  reputation.  In  addition  many  of  his  paintings  are 
perfunctory  in  execution.  At  times  he  was  careless, 
and  it  is  easy  to  see  whether  a  canvas  interested  him. 

De  vieilles  au  miroir  et  d'enfants  toutes  nues, 
Pour  tenter  les  demons  ajustant  bien  leur  bas. 
Victor  Hugo  was  another  French  poet  who  admired  Goya.     He  is 

said  to  have  been  the  first  Frenchman  to  introduce  Goya's  work  into 

France, 


GOYA'S   INFLUENCE   ON    EUROPEAN    ART    323 

Every  trace  of  weariness  can  be  immediately  detected. 
He  was  an  artist  of  moods.  Although  a  man  of  powerful 
physique  he  was  subject  to  nerves.  In  his  studio  visitors 
and  sitters  were  condemned  to  an  absolute  silence.  A 
single  word,  we  are  told,  broke  the  charm.  Goya  would 
throw  aside  palette  and  brushes,  and  remain  for  days 
without  touching  his  easel.  After  an  unpleasant  criticism 
he  would  put  his  foot  through  the  offending  canvas.  Days 
of  idleness  would  be  followed  by  unremitting  labour. 
Uniformity  of  production  could  hardly  be  expected  from 
such  a  personality. 

His  pre-eminence  was  freely  admitted  in  Spain,  his 
influence  over  the  French  schools  of  the  later  nineteenth 
century  enormous.  But  in  his  own  land  he  founded  no 
school  and  left  no  pupils.*  His  career  did  not  signalise  a 
renaissance  of  Spanish  art.  A  few  inferior  men  like 
Eugenio  Lucas  imitated  his  mannerisms  without  sharing 
his  genius.  Lopez  reverted  to  the  dead  traditions  of 
Mengs,  and  remained  little  better  than  a  minor  Winter- 
halter.  Thirty  years  later  Fortuny  copied  his  works,  but 
the   rococo    of    Fortuny's   golden   prime   was   not   the 

*  M.  Paul  Lafond  contributed  an  article  on  Eugenio  Lucas  to  the 
Revue  de  I'Art  Ancien  ei  Moderne,  Vol.  XX.,  p.  37.  His  work,  which 
does  not  improve  upon  acquaintance,  is  usually  attributed  to  Goya,  but 
it  has  a  coarser  texture  than  anything  touched  by  the  master.  Goya 
had  no  pupils,  strictly  speaking,  although  he  employed  assistants  from 
time  to  time.  Julia  Asensi  helped  in  the  decoration  of  San  Antonio 
de  la  Florida,  and  Goya  painted  a  very  clever  portrait  of  the  artist 
about  the  same  period.  Sentenach  y  Cabanas  in  chap.  XX.  of  La 
Pintura  en  Madrid  gives  the  following  names  of  Goya's  contemporaries : 
Vicente  Calderon  de  la  Barca  (1762-1794),  Jos6  Rivelles  y  Helip  (1778- 
1835),  who  settled  in  Madrid  in  1799,  Augustin  Esteve  (1753-1812), 
Juan  Galvez,  who  was  awarded  the  first  prize  of  the  Academy  of  San 
Fernando  in  1799,  Luis  Paret  y  Alcazar  (1747-1799),  a  pupil  of  Gonzalez 
Velazquez,  and  Antonio  Carnicero  (1748-1814)  of  Salamanca. 


324  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

rococo  of  Goya's  young  days.  Spanish  art  took  another 
direction.  There  is  no  community  of  spirit  between 
Goya  and  the  generation  which  boasted  its  Pradilla, 
Zamacois,  Rico,  and  the  Madrazo  family.  Even  the 
painters  of  to-day  Hke  SoroUa  y  Bastida  and  Zuloaga 
have  gone  to  Paris  rather  than  to  the  sombre  galleries  of 
the  Prado  for  their  inspiration. 

And  yet,  judged  upon  his  finest  works,  Francisco  Goya 
must  indubitably  find  his  place  amongst  the  great  names 
of  art.  He  caught  a  peculiar  quality  of  existence  and 
vitality  which  no  other  artist  in  the  history  of  painting 
has  ever  surpassed.  This  gift  of  energy  and  life  was  his 
supreme  talent,  and  he  possessed  it  because  he  worshipped 
life  and  the  joy  of  living.  Despite  his  apparent  cynicism, 
and  his  avowed  materialism,  he  had  an  intense  sympathy 
for  his  fellow  men.  This,  by  itself,  is  not  enough  to  make 
a  great  artist.  Goya,  however,  had  the  psychological 
insight  which  is  denied  to  most  men,  and  a  depth  of 
fantastic  imagination  which  is  one  of  the  rarest  mani- 
festations of  humanity. 

Goya  is  the  last  great  Spanish  painter.  In  the  history 
of  art  he  stands  alone — like  a  monument  raised  by  a 
prehistoric  race — unexplainable  but  unforgettable. 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  PAINTINGS  BY  GOYA. 

The  following  catalogue  is  based  upon  the  valuable  lists  prepared 
by  Charles  Yriarte,  Viiiaza,  Valerian  von  Loga,  Piot,  Paul  Lafond, 
and  A.  F.  Calvert.  Within  the  last  few  years  many  works  have 
changed  ownership,  and  such  alterations,  as  far  as  possible,  have  been 
noted.  Newly  discovered  works  have  also  been  included.  The  sizes 
are  given  (height  and  width)  in  metres.  The  classification  is  as 
follows : 

I.  Portraits  of  Members  of  the  Royal  Family. 

II.  Portraits  of  Men. 

III.  Portraits  of  Women. 

IV.  Portraits  of  Children. 

V.  Religious  Compositions. 

VI.  Copies  after  Velazquez. 

VII.  Tapestry  Cartoons  and  Studies. 

VIII.  Decorations  of  Goya's  country  house. 

IX.  Allegorical  and  mythological  Compositions. 

X.  Historical  Compositions. 

XI.  Miscellaneous  Subjects. 

I.    PORTRAITS  OF  MEMBERS  OF  THE  ROYAL  FAMILY. 

1.  Charles  III.  in  hunting  dress.     Madrid,  Prado,  No.  737.     Copies 

in  the  Royal  Palace,  Madrid,  and  the  collection  of  the  Duke  de 
Fernan-Nunez.  The  authenticity  of  this  canvas  has  been 
questioned,  but  the  Director  of  the  Prado  considers  it  original. 
2.10  X  1.27. 

2.  Charles  III.  in  court  dress  (1787).    Madrid,  Bank  of  Spain.    1.94 

XI. 10. 

3.  Charles  IV.  and  his  family  (1799-1800).     Madrid,  Prado,  No.  726. 

Painted  at  Aranjuez.  2.80x3.36.  There  are  the  following 
studies  for  this  canvas  : 


326  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

4.  (a)  Charles  IV.  In  the  collection  of  the  Comtesse  de  Paris. 

5.  (b)  Queen  Maria  Luisa. 

6.  (c)  The  Infante  Perdinand,  afterwards  Ferdinand  VII. 

7.  (d)  The  Infante  Don  Carios  Maria  Isidro,  son  of  Charles 

IV.    Prado,  No.  731.    0.74x0.60. 

8.  (e)     The  Infante  Don  Francisco  de  Paula  Antonio,  son  of 

Charles  IV.    Prado,  No.  730.    0.74x0.60. 

9.  (f)    The  Infante  Don  Antonio,  brother   of  Charles   IV. 

Prado,  No.  733.    0.74x0.60. 

10.  (g)    Don  Luis,  Prince  of  Parma,  son-in-law  of  Charles  IV. 

Prado,  No.  732.     0.74x0.60. 

11.  (h)    The  son  of  Luis  of  Parma.     Private  collection. 

12.  (i)     Isabella,  afterwards  Queen  of  Naples.* 

13-  (J)    The  Infanta  Dofia  Maria  Josefa,  daughter  of  Charles 

III.    Prado,  No.  729.    0.74  x  0.60. 

14.  Equestrian  portrait  of  Charles  IV.  as  colonel  of  the  Royal  Body 

Guard.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  719.    3.35x2.79. 

15.  Charles   IV.   in   military   costume.    Madrid,    Prado,   No.   727. 

2.02x1.26.     Copy  in  the  Royal  Palace,  Madrid. 

16.  Charles  IV.  in  court  dress.    Madrid,  Ministerio  de  Hacienda. 

1.55  x  1. 10.    Repetition  in  the  School  of  Engineers. 

17.  Charles  IV.  in  court  dress.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  1324.    Formerly 

in  Madrid  University.     1.14x0.80. 

18.  Charles  IV.  in  court  dress.    Madrid,  Ministry  of  War.    2.20  x 

1.40. 

19.  Charles  IV.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  1326.    Formerly  in  the  Casa 

de  la  Moneda. 

20.  Charles  IV.  in  crimson  uniform.    Boadilla  del  Monte  collection. 

1.09x0.76. 

21.  Charles  IV.  in  uniform.    Madrid,  collection  of  the  Marquis  de 

Casa  Torres. 

22.  Charles  IV.  in  hunting  dress.    Naples,  Capo  di  Monte.    A  copy 

in  the  Royal  Palace,  Madrid. 

23.  Charles  IV.  in  the  uniform  of  the  Royal  Body  Guard.    Prado, 

No.  727.    Formerly  in  the  collection  of  Godoy.    2.02  x  1.26.   A 
copy  in  the  Royal  Palace,  Madrid,  f 

*  Probably  identical  with  the  sketch  formerly  in  the  Gallery  of  San  Telmo, 
Seville,  which  is  therefore  not  separately  catalogued. 

t  Valerian  von  Loga  also  refers  to  a  portrait  of  Charles  IV.  in  the  Sala  Capitular 
of  the  Escoiial.    It  is  more  probably  in  one  of  the  royal  palaces. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  327 

24.  Equestrian  portrait  of  Maria  Luisa,  in  the  uniform  of  the  Royal 

Body  Guard.     Madrid,  Prado,  No.  720.     3.35  x  2.79. 

25.  Maria  Luisa,  in  black,  wearing  a  mantle.     Madrid,  Prado,  No. 

728.     2.09x1.26.     Formerly  in  the  collection  of  Godoy.     Copy 
in  the  Royal  Palace,  Madrid. 

26.  Maria  Luisa,   carrying  a  fan.     Madrid,   Academy  of  History. 

1.57x1.20.     There  are  several  copies,  one  being  in  the  collec- 
tion of  Don  Luis  de  Navas. 

27.  Maria  Luisa,  wearing  a  large  hat.     Boadilla  del  Monte  collection. 

1.11X0.76.  Copy    in    the    collection   of    Don  Aureliano  de 
Beruete. 

28.  Maria  Luisa.  Madrid,  Ministerio  de  Hacienda.     1.55x0.16. 

29.  Maria  Luisa.  Madrid,  Prado,  No.  1325.     Formerly  in  the  Casa 

de  la  Moneda. 

30.  Maria  Luisa.     Madrid,  Prado,  No.  1323.     1.11XO.81.    A  copy 

in  the  Ministry  of  War. 

31.  Maria  Luisa.     Pamplona,  Casa  de  la  Disputacion. 

32.  Maria  Luisa,  wearing  a  turban  head-dress.     Madrid,  Marquis 

de  Casa  Torres.     A  copy  in  the  Royal  Palace,  Madrid. 

33.  Maria  Luisa,  wearing  a  turban  head-dress.     Naples,  Capo  di 

Monte. 

34.  Maria  Luisa,  wearing  a  turban,  rings,  and  carrying  a  fan.     New 

York,  Havemeyer  (from  the  Rivas  and  Duret    collections). 
1.10X0.83. 

35.  Maria  Luisa,  carrying  a  child.     Paris,  Billotte  collection  (from 

the  Fromentin  collection).     1.18x0.82.* 

36.  Maria  Luisa.     Madrid,  D.  Luis  de  Navas. 

37.  Ferdinand  VH.     Prado,  No.  724.     2.07x1.44. 

38.  Ferdinand  VH.  in  coronation  robes.     Prado,  No.  735.     A  copy 

in  the  Palacio  del  Canal  Imperial  de  Aragon,  Zaragoza.   Signed. 
2.12x1.46. 

39.  Equestrian  portrait  of  Ferdinand  VH.     Prado.     Formerly  in  the 

Royal  Academy  of  S.  Fernando.    2.90  x  2.70.  A  study  for  this 
picture  in  the  Madrazo  collection.     National  Library,  Madrid. 

40.  Ferdinand  VH.     Madrid,  Post  Office.     Probably  painted  for  an 

illuminated  decoration. 

41.  Ferdinand  VIL     Pamplona,  Casa  de  la  Disputacion. 

*  Von  Loga  mentions  a  portrait  in  the  Sala  Capitular  of  the  Escorial,  which 
has  probably  been  moved.  The  portrait,  said  to  be  in  the  collection  of  Sir  John 
Meade,  London  (Zapater,  p.  39),  I  cannot  trace.  There  is  also  a  reference  to  a 
missing  portrait  in  tiie  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  Vol.  XIII.,  1862,  p.  373. 


328  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

42.  Ferdinand  VII.    Study  on  canvas.     Madrid,  Ministerio  de  la 

Gobernaci6n. 

43.  Ferdinand  VII.     Bust,  in  purple  and  ermine,  with  Order  of  the 

Golden  Fleece.  Madrid,  collection  of  the  Viscount  de  Val  de 
Erro.* 

44.  The  family  of  the  Infante  Don  Luis  (1783).    Boadilla  del  Monte 

collection.     2.48x3.15. 

45.  The  Infante  Don  Luis,   brother  of  Charles  III.  (1783).!    Boa- 

dilla del  Monte  collection.     Signed.     0.42x0.35. 

46.  The  Infante  Don  Luis  in  uniform.     Boadilla  del  Monte  collection. 

1.48x0.97, 

47.  The  Infante  Don  Luis  and  Don  Ventura  Rodriguez.     Paris,  Ivan 

Stchoukine.     0.27  x  0.20. 

48.  The  Infante  Don  Luis  Maria,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Toledo, 

as  a  child.  Boadilla  del  Monte  collection.  1.30x1.16.  Copies 
in  the  collection  of  the  Marques  de  Casa  Torres,  and  the  Church 
of  Santa  Maria  di  Monserrato,  Rome. 

49.  Dofia  Maria  Teresa  de  Villabriga,  Countess  of  Chinchon,  wife  of 

the  Infante  Don  Luis  (1783).  Boadilla  del  Monte.  Signed  panel. 
0.42  X  0.35.  There  are  several  replicas,  and  Zapater  also  speaks 
of  an  equestrian  portrait. 

50.  Dofia  Maria  Teresa  de  Bourbon,  afterwards  Princess  of  Peace, 

as  a  child.  BoadUla  del  Monte.  1.30x1.16.  There  is  also  a 
small  study. 

51.  Dofia  Maria  Teresa  de  Bourbon.    Whole  length  study.    Boadilla 

del  Monte.     1.95x1.36. 

52.  Dofia  Maria  Teresa  de  Bourbon,  seated.    Boadilla  del  Monte. 

2.08x1.39. 

53.  Dofia  Maria  Teresa  de  Bourbon.    Boadilla  del  Monte.    A  study 

for  No.  52.     0.74  X  0.56. 

54.  Joseph  Bonaparte,  King  of  Spain.     Quoted  by  V.  von  Loga  and 

Viiiaza  as  in  a  private  collection. 

55.  The  Emperor  Francis  of  Austria.     Cited  by  Viiiaza,  but  doubtful. 

1.27x0.95. 

56.  Ferdinand  IV., King  of  Naples.  Madrid,  Marquis  de  la  Vega  Inclan. 

II.     PORTRAITS  OF  MEN. 

57.  The  thirteenth  Duke  of  Berwick  and  Alba,  Marquis  of  Villafranca. 

Half-length.    Madrid,  Duke  de  Medina  Sidonia. 

•  Von  I-oga  mentions  a  study  on  canvas  in  the  Eustaquio  Lopez  sale,  1866. 
I  Von  Loga  catalogues  a  replica,  but  gives  no  owner's  name. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  329 

58.  The  thirteenth  Duke  of  Berwick  and  Alba.     Cited  by  P.  Lafond 

as  in  a  private  collection,  Madrid. 

59.  Don  Vincente  Osorio  Moscoso  Fernandez  de  Cordova,  Count  of 

Altamira  and  Astorga.     Madrid,  Bank  of  Spain.     1.77  x  1.08. 

60.  Altamirana,  a  judge  of  Seville.     Oval  bust.     Canada,  The  Art 

Association  of  Montreal.     Signed.     0.84x0.63, 

61.  Francisco    Bayeu    y    Subias,    Goya's    brother-in-law.    Madrid. 

Prado,  No.  721.     1.12x0.84. 

62.  Francisco  Bayeu  before  an  easel   (1786).    Valencia,  Museum. 

Signed,    i.iixo.83, 

63.  Ramon  Bayeu  and  his  wife.    Madrid,  D.  Alejandro  de  Pidal. 

A  miniature. 

64.  Goya's  father-in-law.    Madrid,  D.  Alejandro  de  Pidal.  A  minia- 

ture. 

65.  Don  Manuel  Lapeiia,  Marques  de  Bondad  Real  (1799).     Madrid, 

D.  Joaquin  Argamasilla,     Signed.     2.25  x  1.40. 

66.  Don  Jose  Maria  Arango,  the  artist  {1816).    Seville.    Formerly 

belonging  to  Don  J.  M.  Asensio.     Cited  by  Vifiaza,  p.  258. 
0.55  X  0.40. 

67.  Don   Gabriel    de   Aristizabal,    Lieutenant-General   of   Marines. 

Formerly  in  the  Naval  Museum,  Madrid. 

68.  The  naturalist  Azara,  in  naval  uniform.     Madrid,  Azara  family. 

Cited  by  Vinaza,  p.  238,  and  Zapater,  p.  39. 

69.  Don  Juan  Cameron  y  Melia,  Director  of  the  Academy  of  San 

Carlos,  Valencia.     Madrid,  D.  Felipe  Calvo.     0.65x0.56. 

70.  Francisco,  Count  of  Cabarrus  (1778).    Madrid,  Bank  of  Spain. 

2.10  X  1.27. 

71.  Don  Pedro  Rodriguez,  Count  de  Campomanes.    Mentioned  by 

Vinaza,  p.  269. 

72.  Don  Manuel  Cantin  y  Lucientes.    Zaragoza.    D.  Francisco  Cantin 

y  Gamboa.     0.50x0.44. 

73.  M.  Careda  or  J.  Caveda.    See  Yriarte,  also  Lafond,   p.  125, 

Vinaza,  p.  236. 

74.  Don  Isidoro  de  Castagnedo.     Madrid,  Portrait  Exhibition,  1902. 

75.  Don    Juan    Augustin    Cean    Bermudez.     Madrid,    Marquis    de 

Corvera,     1.22x0.88. 

76.  Don  Felix  Colon  y  Lariategui  (1794).     Madrid,  Richard  Trau- 

mann.     Formerly  in  the  possession  of  the  Count  de  Robres, 
Zaragoza.     12.0x0.85. 

77.  Don    Joaquin    Company,    Archbishop    of   Valencia.    Valencia. 

2.12x1.30. 


330  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

78.  The  Secretary  to  the  Archbishop  Don  Joaquin  Company.    Madrid, 

D.  Salvador  Cubells.     0.69x0.83. 

79.  The   Bull-fighter   Joaquin   Rodriguez   Costillares.     P?ris,    Ivan 

Stchoukine.  Formerly  in  the  possession  of  D.  Placido  Zuloaga. 
0.28x0.21.  Similar  portraits  belong  to  the  Count  del  Asalto, 
Madrid,*  and  Sr.  de  Lazaro  Galdeano. 

80.  Don  Juan  Antonio  Cuervo  (1819).     Paris,  Duran  Ruel.     Formerly 

in  the  collection  of  D.  Francisco  Duran  y  Sirvent.  Signed. 
1.28x0.87. 

81.  Don  Juan  Martin,  "  El  Empecinado."t    Madrid,  D.  Luis  de 

Navas.     0.84  x  0.65. 

82.  Don  Carlos  Espaiia,  Count  de  Espafia.     See  Vifiaza,  p.  236. 

83.  Don  Rafael  Esteve  y  Vilella  (1815).     Valencia,  Museum.     Signed. 

1.63x1.18. 

84.  Fray  Miguel  Fernandez,   Bishop  of  Adrianopolis.     Bilbao,   D. 

Enrique  Salazar.     1.00x0.63. 

85.  Don  Carlos  Guiterrez  de  los  Rios,  Duke  de  Fernan-Nunez.   Madrid, 

Duke  de  Fernan-Nunez. 

86.  Don  Joaquin  Maria  de  Ferrer  (1824).     Madrid,  Count  de  Caudilla. 

Signed.     0.73  x  0.59. 

87.  Don  Mariano  Ferrer.     Valencia,  Museum.     Signed.     0.82x0.62. 

88.  Don  Jose  Moiiino,  Count  de  Florida  Blanca,  and  Goya.    Madrid, 

Marquesa  de  Martorell  y  Pontejos.     Signed.     2.62  x  1.66. 

89.  Count  de  Florida  Blanca.      Madrid,  Marquis  de  Casa  Torres. { 

1.75x1.12. 

90.  Count  de  Florida  Blanca.     Murcia,  Institute. 

91.  Don    Antonio    Foraster.     Madrid,    D.    Javier   MiUan.      0.49  X 

0.37- 

92.  Jacques  Galos.     Mentioned  by  Matheron,  chap,  xi.,  p.  5. 

93.  Don  Manuel  Garcia  (1815).     Paris,  Bamberger.     Signed.     Sala- 

manca sale  (1867).     No.  172.     0.80x0.57. 

94.  Don  Ignacio  Garcini   (1804),    Madrid,  Dofia  Rosa  Garcini  y 

Arizcun.     Signed.     1.04x0.82. 

95.  M.  Gasparini.    Madrid,  D.  Manuel  Soler  y  Alarcon.    1.06x0.80. 

96.  Don  Manuel  de  Muzquiz,  Count  de  Gauza.    Madrid,  Marquis  de 

Casa  Torres. 

*  Von  Loga  catalogues  another  replica,  No.  201. 

t  There  is  a  replica  of  this  fine  work  in  the  collection  of  the  Marquis  de  Casa 
Torres,  Madrid. 

X  Copy  in  the  Museo  Iconografico. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  331 

97.  Don  Manuel  Godoy,  Duke  of  Alcudia,  Prince  of  Peace.   Madrid, 

Prado,     1.80x2.65. 

98.  Don   Manuel  Godoy.    A  missing  equestrian  portrait,   painted 

about  1800. 

99.  Don  Juan  Bautista  de  Goicoechea.     Madrid,  D.  Felipe  Modet. 
100.     Don  Juan  Martin  de  Goicoechea,  the  elder.     Zaragoza.     1.05  x 

0.60.     Von  Loga  questions  the  authenticity. 
loi.     Don  Juan  Martin  de  Goicoechea,  the  younger  (1810).     Madrid, 
Marquis  de  Casa  Torres.     Signed.     0.82  x  0.59. 

102.  Don  Cornelius  van  der  Goten  (1782) .  Madrid,  Museo  Iconografico. 

0.62  X  0.47. 

103.  Don  Francisco  Xavier  de  Goya  y  Bayeu,   the  artist's  son.* 

Paris,  Bischoffsheim  collection.     1.90  x  1. 12.     Salamanca  sale 
(1867).     No.  174. 

104.  Don  Tomas  Goya  y  Lucientes,  the  artist's  brother.     England, 

Bowes  Museum,  Barnard  Castle.     Formerly  in  the  collection 
of  the  Count  de  Quinto.     0.43  x  0.38. 

105.  Portrait   of  the  artist  before   his   easel.    Madrid,   Count   de 

Villagonzalo.     0.42  X  0.28. 

106.  Portrait  of  the  artist.     Madrid,  Marquis  de  Santillana. 

107.  Portrait  of  the  artist  as  a  bull-fighter.     Formerly  in  the  Urzaiz 

collection,  Seville. 

108.  Portrait  of  the  artist.    Formerly  in  the  Carderera  collection. 

A  miniature.     See  Yriarte,  p.  11. 

109.  Portrait    of   the   artist.     Castres   Museum.     Formerly   in   the 

Briguiboul  collection.     0.50x0.30. 
no.     Portrait  of  the  artist.     Bayonne  Museum,  Bonnat   collection. 
See  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  1900,  p.  200.     0.52x0.41. 

111.  Portrait   of   the  artist.     Madrid,  Dofia   Carmen  Berganza  de 

Martin.     Signed.     0.18x0.12. 

112.  Portrait  of  the  artist.    Madrid,  D.Alejandro  Pidal.    A  miniature. 

113.  Portrait  of  the  artist.     Zaragoza,  D.  Martino  de  Ena  y  Villaba. 

114.  Portrait    of   the   artist    (1815).     Madrid,    Prado.    Transferred 

from  the  Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand.     Signed.     0.46x0.40. 

115.  Portrait  of  the  artist.     Madrid,  Prado.     0.46x0.35. 

116.  Portrait  of  the  artist.     Formerly  in  the  Baroilhet  collection. 

See  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  i860,  p.  58. 

117.  Portrait  of  the  artist.     Paris,  Destailleur  sale,  1901. 

•  Von  Loga  mentions  a  similar  portrait  belonging  to  M.  PacuIIy,  Paris,  and 
also  one  realising  600  fcs.  in  the  Desping  Sale,  Paris,  1^00. 


332  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

ii8.    The  Duchess  of  Alba  and  Goya.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  la  Romana. 
0.42x0.32. 

119.  Goya  and  Arieta  (1820).    Signed  by  the  artist.    S^^  Von  Loga's 

catalogue,  No.  247. 

120.  Ferdinand  Guillemardet,  French  ambassador.    Paris,  Louvre. 

1.85x1.25. 

121.  General  Nicolas  Guye.     London,  Messrs.  Knoedler  (1913). 

122.  Don   Gaspar   Melchior   de   Jovellanos.     Madrid,  Marquesa  de 

Villamejor.     Signed.     2.05x1.23. 

123.  Don  Gaspar  Melchior  de  Jovellanos.     Gijon,   D.  Jos4  Maria 

Cienfuegos.     See  Lafond,  p.  131,  No.  145. 

124.  Don  Asensio  Julia,    "  el  Pescadoret."    Collection  of  the  Com- 

tesse  de  Paris.     Signed.     0.55  x  0.42. 

125.  Don    Asensio    Julia.     Paris,     Bamberger.     Signed.     Madrazo 

sale,  Edwards,  1870  (6,500  fcs.).     0.73  x  0.56. 

126.  Don   Francisco   Larrumbe    (1787).    Madrid,   Bank   of   Spain. 

1.13x0.77. 

127.  Cardinal  Francisco  Antonio  de  Lorenzana.    Toledo,  Cathedral. 

Von  Loga  questions  this. 

128.  Don  Juan  Antonio  Llorente.     Collection  of  Edward  Arnhold. 

1.90  XI. 14.  Calvert  ascribes  a  portrait  of  the  same  descrip- 
tion to  a  Madrid  collection,  but  doubts  its  authenticity.  A 
portrait  under  this  name  passed  through  the  Paris  house  of 
Durand-Ruel.  See  Von  Loga,  No.  269,  and  Zeitschrift  fiir 
hildende  Kunst,  1900,  p.  232. 

129.  Don  Isidro  Maiquez,  an  actor.     Madrid,  Marquis  de  Casa  Torres. 

0.92  X  0.70.  Formerly  in  the  possession  of  the  Count  de 
Quinto.     See  Zapater,  p.  39. 

130.  Don  Isidro  Maiquez  (1807).     Prado,  No.  734.     Signed.     0.77  x 

0.58. 

