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Full text of "Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy. Hearings before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-sixth Congress, first session, on S. 1689, to create the Freedom Commission for the development of the science of counteraction to the world communist conspiracy. June 17, 18, 19, 1959"

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■'^' '^ HEARINGS ^'^^'"^ t"!^! 









S. 1689 




JUNE 17, 18, AND 19, 1959 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 



42731 WASHINGTON : 1959 


JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman ' 


OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 


JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 


SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina 
JOHN A. CARROLL, Colorado 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut 
PHILIP A. HART, Michigan 

Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act AND Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut, Vice Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 


SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina KENNETH B. KEATING, New York 

J. G. SouRWiNE, Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 


Testimony of — Page 

Cherne, Leo, Washington, D.C 139 

Grant, Alan G., Orlando, Fla 10 

Herlong, Hon. A. S., Jr., U.S. Representative from Florida 1 

Hunter, Edward, Port Washington, N.Y 99 

Jackson, C. D., New York, N.Y 59 

Judd, Hon. Walter H., U.S. Representative from Minnesota 119 

McDowell, Arthur G., Philadelphia, Pa 73 

Niemeyer, Dr. Gerhart, South Bend, Ind 67 

Philbrick, Herbert A., Rye, N.H 134 

Possony, Stefan, Washington, D.C 79 


Bennett, Chas. E., U.S. Representative from Florida 156 

Biemiller, Andrew J., Washington, D.C 56 

Brune, Hon. Frederick W., Baltimore, Md 38 

Dobriansky, Lev E., Washington, D.C 159 

Douglas, Sen. Paul H 163 

Hook, Sidney, New York, N.Y 56 

Kornfeder, Joseph Z., Detroit, Mich 113 

Manchester, Lt. Col. M. H., Washington, D.C 153 

Mundt, Sen. Karl E - . _ . . _ . 161 

Payne, Mrs. E. Wyatt 156 

Sarnoff, David, New York, N.Y 39 

Stough, Mrs. Claude, St. Louis, Mo 57 

Walsh, Hon. Lawrence E., Washington, D.C 39 




U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 

OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, B.C. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 :55 a.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd (vice 
chairman) presiding. 

Present : Senators Dodd and Hruska. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, 
director of research ; Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 
Senator Dodd. The subcommittee will be in order. 
I am sorry to be a bit late, but I was attending another meeting. We 
on the committee are veiy pleased to have Congressman Herlong 

It is a personal pleasure to welcome you and hear you. 
Senator Hruska. I would like to join in that, Mr. Chairman. I 
know both of us recall with pleasure the time we served in the other 
body with the distinguished gentleman. 



Mr, Herlong, Mr, Chairman, first I should like to say that I am 
here in the interest of S. 1689, a bill which has been introduced by 
Senators Douglas and Mundt for the purpose of establishing what is 
called the Freedom Academy. 

(S. 1689 reads as follows :) 

[S. 1689, 86th Cong., 1st sess.] 

A BILL To create the Freedom Commission for the development of the science of counterac. 
tion to the world Communist conspiracy and for the training and development of leaders 
in a total political war 

Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, 


Section 1. This Act may be cited as the "Freedom Commission Act". 


Sec. 2. (a) The Congress of the United States makes the following findings: 
(1) The Soviet Union and Communist China are waging a total political war 

against the United States and against the peoples and governments of all other 

nations of the free world. 


(2) Unlike the free world, the Soviet Uuion has systematically prepared for 
this total political war over several decades. Drawing on the experience of previ- 
ous conquerors and upon their own elaborate studies and extensive pragmatic 
tests, the Soviet leaders have developed their conspiratorial version of political 
warfare into a highly effective operational science. Recognizing that political 
warfare is a difficult science making unusual demands on its practitioners, the 
Soviet Union and Communist China have established an elaborate network of 
training schools, within and without the free world, in which have been trained 
large numbers of highly skilled activists. These activists continue to receive 
intensive continuous training throughout their party careers. 

(3) In this total political war the Soviets permit no neutrals. Every citizen, 
evei-y economic, cultural, religious, or ethnic group is a tai'get and is under some 
form of direct or indirect Communist attack. The battleground is everywhere, 
and every citizen, knowingly or unknowingly, through action or inaction, is in- 
volved in this continuous struggle. 

(4) Since the end of World War II, the Soviets, taking full advantage of their 
better preparation and often superior organizational and operational know-how, 
have inflicted a series of political warfare defeats on the free world. The total 
sum of these defeats is nothing less than a disaster for the United States and 
the free world and the continuation of this political war by the Soviets confronts 
the United States with a grave, present, and continuing danger to its national 

(5) In order to defeat the Soviet political warfare offensive and to preserve 
the integrity and independence of the nations of the free world, it is imperative — 

(A) that the knowledge and understanding of all the peoples of the free 
world concerning the true nature of the international Communist conspiracy 
be increased as rapidly as is practicable ; 

(B) that private citizens not only understand the true nature of the 
international Communist conspiracy, but that they also know how they can 
participate, and do participate, in this continuous struggle in an effective, 
sustained, and systematic manner ; 

(C) that Government personnel engaged in the cold war increase their 
knowledge of the international Communist conspiracy, develop a high esprit 
de corps and sense of mission and a high degree of operational know-how in 
counteracting the international Communist conspiracy. 

(b) It is the intent and purpose of the Congress that the authority and powers 
granted in this Act be fully utilized by the hereinafter created Commission to 
achieve the objectives set forth in the preceding subsection (a)(5) of this 
section. It is the further intent and purpose of the Congress that the authority, 
powers, and functions of the Commission and the Academy as hereinafter set 
forth are to be broadly construed. 


Sec. 3. When used in this chapter — 

(1) The term "Commission" means the Freedom Commission ; 

(2) The term "Academy" means the Freedom Academy ; and 

(3) The term "joint committee" means the Joint Congressional Freedom 


Sec. 4. There is established in the executive branch of the Government an 
independent agency to be known as the Freedom Commission which shall be 
composed of six members and a Chairman, each of whom shall be a citizen of 
the United States. The Chairman may from time to time designate any other 
member of the Commission as Acting Chairman to act in the place and stead of 
the Chairman during his absence. The Chairman (or the Acting Chairman in 
the absence of the Chairman) shall preside at all meetings of the Commission 
and a quorum for the transaction of business shall consist of at least four mem- 
bers present. Each member of the Commission, including the Chairman, shall 
have equal responsibility and authority in all decisions and actions of the Com- 
mission, shall have full access to all information relating to the performance of 
his duties or responsibilities, and shall have one vote. Action of the Commission 
shall be determined by a majority vote of the members present. The Chairman 
(or Acting Chairman in the absence of the Chairman) shall be the official spokes- 
man of the Commission in its relations with the Congress, Government agencies, 


persons, or the public, and, on behalf of the Commission, shall see to the faithful 
execution of the policies and decisions of the Commission, and shall report 
thereon to the Commission from time to time or as the Commission may direct. 
The Commission shall have an official seal which shall be judicially noticed. 


Sec. 5. (a) Members of the Commission and the Chairman shall be appointed 
by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Not more 
than four members, including the Chairman, may be members of any one political 
party. In submitting any nomination to the Senate, the President shall set forth 
the experience and qualifications of the nominee. The term of each member of 
the Commission, other than the Chairman, shall be six years, except that (1) 
the terms of office of the members first taking office shall expire as designated 
by the President at the time of the appointment, two at the end of two years, 
two at the end of four years, and two at the end of six years; and (2) any 
member appointed to fill a vacancy occuring prior to the expiration of the 
term for which his predecessor was appointed shall be appointed for the re- 
mainder of such term. The Chairman shall serve during the pleasure of the 
President. Any member of the Commission may be removed by the President 
for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office. Each member, except 
the Chairman, shall receive compensation at the rate of $20,000 per annum; 
and the Chairman shall receive compensation at the rate of $20,500 per annum. 

(b) No member of the Commission shall engage in any business, vocation, 
or employment other than that of serving as a member of the Commission. 


Sbc. 6. The Commission is authorized and empowered to establish under its 
supervision and control an advanced training and development center to be 
known as the Freedom Academy. The Academy shall be located at such place or 
places within the United States as the Commission shall determine. The prin- 
cipal functions of the Academy shall be — 

(1) the development of systematic knowledge about the international 
Communist conspiracy : 

(2) the development of counteraction to the international Communist 
conspiracy into an operational science that befits and bespeaks the methods 
and values of freemen, and to achieve this purpose the entire area of coun- 
teraction is to be thoroughly explored and studied with emphasis on the 
methods and means that may best be employed by private citizens and 
nongovernmental organizations and the methods and means available to 
Government agencies other than the methods and means already being used ; 

(3) the education and training of private citizens concerning all aspects 
of the international Communist conspiracy and in the science of counter- 
action to that conspiracy ; 

(4) the education and training of persons in Government service concern- 
ing all aspects of the international Communist conspiracy and in the science 
of counteraction to that conspiracy to the end that they can be more useful 
to their Government in defeating the international Communist conspiracy. 


Sec. 7. (a) Academy students shall be selected, insofar as is practicable and 
in the public interest, from a cross section of the diverse groups, within and 
without the United States, in which the total political war is being fought. 
Before accepting any student for training who is an officer or employee of a 
Government agency, the Commission shall first obtain the concurrence of that 
agency. Persons in Government service coming within the provisions of the 
Government Employees Training Act may be trained at the Academy pursuant 
to the provisions of said Act. All other agencies and departments of Govern- 
ment are authorized to aid and assist the Commission in the selection of students. 

(b) The Commission is authorized to make grants to students and to pay 
expenses incident to training and study under this chapter. This authorization 
shall include authority to pay travel expenses to and from the Academy or other 
authorized place of training under this chapter, and authority to give financial 


assistance to the dependents of students during the time they are undergoing 
training authorized under this Act. Foreign students selected for training 
under this Act shall be admitted as nonimmigrants under section 1101(a) (15) 
of title 8, United States Code, for such time and under such conditions as may 
be prescribed by regulations promulgated by the Commission, the Secretary of 
State, and the Attorney General. A person admitted under this section who 
fails to maintain the status under which he was admitted, or who fails to 
depart from the United States at the expiration of the time for which he was 
admitted, or who engages in activities of a political nature detrimental to the 
interest of the United States, or in activities in conflict with the security of the 
United States, shall, upon the warrant of the Attorney General, be taken into 
custody and promptly deported pursuant to sections 1251-1253 of title 8, United 
States Code. Deportation proceedings under this section shall be summary and 
findings of the Attorney Greneral as to matters of fact shall be conclusive. Such 
persons shall not be eligible for suspension of deportation under section 1254 of 
such title 8. 


Sec. 8. The Commission is authorized to provide students selected for training 
at the Academy (either before, after, or during Academy training) with such 
additional education and training at colleges, universities, or technical schools 
other than the Academy, or with such on-the-job training in industry and busi- 
ness as the Conunission shall determine to be in the public interest. 


Sec. 9. The Commission is authorized to establish an information center at 
such place or places within the United States as the Commission may determine. 
The principal function of the information center shall be to disseminate with 
or without charge information and materials which will assist persons and 
organizations to increase their understanding of the true nature of the inter- 
national Communist conspiracy and the ways and means of defeating that con- 
spiracy. In carrying out this function, the Commission is authorized to prepare, 
make, and publish textbooks and other materials, including training films, suit- 
able for high school, college, and community level instruction. The Commission 
is authorized to disseminate such information and materials to such persons 
and organizations as may be in the public interest on such terms and conditions 
as the Commission shall determine. 


Sec. 10. Nothing in this chapter shall authorize the disclosure of any informa- 
tion or knowledge in any case in which such disclosure (1) is proliibited by any 
other law of the United States, or (2) is inconsistent with the security of the 
United States. 


Sec 11 (a) Except as authorized by the Commission upon a determination by 
the Commission that such action is clearly consistent with the national interest, 
no individual shall be employed by the Commission until such individual has 
been investigated by the Civil Service Commission to determine whether the 
said individual is a good security risk and a report thereof has been made to 
the Freedom Commission. 

(b) In addition to the foregoing provisions, the Commission may request 
that any individual employed by the Commission, or under consideration for 
employment by the Commission, be investigated by the Federal Bureau of In- 
vestigation to determine whether the said individual is a good security risk, 


Sec. 12. In addition to the authority already granted, the Commission is 
authorized and empowered — 

(1) to establish such temporary or permanent boards and committees as 
the Commission may from time to time deem necessary for the purposes of 
this Act ; 

(2) to appoint and fix the compensation of such personnel as may be 
necessary to carry out the functions of the Commission. Such personnel 
shall be appointed in accordance with the civil service laws and their com- 


pensation fixed in accordance with the Classification Act of 1949, as 
amended, except that, to the extent the Commission deems such action neces- 
sary to the discharge of its responsibilities, personnel may be employed and 
their compensation fixed without regard to such laws : Provided, however, 
That no personnel (except such personnel whose compensation is fixed by 
law, and specially qualified professional personnel up to a limit of $19,000) 
whose position would be subject to the Classification Act of 1949, as amended, 
if such Act were applicable to such position, shall be paid a salary at a rate 
in excess of the rate payable under such Act for positions of equivalent diffi- 
culty or responsibility. The Commission shall make adequate provision for 
administrative review of any determination to dismiss any employee ; 

(3) to conduct such research, studies and surveys as necessary to carry 
out the purposes of this Act ; 

(4) to make, promulgate, issue, rescind, and amend such rules and regu- 
lations as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of this Act; 

(5) to make such expenditures as may be necessary for administering 
and carrying out the provisions of this Act ; 

(6) to utilize, with the approval of the President, the services, facilities, 
and personnel of other Government agencies. Whenever the Commission 
shall use the services, facilities, or personnel of any Government agency for 
activities under the authority of this Act, the Commission shall pay for 
such performance out of funds available to the Commission under this Act, 
either in advance, by reimbursement, or by direct transfer ; 

(7) to utilize or employ on a full- or part-time basis, with the consent of 
the organization or governmental body concerned, the services of personnel of 
any State or local government or private organization to perform such 
functions on its behalf as may appear desirable to carry out the purposes 
of this Act, without said personnel severing their connection with the fur- 
nishing organization or governmental body ; and further to utilize personnel 
of a foreign government in the same manner and under the same circum- 
stances with the approval of the Secretary of State ; 

(8) to acquire by purchase, lease, loan, or gift, and to hold and dispose 
of by sale, lease, or loan, real and personal property of all kinds necessary 
for, or resulting from, the exercise of authority granted by this Act ; 

(9) to receive and use funds donated by others, if such funds are donated 
without restrictions other than that they be used in furtherance of one or 
more of the purposes of this Act ; 

(10) to accept and utilize the services of voluntary and uncompensated 
personnel and to provide transportation and subsistence as authorized by 
section 73b-2 of title 5, United States Code, for persons serving without 
compensation ; 

(11) to utilize the services of persons on a temporary basis and to pay 
their actual and necessary travel expenses and subsistence and in addition 
compensation at a rate not to exceed $50 per day for each day spent in the 
work of the Commission. 


Sec. 13. The Commission is authorized to establish within the Commission a 
General Manager, who shall discharge such of the administrative and executive 
functions of the Commission as the Commission may direct. The General 
Manager shall be appointed by the Commission, shall serve at the pleasure of the 
Commission, shall be removable by the Commission, and shall receive compen- 
sation at a rate determined by the Commission, but not in excess of $18,000 per 


Sec. 14. There is established the Joint Congressional Freedom Committee 
hereinafter referred to as the "joint committee" to be composed of seven 
Members of the Senate to be appointed by the President of the Senate, and seven 
Members of the House of Representatives to be appointed by the Speaker of the 
House of Representatives. In each instance not more than four Members shall 
be the members of the same political party. 



Sec. 15. The joint committee shall make continued studies of the activities of 
the Commission and of problems relating to the development of counteraction 
to the international Communist conspiracy. During the first sixty days of each 
session of the Congress the joint committee shall conduct hearings in either 
open or executive session for the purposes of receiving information concerning 
the development and state of counteraction. The Commission shall keep the 
joint committee fully and currently informed with respect to all of the Com- 
mission's activities. All bills, resolutions, and other matters in the Senate or 
House of Representatives relating primarily to the Commission shall be referred 
to the joint co m mittee. The members of the joint committee vs^ho are Members 
of the Senate shall from time to time report to the Senate and the members of 
the joint committee who are Members of the House of Representatives shall 
from time to time report to the House, by bill or otherwise, their recommenda- 
tions with respect to matters within the jurisdiction of their respective Houses 
which are referred to the joint committee, or otherwise within the jurisdiction 
of the joint committee. 


Sec 16. Vacancies in the membership of the joint committee shall not affect 
the power of the remaining members to execute the functions of the joint com- 
mittee, and shall be filled in the same manner as in the case of the original se- 
lection. The joint committee shall select a chairman and a vice chairman from 
among its members at the beginning of each Congress. The vice chairman shall 
act in the place and stead of the chairman in the absence of the chairman. The 
chairmanship shall alternate between the Senate and the House of Representa- 
tives with each Congress, and the chairman shall be selected by the members 
from that House entitled to the chairmanship. The vice chairman shall be 
chosen from the House other than that of the chairman by the members from 
that House. 


Seo. 17. In carrying out its duties under this chapter, the joint committee, 
or any duly authorized subcommittee thereof, is authorized to hold such hear- 
ings or investigations, to sit and act at such places and times, to require by sub- 
pena or otherwise, the attendance of such witnesses and the production of such 
books, papers, and documents, to administer such oaths, to take such testimony, 
to procure such printing and binding, and to make such expenditures as it 
deems advisable. The joint committee may make such rules respecting its 
organization and procedures as it deems necessary : Provided, however, That no 
measure or recommendation shall be reported from the joint committee or by 
any member designated by him or by the joint committee, and may be served 
by such person or persons as may be designated by such chairman or member. 
The chairman of the joint committee or any member thereof may administer 
oaths to witnesses. The joint committee may use a committee seal. The pro- 
visions of sections 192-194 of title 2, United States Code, shall apply in case of 
any failure of any witness to comply with a subpena or to testify when sum- 
moned under authority of this section. The expenses of the joint committee 
shall be paid from the contingent fund of the Senate from funds appropriated 
for the joint committee upon vouchers approved by the chairman. The cost of 
stenographic services to report public hearings shall not be in excess of the 
amounts prescribed by law for reporting the hearings of standing committees 
of the Senate. The cost of stenographic services to report executive hearings 
shall be fixed at an equitable rate by the joint committee. Members of the joint 
committee, and its employees and consultants, while traveling on official busi- 
ness for the joint committee, may receive either the per diem allowance author- 
ized to be paid to Members of Congress or its employees, or their actual and 
necessary expenses provided an itemized statement of such expenses is attached 
to the voucher. 



Sec 18. The joint committee is empowered to appoint and fix the compensa- 
tion of such experts, consultants, and staff employees as it deems necessary and 
advisable. The joint committee is authorized to utilize the services, information. 


facilities, and personnel of the departments and establishments of the Govern- 


Sec. 19. The joint committee may classify information originating within the 
committee in accordance with standards used generally by the executive branch 
for classifying restricted data or defense information. 


Sec. 20. The joint committee shall keep a complete record of all committee 
actions, including a record of the votes on any question on which a record vote is 
demanded. All committee records, data, charts, and files shall be the property 
of the joint committee and shall be kept in the offices of the joint committee or 
other places as the joint committee may direct under such security safeguards 
as the joint committee shall determine in the interest of the common defense and 


Sec. 21. There is authorized to be appropriated, out of any money in the 
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, so much as may be necessary to carry out 
the provisions of this Act. 

Mr. EfeRLONG. I appreciate very much the interest of the subcom- 
mittee in this subject which prompted these hearings on what I think 
is a most important and maybe already too late to solve problem. 
We think legislation in this field is a must. 

We are grateful to you for the privilege of presenting our views to 

What I have here is a part of the correspondence I have received on 
this bill. It comes from all parts of the United States, and, in fact, 
from some other countries. 

I won't go into the details of the bill at this time because there are 
others who are going to testify after me, who are prepared to discuss 
the teclinical aspects of the bill, 

I shall simply talk about the general principle that is involved and 
hope that we have at least developed a framework in this bill from 
which legislattion can be drafted which will fill this much needed 
vacuum in the area of fighting the cold war against the Communists. 

In this file here, I have correspondence endorsing this legislation 
ranging all the way from the eighth grade geography class in the 
Chadwick School in Kolling Hills, Calif., to the endorsements of Life 
magazine. Quite a number of those who have written me have ex- 
pressed the desire to be among the first to apply for admission into 
this Freedom Academy, if it should become established, and we cer- 
tainly hope that it will. 

Hardly a day passes that I don't have one or more people represent- 
ing national organizations come to me and ask what they can do in 
order to help get this plan moving, because they realize the importance 
of time in getting this school established. 