131.  The  bull-fighter  Martincho.     Madrid.     Formerly  belonging  to 

D.  Eduardo  Cano  and  Lafitte  collection.     0.79  x  0.59. 

132.  Admiral  Mazarredo.     Madrid,  D.  Luis  de  Navas.     Formerly  in 

the  Boadilla  del  Monte  collection.     Signed.     1.05x0.84. 

133.  Don    Francisco    del    Mazo.     France,    Castres    Museum.     See 

Gonse,  Les  Musees  de  France,  p.  99.     1.00x0.75. 

134.  The  Poet,  Don  Juan  Antonio  Melendes  Valdez.   1797.   England, 

Bowes  Museum,  Barnard  Castle.*  Formerly  belonging  to  D. 
Francisco  Azebal  y  Arratia,  and  also  the  Count  de  Quinto. 
Signed.    0.72  X  0.55. 

•  A  copy  in  the  Royal  Library,  Madrid. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  333 

135.  Don  Juan  Antonio  Melon.     Lithographed  by  Gilivay. 

136.  Count  de  Miranda  (1777) .     Paris,  Dannat  collection. 

137.  Don  Pedro  Mocarte.   Paris,  D.  Raimundo  de  Madrazo.    Signed. 

Edwards'  sale.  No.  28  (9,000  fcs.).     0.76x0.56. 

138.  Don  Jose  Pio  de  Molina.     Mentioned  by  Matheron,  chap.  xi. 

139.  The  Poet,  Don  Leandro  Fernandez  de  Moratin  (1779) .     Madrid, 

Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand.     0.72x0.56. 

140.  Don    Leandro    de    Moratin.     Madrid,    D.    Francisco    Silvela. 

Painted  in  Bordeaux.     0.95x0.68. 

141.  Marshal     Mouchy.      Bordeaux,    Lacy    collection.     Debrousse 

Sale,  Paris,  1900  (6,000  fcs.).     1.25x0.91. 

142.  Don   Juan   Bautista   de    Muguiro   (1827).    Madrid,    Dowager 

Countess  de  Muguiro.     Signed.     1.02x0.85. 

143.  Don  Jose  Luis  de  Mufiarriz  (1818).     Madrid,  Academy  of  St. 

Ferdinand.     Signed.     0.84  x  0.64. 

144.  Marquis  de  Nibbiano.     Mentioned  by  Zapater,  p.  39. 

145.  Don  Manuel  Osorio  (1784).     Paris,  Madame  Bernstein. 

146.  The  ninth  Duke  de  Osuna,  his  wife,  and  their  four  children. 

Prado,  No.  739.     2.25x1.74.     Osuna  collection.  No.  65. 

147.  The  ninth  Duke  de  Osuna  (1785).     Paris,  Dannat,  and  then 

London,     i.ioxo.82.     Osuna  cat..  No.  63. 

148.  Don  Francisco  de  Borja,  tenth  Duke  de  Osuna  (1816).*    France, 

Bay onne  Museum.     Bonnat  collection.     0.02x1.46.      Osuna 
sale.  No.  91. 

149.  General  Don  Jose  Palafox,  Duke  de  Zaragoza.     Madrid,  Prado, 

No.  725.     2.48x2.24. 

150.  "  El  tio  Paquete,"  a  beggar.     Madrid,  Count  de  Marina.     See 

Zeitschrifi  fur  bildende  Kunst,  igoo,  p.  230.     0.39x0.31. 

151.  Dr.  Peral.      London,  National  Gallery,  No.  1951.     Formerly 

in  the  Dannet  collection,  Paris,  and  presented  to  the  Gallery 
by  Sir  George  Donaldson.     0.72  x  0.62. 

152.  Don  Tiburcio  Perez,  an  architect  (1820).     Paris,  Durand-Ruel. 

Signed.     1.02x0.80. 

153.  Don    Evaristo    Perez    de    Castro.    Paris,    Louvre.     Formerly 

belonging  to  D.  Manuel  Soler  y  Alarcon.     0.99x0.69. 

154.  Don  Tomas  Perez  Estala.    Madrid,  Dowager  Countess  de  Cedillo. 

Signed.     1.02x0.79. 

155.  Don  Pantaleon  Perez  de  Nenin   (1808).     Madrid,  D.   Pedro 

Labat  y  Arrizabaloga.     Signed  2.05x1.24. 

•  Von  Loga  catalogues  a  study  (No.  295)  which  he  declares  is  not  by  Goya. 


334  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

156.  Don  Ramon  Pignatelli  y  Moncayo.    In  the  collection  of  D. 

Alejandro  de  la  Cruz,  Count  de  Fuentes.  A  study  for  this 
portrait  belongs  to  the  Duchess  de  Villahermosa,  Madrid,  and 
there  are  two  copies  in  Zaragoza. 

157.  Don  Antonio  Corbo  de  Porcel  (1806).    Formerly  in  Granada, 

Porcel  y  Zayas,    Signed.     1.13  x  0.82. 

158.  Don  Ramon  de  Posada  y  Soto.    Madrid,  D.  Jose  Maria  Perez 

Caballero.     i  .97  X  0.96. 

159.  Don  Manuel  Garcia  de  la  Prada.     Paris,  Emil  Pacully. 

160.  Don  Juan  Jose  Mateo  Arias  Davila,  twelfth  Count  of  Pufion- 

rostro.     Madrid,  Marquesa  de  Almaguer.     2.34x1.50. 

161.  Archbishop  of  Quebec.     Formerly  in  the  Jean  Gigoux  collec- 

tion, Paris. 

162.  General  Ricardos.     Madrid,  D.  Pedro  Fernandez  Duran,  from 

Boadilla  del  Monte.     1.09  x  0.51. 

163.  General  Rafael  del  Riego  (1820).     Eibar,  Don  Placido  Zuloaga. 

Miniature.     Signed. 

164.  The    Architect    Don    Ventura    Rodriguez    (1781).*    Madrid, 

Marquis  de  Castro  Monte.     Signed.     1.02x0.75. 

165.  Bishop  Rojas.     Madrid,  Academy  of  History.     Catalogued  by 

Von  Loga  (No.  317),  but  declared  by  him  unauthentic. 

166.  The  bull-fighter  Jose  Romero.     Madrid,  Duke  de  Ansola.     For- 

merly belonging  to  the  Infante  Don  Sebastian.     0.92  x  0.70. f 

167.  Don  Manuel  Romero.     Madrid,  D.  Isidoro  de  Urzaiz.     1.02  X 

0.81. 

168.  The  bull-fighter  Pedro  Romero.    Paris,  formerly  in  the  Kann 

collection,  now  belonging  to  A.  M.  Huntington.     0.92  x  0.76. 

169.  The  bull-fighter  Pedro  Romero.     Madrid,     Probably  a  replica 

of  No.  168. 

170.  Don  Manuel  Salvador  Carmona.     Paris,  Dannat. 

171.  Marquis  de  San  Adrian  (1804).    Madrid,  Marquis  de  San  Adrian. 

Signed.     2.09x1.27. 

172.  Don  Jose  Michael  de  Carvajal,  Duke  de  San  Carlos  (1815). 

Zaragoza,  Palacio  del  Canal  Imperial  de  Aragon.  Signed. 
2.80  X  1.25.  Repetitions  belong  to  the  Marquis  de  la  Torrecilla 
and  the  Count  de  Villagonzalo,  Madrid. 

173.  Don  Ramon  Satue  (1823).     Paris,  Dr.  Carvallo.     Benito  Gar- 

riga  sale,  Paris,  1902  (9,850  fcs.).     Signed.     1.07x0,84. 

174.  The  engraver  Selma.    Engraved  by  Selma. 

*  Copy  in  the  Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand. 

t  Calvert  catalogues  three  portraits  of  Jos6  Romero,  Nos.  224,  325,  226. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  335 

175.  Don  Manuel  Silvela.    Madrid,  D.  Francisco  Silvela.    Signed. 

0.60x0.49. 

176.  Don  Miguel  Cayetano  Soler  (1803).     Engraved  by  R.  Esteve. 

See  Vifiaza,  p.  50  and  p.  249. 

177.  Don  Bartolome  Sureda.     Madrid,  Dona  Sureda.     1.20  x  1.80. 

178.  Count  de  Tepa.     Madrid,  D.  Jose  Lazaro  Galdeano. 

179.  Marquis  de  Tolosa  {1787).     Madrid,  Bank  of  Spain.     0.39  x  0.31. 

180.  Don  Mariano  Luis  de  Urquijo.     Madrid,  Academy  of  History. 

1.28x0.97. 

181.  General   Urrutia    (1798).     Madrid,  Prado,   No.    736.     2x1.36. 

Osuna,  No.  yy. 

182.  Don  Jose  Vargas  y  Ponce  {1805).     Madrid,  Academy  of  History. 

Signed.     1.04x0.82. 

183.  Don  Manuel  de  Villafano.     Painted  about  1791. 

184.  Marquis  de  Villafranca  and  family.     Madrid,  Duke  de  Medina 

Sidonia. 

185.  The  architect  Don  Juan  de  Villanueva.     Madrid,  Academy  of 

St.   Ferdinand.     Signed.     0.93  x  0.68. 

186.  Duke   of  Wellington  on  horseback.     England,  Strathfieldsaye, 

Hampshire.     2.74  x  2.12. 

187.  Duke  of  Wellington.     Formerly  in  the  possession  of  D.  Ricardo 

Aleva. 

188.  Don  Bernardo  Yriarte.     Paris,  private  collection.     1.68x0.85. 

189.  Don  Jose  de  Toro  y  Zambrano  (1785).   Madrid,  Bank  of  Spain. 

1.18x0.80. 

190.  Don  Martin  Zapater  y  Claveria  (1790).     Zaragoza.     Formerly 

in  the  possession  of  the  family.     Signed.     0.78  x  0.60. 

191.  Don  Martin  Zapater  (1797).     Signed.     0.80x0.66. 

192.  Portrait  of  a  French  general.     Paris,  Camille  Rogier  sale,  1896. 

0.18x0.14. 

193.  Portrait  of  a  picador  on  horseback.    Madrid,  Prado.     0.56  x 

0.47. 

194.  Portrait  of  an  actor.     Formerly  in  the  Carderera  collection. 

Madrid.     See  Vifiaza,  p.  259.     0.38  x  0.30. 

195.  Portrait  of  a  man  (1815).     France,  Castres  Museum. 

196.  Portrait  of  a  Spanish  gentleman.     Madrid,  D.  Manuel  Soler  y 

Alarcon. 

197.  Portrait  of  a  man.    Formerly  in  the  collection  of  D.  Sebastian 

de  Bourbon  y  Braganza,  Aranjuez.     Doubtful. 

198.  Portrait  of  an  old  man.    Formerly  in  the  same  collection. 


336  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

199.  Portrait  of  an  old  man  (?D.  Jose  Duaso  y  Latre).    Madrid,  D. 

Jose  Lazaro  Galdeano.     Signed.     0.59  x  0.49. 

200.  Portrait  of  a  Spanish  gentleman.     Biarritz,  M.  Ch.  Cherfils. 

Early  nineteenth  century.     0.45x0.32. 

201.  Portrait  of  a  man  in  seventeenth-century  costume.    Formerly 

in  the  Cepero  collection,  Seville.     Doubtful. 

202.  Portrait  of  a  man.     Valencia,  D.  Jose  Toran. 

203.  Portrait  of  a  man.     Bilbao,  D.  Enrique  Salazar.     0.56x0.38. 

204.  Portrait  of  a  Spanish  gentleman.     Formerly  in  the  Candamo 

collection,  Paris. 

205.  Portrait  of  a  knight,    Madrid,  D.  Luis  de  Navas. 

206.  Portrait  of  a  man.     Paris,  Ivan  Stchoukine.     Formerly  belong- 

ing to  D.  Placido  Zuloaga. 

207.  Portrait  of  a  man.     Paris,  Haro  collection.     1.16x1.00. 

208.  Study  for  a  family  group,  with  three  figures.     Paris,   Ivan 

Stchoukine.     0.27  x  0.20. 

209.  A  group  of  heads.    Comtesse  de  Paris.    Formerly  at  San  Telmo, 

Seville. 

III.    PORTRAITS  OF  WOMEN. 

210.  Doila  Manuela  Giron  y  Pimental,  Duchess  de  Abrantes  (1816). 

Madrid,  Duchess  de  Abrantes.     Signed.     0.92x0.70. 

211.  Dofia  Maria  Teresa  Cayetana  de  Silva,  Duchess  of  Berwick  and 

Alba  (1795).     Madrid,  Duke  of  Alba.     Signed.     1.94x1.30. 

212.  Duchess  of  Alba.     London,  collection   of  the  Dowager  Lady 

Wemher.    Formerly     in    the    Medici    collection,    Naples. 
1.93x1.15- 

213.  Duchess  of  Alba  (1797),  wearing  a  mantilla.     Paris,  P.  Soh^ge. 

Formerly  belonging  to  King  Louis  Philippe.     Signed.     2.10  x 
1.47. 

214.  Duchess  of  Alba,  seated,  holding  a  key.    Madrid,  Don  Rafael 

Barrio.     0.88  x  0.66. 

215.  Duchess   of  Alba,   life-size   bust.    Madrid,   Duke   of   Medina 

Sidonia. 

216.  Duchess  of  Alba,  half-length.     Madrid,  Orossen  collection. 

217.  Duchess  of  Alba,  in  a  white  dress,  holding  a  letter.     Photo- 

graphed by  Moreno. 

218.  Duchess  of  Alba,  half-length,  green  dress,  powdered  hair.     Paris, 

M.  Bamberger.  Formerly  in  the  Salamanca  and  Pereire  collec- 
tions.    Pereire  sale  (Paris)  1872  (10,000  fcs.).     0.55x0.40. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  337 

219.  Duchess  of  Alba.    Formerly  in  the  Urzaiz  collection,  Seville. 

0.52x0.42. 

220.  Dona  Tomasa  Aliaga.    Madrid,  D.  Pablo  Bosch. 

221.  The  Countess  of  Altamira  with  her  daughter.    Paris,  Leopold 

Goldschmidt.  Formerly  in  the  possession  of  the  Marquis  de 
Corvera.     1.95  x  r.15. 

222.  The  Marquesa  de  Bajamar.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Bajamar. 

223.  The  Marquesa  de  Baena  (1813).    Eibar,  Don  Ignacio  Zuloaga. 

Signed.     0.60x0.61, 

224.  Dona  Josefa  Goya  y  Bayeu,  the  artist's  wife.    Madrid,  Prado. 

No.  722.    0.81x0.56. 

225.  The  Marquesa  de  Caballero  (1807).    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Cor- 

vera.    Signed.     1.06x0.54. 

226.  The  Marquesa  de  Cadalso.     Cited  by  Lafond.     1.06x0.84. 

227.  Dona    Francisca    Candado.    Valencia,    Museum.    1.63x1.18. 

The  sketch  for  this  portrait  is  in  the  collection  of  Herr 
Cans,  Frankfurt-a-Main. 

228.  The  wife  of  Cean  Bermudez.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Casa-Torres. 

1.21XO.85. 

229.  Doiia  Lorenza  Correa.    Paris,  Bischoffsheim  collection.    0.80  x 

0.57.    Salamanca  sale,  Paris,  1867,  No.  173. 

230.  Dona  Maria  Ildefonsa  Dabalos  y  Santa  Maria.    Madrid,  Count 

de  Villagonzalo.    1.08x0.80. 

231.  Dofia  Tadea  Arias  de  Enriquez.    Prado,  No.  740.     1.90  x  1.06. 

232.  Doiia  Josefa  de  Alvarado  Lero,  Marquesa  de  Espeja.    Madrid, 

Duke  de  Valencia.    1.04x0.83. 

233.  The  Countess  de  Feman-Nunez.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  la  Mina. 

234.  Dona  Manuela  de  Alvarez  Coinas  y  Tom^s  de  Ferrer  (1824). 

Madrid,  Marquesa  de  Baroja.    Signed.    0.73x0.60. 

235.  Dofia  Josefa  Castilla  Portugal  de  Garcini  (1804).    Madrid,  D. 

Vincente  Garcini.    Signed.    1.04x0.82. 

236.  Dofia  Narcisa  Baranona  de  Goicoechea.    Madrid,  D.  Felipe 

Modet. 

237.  Dofia  Juana  Galarza  de  Goicoechea  (1810).    Zaragoza,  Sociedad 

economica  de  amigos  del  pais.  V.  von  Loga  questions  the 
authenticity  of  No.  100,  but  this  companion  portrait  is 
signed  by  the  artist. 

238.  Doiia  Gracia  Lucientes  y  Goya,  the  painter's  mother.*    Berlin, 

Royal  Museum.    0.75x0.62. 

*  Von  Loga  also  cites  a  similar  portrait  in  a  Zaragoza  sale  (1902). 

Z 


338  FRANCISCO   GOYA 

239.  Dona  Gumersinda  de  Goicoechea  y  Goya,  the  painter's  daughter- 

in-law.  Paris,  Bischoffsheim.  Salamanca  sale,  No.  175.  See 
Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  1873,  p.  366.     1.90x1.12. 

240.  Doiia  Rita  de  Goya  y  Lucientes.    Madrid,  Lafitte  collection. 

0.79x0.59. 

241.  Dona  Mariana  de  Silva,  Countess  de  Haro.    Madrid,  Marquesa 

de  Santa  Cruz.    0.50x0.35. 

242.  Doiia  Maria  Gabriela  Palafox  y  Portocarrero,   Marquesa  de 

Laz^.    Madrid,  Duke  de  Alba.     1.93  x  1. 15. 

243.  Rita  Luna,  the  actress.    Formeriy  in  the  Carderera  collection. 

Viiiaza,  p.  239.    0.41  X  0.34. 

244.  The    Countess    Miranda    del    Castafiar.    Madrid.     Formerly 

belonging  to  the  Counts  de  Montijo.    1.00x0.83. 

245.  Dona  Vicenta  Solis,  Duchess  de  Montellano.    Vifiaza,  p.  269. 

246.  Dona  Maria  Amalia  Zuargo  y  Acedo,  Marquesa  de  Monte  Her- 

moso.    Berlin,  Professor  Heilbuth.     1.70x1.05. 

247.  Dona  Maria  Francisca  de  Sales  Portocarrero  y  Zufiiga,  Countess 

de  Montijo,  and  her  four  daughters.  Madrid,  Duke  de  Alba. 
Without  apparent  reason.  Von  Loga  questions  the  authen- 
ticity of  this  canvas.    2.15  x  1.45. 

248.  Doiia  Maria  Josefa  de  Pimentel,  Countess  and  Duchess  of  Bena- 

vente  and  Osuna  (1785).  Madrid,  Herr  Gustav  Bauer.  For- 
merly in  the  Osuna  collection.  No.  64.    1.04  x  0.80. 

249.  The  Duchess  del  Parque.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  la  Vega  Inclan. 

1.65x1.25. 

250.  The  Duchess  de  Peiiaranda.    Madrid,  Duke  de  Tamames. 

251.  Doiia   Maria  Ana  Moiiino,   Marquesa   de   Pontejos.    Madrid, 

Marquesa  de  Martorell  y  de  Pontejos.    2.10  x  1.28. 

252.  Dona    Isabel   Corbo   de   Porcel.    London,    National   Gallery, 

No.  1473.  Formerly  in  the  possession  of  D.  Andres  de 
Urzaiz.     0.81  x  0.50. 

253.  Marquesa  de  San  Andres.    Madrid,  D.  Garcia. 

254.  Marquesa  de  San  Andres.    Madrid,  D.  Aureliano  de  Beruete. 

0.84x0.65. 

255.  Dona  Joaquina  Tellez  de  Giron,   Marquesa  de  Santa  Cruz. 

Madrid,  Count  de  Pie  de  Concha.     2.63  x  1.22. 

256.  Marquesa  de  Santiago.    Madrid,  Duke  de  Tamames. 

257.  Dona  Maria  Teresa  Apodaca  de  Sesma.    Madrid,  D.  Andres 

Arteta.     1.28  x  0.96. 

258.  Dona  Rita  de  Barrenechea,  Marquesa  de  la  Solana,  Countess 

del  Carpio.    Madrid,  Marquis  del  Socorro.     1.83x1.24. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  339 

259.  Dona  Teresa  Sureda.     Madrid,  Doiia  Sureda. 

260.  "  La  Tirana,"  Doiia  Maria  de  las  Mercedes  Fernandez  (1794). 

Madrid,  Count  de  Villagonzalo.    Signed.     1.12x0.79. 

261.  "La  Tirana."    Madrid,  Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand.     2.16x1.40. 

262.  Marquesa  de  Villafranca.    Madrid,  Duke  of  Medina   Sidonia. 

Yriarte,  p.  133. 

263.  The   Dowager    Marquesa  de    Villafranca.    Madrid,    Duke   of 

Medina  Sidonia. 

264.  Dofia  Catalina  Viola.    Mentioned  by  Vifiaza,  p.  236. 

265.  Dona  Antonio  Zarate,  in  a  black  mantilla  with  a  fan.     London, 

collection  of  Otto  Beit,  Esq.     Formerly  in  the  possession  of 
Dona  Adelaida  Giloy  Zarate  de  Albacete,  Madrid.   1.05  x  0.84. 

266.  Dona  Antonio   Zarate,   in   a  white  mantilla.    Madrid,  Dona 

Viuda  de  Albacete. 

267.  Dona  Antonio  Zarate.     Madrid,  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia. 

268.  Doiia  Lola  Zimenez.     Paris,  Cheramy  collection.    0.84x0.57. 

269.  A  girl.    Brussels,  Royal  Museum.  Signed.    Formerly  in  the 

collection  of  A.  Stevens.    0.46  x  0.32. 

270.  Portrait  of  a  girl  with  a  rose,  called  "  Charlotte  Corday."    Paris, 

Baroness  Leonino.    Formerly  in  the  Baron  N.  de  Rothschild 
collection.    See  Von  Loga,  No.  397. 

271.  A  girl,     Paris,  collection  C.  G.    Calvert,  No.  282. 

272.  A  woman  in  a  garden.    Paris,  collection  C.  G.    Lafond,  p.  142, 

No.  262.     1.46x0.96. 

273.  A  woman  seated  on  a  sofa.    Paris,  collection  C.  G.    Calvert,  No. 

286. 

274.  A  woman  seated,  with  a  dog  on  her  lap.    Paris,  collection  C.  G. 

Calvert,  No.  298. 

275.  Portrait  of  a  woman  seated.    Paris,  Louvre.    Formerly  in  the 

Salamanca    collection.    Purchased  Antwerp,    1898    (29,000 
frs.).     1.08x0.84. 

276.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  a  mantilla.  Paris,  Louvre.    0.52  x  0.34. 

277.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  a  white  mantilla.     Collection  of  the  Com- 

tesse  de  Paris.     Formerly  at  San  Telmo,  Seville,     i.oo  X  0.60. 

278.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  maja  costume.     Bordeaux,  Madame  de 

Lacy. 

279.  A  nun.    Painted  at  Bordeaux.    Formerly  in  the  collection  of  the 

Infante  D.  Sebastian.     0.46  x  0.32. 

280.  The  milkmaid  of  Bordeaux.    Madrid,  Count  de  Muguiro. 


340  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

281.  The  bookseller  of  the  Calle  de  las  Carretas.    Madrid,    Formerly 

belonging  to  D,  Benito  Garriga.    Signed.    At  the  Debrousse 
Sale,  Paris,  No.  45  (7,500  frs.).    1.05  x 0.75. 

282.  Portrait    of    a    woman,   about    twenty-five,  called    "  Goya's 

mistress."    Paris,  Bamberger  collection.    0.55  x  0.40. 

283.  Portrait  of  a  woman  playing  a  guitar,  called  "  Goya's  mistress." 

Paris,  M.  de  Pommereul.    Edwards'  sale  (11,000  frs.). 

284.  Portrait  of  a  girl,  Paris,  private  collection.    See  Lafond,  p.  142, 

No.  259.     1.17x0.84. 

285.  Portrait  of  a  girl.     Madrid,  Duke  de  Valencia.     0.73x0.57. 

286.  Portrait  of  a  young  woman.    In  the  Pereire  sale.    See  Gazette 

des  Beaux-Arts.    XVI.,  1864,  p.  210. 

287.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  court  dress  and  feathers.    Madrid,  D. 

Aureliano  de  Beruete. 

288.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  a  white  dress  with  black  ribbons.    Madrid. 

D.  Aureliano  de  Beruete.     1.12x0.79. 

289.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  a  mantilla.    Dublin  National  Gallery. 

Formerly  in  the  Beruete  collection.     0.54  x  0.42. 

290.  Portrait  of  a  woman.    Madrid,  D.  Joaquim  Gutierrez  Martin. 

0.75x0.52. 

291.  Portrait  of  a  woman  (?  the  Duchess  d'Abrantes).    Madrid,  D. 

Joaquim  Gutierrez  Martin. 

292.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  a  black  mantilla.    Paris,  M.  Dannat. 

Formerly  in  the  Beruete  collection.    1.12x0.78. 

293.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  maja  costume.    Gijon,  D.  Jos6  Maria 

Cienfuegos. 

294.  Portrait  of  a  woman.    Paris,  H.  Rouart. 

295.  Portrait  of  a  woman.     Paris,  H.  Rouart.    Catalogued  by  Calvert 

(No.  293)  as  doubtful. 

296.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  a  black  mantilla.    Formerly  in  the  Wilson 

collection,  Paris,  1881.    0.13  x  o.io. 

297.  Portrait  of  a  woman.    Formerly  in  the  Debrousse  collection. 

Signed.    Sold  in  Paris,  1900  (7,500  frs.). 

298.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  pink  dress  with  powdered  hair.    Madrid, 

Marquis  de  la  Vega  Inclan.     0.49  X  0.37. 

299.  Portrait  of  girls.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Casa  Torres.    Von  Loga 

(No.  385)  says  it  is  not  by  Goya. 

300.  Portrait  of  a  young  woman.    Paris,  Ricardo  Heredia  sale,  1900 

(1,350  frs.). 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  341 

301.  Portrait  of  a  girl  (el  sueiio).    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Casa  Jimenez. 

0.44x0.46. 

302.  Portrait  of  a  young  woman.    Paris,  Cepero  sale,  1868.     0.80  x 

0.57- 

303.  Portrait  of  a  woman.    Madrid,  Herr  Gustav  Bauer. 

304.  Portrait  of  a  woman.    Paris,  M.  A.  Beurdeley.    A  miniature. 

0.055  X  0.040. 

305.  Portrait  of  a  woman  on  a  sofa.    Paris,  private  collection.    In 

the  Paul  de  Saint- Victor  sale,  1882.  See  Lafond,  p.  142,  No. 
263.     1.02x0.96. 

306.  Portrait  of  a  woman.    Paris,  Ivan  Stchoukine.    0.27x0.41. 

307.  Portrait  of  a  lady.    Madrid,  Count  de  Peiialver. 

308.  Portrait  of  a  lady  in  court  dress.    Madrid,  D.  R.  Garcia. 

309.  Portrait  of  a  lady  with  a  fan.    Orossen  collection. 

310.  Portrait  of  a  lady.     Sir  Hugh  Lane,  formerly  in  the  Rouart 

collection.     Paris.    0.57  x  0.48. 

311.  Portrait  of  a  woman  in  a  mantilla.    Madrid,  D.  de  Zayas. 

312.  The  maja  of  Goya's  house.    Madrid,  Prado. 

IV.    PORTRAITS   OF  CHILDREN. 

313.  Doiia  Feliciana  Bayeu,   aged  thirteen.    Madrid,   Prado,   No. 

1328.  Formerly  belonging  to  D.  Cristobal  Ferrez.  0.38  x 
0.30. 

314.  Dona  Hermenegilda  Goya  y  Bayeu,  the  artist's  daughter,  at  the 

age  of  eighteen  months.  New  York,  Miss  Sarah  Cooper- 
Hewitt.     Formerly  in  the  Madrazo  collection. 

315.  Don  Mariano  de  Goya  y  Goicoechea,  afterwards  Marquis  de 

Espinar,  the  artist's  grandson,  at  the  age  of  ten.  Madrid, 
Marquis  de  Alcaiiices.     0.59  x  0.47. 

316.  Doiia  Clara  de  Soria,  aged  six     Collection  of  Baron  de  Roths- 

child, Ferrieres.     1.12x0.80. 

317.  Victor    Guye,    nephew    of    General    Nicolas    Guye.    London, 

Messrs.  Knoedler  (1913).  A  child  of  about  seven,  in  the  stiff 
blue  uniform,  with  heavy  gold  lace,  of  a  court  page  to  Joseph 
Bonaparte,  King  of  Spain. 

318.  Manuel  Lucientes,  aged  twelve.    Zaragoza.    Calvert,  No.  175. 

319.  The  Duke  de  Trastamara,  aged  twelve  (1810).    Madrid,  Marquis 

de  Castrillo.    Signed, 

320.  Portrait  of  a  child,  aged  about  seven.    Bordeaux.    Collection  of 

Madame  de  Lacy. 


342  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

321.  Portrait   of  children.    In   the   Pereire  sale.    See  Gazette  des 

Beaux-Arts,  Vol.  XVI.,  1864,  p.  210. 

322.  A  little  girl  with  a  dog.    Bordeaux,  Madame  de  Lacy. 

323.  A  child.    Collection  of  the  Baron  de  Rothschild,  Ferri^res. 

324.  Portrait  of  a  child,   "  Victoriano  Her  .  .  ."   (1806).     Cassel, 

Herr  Kleinschmidt.  Formerly  in  the  Cepero  collection, 
Seville.  Signed,  but  doubtful,  according  to  Calvert.  1.25  X 
0.93. 

325.  Portrait  of  a  boy.     Paris,  M.  Emil  PacuUy.    0.75x0.49. 

326.  A  little  girl  in  a  white  dress.     Madrid,  D.  Patricio  de  Lozano. 

Calvert,  No.  276. 

327.  A  little  girl,  aged  five  or  six  years,  in  peasant  dress.    Madrid, 

Marquis  de  Casa  Torres.    Calvert,  No.  277. 

328.  Children.    Madrid,  D.  Patricio  Lozano.    0.31x0.20. 

329.  Children.    Sir  J.  Stirling-Maxwell. 

330.  Children.    Paris,  M.  M^ge.    0.80x1.25. 


V.    RELIGIOUS  COMPOSITIONS. 

331.  Frescoes  in  the  church  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Pillar,  Zaragoza  : 

The  Godhead  (chapel  of  the  Virgin). 

The  Virgin,  Queen  of  Martyrs  (cupola  facing  the  chapel  of 

St.  Joseph). 
A  sketch  for  the  fresco  of  the  Virgin  (in  the  chapter-house). 
Faith,  Charity,  Strength,  and  Patience  (cupola  facing  the 

chapel  of  St.  Joseph). 
Saint  Braulio,  Bishop  of  Zaragoza. 

332.  Frescoes  in  the  Cartuja  of  Aula  Dei  (1772-1774). 

333.  Frescoes  in  the  church  of  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida,  Madrid  : 

The  miracle  of  St.  Anthony  (1798). 
Angels  and  cherubim. 

334.  Study  for  the  miracle  of  St.  Anthony.    Madrid,   Count  de 

Vniagonzalo.    0.26  x  0.38. 

335.  Saint  Bernard  of  Siena  preaching  before  King  Alphonse  of 

Aragon  (1781-1783).    Madrid,  San  Francisco  el  Grande.  4.80 
X3.00. 

336.  Study  for  Saint  Bernard  of  Siena.  Madrid,  Marquis  de  TorreciUa. 

0.62x0.33. 

337.  Study  for  Saint  Bernard  of  Siena.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Torre- 

cUla.    Not  the  same  as  No.  336. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  343 

338.  Study  for  Saint  Bernard  of  Siena.    Zaragoza,  Zapater  collection, 

p.  33,  called  by  Yriarte  Saint  Francis. 

339.  Study  for  Saint  Bernard  of  Siena.    Venice,  D.  Mariano  Fortuny 

y  Madrazo. 

340.  The  Assumption  (1783-1784).    Chinchon  parish  church. 

341.  The  apparition  of  the  Virgin  of  the  Pillar.    The  first  painting  by 

Goya,  on  the  shutters  of  the  retable,  parish  church  of 
Fuendetodos.  Referred  to  by  Zapater,  p.  10,  and  reproduced 
in  Espana  Ilustrada  (1894). 

342.  The  Immaculate  Conception  (about  1784).    Salamanca,  coUege 

of  Calatrava. 

343.  The  Virgin  of  Sorrows  (about  1775).    Mentioned  by  Goya  in 

a  letter  to  Zapater,  p.  12. 

344.  Saint  Christopher.    An  early  painting  mentioned  by  Goya  in  a 

letter  to  Zapater. 

345.  The  Virgin  of  the  Carmel  (1787-1788).    Mentioned  by  Goya  in  a 

letter  to  Zapater,  pp.  42,  44,  46. 

346-348.  Three  religious  paintings.  Formerly  in  the  church  del 
Monte  de  Torrero,  Zaragoza.  Cited  by  Carderera.  See  Von 
Loga,  Nos.  57-59. 

349.  St.  John.     Mentioned  by  Vinaza,  p.  209. 

350.  St.  Francis  of  Assisi.    Two  paintings  sent  to  America. 

351.  Saint  Bias.    Gaen,  church  of  Urrea.    ZsLpater :  Apuntes  biogra- 

ficos,  p.  40. 

352.  The  kiss  of  Judas  (about  1787-1788).   Toledo  cathedral.    3.00  x 

2.00. 

353.  Study  for  the  kiss  of  Judas.    Madrid.   Formerly  in  the  possession 

of  D,  Luis  Rotondo.     See  Yriarte,  p.  137. 

354.  Saint  Benedict  (about  1784).    Salamanca,  college  of  Calatrava. 

355.  Saint  Bernard  (about  1784).    Salamanca,  college  of  Calatrava. 

356.  Saint  Raymond  (about  1784).    Salamanca,  college  of  Calatrava. 

357.  Saint  Francis  of  Borgia  exhorting  a  dying  man  to  repentance 

(1787).    Valence  cathedral. 

358.  Study  for  Saint  Francis  of  Borgia.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Santa 

Cruz.     0.37  X  0.26. 

359.  Saint  Francis  of  Borgia  leaving  his  family  to  enter  the  Company 

of  Jesus  (1787).    Valence  cathedral. 

360.  Study  for   Saint  Francis.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Santa  Cruz. 

0.37  X  0.26. 


344  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

361.  Saint  Braulius,  Bishop  of  2^ragoza.    Mentioned  by  Vinaza, 

p.  200. 

362.  St.    Mary    Magdalene   penitent.    Madrid,    Lafitte    collection. 

0.65x0.52. 

363.  The  crucified  Christ.     Toledo,  chapel  de  la  Casa  del  Nuncio. 

Lafond  thinks  this  probably  by  Francisco  Bayeu,  and  Von 
Loga  says  it  is  not  by  Goya. 

364.  The  crucified  Christ  (1780).    Madrid,  Prado.    Painted  for  San 

Francisco  el  Grande.    2.55x1.53. 

365.  The  dead  Christ.    Toledo,  Archbishop's  palace.    Mentioned  by 

Yriari:e  and  Viiiaza. 

366.  The  death  of  St.  Joseph  (about  1787).    Valladolid,  church  of 

St.  Anne.    2.60x1.60. 

367.  The  death  of  St.  Joseph.    Madrid,  D.  Aureliano  de  Beraete.    A 

sketch.    0.55x0.41. 

368.  St.  Bernard  and  St.  Robert   (about  1786-1787).     Valladolid, 

church  of  St.  Anne.    2.60x1.60. 

369.  St.  Ludgarda  (about  1787).    Valladolid,  church  of  St.  Anne. 

2.20x1.60. 

370.  St.  Omelina  (about  1787).    Valladolid,  church  of  St.  Anne. 

371.  St.  Peter  giving  charity.     Valladolid  cathedral.     3.20x4.40. 

372.  St.  Peter  awaking  the  dead.    Valladolid  cathedral.    Von  Loga, 

No.  54,  says  that  it  is  not  by  Goya. 
273.    The  Holy  Family.    Madrid,  Prado.     2.00x1.48. 

374.  The  Holy  Family.    Madrid,  Duke  de  Noblejas. 

375.  St.  Joseph  of  Calasanz  (1820).    Madrid,  church  of  San  Antonio, 

Calle  de  Hortaleza.     2.50x1.80. 

376.  Study  for  the  St.  Joseph.    Paris,  Leon  Bonnat.     Formerly  in 

the  possession  of  Paul  de  Saint-Victor. 

377.  Study  for  the  St.  Joseph,    Paris,  Ivan  Stchoukine.     0.34  x  0.42. 

378.  St.  Justina  and  St.  Rufina  (1817).    Seville  cathedral.     Signed. 

3.09x1.77. 

379.  Study  for  St.  Justina  and  St.  Rufina.    Madrid,  D.  Pablo  Bosch. 

0.45  X  0.29. 

380.  An  Archbishop    ascending    to    heaven.    Zaragoza,    Zapater 

collection. 

381 .  Tobias  and  the  angel.   Zaragoza,  Zapater  collection  (about  i860) . 

382.  Study  for  Tobias  and  the  angel.     Valladolid,  Pascual  Calvo. 

0.28x0.25. 

383.  The  birth  of  Christ.    Madrid,  D.  Patricio  Lozano.     0.19x0.22. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  345 

384.  St.  Isabel  healing  lepers.    Madrid,  D.  Clemente  Velasco.    Also 

called  "St.  Elizabeth."  Formerly  in  the  Zapater  collection. 
0.33x0.23. 

385.  St.  Isidore  appearing  to  Ferdinand  III.    Madrid,  D.  Antonio 

Canovas  del  Castillo.    0.47x0.32. 

386.  St.    Peter    praying.    Madrid,    D.    Alejandro    Pidal.    Signed. 

0.73  X  0.65. 

387.  The   decapitation   of  John   the  Baptist.    Madrid,   Count   de 

Villagonzalo.     0.33  X  0.47. 

388.  The  Garden  of  Olives  (1819).    Madrid,  Schools  of  San  Antonio. 

Signed.    0.47  x  0.35. 

389.  Death  of  Thomas  a  Becket.    Formerly  in  the  Cottier  collection, 

Paris  (1892).  Von  Loga  (No.  56)  states  that  there  is  a  picture 
of  the  saint  in  the  Stchoukine  collection,  Paris  ;  probably  the 
same  canvas.    0.34  x  0.29. 

390.  The  prison  of  St.  Hermenegildo.    Madrid,  D.  Clemente  Velasco. 

0.33x0.23. 

391.  A  priest  saying  Mass.    Formerly  in  the  collection  of  F.  de 

Madrazo. 

392.  A  sketch  for  the  priest  saying  Mass.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Torre- 

ciUa.    0.32  X  0.42. 

393.  A  sketch  for  the  priest  saying  Mass.    Madrid,  Count  de  Esteban 

Collantes.    0.30  x  0.40. 

394.  The  Viaticum.    Bordeaux,  Cauderan.    Collection  of  Madame 

de  Lacy.    0.80  x  0.84.     Lafond  considers  this  doubtful. 

395.  Interior  of  the  church  of  the  See,  Zaragoza.    Bordeaux,  Cau- 

deran. Collection  of  Madame  de  Lacy.  0.92x1.20.  Lafond 
considers  this  doubtful. 

396.  Interior  of  a  church.    Paris,  formerly  in  the  Aroza  collection. 

0.50  X  0.40. 

397.  St.  Francis  receiving  the  stigmata.     Rinecker  sale,  1868  (55  frs.). 

398.  Jacob's  sons.     Paris.    Jean  Gigoux  collection. 

399.  A  priest  expelling  devils.    Madrid,  Prado. 

VI.    COPIES  AFTER  VELAZQUEZ. 

400.  JEsop.    Formerly  in  the  Madrazo  collection.    In  a  Paris  sale, 

1903. 

401.  "  Las  Meninas."    Cologne,  Steimeier  collection. 

402.  Menippus.    Formerly  in  the  Madrazo  collection. 


346  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

403.  King  Philip  IV.  hunting  the  wild  boar.    A  copy  of  the  canvas 

in  the  National  Gallery,  London,  which  was  presented  by 
Ferdinand  VII.  to  Lord  Cowley.    Madrid,  Prado. 

VII.    TAPESTRY  CARTOONS  AND  STUDIES. 

404.  Picnic  on  the  banks  of  the  Manzanares.    "  La  merienda." 

Madrid,  Prado,  No.  768.    2.72x2.95. 

405.  The  dance  at  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida.     "  El  baile."    Madrid, 

Prado,  No.  769.    2.72  x  2.95. 

406.  The  dispute  at  the  Venta  Nueva.     "  La  riiia."    Madrid,  Prado, 

No.  770.  Goya  received  15,000  reals  for  Nos.  768  and  769, 
and  17,000  reals  for  Nos.  770,  771,  772,  773.    2.75x4.14. 

407.  The  maja  and  the  men  with  the  capa.     "  La  maja  y  los  embo- 

zados."  Madrid,  Prado,  No.  771.  Restored  by  Joseph  Rivero. 
2.75x1.90. 

408.  The    drunkard.     "  El    bebedor."    Madrid,    Prado,    No.    772. 

Restored  by  Joseph  Rivero.     1.07  x  1.51. 

409.  The  parasol.  "  El  quitasol."    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  773.  Painted 

with  the  four  previous  cartoons  in  1777.     1.04x1.52. 

410.  The  kite.     "  La  cometa."    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  774.     2.69  x 

2.85. 

411.  The  card-players.    "  Los  jugadores  de  naipes."    Madrid,  Prado, 

No.  775.    2.70x1.67. 

412.  Boys    inflating   a   bladder.     "  Noiios   inflando   una   vejiga." 

Madrid,  Prado,  No.  776.     1.16x1.24. 

413.  Boys  picking  fruit.    "  Muchachos  cogiendo  fruta."    Madrid, 

Prado,  No.  777.  This,  with  Nos.  774,  775,  and  776,  was 
delivered  to  the  factory,  January  26, 1778,  and  Goya  received 
for  them  15,000  reals.  Restored  by  Joseph  Rivero.  1.19  X 
1.22. 

414.  The  blind  guitar  player.     "  El  ciego  de  la  guitarra."    Madrid, 

Prado,  No,  778.  Painted  in  1778  for  10,000  reals.  2.60x3.11. 

415.  The  fair  of  Madrid.     "  La  feria  de  Madrid."    Madrid,  Prado, 

No.  779.  Painted,  with  Nos.  780,  781,  782,  783,  and  one 
missing  cartoon,  in  1778.  Goya  received  20,000  reals.  2.58  x 
2.18. 

416.  The   potter,    or    crockery-seller.     "  El    cacharrero."     Madrid, 

Prado,  No.  780.    Restored  by  Joseph  Rivero.     2.59  x  2.20. 

417.  The  soldier  and  the  lady.    "  El  militar  y  la  senora."     Madrid, 

Prado,  No.  781.    2.59  x  i. 


\ 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  347 

418.  The    parsley-seller.      "  La   acerolera."    Madrid,    Prado,    No. 

782.    2.59x1. 

419.  Boys  playing  at  soldiers.    "  Muchachos  jugando  a  los  soldados." 

Madrid,  Prado,  No.  783.    1.46x0.94. 

420.  The  game  of  bat  and  ball.     "  El  juego  de  pelota  4  pala." 

Madrid,  Prado,  No.  784.    Delivered  at  the  factory  with  No. 

785,  July  20,  1779.  Goya  was  paid  15,000  reals.    2.61x4.70. 

421.  The  swing.    "  El  columpio."    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  785.     2.60  x 

1.65. 

422.  The  washerwomen.     "  Las  lavanderas."    Madrid,  Prado,  No. 

786.  Delivered  with  the  ten  following  cartoons,  January  24, 
1780.    Goya  was  paid  22,000  reals.    2.18x1.66. 

423.  The  young  bulls.     "  La  novillada."    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  787. 

2.59x1.36. 

424.  The  tobacco  customs.     "  El  resguardo  de  tabacos."    Madrid, 

Prado,  No.  788.    2.62  X  1.37. 

425.  The  child  in  the  tree.    "  El  nifio  del  arbol."    Madrid,  Prado, 

No.  789.    2.62x0.40. 

426.  The  boy  and  the  bird.     "  El  muchacho  del  pajaro."    Madrid, 

Prado,  No.  790.    2.62x0.40. 

427.  The  woodcutters.    "  Los  lefiadores."    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  791. 

1.41X1.14. 

428.  The    rendez-vous.     "  La    cita."    Madrid,    Prado,    No.    792. 

1.00XI.51. 

429.  The  flower-sellers.     "  Las  floreras."    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  793. 

Painted  in  1786  with  Nos.  794,  795,  796.    2.77x6,41. 

430.  The  garden.     "  La  era."    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  794.     2.76x6.41. 

431.  The    vintage.     "  La    vendimia."    Madrid,    Prado,    No.    795. 

2.75x1.90. 

432.  The  wounded  mason.     "  El  albaiiil  herido."    Madrid,  Prado, 

No.  796.    2.68x1.10. 

433.  The  beggars  at  the  fountain.    "  Los  pobres  en  la  fuente." 

Madrid,  Prado,  No.  797.  Painted  in  1787  with  Nos.  798,  799, 
800,  and  one  missing  cartoon.    2.77  x  1.15. 

434.  The    snowfall.    "  La    nevada."    Madrid,    Prado,    No.    798. 

2.75x2.93. 

435.  The  marriage.    "  La  boda."    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  799.    2.67  x 

3.46. 

436.  The  water-carriers.     "  Las  mozas  del  cantaro,"    Madrid,  Prado, 

No.  800.    2.62x1.60. 


348  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

437.  The  stilt-walkers.      "  Los  zancos."    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  801. 

Painted  in  1788.     2.68x3.20. 

438.  The    mannequin.    "  El    pelele."    Madrid,    Prado,    No.    802. 

Painted  in  1791  with  Nos.  803  and  804.    2.67x1.60. 

439.  A  boy  climbing  a  tree.     "  Los  muchachos  trepando  al  arbol." 

Madrid,  Prado,  No.  803.     1.41x1. 11. 

440.  Blind  man's  buff.     "  La  gallina  ciega."    Madrid,  Prado,  No. 

804.    2.69x3.50. 

441.  The  huntsman  and  his  dogs.     "  El  cazador  con  sus  perros." 

Madrid,   Prado,   No.  805.    Cruzada  Villaamil   ascribes  this 
cartoon  to  Ramon  Bayeu.    2.62x0.71. 

442.  One  cartoon,  the  property   of  the  Director   of   the   factory, 

D.  Livinio  Stuik. 
443-449.    Seven  missing  cartoons.    See  p.  102,  with  reference  to  the 
reported  discovery  of  some  of  these  works  in  the  Nemes  sale. 
For  the  Osuna  Studies,  see  Nos.  567-571. 

VIII.    DECORATIONS   OF  GOYA'S  COUNTRY   HOUSE. 

450.  A  woman  of  the  people.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  754.     1.47  x  1.32. 

451.  The  pilgrimage  to  the  miraculous  fountain  of  San  Isidro.  Madrid, 

Prado,  No.  755.     1.23  x  2.66. 

452.  A  fantastic  vision.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  756.     1.23x2.66. 

453.  The  Fates.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  757.     1.23x2.66. 

454.  Two  men  fighting  with  clubs.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  758.     1.23  x 

2.66. 

455.  Two  old  monks.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  759.     1.44x0.66. 

456.  The   pilgrimage   of    San    Isidro.     Madrid,    Prado,    No.    760. 

1.40x4.38. 

457.  The  witches'  sabbath.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  761.     1.40x4.38. 

458.  Two  old  people  eating  soup.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  762.     0.53  x 

0.85. 

459.  Satan  devouring  his  children.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  763.    This 

picture  decorated  Goya's  dining-room.     1.46x083. 

460.  Judith  and  Holofernes.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  764.     1.16x0.84. 

461.  Two  women  laughing.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  765.     1.25x0.66. 

462.  Several  men  listening  to  a  reader.    Madrid,  Prado,  No.  766. 

1.26x0.66. 

463.  Fragment  of  a  panel  with  a  dog's  head.    Madrid,  Prado,  No. 

767.    1.34x0.80. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  349 

IX.    ALLEGORICAL  AND  MYTHOLOGICAL  COMPOSITIONS. 

464.  Winter.    Formerly  in  the  Alameda  collection.    Osuna  cata- 

logue, 74.    0.34x0.32. 

465.  Spring.    Formerly  in  the  Alameda  collection.    Osuna  catalogue, 

75.    0.32x0.22. 

466.  Summer.     Madrid,     Richard    Traumann.     Formerly    in     the 

Alameda  collection.     Osuna  catalogue,   76.     0.34x0.76. 

467.  The  apotheosis  of  music.    Madrid,  D.  Luis  de  Navas.    Formerly 

in  the  possession  of  Consul  Shaw,  Cadiz.    3.02x2.95. 

468.  The  city  of  Madrid.     Madrid  Town  Hall.     2.60  X  1.95 

469.  Time  discovering  Truth.     Madrid.     Formerly  in  the  collection 

of  D.  Jose  Martinez  Espinosa.     Small  size. 

470.  Spain  writing  history.     Madrid,  D.  Luis  de  Navas.     3.00x2.40. 

471.  An  allegory,  three  children,  the  arms  of  Spain,  a  group  of  students 

(1806).     Engraved  by  Albuerne,  and  cited  by  Araujo. 

472.  Agriculture  (1800).    Madrid,  Library  of  the  Admiralty.     Cir- 

cular medallion.     Diameter  2.22. 

473.  Industry.    Madrid,     Library     of    the     Admiralty.    Circular 

medallion. 

474.  Commerce.    Madrid,    Library    of    the    Admiralty.    Circular 

medallion.  These  three  medallions  were  probably  painted 
for  the  palace  of  the  Prince  of  Peace.  Yriarte  (1867)  also 
mentions  a  ceiling  in  the  mansion  of  the  Count  de  la 
Puebla,  Madrid,  and  the  fragment  of  a  fresco  in  the  Royal 
Palace. 

475.  Venus.    Mentioned  by  Vinaza,  p.  298.    Formerly  belonging  to 

Godoy. 

476.  Cupid  and  Psyche.    D.  Victoriano  Hernandez  Garcia  y  Quevedo. 

This  appears  to  have  been  in  the  sale-room  in  Madrid  (1861), 
where  it  was  sold  for  620  fcs. 


X.    HISTORICAL  COMPOSITIONS. 

477.  Hannibal  on  the  Apennines  (1772).    With  this  canvas,  now  lost, 

Goya  took  the  prize  at  Parma. 

478.  Episode  of  the  2nd  May,  1808.    Madrid,  Prado.    2.66x3.45. 

479.  Sketch  for  the  "  Dos  de  Mayo."    Madrid,  Duchess  de  Villa 

Hermosa.    0.24  x  0.32. 

480.  Episode  of  the  3rd  May,  1808.    Madrid,  Prado. 


350  FRANCISCO   GOYA 

481.  Episode  during  the  War  of  Independence.    Formerly  in  the 

collection  of  D.  Sebastian  de  Bourbon  y  Braganza,  Aranjuez. 
0.20  X  0.28. 

482.  A  similar  subject.    Formerly  in  the  same  collection.    Both 

these  sketches  were  reproduced  in  the  "  Disasters  of  War." 

483.  Episode  during  the  War  of  Independence.    Biarritz,  Cherfils 

collection.    Von  Loga  (No.  71)  says  this  is  not  by  Goya. 
0.35x0.50. 

484.  A  battle.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Casa  Torres.    Lafond  and  Von 

Loga  consider  this  doubtful.     0.38x0.46. 

485.  A    battle.     Hamburg,    Weber    collection.    Doubtful.    0.69  X 

1.07. 

486.  The  congress  of  the  "  cinco  gremios  may  ores."    Museum  of 

Castres.    Formerly  in  the  Briguiboul  and  Angel  Maria  Terra- 
dillos  collections. 

487.  Sketch  for  the  congress.    Berlin,  Royal  Museimi.    0.58x0.71. 

488.  An  execution  by  garrotte.    Lille  Museum.     0.53  x  0.45. 

489.  A  meeting  of  the  Inquisition.     Prado. 

490.  A  scene  in  the  Inquisition.    Brussels,  Royal  Gallery.    Formerly 

in  the  L6on  Gauchez  collection.     0.80  x  i.oo. 

491.  The   prison    of   the    Inquisition.    England,    Bowes    Museum, 

Barnard  Castle.     0.40x0.30. 

492.  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits.    Charles  Yriarte  sale,  Paris  (1898). 

Sold  for  500  fcs. 

493.  The  abolition  of  the  Jesuit  order  at  Zaragoza.    Charles  Yriarte 

sale,  Paris  {1898),  (500  frs.). 

XI.    MISCELLANEOUS   SUBJECTS. 

494.  The  madhouse.     Madrid,   Prado.     Formerly  in  the  Academy 

of  St.  Ferdinand.    0.45  x  0.72. 

495.  The    madhouse.     Madrid,    D.    Aureliano    de    Beruete.      A 

repetition.    0.45  x  0.72. 

496.  The  maja  nude.    Madrid,  Prado.    Formerly  in  the  Academy. 

0.98x1.90. 

497.  The  maja  clothed.    Madrid,  Prado.    Formerly  in  the  Academy. 

0.98x1.90. 

498.  The  majas  on  a  balcony.  Madrid,  Duke  de  Marchena.    Formerly 

belonging  to  D.  Sebastian  de  Bourbon  y  Braganza.   i .94  x  i .25. 

499.  The  majas  on  a  balcony.    Collection  of  the  Comtesse  de  Paris. 

Formerly  at  San  Telmo,  Seville,  and  in  the  Louvre.  1.85  x  1.02. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  351 

500.    The  majas  on  a  balcony.    Paris,  private  collection.     1.92  X  1.30. 

501-506.  The  brigand  Maragoto  and  Fray  Pedro  de  Zaldivia.  Six 
canvases  formerly  in  the  Lafitte  collection,  Madrid.  Re- 
produced by  Von  Loga.    0.28  x  0.37. 

507.  A  scene  of  brigands.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Riscal. 

508.  Study,  probably    for  "  La  merienda,"    Madrid.    Formerly  in 

the  Lafitte  collection.    0.42  x  0.52. 

509.  Study,  probably  for  "  La  merienda."    Madrid,  Marquis  de  la 

Torrecilla.    0.46  x  0.54. 

510.  A  promenade.    Zaragoza,  Sociedad  de  los  amigos  del  Pais. 

0.35x0.27. 

511.  La  cucana.    Berlin.    Formerly  in  the  collections  of  the  Marquis 

de  Casa  Torres,  Marquis  de  Vega  Inclan,  Count  Caunitz,  and 
the  Marquis  de  Selva  Alegre.  It  belongs  to  the  same  period 
as  the  Casa  decorations.    0.80x1.03. 