I am sure, too, that you are aware of the very broad bipartisan 
character of support for this legislation. 

Mr. Judd and I introduced companion bills in the House, and since 
that time identical bills have been introduced by Senators Mundt and 
Douglas and Eepresentative Bennett, of Florida, and Representative 
Jackson, of California. 

Likewise, the editorial support shows a broad range of political phi- 
losophy as attested to by the endorsement of legislation in my own 


State by three newspapers of widely divergent political philosophy ; 
the St. Petersburg Times, the Tampa Tribune, and the Orlando 
Sentinel Star. 

I would like to read to you, Mr. Chairman, some brief excerpts from 
editorials which have been in the press endorsing this legislation. 

From the New York Daily News of March 9, 1959, I quote : 

A much sounder cold war strategy, we believe, is embodied in this legislation. 
We trust that Congress will give some of its best attention to this bill. From 
here, a Freedom Academy sounds like a college which we could vpell use. 

From the Citizens News in Hollywood, Calif., March 10, 1959 : 

In the struggle for control of Iraq, the issue is whether this oil rich, strate- 
gically located middle eastern country will come under the domination of the 
Soviet Union. 

For many years, the Communist agents have been busy there. We do not 
know how active the free world has been there, but the situation gives support 
to a law like the one proposed by Congressmen Herlong, of Florida, and Judd, 
of Minnesota. 

From the Parkersburg News of West Virginia, Monday, March 16, 

Never before has any action or any political movement employed the weapon 
of infiltration as extensively as the Communists now are employing it. 

Never before have we faced so serious a threat to our way of life. Ideological 
armament has become as necessary as physical armament. 

The Freedom Academy might provide the rallying point for a new, to us, and 
immensely important type of warfare. 

From the Fairbanks, Alaska, Daily News-Miner, an editorial of 
March 25, 1959: 

In the minds of many, the Herlong-Judd bill will enable us to close the po- 
litical warfare gap in many areas of the world which is, in the long run, as serious 
as the missile gap. 

The Lewiston, Idaho, Morning Tribune of February 19, 1959, said 
editorially : 

This bill should be supported by all who take the Communist threat as 
seriously as the Communists intend it. 

The Tulsa Tribune of March 7, 1959, editorialized : 

A full-time devil can beat a part-time angel any day. We need some full-time 

To this end, a bill has been introduced in Congress by Representatives Herlong 
of Florida and Judd of Minnesota which would set up a Freedom Academy not 
only for the training of U.S. diplomats, but for citizens of other nations who 
seek better methods of combating subversion, confusion, and the big lie. 

It would, in short, develop a technique for the big truth. It is a good idea. 

The Lewiston, Maine, Daily Sun, on March 7, 1959, had this to say : 

So that the West can battle the Reds on their chosen battlefield. Representa- 
tive Judd and Representative Herlong proposed establishment of what they call 
a Freedom Academy, which Life magazine calls a West Point of political war. 

A successful institution of this sort would be more significant than a victory 
over West Berlin. 

We urge Congress to debate the bill fully, endorse it, and finance it. 

Now Mr. Chairman, I have given you excerpts from a few of the 
editorials that have been written endorsing this proposal. 

I have taken them from every section of the country purposely so 
that you can see that the support for the bill isn't just sectional. 


We don't know that what we have proposed is exactly what should 
be done, but we do know, as I said a few moments ago, that there is 
a vacuum in the area of counteraction against communism; that we 
are not doing the job in fighting the cold war that we are capable of 
doing if we had trained people to help in this battle. 

I would like very much to see this committee go into this matter 
thoroughly. If the legislation that we have proposed isn't what is 
proper, we hope that you will come up with something that will do 
the job and let us get on our way, because the Communists have a 
headstart of some 50 years on us in this type of ideological warfare 
and we have to catch up. 

Just yesterday, the committee of which I am a member reported 
a bill to the House again raising the national debt limit. The tem- 
porary debt limit is up to $295 billion. This is something, of course, 
that we have to do because of the tremendous expenditures which we 
have had to make and a great portion of it is brought about by the 
military and defense costs. 

I submit, Mr. Chairman, that a program of the type, suggested 
in this bill, properly handled, will greatly reduce the necessity for such 
large defense expenditures when we get to the point where we can fight 
the cold war on even terms with the Communists. Until we reach 
that point, we are going to have to continue these enormous defense 

I submit further that we have here an opportunity, by spending 
just a little money, to save billions of dollars and also assure, or to 
come more nearly assuring, the preservation of the freedoms of the 
countries of the free world. 

Senator Dodd. Well, Congressman Herlong, we are very grateful 
to you. 

It is a most serious matter and we expect to hear from a great num- 
ber of witnesses. 

Senator Hruska, do you have any questions ? 

Senator Hruska. No questions, except to repeat your appreciation 
for the appearance here of Congressman Herlong. 

He has been very helpful and has laid a good foundation for the 
testimony we will hear later and I know both the chairman and the 
Senator from Nebraska will be interested in learning how later 
witnesses implement the objectives you set forth so well. 

Mr. Herlong. Thank you very much.^ 

1 Senator Karl E. Mundt, cosponsor of the bill, appeared before the subcommittee in 
earlier hearings on antisubveision legislation to ask for favorable action on the Freedom 
Commission Act. Two other witnesses in those hearings commented on the bill. 

Roger Fisher, of the faculty of Harvard University Law School, said : "We, today, are 
fighting on many fronts and I submit that one of the most critical ones is the battle for 
men's minds. The battle can be won on the kind of issues that S. 1689 * * * deals with, 
affirmative furthering of the ideas of freedom, convincing the world what this country is 
all about. We must make the image of the United States so clear that no one in Europe 
or Asia or Africa could fail to understand the difference between our system and the 
Soviet system." 

Loyd Wright, former Chairman of the Commission on Government Security, said : "I 
cannot too strongly support the obvious desirability of the proposed Freedom Commission. 
Whether it is possible to indoctrinate peoples who have an entirely different philosophy 
of government * * * is something that the Congress must determine. At first blush it 
appears to me, however, that some difficulties might arise in those foreign countries where 
the control of government vacillates so frequently." 

Written statements also were submitted by other witnesses, and were included in the 
earlier hearing record. 

Attorney General Louis Wyman, of New Hampshire, said that the basic purpose of 
S. 1689 "appears to me to be sound, but I am not sure whether this is something that is 
best done by Government or from private sources." Mr. Wjonan said that, generally 
speaking, he opposes the creation of additional agencies. But, he said, if the Department 


Senator Dodd, Mr. Alan G. Grant is our next witness. 

Good morning, Mr. Grant. We are glad to hear from you and look 
forward to your testimony. Will you state your name and address 
for the record ? 


Mr. Grant. My name is Alan G. Grant, 860 Metcalf Building, 
Orlando, Fla. I am a practicing attorney in Orlando, and one of 
Congressman Herlong's constituents. 

Sentor Dodd. Do you have a statement ? 

Mr. Grant. Yes, sir, I do. 

Senator Dodd. Go right ahead with it. 

Mr. Grant. Mr. Chairman, I wish to express my appreciation to 
this committee for affording me the privilege of testifying before you 
today. For the record, I am appearing as a representative of the 
Orlando Committee for the Freedom Academy to speak on behalf of 
the Freedom Commission Act, S. 1689, which the Orlando committee 

Some of the members of the Orlando committee have been working 
with the basic proposal before you since 1951. This legislation pre- 
sents a new idea, a new procedural concept in the cold war. 

Since it is new, we feel it is of some importance for this committee 
to miderstand the considerable history of the proposal which led to 
the present bill and to know some of the thinking which has gone 
into this proposal over the last 8 years. 

I therefore ask this committee's indulgence while I read the some- 
what lengthy statement which the Orlando committee has prepared 
in compliance with the rules of your committee. 

The origins of the Freedom Commission Act go back to the late 
summer of 1950. American forces in Korea had beeai pressed into the 
Pusan perimeter and we faced a serious military situation. But 
more important, it had by then become plain that the Soviets had 
thrown an across-the-board challenge at the West which would test 
our national character and every part of our free society as it had 
never been tested before. The stakes were national survival and the 
challeaige would contine indefinitely conceivably for the remainder of 
this centuiy, or longer. 

of Justice and the FBI and other interested groups are unopposed, he does believe "some 
positive action should be taken to wage the battle for minds and consciences of mankind 
a little more positively than we have done to date." The personnel of this agency would 
have to be of the "highest quality and ability," Mr. Wyman said. 

Frank B. Ober, of Baltimore, author of Maryland's antisnbversion legislation, suggested 
that the proposed joint congressional committee might conflict with the activities of the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and the House Un-American Activities Committee. 
"I hope the jurisdiction will be clarified," he said. 

Dudley B. Bonsai, president of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York, 
expressed hope for a broad study program, including history and techniques of communism, 
political history of the United States and the world, constitutional law and rules of 
evidence, "because the real nature of the Communist conspiracy becomes more apparent to 
the student who is also thoroughly grounded in our constitutional system." Mr. Bonsai 
also said he assumed that the joint committee would take the place of the existing Senate 
and House committees in this area and thought such a move "wise, as providing an oppor- 
tunity for pooling the efl'orts of the two Houses of Congress, consolidating of staffs, etc." 

Dean Abner McCall, of Baylor University School of Law, said the program outlined 
in S. 1689 "would furnish a needed supplement to the programs of the various govern- 
mental agencies now engaged in resisting the Communist conspiracy." 

Alfred Kohlberg, of New York City, said in a statement that "the Idea motivating 
S. 1689 is sound and long overdue." He added that some such plan "must be effectuated 
if the confusion in the public mind, and especially in intellectual circles, is to be 


This challenge placed a unique burden on our citizens, for they 
would be required to make unusual sacrifices over long periods with- 
out the unifying stimulus of a general hot war. This was something 
the American public had not been called on to do before. If our 
people faltered, if they became apathetic under the diminishing 
impact of repeated crises, if they began to concentrate more and more 
on the material joys of an abundant society and less and less on the 
survival problems, then the free world would be in grave peril. 

The long-term challenge was above all a challenge to the American 
educational system which must produce citizens willing to make 
the sustained sacrifice necessary to meet the total challenge. 

In the late summer of 1950, a small group of Orlando citizens or- 
ganized themselves into a committee called the Know Your Enemy 
Speakers. This committee believed that as an absolute minimum 
our high school seniors should be given a broad survey course on 
world communism (in addition to courses in American history and 
civic courses to show the advantages of an open society) so they 
could understand something of the frightful challenge — political, 
scientific, economic, and military — facing their Nation, and as a re- 
sult would better understand the imique obligations of American citi- 
zenship. Our committee soon learned our high school teachers were 
not prepared to give such a course, and it was up to us if amything was 
to be done. 

To avoid controversy, our committee was quietly organized on a 
broad bipartisan basis to include management and labor, the major 
religions, and both political parties. Our object was to create a 
committee on which there would be at least one person in whom each 
member of the community would have confidence, and a committee 
of which the community as a whole could say, if these representa- 
tive people can agree that this is the correct method to teach the facts 
about communism and the Soviet challenge, then it must be the right 
method, or at least an acceptable one. 

During the 5 months from the formation of the committee to the 
beginning of the lecture series, we were careful to explain the pro- 
gram to the many organized groups in the Orlando area, and the 
Sunday before the kickoff the local newspaper ran a full page story 
explaining how the subject matter would be handled. Thanks to 
this careful public relations no opposition developed even though we 
Avere "bringing communism into the classrooms." 

The program ran 3 years. The first year we had seven lectures. 
By the third year the subject matter was broken down into 5 group 
areas and ran a total of 17 hours. This included 2 hours in group I 
on the historical development of communism from Marx to Stalin; 
4 hours in group II on Soviet Russia covering such matters as the 
NEP, the 5-year plans, forced collectivization, slave labor, the secret 
police, the position of the party, and the arts and sciences under com- 
munism; 2 hours in group III on the satellites and particularly 
Poland from 1939 to the present; seven lectures in group IV on the 
organization, strategy and tactics of the Comm,unist conspiracy in 
which we described the open and secret structure of the party, the 
methods by which an idealist is recruited into the party and then con- 
verted into a hardened conspirator, how the party sets up a front 
organization or penetrates an existing institution and then manipu- 


lates the membership, the meaning of Commmiist terminology, and 
something of the Soviet espionage apparatus; finally, in group V a 
survey of Communist strength on both sides of the Iron Curtain and 
a summation of the total challenge to our society and the special obli- 
gations of U.S. citizenship in the years ahead. 

In preparation the committee gave each speaker a lengthy reading 
assignment, including at least 1 book in each of the 5 group areas, 
and from, 5 to 20 in his assigned area. 

The program was, of course, inadequate. But we like to think it 
gave the small number of students who were able to hear the entire 
series an insight into the survival problems and a sense of urgency 
and challenge. More important was the education of the speakers 

This school program demonstrated several points which I believe 
will help this committee better understand the Freedom Commission 
Act and some of the things it can accomplish. 

First, it is possible for a broadly representative group of private 
citizens to work together harmoniously on an important anti-Commu- 
nist project. It has been a heartening sight to watch liberals and con- 
servatives drop their other differences and pull together to meet the 
Soviet challenge, once they have completed their reading assignments 
and acquired a common fund of knowledge. At the community level 
at least, we have been able to demonstrate that in relation to the Soviet 
conspiracy our pluralistic society can work together as a team. The 
key to this training is the common fund of knowledge acquired 
through an extensive reading and discussion program which gave the 
committee a comm.on framework of reference and a mutual insight 
into the survival problems and a sense of urgency which subordinated 
differences that might have otherwise fractured the group. There is 
a remarkably broad consensus of opinion among Americans who have 
done their homework in this area. 

Second, a project like the Orlando progi-am is only possible when 
there are one or more persons in the community who have been in- 
tensively trained in the broader aspects of communism and the Soviet 
challenge and are willing to submerge their other interests in order to 
m,eet this primary threat. This condition existed in Orlando, but 
under present circumstances it is a rare phenomenon. Other commu- 
nities tried to copy the Orlando program, but not one succeeded, be 
cause they lacked the trained leaders and the sense of urgency neces- 
sary to put in the thousands of man-hours. 

Third, once you have a trained, representative leadership group at 
the community level, then the community can make its weight felt in 
the cold war. Our community has been fascinated by the number and 
variety of important cold- war projects that become possible once you 
have trained comm,unity leaders Without such trained leaders, com- 
munity participation in the cold war is severely limited. Our com- 
mittee is convinced there is a huge, untapped, and almost unexplored 
reservoir of anti-Communist organizational strength in our private 
citizens and institutions which can support and supplement the ac- 
tivities of our cold-war agencies. This can be tapped by properly 
trained leaders. Whether we train these leaders in time can have 
a decisive effect on the cold war. 


Wliile the school program Avas in progress, we made inquiries to 
learn what other communities were doing to inform our youth of 
the Soviet challenge. It appeared that very little was being done. 
No one had had the foresight to teach the teachers to give such courses 
and the school administrators, the PTA's, and the general public felt 
no urgency in the matter. Furthermore, little was being done to 
reach the undergraduates in our colleges and universities. True, as 
part of a course on political thought in the 19th and 20th centuries 
the student might read the Communist Manifesto and State and 
Revolution, or in a history course he might study a few chapters on 
Russia after 1917, but this told him almost nothing of Soviet conflict 
techniques or of the total challenge facing his country. To us this 
was an appalling situation. Here we were deep in a total political 
war for national survival in which this Nation's ability to survive 
would depend very much on the temper and attitude of its citizens — 
a cold war which would directly or indirectly affect every part of the 
future of every high school and college graduate. Yet our educa- 
tional system was being run as though the Soviet challenge did not 
exist. The failure to familiarize our youth with the character and 
methods of the Soviet enemy, the failure to impress upon our youth 
the total character of the challenge, this could only have a serious 
effect on the Nation's ability to respond to the challenge. 

The educational failure has manifested itself in many ways. We 
have seen it in the difficulties our cold war agencies are having in 
recruiting our most talented people. After all, why should they 
give up the abundant life to fight a cold war which to them is vague, 
unreal, and far, far away. We have seen it in Korea where one-third 
of all captured GI's collaborated in some degree with the enemy, 
and where few of our troops were prepared to cope with the political 
arguments of their interrogators. We have seen it in the failure of 
our young leaders at the community, State, and national level to in- 
volve themselves and their organizations in the survival questions. 
Above all, we have seen it in the bottomless pit of public apathy which 
is eroding our entire position. 

In Orlando we asked how can this educational failure be corrected. 
How do you go about training thousands of high school teachers or 
hmidreds of college level instructors to give these courses ? What is 
the best method of building a nucleus of trained leaders in each com- 
munity? What organizational forms will be required? Can this 
best be done by private means or public legislation ? 

More appalling to us than the educational failure was the overall 
cold war position of the United States which seemed to be gradually 
weakening in relation to the Soviets. 

All our reading and study pointed to the central fact that the Soviets 
were winning the cold war, because they had systematically prepared 
themselves over many decades to wage total political war, while the 
West had not. To the Soviets, political warfare or psychopolitical 
warfare is an all encompassing concej)t which gives direction and 
orientation to everything they do. They consider it the most impor- 
tant of the sciences. In the West it has been a neglected stepchild. 

Soviet concentration on political warfare has given them three 
important operational advantages and a tremendous lead time. Wliile 

42731—59 2 


these three advantages may appear obvious, nevertheless they are 
matters, the implications of which tlie West has not faced up to in 
terms of counteractivity. I would like to list these three advantages 
briefly, because they will help pinpoint the specific problems which the 
Freedom Commission Act will help solve. 

First, the Soviets have developed their conspiratorial version of 
political warfare or psycho]3olitical warfare into a true operational 
science. To wage this new dimension of warfare, they have designed 
and field tested a broad spectrum of political weapons and political 
weapons systems. They have thought out the many open and covert 
organizational forms and operational techniques by which a highly 
trained, though small, power elite can acquire maximum power and 
influence in any given society or situation. Finally, the Soviets have 
meshed their psychopolitical warfare into their overall long-range 
strategy of protracted conflict, in which we are never given a sufficient 
provocation to use massive retaliation, but where, nevertheless, our 
overall position gradually weakens in relation to the Soviets. There 
is not time to make any detailed comments on Soviet operational 
methods and I don't believe that is necessary before this committee. 
However, because so little has been written about Soviet conflict tech- 
niques, that is, communism as a method, I would like to respectfully 
refer this committee to three books which the Orlando Committee be- 
lieves do this much needed job. They are "Protracted Conflict," just 
published by the Foreign Policy Research Institute at the University 
of Pennsylvania; "The Organizational Weapon," a 1952 Rand Corp. 
study, and "A Centuiy of Conflict," by Dr. Stefan Possony, of George- 

Second, the Soviets have trained the most skilled, dedicated, and co- 
hesive political warfare cadres and leadership groups the world has 
known. They simply fight harder and with more know-how than their 
opponents. From the beginning Communist leaders have realized 
that political warfare is a sophisticated science which makes heavy de- 
mands on its practitioners. Perhaps no other area of human activity 
requires a greater personal commitment. This is not something which 
can be intrusted to amateurs or dilettantes. It requires intensively 
trained, fully committed professionals. 

To train their cadres and leadership groups, to give them intense 
motivation and a high degree of operational know-how, the Soviets 
have established an elaborate system of training schools within the 
free world and behind the Iron Curtain. "Wliile the Soviets take every 
precaution to conceal the existence of these schools, much is known. 
I would like to list a few examples which have come to the attention 
of the Orlando Committee. 

Father de Jaegher, a Belgian Catholic missionaiy, who spent many 
years in or near Communist-controlled areas of China prior to 1948, 
has described the seven levels of political training schools from village 
to Moscow through which the top cadres of the Chinese Communist 
Party have passed. After many years of intense schooling, the end 
distillate, the Moscow-trained man, is, in the words of Father de 
Jaegher, a new type of Chinese, a man who lives only for the cause, 
and literally burns himself out in his passion to turn first China 
and then the entire world into a completely communized state.^ 

' See "The Enemy Within," pp. 165-169. 


Daniel James, a leading authority on communism in Latin America, 
in a 1954 Post article, described a training center in Prague devoted 
exclusively to the training of Latin American Communists and Euro- 
pean Communists who would be working in Latin America. Accord- 
ing to James, the enrollment was 750, and political warfare was the 
primary subject. Presumably many thousands of Latin Americans 
have now received advanced training at this center and have been 
redeployed throughout the fabric of our southern neighbors. Ke- 
cently there have been published reports of another training center in 
Prague for African Communists with facilities for 3,000 students. 
I call your attention to the Alsop column for June 13, 1959, which is 
attached to this statement. 