512.  A  study.    "  El  baile."    Paris,  Groult  collection.    0.35x0.40. 

513.  A    study.     "  El    baile."    Madrid.    Formerly    in    the    Lafitte 

collection.    0.42  x  0.52. 

514.  A    study.     "  El    baile."    Madrid,  Marquis  de    la  Torrecilla. 

0.46  X  0.54. 

515.  A  study.    "  El  baile."    Mentioned  by  Zapater. 

516.  A  study,  probably  for  "  El  baile."    Paris.    Formerly  in  the 

Aroza  collection. 

517.  An  open-air  dance.   Madrid,  D.  Juan  Perez  Calvo.    1.50  X  2.00. 

518.  A  dance.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Castro  Serna. 

519.  Spaniards  dancing  a  bolero.    Sir  John  Murray-Scott  collection 

(Christie's,  1913),  from  the  Wallace  collection. 

520.  A    carnival    scene.     "  El    entierro    de   la    sardina."    Madrid, 

Prado.  Formerly  in  the  Academy  of  St.  Ferdinand.  0.82  X 
0.60. 

521.  A  study.    Biarritz,  Cherfils  collection.    Formerly  D.  Eustaquio 

Lopez. 

522.  A  masked  ball.    Madrid,  Duchess  de  Villa  Hermosa. 

523.  A  grotesque  concert.    Bayonne  Museum. 

524.  A  grotesque.    Formerly  in  the  Saint  Victor  collection,  Paris. 

525.  The  manufacture  of  bullets  in  the  Sierra  de  Tardienta.    Escorial. 

Formerly  in  the  Royal  Palace,  Madrid.    0.33x0.53. 

526.  The  manufacture^of  powder  in  the  Sierra  de  Tardienta.    Madrid, 

Prado.  Formerly  in  the  Escorial  and  Royal  Palace.  0.33  x 
0.53. 


352  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

527.  The  flagellants.    Madrid,  Prado.    Formerly  in  the  Academy 

of  S.  Ferdinand.    0.54  x  0.80. 

528.  A  procession  of  flagellants.    Lille  Museum.     0.53  x  0.45. 

529.  A  monk  castigating  a  woman.    Madrid,  D.  Jose  de  la  Bastida. 

0.37XO-37- 

530.  A  procession  to  Lombas.    A  sketch.    Formerly  in  the  Sala- 

manca collection.   Sold  in  Paris  (1875),  (5,100  fcs.).   0.63  x 
0.52. 

531.  A  procession.    Madrid,  Count  de  Caudilla.    0.49x0.60. 

532.  A  village  bull-fight.    Madrid,  Prado.    Formerly  in  the  Academy 

of  S.  Ferdinand.    0.45  x  0.72. 

533.  A  bull-fight.    Formerly  in  the  Salamanca  collection.    Sold  in 

Paris  (1875),  (7,500  fcs.).     0.97 x  1.25. 

534.  A  sketch  for  a  bull-fight.    Paris,  Sigismond  Bardac.    Formerly 

in  the   Piot,  Rochefort,  and  Kahn  collections.     0.70x1.10. 

535.  A  sketch  for  a  bull-fight.     Paris,  Bardac.     Formerly  in  the  Piot, 

Rochfort,  and  Kahn  collections.  Kahn  sale,  1895.  0.70  X 1. 10. 

536.  A  bull-fight.    Bordeaux,  Cauderan,    Madame  de  Lacy. 

537.  A  bull-fight.    Bordeaux,  Cauderan.    Madame  de  Lacy. 

538.  A  picador.    Madrid,  Prado.    0.56  x  0.47. 

539.  The  death  of  a  picador.    Paris,  Carlin  sale,  1872.     Collections 

P.  Lefort  and  Cariin.    0.43x0.32. 

540.  Three  bulls.     London,  W.  Mackay.    0.50x0.80. 

541.  Bull  attacked  by  a  picador  (1824).  Madrid,  Marquis  de  Baroja, 

Painted  in  Paris.     0.50  x  0.61. 

541a.    A  herd  of  bulls.    Paris,  Carlin  sale,  1872.    Collections  Lefort 
and  Carlin.    0.43  x  0.32. 

542.  A  bull  in  the  Plaza  de  Madrid.    Madrid,  Duke  of  Veragua. 

0.53  x  0.76. 

543.  Bulls  attacking  a  procession.    Caithness,  Thurso  Castle,     Sir 

J.  Sinclair. 

544.  Brigands    (1787).    Madrid,   Duke    de    Montellano.    Alameda 

catalogue,  71.    1.68x1.27. 

545.  Brigands.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  Castro  Serna. 

546.  Brigands.    Mentioned  by  Araujo,  p.  102. 

547.  Brigands.    Formerly  belonging  to  M.  C.  de  Balmazeda,  Bor- 

deaux.   See  Yriarte,  p.  151. 

548.  Brigands.    Count  de  Adanero.    See  Yriarte,  p.  138. 


PAINTINGS  OF  GOYA  353 

549.  A  scene  of  robbers.    Madrid,  Marquis  de  la  Romana.    Von 

Loga  catalogues  four  similar  subjects  which  appear  to  belong 
to  the  same  owner.    0.33  x  0.58. 

550.  Brigands.     Paris,  Ivan  Stchoukine.    Formerly  belonging  to  Z. 

Astrue. 

551.  552.    Two  scenes  of  brigandage.    France,  Besangon  Museum. 

Formerly  belonging  to  Jean  Gigoux.     0.20  x  0  30. 
553.     Brigands  and  soldiers.     In  the  Eustaquio  Lopez  sale.     1866. 
554-556.    Scenes  of  brigandage.    Madrid,  D.  Constantine  Ardanaz. 

See  Lafond,  Nos.  71-74  (p.  no).     0.30x0.37. 

557.  A  peasant  girl.     Municipal  Gallery,  Nice. 

558.  The  Fates.    Municipal  Gallery,  Bordeaux. 

The  following  Subjects  are  from  the  Osuna  Sale,  1896. 

559.  Bulls  guarded  by  picadors  (1787).     1.60x2.00. 

560.  The  swing  (1787).    Duke  de  Montellano.     1.69x0.89. 

561.  Brigands   stopping  a  carriage  (1787).    Duke    de  Montellano. 

1.69x1.27. 

562.  Children  at  play  (1787).    Duke  de  Montellano.     1.69x0.89. 

563.  An  accident  (1787).    Duke  de  Montellano.     1.69x0.89. 

564.  The   building  of   a  church  (1787).    Marquesa  de  Villamajor. 

1.60  X  1.35. 

565.  A  procession  from  a  church  (1787).    Marquesa  de  Villamajor. 

1.60  X  1.35. 

566.  La  romeria  de  San  Isidro  (1788).    Prado,  Madrid.    0.44x0.94. 

567.  Spring.     0.32  X  0.22. 

568.  Summer.     0.34  X  0.74. 

569.  Autumn.    0.32x0.22. 

570.  Winter.     0.32  x  0.34. 

571.  A  bal-champetre.     0.42x0.40. 

572.  The  hermitage  of    San  Isidro.    Don  Pedro  Fernandez  Duran, 

Madrid.     0.42  x  0.40. 

573.  Caprice.    Demons  and  owls.    0.42x0.30. 

574.  Sorcerers.     0.52  X  0.30. 

575.  Consulting  a  sorcerer.     0.42  X  0.30. 

576.  Caprice.    0.42  X  0.30. 

577.  Don  Juan  and  the  commander.    0.42  X  0.30. 

578.  The  poor.     0.32x0.14. 

AA 


354  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

579.  El  hechizado  por  fuerza.    (The  Bewitched.)    National  Gallery, 

London,    0.42  x  0.30. 

580.  The  picnic.    National  Gallery,  London.    0.40x0.26. 

581.  The  wounded  mason.    Don  Pedro  Fernandez  Duran.    0.32  X 

0.14. 

582.  A  study  of  still-life.    Prado,  Madrid. 


THE  ETCHINGS   OF   GOYA. 

The  following  catalogue  is  based  upon  the  exhaustive  works  of  Paul 
Lefort  and  Julius  Hofmann. 

I.  Los  Caprichos. 

II.  Los  Desastres  de  la  Guerra. 

III.  La  Tauromaquia. 

IV.  Los  Proverbios. 

V.    Miscellaneous  etchings. 

I.  LOS  CAPRICHOS. 
Seventy-two  of  these  plates  were  etched  during  the  years  1796  and 
1797,  and  eight  additional  plates  (Nos.  73-80)  were  added  before  1812. 
Three  supplementary  plates  (Nos.  81-83)  do  not  form  part  of  the  original 
set.  The  Spanish  titles  are  those  engraved  on  the  plates.  On  one 
set  of  plates  Goya  wrote  a  few  explanatory  comments,  and  these  are 
given. 

1.  Francisco  Goya  y  Lucientes,  pintor.    Profile  bust  portrait  of  Goya, 

in  his  fiftieth  year. 

2.  El  si  pronuncian  y  la  mano  alargan  Al  primero  que  llega  (They 

say  yes,  and  give  their  hand  to  the  man  who  comes  first). 
A  young  girl  in  a  mask  is  led  to  the  altar  by  an  old  man. 
Two  fantastically  ugly  duennas  follow  her.  In  the  back- 
ground is  an  excited  crowd.  A  satire  against  marriage,  and 
probably  a  veiled  allusion  to  the  marriage  of  Charles  IV.  and 
Maria  Luisa. 

3.  Que  viene  el  coco  (Here  comes  the  ghost). 

Two  children  clinging  in  fright  to  their  mother  at  the  approach 
of  a  shrouded  figure. 

4.  El  de  la  roUona  (The  child  of  the  rollona). 

A  servant  helping  a  man  dressed  as  a  child,  who  is  sucking 
his  fingers.  Probably  s5anbolical  of  the  helplessness  and 
dependence  of  the  rich. 

5.  Tal  para  qual  (Birds  of  a  feather). 

A  dandy  in  cocked  hat,  knee  breeches,  with  a  sword,  gazes 
at  a  fashionably  dressed  lady.  In  the  background  two  old 
women  look  on  and  laugh.  Probably  Godoy  and  the  Queen 
Maria  Luisa. 


356  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

6.  Nadie  se  conoce  (No  recognition). 

A  carnival  scene.  Two  women  in  masks.  Two  men  in 
grotesque  hats,  and  a  third  with  a  false  nose.  Goya  wrote 
on  this  plate  :  "  The  world  is  a  masquerade,  faces,  costumes, 
voices,  ever^hing  a  lie.  Each  person  wishes  to  appear  what 
he  is  not.  The  whole  world  deceives  itself,  and  no  one 
recognises  himself." 

7.  Ni  asi  la  distingue  (He  does  not  recognise  her  thus). 

A  dandy  looks  through  his  eyeglass  at  a  well-dressed  girl 
in  a  mantilla.  Two  women  seated  in  the  background.  Goya 
wrote  on  this  plate  :  "He  does  not  want  a  glass  to  see  what 
she  is." 

8.  Que  se  la  llevaron  !  (An  abduction). 

Two  men  carry  off  a  screaming  girl. 

9.  Tantalo  (Tantalus). 

A  man  clasps  his  hands  in  appeal.  On  his  knees  is  a  girl 
in  a  swoon.  She  is  lightly  clothed,  and  her  hair  hangs 
loosely  over  her  shoulders.  A  stone  wall  forms  the  back- 
ground. "  If  he  were  a  little  more  gallant,  and  a  little  less 
wearisome,  she  would  revive  "  (Goya). 

10.  El  amor  y  la  muerte  (Love  and  death). 

A  woman  tries  to  raise  a  dying  man.  His  hat  and  sword 
on  the  ground  suggest  that  he  is  the  victim  of  a  duel.  A 
stone  wall  rises  in  the  background. 

11.  Muchachos  al  avio  (To  food,  my  children) . 

Four  brigands  seated  by  a  tree,  eating.  Probably  symbolical 
of  the  government. 

12.  A  caza  de  dientes  (Hunting  for  teeth). 

A  girl,  hiding  her  face  with  her  scarf,  tries  to  extract  a  tooth 
from  the  mouth  of  a  hanging  man. 

13.  Estan  calientes  (They  are  hot). 

Three  monks  at  table.  Another  brings  in  a  dish  of  meat. 
A  satire  on  the  greediness  of  certain  priests. 

14.  Que  sacrificio  !  (What  a  sacrifice  !) 

An  old  man,  bandy  and  hunchbacked,  is  affianced  to  a  young 
girl.  In  the  background  are  three  relations.  One  covers 
her  eyes  with  her  hand. 

15.  Bellos  conselos  (Fine  advice). 

An  ugly  old  beldame  talking  to  a  beautiful  and  richly-dressed 
girl.  Both  are  seated.  Possibly  an  allusion  to  Josefa  Tudo, 
a  lady  of  notorious  morals,  said  to  be  married  secretly  to 
Godoy. 


ETCHINGS  OF  GOYA  357 

16.  Dios  la  perdone  :  Y  era  su  madre  (God  pardon  her,  for  it  is  her 

own  mother). 

An  old  woman  begs  of  a  young  woman,  who  refuses  to  give 

alms. 

17.  Bien  tirada  esta  (It  is  well  tied). 

A  young  woman  ties  her  garter.    An  ugly  duenna  looks  on. 

18.  Yscle  quema  la  casa  (And  the  house  is  on  fire). 

A  drunken  man  pulling  on  his  clothes.  On  the  chair  is  a 
flaming  lamp.    The  man  possibly  represents  Charles  IV. 

19.  Todos  Caeran  (All  will  fall). 

Two  women  plucking  the  feathers  of  a  bird  which  has  the 
head  of  a  man.  On  the  left  an  old  woman  kneels,  with  clasped 
hands,  gazing  upward.  On  the  branch  of  a  tree  is  a  bird 
with  the  head  of  a  woman,  and  round  her  fly  other  birds 
with  the  heads  of  men.  Perhaps  an  allusion  to  the  lovers 
of  the  Queen,  from  Juan  Pignatelli  to  Godoy. 

20.  Ya  van  desplumados  (All  plucked). 

Two  girls  chasing  with  their  brooms  three  birds  which  have 
the  heads  of  men.  Two  old  women  look  on.  In  the  back- 
ground another  bird  on  a  perch.  The  same  significance  as 
No.  19. 

21.  Qual  la  descanonan  !  (How  they  pluck  her  !) 

Three  men,  dressed  as  lawyers,  with  the  heads  and  claws 
of  cats,  have  caught  a  chicken  with  the  head  and  bust  of  a 
woman.  They  are  pulling  the  feathers  from  her  wings. 
The  plate  has  some  allusion  to  the  Queen. 

22.  Pobrecitas  !  (Poor  little  ones  !) 

Two  hooded  women  followed  by  two  men.  Perhaps  sym- 
bolical of  the  helplessness  of  women. 

23.  A  quellos  polbos  (Dust). 

A  prisoner  seated  on  a  scaffold,  clasping  her  hands,  and  wear- 
ing a  conical  hat.  A  priest  reading  from  a  pulpit.  A  crowd 
surrounds  the  scaffold.  Said  to  be  a  woman  of  bad  character 
being  punished  by  the  Inquisition. 

24.  Nohubo  remedio  (No  remedy). 

A  woman,  in  the  conical  hat  of  the  Inquisition,  with  hands 
bound,  and  stripped  almost  to  the  waist,  riding  on  an  ass  to 
punishment.  Two  officers  ride  by  her  side,  and  she  is 
surrounded  by  a  crowd. 

25.  Si  quebr6  el  Cantaro  (Because  he  has  broken  the  jug). 

An  old  woman  beating  a  child,  in  a  laundry.  On  the  ground 
a  broken  pitcher.  "  The  son  is  stupid,  the  mother  is  angry. 
Who  is  more  to  blame  ?  "  (Goya).  Possibly  the  woman 
represents  Maria  Luisa,  and  the  son  Ferdinand  VII. 


358  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

26.  Ya  tienen  asiento  (Now  they  have  seats). 

Two  girls,  clothed  only  in  scanty  transparent  mantles,  carry 
chairs  on  their  heads.  Two  men  point  at  them,  and  laugh. 
A  satire  on  the  Directoire  costimie  of  the  period. 

27.  Quien  mas  rendido  ?  (Which  is  more  wearied  ?) 

A  fashionably  dressed  young  man  proposing  to  a  girl,  who 
pretends  not  to  listen  to  him.  Four  women  in  the  back- 
ground. Two  dogs  at  play.  Goya's  suggestion  seems  to  be 
that  in  this  love  scene  both  are  deceivers. 

28.  Chit6n!  (Hush!) 

A  young  woman,  her  face  partly  covered  by  a  mantilla, 
whispers  to  an  old  woman,  who  leans  heavily  on  her  stick. 
In  the  background  the  trunk  of  a  tree.  A  confidential 
mission.  "  Allusion  to  the  fashion  in  Spain  of  confiding 
billets  doux  to  beggars  at  the  church  doors  "  (Calvert). 

29.  Esto  si  que  es  leer  (This  is  what  it  is  to  read) . 

An  old  man  reading,  whilst  one  servant  dresses  his  hair,  and 
another  puts  on  his  boots.  "  They  dress  him,  and  put 
his  boots  on.  He  sleeps  and  he  studies.  Nobody  can  say  that 
he  loses  his  time."  (Goya).  Probably  a  reference  to  the  Mar- 
quis de  RevUlagigedo  or  the  Duke  de  Parque. 

30.  Porque  esconderlos  ?  (Why  hide  them  ?) 

A  miser,  possibly  a  priest,  trying  to  hide  two  bags  of  money 
from  four  laughing  men.  "  Why  hide  them  ?  Because  be 
thinks  he  is  going  to  live  for  ever  "  (Goya). 

31.  Ruega  por  ella  (Praying  for  her). 

A  girl  pulls  on  her  stockings,  whilst  a  servant  combs  her  hair. 
By  her  side  an  old  woman  recites  her  rosary.  "  God  bless 
her  "  (Goya). 

32.  Por  que  fue  sensible  ?  (Why  so  sensitive  ?). 

A  young  woman  weeping  in  prison.  "  This  may  imply  that 
people  of  excessive  sensibility  carry  their  own  prison  or 
torture-chamber  with  them  "  (Calvert). 

33.  Al  Conde  Palatino  (To  the  Count  Palatino). 

A  dentist,  richly  dressed,  extracting  a  tooth  from  a  man. 
Two  other  patients  in  the  foreground.  The  charlatan  perhaps 
represents  Count  Urquijo. 

34.  Las  rinde  el  Sueilo  (Comforted  by  sleep). 

Four  women  sleeping  in  a  prison.  Light  streams  through  an 
iron  grating.  "  Do  not  wake  them.  Sleep  is  often  the 
single  happiness  of  the  unhappy  "  (Goya).  Charles  Yriarte 
remarks  that  this  is  the  only  calm  and  consoling  phrase  to 
be  found  in  Goya. 


ETCHINGS  OF  GOYA  359 

35.  Le  descafiona  (Shaving  him). 

A  young  man  being  shaved  by  a  girl.  In  the  background 
stands  a  duenna,  and  a  woman  with  a  dish. 

36.  Mala  noche  (A  rough  night). 

Two  women  walking  through  a  storm  of  wind.    Possibly 
an  allusion  to  a  nocturnal  excursion  of  Queen  Maria  Luisa. 
ZT'    Si  sabra  mas  el  discipulo  ?  (Will  the  pupil  learn  more  ?) 

A  donkey  dressed  in  the  clothes  of  a  man,  teaching  the 
alphabet  to  another  donkey.  Three  others  bray  in  the 
background.    Said  to  be  an  allusion  to  Godoy. 

38.  Brabisimo  !  (Bravissimo  !) 

A  monkey  singing  to  a  guitar.  A  donkey  listens  enchanted. 
Two  men  laugh  and  applaud.  Said  to  represent  Charles  IV. 
listening  to  Godoy. 

39.  Asta  su  abuelo  (To  his  grandfather). 

A  donkey,  clothed  as  a  man,  seated  and  looking  through  a 
book  of  pictures  of  donkeys.  Under  the  book  the  heraldic 
shield  of  an  ass.  A  satire  upon  the  genealogical  pretensions 
of  Godoy 

40.  De  que  mal  morira  ?  (Of  what  will  he  die  ?) 

An  ass  feeling  the  pulse  of  a  dying  man.  Possibly  a  satire 
on  doctors,  perhaps  Dr.  Galimoga.    Also  said  to  be  Godoy. 

41.  Ni  mas  ni  menos  (Neither  more  nor  less). 

A  monkey,  with  brushes  and  palette,  painting  the  portrait 
of  an  ass.  The  animal  on  the  canvas  appears  in  a  wig. 
The  painter  identified  as  D.  Antonio  Carnicero,  the  ass, 
Godoy.  But  Calvert  describes  it :  "A  donkey  sits  for  his 
portrait  to  a  monkey,  who  is  painting  a  horse.  Satire  on 
artists  who  paint  pictures  of  those  whom  they  have  never 
seen," 

42.  Tu  que  no  puedes  (Thou,  who  are  not  able). 

Two  asses,  with  spurs,  riding  on  two  men.  A  satire  on  the 
heavy  taxation  of  the  people.  The  asses  are  said  to  represent 
the  ministers  Caballero  and  Urquijo. 

43.  El  suefio  de  la  raz6n  produce  monstruos  (Reason's  sleep  gives 

birth  to  monsters). 
A  man  seated  by  the  side  of  a  table  has  fallen  asleep.  Around 
him  hover  bats  and  owls,  one  of  which  offers  the  sleeper  a 
pencil.  By  the  chair  is  a  cat.  The  sleeping  figure  may 
be  intended  for  the  artist  himself.  In  1797,  Goya  wrote 
upon  a  copy  of  this  etching  :  "Imagination  without  reason 
produces  impossible  monsters  ;  with  reason,  it  becomes  the 
mother  of  the  arts,  and  the  source  of  its  marvels." 


36o  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

44.  Hilandelgado  (They  spin). 

Three  witches  spinning.  In  a  corner  a  number  of  children 
hanging  from  cords. 

45.  Mucho  hay  que  chupar  (There  is  much  to  drink). 

Three  witches  talking  and  taking  snuff.  In  the  foreground  a 
basketful  of  young  children  ;  in  the  background  some  bats. 

46.  Correccion  (Correction). 

•  Several  old  women  and  three  men,  one  with  the  head  of  an 
animal.  The  face  on  the  left  is  probably  a  portrait.  Per- 
haps a  satire  on  the  Inquisition. 

47.  Obsequio  a  el  maestro  (Homage  to  the  master). 

Sorcerers,  of  both  sexes,  worshipping  their  master,  and 
offering  a  newly-born  child  in  sacrifice. 

48.  Soplones  (Blowers). 

A  devil,  with  huge  wings,  rides  on  a  cat,  and  awakes  three 
monks.  Other  fantastic  figures.  A  satire  against  auricular 
confession. 

49.  Duendecitos  (Little  ghosts). 

Three  dwarf-like  monsters  eating  and  drinking.  A  satire 
on  the  clergy. 

50.  Los  chinchillas. 

Two  men  dressed  in  heavily  brocaded  coats,  with  eyes  shut, 
mouths  open,  and  ears  in  padlocks.  One  has  a  sword,  the 
other  a  rosary.  A  blind-folded  hairy  monster,  with  long 
ears,  is  feeding  them  with  a  spoon.  "  Those  who  hear 
nothing,  those  who  know  nothing,  and  those  who  do  nothing, 
belong  to  the  numerous  family  of  Chinchillas,  who  have 
never  been  good  for  anything  "  (Goya). 

51.  Se  repulen  (Cutting  their  nails). 

A  demon  cutting  the  toenails  of  a  second  devil,  whilst  a 
third  stretches  his  wings. 

52.  Lo  que  pueda  un  sastre  !  (What  a  tailor  is  able  to  do  !) 

The  vestments  of  a  priest  have  been  draped  on  a  tree.  Men, 
women,  and  children  kneel  and  worship.  In  the  background, 
fantastic  flying  demons.  A  satire  upon  the  superstition  of 
the  Church. 

53.  Que  pico  de  Oro  !  (Golden  words  !) 

A  parrot,  perched  on  the  edge  of  a  pulpit,  preaching  to  seven 
admiring  monks.    A  satire  against  preachers. 

54.  El  vergonzoso  (Shameful). 

A  man,  with  an  enormous  nose,  eats  with  a  spoon  from  a  cup 
held  by  another  man.  In  the  background  a  man  clenches 
his  fists. 


ETCHINGS  OF  GOYA  361 

55.  Hasta  la  muerte  (Until  death). 

A  very  old  and  ugly  woman  seated  before  the  mirror  on  her 
toilet  table,  and  trying  on  a  hat.  Two  men  and  a  maid 
smile  at  her.  Probably  the  Countess  de  Benavente.  "  She 
does  well  to  beautify  herself.  It  is  her  birthday,  she  has 
reached  seventy-five  years,  and  her  little  friends  come  to 
see  her  "  (Goya). 

56.  Subir  y  bajar  (Up  and  down) . 

A  giant  with  the  legs  of  an  animal  lifts  up  a  young  man  in 
court  dress,  whose  hands  and  head  are  on  fire.  Two  other 
men  have  fallen  to  the  ground.  Meaning  obscure.  Des- 
cribed in  Calvert's  catalogue  as  Vice  holding  up  a  mannikin, 
Godoy.     Possibly  the  giant  represents  Urquijo. 

57.  La  filiacion  (Mated). 

A  marriage,  the  bride  having  the  face  of  an  animal,  and  the 
bridegroom  being  a  dwarf.  A  priest  writes  in  a  book.  Other 
figures  in  the  background. 

58.  Tragala,  perro  (Take  that,  you  dog). 

A  crowd  of  monks,  with  fantastic  figures  in  the  background. 
One  monk  holds  a  large  syringe.  An  allusion  to  contemporary 
monastery  scandals. 

59.  Y  aun  no  se  van  !  (Yet  they  do  not  go  !) 

Gaunt,  starved  beings  attempt  to  uphold  a  huge  block  of 
stone  which  threatens  to  fall  and  crush  them.  "  Not 
impossibly  this  may  symbolise  the  determined  clinging  to 
life  of  even  the  most  wretched  "  (Calvert). 

60.  Ensayos  (Essays). 

A  colossal  goat  overlooking  a  nude  man  and  woman.  In  the 
foreground  cats,  a  jug,  and  a  scull.  Evidently  an  attempt 
at  sorcery. 

61.  Volaverunt. 

A  beautiful  woman  flying  through  the  air,  upheld  by  three 
bent  figures.  The  woman  appears  to  represent  the  Duchess 
of  Alba. 

62.  Quien  lo  creyera  ?  (Would  it  be  believed  ?) 

Two  nude  men  fighting  in  mid-air.  Above  and  below,  hairy 
monsters. 

63.  Miren  que  grabes  !  (What  gravity  !) 

Two  demons  taking  a  little  exercise,  and  riding  on  grotesque 
beasts.  One  demon  has  the  head  of  a  bird,  the  other  of  a 
donkey. 

64.  Buen  viaje  (Bon  voyage.) 

Winged  sorcerers  flying  through  the  night. 


362  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

65.  Donde  va  mami  ?  (Where  is  mama  going  ?) 

A  stout  woman  being  carried  through  the  air  by  three  demons. 
A  cat  holds  a  parasol.  In  the  distance  a  glimpse  of  land- 
scape. "Mama  is  hydropathic,  and  she  has  been  ordered  to 
take  exercise.  Pray  to  God  that  she  may  recover  "  (Goya). 
Possibly  a  satire  upon  a  member  of  Madrid  society. 

66.  Alld  va  eso  (Take  care) . 

A  nude  man  and  woman,  with  wings,  flying  through  the  air, 
with  crutches  and  a  cat.     Beneath,  a  landscape. 

67.  Aguarda  que  te  unten  (Wait  until  you  have  been  anointed). 

Two  fantastic  figures  holding  a  goat  by  the  legs.  Meaning 
obscure,  but  said  to  be  a  satire  upon  the  doctrine  of  extreme 
unction. 

68.  Linda  maestra  I  (Beautiful  mistress  !) 

Two  nude  witches  riding  through  the  air  on  a  broomstick. 

69.  Sopla  (She  blows). 

A  witch  using  the  body  of  a  child  as  a  bellows  over  a  furnace. 
In  the  gloom  many  figures  of  sorcerers,  and  other  children. 

70.  Devota  profesion  (Devout  profession). 

A  witch,  with  the  ears  of  an  ass,  seated  upon  a  demon,  and 
reading  from  a  large  book.  In  the  background  two  mitred 
priests. 

71.  Si  amanece,  nos  vamos  (The  day  is  breaking,  let  us  get  away). 

Against  a  black  sky  studded  with  stars,  a  group  of  witches 
and  sorcerers.  Possibly  symbolical  of  ignorance  and  super- 
stition. 

72.  No  te  escaparas  (You  will  not  escape). 

A  girl  trying  to  escape  from  four  fantastic  creatures.  Perhaps 
the  Duchess  of  Alba. 

73.  Mejor  es  holgar  (Better  to  do  nothing). 

A  man  holds  his  hands  in  a  cat's-cradle,  and  gloats  upon  a 
girl.    An  old  woman  in  the  background. 

74.  No  grites,  tonta  (Do  not  worry,  stupid). 

A  girl  frightened  at  two  grotesque  flying  monks. 

75.  No  hay  quien  nos  desate  ?  (Can  no  one  free  us  ?) 

A  man  and  a  woman  tied  to  a  tree.  A  satire  on  marriage, 
and  the  need  for  divorce.  The  owl  and  spectacles  probably 
meant  for  the  ecclesiastical  lawyers. 

76.  Esta  Vmd  ?    pues,  como  digo  .  .  .  (Are  you  there  ?    Well,  I 

say  ...  Be  careful !  If  not  .  .  .) 
A  stout,   absurd-looking   officer  giving  orders.    Probably 
Don    Tomas    Morla,    lieutenant-general    of    artillery,    and 
governor  of  Andalusia. 


ETCHINGS  OF  GOYA  363 

TJ.    Unos  dotros  (One  to  the  other). 

Old  men  attacking  another,  who  plays  with  a  ball.  "  May  be 
intended  to  convey  a  satire  on  the  aged  who  pretend  to  the 
activities  and  energy  of  youth  "  (Calvert).  Goya  wrote 
on  this  plate :  "  Thus  goes  the  world.  We  mock  at  and 
deceive  each  other.  He  who,  yesterday,  was  the  ball,  is 
to-day  the  horseman  in  the  ring.  Fortune  directs  the  feast, 
and  distributes  the  parts  according  to  the  inconstancy  of 
its  caprice." 

78.  Despacha,  que  despiertan  (Hurry  up,  they  are  waking). 

An  old  woman  waking  a  sleeping  man,  possibly  a  monk. 
In  the  background  another  man. 

79.  Nadie  nos  ha  visto  (Nobody  has  seen  us). 

Four  monks  carousing  in  a  cellar. 

80.  Ya  es  hora  (It  is  the  hour). 

Four  monks  stretching  and  yawning. 

81.  Sueno  de  la  mentira  y  de  la  inconstancia  (A  dream  of  lies  and 

inconstancy).     Lefort  catalogue,  256.     Hofmann,  240. 
Nos.  81,  82,  83  are  extremely  rare,  and  fully  described  in 
Lefort's  Catalogue  after  examples  in  the  Carderera  collec- 
tion.    They  are  supposed  to  refer  to  Goya's  friendship  with 
the  Duchess  of  Alba,  and  were  not  published. 

82.  A  woman  crying.    A  man  gives  medicine  to  a  dog.    Two  states. 

Lefort  catalogue,  257.     Hofmann,  241. 

83.  A  woman  asleep  in  prison  ;    her  feet  are  chained  to  the  walL 

Two  states.    Lefort  catalogue,  258.    Hofmann,  242. 

II.    LOS   DESASTRES   DE   LA   GUERRA. 
This  set  of  eighty  prints  was  not  published  in  Goya's  lifetime. 

1.  Tristes  presentimientos  (Sad  forebodings). 

A  man  kneeling  in  supplication.  The  sky  is  black,  with  the 
dim  forms  of  unearthly  monsters.  The  kneeling  figure 
perhaps  is  symbolical  of  Spain. 

2.  Con  raz6n  6  sin  ella  (With  or  without  reason). 

A  combat  between  peasants  and  French  soldiers. 

3.  Lo  mismo  (All  the  same). 

A  Spanish  peasant  attacking  a  French  soldier  with  an  axe. 
Another  similar  fight  in  the  background. 

4.  Las  mujeres  dan  valor  (The  courage  of  women). 

Women  and  soldiers  struggling  together. 

5.  Y  son  fieras  (And  are  like  furies). 

Women  attacking  French  soldiers  with  pikes  and  stones. 


364  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

6.  Bien  teseesta  (A  good  business). 

A  French  soldier  dying,  surrounded  by  peasants. 

7.  Que  valor  !  (What  courage  !) 

The  Maid  of  Zaragoza  firing  a  cannon.    Dead  bodies  in  the 
foreground. 

8.  Siempre  sucede  (It  always  happens) . 

French  cavalry.    In  the  foreground  a  horse  has  fallen  with 
his  rider. 
g.    No  quieren  (They  will  not), 

A  soldier  struggling  with  a  woman.  Another  woman  advances 
with  a  dagger,  and  is  about  to  strike  him  in  the  back. 

10.  Tampoco  (Nor  they). 

Women  and  soldiers  struggling  together. 

11.  Ni  por  esas  (Not  for  these). 

Two  soldiers  dragging  women  away.    A  dead  child  in  the 
foreground. 

12.  Para  eso  habeis  nacido  ?  (Were  you  born  for  this  ?) 

A  man  staggering  across  the  bodies  of  the  slain. 

13.  Amarga  presencia  (A  bitter  scene). 

Soldiers  with  a  peasant  and  his  wife. 

14.  Duro  es  el  paso  (The  road  is  hard). 

A  man  being  carried  up  a  ladder  to  a  gallows. 

15.  Y  no  hay  remedio  (And  there  was  no  remedy). 

French  soldiers  shooting  prisoners. 

16.  Se  aprovechar  (They  make  use  of). 

Soldiers  stripping  dead  bodies. 

17.  No  se  convienen  (Disagreement). 

French  Cavalry.     Conflicts  in  the  background. 

18.  Enterrar  y  callar  (To  bury  and  remain  silent). 

A  man  and  a  woman  weeping  as  they  stand  before  a  mass 
of  stripped  bodies  of  the  slain. 

19.  Ya  no  hay  tiempo  (There  is  no  time). 

A  French  officer  and  Spanish  women. 

20.  Curarlos  y  a  otra  (Healing). 

A  group  of  wounded  Spaniards. 

21.  Sera  lo  mismo  (It  will  come  to  the  same). 

Dead  and  wounded  being  carried  away.    A  woman  covers 
her  face. 

22.  Tanto  y  mas  (As  many  and  more). 

A  heap  of  dead  bodies. 

23.  Lo  mismo  en  otras  partes  (The  same  in  other  places). 

Another  rendering  of  the  same  subject. 


ETCHINGS  OF  GOYA  365 

24.  Aun  podrdn  servir  (Still  able  to  serve). 

Spaniards  carrying  the  sick  and  wounded. 

25.  Tambien  estos  (And  there  also). 

A  field  hospital. 

26.  No  se  puede  mirar  (Not  to  be  seen). 

Men  and  women  kneeling  in  attitudes  of  supplication.    On 
the  left  can  be  seen  the  advancing  bayonets  of  the  French. 

27.  Caridad  (Charity). 

Corpses,  stripped  of  clothing,  being  thrown  into  a  pit. 

28.  Populacho  (The  mob). 

A  crowd  mutilating  the  body  of  a  soldier. 

29.  Lo  merecia  (He  merited  it) , 

A  corpse  being  dragged  along  the  ground. 

30.  Estragos  de  la  guerra  (The  tragedy  of  war). 

Half-clothed  men,  women,  and  children  being  thrown  with 
articles  of  furniture  into  a  dark  cellar. 

31.  Fuerte  cosa  es  !  (Force  stronger  than  right). 

A  French  soldier  sheathing  his  sword.     In  the  background 
a  prisoner  is  being  hanged  from  the  branch  of  a  tree. 

32.  For  que  ?  (Why  ?) 

Three  soldiers  strangling  a  prisoner. 

33.  Que  hay  que  hacer  mas  ?  (What  more  to  do  ?) 

Soldiers  mutilating  a  body. 

34.  For  una  navaja  (For  a  knife). 

A  scaffold  with  a  man  who  has  been  executed  by  garotte. 

35.  No  se  puede  saber  por  que  (No  one  can  say  why). 

A  scaffold  with  eight  bodies,  executed  by  garotte. 

36.  Tampoc6  (Neither). 

A  French  soldier  looking  at  the  body  of  a  man  hanging  from 
a  tree. 

37.  Esto  es  peor  (This  is  worse) . 

A  body  impaled  on  a  tree.   In  the  background  French  soldiers. 

38.  Barbaros  !  (Savages  !) 

French  soldiers  shooting  a  prisoner  tied  to  a  tree. 

39.  Grande  hazafia,  con  muertos  (Great  bravery,  with  the  dead). 

Mutilated  bodies  tied  to  the  branches  of  a  tree. 

40.  Algun  partido  saca  (Turning  it  to  account) . 

A  man  (or  a  woman)  struggling  with  a  beast. 

41.  Escapan  entre  las  llamas  (Escaping  through  the  flames). 

Peasants  escaping  from  a  burning  village. 

42.  Todo  va  revuelto  (Confusion). 

Monks  and  nuns  endeavouring  to  escape. 


366  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

43.  Tambien  esto  (This  also). 

Monks  running  away. 

44.  Yo  lo  vi  (I  saw  it). 

Peasants  flying  from  a  village.    A  woman  tries  to  save  her 
children. 

45.  Yo  esto  tambien  (I  saw  this  also). 

Women  and  children  in  flight. 

46.  Esto  malo  (This  is  bad). 

A  French  soldier  killing  a  priest. 

47.  Asi  sucedio  (Thus  it  happened). 

A  priest  dying  at  the  altar  rails.    French  soldiers  canying 
away  loot. 

48.  Cruel  lastima  !  (Cruel  fortune  !) 

A  man  and  a  woman  gazing  at  a  heap  of  corpses. 

49.  Caridad  de  una  muger  (A  woman's  charity). 

Wounded  being  fed  by  a  woman. 

50.  Madre  infelix  (An  unhappy  mother). 

Men  carrying  away  the  dead  body  of  a  woman.    A  tiny  child 
looks  on,  and  weeps. 

51.  Gracias  a  la  almorta  (Thanks  to  the  crop). 

Starving  peasants  being  given  grain. 

52.  No  Uegan  d  tiempo  (Too  late). 

Women  trying  to  revive  a  dying  girl. 

53.  Espir6  sin  remedio  (He  died  without  assistance). 

Men  and  women  standing  round  a  body. 

54.  Clamores  en  vano  (Crying  in  vain). 

A  group  of  emaciated  peasants.    A  soldier  in  the  background. 

55.  Lo  peor  es  pedir  (To  beg  is  the  worst). 

Starving  men  begging  of  a  fashionably  dressed  woman. 
In  the  background  a  French  soldier. 

56.  Al  cemeterio  !  (To  the  cemetery  !) 

A  dead  body  being  carried  to  the  cemetery. 

57.  Sanos  y  enfermos  (Quick  and  the  dead). 

Starving  and  sick  people  in  a  cellar. 

58.  No  hay  que  dar  voces  (No  use  to  cry). 

A  group  of  the  hungry  and  sick. 

59.  De  qu6  sirve  una  taza  ?  (One  cup  is  no  use). 

A  woman  giving  food  to  the  hungry, 

60.  No  hay  quien  los  socorra  (Nobody  to  help  them). 

Four  starving  men. 


ETCHINGS  OF  GOYA  367 

61.  Si  son  de  otro  linaje  ?  (Are  they  of  another  race  ?) 

A  starving  family  asking  two  Frenchmen  for  help. 

62.  Las  camas  de  la  muerte  (Deathbeds). 

A  woman  weeping  amidst  corpses. 

63.  Muertos  recogidos  (Dead  brought  together). 

A  heap  of  dead  bodies. 

64.  Carretadas  al  cemeterio  (Loads  for  the  cemetery). 

Taking  corpses  to  the  cemetery. 

65.  Qu6  alboroto  es  este  ?  (What  means  this  disturbance  ?) 

A  French  officer  writing.    Women  cry,  and  a  dog  barks. 

66.  Extrafia  devocion  (A  strange  devotion). 

The  body  of  a  saint  carried  upon  the  back  of  an  ass.  Men 
and  women  kneeling  in  adoration. 

67.  Esta  no  lo  es  menos  (This  is  the  same). 

Men  carrying  the  statue  of  a  saint. 

68.  Qvl6  locura  !  (Madness  !) 

Subject  uncertain.  Described  as  a  monk  surrounded  by 
objects  of  devotion.  On  the  left  a  heap  of  grotesque 
masks. 

69.  Nada  (Nothing). 

A  body,  emerging  from  a  tomb,  writes  "  Nothing  "  on  a 
piece  of  paper.     In  the  gloom  grotesque  visions  and  faces. 

70.  No  saben  el  camino  (They  do  not  know  their  way). 

A  number  of  priests,  and  other  persons,  walking,  each  one 
tied  to  the  other  with  ropes. 

71.  Contra  el  bien  general  (Against  the  general  good). 

An  old  man  with  bat's  ears  and  claws  writing  in  an  open 
book.     Probably  symbolical  of  the  Church. 

72.  Las  resultas  (The  consequences). 

Vampires  sucking  the  blood  of  a  corpse,  which  perhaps 
represents  Spain. 

73.  Gatesca  pantomima  (The  cat's  pantomime). 

A  priest  kneeling  in  prayer  before  a  cat,  said  to  represent 
Godoy. 

74.  Esto  es  lo  peor  (This  is  the  worst). 

A  fox  writing  on  a  parchment.  Monks  and  others  in 
attendance, 

75.  Farandula  de  charlatanes  (A  gathering  of  quacks). 

A  group  of  fantastic  animals  dressed  as  monks. 

76.  El  buitre  camivoro  (A  flesh-eating  vulture). 

A  huge  bird  chased  by  a  crowd  of  priests  and  soldiers. 


368  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

77.  Que  se  rompre  la  cuerda  (May  the  rope  break), 

A  man  walking  a  tight-rope  above  the  heads  of  a  crowd. 
Said  to  represent  King  Joseph  Bonaparte. 

78.  Se  defiende  bien  (He  defends  himself  well). 

A  horse  kicking,  surrounded  by  foxes  and  dogs.  The  horse 
probably  s5mibolical  of  Spain. 

79.  Muri6  la  verdad  (Truth  dead) , 

The  body  of  a  girl,  surrounded  by  a  crowd.  A  bishop  gives 
the  blessing. 

80.  Si  resucitata  ?  (Will  she  revive  ?) 

Rays  of  light  form  an  aureole  around  the  same  person. 
These  plates  are  said  to  refer  to  the  abolition  of  the  constitu- 
tion by  Ferdinand  VII. 

III.    LA  TAUROMAQUIA. 

The  first  edition,  printed  under  the  supervision  of  Goya  about  1815, 
was  not  actually  placed  upon  sale  until  after  his  death.  The  second 
edition  was  issued  in  1855  by  the  Calcografia  Nacional.  A  French 
edition  appeared  in  1876  with  seven  additional  plates. 

1.  Method  of  the  ancient  Spaniards  of  chasing  bulls  in  the  open  on 

horseback. 

2.  Chasing  bulls  on  foot. 

3.  Spanish  Moors,  who,  neglecting  the  teaching  of  the  Koran,  adopt 

the  art  of  hunting  the  bull  in  open  country  with  the  spear. 

4.  Capean  ovio  encerrado, 

5.  The  brave  Moor  Gazul  was  the  first  to  fight  bulls  according  to  the 

rules  of  the  art. 

6.  The  Moors  imitate  the  play  of  the  cape  with  their  bournous  in  the 

ring, 

7.  Origin  of  the  points  of  the  banderillas. 

8.  A  Moor  is  attacked  by  a  bull  in  the  ring, 

9.  A  Spanish  chevalier  kills  the  bull  after  having  lost  his  horse. 

10.  Charles  V.  spearing  a  bull  in  the  plaza  of  ValladoUd. 

11.  El  Cid  Campeador  striking  a  bull  with  his  lance. 

12.  The     crowd    hamstringing    a    bull    with    lances,    demi-lunes, 

banderillas,  and  other  weapons. 

13.  A  Spanish  cavalier  in  the  ring  breaking  the  banderillas  without 

the  aid  of  the  chulos. 

14.  A  clever  student  of  Falces,  covered  in  his  cloak,  plays  with  the 

bull,  making  some  quick  ecarts. 


ETCHINGS  OF  GOYA  369 

15.  The  famous   Martincho  setting  the  banderillas  and  giving  the 

quiehro. 

16.  Martincho  attacking  a  bull  in  the  ring  of  Madrid. 

17.  The  Moors  making  use  of  asses  as  protection  against  a  bull  with 

horns  covered. 

18.  Audacity  of  Martincho  in  the  Zaragoza  ring. 

19.  Another  folly  of  Martincho  in  the  same  place. 

20.  Quickness   and    dexterity    of   Juanito  Apifiani  in  the  Madrid 

ring. 

21.  An  accident  in  the  Madrid  ring,  and  death  of  the  Alcade  of 

Torrejon. 

22.  Courage  of  the  celebrated  Pajuelera  in  the  Zaragoza  ring. 

23.  Mariano  Ceballos,  known  as  the  Indian,  kills  a  bull. 

24.  Ceballos  displaying  a  bull  covered  with  banderillas  in  the  Madrid 

ring. 

25.  Dogs  attacking  the  bull. 

26.  A  picador  falls  from  his  horse  under  the  bull. 

27.  The  celebrated  picador  Fernando  del  Toro  attacking  the  bull  at 

the  point  of  his  lance. 

28.  The   brave  Rendon  spearing  a  bull,  which  he  kills  with  a  blow, 

in  the  Madrid  ring. 

29.  Pepe  Illo  in  the  ring. 

30.  Pedro  Romero  killing  a  bull. 

31.  Banderillas  of  fire. 

32.  Two  groups  of  picadors  and  a  bull. 

33.  The  unhappy  death  of  Pepe  Illo  in  the  Madrid  ring. 

Unpublished  Plates  of  La  Tauromaquia. 

34.  Variation  of  plate  24. 

A  bull-fighter  (probably  Mariano  Ceballos)  riding  a  bull. 

35.  A  scene  of  Novilladas. 

Picadors,  grotesquely  dressed,  on  asses  attached  to  a  carriage, 
attacking  a  bull. 

36.  A  toreador  preparing  to  strike  a  buU  which  charges  him. 
^y.    The  death  of  Pepe  Illo. 

38.  The  death  of  Pepe  Illo,  variation  of  No.  37. 

39.  Variation  of  No.  25. 

40.  Variation  of  No.  18. 

41.  The  five  buUs. 

BB 


370  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

IV.     LOS  PROVERBIOS. 

These  etchings,  eighteen  in  number,  were  first  printed  in  1850.  A 
second  edition  was  issued  in  1864  by  the  Royal  Academy  of  San 
Fernando,  with  the  following  title  :  "  Los  Proverbios,  coleccion  de 
diez  y  ocho  laminas  inventadas  y  grabadas  al  agua  fuerte  por  Don 
Francisco  Goya,  publicada  la  Real  Academia  de  nobles  artes  de 
San-Fernando,  Madrid,  1864."  This  edition  was  limited  to  250  copies, 
and  the  watermark  is  "  J.G.O."  with  a  small  palm.  Later  editions 
have  appeared  in  1891  and  1902.  The  plates  are  not  numbered,  and 
bear  no  titles. 

1.  Six  women,  dressed  as  majas,  tossing  mannikins  and  a  dead 

donkey  in  a  blanket. 

2.  Soldiers  flying  in  terror  from  a  giant  phantom. 

Compare  this  with  Los  Caprichos,  plate  52. 

3.  Ten  men  and  women  on  the  branch  of  a  tree,  overhanging  an 

abyss,  listening  to  an  orator. 

Perhaps  an  allusion  to  Charles  IV.  and  his  Court. 

4.  A  giant  dancing  before  a  pigmy.    Fantastic  figures  in  the  back- 

ground. 

5.  A  man,  riding  a  hippogriff  carries  off  a  woman. 

6.  A  man,  with  the  lance  of  a  picador,  attacking  an  old  man.    Other 

men  and  women  in  the  background. 

7.  A  monster,  half-man  and  half-woman,  receiving  the  adoration 

of  a  crowd. 

8.  Several  figures,   enveloped  in  sacks,   directed  by  a  prince  or 

minister. 

9.  Several  fantastic  figures  presenting  kittens  to  two  women. 

10.  In  the  foreground  a  woman  carried  by  a  horse.     In  the  back- 

ground another  woman  is  being  ill-treated  by  a  fantastic 
animal. 

11.  Two  young  men  running  after  a  woman  with  two  heads.    Other 

figures  on  the  right. 

12.  Three  women  and  three  men,  dressed  as  majas  and  majos,  dancing 

to  castanets. 

13.  Men  with  wings  endeavouring  to  fly. 

"  A  truly  superb  drawing,"  writes  P.  Lefort,  "  not  only  the 
best  plate  in  the  series,  but  one  of  the  artist's  most  beautiful 
productions." 

14.  Two  fantastic  figures  saluting,  in  the  presence  of  a  large  crowd. 

Probably  a  reference  to  the  Treaty  of  Bayonne,  which  would 
date  the  plate  in  1808. 


ETCHINGS  OF  GOYA  371 

15.    A  monk  preaching  to  a  soldier,  who  throws  himself  into  the 

abyss.    Other  figures  in  the  background. 
t6.    a  woman  quarrelling  with  a  man,  and  other  figures. 

17.  Men  making  fun  of  an  old  man. 

18.  An  old  man  on  his  knees  surrounded  by  demons. 

The  following  additional  plates  were  not  issued  with  this  series, 
to  which,  however,  they  must  be  classified  in  subject : — 

19.  Two  phantoms,  or  scarecrows,  watched  by  a  crowd. 

This  plate  was  published  in  L'Art  {1877),  Vol.  II.,  p.  56. 

20.  A  young  woman  riding  a  horse  on  a  tight-rope.    A  crowd  in  the 

background. 
This  plate  was  published  in  L'Art  (1877),  Vol.  II.,  p.  82. 

21.  Four  Moors,  or  Rabbis,  offering  a  book  to  an  elephant. 

This  plate  was  published  in  L'Ari  (1877),  Vol.  II.,  p.  41. 

The  following  plate  belongs  more  strictly  to  the  Tauromaquia  series. 

22.  Four  bulls. 

Published  in  L'Art  {1877),  Vol.  II.,  p.  6. 

V.    MISCELLANEOUS  ETCHINGS. 

The  sizes  (height  and  length)  are  quoted  in  millimetres  after  the 
Lefort  and  Hofmann  Catalogues. 

Religious  Subjects: 

1.  The  flight  into  Eg5rpt.     Signed  :   Goya  invt.  et  fecit.    125  x  89. 

L.  227,  H.  227. 

2.  S.  Franciscus  de  Paolo.     Signed  :  Goya  ft.,  two  states.    32  x  95. 

L.  228,  H.  228. 

3.  S.  Isidro  el  Labrador.     Signed :    Goya  f.    231  x  168.    L.  229, 

H.  229. 

Subjects  after  Velazquez  : 

4.  Equestrian  portrait  of  Philip  III.    380  X  310,  three  states.   L.  230, 

H.  249. 

5.  Equestrian  portrait  of  Margaret  of  Austria.    370x312,  three 

states.     L.  231,  H.  250. 

6.  Equestrian    portrait    of    Philip    IV.    370x315,    three    states. 

L.  232,  H.  251. 

7.  Equestrian   portrait   of   Isabel   of    Bourbon.    370x315,    three 

states.    L.  233,  H.  252. 


372  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

8.  Don  Baltasar  Carlos.    348  x  220,  three  states.    L.  234,  H.  253. 

9.  Don  Caspar  de  Guzman.     373  x  313,  three  states.    L.  235,  H.  254. 
ID.    Las  Meninas.    360x300.    L.  236,  H.  255. 

11.  Bacchus  crowned.    320  x 435,  two  states.    L.  237,  H  256. 

12.  The  Infante  Don  Fernando.     255x126,  four  states.    L,  238, 

H.  257. 

13.  Menippus.    305  x  220,  four  states.    L.  239,  H.  258. 

14.  .^sop.    300  X  220,  four  states.    L.  240,  H.  259. 

15.  Barbarossa.    260x141,  four  states.    L.  241,  H.  260. 

16.  The  dwarf  known  as  Don  Juan.    255  x  144.    L.  242,  H.  261. 

17.  Francisco  Bazan.     250  x  112,  two  states.    L.  243,  H.  262. 

18.  The   dwarf   Sebastian   de   Morra.     208x148,    four   states.    L. 

244,  H.  263. 

19.  The  dwarf  El  Primo.    215  x  154,  four  states.    L.  245,  H.  264. 

Miscellaneous  Subjects  : 

20.  An  execution  by  garotte.    330  x  215,  two  states.    L.  246,  H.  230. 

21.  A  blind  man  tossed  by  a  bull.     138  x  183,  three  states.     L.  247, 

H.  231. 

22.  A  street  scene  with  a  blind  singer.     Signed  Goya.     395x570. 

L.  248,  H.  232. 

23.  A  nude  figure  (Prometheus).    285x206.    L.  249,  H.  233. 

24.  Un   homme   en  guenilles  se  balance.     186  x  120,  two  states,  L. 

250,  H.  234. 

25.  An  old  witch.     186  x  120.    L.  251,  H.  235. 

26.  An  old  bull-fighter.     189  x  120.    L.  252,  H.  236. 

27.  A  maja  in  a  mantilla.     188x123.    L.  253,  H.  237. 

28.  A  maja  in  a  mantilla,  with  figures  in  background.     188x123. 

L.  254,  H.  238. 
Carderera  considers  Nos.  26,  27,  28,  to  be  the  work  of  Goya's 
old  age.    Lefort  classifies  in  the  same  period  Nos.  24,  25, 
and  29. 

29.  A  blind  man  singing.     165  x  105,  two  states.     L.  255,  H.  239. 

30.  A  landscape.     148x263,    L.  259,  H.  243. 

31.  A  landscape.     145x263.    L.  260,  H.  244. 

32.  A  scene  of  the  Inquisition.    L.  261,  H.  245. 

33.  A  masquerade.    L.  262,  H.  246. 

These  two  etchings  are  cited  by  Piot  and  Matheron. 

34.  A  beggar.    81x60.    H.  247. 


ETCHINGS  OF  GOYA  373 

35.  Heraldic  design.    Signed :   Goya.    45  x  60.    H.  248. 

36.  Fiero  monstrao  (A  strong  monster). 

A  cat  devouring  human  beings. 