Last November, Time magazine reported the Argentine police had 
accidently uncovered an advanced Communist training school located 
in a walled estate near a small provincial town. The students came 
from all over Central and South America, and included school- 
teachers, miiA^ersity professors, lawyers, doctors, and labor leaders. 
The course was 6 months long, 7 days a week, and covered a variety 
of political warfare subjects. Presumably certain graduates went 
on to Prague and Moscow. 

Professor Alexander, of Rutgers University, in his book, "Com- 
munism in Latin America," mentions briefly a whole system of train- 
ing schools by the Chilean party to increase the sophistication and 
know-how of its members. 

Herbert Philbrick, in "I Led Three Lives," has described the secret 
district training school, run by the party in the Boston area to train 
party cadres. This school was considered sufficiently important to 
rate the personal attention of Jack Stachel. 

Joseph Z. Kornf eder and William C. Nowell, almnni of the famed, 
but little understood Lenin Institute, have told us about the training 
in political warfare the present leaders of the various Communist 
parties received in Moscow in the twenties and thirties. In the Sep- 
tember 1955, issue of Facts Forum, Montgomery Green has written 
a revealing article on the system of political warfare colleges operated 
in Russia. The article begins with these words : 

Perhaps tbe most closely guarded secret of world communism, cut off from 
view by the Iron Curtain and shrouded in unbelievable security precautions, is 
the system of colleges for professional revolutionaries that annually turn out 
thousands of skilled agitators to bedevil the free world. Although this educa- 
tional program has been in action for 30 years, and has graduated political 
saboteurs estimated to number a minimum of 100,000, its very existence is 
unknown to most people in the West. 

The reason for the supersecrecy with which these schools have been surrounded 
is that they constitute the most successful cold war weapon yet developed by 
world communism. 

Third, they have a superior organization which is skillfully de- 
ployed throughout the fabric of each nation to obtain maximum power 
and influence for the numbers involved. This organization, manned 
by trained political activists, permits the Communists to take full 
advantage of the infinite variety of organizational possibilities in- 
herent in a total political war, whether setting up a front to organize 
and manipulate a previously unorganized sector of a given society, 
infiltrating an existing institution, or recruiting student leaders for 
a guided tour of the "New China." It is significant that an advanced 


textbook on Bolshevik strategy and tactics is called "The Organiza- 
tional Weapon" — Selznick, McGraw-Hill, 1952. 

Finally tremendous resources within Russia and China have been 
mobilized to support Communist political warfare efforts. This is 
seen in their extensive language training program which emphasizes 
the numerous languages and dialects of Asia and Africa, and in the 
training of engineers and technicians beyond internal needs. This 
enables the Soviet to flatter and impress Indians by furnishing tech- 
nicians to erect a steel plant who can speak the local dialect and can 
mix effectively with the local populace. It is seen in the systematic 
training of cultural groups and athletes for political effect. In the 
words of one expert, Chinese and Russian cultural groups touring the 
Near and Far East are so numerous and diversified, they amount to 
a "cultural cold war." It is seen in the huge effort in the publisliing 
field where hundreds of party line books and magazines are trans- 
lated into numerous languages, to be used in the underdeveloped areas. 
It is seen in the rapid increase in the size and diversity of Soviet 
aid programs which now exceed our own in carefully selected target 
nations (Iraq, Afghanistan, Ceylon, Indonesia, and so forth). We 
can expect Soviet political warfare to become even more deadly as 
their fast rising production curve gives them not only a new propa- 
ganda theme but the means to supplement their psychopolitical tech- 
niques with ever-increasing economic subversion. 

The Communists have been aptly described as the masters of "con- 
flict management." With their superior operational science, with 
their skilled cadres and leadership groups, with their sophisticated 
organizational forms, the Soviets are able to achieve their short- and 
long-term objectives through an amazing variety of means. Their 
overall attack is so diverse only a trained individual can begin to iden- 
tify its many forms. 

The Soviets can, for example, slow down the development of a 
new weapon, like the Pl-bomb, by skillfully playing on the guilt com- 
plexes of Western scientists and opinion makers through a number 
of open and covert means, or they can teach sophisticated guerrilla- 
political techniques to a nationalist revolutionary movement and 
then penetrate and manipulate that movement in order to freeze out 
American bases, or they can contrive a racial bombing in the United 
States, and through their deep penetration of news media in Asia 
and Africia obtain major propaganda effect, or by skillfully recruit- 
ing African students into the French Communist Party in the thirties 
and forties they can vitally affect African history in the fifties and 

In summary, Soviet cold war gains have been made possible by the 
systematic development of the science of political warfare and con- 
flict management, by the intensive long-term training of leadership 
groups in this science, and by the creation of the diverse organiza- 
tional stiTicture which can fully utilize the new science and the su- 
perbly trained cadres and leadership groups. 

These Communist strengths highlight the basic United States and 
free world weaknesses which underlie many of our cold war defeats 
and are severely handicapping our long range efforts. 

I would like to list these weaknesses briefly as the Orlando com- 
mittee sees them, because I believe tliis will help your committee 


understand our thinkine; and will lead to a fuller understanding of 
the Freedom Commission Act. 

First, there has been no overall, intensive, systematic effort to de- 
velop counteraction to the Soviets into an operational science which 
will meet fully the Soviet's total political warfare and protracted 
conflict strategy and techniques. When I say "counteraction" I mean 
both the so-called positive and negative aspects and also counter- 
action in the private as well as the goverjimental sector. Also, and 
this is important, I mean an operational science which fits within 
democratic morality and concepts — not a conspiratorial science to 
fight a conspiratorial science. 

During the past few years a great deal has been written about Rus- 
sia, China, and communism, but strangely almost nothing has been 
written which attempts to develop an operational science for the 
West which will fully meet the total Soviet challenge. This is of 
course, a tremendous challenge wliich, in its details, is beyond the 
capacity of any one man. 

As far back as 1952, Dr. Stefan Possony, professor of political 
science at Georgetown and adviser to the Defense Department on 
Soviet Affairs, wrote in his pioneering book, "A Century of Con- 
flict," and I quote : 

Only fools refuse to learn from their enemies. There is no reason why we 
should not pick up some of the Communist tricks and use them, if and when 
they fit into the frameworlv of our own requirements and morality. If only 
for defensive purposes, we must understand Soviet procedures. The Western 
World must urgently develop a new synthesis of the operational art. 

Possony goes on to say this must be the subject of another book. 
Unfortunately, he has never gotten around to writing that book, nor 
has any other political scientist, to our knowledge. 

You can go to most good libraries and pick up any one of dozens 
of books containing a scholarly description of some aspect of com- 
mmiism. In the final chapters the author often feels a need to suggest 
free world countermeasures. But, at this point, the scholarly, analyt- 
ical mind seems to run into a mental roadblock. We are seldom given 
anything more helpful than broad generalities. While the author 
may set forth commendable goals, he does not describe any realistic 
means by which we can achieve these goals. It does no good to say 
repeatedly that the free world must develop its own operational art, 
unless we describe the organizational means which will make this 
possible. For 15 years our political science community has turned its 
back on the greatest challenge to political thought in our age. This 
is a fantastic situation. 

Second, there has been no broad gaged, systematic effort to train 
private citizens and cold war agency personnel in the tremendously 
complex and difficult science of counteraction. There are no free 
world counterparts to the elaborate system of political warfare train- 
ing schools the Soviets have been running for 40 years — other than 
the limited facilities of the CIA which is in the covert area. We 
have specialists on various aspects of communism. We have almost 
no experts or trained leaders in the area of counteraction. Nor is any 
program underway to develop such experts and leaders. After all 
you can't train people in a science which has yet to be developed. 
Moreover, not only have we failed to train in counteraction, but very 


few of our cold war agency personnel are well grounded in com- 
munisni, particularly Soviet conflict techniques. Even fewer are well 
versed in the interrelated military — economic-political aspects of the 

Attached to this statement is a memorandum prepared by Dr. Ed- 
ward P. Lilly of the Operations Coordinating Board which sum- 
marizes all cold war educational activities of the Federal Govern- 
ment with the exception of the CIA and the FBI. This shows that 
present training is conducted along conventional lines and almost 
nothing is being done to give systematic training to cold war agency 
personnel in counteractivity. The same gap exists in the private 
sector. This will be developed by Dr. Gerhard Neimeyer, professor 
of political science at Notre Dame and current lecturer at the Na- 
tional War College. 

The result of this training failure is that too often we find well 
meaning amateurs competing with fully committed professionals. 

Third, we have not created the organizational foniis, particularly 
in the private sector, through which we can counter the total Soviet 

Because we have not done these three things, our Government has 
had to rely on the conventional means of diplomacy, military and 
economic aid, and intelligence. But these conventional means, re- 
gardless of the skill with which they are employed, fail to engage 
the Communists on much of the battleground. We simply lack the 
operational know-how, the trained manpower, and the organizational 
forms necessary to cope with many forms of the Soviet's psychopoliti- 
cal warfare. 

In hearings this spring before the House Appropriations Sub- 
committee, the State Department asked for funds to set up small staffs 
which could work full time to counter Soviet political and economic 
warfare. During the hearings Douglas Dillon made this startling 
and revealing statement : 

We feel that it is necessary to have some staff or some group responsible for 
giving full time to these matters, planning action, follovping it up, and working 
out what we should do to counter the Soviet threat. 

I have felt the need for this for some time and last year, when the business 
advisory group looked into the problem they felt the need for it. It was found 
that there was no place in the Government, in the State Department or anywhere 
else, concerned solely with this problem and what to do about it. It has been 
handled, to the extent it has been handled, in the different regional bureaus 
where they frankly emphasize only what is happening in their own respective 
areas. They do not exchange views on various parts of the world. They do not 
know the total Communist drive that may be behind particular actions and I 
do not think that their results have been anywhere near as effective as they 
should be. 

We have talked over this problem a little bit with some of the countries that 
are interested and one of the conclusions we came to was that we were not 
well enough organized ourselves to know intelligently exactly what we wanted 
to do about a number of these problems. About 6 or 7 months ago I came to 
the conclusion we do need a full-time staff to work on this subject. 

But suppose these staffs are set up. Suppose they do fully under- 
stand what the Soviets are doing on a world scale. They will still lack 
the trained manpower and the organizational forms to meet this new 
dimension of warfare. They will be a general staff without any army. 
The Orlando committee predicts many breakdowns from sheer frus- 


The pattern of Soviet penetration in Asia, Africa and Latin Amer- 
ica is by now becoming known. The groundwork for this penetration 
was laid by decades of intensive cadre training and the careful testing 
and perfecting of a broad range of psychopolitical weapons. The 
tragic situations in Cuba and Iraq are not tne result of any sudden 
Kremlin brainstorm. Their history goes back to the Lenin Institute 
in the twenties and thirties and the schools in Prague and Argentina 
in the fifties. Hundreds of intensively trained cadres, toughened by 
years of political warfare and undergromid work were poised to step 
in and develop any revolutionary situation. Conventional diplomacy 
and economic aid cannot cope with this. Our virtual helplessness in 
the face of those developing crises is a direct result of our failure over 
the past decade to develop counteraction and to get down to the hard, 
practical work of training leadership groups. 

The Soviet challenge requires planning in terms of decades by sys- 
tematically trained persons who understand the full spectrum of co,un- 
teraction, both what can be done by government and what can be done 
by private citizens and organizations. The Cubas, the Iraqs, the 
Keralas of a decade from now may be lost because we are not training 
and deploying the people today who could be changing the whole cli- 
mate of opinion and creating the anti-Communist strength in these 
target nations which would prevent the situation from ever develop- 
ing to crisis proportions. 

All of these matters deeply concerned our small group in Orlando. 
To us, the indispensable keys to our long-range victory against this 
new dimension of warfare were the rapid development of our own 
operational know-how, the training of leadership groups, and the cre- 
ation of new organizational forms. But we searched in vain for any 
sign that a determined effort was being made along these lines either 
by the Government or by private institutions. It seemed ridiculous 
that a small group in Orlando should have to take the lead in such 
an obvious matter. 

To us the time factor was becoming urgent. We could no longer 
afford to develop counteraction through costly trial and error or 
through isolated, piecemeal research on bits and parts of the problem. 
We needed an intensive, concentrated effort to develop counteraction 
and to train leaders. 

We believed this could best be accomplished by establishing an ad- 
vanced training and development center where we could bring to- 
gether in a single institution the wide diversity of knowledge and 
talents necessary to develop fully the science of counteraction, and 
then to train leadership groups on a large scale. 

In 1953, we discontinued the school program in order to spend 
all af our time developing this concept. A new committee was or- 
ganized, called the Orlando committee, and, by the spring of 1954, 
this committee had produced a 50-odd page report recommending the 
establishment of a privately financed academy, which we first called 
the Lincoln-Petkov Academy and later the Free- World Academy. 
Petkov, of course, being the Hungarian patriot executed by Commu- 
nists in 1947. 

We sent this report to Robert Cutler, who then headed the planning 
board of the National Security Council, with the idea that if the 
administration agreed with us, it could quietly recruit a board of 


distinguished private citizens in whom the country would have faith 
and who could raise tlie large sums needed. 

Cutler circulated our proposal through the various cold war agen- 
cies and, in July 1954, the Operations Coordinating Board set up a 
cooiference which I attended for the Orlando committee. There were 
wide differences of opinion among the pai'ticipants as to details of the 
proposal and as to the urgency of establishing an academy. This 
resulted in a noncommittal, least common denominator report going 
back to Cutler, instead of the strong action report we were seeking. 

Frustrated in Washington, the Orlando committee revised the pro- 
posal and, in November 1954, mailed it to approximately 160 persons 
and organizations. This mailing list included a cross section of poli- 
tical thinking and a number of the most experienced anti- Communists 
in the country. The response was heavy and generally favorable. 
We were particularly pleased to note that liberal, moderate, and con- 
servative anti-Communists all seemed to be in basic agreement on 
the urgent need for the academy. 

On the basis of this favorable response, the Orlando committee 
held three all-day conferences in New York City in the winter of 
1955. These conferences were attended by a well-balanced group of 
distinguished liberal, moderate and conservative anti-Communists. 
Again, there was broad agreement on the pressing need for the acad- 
emy and much work w^as done to activate the Orlando proposals. 
At the end of the first conference, John K. Jessup, chief editorial 
writer for Life magazine, told me he was surprised that so repre- 
sentative a group of anti-Conununist thinkers, some of whom had 
been fighting each other for years, could be brought together in one 
room. He was astounded when they were able to work together all 
day with hardly a scratch of the pen passing between them. This 
strengthened the long-held belief of the Orlando committee that per- 
sons of widely divergent backgrounds and political viewpoints can 
agree on a wide range of action in this area once they have done 
their homework and so have a common framework of reference and 
an understanding of the critical problems to be solved. 

Despite general agreement among the conference experts, our at- 
tempt to establish the academy at that time failed because we were 
unable to produce adequate financing. 

From late 1955 until last September, very little was done to push 
the Orlando proposals. We felt we would have to wait until there 
was a change in the climate of opinion. By last September we began 
to detect a shift in the attitude of an increasing number of our fellow 
citizens. The stoning of Nixon and our severe setback in Iraq was 
having its effect. Sam Lubell, the pollster, noted a vague and as yet 
inarticulate fear that the situation was getting beyond our ability 
to control and that the United States was gradually being pushed 
into a corner. 

For the first time, the members of the Orlando committee felt there 
was a reasonable chance to create the academy through public legis- 
lation. On October 2, we met with our Congressman, A. S. Herlong, 
Jr., and briefed him on our ideas. He agreed to introduce legisla- 
tion in this session. 

Along with other members of the Orlando committee, I have been 
thinking and worrying about the Freedom Academy for a number 


of years. I wish there was time to outline our complete concept of 
what the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy can be and 
to pass on our many ideas and suggestions. If I were to do so, how- 
ever, there would be no time left for other witnesses. Attached to this 
statement is the floor speech made by Congressman Herlong at the 
time of the introduction of the companion bill in the House on Feb- 
ruary 2. This speech outlines the substance of the bill and makes 
suggestions regarding the Commission, the joint watchdog committee, 
the academy curriculum, the academy faculty, and the student body. 
It also suggests some of the many benefits which can be expected. 

I would like to comment on the bill very briefly 

The heart of the Freedom Commission Act is section 6, which sets 
forth the principal functions of the academy. 

Subsection 1 empowers the academy to develop systematic knowl- 
edge about the Communist conspiracy. A gi-eat deal has already 
been done in this area, especially during the past decade, but there 
is a need to bring together all of this material in a single center where 
it can be systematized and put to use. Too much valuable work is 
now gathering dust on library shelves. Also there are still important 
aspects of the Communist problem which have not been adequately 
researched or described, particularly material which presents and 
interrelates the full spectrum of Communist operational strategy and 

Subsection 2 authorizes the Academy to explore and develop the full 
range of counteraction in both the civilian and governmental sectors, 
and to achieve a new synthesis of the operational art for the free world. 
This of course, is the vital area, where very little has been done. We 
would anticipate the Academy, for example, making a survey of all 
types of private organizations at the community, State, and National 
level to determine how they can participate in the cold war in an effec- 
tive, sustained, and systematic manner. We would expect the Acad- 
emy to look several decades into the future and to develop progi'ams 
now which will bear fruit in the sixties and seventies, as well as pro- 
grams which can meet immediate pressing needs. The Academy would 
not be engaged in a general search for knowledge for knowledge's 
sake. It would be seeking the practical, concrete means to meet the 
total Soviet challenge — the operational techniques and the organiza- 
tional forms, which can activate and utilize every possible source of 

Developing counteraction into a science will be largely an academic 
accomplishment, unless we take the next step and get down to the 
practical work of training private citizens and Government personnel 
in this new science. We must get the material off the library shelves 
and pump it into our great civic organizations and Govennnent agen- 
cies. This is provided for in subsections 3 and 4. There is little point 
in working out an inspired program for private organizations, unless 
there is a realistic training program which will provide them with the 
trained leadership which can give intelligent, bipartisan guidance. 
Since the Communist organizational weapon is working within a mul- 
titude of political, religious, economic, and ethnic groups, counter- 
action must be carried out by leaders of these same groups. This calls 
for a broadly representative student body and a traming progi^am 
tailored to a variety of conditions and circumstances. 


Before closing this statement I want to comment on two objections 
which have come up to the present bill. 

First, there seems to be a fear that, somehow, the joint watchdog 
committee might supersede and take over the functions of the Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee and the House Un-American Activi- 
ties Committee. When the Orlando committee first heard this, we 
thought somebody was pulling our leg. However, this report has 
persisted and the Orlando committee has asked me to make this point 
clear : While we consider the joint committee highly desirable, we also 
consider it to be the least essential part of the present legislation. If 
the retention of the joint committee creates an obstacle to the passage 
of this act, then, for heavens sake, drop it. 

The joint committee proposed in this bill would not be engaged in 
investigating the Communist conspiracy within the United States, 
nor would it be concerned with drafting or amending security laws. 
That would be the business of the Senate Internal Security Subcom- 
mittee and the House Un-American Activities Committee. The last 
thing we want to do is interfere with those committees in any way or 
to preempt their juri.sdiction. If the language of section 15 needs 
any amending to make this absolutely clear, then it should be so 

What the joint committee would do is to make continuing studies 
of the work of the Commission and the Academy to see that the intent 
of Congress is carried out and that an intensive, practical effort is 
made to develop counteraction and to train relevant personnel. The 
most important reason for the joint conxmittee is to increase public 
confidence in the Commission and the Academy. We are aware of 
the reluctance of the House and Senate leadership to establish further 
joint committees. We believe an exception is indicated here. 

Second, the Justice Department, in a letter to the House committee 
which has the companion bill, suggests that all the functions of the 
Commission and Academy can be handled by existing departments 
and agencies and with less confusion and overlapping. This would be 

It is already very late. We must develop counteraction on a crash 
program basis. To do this we must assemble at the Academy persons 
with a wide diversity of knowledge and talents, who have been relieved 
of other responsibilities and can work full time on this problem. This 
is not something which can be scattered among the different depart- 
ments and agencies, to be worked on piecemeal by different technicians 
and desk-level people whenever the day-to-day problems ease up. 

In counteraction, every part affects and influences eveiy other part. 
The State Department has admitted, in the already mentioned hear- 
ings before Congressman Rooney's subcommittee, that it has made a 
serious error in compartmentalizing its planning and direction of 
counteractivities to Soviet political and economic warfare. A far 
greater error will be committed, if we try to divide up the develop- 
ment function into neat little watertight packages to be farmed out to 
different agencies. This area cries out for an operational science 
which can closely intermesh the whole range of private and govern- 
mental counteraction. This can best be done by a single organization 
able to consider all aspects of this infinitely complex and sophisticated 


Furthermore, no one, to our knowledge, has drafted or is intending 
to draft legishition to give these other departments and agencies the 
necessary authority and funds. The fact that these agencies have not 
sought such authority indicates they are not "hot" to undertake this 
challenging added burden. Rather, they appear to be fully engrossed 
with the day-to-day problems, and their whole setup is unsuited for 
either the development or training functions. 

The Orlando committee has worked long and hard on the present 
proposal at a considerable sacrifice to business and professional careers. 
Certainly, the present legislation is not perfect but we are getting a 
little tired of nit pickers who have no counterproposals. This is war. 
There is no time to wait for the perfect bill. Let's get on to the job. 
The bill can be amended at later sessions. 

Thank you very much. 

Senator Dodd. We are very grateful to you. That is a very 
impressive statement. I have read it, and I must say, I think it is a 
most impressive statement, and we are grateful to you for appearing 
here today to help us out. 

Mr. Sourwine, do you have any questions ? 

Mr. Sourwine. I have some. Would the Chair wish to order a 
copy of the text of the bill S. 1689 to be printed at the begining of 
these hearings ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. It is so ordered. 

Mr. Sourwine. You say the Orlando committee drafted this bill, 
Mr. Grant? 

Mr. Grant. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. So it would be proper to ask you about the inter- 
pretation of certain provisions in the bill ? 

Mr. Grant. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. First, just a couple of technical points. Directing 
your attention to section 2 (a) 4 which begins at the bottom of page 2. 
I will read this passage : 

Since the end of World War II the Soviets have taken full advantage of their 
better preparation and often superior organizational and operational know- 
how * * *. The total sum of these defeats is nothing less than disaster for the 
United States and the free world. 

Do you consider that there is any possibility that the enactment by 
Congress of what I have just read would furnish propaganda ma- 
terial for the Soviets throughout the world ? 

Mr. Grant. Well, 

Mr. Sourwine. Or would it be desirable to delete that and to let 
subsection 4 begin with the words, "The continuation." 

Mr. Grant. Well, undoubtedly, the Soviets would try to squeeze 
that for any propaganda advantage they could. While this would 
represent a possible limited disadvantage, the advantages of putting 
that in there, and facing up to our situation in legislative form, far 
outweigh any propaganda advantages which the Soviets can get out 
of that statement. In fact, I think those statements in the bill em- 
phasize the part of their procedures the Soviets do not like to have 
known and brought to the public's attention. Very likely, they would 
not try to make propaganda out of this, to the extent I think you have 
in mind. By publicly admitting what we have failed to do in the 
past, we can pinpoint the specific problems this bill will correct. It 


will clear the air. It will show we mean business and it will help 
to forestall any attempt to convert the Academy into an innocuous 
academic undertaking. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Directing your attention to page 7, if you look at 
lines 20 and 21, the bill speaks of using means available to the Gov- 
ernment agencies, other than the methods and means already being 
used. Undoubtedly, you have in mind there, the avoidance of all 
duplication. On the other hand, if Government agencies are pres- 
ently using certain means and methods which are good, you would 
not mean to exclude those, would you ? 

Mr. Grant. That is correct. What we had in mind there was that 
we wanted all possibilities fully explored. Obviously, we want to 
perfect and further improve the means we are already using, and the 
Academy can make a great contribution here. 

Certainly, the Academy, with the type of faculty which we propose 
to have, should address itself to the problem of further perfecting the 
conventional means we are presently employing, but it should also 
explore all other possibilities, operational techniques, organizational 
forms, which the cold war agencies could use, as well as those which 
private organizations can employ. That is what we had in mind here. 
The Academy should explore the entire spectrum of counteraction, 
with special emphasis on the methods and means we are not presently 

Mr. SouRwiNE. If this language I have quoted to you should upon 
close examination appear to foreclose a certain area, that is, the area 
of those good methods which are now being used, then you would 
favor other language, would you not ? 

Mr. Grant. I certainly would. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, directing your attention— ^ — * 

Mr. Grant (interrupting). Let me just add right here if I may, 
in relation to this act, generally, the members of the Orlando com- 
mittee are not experts on drafting Federal legislation. We felt it was 
necessary for us to more or less take the bull by the horns and produce 
the basic bill, which we hoped your committee would perfect. We 
don't maintain this is a polished document. 

Mr. SouRwiNE (continuing). Directing your attention to page 18, 
lines 17 and 18, you have here a subtitle which reads, "Staff and 
Assistance ; Utilization of Federal Departments and Agencies ; Armed 

I find nothing in the subsequent section which has anything to do 
with armed protection. I wonder why that is in there. 

Mr. Grant. As you probably noticed, Mr. Sourwine, we adopted 
this part of the act setting up a joint committee from the Atomic 
Energy Act and in typing the bill, those two words, "armed protec- 
tion," were accidentally left in there. They should be deleted. 

We caught that, and I planned to write you a letter about it. I 
simply had not gotten around to doing that. I might also add, going 
back to section 17, part of a sentence has been left out of the House 
bill. When I checked the Senate bill, I found it was copied verbatim 
and the same clause was left out of the Senate version. I will give 
the wording to you but you can simply refer to the Atomic Energy 


Mr. SoTJRWiNE. What line is that, that you refer to? I have to 
read it to find it. Just a minute. After the word "Committee" in 
line 19 

Mr. Grant, The deletion begins after the word "Committee" in line 
19, It does not make sense the way it is. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You will supply the language that you suggest? 

Mr. Grant, Yes, sir, 

Mr, SouRwiNE. You say it should follow the corresponding section 
of the Atomic Energy Act? 

Mr. Grant. Yes. " That section follows verbatim the corresponding 
section of the Atomic Energy Act.^ 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, some general questions, Mr. Grant. 

Do you consider it of any importance to erect safeguards against 
possible political control of the organization you would set up here? 

Mr. Grant. Direct safeguards against political control? Do you 
mean by that, Republicans, Democrats, or pressure groups or some- 
thing of that nature ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You want it to be nonpolitical, do you not ? 

Mr. Grant. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You spoke of bipartisanship in one part of your 
statement. There is a difference between bipartisanship and being 
nonpolitical. It is nonpolitical that you are aiming at, is it not ? 

Mr. Grant. That is correct, sir. If I may interrupt just a min- 
ute. That is the reason, I think I emphasized before, why we think 
a joint Senate-House committee to make continuing studies of the 
Freedom Commission is very important. I think if it is turned 
over to the executive branch of the Government and it is controlled 
exclusively by the executive branch — except of course as to amend- 
ments or getting appropriations — the public would have less confi- 
dence than if there is also this joint committee to check on the com- 
mission, and the Academy, and see what it is doing. Getting that 
full public confidence in the Commission and the Academy is the most 
important reason for having this joint committee. 

Senator Hruska. Why did you suggest a division of 4 to 2 ? 

Mr. Grant. I am sorry. I am a little hard of hearing. 

Senator Hruska. In the bill I notice that it calls for a 4-to-2 divi- 
sion in the committee. Four members of one party and not less than 
two in the other. 

Mr. Grant. Well, first of all, we thought that seven would be an 
ideal number. We went back to the original thought of the Orlando 
committee in setting up our committee down there. We tried to 
make the committee itself as broadly representative as possible and 
we thought the same idea, of course, should be carried into the Free- 
dom Commission itself. If you had four or five members, that would 
not be quite enough appointments to make it broadly representative. 

Secondly, we thought we would like to apportion the membership 

8 The complete sentence, beginning at line 15 of the printed bill, and the following 
sentence, as they appear in the December 1958 committee print of Atomic Energy legisla- 
tion, at p. 68. read as follows : "The Joint Committee may make such rules respecting Its 
organization and procedures as it deems necessary : Provided, however. That no measure 
or recommendation shall be reported from the Joint Committee unless a majority of the 
committee assent. Subpoenas may be issued over the signature of the Chairman of the 
Joint Committee or by any member designated by him or by the Joint Committee, and 
may be served by such person or persons as may be designated by such Chairman or 


between the two parties. Possibly 3 to 3 and the chairman from the 
majority party would be the best division. 

Senator Hruska. Why did you not make it 4 to 3 ? 

Mr. Grant. I believe' we did. I think that is the way we have it 
drafted. You will note that the division of the Commission, as dis- 
tinguished from the joint committee, is four to three. You willalso 
note that there are seven Senators and seven Congressmen on the joint 
committee and no more than four from either house may be from the 
same party. This is the four to three division. We followed the 
Atomic Energy Act almost verbatim in establishing both the Commis- 
sion and the joint committee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Isn't it clear to you, Mr. Grant, that a committee or 
a joint committee of Congress has to be political? There will always 
be one party in control. 

Mr. Grant. Well, I believe that is partially true ; yes. 

Mr. Sour WINE. It is wholly true ; is it not ? 

Mr. Grant. Well, I don't know that I am an authority to argue that 
particular point. 

Mr. Sourwine. Isn't it perfectly clear you cannot have a con- 
gressional committee which is not dominated by one or another of 
the major political parties? 

Mr. Grant. I think that is correct ; yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. So, in setting at the top of this pyramid a joint con- 
gressional committee, you are making it essentially and inescapably 
a political matter ; are you not ? 

Mr. Grant. Well, I don't like to look at it that way. 

Mr. Sourwine. Well, how else can you look at it ? 

Mr. Grant. Well, we like to look on this joint committee as being 
made up of elected representatives of the people and it gives the people 
the best immediate direct check on what the Commission and the 
Academy are doing. 

We believe the joint committee and the Commission can and should 
be above partisan politics when dealing with this area. I like to be- 
lieve they will set an example for the rest of the country to follow. 
Our experience has been that once a representative group had done its 
homework in this area, then its liberal and conservative members can 
agree on a surprisingly broad range of anti-Communist action. I be- 
lieve that will be done in the case of the Commission and the joint 

Mr. Sourwine. But the committee itself would necessarily be a 
political committee in the sense that it would be nominated by the 
Kepublican Party or by the Democratic Party. 

Mr. Grant. Yes ; to some extent I suppose we can expect that. 
Mr. Sourwine. Your chairman and vice chairman would be from 
the party which was in power at the Congress at the time. Is that 
right ? 

Mr. Grant. That is right. 

Senator Hruska. I don't suppose that is of too great importance. 
When you drafted the bill, you did not consider that a major problem, 
I take it? 
Mr. Grant. No. 

Senator Hruska. I don't know. Sometimes around here, they tell 
me that when one party or the other gets so heavy a majority, it is 


difficult to tie this committee 4 to 3 ; but that would not trouble you 
too much if you had six Democrats and one Eepublican, would it ? 

Mr. Grant. Well, I am a registered Democrat myself but in tliis 
area, I try to remain entirely bipartisan or nonpartisan, except as to 
the Soviets. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Grant, as the bill is drafted, the watchdog com- 
mittee would have both legislative and investigative functions. Isn't 
that right? 

Mr. Grant. Well, investigative only to the extent of investigating 
what the Commission, the Academy, and the Information Center are 
doing. That is what we primarily had in mind, although presumably 
it would be helpful to the joint committee if they were able to call in 
independent witnesses to develop various aspects of counteraction. 
All laws or amendments to laws dealing with the Commission and 
the Academy would be sent to the joint committee, just as all laws 
dealing Avith atomic energy are sent to the Joint Atomic Energy 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The duty which you impose upon the committee is to 
make continued studies of activities and problems relating to the de- 
velopment of counteraction to the International Communist con- 
spiracies. Would that not embrace a great deal of what the existing 
House Un-American Activities Committee and the Senate Internal 
Security Subcommittee now do ? 

Mr. Grant. I did not interpret it that way but since apparently, 
it has been subjected to that interpretation, I frankly think that that 
language should be modified to make it quite clear and quite plain 
that it will not supersede nor interfere in any way with the activities 
of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee or the House Un- 
American Activities Committee. 

I am sure this committee can redraft sections 15 and 17 to take care 
of that matter. 

We do not envision the joint committee investigating communism in 
the United States or drafting security laws. That is the business of 
the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and the Un-American 
Activities Committee. The last thing we would want to do is to 
interfere with these committees. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. As your bill is drafted, it provides for a systematic 
selection of those who will attend the Academy. It would not, there- 
fore, be open to all, or to all who have certain academic background. 
Is this, in your opinion, desirable? Is this the democratic way to 
proceed ? 

Mr. Grant. Well, I don't believe that we should have the Commis- 
sion and the Academy open to just anyone who wants to attend it, 
any more than West Point or Annapolis or the Air Force Academy 
are open to anyone who wants to attend. 

We have, regardless of the size in which this is undertaken 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Let me interrupt you. Of course, it is open to 
anyone who passes an examination and is physically qualified and 
nominated by a Member of Congress ? 

Mr. Grant. Which is a method of selection, sir. 

Senator Hruska. It is much broader than this one which you 
suggest in this bill. 

Mr. Grant. What specific terminology do you refer to, Mr. Sour- 


Mr. SouRwiNE. In selection, you do not spell out precisely how that 
selection shall be accomplished. You do provide for selection, pre- 
sumably to be in accordance with the rules and regulations fixed 
by the Commission. The Commission would have the authority to 
select in accordance with whatever standards it set up. It seems to 
be aimed at the creation of an elite corps and I wondered if that was 
what you had in mind. 

Mr. Grant. Not elite, in the sense of being exclusive. Now, you 
notice the language provides Academy students are to be selected, in- 
sofar as practicable and in the public interest, from a cross section of 
the diverse group within and without the United States in which the 
total political war is being fought. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Does that mean you have to have so many Catho- 
lics; so many colored persons; so many persons with brown skin; 
so many persons that belong to particular organizations? Does it 
mean that ? 

Mr. Grant. No. Not at all. It means that the cold war is being 
fought in all types of organizations and all types of institutions. 
The people who can best lead counteraction, or develop strength 
within those organizations, are members of those very organizations. 
Consequently, those are the people in the private sector that we want 
to bring into the Academy and train. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Well, the cold war is being fought for example, 
in the PTA. Would you say there had to be a certain proportion of 
people from the PTA in the Academy ? 

Mr. Grant. No. Not a certain fixed proportion, but we would 
certainly like to have a number of people from the PTA come in and 
attend these courses. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Since the cold war is being fought among all the 
minority groups, would you have representatives from all the mi- 
nority groups in the selected student body ? 

Mr. Grant. I would certainly hope that eventually we would get 
members of all those minority groups to attend the Academy so they 
could go back and focus the attention of their organizations on the 
survival question and inform them of the character and methods of 
the Soviet conspiracy and provide their organizations with informed 
leadership which could show them how they could participate in the 
cold war. 

Mr. SoTjRwiNE. Is this what you mean by cross sections ? 

Mr. Grant. Yes, sir; always keeping in mind you don't want to 
bring a dodo or a moron into the Academy and try to train him. He 
has to have some ability before you spend the Government's time 
and money on him. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Would you resist the idea of fixing certain mini- 
mum standards and then letting the Academy be open to all who 
could meet those standards ? 

Mr. Grant. No. I would have no objection to that. I think those 
standards might be a little difficult to set up. The Orlando commit- 
tee has not specifically explored that precise problem. I believe it 
would be wise, however, to give the Commission broad authority in 
student selection, keeping in mind the general policy directive set 
forth by the Congress in sections 2 and 7. The cold war situation is 
constantly changing and presumably the makeup of the student body 
would also change to some degree to meet new situations. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, do you have in mind that the primary ob- 
jective here would be propaganda, or education ? 

Mr. Grant. Well, the word "propaganda" has certain inferences 
and implications which I don't like. What we are emphasizing here 
is developing methods and means by which freemen can defend them- 
selves against the total Soviet threat. I think propaganda is an ex- 
ceedingly poor term to describe that. What we are using is the truth. 
We are not compelled to use the conspiratorial forms or the conspira- 
torial techniques or to adopt the false propaganda poses of the Com- 
munist, insofar as this Academy is concerned. I presume the CIA 
is engaged in certain affirmative covert political activities. I don't 
know. I presume that. I hope so, anyway. This is not the area of 
the Academy. The Academy is entirely in the open area. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are going to teach. 

Mr. Grant. I do not think of it in terms of teaching these people 
propaganda to use in the sense of trying to present any distorted 

Mr. Sourwine. Well, truth is the best propaganda, is it not ? 

Mr. Grant. It certainly is. 

Mr. Sourwine. Propaganda is simply the dissemination of infor- 
mation designed to effect the thinking and attitudes of people, is it not ? 

Mr. Grant. Correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. If the information you disseminate is the truth, it 
is best calculated to achieve that purpose, and permanently retain its 
effect, is it not? 

Mr. Grant. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. You spoke of creating a group of people able to 
fight the cold war. Are you going to exclude teaching them conspira- 
torial techniques ? 

Mr. Grant. Certainly, as part of their training, they will have to 
understand Soviet conspiratorial techniques. Now, in defending 
itself, obviously, a free world or a free country or a Democratic coun- 
try, particularly when it is faced with the sort of challenge we are, 
would be foolishly naive if it tried to confine itself entirely to open 
methods. The CIA operates in the covert area; not only in intelli- 
gence but probably in affirmative political activity. As far as the 
Academy is concerned it would not be operating in that field. The 
Academy is primarily concerned with the open part of the problem. 
But students should understand the covert part of the problem. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are we not caught in a little semantic trap here? 
Conspiracy can be open as well as covert. Conspiracy simply means 
the grouping together of individuals with a purpose of common action 
toward a common objective. Is that not exactly what we are doing 
here when we are trying to fight the world Communist conspiracy? 
We are entering into a conspiracy of our own, open, if you please, and 
avowed, but for the purpose of making our joint effort come to bear 
upon the joint objective of defeating the world Communist conspiracy. 
Is that not true ? 

Mr. Grant. Yes, sir. I agree with that completely. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. So that in that respect, you cannot be afraid of the 
word "conspiracy," at its basic meaning. What we will be teaching 
here are the techniques of conspiracy against communism. Isn't that 

42731—59 3 


Mr. Grant. Well, you have explained conspiracy in such a way 
that I think it takes most of the onus off the term. We are seeking 
here to develop the organizational forms and the operational tech- 
niques by which freemen can organize anti- Communist strength 
against the total Soviet conspiracy. I think that is a better way of 
expressing it. We urgently need to develop all the latent areas of 
strength, and this can be done by using methods which do not do 
violence to our morality and ethics. Again I am speaking of what 
the Academy will train people to do, not what CIA does where their 
people must have a "cover." 

Mr. SouRwiNE. All right, sir. You spoke of indoctrination of 
members of the Armed Services. How will the Freedom Academy 
accomplish that ? 

Mr. Grant. Well, there are a number of ways that immediately 
come to mind. For example, the Department of Defense and the 
Armed Forces run a very considerable education and information 

Mr. SouRWiNE. They do. 

Mr. Grant. I think that many of the officers within the Armed 
Forces who conduct that, who give lectures to troops, and so forth, 
if they would attend the Academy for 3 or 4 months, it would help 
them considerably in what they are doing. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you any appraisal of the value of the pre- 
indoctrination program in the Armed Services? Do you think it is 
good or bad ? 

Mr. Grant. I have made no study of that, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You don't know ? 

Mr. Grant. I understand they have a very good Director and 
Deputy Director over there, John Broger, on that program. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You don't know whether they would need the guid- 
ance or control of the Academy in order to do a better job or to do 
their job at all? 

Mr. Grant. I have not made a specific study of that problem. I 
prefer not to comment on that at this time. However, John Broger 
is very much in favor of this bill and has told me it will help them 
witli their program. I understand this is the general feeling at the 
Pentagon. The Academy would not control any other department 
or agency, but the operational science developed by the Academy 
would be utilized by other agencies and they would use the Academy's 
training facilities. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you regard the Freedom Academy as, in any 
sense, a counterespionage agency ? 

Mr. Grant. No ; I do not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You do not. I think you said something which indi- 
cated that you thought that the Freedom Academy would produce a 
group or a cadre of professional political warriors. 

Mr. Grant. Well, I certainly think that those who are operating in 
our Government cold war agencies should be developed to the very 
highest professional levels. Obviously, many private citizens who 
will attend the Academy, particularly those who are taking shorter 
courses — I think the Academy would give some courses, of 1, 2, or 3 
months' duration — will not reach professional level, but will prove 
very useful. For example, suppose an oil company wants to send 


people to Latin America, They may be willing to send them to the 
Academy for 1 month. Even in a month they can receive sufficient 
training to greatly increase their usefulness. High-school teachers 
might want to attend summer courses and take 2 or 3 months of 
training in this area, so they can go back and organize courses. In 
2 or 3 months, you cannot raise these people to professional level. 
But we also need people, both in private life and government, who 
will receive 1, 2, 3, even 4 years' training in this Academy and related 
schools so they can understand the overall problem, and intermesh the 
whole spectrum of counteractivity into a true operational science 
which, at that level, will certainly require a high level, professional 
type of person. 