37.  Esto  es  lo  verdadero  (This  is  truth). 

A  young  woman,  symbolical  of  truth,  with  a  peasant.  These 
two  plates  are  sometimes  added  to  Los  Desastres  de  Id 
Guerra. 

38-40.    Three  etchings  known  as  "  The  Prisoners." 


THE  LITHOGRAPHS  OF  GOYA. 

The  sizes  (height  and  length)  are  quoted  in  millimetres  after  Lefort's 
catalogue. 

1.  An  old  woman  spinning. 

In  the  top  left  corner  Madrid,  febrero,  1819,  and  signed  Goya. 
About  210x140.    Lefort,  263. 

2.  The  duel. 

Two  men  in  the  costume  of  the  period  of  Philip  IV.  fighting 
with  sword  and  dagger.  Signed :  Goya,  Madrid,  marzo,  1819. 
Facsimile  in  the  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  XXV.,  1868,  p.  177. 
About  220  X  230.    Lefort,  264. 

3.  A  bull  attacked  by  dogs. 

Five  dogs  worrying  a  bull  which  has  tossed  another  dog  in 
the  air.  Two  toreadors  look  on.  This  lithograph,  which  is 
extremely  rare,  has  no  signature  or  date,  according  to  Lefort, 
but  Von  Loga  states  a  signature  Goya  fecit.  About  270  x  170. 
Lefort,  265. 

4.  A  drunkard. 

A  man  trying  to  hold  in  his  arms  a  woman  who  endeavours 
to  escape.  No  signature  or  date.  About  180  x  120.  Lefort 
cites  a  proof,  probably  unique,  in  the  Carderera  collection. 
Lefort,  266. 

5.  The  reading. 

A  seated  woman  reading  to  two  children  :  another  person  in 
the  background.  No  signature  or  date.  About  130x120. 
Lefort,  267. 

6.  A  scene  of  sorcery. 

Fantastic  demons  and  animals  surround  a  nude  man.  Fac- 
simile in  Rothenstein's  "  Goya."  No  signature  or  date. 
About  240x120.    Lefort,  268. 

7.  A  peasant, 

wearing  a  Catalonian  bonnet,  seizing  a  young  woman.  A 
rare  plate.  No  signature  or  date.  About  150x130. 
Lefort,  269. 


LITHOGRAPHS  OF  GOYA  375 

8.  A  monk  with  a  crucifix. 

No  signature  or  date.    About  90x130.    Lefort,  270. 

9.  Sleep. 

A  beautiful  girl  sleeping  on  the  knees  of  an  old  woman.     In 
the  background  four  other  women.     No  signature  or  date. 
160x140.     Lefort,  271. 
Los  Toros  de  Bordeos  {The  Bull-fights  of  Bordeaux).    A  set  of  four 
plates,  lithographed  at  Bordeaux,  in  1825,  and  limited  to  300  copies. 

10.  El  famoso  Americano  Mariano  Ceballos. 

The  celebrated  toreador  Ceballos  assailing  a  bull.  Signed, 
on  the  left,  Goya.  In  addition  to  the  title  the  words : 
Depose,  et  lith.  de  Gaulon.  Another  state  has  the  inscription  : 
D.  Francisco  Goya  y  Lucientes  primer  pintor  de  Camara  del 
Rey  de  Espana  y  Director  do  la  real  Academia  de  San  Fernando 
invent  6  y  lithografio  estas  cuatro  estampas  en  Bordeaux  de 
1826  a  los  80  de  edad.     About  403  X  312.     Lefort,  272. 

11.  A  picador  caught  on  the  horns  of  a  bull. 

Signed  Goya  on  the  left.  No  title  or  name  of  printer. 
410x310.     Lefort,  273. 

12.  Dibersion  de  Espana. 

A  crowd  in  the  arena  baiting  young  bulls.  The  first  state 
measures  about  415x303,  and  is  signed  Goya  on  the  left. 
In  the  margin  :  Depose,  et  lith.  de  Gaulon.  The  second 
state  is  smaller,  having  been  cut  down,  probably  owing  to  an 
accident  with  the  stone.     Lefort,  274. 

13.  A  scene  in  the  bull-ring. 

Signed  Goya.    About  414  x  305.     Lefort,  275. 

14.  A  Spanish  dance. 

A  group  of  men  and  women  applauding  a  dancing  maja. 
One  plays  man  a  guitar,  another  a  tambourine.  Probably 
the  lithograph  described  by  Matheron  under  the  title  "  Les 
Bohemiens."  The  lithograph,  which  was  drawn  at  Bordeaux 
in  1825,  is  extremely  rare.  Signed  Goya.  About  190  x  185. 
Lefort,  276. 

15.  A  duel. 

One  of  the  duellists  has  run  his  sword  into  the  other.  Two 
witnesses.  Lithographed  about  1826,  and  rare.  Signed 
Goya.    About  220x210.     Lefort,  277. 

16.  Portrait  of  Monsieur  Gaulon. 

A  rare  print,  signed  Goya.  About  270x210.  Lefort,  278. 
Von  Loga  appears  to  catalogue  two  of  these  portraits  (Nos. 
718  and  728). 

17.  A  bull-fight. 

Not  catalogued  by  Lefort.     Von  Loga,  No.  731. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Pierre  D'Achiardi :  Les  dessins  de  D.  Francisco  Goya  y  Lucientes  au 

Mus6e   du   Prado   a   Madrid.     Preface   et   texte   explicatif.    3 

volumes.    Rome,  1908. 
L6once  Amaudry :    The  Collection  of  Dr.  Carvallo  at  Paris.     II. — 

Spanish  and  other  later  pictures.   Burlington  Magazine,  December, 

1904.    VI.,  pp.  179-191. 
Zeferino  Araujo  Sanchez  :   Goya.    Madrid,  1895.    First  published  in 

La  Espana  Moderna. 
Art  et  Decoration :  "  Goya's  etchings."     XIX.,  p.  142. 
El  artista.    Madrid,  1835.    An  article  by  V.  Carderera, 
The  Art  Journal.    July,  1903. 
R.  Balsa  de  la  Vega  :  Exposition  de  obras  de  Goya.     Madrid.     Bus- 

tracion  Espanolay  Americana,  1900,  p.  299. 
A.  M.  de  Barcia :    Goya  en  la  seccion  de  estampas  de  la  biblioteca 

national.  Madrid.    Revista  dearchivios,  bibliotecas ymuseos,  1900. 
Emilio  Pardo  Bazan  :   "  Goya."    La  Lectura,  1906. 
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The  Studio,  1901.    XXIV.,  p.  155. 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY  377 

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378  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

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F.  Laban :  "  Die  Farbenskizze  zu  einem  Reprasentationsgemalde 
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Paul  Lafond  :  -Goya.  Paris  [1902].  First  published  in  Revue  de  I'Art 
ancien  etmoderne,  1899-1901. 

Paul  Lafond  :  "  Les  demieres  annees  de  Goya  en  France."  Gazette  des 
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Tristan  Leclerc  :  Les  Caprices  de  Goya.    Paris,  1910. 

Paul  Lefort :  Francisco  Goya  :  etude  biographique  et  critique,  suivi 
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I,  1868  ;  August  I,  1868. 

Paul  Lefort:  "Francisco  Goya."  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  XII.  (1875), 
pp.  506-514;  XIII.  (1875),  pp.  336-344;  XIV.  (1876),  pp. 
500-510. 

Paul  Lefort :  "  Francisco  Jose  Goya  y  Lucientes."  Histoire  des 
Peintres  (edited  by  Charles  Blanc).     Paris,  186-, 

Paul  Lefort :  La  Peinture  Espagnole.    Paris,  1893.    p.  257. 

Paul  Lefort :    "  Ecole  Espagnole. — Collection  Pacully."     Gazette  des 

Beaux- Arts.    1875-76. 

Paul  Lefort :  "  Dofia  Isabel  Corbo  de  Porcel."  Gazette  des  Beaux- Arts, 

1897.    XVII. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  379 

Max  Lehrs :  "  Ein  Steindnick  Goyas."  Koniglkh  Preuss.  Kunst- 
samm.    Jdhrhuch,  igoy.    XXVIII.,  p.  50. 

Max  Lehrs  :  "  Ein  Geschabtes  Aquatintablatt  von  Goya."  Koniglich 
Preuss.     Kunstsamm.  Jahrhuch,  1906.     XXVII.,  p.  141. 

Valerian  von  Loga  :  Francisco  de  Goya.     Beriin,  1903. 

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Beriin,  1907. 
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p.  I. 
H.  Liicke  :  "  Goya."    Zeitschrift  fur  bildende  Kunst,  1875.    p.  193. 

H.  Liicke  :  "  Francisco  Goya."  Dohme,  Kunst  und  Kiinstler.  Leipzig, 
1880.    p.  29. 

Magasin  pittoresque.     "  Goya."     Paris,  1834. 

Magazine  of  Art.     "  Goya."     XXVI. ,  pp.  130,  161. 

Pedro  de  Madrazo  :  Viaje  artistico  de  tres  siglos  por  las  colecciones  de 
Cuadros  de  los  Reyes  de  Espana.  Barcelona,  XIX.,  chap.  XIX., 
p.  301. 

Pedro  de  Madrazo  :  "  Goya."  Almanaque  de  la  Ilustracion  Espanola 
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Paul  Mantz  :  Archives  de  I'art  frangais.    Paris,  1842. 

Jose  Martinez  :  Discursos  praticables  del  nobilisimo  arte  de  la  pintura. 
Madrid,  1866. 

Masterpieces  of  Goya  :  Gowan's  Art  Books,  No.  26.     London,  1910. 

Laurent  Matheron  :  Goya.    Paris,  1858. 

Laurent  Matheron  :  Goya.  Madrid,  1890.  Translated  into  Spanish 
by  G.  Belmonte  Miiller.  The  appendix  contains  articles  by  V. 
Carderera  and  P.  de  Madrazo,  and  poems  addressed  to  Goya  by 
Moratin  and  Quintana. 

August  L.  Mayer  :  "  Die  Gemaldesammlung  des  Bowes-Museums  zu 
Barnard  Castle."  Zeitschrift  fur  Bildende  Kunst,  1912,  new  series. 
XXIIL,  p.  104. 

Enrique  Melida  :  Articles  on  the  "  Horrors  of  War  "and  the  "  Pro- 
verbs."— El  arte  en  Espana,  Madrid,  1863-64. 

Jos6  Ramon  Melida  :  "  El  arte  de  Goya."  La  Ilustracion  Espanola  y 
Americana.    Madrid,  1900.    p.  295. 

Manuel  Mesonero   Romanos :    Goya,   Moratin,   Melendez  Valdes,  y 
Donoso  Cortes.    Madrid,  1900.     "  Goya,"  pp.  43-62. 


38o  FRANCISCO  GOYA 

J.  Momm6ja  :    "  Un  tableau  a  Lille."    Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  1905. 
3rd  series.    XXXIV.,  p.  39.    With  an  etching  by  A.  Majeur. 

Richard  Muther  :  Francisco  de  Goya.    London,  1905. 

Richard  Muther  :  Goya.    BerUn,  1906. 

Richard  Muther :    Geschichte  der  Malerie  im   XIX.   Jahrhundert. 

Munich,  1893.     I.,  p.  55. 
Richard  Muther  :   The  History  of  Modern  Painting.    London,  1895. 

I.,  pp.  6678  ;  edition  1907,  I.,  pp.  43-53. 
Richard  Muther  :  Studien  und  Kritiken.    Vienna,  1900.    p.  365. 
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Riera.    Paris,   1888. 
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89.    Leipzig,  1907. 

Richard  Oertel :"  Goya."     Velhagen  &  Klasings  Monetshefte.    1904-5. 
I.,  pp.  642-666. 

Manuel  Ossorio  y  Bernard  :   Galeria  Biografica  de  Artistas  Espanoles 

del  siglo  XIX.  Madrid,  1868.  I.,  p.  311. 
M.  E.  Piot :  Catalogue  raisonne  de  I'oeuvre  grave  de  Goya. — Le  cabinet 

de  I'amateur.  Paris,  1842.  Vol.  I.,  p.  346. 
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de  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida.    Etchings  by  Jose  M.  Gal  van  y 

Candela.    Madrid,  1888. 

La  Revue  de  I'Art  Ancien  et  Moderne  :  "  An  unknown  etching  by  Goya." 
X.,  p.  378. 

Revue  des  Deux-Mondes  :  "  Les  Maitres  Espagnols  et  I'art  naturaUste." 
September  15, 1888. 

Revue  Encyclopedique.     Paris,  1832. 

Charles  Ricketts  :  The  Prado  and  its  Masterpieces.    London,  1904. 

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Chronique  des  Arts.    Paris,  1900.     p.  286. 

Clement  de  Ris  :  Musee  royal  de  Madrid,  1859. 

William    Rothenstein :     Goya.    "  The    Artist's    Library,"    No.    4. 
London,  1900. 

Saturday  Review  :   "  Review  of  Yriarte's  '  Goya.'  "     March  21,  1868. 

M.  Schuette  :   "  Vier  lithographische  Einzelblatter  von  Goya."    Konig- 
lich  Preuss.    Kunstsamm.    Jdhrbuch,  1905.     XXVI. ,  p.  136. 

A.   Schulze-Berge :     "  Einiges  iiber  die  Goya-Ausstellung,    Madrid. 
May,  1900."    Zeitschrift  fur  hildende  Kunst.,  I.,  1900.    p.  229. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  381 

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origenes  hasta  el  siglo  XIX.    Madrid,  1907.    Chapters  XVIIL, 

XIX.,  Goya.     Chapter  XX.,  Discipulos  y  contemporaneos  de 

Goya. 
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grabados,  de  la  antiqua  casa   ducal  de  Osuna.     Madrid,  1896. 
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II.,  pp.  193-205. 
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London,  1848.     p.  1471. 
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posicion  de  sus  obras  en  Madrid."  Revista  de  la  Asociacion- 
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585,  617. 

Elias  Tormo  y  Monzo  :  Verios  estudios  de  Artes  y  Letras. — Las  pin- 
turas de  Goya.     Madrid,  1902.    p.  223. 

M.  Utrillo  :  "  Lugar  de  Goya  en  la  pintura."  Forma,  Barcelona,  1904. 
L,  p.  259. 

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Paris,  1839. 

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1889-1894. 

Vinaza,  Muiioz  y  Manzano,  Conde  de :  "  Goya."  Revista  Content' 
poranea.     September,  1883. 

E.  W.  Washburn  :  The  Spanish  Masters.     1884. 

M.  Watsin  and  W.  Stassow  :  Francisco  Goya. 

Woltmann  and  Woermann  :    Geschicte  der  Malerei.    Leipzig,  1888. 

III.,  p.  937. 
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tapisseries,  les  eaux-fortes,  et  le  catalogue  de  I'oeuvre.    Paris, 

1867. 


382  FRANCISCO    GOYA 

Charles  Yriarte  :  Goya  aquafortiste.    L'Art,  Vol.  II.,  pp.  i,  33,  56,  78. 

Paris,  1877. 
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de  la  Escuela  Aragonesa  de  Pintura.    Madrid,  1863. 
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1868.    This  was  first  published  in  the  journal  La  Perseverencia. 


Interesting  Goya  documents  will  be  found  in  the  Egerton  MSS., 
British  Museum. 


INDEX 


Abrantes,   Laure   Pennon,    Duchesse 

d',  246 
Abrantes,  Duchess  de  (Goya),  246 
Academy  of  San  Fernando.     See  San 

Fernando,  Academy  of 
Acerolea,  La  (Goya),  106 
Achiardi,  Pierre  d',  204 
Adams,  Parson,  214 
Adoration  of  the  Shepherds  (Zurbaran), 

15 

Adrian  Pulido  Pareja  (Velazquez),  21 
and  note 

Msop  (Velazquez),  118 

Aigueperse,  16  note 

Alameda,  palace  of,  163  note,  164,  165, 
170 

Alaux,  Jean  Paul,  297 

Alba,  house  of,  187  note 

Alba,  Duke  of,  186,  188  note,  195 

Alba,  Duchess  of,  i8i  ;  her  position 
at  the  Spanish  Court,  186 ;  her 
interest  in  bull-fighters,  187  ;  and 
Josef  a  Goya,  188,  189 ;  her  por- 
traits by  Goya,  189-192,  196,  199, 
201  note,  225,  232,  250,  253  ;  exiled 
by  the  Queen,  192,  203  ;  adventure 
with  Goya,  194,  203  ;  etchings  of, 
by  Goya,  195  ;  the  two  Majas,  195, 
196,  197,  198,  199  ;  her  death,  199, 
201  note,  255  ;  and  Baudelaire,  199, 
200,  201  ;  jealousy  of  the  Queen,  192, 
201  note  :  her  pictures,  201  note 

Albacete,  Seiiora  Viuda  de,  243 

Alban  Hills,  273 

Albani,  69 

Alcade  Ronquillo  (etching  after  Velaz- 
quez), 119 

Alcala  del  Ebro,  39  note 

Alcafiices,  Marquesa  de,   184 

Alcanices,  collection  of  the  Marquis 
de,  252 

Alcazar  of  Madrid,  28,  66 

Aldobranini  Palace,  Rome,  103 


Alea,  291 

Alembert,  d',  151,  152  and  note,  168 

Alidorio,  Cardinal  (Raphael),  66 

Allegory,  An  (Goya),  253 

AUue,  Canon  Mathias,  89,  90,  126,  127, 

130.  131 
Amaudry,  Leonce,  268  note,  277,  301 

note 
Amicis,  Edmondo  de,  34 
Amigoni,  27 

Andalusia,  181,  192,  203 
Andalusia  (Goya),  105 
Andromache,  65 
Angelico,  Fra,  144 
Angouleme,  Duke  d',  285 
Antonio,  Infante  Don,  236,  238 
Antonio  de  la  Florida,  San.     See  San 

Antonio  de  la  Florida 
Antwerp,   100 
Apinani,  Juan,  279 
Apollo  Belvidere,  69 
Arabian  Nights,  215 
Arabs,  the,  36 
Aragon,  province  of :   Its  early  art,  4, 

28;  school  of,  29,  30,  31  ;  national 

characteristics,   34  ;  history,   34-38  ; 

political     freedom,     34,     35 ;      the 

nobility  of,  144  note  ;  campaign  of, 

264,  265 
Aranda,  Count  d',  72  and  note,   150, 

151,  152,  183,  256 
Aranjuez,  palace  of,  27,  65,  153,  154 

note,  165,  185,  285 
Aranjuez  (Velazquez  or  del  Mazo),  1 1 
Arbues,  Pedro  de,  35 
Ardemans,  Teodoro,  26 
Arenas  de  San  Pedro,  palace  of  Las, 

137,  138,  164 
Aretino,  144 
Arias  Dairla,   Don  Juan  Jos6  Mateo 

(Goya),  248 
Amao,  287,  294 
Arredondo,  Isidore,  26 


384 


INDEX 


Art,  r,  116,  2og  note,  281 

Art  and  emigration,  19 

Art  Romantique,  L',  303 

Asensi,  Julia,  226,  323  note 

Assumption,  The  (Goya),  170 

Asti  family,  76 

Asturias,  Prince  of  the.     See  Charles 

IV.  and  Ferdinand  VII. 
Asturias,  Princess  of  the,  Maria  Antonia, 

236,  237,  238.  257 
Athens,  64 
Auber,  288 

Aula  Dei,  chartreuse  of,  44,  91,  92,  93 
Austria,  Royal  House  of,  9,  13,  24,  26, 

145.  147 
Autun,  240 
Auvergne,  3 
Avignon,  40  note 
Avila,  3.  4,  59,  137 
Azara,  99 
Aznarez  family,  43 

Bacchanal  (Titian),  17,  66,  198 

Bagnferes,  291 

Baillie  family  (Gainsborough),  166,  167 

Ballet  Espagnol  (Manet),  321 

Balthasar  Carlos,  Don  (Velazquez),  68 
note 

Balzac,  246  note 

Banco  de  San  Carlos,  156 

Barataria,  island  of,  38  note 

Barbarossa,  an  etching,  117 

Barcelona,  cathedral  of,  39 

Barck,  Countess  de  (Regnault),  322 

Baretti,  78 

Barrfes,  Maurice,  113  note 

Barrio,  Don  Rafael,  190 

Basaiti,  Marco,  10 

Basque  race,  the,  3 

Bastien-Lepage,  165 

Battoni,  Pompeo,  63 

Baudelaire,  199,  200,  201,  321 

Baudry,  Paul,  246 

Bauer,  Gustav,  167 

Bayeu,  Dona  Feliciana  (Goya),  252 

Bayeu  y  Subias,  Francisco,  49,  50,  135  ; 
works  in  Madrid,  63,  loi  ;  influence 
at  Court,  65  ;  Goya  his  pupil,  84  ; 
commissions  Goya,  89 ;  and  the 
tapestry  factory,  102,  158,  159,  160  ; 
rivalry  with  Goya,  1 1 1  ;  etching  by, 
117;  advises  the  Committee  of  El 
Pilar,  124-133  ;  quarrels  with  Goya, 
125-133  ;  portraits  of,  by  Goya,  132, 
157.  167,  232,  242  ;  death  of,  229, 
255 


Bayeu,    Josefa.     See   Goya   y   Bayeu, 

Josefa 
Bayeu,  Fray  Manuel,  132 
Bayeu,  Ramon,  49,  50,  102,  124,  126, 

158,  159.  171 
Bayonne,  32,  57,  172,  258,  261,  277 
Beardsley,  Aubrey,  215 
Beaumarchais,  106 
Bebedor,  El,  tapestry,  163 
Beechey,  Sir  William,  163  note 
Beethoven,  217 
Beit,  Otto,  collection  of,  244 
Bellini,  10,  11,  283 

Benavente-Ossuna,  Countess  and  Duch- 
ess of  (Goya),  169 
Benavente,  Countess  of,  253 
Benedict  XIII.,  40  note 
Benedict  XIV.,  83,  86,  148 
Benvenuto  Cellini,  144 
Beraton,  Jos6,  49,  50 
Berbers,  the,  36 
Berenson,  B.,  10  note 
Berlin    Museum:    Chalcography,    116; 

Meeting  of  the  Cortes,  275  ;    Cocana, 

282,  322 
Berlioz,  Hector,  320 
Bermudez,    Cean,    42,    120,    276,    282. 

319  note 
Bermudez,  Senora  de  Cean  (Goya),  169 
Bemis,  Cardinal  de,  81  note 
Bernstein,  Madame,  156,  252 
Beruete  y  Moret,  A.  de,  9  note,  11,  18, 

20,  21  note,  22,  24,  167,  292 
Bewitched,  The  (Goya),  169 
Bi^vre,  99 

Blake,  William,  15,  244 
Blanc,  Charles,  320 
Blind  beggar  (G<)ya),  106,  120 
Boadilla  del  Monte,  palace  of,  138 
Bohemia,  63 
Boieldieu,  288 
Boilly,  299 
Bologna,  104 
Bonaparte,  Joseph,  142,  253,  259,  264, 

265,  266,  269,  270 
Bonaparte,  Louis,  258 
Bondad-Real,  Marquis  de  (Goya),  240, 

248 
Bonington,  R.  P.,  200,  320 
Bonnat,  L.,  322 

Bonnat  collection,  Bayonne,  277 
Bookseller  of  the  Calle  de  las  Carretas, 

the  (Goya),  190,  246,  274 
Bordeaux,  57,  207,  275,  286,  289-298, 

306,  307,  315,  316 
Borghese,  Pauline,  197 


INDEX 


385 


Borrachos,  Los  (Velazquez),  7,  16,  17 

Borroni,  Paul,  84 

Borrow,  George,  110  note 

Bosch,  Jeronimo,  66,  214 

Boucher,  65,  96,  198 

Boulanger,  Louis,  218 

Bourbon,  Cardinal  de,  137  note,  252 

Bourbon,  Royal  House  of,  2,  26,  60, 

81,  145,  147,  154,  173,  236.  256.  257. 