Furthermore, it is of utmost importance that Academy training be 
of a caliber and intensity which w^ill inspire true dedication in the 
students and a determination to do whatever is necessary to meet the 
total Soviet challenge. Counteraction can no longer be entrusted to 
half-committed people. To paraphrase Lenin, we need people who 
will devote to counteraction not merely their spare evenings, but the 
whole of their lives. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Would there be any effort to keep liaison with and 
control over the graduates of the Freedom Academy so as to direct 
their activities toward a coherent operation ? 

Mr. Grant. Not directly. I think that if that was done — while 
you can argue it either way, if that were done, there would be many 
objections raised: that there was too much Federal interference in 
the private sector; it would be asserted that we were trying to set 
up a super organization that is interfering in private sectors or inter- 
fering in foreign countries, and so on. 

You can imagine how the Communists could pick up that propa- 
ganda ball and run with it. However, instead of that, what we have 
proposed is the establishment of an information center. The infor- 
mation center would provide materials to any interested group or 
individual who is working against the Soviet conspiracy and to this 
exent could give organizational support to Academy graduates. Let 
me give an example. 

Back in 1950, when we set up this school program, there was no 
place we could turn to for help. In the course of 2 years, a couple of 
us read just about everything tliat had been printed in the English 
language on the subject of world communism that was available in 
our libraries. We used to start out at 7 in the evening, and read 
until 3 and 4 in the morning, and put in a full day in the law office 
the next day. Unfortunately, I don't think there are too many 
groups who would be willing to spend that amount of time preparing 
but, in the future, when a group like the Orlando Committee wants 
to set up a school program like that, there ought to be some central 
organization they can turn to for top level help and material. They 
have not even produced textbooks in this area yet. The information 
center, authorized in section 9, would fill this urgent need. The infor- 
mation center working with the Academy and Hollywood, could, for 
example, turn out a series of high-caliber training films to be used by 
high schools, colleges, and community study groups. 

There ought to be textbooks to guide teachers; all types of visual 
aids and training aids including films and so forth, available. The 


information center can provide these and also suggest programs. The 
Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy would not be en- 
gaged in operations other than that. Everything they are doing is in 
the development and training area; not in the operations area. So 
there is no overlap. That type of operation will not conflict in any 
way with the U.S. Information Agency. One of the objections 
raised was overlapping here, and duplicating. I think we very 
clearly are not. 

Getting back to your question : Congressman Herlong, in his maiden 
floor speech on this bill, stated that Academy gi^aduates would have 
no strings attached when they left the Academy. But we can expect 
those who have trained together to cooperate with each other when 
they have left the Academy. This is most desirable. We can expect 
them to form their own liaison committees without any intervention 
by this Government. Unless they do this on a voluntary basis, their 
training has not been very effective. 

Does that answer your questions ? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes, sir. 

You are speaking of getting people from foreign countries, making 
them good cold war fighters, then sending them back. Is there any 
danger that, in the first instance, the efficiency of such people as 
fighters of communism w^ould be circumscribed because they would be 
labeled in their countries as i^merican spies ? 

Mr. Grant. Certainly that is a possibility, and it is something we 
have thought about a long time. Back in 1953 and 1954, when we 
were originally considering the academy as a private institution, we 
considered setting it up in the Philippines or in Switzerland, for 
example, just to prevent any possible onus from having attended a 
U.S. political academy. On the other hand, I think we can get overly 
defensive about this matter. We can think of all the things, the clubs 
that the Communists are going to pick up and hit us with. As a 
result, we get completely frozen in place. We think, "My God, 
when we do this, the minute those people go back, they will be 
branded covert agents of the CIA," and so on, regardless of what 
we do. But that mere possibility should not stop us from going 
ahead and establishing an academy which we think is desperately 
needed. The danger exists, but I am sure the Commission can find 
the means to reduce this danger. 

You should also keep in mind that once a foreign student has 
received Academy training, he will know how to handle any accusa- 
tion that he is an American spy. He will keep the other side on the 

Let me given an example of where we can get students. There are 
between 35,000 and 40,000 exchange students in this country at all 
times. Now, I believe that a significant number of those students 
would volunteer to attend this Academy. Not necessarily for 1, 2, or 
3 years, but possibly for a 3 months' course or a 6 months' course, and 
if they did that, they would be so much more effective in preserving 
the free world than they are now, where we simply send them back as 
individuals without any idea of what they are going to do or sense of 
mission. I understand many of them join the Communist Party when 
they get back because the Communist Party appears to be the only 
group that has a dynamic program, and knows where it is going. 


In addition to that, I am certain there are many .persons overseas 
who would like to volunteer to come to this Academy. Originally, the 
Orlando committee thought one of our greatest problems would be 
recruiting overseas students to come here. Obviously, any recruiting 
overseas would have certain propaganda overtones that could be used 
against us, but I have discussed this with other people who are in 
contact with overseas organizations. They tell me our problem is not 
going to be to get enough students but trying to select from the many 
applications we have, the few that we will be able to train. In other 
words, we will have so many people applying, we will not be able to 
train all those who want to attend this Academy. 

Mr. Sour WINE. I have just one more question. 

In your provision for bringing in foreign students, the bill calls for 
admission of those foreign students who are selected; as presently 
drafted, this would appear to override the authority of the Immigra- 
tion and Naturalization Service and of the Attorney General. I take 
it, you would have no objection to amending the bill so no one could 
come in unless they meet the regulations of the immigration law ? 

Mr. Grant. That section was adopted, almost verbatim, from that 
part of the U.S. Information Service Act which sets up the student- 
exchange program, and provides the same safeguard — namely, that 
students shall be admitted as nonimmigrants under such circumstances 
and conditions as may be prescribed by the regulations of the Com- 
mission, the Secretary of State, and the Attorney General. They 
can be deported at any time if they engage in adverse political 

Senator Hruska. Isn't that what we do now with other students? 
We bring them here for health purposes ; research. 

Mr. Grant. AVe have no objection to such an amendment. I wanted 
to point out that section 7 is adopted from the U.S. Information 
Service Act, setting up the student-exchange program, and has the 
same safeguards. 

Senator Hruska. I don't think you have any great problem there. 

I think you have a very good idea. If it does nothing else, I hope 
it will put an end to the constant apology, "We did not know about 
the Communists, when they did these things." This has been going 
on for 25 years at least. We would have a place where everybody can 
get the information. It would be given out every day. If we can do 
that, we would have done something worth while, in my judgment. 
I think your testimony is very good and very impressive and very 
helpful. I am grateful to you. 


Senator Hruska. You are chairman of the Foundation for Reli- 
gious Action ; is that right ? 

Mr. LowRT. That is correct. Yes, sir. 

Senator Hruska. Good of you to take your time to help us out. Will 
you state your name and address for the record ? 

I am sure you have a prepared statement. 

Will you give it to us, too ? 


Mr. LowRY. Charles Wesley Lowry, 1112 Dupont Circle Building, 
Washington 6, D.C. I am chairman and director of the Foundation 
for Religious Action in the Social and Civil Order, commonly called 
FRASCO. This is an all-faith organization, dedicated to combating 
communism with spiritual weapons, and to launching a spiritual intel- 
lectual counteroffensive against communism. 

Senator Hruska. I have to make a telephone call. I have a copy 
of your statement. I am coming right back. You go right ahead. 

Mr. Lowry. Certainly. Thank you very much, indeed. 

(Senator Hruska retired to an anteroom, returning within a few 
minutes. ) 

Mr. Lowry. I am very much privileged to have the opportunity of 
supporting S. 1689, commonly referred to as the Freedom Commission 
Act. I would like to say, in starting, that I personally believe that we 
can win the cold war if we have the will to win it. The thing that I 
think has, to a great extent, been lacking in the free world, and even 
in the United States, is a definite, strong will to face the situation, 
to exert the power necessary — and I use power very generally there to 
cover more than simply physical or military power — to win this 
struggle. I think we can win it, provided we have the will and pro- 
vided we effect the necessary concentrations of power. Using it 
again in that general sense, the paramount issue before mankind, I 
believe, is freedom; its security, survival, renewal, and extension as 
the divinely ordered, fundamental fonn of human existence alike for 
individuals and societies. 

There is an ideology of freedom with an unlimited potency of moral 
force and psychological appeal, provided that the inheritors of free- 
dom in this country and the world awake to the realization of what 
they have in their hands and provided, also, that free men face 
realistically, before it is too late, the gigantic scope and organized 
character of the coimteroffensive launched in our advanced 20th cen- 
tury after 300 years of relative passivity and quiescence, by the 
massed forces of despotism and total tyranny. 

In very truth, freedom has not known such peril since the westward 
thrust of the Ottoman Turks in the 15th and 16th centuries, perhaps 
since the battle of Tours in 732, possibly since the days of the Caesars 
and the persecution of Christianity prior to the conversion m 311 of 
Constantine the Great. 

I have discussed the ideology of freedom at some length in a con- 
sultation on June 5, 1958 with the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities — a document published as "The Ideology of Freedoni ver- 
sus the Ideology of Communism." To emphasize also the necessity of 
the positive side of this whole issue — that there is an ideology of 
freedom — in the earlier discussion with the House committee, I tried 
to bring out the cardinal import of the American experience and con- 
stitutional tradition for the right understanding of freedom. And I 
believe this is a too much neglected, or at any rate, too little drawn 
out and explicity developed aspect of this total issue. 

Now, in what I have to say today, I would like to emphasize the 
peculiar configuration of the forces that threaten freedom, democracy, 
and religion under the name of a new "ism" — totalitarianism. This 
"ism", which could perhaps be defined simply as a total state tyranny, 
is a product in part of advanced technology and applied psychology. 


Karl Marx had a prophetic understanding of the role of technology 
and its use by capitalism. Contemporaneously with him, of course, 
he also believed that this commanded the future. I think as we look 
on the great technological achievements of communism today, we 
should remember this was a division of the founders of this extra- 
ordinary ideology. Here is a passage from the "Communist Mani- 
fests" which has been, in my opinion, insufficiently noted. I quote: 

The bourgeoisie has been the first to show what man's activity can bring 
about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman 
aqueducts and Gothic cathedrals ; it has conducted expeditions that put in 
the shade all former exoduses of nations and crusades. 

The Russian physiologist, Pavlov, and the American psychological 
behaviorist, Watson, contributed to the belief widely entertained by 
scientists and sociologists that the human being is essentially plastic 
and malleable and can be indefinitely conditioned and conformed 
according to patterns desired by those in a position to experiment. 
This belief underlies the techniques subsumed under the phrase "brain- 
washing," given wide currency, I believe, by the writings of Edward 

Actually, all this was based on a false view of man. The East 
German uprising in 1953 — and the anniversary of which we observe 
today, incidentally, June 17 — the reaction of Russians, even party 
leaders, in the years following the death of Stalin, and the Polish 
and Hungarian revolutions of 1956, all gave the lie to the idea that 
man is in nature exactly as an animal or a thing and can, therefore, 
be indoctrinated away from the desire and love of freedom. One of 
the most brilliant women of our time. Miss Hannah Arendt, has said 
that the 12 days of the Hungarian revolution contain more history 
than the 12 years after the Red army supplanted the Nazis. At the 
same time, she warns, imperialism has a much greater chance of suc- 
cess when directed by a totalitarian government. And in many ways, 
that is our problem. We are democratic, a free society, engaged in 
a struggle with the most highly developed form of totalitarianism 
of all times. 

This is a subject I have given a great deal of thought to. Totali- 
tarianism is the genus or broad class ; the species or specific instances 
under this class are communism, fascism, socialism — national social- 
ism — and, I would add, Peronism, with its utilization for the first time 
of the feminine element in mass psychology and tactics of government. 
No doubt there are and will be other instances. The important thing 
to note now is that communism was the first experiment in totalitarian- 
ism. It began with Lenin in Russia in 1917. It has outlived the other 
major experiments in state tyranny under modern conditions and 
communism has managed to get itself into a position of enormous 
power, politically, economically, and internationally, with the result 
that the Marxist-Leninist vision of world revolution and universal 
communism is more than an assertion of a specter, haunting Europe — 
it is a tangible force moving out everywhere like an octopus, threaten- 
ing all unstable societies and haunting, without exception, all non- 
Communist governments. 

Why has Communist totalitarianism contrived a success so shatter- 
ing in its assault on free institutions, free civilization, and the very 
citadel — the ideal of freedom itself ? The answer is to be found in 


the fact that communism combines a materialistic ideology adapted 
to an age of great material forces with an organizational weapon and 
a subversive genius unmatched in the long human story. Add to this 
the vast unrest of our disordered, aroused time, expressing itself in a 
world outreach toward human dignity, freedom, independence, and 
decent living standards— incidentally, largely inspired by the ideals, 
the traditions and the accomplishments of the United States of 
America— and you have a description of an unprecedented configura- 
tion of history-making forces. 

This configuration of forces could make our age the greatest the 
world has ever known. This will happen if freedom does indeed have 
a new birth, both as a compelling ideal and in practical effectiveness. 
On the other hand, communism" is poised with its doctrine of world 
revolution developed into a system of nonmilitary warfare that 
amounts to a technical breakthrough. Many factors favor it. There 
is much to justify the pervasive pessimism alike of liberals and con- 
servatives in our society and throughout the free world. Unless the 
giant, America, the creation of men who believed in God, in freedom, 
and in the moral law, awakes and rises to the challenge of a new breed 
of political and technical titans, our age will prove to be the graveyard 
of humanism, reason, and democracy, and the world will be engulfed 
in a new and uncharted Gotterdiimmerung, a twilight of the gods. 
And this will happen, ironically — as an able student, himself trained 
; 1 an earlier period of his life in the Leninist Academy in Moscow, has 
t'lid, strikingly — it will happen just when the ideological gods are 
moving westward. 

This is by way of stating, and, as it were, laying out before you 
diagrammatically, the position and point of view in relation to world 
affairs which I hold and from which I speak in advocating, emphati- 
cally and strongly, the Freedom Commission Act which is now before 
the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. 

In view of the analysis just offered, you will not be surprised when 
I say that the proposed legislation setting up a Freedom Commisison, 
w^ith a directive to establish a Freedom Academy, is, in my judgment, 
one of the most important, indeed momentous, developments in nearly 
14 years of c^jld war. And may I add that political warfare began, 
in its present phase, in 1940 — 1939 and 1940^ — it did not really begin 
as late as 1945. The great disaster from our standpoint was that the 
Soviets had the courage, they had the guts, they had the insight to 
wage political warfare from the onset of World War 11. Now, if 
Congress adopts this legislation, it will, in my opinion, be a wholesome 
indication that the United States means business in the most positive 
sense with regard to the world struggle for liberty. If Congress 
adopts this legislation in its essential from, it will demonstrate con- 
cretely that we have accepted the hard fact that we are in for a cold 
war of indefinite duration. It will be a Avelcome and encouraging 
sign that we intend to win the total political war that has been thrust 
upon us and all independent states. 

Up to this time, it seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that our people, 
though in many ways their response to the problems and crises of a 
troubled period has been excellent, yet, up to this point, our people 
have not been clearly told that we are in a continuing national and 
world emergency, and that business as usual is not enough. I speak 


here with very special conviction and, I hope, some authority. For 
more than 10 years I have believed that we must devise and adopt 
extraordinary measures to meet the situation of unending emergency. 
Otherwise, we are certain to lose what is in effect a planetary civil 
war, for our enemy is mobilized and is directed at every point by a 
fanatical ideology expressing itself in a revolutionary psychology. 
And it is right here, the matter of ideology and psychology, that we 
lack, it seems to me, so much from the standpoint of our mobilization. 

I have believed that this doctrine of the indefinite emergency must be 
accepted by our churches, our universities and schools, and our busi- 
ness and industrial concerns and labor unions, and our civic and 
voluntary associations as well as by the Government of the United 
States. Under the influence of this conviction, I kept a copy of the 
Communist Manifesto by my beside table for 9 months in 1950-51; 
I wrote in 1951 my book, "Communism and Christ," which Dr. Billy 
Graliam later sent to every Member of Congress as a present ; and I 
resigned in 1953 as rector of a marvelous parish in Chevy Chase to 
throw my whole weight into the emergency and to organize, with Dr. 
Edward L. R. Elson, the Foundation for Eeligious Action in the 
Social and Civil Order, FRASCO. This foundation, of which I am 
chairman and executive director, is an all-faith action organization, 
dedicated to opposing communism with spiritual weapons and to 
working for the moral and religious revitalization of American 

I need not repeat what I said earlier, except, looking back now 
over a decade, I believe that I have been abundantly vindicated as a 
prophet. We believe we must not only oppose communism but we 
must find a way to revitalize, spiritually, our democracy and whole 
concept of Democratic government and a free society in our w^orld. 

But I am compelled to conclude that a more powerful concentration 
of force is necessary than any voluntary association or coalition of 
associations is likely to bring about. So far there has not been any 
significant, concentrated mobilization of power directed to the world 
emergency in the voluntary sector of American society or that of the 
free world. On the contrary, private efforts have become more frag- 
mented and duplicative, possibly because of the very stimulus of 
crisis and danger. 

It follows that there is a vacuum in the power structure which must 
be filled if we are to survive, let alone fulfill our true mission as a 
leader nation. This can be done satisfactorily only if an organ of 
government like that of the proposed Freedom Commission be set up 
with the authority and the financial means to utilize, on a voluntary 
basis in a Freedom Academy, the best talent available, with a view 
to thinking through the problems of total political warfare and de- 
vising appropriate methods and techniques, both of concentration and 
of positive, originative, creative action. 

There are, I am sure, many details in the proposed bill which raise 
questions. Perhaps there are some substantive issues inevitably pre- 
sented by any legislation in this field. I shall be glad to give my 
views on such matters if they are desired, not as an authority on 
legislative questions as such, which I am not, but as an ordinary citi- 
zen deeply concerned with the gravest crisis the United States has 
ever faced. In any case, I would like to emphasize the importance, 


in all discussions of what is proposed, of keeping the main object in 
view and not losing sight of the woods by getting too close to one tree. 

Details should be revised where experience and more careful con- 
sideration indicate such to be desirable. Means should be refined 
and improved wherever possible. But the heart of the bill, which 
is the Freedom Commission, with large powers in a carefully deline- 
ated area, and the Freedom Academy, is so evidently necessary and so 
imperatively urgent that I hope and pray for its speedy enactment. 

Thank you very much, gentlemen, for your courtesy in according 
me this opportunity to appear before you on behalf of S. 1689. 

Senator Hruska. We are grateful to you, rather ; no thanks to us. 
Tliis has been valuable testimony and we appreciate the fact that you 
took the time to come here and tell us your views. 

Mr. LowRY. I was happy to do it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, there are several conmiunications 
which should be offered for the record. 

This is a letter from Chief Judge Frederick W. Brune of the Court 
of Appeals of Maryland, which expresses his views with regard to 
this bill. 

Senator Hruska. It may be included in the record. 

(The letter of Chief Judge Brune reads as follows :) 

Court of Appeals, Maryland, 

Baltimore, Md., April 27, 1959. 
Hon. J. G. SouRWiNE, 

General Counsel, Subcommittee on Internal Security, 
Committee on the Judiciary, 
New Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Sourwine : I have received your letter of April 24 and have read 
S. 1689 enclosed therewith. This bill lies almost entirely, I think, outside of 
the field with regard to which I testified on April 23, and the comments below 
are offered only in response to the direct request of the committee. 

I would suggest that section 2(a) (4) be amended by striking out all the text 
except the last clause, which begins in line 4 on page 3, so that paragraph 4 
would read : "The continuation of this political war by the Soviets confronts the 
United States with a grave, present, and continuing danger to its national 
survival." It seems to me that the portion of paragraph 4 which I would 
suggest be omitted, might have a considerable propaganda usefulness to the 

In section 6(2) on page 7, lines 20-21, I suggest that it might be advisable to 
omit the concluding phrase "other than the methods and means already being 
used." I suppose that the pui'pose of this exception was to avoid possible con- 
flict or overlapping between different Government agencies, but it would seem 
to me that if our Government is already using desirable methods and means 
it would be advisable to include any instruction therein which could be given 
without danger to our national security, and perhaps the Academy could de- 
velop suggestions for improvements in methods or means already in use. 

I am pleased to note in section 12(7), page 13, that the program contemplates 
making use of the cooperation of State or local governmental agencies. 

On page 18, is the heading of section 18 correct in including the term "armed 
protection"? I find no specific mention of such protection in the body of section 
18, though it may be included in the general authorization for the utilization of 
services, information, facilities and personnel of the departments and estab- 
lishments of the Government. 

I am generally in favor of the bill. 

I wish to take this opportunity to thank you for your courtesies during my 
visit on April 23. I trust that you have by now received from the University of 
Chicago a copy of the monographs which I promised to have sent. You mil 
note that the volume as published contains several monographs or addresses 
to which I did not refer last Thursday, as well as those which I did mention. 
I believe that some relatively minor revisions have been made. For example, at 


pages 44-45, Professor Cramton has brought his comments down to date by 
including the decisions of the Supreme Court in the Beilan and Lerner cases. 
These had not been rendered at the time of the preparation of his original 

Sincerely yours, 

Frederick W. Brtjne. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. A letter from the Deputy Attorney General, 
Lawrence E. Walsh, on this bill. 

Senator Hruska. It shall be included in the record. 

(The letter of Deputy Attorney General Lawrence E. Walsh reads 
as follows:) 

U.S. Department of Justice, 
Office of the Deputy Attorney General, 

Washington, D.O., May 18, 1959. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary, 
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. 

Dear Senator : This is in response to the request of Senator Dodd, Vice Chair- 
man of the Internal Security Subcommittee, for the views of the Department of 
Justice concerning the bill (S. 1689) "To create the Freedom Commission for 
the development of the science of counteraction to the world Communist con- 
spiracy and for the training and development of leaders in a total political war." 

The bill would create a Freedom Commission with responsibility for training 
Americans and selected foreign students to better understand the nature of the 
international Communist conspiracy and for developing effective methods for 
combating it. The Commission would function, to a large extent, through a 
Freedom Academy and information centers which it is authorized to establish. 
A Joint Congressional Freedom Committee would also be established, to make 
continued studies of the activities of the Freedom Commission and of problems 
relating to the development of counteraction to the international Communist 

The Department of Justice is wholly in accord with the view that a greater 
awareness throughout the free world of the extent and operations of com- 
munism and methods of combating it is most desirable. However, there would 
seem to be no need to create a new agency in order to accomplish this objective. 
Rather, existing agencies, for example, the U.S. Information Agency, and others 
in the security field, could be utilized with less risk of confusion, overlapping of 
responsibilities, and duplication of effort. 

Accordingly, the Department of Justice is unable to recommend enactment of 
this bill. 

The Bureau of the Budget has advised that there is no objection to the sub- 
mission of this report. 
Sincerely yours, 

Lawrence E. Walsh, 
Deputy Attorney General. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Here is a letter from Mr. David Sarnoff, chairman 
of the board of Radio Corp. of America, together with a copy of 
his brochure "Program for a Political Offensive Against World Com- 

Senator Hruska. They shall be included. 

(The letter of David Sarnoff and the brochure above referred to 
read as follows :) 

Radio Corp. op America, 
New York, N.Y., May 1, 1959. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee, Washington, D.C. 

Dear Senator Eastland : I beg leave to put on record my personal endorse- 
ment—in principle — of the Freedom Commission Act, S. 1689, on which, I un- 
derstand, your Internal Security Subcommittee is planning to hold hearings. 

I say "in principle" not because I have any reservations on the basic pro- 
posal but because I have not yet had an opportunity for close study of the bill. 


My purpose, therefore, is to support the proposal in general rather than in 

On April 5, 1955, I submitted to the President of the United States a memo- 
randum entitled "Program for a Political Offensive Against World Com- 
munism," which was later made public. (A copy of this memorandum is at- 
tached hereto. ) 

The memorandum emphasized the magnitude of Communist strategy and 
organization for the conduct of political and psychological warfare — what is 
generally called the cold war — against the free world and especially against 
our own country. It argued that this type of warfai-e is not a sideshow but a 
life-and-death threat to the survival of our civilization — ^that if we lose this 
contest in the cold war, the defeat could be as final as if we had lost a hot 

Because our understanding of this challenge and our counteraction have been 
inadequate, the memorandum declared, we have been losing its battles by de- 
fault; and unless we did grasp the urgency of the contest and acted boldly to 
meet its challenge on a scale geared to victory, we could lose the entire strug- 
gle by default. 

Accordingly, I outlined a course of suggested action, part of which is per- 
tinent to the bill before you. Under the caption "Training of Cadres," I said 
in part : 

"The immediate and prospective activities of the cold war offensive will re- 
quire ever larger contingents of specialized personnel for the many tasks ; to 
provide leadership for resistance operations; to engage in propaganda * * *, 
infiltration of the enemy, et cetera. 

"Already, limited as our political efforts are, there is a shortage of competent 
personnel. Meanwhile thousands of younger men and women among the emigres 
are being lost to factories, farms, menial jobs. This amounts to squander- 
ing of potentially important human resources. 

"We need a network of schools and universities devoted to training cadres 
for the cold war. The objective is not education in a generic sense, but specific 
preparation for the intellectual, technical, intelligence and similar require- 
ments of the ideological-psychological war. 

"This training, of course, should not be limited to people from the Soviet 
areas. A sort of 'West Point' of political warfare — analogous to the Lenin 
School of Political Warfare in Moscow — might be established. Staffed by the 
ablest specialists obtainable, it would seek out likely young people willing to 
make the struggle against communism their main or sole career." 

The Freedom Commission Act, it appears to me, goes a substantial distance 
toward implementing this suggestion. I note, indeed, that Life magazine, in 
an editorial approving the act, has used the very phrase I did to describe the 
Academy envisioned by the bill : namely, "a West Point of Political Warfare." 

In the 4 years since the memoi-andum was submitted, I believe the issue has 
become even more important; the need for action even more pressing. Com- 
munist depredations by techniques that are essentially political — although often 
supported by force of the threat of force — have in this period been accelerated. 

The Western position in the Middle East has been deteriorating. Communist 
infiltration of the newly independent countries of Africa has gained momentum, 
and similar penetration of non-Soviet areas is underway in varying degrees 
throughout the free world, in other parts of Asia and Africa, in Indonesia and 
Ceylon and India, in Latin American countries. Moscow and Peiping have con- 
fronted us with a series of crises, provoked by them and timed by them (Quemoy, 
Lebanon, Berlin, Iraq, etc.), all calculated to keep the free world off balance and 

More than ever before, we need to see the larger pattern, of which such crises 
are only parts. Only a clear comprehension of the total and permanent Com- 
munist strategy will enable us to deal with it effectively. The Academy proposed 
by the act could make a vital contribution in this respect. 

In these 4 years, moreover, progress in the development of devastating nuclear 
weapons, both by Soviet Russia and free nations, has tended to create a balance 
of dreadful terror which is likely to inhibit nations from touching off a world 
war. However, I do not rule out the possibility of such a war, which could come 
through miscalculation or accident. It is self-evident that our country must 
make the necessary sacrifice to maintain maxinmm military preparedness to 
provide for our national security and to deter aggression. 


The risks involved in a hot war that would be unleashed by a major power 
today or in the foreseeable future are indeed great. The logical consequence 
of this is that struggle by methods short of war — political, economic, psycho- 
logical — attains greater significance than ever in the past. It is the area of 
action in which I believe there exists the greatest danger for us as a Nation as 
well as for the rest of the free world. Again, therefore, an Academy of Political 
Warfare can play an exceptionally useful role. Not even the sponsors of the bill, 
I feel sure, would claim that it is the whole answer to our problem, but it is an 
important step in the right direction. 

There is good reason to believe, indeed, that the work of such an Academy, 
over and above its direct contribution, will help alert the public and Government 
to the larger need for a complete and effective answer. 

David Sarnoff. 

Program for a Political Offensive Against World Ck>MMUNisM 

A Memorandum by David Sarnoff, April 5, 1955 


Our best and surest way to prevent a hot war is to win the cold war. Indi- 
vidual Democratic leaders have long been aware of this truth, but it has not yet 
been fully grasped by the free world. 

Because the label is of recent coinage, many people assume that the cold 
war is a new phenomenon. Actually it has been underway ever since the 
Bolsheviks, entrenched in Russia and disposing of its resources, launched the 
Third or Communist International. 

World communism has been making war on our civilization for more than 
three decades. And the term "war" is not used here in a merely rhetorical sense. 
It has been a war with campaigns and battles, strategy and tactics, conquests 
and retreats. Even the postwar years, it should be noted, have seen Red re- 
treats — in Greece, Iran, Berlin, for instance — as well as victories; but such re- 
treats have occurred only when the West acted awarely and boldly. 


There have been intervals of truce in the cold war but not of true peace. 
Periods of seeming Communist moderation have been used as a cover for frantic 
buildups and deployments for the next big push. There has not been a single 
year when the Kremlin did not, with single-minded concentration, make the 
most of its opportunities by methods short of general war. 

Not a single country today under Communist rule was conquered by outright 
military assault. Russia itself fell to the Bolsheviks through a political coup, 
after other parties had overthrown the old I'egime. The East European satel- 
lites were placed behind the Iron Curtain by cimning diplomacy and brute ex- 
tortion. China was joined to the Soviet sphere by "rear operations" performed 
from inside. 

It is useful to break down Moscow's political-psychological techniques for 
easier observation. But it should be remembered that they are all inextricably 
intermeshed, that they are stepped up or soft pedalled as required, that they 
are supplemented with physical force and the menace of such force according to 
circumstances. The listing that follows is therefore overlapping. 

1. Propaganda 

The massive use of all media of communications by the Soviet Government, 
its puppet governments, local Communist parties, and by ostensibly independent 
groups under Moscow control or influence, is vast but impossible to measure. 

In 1948 Soviet broadcasting to foreign targets totaled 528 hours per week. 
By 1954 this figure was increased to 1,075 hours. In addition, the Soviet news 
agency Tass broadcasts 121 hours daily to the foreign press. By comparison, 
the Voice of America broadcasts only 716 hours a week. 

It is estimated that over 1,000 Soviet transmitters are engaged in "jamming" 
our signals. The Kremlin spends more for jamming it than we spend on all 
operations of the Voice of America. The Soviet and satellite expenditures in 
all types of foreign propaganda cannot be accurately gaged — nearly everything 
Communists do has a propaganda content — but these costs run into billions or 
dollars annually. 


Printed matter in tremendous quantities pours out of the U.S.S.R. into the 
non-Soviet world. Several large publishing houses in Moscow and elsewhere 
do nothing else but feed this flood. Besides, the Kremlin operates a chain of 
large publishing enterprises on foreign soil. Their Red tide of books, pamphlets, 
reports, posters, etc., inundates the world. 

In nearly every non-Soviet country and region there are newspapers, maga- 
zines, radio and TV stations, either overtly under pro-Communist control or in 
"liberal" disguises. These speak in local tongues, but the voice is Moscow's. 
In addition, thousands of Kremlin-oriented individual writers, commentators, 
editors, and trained propagandists are smuggled into strategic non-Commu- 
nist spots to plug the current Moscow lines. 

All available forums, from the United Nations to cultural and sports gather- 
ings, are exploited to advance the battle for men's minds. 

Special emphasis is given in Communist plans to what is called the "propa- 
ganda of acts" — strikes, riots, demonstrations, mass meetings in support of 
Soviet objectives or in protest against local policies distasteful to the Soviets, 
and contrived events of every kind. 

Soviet films are rated high in the Communist propaganda plans. Pure enter- 
tainment in films, of course, is almost nonexistent. The result is that any 
and all pictures made in the Soviet sphere, however disguised as art, contain a 
message which contributes to their cumulative effort to brainwash the non-Soviet 

2. Infiltration and subversion 

Through Communists, fellow travelers and assorted sympathizers, there is 
a systematic "colonization" of governments, labor unions, educational and 
scientific institutions and social organizations. The goal is to weaken the 
infiltrated bodies or to use their leverage to influence public opinion and 
official policy in the Kremlin's direction ; to undermine traditions and subvert 
loyalties which block the road to Communist thinking. 

In the infiltration of government agencies, espionage is by no means the 
chief purpose. Far more important to the Soviets is the subtle pressure an 
infiltree can bring to bear upon the shaping of national policy and the infiuenc- 
ing of national moods. The theft of secret documents is routine. The sub- 
version of a government's self-interest, the sowing of disunity, the careful 
sabotage of policies unfavorable to Soviet interests — these require and receive 
more polished methods. 

3. Fifth columns and false fronts 

Communist Parties, whether legal or proscribed, are the primary fifth column. 
They function under direct instructions from Moscow headquartes, usually 
under leaders assigned from outside. 

But this is the beginning, not the end, of the apparatus of power reaching 
into every corner of the free world. Innumerable committees, congresses, 
leagues are set up, outwardly devoted to legitimate and even noble causes like 
peace, race equality, antifascism, but actually controlled and manipulated by 
Communists for strictly Communist objectives. 

These false-front outfits are spawned continually, discarded when their purpose 
has been served. In the United States, where this technique has been widely 
practiced, they have run into scores. Every new situation produces its organiza- 
tional instrument. At times a front started for one purpose is shifted overnight 
to its opposite: thus fronts for keeping America out of the war during the life 
of the Moscow-Berlin pact were converted into fronts for putting America into 
the war after the Germans attacked Soviet Russia. 

Besides creating these fifth-column devices, the Communists also are expert 
at "capturing" organizations started by others. By joining some existing society 
or committee, acting as a disciplined minority bound by caucus decisions, a dozen 
persons have frequently succeeded in taking effective control of organizations 
with thousands of members. 

J^. Sabotage and terror 

The use of these weapons in time of war is familiar, but its systematic use in 
peacetime is the great Communist innovation. In all free countries the main 
targets of infiltration are defense industries, communications, transport, and 
police systems— all of which offer ample opportunity for mischief affecting 
a nation's security. Strikes at strategic points and strategic times, as well as 
overt physical sabotage, can slow up a country's preparations for defense or 
actual warmaking capacity. 


In regions where it is useful and feasible, the Communists do not disdain raw 
terror : incendiarism, kidnapping, assassination. A special research section of the 
MVD (Soviet secret police) is devoted to developing murder weapons, poisons, 
and the like. 

5. Citnl strife 

Internal discontents and economic crises are stimulated and then systematically 
exploited to produce inner disunity, chaos and actual civil insurrection. Guerilla 
forces under professional military leaders are frequently reinforced by "volun- 
teers" from outside. 

Paramilitary formations, underground organizations of every variety in line 
with local conditions and opportunities, are standard techniques. Genuine 
grievances are channeled and exploited through local "nationalist" or "anti- 
colonial" and "antiimperialist" movements, either started by the Communists or 
infiltrated and captured. 

6. Preparation of "cadres" 

In Soviet Russia and now in its colonial states there are schools and univer- 
sities of revolution. Students, drawn from all countries, are taught the theory 
and practice of political warfare, sabotage, guerilla operations, propaganda 

Virtually all heads of Red satellite states and insurrectionary movements in 
Europe, Asia, Africa, and Latin America are products of such institutions. Tito, 
dictator of Jugoslavia ; Ho Chi Minh, No. 2 Communist of Indochina ; Rakosi, the 
top leader in Red Hungary; Bierut, President of Red Poland; Liu Shao-Chi, 
Vice President of Communist China, and General Liu Po-Cheng, one of the fore- 
most military leaders of Red China. The same is true of many leaders of Com- 
munist Parties in non-Soviet countries. 

The job of preparing cadres to implement the cold war and to provide general- 
ship for civil conflicts and other revolutionary actions has been going on since 
the 1920's. Even during the last war, while the Kremlin ostensibly was on terms 
of friendship with its allies, the training of leaders for revolutions in the 
allies countries was not slackened. 

7. Preparation of reserves 

The Communist high command does not depend only on the faithful Commu- 
nists. It attaches great value to its peripheral reserves — groups of sympa- 
thizers or innocent collaborators willing to travel along the Communist road part 
of the distance. These are mobilized and brainwashed through the false-front 
organizations, united and peoples fronts, the spread (as required) of pacifiist or 
neutral sentiment, doctrines of class struggle, belief in the inevitable collapse 
of capitalism and free societies. 

In advanced countries like the United States, Britain, France, some segments 
of the so-called intelligentsia have proved especially vulnerable to Communist 
indoctrination. Not only their self-doubts and frustrations but their most 
generous idealistic instincts have been canalized and perverted to promote vic- 
tory for the Soviets in the cold war. 

The turnover in these reserves is of course high. Fellow travelers by the 
thousands are likely to become disillusioned with every new Soviet policy zigzag. 
But exi>ert manipulation of public opinion serves to retrieve such losses. 

8. Treacherous diplomacy 

In its cold war operations the Kremlin enjoys the advantage of working on 
two levels — as a conventional state dealing with other states and as a conspira- 
torial movement embracing the whole globe. In its guise of just another gov- 
ernment the Politburo can make promises and engagements which world 
communism is under orders to violate. 

Soviet diplomacy takes full advantage of the moral code and political naivete 
of some free countries and especially of their eagerness for peace, sometimes 
peace at any price. It uses the threat of war as a species of blackmail, and is 
past master at playing off one country against another. It appeals to the profit 
motives of competitive economies, and in general exploits what it refers to as 
the inner contradictions of the free world. 

It can make the most of amorphous slogans like "peaceful coexistence" — a 
phrase coined by Lenin, repeatedly used by Stalin and candidly defined in Com- 
munist literature as a "tactic" or "stratagem" to gain time, deploy forces, under- 
mine enemy vigilance. 


In the arena of foreign relations the Kremlin can blow hot or cold, inflame our 
fears or our hopes to any required temperature, and use trickery to induce its 
enemies to drop their guard. Its announcements of policy, negotiations and 
talk of negotiations, tourists to Red areas, artistic and cultural missions 
abroad — everything is grist for the cold war mills. 

The Communist high command recognizes no restraints, no rules of fair play, 
no codes of civilized behavior. It regards its great "historical mission" as a 
mandate which cancels out traditional values in the relations between man and 
man or country and country. In pursuance of that commitment it considers any 
cost in life and substance to be justified. A system of power which has not hesi- 
tated to liquidate millions of its own citizens cannot be expected to hesitate to 
wipe out lives anywhere else. 

Moscow has brought one-third of the human race under its iron control by 
means short of a hot war— by shrewd diplomacy, deception, propaganda, the 
blackmail of threats, fifth-column subversion, guerilla forces and, where expe- 
dient, localized shooting wars. These political and psychological methods — 
the cold war — have paid off, at smaller risk and infinitely lower cost than a hot 
war would entail. 

Accordingly they are being applied without stint to the conquest of the rest 
of mankind. For world communism, with its high command in the Kremlin in 
Moscow, the cold war is not a temporary or holding operation, nor a prelude 
to a hot war. It is the main bout, the decisive offensive, conducted on an 
unlimited scale, with total victory as its goal. 

In a decision of the "U.S. Supreme Court (vol. 339, May 8, 1950), an opinion 
written by the late Justice Robert H. Jackson stated the case against commu- 
nism in language that is clear and penetrating. He said : 

"The goal of the Communist Party is to seize powers of government by and 
for a minority rather than to acquire power through the vote of a free electorate. 

"It purposes forcibly to recast our whole social and political structure after 
the Muscovite model of police-state dictatorship. It rejects the entire religious 
and cultural heritage of Western civilization, as well as the American economic 
and political systems. This Communist movement is a belated counterrevolu- 
tion to the American Revolution, designed to undo the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, the Constitution, and our Bill of Rights, and overturn our system 
of free, representative self-government. 

"Goals so extreme and offensive to American tradition and aspiration obviously 
could not be attained or approached through order or with tranquillity. If, by 
their better organization and discipline, they were successful, more candid 
Communists admit that it would be to an accompaniment of violence, but at 
the same time they disclaim responsibility by blaming the violence upon those 
who engage in resistance or reprisal. It matters little by whom the first blow 
would be struck ; no one can doubt that an era of violence and oppression, con- 
fiscations and liquidations would be concurrent with a regime of communism. 

"Such goals set up a cleavage among us too fundamental to be composed 
by democratic processes. Our constitutional scheme of elections will not settle 
issues between large groups when the price of losing is to suffer extinction. 
When dissensions cut too deeply, men will fight, even hopelessly, before they 
will submit. And this is the kind of struggle projected by the Communist Party 
and inherent in its program. 

* 4c « * :(: ^t! * 

"Violent and undemocratic means are the calculated and indispensable methods 
to attain the Communist Party's goal * * *. In not one of the countries it 
now dominates was the Communist Party chosen by a free or contestable elec- 
tion ; in not one can it be evicted by any election. The international police state 
has crept over Eastern Europe by deception, coercion, coup d' etat, terrorism, 
and assassination. Not only has it overpowered its critics and opponents ; it 
has usually liquidated them." 


If we ignore these facts, or do not counteract them effectively in good time, we 
shall lose the cold war by default. For the United States and other free nations, 
defeat of this sort would be as catastrophic and as final as defeat in a shooting 
war. Whether we freeze to death or burn to death, our civilization would be 
equally finished. 

Were the Communists willing to settle for a permanently divided world, each 
half pledged not to interfere with the other, they could readily arrange it. But 



they are not interested in a stalemate. In the nature of their ideology and world- 
wide apparatus of action, they must continue to drive relentlessly toward their 
ultimate objective. They are irrevocably dedicated to winning the cold war. 
They prefer to attain world dominion by nonmilitary means because : 

(a) They consider themselves masters of cold war techniques pitted against 
those whom they regard as amateurs ; their chances of victory seem to them in- 
comparably greater than in a conventional military showdown. 