260 
Bowes  Museum,   242 
Boys  climbing  a  tree,  tapestry  cartoon, 

163 
Brabazon,  H.  B.,  6  note 
Brantwood,  216 
Briguiboul,  275 
Bristol,  E^rl  of,  147 
Browning,  Robert,  2  note,  10,  64  note, 

189,  208 
Brueghel,  P.,  66 

Brugada,  de,  186,  310,  311,  314,  315 
Brummel,  Beau,  191 
Brunet,  G.,  186 
Brunetti,  Madame,  184 
Brussels,  80,  246 
Bull-fight  (Goya),  166,  223,  301 
Bull-fights  of  Bordeaux,  300,  301,  302, 

303 
Bull-fighting.  61,  301 
Bunbury,  H.,  211 
Burty,  Philippe,  95  note,  221  note 
Butler,  Samuel,  224 
Byron,  32,  51,  250,  320 
Byzantine  art,  14 

Caballero,  Marquis  de  (Goya),  252 

Caballero,  Marquesa  de  (Goya),  245 

Cacharrero,  El,  tapestry  cartoon,  106 

Cadore,   1 1 

Calleja,  Andrea  de,  loi,  135,  138,  139 

Callot,  214,  267 

Calvert,  A.  F.,  193,  244 

Cambiasi,  24 

Campagna,  Roman,  82,  273 

Candilla,  collection  of  the  Count  de, 

289 
Cano,  Alonso,  4,  5,  20  note,  266 
Canova,  197 
Capo  di  Monte,  loi,  178 
Caprichos,  Los,  116,  185,  194,  195,  197, 

202-221,  222,  225,  247,  253,  267,  269, 

274,  279,  280,  292 
Carderera,  Valentin,  46,  95  note,  103, 

117,  118  note,  192,  203  note,  205  note, 

280 
Carducho,  Vicenzo.  17 


Carlos  Maria  Isidro,  Don,  236,  237 

Carlotta  Joaquina,  Doiia,  238 

Carmencita  (J.  S.  Sargent),  322 

Camicero,  Aiitonio,  323  note 

Carnival  scene  (Goya),  "  The  burial  of 
the  sardine  "  223,  224 

Caroline,  Queen  of  Naples,  238,  257 

Carolus  Duran,  322 

Carraci,  Annibale,  69 

Carreiio  de  Miranda,  Juan  :  Charles  II. 
(Prado),  13,  23 ;  a  master  of 
the  decadence,  19,  23 ;  his  death, 
20 ;  refused  the  Order  of  San- 
tiago, 21  ;  his  decorative  work, 
22  ;  Saint  Anthony  (San  Antonio 
de  los  Portugueses),  22  ;  compared 
with  Velazquez,  23  ;  influenced 
by  Van  Dyck,  23  ;  Dona  Mariana 
of  Austria  (Munich),  23  ;  Peter 
Ivanovitz  Potemkin  (Prado),  23  ; 
his  pupils,  23  ;  Don  Juan  of  A  ustria, 
119 

Carvallo,  collection  of  Dr.,  301 

Casa  del  Campo,  65,  225,  272 

Casa  Torres,  collection  of  Marquis  de, 
120,  169,  253 

Casanova,  144,  228 

Castile,  Old,  3,  4,  7,  17  note,  34,  60,  264 

Castilla-Portugal,  Dona  Jose  fa  (Goya), 
246 

Castillo,  Jose  del,  loi,  io2,  135,  136, 
158 

Castres,  Museum  of,  275,  276  note 

Catalonia,  30,  264,  285 

Cathelineau,  271 

Catherine  II.,  82 

Catinat,  271 

Caxes,  Eugenio,  20  note 

Ceballos,  Mariano,  279 

CeciUa  Matella,  tomb  of,  82 

Cellini,  Benvenuto,  144 

Cenci,  the,  76 

Cervantes,  11,  42,  59 

Charles  I.  of  England,  66,  198 

Charles  II.,  portrait  by  Carreiio,  13,  23  ; 
and  Coello,  24,  26  ;    his  death,  27, 

Charles  III.,  19,  59,  61,  62,  65,  81,  97, 
100,  104,  137  note,  138,  144  note, 
146,  147,  148,  149,  153.  172.  174. 
248,  270 

Charles  III.  (Goya),  146,  156 

Charles  IV.,  153,  172,  173,  174,  175. 
178 

Charles  IV.  (Goya),  178,  179,  226, 
228,  229,  232,  258,  259 

CO 


386 


INDEX 


Charles  IV.,  Family  of  (Goya),  234- 
238,  240,  241  note,  252,  259,  264 

Charles  V.,  Emperor,  4,  35,  55 

Charles  V.  (Titian),  66,  231 

Charlotte,  Queen  of  Great  Britain,  213 

Charlotte  Cor  day  (Goya),  246 

Chartreuse  of  Aula  Dei,  44 

Chateaubriand,  no,  288 

Chevreuse,  Duchess  de,  189 

Chicote,  Don  Alberto  AJbinana  y,  316 

Childebert,  37 

Children,  portraits  of,  by  Goya,  156, 
163 

Chinchon,  133,  170 

Christ  in  the  house  of  Martha  (Velaz- 
quez), 16 

Christ  at  the  column  (Velazquez),    18, 

"3 

Christ  in  the  Garden  (Goya),  276 

Christian  art,  8 

Christina,  Queen  of  Sweden,  27 

Cimabue,  44 

Civita  Vecchia,  150 

Clement  XIII.,  75,  83 

Clement  XIV.,  75,  76,  81,  83 

Cocana,  La  (Goya),  282,  322 

Coello,  Claudio,  a  master  of  the  de- 
cadence, 19 ;  and  Goya,  23 ;  his 
work  in  Madrid  and  Zaragoza,  24  ; 
Sagrada  Forma  (Sacristy  of  the 
Escorial),  24,  26;  rivalry  with 
Giordiano,  24,  25,  26  ;  Martyrdom  of 
St.  Stephen,  26  ;  his  death,  20,  26 

Colbert,  146  note 

Cole,  Thomas,  109  note,  303  note 

Colin,  Francois,  297 

ColUns,  William,  253 

Colonna,  Palazzo,  Rome,  76 

Colossus,  the  etching,  278 

Commission  of  the  Philippians  (Gojra), 

275 
Conca,  27 

Constable,  John,  319,  320 
Corbo  de  Porcel,  Don  Antonio  (Goya), 

245 
Corho  de  Porcel,  Dona  Isabel  (Goya), 

245 
Corot,  18 
Corrado,  27 

Correggio,  64,  69,  84,  98,  126,  227 
Corso,  the,  Rome,  76,  77 
Cortona,  Pietro  da,  25,  47,  297 
Costillares,  the  bull-fighter,   187,  235, 

242 
Coup  d'ip&e,  a  lithograph,  303 
Crockery  market.     See  Cacharrero,  El 


Crucifixion  of  San  Francisco  el  Grande 

(Goya),  112,  113,  114 
Crucifixion  of  San  Placido  (Velazquez), 

112,  113 
Cuervo,  Don  Juan  Antonio  (Goya),  251 

Dalrymple,  Major,  57,  60,  61,  62,  100, 
147.  153.  154  *iote,  187  note,  225 

Dance,  the  (Goya),  163 

Dance  at  San  Antonio  de  la  Florida 
(Goya),  105,  112 

Dante,  218  note 

Daumier,  177,  218 

David,  Louis,  79,  80,  143,  152  note, 
297  and  note 

Debucourt,  250 

Dejazet,  Virginie,  288 

Delacroix,  Eugene,  288,  289,  299,  304 
note,  320 

Delaroche,  Paul,  320 

Desastres  de  la  Guerra,  Los,  116,  267, 
268,  269,  279 

Deveria,  200 

Diderot,  27,  152  and  note 

Dieulafoy,  Madame,  37,  38  note,  195 

Don  Quixote,  38  note,  58 

Dona  Mariana  of  Austria  (Velazquez), 
21 

Dore,  Gustave,  215 

Dos  de  Mayo  (Goya),  261-263,  266,  276 

Dou,  Gerard,  70 

Dresden,  63,  65,  99 

Dryden,  121 

Duaso  y  Latre,  Don,  270 

Duel,  the,  a  lithograph,  300 

Du  Deffard,  Madame,  151 

Dulwich  Gallery:  Philip  IV.  (Velaz- 
quez or  del  Mazo),  21 

Dumas,  Alexandre,  25 

Diirer,  A.,  16,  66,  214 

Dutch  school,  5,  17  note,  65,  66,  70 

Ebro,  36,  38  and  note,  52 

Edinburgh,  50,  60 

Egmont,  Count,  45  note 

"  Elche,  Lady  of,"  3,  4,  244 

Ellis,  F.  S.,  216  note 

Ellis  Havelock  (SomZ  of  Spain),  4  notei 

"3 
Emigration  and  art,  19 
"  Empecinado,  El,"  Don  Juan  Martin, 

23,  251,  270,  271 
Ensenada,  Marquis  de  la,  146  note 
Episode    d'un    combat    de    Taureaux 

(Manet),  321 
Escoiquiz,  Canon,  257 


INDEX 


387 


Escorial,  palace  and  church  of  the,  9, 

13,  14,  24,  27,  65,  66,  160 
Espeja,  Marquesa  de  (Goya),  246 
Espinar,     Marquis    de.     See  Goya     y 

Goicoechea,  Mariano  de 
Essai  sur  I' Art  et   l' Industrie  de  I'Es- 

pagne  (Paris),  4  note 
Essay  upon  Painting  (Carducho),  17 
Estala,  Don  Thomas  Perez  (Goya),  251 
Esteve,  Augustin,  323  note 
Esteve,  Rafael,  220,  312 
Etruria,  Louis,  King  of,  237 
Etty,  198 

Eugenie,  Empress,  234  note 
Eyck,  Jan  van,  4 

Fair  of  Madrid,  tapestry  cartoon,  109 
Family  of  Charles  IV.  (Gioya),  235,  240, 

252,  259 
Famese,  Elizabeth,  137  note 
Farro,  Gregorio,  135,  136 
Fates,  the  (Goya),  283 
Feast  of  San  Isidro,  "  La  Romeria  de 

San  Isidro  "  (Gk)ya),  21,  170,  273 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  19,  35 
Ferdinand  VI.,  loi,  145,  146,  148 
Ferdinand    VII.,    208,    251,    258-260, 

270,  272 
Ferdinand  VII.  (Goya),  260,  273,  275, 

285,  299 
Fernan-Nunez,  Countess  of  (Goya),  246 
Fernan-Nunez,   Duke  of   (Goya),   249, 

250 
Femey,  151 
Ferrer,  Don  Joaquin  Maria  (Gk)ya),  251, 

289,  292,  295,  296 
Ferrer,  Dona  Manuela  A  Ivarez  Coinas  y 

(Goya),  289,  294 
Feytaud,  297 

Flagellants,  the  (Goya),   11 1   note,  223 
Flemish  art,  4,  66,  70 
Florence,  29,  85 
Florence,  Palazzo  Vecchio,   13 
Florentine  influence  upon  Spanish  art, 

5 
Florida  Blanca,  Count  of,  83,  135,  136, 

155,  168,  183,  309 
Folly  Bridge  (Turner),  116 
Ford,  Richard,  2,  30,  31,  34,  317 
Forge  of  Vulcan  (Velazquez),  7,  17 
Fortuny,  Mariano,  323,  204  note 
Fragonard,  65,  i6i,  164,  213,  228 
Francisco  de  Paula,  Don,  237,  261 
Fremin,  27 
French  art-students  in  Rome,  78,  80, 

81 


Fuendetodos,  41  and  note,  42,  43,  44, 

45,  91  note,  182,  265 
Fuentes,  Count  de,  41  note,  45,  151 

Gabriel  Anton,  Don,  159,  236 

Gaganelli,  75 

Gainsborough,  T.,  65,   163,   166,   167, 

231,  239,  241,  243,  290,  307 
Galard,  G.  de,  297 
Galinsoya,  Dr.,  185 
Gallardo,  Bartolom6  J.,  239  note 
Galos,  Jacques,  296,  305 
Galton,  Francis,  on  hereditary  genius, 

19 
Game  of  pelota,  tapestry  cartoon,  109 
Garcia,  Don  Manuel  (Goya),  276 
Garcia  de  Miranda,  Juan,  28 
Garcia  de  la  Prada,  Don  Manuel  (Goya), 

249,  250 
Garriga,  Don  Benito,  246 
Gaulon,  300,  304 
Gautier,  Theophile,  171,  199,  202,  218, 

235 
Geneva,  35 
George  III.,  178,  213 
Georges,  Mile.,  288 
Gerard,  288 

G6ricault,  288,  299,  320 
German  art,  16,  65,  66 
Gerona,  cathedral  of,  39 
Gesner,  Solomon,  65 
Gigantillas,  Las,  tapestry,  102 
Gillray,  213 

Gimeno,  Eduardo,  284  note 
Giordano,  Luca,  24,  25,  26,   46  note, 

47,  100,  297 
Giotto,  44 
Girodet,  288 
Gobelins,  99 
Godoy,  Manuel,  Prince  of  Peace,  137 

note,   173,   175,   185,   197,  209,  210, 

219,  239,  256 
Goethe,  83 
Goicoechea,  Don  Juan  Martin  de,  251, 

255 
Goldoni,   241 
Gonse,  Louis,  275,  276 
Gonzalez,  Antonio,  loi 
Goten,  CorneHus  van  der,  154,  156,  158 
Goten,  Jacob  van  der,  100 
Goten,  Francisco  van  der,  100 
Gothic  art,  9,  40 
Goya,  Camillo,  133 
Goya,  Francisco  (i 746-1828)  :    Rises 

from  a  crowd   of   mediocrities,    i  ; 

compared   with  Velazquez,  5,  6,  7 


388 


INDEX 


Goya,  Francisco  (1746-1828),  Cont., 
his  religion,  9,  15  ;  and  El  Greco,  14  ; 
passionate  temper,  14  ;  impres- 
sionable nature,  18 ;  borrows  from 
Rubens,  18 ;  copies  Velazquez,  19, 
67  ;  influence  of  Carrefio  upon,  22  ; 
Richard  Ford  on,  30,  31  ;  a  typical 
Aragonese,  31  ;  influence  of  Zara- 
goza  upon,  40  ;  his  birth  and  family, 
41,  44  ;  early  attempts  at  drawing, 
44  ;  Luzan  his  first  master,  45  ;  his 
love  of  music,  51,  72  ;  town  fights 
in  Zaragoza,  52  ;  action  of  the 
Inquisition,  53  ;  goes  to  Madrid,  53; 
life  in  Madrid,  55,  63  ;  introduced 
to  Mengs,  63  ;  and  the  Spanish 
royal  collection,  65  ;  influence  of 
Tiepolo,  67  ;  early  life  in  Madrid, 
72  ;  an  expert  swordsman,  72  ; 
his  exploits  as  a  bull-fighter,  72,  73  ; 
goes  to  Rome,  73  ;  student  days  in 
Rome,  74-87  ;  his  marriage,  94-97, 
156 ;  recreations  in  Madrid,  96, 
157  ;  tapestry  cartoons,  loi,  102  ; 
presented  to  Charles  III.,  109 ; 
financial  position,  iii  ;  early  etch- 
ings, III,  115-121,  158;  elected  to 
the  Academy  of  San  Fernando,  114  ; 
etchings  after  Velazquez,  118,  119; 
frescoes  for  El  Pilar,  122-134  ; 
quarrel  with  Francisco  Bayeu,  124- 
132  ;  director  of  San  Fernando,  139  ; 
comparison  with  Hogarth,  139,  140  ; 
as  a  politician,  143  ;  royal  favour, 
155  ;  early  portraits,  156 ;  later 
tapestry  cartoons,  157-171  ;  religi- 
ous paintings,  170  ;  portrait  of 
Maria  Luisa,  176;  bad  health,  180, 
181,  203,  222,  267,  293  ;  the  Duchess 
of  Alba,  181,  182-201  ;  political 
ideas,  182,  183  ;  in  society,  184,  185  ; 
origin  of  Los  Caprichos,  204  ;  San 
Antonio  de  la  Florida,  225-229  ;  re- 
newed favour  with  the  King  and 
Queen,  229,  230  ;  the  great  portrait 
period,  231-254 ;  deaths  of  his 
friends,  255  ;  sketches  of  the  Dos  de 
Mayo,  262  ;  Los  Desastres  de  la 
Guerra,  267  ;  Goya  and  war,  268  ; 
King  Joseph  and  the  Duke  of  Wel- 
lington, 268,  269 ;  his  country 
house,  274,  283,  284  ;  in  retirement, 
274  ;  La  Tauromaquia,  278 ;  Los 
Proverbios,  280  ;  life  in  Bordeaux, 
286 :  visits  Paris,  287,  288,  289  ; 
returns    to    Bordeaux,     290 ;      the 


Goya,  Francisco  (1746-1828),  Cont., 
lithographs,  298 ;  visits  Madrid, 
306-308  ;  last  days  in  Bordeaux, 
309 ;    death  and   burial,    314,    315, 

316  ,   317  ;    his  son  and  grandson, 

317  ;    his  three  masters,  319 
Works  by  Goj'a  referred  to  in  the  text : 

Abrantes,  Duchess  de,  246 

Acerolea,  La,  106 

Alba,  Duchess  of,  189-192,  196,  199, 

201  note,  225,  232,  250,  253 
Allegory,  An,  253 
Andalusia,  105 
Antonio,  Infante  Don,  236 
Arias  Dairla,  Don  Juan  Josi  Mateo. 

248 
Asensi,  Julia,  323  note 
Assumption,  The,  170 
A  sturias,  Maria  A  ntonia.  Princess  of 

the,  236,  237,  238 
Aula  Dei,  frescoes  of,  44,  91,  92,  93 
Bayeu,  Dona  Feliciana,  252 
Bayeu,  Francisco,  132,  157,  167,  232, 

242 
Bebedor,  El,  163 
Benavente-Osuna,    Countess  of,    169, 

253 
Benedict  XIV..  83 
Bermudez,  Senora  de  Cean,  169 
Bewitched,  The,  169 
Blind  beggar,  106,  120 
Bonaparte,  Joseph,  266 
Bondad-Real,  Marquis  de,  240,  248 
Bookseller  of  the  Calle  de  las  Carretas, 

190,  246 
Bourbon,  Cardinal  de,  252 
Boys  climbing  a  tree,  163 
Bull-fight,  A.  Ill,  166,  223,  301 
Bull- fights  of  Bordeaux,  300,  301,  302, 

303 
Caballero,  Marquis  de,  252 
Caballero,  Marquesa  de,  245 
Cacharrero,  El  "The  crockery  market," 

1 06 
Caprichos.  Los,   116,   185,   194,   195, 
197,   202-221,   222,  247,   253,  267, 
269,  274,  279,  280,  292 
Carlos  Maria  Isidro,  Don.  236,  237 
Carlotta  Joaquina,  Dona,  238 
Carnival  scene    (Burial  of   the  sar- 
dine), 223,  224 
Castilla-Portugal,  t)ona  Josef  a,  246 
Ceballos,  Mariano,  279 
Charles  III.,  146,  156 
Charles  IV.,  178,  179.  226,  228,  229, 
232,  258,  259 


INDEX 


389 


Works  by  Goya,  Continued. 
Charlotte  Cor  day,  246 
Christ  in  the  Garden,  276 
Children,  portraits  of,  156,  163 
Cocana,  La,  282,  322 
Colossus,  The,  278 
Commission  of  the  Philippines,  275, 

276 
Corbo  de  Porcel,  Don  Antonio,  245 
Corbo  de  Porcel,  Dona  Isabel,  245 
Costillares,  the  bull-fighter,  187,  235, 

242 
Coup  d'lpee,  303 
Crockery  market,    "  El    cacharrero," 

106 
Crucifixion    of    San     Francisco    el 

Grande,  112,  113,  114,  134 
Cuervo,  Don  Juan  Antonio,  251 
Dance,  The,  163 
Dance,   The,   at  San  Antonio  de  la 

Florida,  105,  112 
Desastres  de  la  Guerra,  Los,  116,  267, 

268,  269,  279 
Dos  de  Mayo,  261-263,  266,  276 
Duel,  The,  300 
Empecinado,  El  {Don  Juan  Martin), 

23,  251,  270,  271 
Espeja,  Marquesa  de,  246 
Estala,  Don  Thomas  Perez,  251 
Fair  of  Madrid,  109 
Family  of  Charles  IV.,  235,  240,  252, 

259 
Fates,  The,  283 
Feast  of  San  Isidro  {La  Romeria  de 

San  Isidro),  21,   170,  273 
Ferdinand  VII.,  260,  273,  275,  285, 

299 
Fernan-Nunez,  Countess  of,  246 
Fernan-Nunez,  Duke  of,  249,  250 
Ferrer,  Don  Joaquin,  289 
Ferrer,  Dona  Manuela,  289 
Flagellants,  The,  iii  note,  223 
Florida  Blanca,  Count  of,  155,  156, 

309 
Francisco  de  Paula,  Don,  237 
Galos,  Jacques,  305 
Game  of  pelota,  109 
Garcia,  Don  Manuel,  276 
Garcia  de  la  Prada,  Don  Manuel,  249, 

250 
Gaulon,  the  lithographer,  304 
Gigantillas,  Las,  102 
Godoy,  239 
Goicoechea,  Don  Juan  Martin  de,  251, 

255 
Goya  and  the  Duchess  of  Alba,  191 


Works  by  Goya,  Continued. 

Goya,  portraits  of,  139,  140,  274 

Goya,  Josef  a,  94,  95 

Goten,  Cornelius  van  der,  156 

Guillemardet,   Francois,   240 

Guye,  Nicolas,  253 

Guye,  Victor,  253,  246,  309 

Hannibal,  84 

Holy  Family,  97,  98 

Judith  and  Holof ernes,  283 

Kiss  of  Judas,  171 

Lady,  portrait  of  a  (Louvre),  246 

Larriategui,  Don  Felix  Colon  de,  224 

Lazan,  Marquesa  de,  246 

Llorente,  Don  Juan  Antonio,  252 

Luis,  Don,  138 

Madhouse,  The,  iii,  223 

Maiquez,  Isidoro,  242 

Majas  on  the  balcony,  247 

Maja  clothed,  and  Maja  nude,    195- 

201 
Maja  (Lille),  248,  250  note 
Maria  Luisa  of  Etruria,  237 
Maria  Luisa,  Queen   of  Spain,  176, 

236 
Mazarredo,   Admiral,   251 
Meeting  of  the  Cortes,  275 
Melendez  V aides,  242,  317 
Merienda,  La,  104,  105,  169 
Milkmaid  of  Bordeaux,  306 
Miranda,  Count  de  la,  156 
Montijo,  Countess  de,  166,  184,  234 
Moratin,  Leandro,  241,  290 
Muguiro,  Juan  de,  291,  308,  309 
Munarriz,  Don  Josi  Luis  de,  251 
Nenin,  Don  Pantaleon  Perez  de,  251 
Novillada,  La,  109 
Osuna,  Duke  of,  239,  276 
Osuna,  Duchess  of,  166,  187,  206 
Palafox,  Josi,  32,  251,  264,  265 
Penaranda,  Duchess  de,  246 
Peral,  Dr.,  167,  242 
Perez,  Don  Tiburcio,  278,  286 
Perez  de  Castro,  Don  Evaristo,  242 
Pignatelli,  181 
Pontejos,  Marquesa  de,  168 
Prisoners,  The,  281,  282 
Promenade,  The,  106,  109 
Proverbios,  Los,  278,  280,  281 
Quitasol,  El  {The  parasol),  163,  164 
Ricardo,  General,  224 
Romeria  de  San  Isidro,  La,  170,  273 
Romero,  Pedro,  187,  279 
Saint  Anne,  171 
Saint  Bernardino  of  Siena,  135 
Saint  Christopher,  91 


390 


INDEX 


Works  by  Goya,  Continued. 

Saint  Francisco  de  Borgia,  291 

Saint  Joseph  of  Calasam,  276 

Saint  Justa  and  Saint  Ruftna,  253, 
276 

San  Adrian,  Marquis  de,  248 

San  Antonio  de  la  Florida,  frescoes  of, 
67,  225-229,  233,  247,  252,  266, 
273  note,  308 

San/a  Barbara,  tapestries  of ,  loo,  loi, 
io8,  160,  162  note 

San  Carlos,  Duke  of,  248 

Santiago,  Marquesa  de,  246 

Satan  devouring  his  children,  283,  284 

SatuS,  Don  Ramon,  277 

Silvela,  Manuel,  291,  306,  309 

Solana,  Marquesa  de  la,  190,  194, 
232 

Soria,  Dona  Clara  de,  252 

Spaniards  dancing  a  bolero,  112 

Stilt-walkers,  The,  163 

Summer,  162 

Tauromaquia,  La,  278,  279,  300,  307 

Teba,  Count  de,  251 

Tirana,  La,  235,  242,  243,  247,  255 

Tolosa,  Marquis  de,  156 

Tribunal  of  the  Inquisition,  iii,  223 

Urias  de  Enriquez,  Dona  Tadea,  232 

Urrutia,  General,  239 

Vargas  y  Ponce,  Don  Jose,  251 

Vendimia,  La  {The  vintage) ,  163,  164 

Virgin  of  the  pillar,  54 

Venus  of  the  Alcudia,  239 

Washerwomen,  The,  109 

Water-carriers,  The,  163 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  269,  270 

Witches'  sabbath,  283 

Young  man,  portrait  of  a,  249 

Zambrano,  Don  Jose  y,  156 

Zapater,  Martin,  181 

Zarate,  Dona  Antonia,  190,  242,  243, 
244,  247 

Zuniga,  Don  Manuel  Osorio  de,  252 
Goya,  Francisco  Xavier,  200,  220,  249, 

255,  269,  284  note,  308,  311-317 
Goya  y  Lucientes,  Gracia,  42,  134 
Goya,    Jose,  his  occupation,    41,   42  ; 

residence  in  Zaragoza,  42,  43  ;    and 

his  son's  support,  77  ;   death  of,  134 
Goya  y  Bayeu,  Josefa,  93,  94,  95,  96, 

97,  98,  131.  132,  133,  156,  157,  188, 

247.  255 
Goya  y  Goicoechea,  Mariano  de,  Mar- 
quis de  Espinar,  252,  284  note,  313, 

314.   317 
Grasa  family,  43 


Grasa,  Cenon,  53 

Grasa,  Francisca,  43 

Grasa,  Vicenta,  53 

Greco,  El  (Theotocopuli),  39 ;  an 
artist  of  to-morrow,  8  note ;  his  art 
and  influence,  13,  14,  15  ;  St.  Peter 
(Sacristy  of  the  Escorial),  14  ;  his 
palette,  14  ;  the  Blake  of  Spain,  15  ; 
Casa  del  Greco  at  Toledo,  18  ;  in- 
fluence on  Goya,  90 

Greek  art,  64,  65 

Greek  influence  on  early  Iberian  art, 
3,  4  note 

Greuze,  250,  306 

Gros,  288 

Grouchy,  263 

Guadarrama  Mountains,  273 

Guardi,  107 

Guido,  69 

Guillemardet,  Francois,  240,  241,  246, 

309 
Guitar ero  (Manet),  321 
Guye,  General  Nicolas  (Goya),  253 
Guye,  Victor  (Goya),  253 

Hagedorn,  65 

Halifax,  Earl  of,  148 

Hals,  Franz,  321 

Hamerton,   P.   G.,    18,    115,    116,   143, 

160,  211,  217,  218,  282,  300 
Hamilton,  Lady,  232,  238 
Hannibal  (Goya),  84 
Harlot's  progress,  (Hogarth),  211 
Head,  Sir  E.  W.,  30 

Hereditary  Genius  (Francis  Gal  ton)  19 
Hermitage    Gallery :   Saint   Lawrence, 

(Zurbaran)  15  ;  The  Alba  Madonna 

(Raphael),   201 
Herrera  el  Mozo,  Francisco,  9,  38,  88 
Hertford,  Marquis  of,  112  note 
Hilanderas,  Las  (Velazquez),   18 
Hobbes,  T.,  152 
Hoffmann,  E.  T.  W.,  215 
Hofmann,  Julius,  116,  203 
Hogarth,    WilUam,    30,    68   note,    107, 

120,  121,  139,  140,  211,  224 
Hokusai,  164,  218 
Holbein,  64,  66 
Holland,  EHzabeth,  Lady,  189 
Holland,  Spanish  Journal  of  Elizabeth, 

Lady,  45  note,  201,  265,  266  note 
Holy  Family  (Goya),  97,  98 
Homer,  64 
Hoppner,  J.,  307 
Hosea,  2 
Hovasse,  Rene  Antoine,  27,  100 


INDEX 


391 


Huerba  river,  41 

Hugo,  Victor,  322  note,  288 

Hume,  Martin,  259,  271 

Ibsen,  135 

Ilchester,  Earl  of,  45  note 

Infantado,  Duke  of,  188  note 

Ingres,  288,  320 

Inquisition,  the  :  Its  censorship  of  art, 
9,  II,  47  ;  effect  upon  the  Spanish 
race,  19  note ;  rising  in  Zaragoza 
against  the,  35  ;  Llorente's  history 
of,  35  ;  Goya  escapes  the,  53,  219  ; 
re-estabhshed  by  Ferdinand  VII., 
270 

Isabella  of  Spain,  19,  35,  162  note 

Ispahan,   38 

Italian  influence  on  Spanish  art,  4, 11, 17 

Jadraque,  15 

Jaleo,  El  (Sargent),  322 

Jesuits,  the,  and  Charles  III.,  81,  83, 

149 
Joachim,  217 
Johnson,  Dr.,  223  note 
Jovel'anos,  132,  136 
Judith  and  Holofernes  (Goya),  283 

Kiss  of  Judas  (Goya),  171 
Kleinberger  collection,  302 
Knoedler,  Messrs.,  253 
Kremlin,  the,  39 

Lacour,  Antoine,  297 

Lacour,  Pierre,  297 

Lafond,   Paul,   47,   80,   249,   276  note, 

285,  288,  289 
Lagrange,  L6on,  240 
Lairesse,  Gerard  de,  64 
Lamb,  Charles,  140  note 
Lami,  299 
Lancret,  161 

Langle,  Marquis  de,  36,  52  note 
Lannes,  Marshal,  32,  265 
Largillifere,  13 
Larivi^re,  288 
Larriategui,  Don  Felix  Colon  de  (Goya), 

224 
Las  Casas,  257 
Lavater,  139 

Lawrence,  Sir  Thomas,  236,   243,  307 
Lazan,  Marquesa  de  (Goya),  246 
L6andre,   177 
Le  Brun,  C,  27 
Lefort,  Paul,  25,  29,  31,  203,  207,  228, 