(b) Political warfare does not directly endanger their own territories, in- 
dustry, manpower and above all, their mechanism of dictorial power. 

(c) Clear-cut victoi'y in the cold war would give them access to our technology 
and resources, our great cities and treasures, intact and ready for exploitation ; 
whereas a military victory would give them only the ruins of nuclear devastation. 

Now as in the past, they proceed in the conviction that they can gain world 
hegemony by methods that, in the phrase of Leon Trotsky, constitute "neither 
war nor peace." For Moscow, the real alternative to a nuclear showdown is not 
"peace" but political-psychological warfare of a magnitude to weaken, de- 
moralize, chip away and ultimately take over what remains of the free world. 


Political psychological offensives are not new. They have frequently been 
employed in wartime to supplement ordinary military action. We used them 
ourselves in both World Wars. Their purpose has been to soften up the enemy's 
will to resist, to win friends and allies in hostile areas, to drive wedges between 
belligerent governments and their citizenry. 

The democracies are familiar with warmaking in the normal military sense, 
and hence do not hesitate to make huge investments and sacrifices in its name. 
They do not shrink from the prospect of casualties. All of that seems natural. 
But they are startled by proposals for effort and risk of such dimensions in the 
life-and-death struggle with nonmilitary means. 

Under these circumstances it has become incumbent upon our leadership to 
make the country aware that nonmilitary or cold war is also terribly real — 
that the penalty for losing it will be enslavement. 

Hot war is always a possibility. It may come through force of circumstances 
even if no one wants it. Limited, localized wars are also a continuing threat. 
Nothing in this memorandum should be construed as a substitute for adequate 
military vitality. On the contrary, superior physical force in being is the indis- 
pensable guarantee for effective nonmilitary procedures. 

We must maintain our lead, and accelerate the tempo of progress in the race 
for ascendancy in nuclear weapons, guided missiles, airpower, early warning 
systems, electronic know-how, chemical and bacteriological methods of warfare. 
We must maintain adequate and well-balanced forces for the ground, sea, 
and air. These conventional military forces must be ready and capable of de- 
terring or meeting an outbreak of peripheral or small-scale wars this side of a 
general showdown. They will be indispensable in a general war if one should 
be fought without nuclear weapons. We must stockpile and protect the sources 
of vital strategic materials. 

But short of a blunder that ignites the third world war which nobody wants, 
the immediate danger is the debilitating, costly, tense war of nerves that is part 
of the cold war. Because there is no immediate sense of overwhelming menace, 
no thunder of falling bombs and daily casualty figures, we are apt to think of 
this period as peace. But it is nothing of the sort. 

The primary threat today is political and psychological. That is the active 
front on which we are losing and on which, unless we reverse the trend, we shall 
be defeated. Its effects are spelled out in civil wars in parts of Asia, legal 
Communist Parties of colossal size in some European countries, "nationalist" 
movements under Communist auspices, "neutralism" and rabid anti-American- 
ism in many parts of the world — in pressures, that is to say, of every dimension 
and intensity short of a global shooting war. 

Unless we meet this cumulative Communist threat with all the brains and 
weapons we can mobilize for the purpose, the United States at some point in 
the future will face the terrifying implications of cold war defeat. It will be 
cornered, isolated, subjected to the kind of paralyzing fears that have already 
weakened the fiber of some technically free nations. We will have bypassed a 
nuclear war — but at the price of our freedom and independence. I repeat : We 
can freeze to death as well as burn to death. 

42731—59 4 


Our counterstrategy 

Logically we have no true alternative but to acknowledge the reality of the 
cold war and proceed to turn Moscow's favorite weapons against world com- 
munism. We have only a choice between fighting the cold war with maximum 
concentration of energy, or waiting supinely until we are overwhelmed. Our 
political counterstrategy has to be as massive, as intensive, as flexible as the 

We must meet the cold war challenge in our own household and in the rest 
of the world, and carry the contest behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains. We 
must seek out and exploit the weak spots in the enemy's armor, just as the 
Kremlin has been doing to us these 30-odd years. We must make our truth as 
effective and more productive than Moscow's lie. 

Our political strategy and tactics should be in terms of a major enterprise, on 
a scale for victory, with all the inherent risks and costs. We cannot fight this 
fight with our left hand, on the margin of our energies. We have to bring to it 
resources, personnel and determination to match the enemy's. This is a case 
where, as in a military conflict, insuflicient force may be as fatal as none at all. 

If obliged to make tactical retreats, moreover, we must not bemuse our- 
selves thai they are enduring solutions. To do so would be to disarm ourselves 
and open ourselves to new and bigger blows. This is a principle of particular 
importance during intervals when negotiations with Moscow or Peking are being 
discussed or are in progress. 

The question, in truth, is no longer whether we should engage in the cold 
war. The Soviet drive is forcing us to take countermeasures in any case. The 
question, rather, is whether we should undertake it with a clearheaded deter- 
mination to use all means deemed essential, by governments and private 
groups — to win the contest. 

Our countermeasures and methods must be novel, unconventional, daring 
and flexible. They must, moreover, be released from the inhibitions of peace- 
time, since it is peace only in outer forms. 

Almost against our will, in point of fact, we have launched more and more 
cold war activities. But they have been piecemeal, on a inadequate scale and 
often without the all-important continuity of action. Worst of all, they have 
not been geared for total victory, being treated as extras, as harassment opera- 
tions, while hoping against hope that there will be no outbreak of war or that 
there will be a miraculous outbreak of genuine peace. 

Our current posture shares the weakness inherent in all defensive strategy. 
The hope of a real compromise is a dangerous self-delusion. It assumes that 
Soviet Russia is a conventional coimtry interested in stabilizing the world, 
when in fact it is the powerhouse of a dynamic world movement which thrives 
on instability and chaos. 

Our duty and our best chance for salvation, in the flnal analysis, is to prose- 
cute the cold war — to the point of victory. To survive in freedom we must win. 

The enemy is vulnerable 

The free world, under the impact of Moscow's cold war victories, has tended 
to fix attention on Soviet strengths while overlooking or discounting Soviet 

The Communists expertly exploit all our internal tensions, injustices and dis- 
contents. Yet within the Soviet empire the tensions are incomparably greater, 
the injustices and discontents more vast. Our opportunity, which we have failed 
to use so far, is to exploit these in order to undermine the Kremlin, exacerbate 
its domestic problems, weaken its sense of destiny. 

The nature of a malady can be deduced from the medicine applied. In its 
fourth decade of absolute power, the Soviet regime is obliged to devote a 
major portion of its energies, manpower, and resources to keep its own subjects 
and captive countries under control, through ever larger doses of terror. There 
we have the proof that the Communists have failed to "sell" their system to 
their victims. 

Even a ruthless police-state does not maintain gigantic secret-police forces, 
special internal security armies, colossal networks of forced-labor colonies just 
for the fun of it. These are measures of self-defense against actual or poten- 
tial internal oppositions. After all discounts are made for wishful thinking 
and error, ample evidence remains that in the Soviet sphere the West has 
millions of allies, tens of millions of potential allies. 

Whether the potential can be turned into actuality, whether the will to 
resist can be kept alive and inflamed to explosive intensity, depend in the 


first place on the policies of the non-Soviet world. Our potential fifth columns 
are greater by millions than the enemy's. But they have yet to be given 
cohesion, direction, and the inner motive power of hope and expectation of 

No one knows whether, let alone when, the internal Soviet stresses can reach 
a climax in insurrectionary breaks. It would be frivolous to count on such 
a climax. But we have everything to gain by promoting a spirit of mutiny, 
to keep the Kremlin oft balance, to deepen existing rifts, to sharpen economic 
and empire problems for them. 

For the purposes of our cold war strategy it suffices that the potential for 
uprisings exists. Soviet economic conditions are bad, particularly in the do- 
main of food production. Nations which used to be exporters of bread (Hun- 
gary, Poland, Russia itself) now lack bread for themselves. As Secretary of 
Agriculture Benson said recently: "Failure of the Soviet system to provide 
for the basic needs of its own people could be one of the most important 
historical facts of our time." 

The Soviet peasants, still the overwhelming majority of the Kremlin-held 
populations, are everywhere bitter and restive. The Politburo knows that it 
cannot count implicitly upon the loyalty and allegiance of its subjects. At 
the same time it has failed utterly to assimilate the captive countries, so 
that it has no allies but only sullen colonial puppets. 

In the last war the U.S.S.R. fought on two fronts — against the foreign 
invaders and against its own people. There is reason to believe that Hitler's 
psychological blunders, in insulting and alienating the Russian peoples, helped 
save the Stalin regime from destruction by its own subjects. In the present 
cold war, too, the U.S.S.R. must maintain its fight against the Soviet citizenry, 
and at the same time deal with seething dissidence in the subjected countries. 

The basic conditions for successful cold war counterstrategy thus exist. 

Guidelines for political offensive 

Our guiding objectives in an all-out political offensive are fairly obvious. 
They must include the following : 

1. To keep alive throughout the Soviet Empire the spirit of resistance and 
the hope of eventual freedom and sovereignty. If we allow that hope to expire, 
the Kremlin will have perpetuated its dominion over its victims. 

2. To break the awful sense of isolation in which the internal enemies of 
the Kremlin live — by making them aware that, like the revolutionists in tsarist 
times, they have devoted friends and powerful allies beyond their frontiers. 

3. To sharpen by every device we can develop the fear of their own people that 
is already chronic in the Kremlin. The less certain the Soviets are of the alle- 
giance of their people, the more they will hesitate to provoke adventures involv- 
ing the risks of a major showdown. 

4. To provide moral and material aid, including trained leadership, to opposi- 
tions, undergrounds, resistance movements in satellite nations and China and 
Russia proper. 

5. To make maximum use of the fugitives from the Soviet sphere, millions in 
the aggregate, now living in free parts of the world. 

6. To appeal to the simple personal yearnings of those under the Communist 
yoke: release from police terror, ownership of small farms and homes, free 
trade unions to defend their rights at the job, the right to worship as they please, 
the right to change residence and to travel, and so forth. 

7. To shatter the "wave of the future" aura around communism, displacing the 
assumption that "communism is inevitable" with a deepening certainty that 
"the end of communism is inevitable." 

8. To inspire millions in the free countries with a feeling of moral dedication 
to the enlargement of the area of freedom, based on repugnance to slave labor, 
coerced atheism, purges and the rest of the Soviet horrors. 

This inventory of objectives is necessarily sketchy and incomplete. But 
it indicates the indispensable direction of the cold war effort. 


We must be quite certain of our destination before we can begin to figure out 
means of transportation. There is little point in discussing the how of it until 
a firm decision for an all-out political-psychological counteroffensive is reached. 

In hot war, you need a weapon and means of delivering it to the target. The 
same is true in cold war. The weapon is the message ; after it has been worked 


out, we can develop the facilities for delivering it to the world at large and to 
the Communist-captive nations in particular. 

The essence of that message (and its formulation is the critical first step) is 
that America has decided, irrevocably, to win the cold war ; that its ultimate 
aim is, in concert with all peoples, to cancel out the destructive power of Soviet- 
based communism. 

Once that decision is made, some of the means for implementing it will become 
self-evident ; others will be explored and developed under the impetus of the 
clear-cut goal. Agreement on the problem must come before agreement on the 

"To be effective," as one student of the problem has put it, "our decision must 
be as sharp edged and uncompromising as the Kremlin's ; it must be spelled out 
as unequivocally as the Communists have done in the works of Lenin and Stalin 
and the ofiicial programs of the Comintern and Cominform-" 

Adjustment of our thinking in accord with such a decision to win the cold 
war demands clarity on at least the following points : 

1. The struggle by means short of general war is not a preliminary bout but 
the decisive contest, in which the loser may not have a second chance. 

2. It must therefore be carried on with the same focused effort, the same reso- 
lute spirit, the same willingness to accept costs and casualties, that a hot war 
would involve. 

3. In order to establish credence and inspire confidence, our conduct must be 
consistent. Our philosophy of freedom must embrace the whole of mankind ; it 
must not stop short at the frontiers of the Soviet sphere. Only this can give our 
side a moral grandeur, a revolutionary elan, a crusading spirit not only equal to 
but superior to the other side's. 

4. We must learn to regard the Soviet countries as enemy-occupied territory, 
with the lifting of the occupation as the overall purpose of freedom-loving men 
everywhere. This applies not only to areas captured since the war, but includes 
Russia itself. Any other policy would turn what should be an anti-Communist 
alliance into an anti-Russian alliance, forcing the Russians (as Hitler forced 
them during the war) to rally around the regime they hate. 

5. The fact that the challenge is global must be kept clearly in view. Red 
guerrillas in Burma, Communists in France or the United States, the Huks in the 
Philippines, Red agents in Central America — these are as much "the enemy" as 
the Kremlin itself. 

6. We must realize that world communism is not a tool in the hands of Russia — 
Russia is a tool in the hands of world communism. Repeatedly Moscow has 
sacrificed national interests in deference to world revolutionary needs. This 
provides opportunities for appeals to Russian patriotism. 

7. Though the Soviets want a nuclear war no more than we do, they accept the 
risk of it in pushing their political offense. We, too, cannot avoid risks. (It 
might become necessary, Mr. Dulles said recently, "to forgo peace in order to 
secure the blessings of liberty.") The greatest risk of all, for us, is to do less 
than is needed to win the cold war. At worst that would mean defeat by de- 
fault; and at best, a situation so menacing to the survival of freedom that a 
hot war may become inevitable. 

Our present lead in the possession of nuclear weapons and the ability to use 
them may be matched by the Communists in the next few years. This is the view 
expressed by competent statesmen, scientists, and military experts. If and when 
nuclear parity is reached, the enemy's fanatics (and there may be a powerful 
madman — a Hitler — among them) might be tempted to use them against us by 
throwing a sneak punch. Since our policy is not to throw the first nuclear punch 
but only to retaliate if it is thrown against us, we may find as more horror- 
weapons are unfolded, that to yield to the enemy the initiative of the first offen- 
sive punch, is tantamount to national suicide. All this further emphasizes the 
vital need for winning the cold war and preventing a hot war. 


1. Organization 

An organizational framework for fighting the cold war already exists. It 
needs to be adjusted and strengthened in line with the expanded scale and in- 
tensity of operations. 

A Strategy Board for Political Defense, the cold war equivalent of the Joint 
Chiefs of Staff on the military side, is suggested. It should function directly 
under the President, with Cabinet status for its head. Top representatives of the 


State Department, the Defense Department, the Central Intelligence Agency, the 
U.S. Information Agency, should sit on this Board. Liaison on a continuous 
basis should be maintained with all other agencies which can play a role in the 
overall effort. 

There will be various operations which the Board would undertake in its own 
name, with its own facilities. But its primary function should not be opera- 
tional. It should be to plan, initiate, finance, advise, coordinate and check on 
operations by other groups and agencies, whether already in existence or created 
by the Board for specific undertakings. 

One cannot, however, be too specific at this point about the organizational 
forms. John Foster Dulles wrote in 11>48 : 

"We need an organization to contest the Commiinist Party at the level where 
it is working and winning its victories. We ought to have an organization dedi- 
cated to the task of nonmilitary defense, just as the present Secretary of De- 
fense heads up the organization of military defense. The new department 
of nonmilitary defense should have an adequate personnel and ample funds." 

2. Financing 

On the matter of funds, likewise, one cannot at this stage offer specific esti- 
mates. But let us recall that appropriations over the past 4 years for our mili- 
tary defense averaged approximately $45 billion annually. In contrast, it is 
significant to note that for the fiscal year 1955 the total appropriation for the 
U.S. Information Agency was $79 million, of which $17 million is available for 
the worldwide activities of the Voice of America. 

As a working hypothesis it is suggested that a specific and more realistic ratio 
between military and nonmilitary appropriations be worked out : say an amount 
equivalent to 5 or 714 percent of military defense appropriations to be granted 
to the Strategy Board for Political Defense— this, of course, without reducing 
the military budget and not counting foreign military aid and point 4 types of 

I am convinced that if the American people and their Congress are made fully 
aware of the menace we face, of the urgent need for meeting it, and the possi- 
bility of doing so by means short of war, they will respond willingly as they 
have always done in times of national crisis. They will realize that no invest- 
ment to win the cold war is exorbitant when measured against the stakes in- 
volved, and against the costs of the bombing war we seek to head off. 

3. Implementing the counteroffensive 

We must go from defense to attack in meeting the political, ideological, sub- 
versive challenge. The implementation of the attack would devolve upon spe- 
cialists and technicians. In gearing to fight a hot war, we call in military 
strategists and tacticians. Likewise, we must have specialists to fight a cold 

This implies, in the first place, the mobilization of hard, knowledgeable anti- 
Communists who understand the issues and for whom it is not merely a job but 
a dedication. The specialist in communications is important ; but the message 
to be communicated is even more important. 

The main weakness of our efforts to date to talk to the masses — and even more 
so to the elite groups (Army, intelligentsia, etc.) — in the Soviet camp is that 
we have not always been consistent in what we had to say to them. Our mes- 
sage has been vague and subject to change without notice. As long as we regard 
Communist rule as permanent, we can have no strong psychological bridges to 
those who are under its yoke. The only free-world goal that is relevant to them 
is one that envisages their eventual emancipation. 

With the formulation of a message, we will at last have something to say 
that interests them, not only us, and can devote ourselves to perfecting the 
means of delivering the message. 

Before essaying a breakdown of cold war methods and techniques, we should 
recognize that many of them are already being used, and often effectively. 
Nothing now underway needs to be abandoned. The problem is one of attaining 
the requisite magnitude, financing, coordination, and continuity — all geared to 
the long-range objectives of the undertaking. The expanded offensive with non- 
military weapons must be imbued with a new awareness of the great goal and a 
robust will to reach it. 

No outline such as follows can be more than indicative. Operations are 
necessarily related to current developments and opportunities opened up by 


In all categories the arena of action is the whole globe. Our cold war targets 
are not only behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains, but in every nation, the 
United States included. In the battle for the minds of men. we must reach the 
Soviet peoples, our allies, and the uncommitted peoples. 

The agencies involved will be both oflBcial and private. The objectives must 
aim to achieve dramatic victories as swiftly as possible, as a token of the 
changed state of affairs. While the Kremlin has suffered some setbacks and 
defeats, its record in the cold war has been strikingly one of success piled on 
success. This trend must be reversed, to hearten our friends, dismay the 
enemy, and confirm the fact that Communist power is a transient and declining 

4. Propaganda 

If the weapon is our message, one of its basic elements is propaganda. It is 
the most familiar element, but we should not underestimate its inherent diflScul- 
ties. Hot war is destructive : the killing of people, the annihilation of material 
things. Cold war must be constructive : it must build views, attitudes, loyalties, 
hopes, ideals, and readiness for sacrifice. In the final checkup it calls for 
greater skills to affect minds than to destroy bodies. 

Propaganda, for maximum effect, must not be an end in itself. It is a prepa- 
ration for action. Words that are not backed up by deeds, that do not generate 
deeds, lose their impact. The test is whether they build the morale of friends 
and undermine the morale of foes. 

No means of communication should be ignored : the spoken word and the 
written word ; radio and television ; films ; balloons and missiles to distribute 
leaflets ; secret printing and mimeographing presses on Soviet-controlled soil ; 
scrawls on walls to give isolated friends a sense of community. 

5. Communist targets 

The Communist sphere must be ringed with both fixed and mobile broadcasting 
facilities of a massiveness to overcome jamming. The Voice of America will 
acquire larger audiences and more concentrated impact under the new approach. 
Its name, it is suggested, should be expanded to "Voice of America — for Freedom 
and Peace." This slogan added to the name will, through constant repetition, 
impress the truth upon receptive ears. 

Besides the ofBcial voice, we have other voices, such as Radio Free Europe 
and Radio Liberation. There are other popular democratic voices that should 
make themselves heard — those of our free labor movement, American war vet- 
erans, the churches, youth, and women's organizations. 

Already there is a minor flow of printed matter across the Iron Curtain, espe- 
cially aimed at the Red occupation forces. The volume and effectiveness of this 
effort can be enormously enlarged. Magazines and newspapers which outwardly 
look like standard Communist matter, but actually are filled with anti-Com- 
munist propaganda, have brought results. 

A greater hunger for spiritual comfort, for religion, is reported from Soviet 
Russia and its satellites. Programs of a spiritual and religious character are 
indicated. They should preach faith in the divine, abhorrence of Communist 
godlessness, resistance to atheism. But, in addition, they can offer practical 
advice to the spiritually stranded — for instance, how to observe religious occa- 
sions where there are no ordained ministers or priests to ofliciate. 

The enslaved peoples do not have to be sold the idea of freedom; they are 
already sold on it. The propaganda should, wherever possible, get down to 
specifics. It should expose the weaknesses, failures, follies, hypocrisies, and 
internal tensions of the Red masters ; provide proof of the existence of friends 
and allies both at home and abroad ; offer guidance on types of resistance open 
even to the individual. It should appeal to universal emotions, to love of family, 
of country, of God, of humanity. 