245,  280,  281 


Legros,  Alphonse,  276  note 

Lenbach,  6  note 

Lenger,  Antoine,  100 

Leopold  I.,  162  note 

Leonardo  da  Vinci,  5,  152  note,  209 

Lerena,  158 

Lespinasse,  Mdlle.  de,  151 

L'hermitte,  165 

Lille  museum,  248,  250  note 

Little  Bull-fight  (Goya)  ,111 

Lippo  Lippi,  144 

Liria,  palace  of  the,  187,  189,  225 

Llano,  Marquesa  del  (Mengs),  169 

Llorente,  Don  Juan  Antonio  (Goya),  35, 
252 

Locksley  Hall,  2  note 

Loga,  Valerian  von,  74,  83,  88,  90,  92, 
96,  97,  108,  117,  132,  171 

Lolade  Valence  (Manet),  321 

Longhi,  107 

Lopez,  Don  Thomas,  91 

Lopez,  Vicente,  307,  308,  323 

Louis  XIV.,  145,  174,  235 

Louis  XV.,  80,  81  note,  153 

Louis  XVI.,  89 

Louis  XVIII.,  287 

Louis  Philippe,  321 

Louvre,  the  :  Lady  of  Elche  bust,  3  ; 
Monna  Lisa  (Leonardo),  3  ;  Spanish 
pictures  in  the,  321  ;  Guillemardet 
(Goya),  240,  241,  246,  309 ;  Por- 
trait of  a  lady  (Goya),  246 

Lucas,  Eugenio,  323 

Lucientes  family,  42 

Luis  Maria,  Cardinal  Infant  Don 
(Goya),  252 

Luis,  Don,  137,  138,  155,  156,  256 

Lumpkin,  Tony,  96 

Luna  family,  40  and  note 

Luzan  y  Martinez,  Don  Jose,  46,  47, 
48,  49.  50.  53.  88 

Mabuse,  5 

Madrazo,  Jos6  de,  78,  79,  323,  324 
Madhouse,  The  (Goya),  iii,  223 
Madonna  of  the  meadow  (Basaiti),  15 
Madonna,  The  Alba  (Raphael),  201  note 
Madrid  :  Its  attraction  to  the  artist,  6  ; 
its  remoteness,  8  ;   the  fire  of,  1734, 
22,   28  ;  palace  of  the  Alcazar,   28, 
66  ;    street  of  the  Holy  Sacrament, 
28  ;  San  Antonio  de  los  Portugueses, 
22  ;   the  School  of  Madrid,  22,   29  ; 
in   the   eighteenth   century,    55-62  ; 
the  palace,  56,  X03  ;    revolution  of 
1766,  60,  61  ;    Puerta  del  Sol,  261 


392 


INDEX 


Maella,  Mariano  Salvador,  loi,  102, 
117,  130,  135,  159,  160,  229,  266 

Maeterlinck,  30 

Maiquez,  Isidro  (Goya),  242 

Majas  on  the  balcony  (Goya),  247 

Majas,  the  two,  by  Goya,  195-201 

Malibran,  276 

Mallo,  256  note 

Malmesbury,  Earl  of,  57,  61,  62 

Manet,  E.,  8,  241,  275,  321,  322 

Mantz,  Paul,  83 

Manzanares,  the  river,  56,  104,  225, 
273.  274,  308 

Marat,  246 

Maratti,  27 

Marie  Antoinette,  178 

Marie-Louise,  Empress,  197 

Maria  Luisa  of  Etruria,  237,  261 

Maria  Luisa,  Queen,  13,  84,  97,  153, 
173'  175.  177.  178.  192,  208,  209, 
230,  233,  257 

Mariana  of  Austria,  her  portraits,  21, 
23.  176 

Martinez,  Antonio,  49,  50 

Mastroleo,  46 

Matheron,  Laurent,  44,  52,  53,  77, 
79,  82,  185,  263,  272 

Mattel,  27,  46  note 

Mayans,  Gregorio,  100 

Mazarredo,  Admiral,  251 

Mazo,  Juan  Bautista  Martinez  del,  9 ; 
his  landscapes,  1 1  note  ;  a  landcape 
at  the  Casa  del  Greco,  18  ;  a  master 
of  the  decadence,  19  ;  his  relation- 
ship to  Velazquez,  20 

Medici,  Villa,  78,  79,  80 

Medici,  gardens  of  the  Villa,  11  note,  18 

Medina  Coeli,  Duke  of,  187  note 

Meeting  of  the  Cortes  (Goya),  275 

Meissonier,  169,  320 

Melendez  Valdes  (Goya),  242,  317 

Memlinc,  5 

Mengs,  Anton  Rafael,  63  ;  his  friend- 
ship Avith  Winckelmann,  65  ;  life 
in  Rome,  65 ;  and  Goya,  63,  98  ;  and 
Reynolds,  67  ;  the  Discourses,  69,  70  ; 
on  painting,  71  ;  his  style,  99  ;  his 
success,  100 ;  the  tapestry  factory, 
1 01  ;  the  Parnassus,  103  ;  his  por- 
traits, 169 

Meninas,    Las    (Velazquez),    18 

Merienda,  La  (Goya,  National  Gallery), 
169 

Merienda,  La,  tapestry  cartoon,  104, 

105 
Merovingians,  37 


Metsu,  65 

Michael  Angelo,  15,  25,  69,  92 

Middleton,  Thomas,  216 

Milan,  art  of,  5 

Milkmaid  of  Bordeaux  (Goya),  306 

Millais,  Sir  J.  E.,  232 

Miranda,  Count  de  la,  156 

Molino,  291 

Montijo,  Countess  de,  166,  184,  234 

Moors,  the,  3,  9,  18 

Morales,  5,  15,  16 

Moratin,  Leandro,  241,  286,  287,  290, 

291,  293,  306,  317 
Morland,  George,  96 
Moro,  Antonio,  13 
Moscow,  39 

Mount  Parnassus  (Mengs),  99 
Muguiro,  Juan  de,  291,  308,  309 
Munarriz,  Don  Josi  Luis  de  (Goya),  251 
Murat,  258,  261 
Murillo,  4,  II,  15,  266 
Musset,  A.  de,  288 
Muther,  Richard,  63,  64,  99,  153,  156, 

177,  228,  268 

Naples,  24,  26,  65,  104,  189 
Napoleon   Bonaparte,    172,    237,    256, 

257,  266 
Napoli,  266 
National   Gallery,   London  : 

Madonna  of  the  meadow  (Basaiti),  10 

and  note 
St.  Peter  Martyr  (Bellini),  10 
Philip  IV.  (Velazquez),  13,  21  note 
Adoration    of    the    shepherds     (Zur- 

baran),  15 
Christ  in  the  house  of  Martha  (Velaz- 
quez), 17 
Christ  at  the  column  (Velazquez),  18 
Adrian  Pulido  Pareja  (Velazquez),  21 
Venus,  the  Rokeby  (Velazquez),  201 
La  merienda  campestre  (Goya),    104, 

105,  169 
Bewitched,   The  (Goya),   169 
Dona  Isabel  Corbo  de  Porcel  (Goya), 

245 
Dr.  Peral  (Goya),  167,  242 
Navagero,  AJidrea,  66 
Navas,  Don  Luis  da,  224 
Nelson,   23S 
Nemes  sale,  102  note 
Nenin,  Don  Pantaleon  Perez  de,  251 
Nerval,  Gerard  de,  199 
Newton,  Richard,  211 
Northcote,  James,  68  note 
Novillada,  La,  tapestry  cartoon,  109 


INDEX 


393 


Nuneham  Har court  (Turner),   ii6 

Oertel,  R.,  241  note,  275 

Offenbach,  227 

Offering  to  the  Goddess  of  Love  (Titian), 

66 
Olavide,  152,  153 
Olivieri,  27 
Orleans,  Duke  of,  37 
Orossen  collection,  190 
Osuna  family,  165,  166,  167,  234 
Osuna,  Duke  of,  239,  276 
Osuna,  Duchess  of,  166,  187,  206 
Our  Lord    after  the  flagellation   (Zur- 

baran),  15 

Pacelli,  Matteo,  24 

Pacheco,  8,  17,  47 

Palafox,  Jos6,  32,  251,  264,  265 

Palomino,  Antonio,  26 

Palomino,  20,  24 

Panto ja  de  la  Cruz,  13 

Paracelsus,  2 

Pardo,  El,  palace  of,  102,  154  note 

Paris,  Comtesse  de,  236,  247 

Paris,  Pierre,  4 

Parma,  84 

Parmegiano,  69 

Patinir,  5 

Paul  I.,  of  Russia,  248  note 

Pedro  III.,  34 

Peleguer,  291 

Penaranda,  Duchess  de  (Goya),  246 

Peral,  Dr.  (Goya),  167,  242 

Perez,  Don  Tiburcio  (Goya),  278,  286 

Perez  de  Castro,  Don  Evaristo  (Goya), 

242 
Pennon,  Laure,  246 
Perugino,  283,  297 

Peter  Ivanovitz  Potemkin  (Carreno),  23 
Philip  II.,  9,  13,  27,  35,  65,  146,  225 
Philip  III.,  18 

Philip  IV.,  I,  13,  16,  17,  18,  21  note 
Phihp  v.,  32,  47,  82,  137  note,  145  ; 

his  accession,  26  ;   patronage  of  the 

arts,    27,    146 ;     and    the   tapestry 

factory,  99 
Philip,  family  of  (Van  Loo),  235 
Pignatelli  family,  45  and  note,  46,  48, 

i8i 
Pignatelli,  Juan,  210 
Piranesi,  33 
Pitt,  the  elder,  147 
Pius  VI.,  81  note 
Plombi^res,  285,  287 
Poe,  Edgar  Allan,  215 


Pontejos,  Marquesa  de  (Goya),  168 
Ponz,  Antonio,  136,  139 
Portugal,  4 
Poussin,  47,  83 
Pradilla,  324 

Prado  gallery.     For  list  of  works   by 
Goya    in  the  Prado,   see   catalogue. 
Gardens  of  the  Villa  Medici  (Velaz- 
quez or  del  Mazo),  11  note 
Los  Borrachos  (Velazquez),  7,  16,  17 
Forge  of  Vulcan  (Velazquez),  7,  17 
Charles  II.  (Carreno),  13 
Bacchanal  (Titian),  17 
Offering    to    the    Goddess    of    Love 

(Titian),  66 
Las  Meninas  (Velazquez),  18 
Las  Hilanderas  (Velazquez),  18 
Surrender  of  Breda  (Velazquez),  20 

note 
Prince  Balthasar  Carlos  (Velazquez), 

21 
Dona  Mariana   of   Austria    (Velaz- 
quez), 21 
View   of   Zaragoza   (Velazquez   and 

del  Mazo),  21 
Peter  Ivanovitz  Potemkin  (Carreflo), 

23 
Pnm,  General,  262  note 
Prisoners,  The,  etchings,  281,  282 
Procaccini,  A.,  27,  100 
Promenade,  The,  tapestry  cartoon.  106, 

109 
Proverbios,  Los,  278,  280,  281 
Prud'hon,   197,  299 

Quitasol,  El  {The  parasol)  (Goya),  163, 
164 

Raeburn,  Sir  H.,  307  note 

Rake's  progress  (Hogarth),  121 

Ramirez,  Jos6,  49 

Ramirez,  Juan,  49 

Ranc,  Jean,  27 

Randan,  chateau  of,  16  note 

Ranz,  Luis  Gil,  266 

Raphael :  Influence  upon  Giordano,  25  ; 
Winckelmann  on,  64  ;  The  Pearl,  66, 
100  ;  Reynolds  and  Mengs,  67,  68  ; 
Velazquez  on,  71  ;  Alba  Madonna, 
201 

Ravago,  Father,  148 

Raviella,  Pablo,  49 

Regnault,  Henri,  262  note,  323 

Rembrandt,  212,  231,  319  ;  compared 
with  Velazquez,  5,  6 ;  modem  fol- 
lowers,  6  note ;    a  restless  worker. 


394 


INDEX 


Rembrandt,  Continued. 

6,  7  ;    Mengs  on,  70  ;    house  in  the 
Breestraat,  123,  124  ;  and  Goya,  141 

Renan,  E.,  96 

Reynolds,  Sir  Joshua,  65,  163,  231,  239, 
307  ;  and  Rafael  Mengs,  67  ;  and 
Velazquez,  68,  69 

Ribalta,  4 

Ribera,  Antonio,  78 

Ribera,  "  El  Spagnoletto,"  4,  266,  323 

Ricardo,  General  (Goya),  224 

Ricci,  224  K 

Richelieu,  Marshal  de,  45  note 

Ricketts,  Charles,  197 

Rico,  324 

Rigaud,  13,  27 

Rizi,  22 

Rochford,  Earl  of,  148 

Rodin,  282 

Rodriguez,  Ventura,  38,   138,  226 

Rogers,  Samuel,  218 

Romana,  Marquis  de  la,  191,  194 

Romano,  Julio,  25 

Romantic  School,  the,  8,  319 

Rome,  II,  29,  32  ;  gardens  of  the  Villa 
Medici,  11  note;  English  students 
in,  78  ;  French  art-students  in,  78, 
80,  81  ;  Spanish  art-students  in,  27  ; 
the  Lateran,  75  ;  Goya  in,  74-87  ; 
life  and  manners  in,  75-78  ;  Cam- 
pagna,  82,  273  ;  Colonna  palazzo,  76  ; 
Corso,  76,  77  ;  Spagna,  Piazza  di,  77  ; 
Aldobranini  Palace,  103 

Romeria  de  San  Isidro,  La  (Goya),  170, 

273 

Romero,  Pedro,  187,  279 

Romney,  G.,  232,  236,  307 

Rossi,  Aniello,  24 

Rossini,  288 

Rothenstein,  William,  68  note,  iii, 
161,  224,  228  note,  276  note,  281 

Rothschild  collection,  252 

Rousseau,  J.  J.,  152,  168 

Rowlandson,  T.,  177,  211,  213 

Rubens  on  Velazquez,  17  ;  Goya  bor- 
rows from,  18  ;  Otto  Vcenius  and, 
47  ;  and  Marie  de  Medicis,  176  ;  his 
best  period,  231  ;  and  the  horrors 
of  war,  268 ;  Satan  devouring  his 
children,  by,  284 ;  Bordeaux  mu- 
seum, 297 

Ruskin,  John,  216,  218 

Sacchi,  27 
Sachetti,  56,  67 
Sade,  Marquis  de,  144 


Sagrada  Forma  (Coello),  24,  26 

Saint  Anne  (Goya),  171 

Saint  Christopher  (Goya),  91 

Saint  Francisco  de  Borgia  (Goya),  291 

Saint  Joseph  of  Calasanz  (Goya),  276 

Saint  Justa  and  Saint  Rufina  (Goya), 

253.  276 
Saint  Lawrence  (Hermitage),  15 
Saint  Margaret  (Zurbaran),  16 
Saint  Peter  (El  Greco),   14 
Saint  Peter  Martyr  (Bellini),  11 
St.  Petersburg,  82 
Saint  Stephen,  Martyrdom  of  (Coello), 

26 
Sainte-Beuve,  199 
Sala,  Don  Mario  de  la,  42 
Salamanca,   137 
Salamanca,  battle  of,  269 
Salamanca,  Marquis  de,  284  note 
Salvadores,  the,  43 
Salvator  Rosa,  71 
Salzedo,  Don  Felix,  44,  45,  91,   130, 

131 
Sancho  Panza,  38  note,  42,  58,  59 
San  Adrian,  Marquis  de  (Goya),  248 
San  Antonio  de  la  Florida,   67,   225- 

229,   233,   247,   252,   266,   273  note, 

308 
San  Antonio  de  la  Florida,  frescoes  of, 

222-230 
Santa   Barbara,   tapestry  factory  of, 

100,  loi,  108,  160,  162  note 
San  Carlos,  Duke  de  (Goya),  248 
San  Carlos,  Duchess  of,   183 
San  Fernando,  Duke  of,  137  note 
San  Fernando,  Royal  Academy  of,  27, 

114,   139,   178.  274 
San  Francisco  el  Grande,  112 
Santa  Cruz,  Marquesa  de,   183 
Santiago,  Marquesa  de  (Goya),  246 
Sargent,  J.  S.,  241,  276  note,  323 
Satan  devouring  his  children    (Goya) , 

283,  284 
Satan  devouring  his  children  (Rubens), 

284 
Satu6,  Don  Ramon,  277 
Schuwalow,  Count  Ivan,  81 
Scott,  Sir  John  Murray,   112 
Segovia,  Puenta  de,  273 
Senefelder,  299 
Seoane,  Marquis  de,  305 
Servet,  Michael,  35 
Seville,  29,  30,  253 
Shakespeare,  2,  30,  211  note,  212 
Shelley,  32 
Siddons,  Mrs.,  243 


INDEX 


395 


Sidney,  Sir  Philip,  211  note 

Sigalon,  288 

Silvagni,  75,  76,  87 

Silvela,  Manuel,  291,  306,  309 

Sistine  Chapel,  14,  92 

Socorro,  Marquis  del,  232 

Solatia,  Marquesa  de  la  (Goya),  190, 
194,  232 

Soler,  Don  Miguel  Cayetano,  219 

Solimena,  27 

Solvay,  Lucien,  201  note,  234,  245 

Soria,  Dona  Clara  de  (Goya),  252 

SoroUa  y  Bastida,  8,  324 

Soul  of  Spain  (Havelock  Ellis),  4 

Soult,  Marshal,  275 

Spain  :  Two  centuries  behind  Europe, 
2  ;  wood  carving,  12  ;  husbands, 
jealousy  of,  in,  16  ;  population  of, 
19.  63  ;  growth  of  Spanish  art,  28  ; 
foreign  influence,  61  ;  an  age  of 
transition,  142  ;  the  Peninsula  War, 

255 

Spanish  art :  Foreign  influences,  3,  4, 
5,  29  ;  and  the  Italian  schools,  11  ; 
sculptors  and  wood-carvers,  12 ; 
portrait  painting  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries,  13 ; 
essentially  naturalistic,  15  ;  religious 
ecstasy,  15  ;  and  population,  19 ; 
the  three  schools,  30 ;  in  the  nine- 
teenth century,  318 

Spaniards  dancing  a  bolero  (Goya),  112 

Spinoza,  35,  152 

Steen,  Jan,  274 

Stevenson,  R.  A.  M.,  50,  71 

Stilt-walkers  (Goya),   163 

Stirling-Maxwell,  Sir  W.,  27,  30,  201, 
239 

Stoffels,  Hendrikje,  7 

Strasburg,  83 

Strauss,  35 

Stuarts,  the,  236 

Stuik,  Livinio,  158,  159,  203,  223 

Summer  (Goya),   162 

Surrender  of  Breda  (Velazquez),  20 

Swift,  Dean,  213,  283 

Tadda,  12 

Talma,  288 

Tauromaquia,  La,  278,  279,   300,  307 

Tavel,  Sophie,  297 

Teba,  Count  de,  251 

Teniers,  66,  70,   100 

Tennyson,  2  note 

Terburg,  65 

Theotocopuli.     See  Greco,  El 


Thore-Burger,  112,  321 

Tiepolo,   G.   B.,   47,   67,    90,    92,    103, 

107,   117,    126,  227,  297 
Tintoretto,  20,  66 
Tirana,  La  (Goya),  235,  242,  243,  247, 

255 

Titian,  11,  21,  230  ;  Bacchanal  (Prado), 
1 7  ;  Winckelmann  on,  64  ;  Mengs 
on,  70  ;  Offering  to  the  Goddess  of 
Love  (Prado),  66 ;  Charles  V 
(Prado),  66,  231 

Titus,  son  of  Rembrandt,  7 

Toledo,  8,   15,   18,  28,  29,  60,   171 

Tolosa,  Marquis  de,   156 

Tormo  y  Monzo,  E.,  224,  241  note, 
247  note 

Tribunal  of  the  Inquisition  (Goya),  in, 
223 

Trovatore,  II,  40  note 

Tudo,  Josefa,  200,  256 

Turenne,  61  note 

Turner,  J.  W.  M.,  6,  and  note,  17  note, 
32,  116,  162,  319,  322 

Urias  de  Enriquez,  Dona  Tadea  (Goya), 

232 
Urrutia,  General  (Goya),  239 
Utamaro,  164 

Vaccaro,  27 

Voenuis,  Otto,  47 

Valen9ay,  259,  270 

Valence,  29 

Valencia,  4 

Valenti,  Cardinal,  86 

Valladolid,  12,  171 

Vallespin,  Tomas,  49,  50 

Vallin,  Jacques  Antoine,  250 

Van  Dyck,  Anthony,  23,  231,  307  note 

Van  Loo,  Carl,  27 

Van  Loo,  Louis  Michel,  13,  27,  82,  235 

Vanvitelli,  27 

Vargas  family,  225 

Vargas  y  Ponce,  Don  Jose  (Gk)ya),  251 

Varin,  Quentin,  47 

Vasari,  44 

Vatican,  67,  68 

Vecchio  Palazzo,  12 

Vega  Inclan,  Marquis  de   la,  collection 

of,  18 
Velazquez,  Antonio,  89,  102,  130,  135 
Velazquez,  Diego  :  His  death  the  close 

of  an  era,  i  ;   Rembrandt  and,  5,  6  ; 

Los  Borrachos   (Prado),    7,    16,    17 ; 

Forge  of  Vulcan  (Prado),  7,  17  ;  and 

Goya,    7,    16,    18 ;     Medici  gardens 


396 


INDEX 


Velazquez,  Diego,  Continued. 

(Prado),  II  note;  Philip  IV. 
(National  Gallery),  13  ;  personality 
of,  16;  unerring  vision,  17;  Christ 
in  the  house  of  Martha  (National 
Gallery),  16  ;  Sir  David  Wilkie  on, 
1 7  ;  Rubens  on,  17;  a  lost  portrait 
of  Philip  IV.,  17 ;  Christ  at  the 
column  (National  Gallery),  18,  113  ; 
Las  Meninas  (Prado),  18 ;  Las 
Hilanderas  (Prado),  18;  develop- 
ment of  his  genius,  18  ;  his  death, 
I,  18,  19 ;  Surrender  of  Breda 
(Prado),  20;  Adrian  Pulido  Pareja 
(National  Gallery),  21  ;  Prince  Bal- 
thasar  Carlos  (Prado),  21  ;  Prince 
Balthasar  Carlos  (Wallace) ,  68  note ; 
Philip  IV.  (Dulwich),  21  ;  Dona 
Mariana  of  Austria  (Prado),  21, 
177  ;  View  of  Zaragoza  (Prado),  21  ; 
and  Sir  Joshua  Re5molds,  68  note  ; 
Mengs  on,  70 ;  his  opinion  of 
Raphael,  71  ;  his  opinion  of  Titian, 
71  ;  Crucifixion  of  San  Placido, 
112,  113;  a  painting  owned  by 
Goya,  230 ;  Pope  Innocent,  231  ; 
ofi&cial  portraits,  235  ;  works  select- 
ed for  Napoleon,  266  ;  Goya's  ideal, 

319 
Velazquez,  2^charias,  78 
Vendimia,  La  (Goya),  163,  164 
Venetian  painting,  17,  66,  106 
Venice,  29,  85 

Ventura,  Rodriques,  27,  88,  134 
Verdi,  40  note 
Verestchagin,  269 
Vemet  (Bordeaux),  297 
Vemet,  Horace,  263,  288,  299,  320 
Veronese,  Paolo,  20,  25,  66 
Versailles,  13,  56 
Vicente,  Bartolome,  23 
Victoria  of  Braganza,  Dofia,  159 
Vien,  80,  297 
Viladomat,  Antonio,  27 
Villaamil,  Cruzada,  102 
Villagonzalo,  Count  de,  243,  274 
Villanueva,  35 
Vill^le,  288 

Villahermosa,  Duke  de,  151 
Vifiaza,  Count  de  la,  42,  43,  45,  46, 

47.  54.  74.  77.  85  note,  90,  91,  228 
Virgin  of  the  pillar  (Goya),  54 
Visigoths,  3 

Voltaire,  30,  151,  152,  153 
Vos,  Mairtin  de,  214 


Wagner,  Richard,  223  note 
Wallace  collection,  68  note,   112,   197 

note 
Washerwomen,  The,  tapestry  cartoon, 

109 
Water-carriers  (Goya),  163 
Watteau,  57,  64,  104,  105,  106,  161 
Watts,  G.  F.,  49,  284 
Weiss,  Leocardia,  274,  289,  290,  291, 

296,  313.  314 
Weiss,  Rosario,  274,  286,  289,  290,  291, 

296,  297,  298,  313,  314 
Wellington,   Duke  of,   251,   269,   270, 

271 
Wemher  ooUection,  189 
Weyden,  Van  der,  5 
Whistler,  241 
Wiertz,  214,  268 
Wilde,  Oscar,  212,  218 
Wigstead,  211 
Wilkie,  Sir  David,   17 
Winckelmann,  63,  64,  103  ;    Thoughts 

upon  the  Imitation  of  Greek   Works, 

64  ;    History  of  Ancient  Art,  64 
Witches'  sabbath  (Goya),  283 
Wouwerman,  100 

Young  man,  portrait  of  a  (Goya),  249 
Yriarte,  Bernardo  de,  223,  224 
Yriarte,  Charles,   46,   52,   67,   72,    74, 

78,  79,  80,  82,  112,   162,  207,  210, 

273  note,  280 

Zabalo,  Juan,  48 

Zamacois,  324 

Zambrano,  Don  Jos6  y,  156 

2^mpieri,  Dominici,  69 

Zapater  y  Gomez,  Francisco,  9,  42, 
43.  52,  53,  72,  75 

Zapater,  Martin,  46,  54,  80,  no,  132, 
135,  138,  155,  170,  171,  179,  181, 
203,  255 

Zaragoza  :  Zaragoza,  view  of  (Velazquez 
and  del  Mazo),  21  ;  Vicente,  a  native 
of,  23  ;  Coello  and  the  Church  of  the 
Augustines,  24  ;  first  impressions  of, 
32,  33  ;  the  citizens  of,  34  ;  political 
freedom  of,  34  ;  rising  against  the 
Inquisition,  35  ;  cathedral  of  El  Seo, 

35.  38.  39.  40.  52  ;   early  history  of, 

36,  37 ;  the  sieges  of,  37 ;  Mag- 
dalena,  the,  37 ;  San  Paolo,  37 ; 
San  Miguel  des  Navarrois,  37 ; 
Moorish  influences,  37,  38 ;  the 
Leaning  Tower,  38 ;  Puente  de 
Piedra,    38  note ;    cathedral  of   El 


INDEX 


397 


Zaragoza,  Continued. 

Pilar,  38,  39.  52,  74-  88-93,  122-133  '. 
Lonja,  the,  40,  109  ;   Audiencia,  40  ; 
Goya's  father  in,  42,  43  ;   Goya  goes 
to,  45,  46  ;  Luzan's  studio  in,  48 
Calle   de   la   Moreria   Cerrada,    43 
Calle  de  Rufas.  43  :    Aula  Dei,  44 
evenings  in,   51  ;    town  fights,  52  . 
reUgious  processions,  52  note ;    San 
Luis,  52  ;    Goya's  visits  to,  74,  87  ; 
Goya's  frescoes  in  El  Pilar,   88-93, 
122-133  ;   French  occupation  of,  91  ; 
Goya's    love    for,    122 ;     sieges    of, 
264-266 


Z urate,  Dona  Antonia  (Goya),  190,  242, 
243,  244,  247 

Ziem,  7  note 

Zuloaga,  8,  161,  324 

Zuniga,  Don  Manuel  Osorio  de  (Goya), 
252 

Zurbaran,  4,  11  ;  Saint  Lawrence 
(Hermitage),  15  ;  Our  Lord  after 
the  flagellation  (Jadraque),  15  ; 
Adoration  of  the  shepherds  (National 
Gallery),  15,  16,  and  note  ;  Portrait 
of  a  lady  as  Saint  Margaret  (National 
Gallery),  16 ;  pictures  selected  by 
Goya,  266 


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