6. Free-world targets 

The fighting front is everywhere. The program of the U.S. Information Agency 
should be reappraised with a view to improvement and expansion. "The Voice 
of America — for Freedom and Peace" has tasks to perform in many nations of 
the free world second in importance only to those in the unfree world. 

Merely to point up the inadequacy of our present effort, consider Finland, a 
country on the very edge of the Red empire and under the most concentrated 
Soviet propaganda barrage. Soviet broadcasts beamed to Finland total over 
43 hours weekly. A television station is now being built in Soviet Estonia which 


will be directed to a million potential viewers in nearby Finland. To maintain 
their morale under this pressure, the Finnish people, still overwhelmingly pro- 
West and pro-American, have desperate need of our encouragement. Yet the 
Voice of America in 1953 was compelled to discontinue its daily half -hour broad- 
cast to Finland to save $50,000 annually. 

We need in every country, newspapers, magazines, radio and TV stations con- 
sciously and effectively supporting our side. Those that exist should be aided 
materially to increase their range and vitality ; others should be started with 
our help. The strongest individual anti-Communist voices must be provided 
with better facilities for making themselves heard in their own countries. 

Mobile film units are already penetrating backward areas. The operation 
should be enlarged, its message and appeal perfected. In addition, mobile big- 
screen television units in black and white and in color can carry our message. 
Their very novelty will guarantee large and attentive audiences. Vast regions 
in Asia and elsewhere, where illiteracy bars the written word and lack of radios 
bars the spoken word, could thus be reached. To quote the Chinese saying, "One 
picture is worth 10,000 words." 

The so-called backward parts of the world, particularly Asia, are under the 
most concentrated Communist psychological attacks. Of necessity the counter- 
offensive must take this into account, and develop special techniques for reaching 
both the masses and the elite of those areas. 

7. Radio receivers and phonographs 

Mass production of cheap and lightweight receivers tuned to pick up American 
signals are now feasible. They should be made available by the million at cost 
or gratis, as expedient, to listeners in critical areas and behind the Iron Curtain. 

There are millions of persons in the world who do not have electric power 
receptacles, electron tubes, batteries, or any of the electrical and mechanical 
marvels which the free world has and takes for granted. A simple, hand-operated 
phonograph device costing no more than a loaf of bread, could be produced in 
quantities and supplied gratis to millions of people living behind the Iron and 
Bamboo Curtains and in other critical areas. 

An unbreakable and intelligible record, made of cardboard and costing less 
than a bottle of Coca-Cola, could carry our messages to these people. Such 
records could be dropped from the sky like leaflets and the messages they carried 
could not be jammed. 

8. Use of facilities in friendly countries 

Nearly all European and many Asian countries possess broadcasting facilities. 
We should seek to enlist their use to supplement and intensify American broad- 
casting on a worldwide scale. 

In some cases this could be negotiated on a quid pro quo basis where we are 
providing military or economic aid ; in other cases we may have to buy the neces- 
sary time for transmitting our message. Our friendly allies, such as Great 
Britain, have vast shortwave facilities of worldwide scope and range and have 
the same reasons as we have for seeking to win the cold war. We need their 
help in this field. We are fully justified in asking for such help and ought to 
receive it. 

Propaganda is a large concept. In a sense it includes and exploits all other 
activities. Its successful use calls for imagination, ingenuity, continual tech- 
nical research and, of course, effective coordination with all other operations 
that bear on the problems of the cold war. 

9. Passive resistance 

Pending the critical periods when active resistance in one or another Soviet 
country is possible and desirable, full encouragement and support must be 
given to passive resistance. This refers to the things the individual can do, with 
minimum risk, to create doubt and confusion in the ranks of the dictatorship, to 
gum up the machinery of dictatorship government. 

The worker in the mine and factory, the farmer, the soldier in the barracks, 
the office worker are able to do little things that in their millionfold totality 
will affect the national economy and the self-confidence of the rulers. It is the 
method that comes naturally to captive peoples, especially in countries with a 
long historical experience in opposing tyrants. 

Our opportunity is to give the process purposeful direction. In this concept 
the individual opponent of the regime becomes a "resistance group of one." He 
receives, by radio and other channels, specific suggestions and instructions. 


The tiny drops of resistance will not be haphazard, but calculated to achieve 
planned results. 

Special action programs of the type that do not require large organization — 
or at most units of two or three — would be worked out and transmitted. Our 
sympathizers in the Soviet orbit would feel themselves part of an invisible but 
huge army of crusaders. Symbols of protest would appear on a million walls. 
The rulers' morale would be deliberately sapped by a multitude of actions too 
small, too widespread, to be readily dealt with. 

The special value of passive resistance, aside from its direct effects, is that 
it nurtures the necessary feeling of power and readiness for risk and sacrifice 
that will be invaluable when the passive stage is transformed into more open 

10. Organized resistance 

Pockets of guerrilla forces remain in Poland, Hungary, the Baltic States, China, 
Albania, and other areas. There is always the danger of activating them pre- 
maturely. But their existence must be taken into the calculations and, in con- 
cert with exiles who know the facts, they must be kept supplied with information, 
slogans, and new leadership where needed and prudent. 

Many of these resistance groups are so isolated that they do not know of each 
other's existence. The simple realization that they are not alone but part of 
a scattered network will be invaluable ; methods for establishing liaison, for 
conveying directions, can be developed. 

11. Insurrections 

The uprisings in East Germany, the strikes and riots in Pilsen, Czechoslo- 
vakia, the dramatic mutinies inside the concentration camps of Vorkuta in the 
Soviet Arctic, are examples of revolutionary actions that failed. But they attest 
that insurrection is possible. 

We must seek out the weakest links in the Kremlin's chain of power. The 
country adjudged ripe for a breakaway should receive concentrated study and 
planning. A successful uprising in Albania, for instance, would be a body blow 
to Soviet prestige and a fateful stimulus to resistance elsewhere. (That little 
country is geographically isolated, ruled by a handful of puppets ; able leadership 
is available in the Albanian emigration. ) 

Eastern Germany is among the weakest links. Its revolt would ignite neigh- 
boring Czechoslovakia and Poland. The time to prepare for such actions is 
now — whether the time to carry them out be in the near or distant future. 
Meanwhile we must not allow the Soviet propaganda to make unification appear 
as the Communist's gift to the Germans. It is a natural asset that belongs to 
West Germany and her allies. 

12. Collaboration with emigres and escapees 

Tens of thousands of self-exiled fugitives from Communist oppression emerge 
eager to plunge into movements for the freeing of their homelands. When they 
fail to find outlets for their zeal, disillusionment and defeatism set in. 

Maximum exjiloitation of this manpower and moral passion is indicated. 
They must be drawn into specific, well-organized, well-financed anti-Communist 
organizations and activities; utilized for propaganda and other operations; 
enabled, in some cases, to return to their native lands as "sleeper" leaders for 
future crises. 

Officers' corps of emigres can be formed: perhaps groups of only a score to 
a hundred, but available for emergency and opportunity occasions. The exist- 
ence of such nuclei of military power — a fact that will be widely known — should 
help generate hope and faith among their countrymen back home. 

13. Planned defection 

Escapees have come, and will continue to come, spontaneously, now in trickles, 
other times in rivers. Beyond that the need is to stimulate defection on a selec- 
tive basis. Individual "prospects" in Soviet missions and legations, in Red 
cultural and sports delegations, can be carefully contacted and developed. Types 
of individuals needed to man cold war undertakings will be invited to escape, 
assured of important work. Special approaches can be worked out to encourage 
defection of border guards, Army officers, secret-police personnel disgusted by 
their bloody chores, scientists, important writers, etc. 

Escapees today are often disheartened by their initial experience. They are 
taken into custody by some foreign intelligence service, pumjjed for information, 
and sometimes then left to shift for themselves. Their honest patriotism is 


offended by the need to cooperate with foreigners before they are psychologi- 
cally ready for it. 

It is suggested that emigre commissions be set up, composed of tnisted na- 
tionals of the various countries. The fugitive would first be received by the 
commission of his own countrymen. Only when found desirable and prepared 
for the step, would he be brought into contact with American or British agencies. 

H. Training of cadres 

The immediate and prospective activities of the cold war offensive will require 
ever larger contingents of specialized personnel for the many tasks ; to provide 
leadership for resistance operations ; to engage in propaganda, subversion, in- 
filtration of the enemy ; even to carry on administrative and civic work after 
the collapse of Communist regimes in various counti'ies, in order to stave off 

Already, limited as our political efforts are, there is a shortage of competent 
personnel. Meanwhile thousands of younger men and women among the emigres 
are being lost to factories, farms, menial jobs. This amounts to squandering of 
potentially important human resources. 

We need a network of schools and universities devoted to training cadres 
for the cold war. The objective is not education in a generic sense, but specific 
preparation for the intellectual, technical, intelligence and similar requirements 
of the ideological-psychological war. 

This training, of course, should not be limited to people from the Soviet areas. 
A sort of "West Point" of political warfare — analogous to the Lenin School of 
Political Warfare in Moscow — might be established. Staffed by the ablest 
specialists obtainable, it would seek out likely young people willing to make 
the struggle against communism their main or sole career. 

The present "exchange of persons" program is clearly valuable. Hundreds 
of foreign students go back home with a better and friendlier understanding of 
America. But beyond that, it is possible and necessary to educate invited young 
people from abroad, carefully selected along lines of more direct and specialized 
value to the cold war effort. 

In a sense these shock troops of democracy would be like the "professional 
revolutionaries" on the Communist side. They would be equipped to operate 
openly or as secret infiltrees wherever the enemy's assaults need to be neutral- 
ized. Trained anti-Communists from Asian areas, dedicated and knowledg- 
able, would be available for countries under Red pressure, as today in south- 
east Asia ; Latin Americans, Europeans, would serve similar functions in their 
respective regions. 

Thus, from a largely amateur enterprise, our counteroffensive would grad- 
ually be transformed into a professional undertaking. 

15. Campaigns ty special groups 

An American trade union in the clothing field played a major role in prevent- 
ing Communist victory in the Italian elections in 1948. The International Con- 
federation of Free Trade Unions (in which both the A.F. of L. and the CIO 
are active) is conducting important psychological drives in many countries and 
offsetting the mischief worked by the Moscow-controlled labor international. 

Speaking as workers to workers, trade unionists have a legitimate approach to 
the laboring masses in the Soviet sphere. They have a special justification for 
exposing and publicizing forced labor, onerous laboring conditions and laws, 
phony totalitarian "trade unions." 

In many countries — France and Italy, for instance — there are competing Com- 
munist-controlled and democratic unions. Free labor of all countries can throw 
its moral and material support to the anti-Communist federations. It can take 
the lead in breaking Moscow's grip on influential segments of world labor. 

Corresponding political campaigns should be mounted on a telling scale by 
other nonofficial, popular groups : farmers' organizations and peasant unions 
would concentrate on the evils of Red collectivization ; great church groups on 
the immoral and atheistic aspects of Communist theory and practice ; youth or- 
ganizations on the perversion of youth under communism, etc. 

The scope of such focused group and class appeals is enormous. Some of them 
are being made already, but without the coordination of effort and continuity 
of impact that is called for. 

What a specialized group can achieve has been demonstrated by the society 
of Free Jurists in West Berlin, which indicts and condemns in absentia persons 
guilty of Communist crimes. Its work is sowing the fear of retribution in East 


Germany. Radio Free Europe has made successful forays of the same order — 
identifying brutal oflScials, exposing Red agents, etc. But the surface has only 
been scratched in this type of psychological pressure. 


The Kremlin treats foreign affairs as a primary arena of ideological and psy- 
chological effort. It makes moves on the diplomatic chessboard for their propa- 
ganda impact : to rally its friends in the outside vporld, to win over a particular 
element in some country, to embarrass its opponents. In the measure that demo- 
cratic diplomacy fails to do likewise, it is defaulting in a vital area of the cold 
war. Let us bear in mind : 

1. Day to day conduct of foreign affairs is pertinent to the struggle for men's 
minds. The rigid observance of protocol, in dealing with an enemy who recog- 
nizes none of the traditional rules, can be self-defeating. We must make pro- 
posals, demands, exposes, publications of official documents, etc., that are care- 
fully calculated to show up the true motives of the Kremlin, to put a crimp in 
Moscow political campaigns, to mobilize world opinion against Soviet crimes 
and duplicities. 

For 10 years we have made one-shot protests against Soviet election frauds in 
satellite countries, against violations of treaties and agreements, against shock- 
ing crimes in the areas of human rights as defined by the U.N. Charter. The 
archives are packed with these documents. These should be followed up through 
consistent publicity, renewed protests, etc. 

Even when nothing practical can be immediately accomplished, the facts of 
slave labor, genocide, aggressions, violations of Yalta, Potsdam and other agree- 
ments must be kept continually before the world. Diplomacy must champion 
the victims of Red totalitarianism without letup. At every opportunity the 
spokesmen of free nations should address themselves to the people in the Soviet 
empire over the heads of their masters ; to the people of free countries in terms 
of universal principles of morality and decency. 

2. The measures of reciprocity should be strictly applied to Soviet diplomats, 
trade and other representatives. These should en.ioy no more privileges, im- 
munities, access to information than is accorded to free-world representatives in 
Communist lands. Even socially they should be made aware of their status 
as symbols of a barbarous plexus of power. The desire to belong, to be respect- 
able, is by no means alien to Red officialdom. 

3. Economic leverages, too, must be applied. Trade can be turned into a power- 
ful political weapon. The stakes are too high to permit business-as-usual con- 
cepts to outweigh the imperatives of the cold war. Where acute distress de- 
velops in a Communist country, our readiness to help must be brought to the 
attention of the people as well as their bosses. If and when food and other 
relief is offered, it must be under conditions consistent with our objectives — to 
help the victims, not their rulers. 

4. In virtually all countries outside the Communist sphere there are large 
or small organizations devoted to combating communism, at home or abroad 
or both. There is little or no contact among such groups — no common currency 
of basic ideas and slogans, no exchange of experience. Without at this stage 
attempting to set up a worldwide anti-Communist coalition, or freedom interna- 
tional, we should at least facilitate closer liaison and mutual support among 
anti-Soviet groupings already in existence. 


No claim is implied that the foregoing outline is complete, or that all of it can 
or ought to be launched at once. The program here suggested should not be 
judged on the basis of this or that specific proposal but on the overall concept and 
its underlying philosophy. As a practical matter, methods flow from correct 
policies, the availability of funds and trained manpower, the existence of lead- 
ership and organization prepared to take advantage of unfolding events. 

Summarized, my observations and conclusions are : 

1. We are in the midst of a cold war which the Communists are prosecuting 
vigorously on all fronts in an unswerving determation to win. 

2. We dare not lose this cold war, because defeat may be as fatal as would 
defeat in a hot war. We can freeze to death as well as bum to death. 

3. Our best and surest way to head off a hot war is to win the cold war which 
is already in full blast all over the world. But for the reasons mentioned, such 


as insufficient funds and inadequate tools, our efforts in this decisive field are 
strikingly little compared with the enemy's and are wholly inadequate to achieve 
victory. We must meet the political-psychological challenge of world communism 
fully and on a scale geared to winning the struggle. 

4. We should organize our efforts to win the cold war on a basis comparable 
to our organization for winning a hot war which we seek to prevent. To this 
end it is recommended that a Strategy Board of Political Defense (or some other 
suitable name) be set up to function as the cold war equivalent of the Joint 
Chiefs of Staff, on the military side. Top representatives of the State and 
Defense Departments, C.I. A. and U.S.I.A., should be members of this Board. 
Its activities must be effectively coordinated with all departments and agencies 
of our government concerned with this effort. This new strategy board should 
function directly under the President and its head should have Cabinet status. 

5. Our decision to win the cold war should be communicated to the entire 
world as a fixed goal of American policy. This will not rule out conventional 
relations on the governmental level, where the Kremlin, too, functions despite 
its clear commitment to world revolution. 

6. The American public should be made promptly and fully aware of the na- 
ture of the present cold war, the importance of our winning it, the costs 
and sacrifices that this may entail. The significance and urgency of the 
problem should be conveyed to the American people, through discussion over 
radio, TV, and in the press. 

7. The idea of our determination to win the cold war must be presented 
for what it actually is: a project that can be carried through successfully and 
thereby prevent a general war that could force a devastating nuclear show- 
dovra. Once grasped, this prospect would help to offset the fears and frustra- 
tions generated in the public mind by constant emphasis on the horrors of atomic 
war. The alternative presented is understandable and hopeful. Instead of 
concentrating on the perils of defeat, we can dwell on the prospects for victory. 

8. Key leaders in Congress should be drawn into the philosophy and purposes 
of the cold war counteroffensive from the outset. No program of the scope sug- 
gested here can be undertaken and executed without adequate funds that only 
Congress can appropriate. In addition to legislative support the Congress 
can aid immeasurably by stimulating united, patriotic effort as complete and 
nonpartisan as in a hot war. 

9. To wrest from the Communists the advantages they gain through constant 
use in their propaganda of the appealing word "peace," while casting us in the 
role of "war-mongers," it is recommended that the present name of the "Voice 
of America" be extended to the "Voice of America for Freedom and Peace." 

10. Our diplomacj should be used as a weapon against world commimism 
and our message to their captive peoples should contain the hope for their 
eventual freedom. Our message of truth should tell the world the truth about 
Communist objectives, methods, and practices as well as the truth about our- 

Mr. SouRwiNE. A letter from Mr. Andrew J. Biemiller, director, 
Department of Legislation, the American Federation of Labor and 
Congress of Industrial Organizations. 

Senator Hruska. It shall be included. 

(The letter of Andrew J. Biemiller reads as follows :) 

American Federation of Labor and 
Congress of Industrial Organizations, 

Washington, D.C., May 28, 1959. 

Senator James Eastland, 

Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee, 

Senate Committee on Judiciary, 

Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. 

Dear Senator Eastland : I have enclosed a statement on S. 1689, the bill to 
create a Freedom Commission and a Free World Academy. 

We would appreciate it if this statement could appear in the record of the 
hearings on this bill. 

Thank you for your consideration. 
Sincerely yours, 

Andrew J. Biemiller, 
Director, Department of Legislation. 


Statement of Andrew J. Biemillek, Directok, Legislative Department, on 

S. 1689 

We have examined the purpose and contents of S. 1689, a bill to create a Free- 
dom Commission and a Free World Academy. 

The AFL-CIO concurs in the general aims of this bill and urges its passage at 
the earliest possible moment. 

The AFL-CIO has been among the first that have consistently pointed to the 
threat posed to the free world by the attempt of world communism to conquer and 
dominate the world. The Communist conspiracy works on every level and works 
24 hours a day. Its agents are hard-working fanatics who have been especially 
trained at their jobs of infiltration and subi ersion. The necessary effort of 
defense and counterattack on our part cannot be successfully achieved by hit 
and miss, uncoordinated efforts. Our country needs a coordinated effort on all 
levels, using men well grounded in knowledge of all aspects of Communist 
ideology and endeavor, and skilled in countering its agents all over the world in 
their moves on the economic, political, social, religious, moral, cultural fields. 

For these reasons we favor the passage of this bill whose aim is exactly to pro- 
vide the means whereby the training of this necessary personnel will be achieved. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. A letter from Sidney Hook, head of the All Univer- 
sity Department of Philosophy, New York University. 
Senator Hruska. It shall be included. 
(The letter of Sidney Hook reads as follows :) 

New York University, 
'New York, N.Y., June 12, 1959. 
Mr. J. G. SouRWiNE, 

Chief Counsel, Suhcommittee to Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act, 
Washington, D.C. 

Dear Mr. Sourwine : In reply to Senator Dodd's invitation to express my 
opinion on the bill (S. 1689) to establish a Freedom Academy I wish to transmit 
the following communication : 

I am firmly convinced that the international Communist movement, centered 
in Moscow and Peking, is still unremittingly dedicated to a program of world 
domination. During my travels in Europe and Asia I have observed first hand 
the highly organized efforts made in all countries to further the Communist 
campaign agaiust the free world. What I have observed confirms the con- 
clusions I have reachrd in consequence of a quarter century's study of the 
theory and practice of Communist totalitarianism. 

To a large extent the sviccess of the Communist movement and its propaganda 
depends upon the ignorance and naivete of those who oppose it as much as of 
those who are taken in by it. Few individuals are aware of the variety of 
the organizational disguises, the boldness and subtlety of tlie strategies, and the 
flexibility of the tactics which the Communist movement commands. This is 
not the whole story of course but at certain times its ideological warfare, open 
and concealed, together with its organizational power has a decisive influence. 
Particularly adept are the Communists in exploiting the principles and watch- 
words of liberalism and harnessing to their own political cause legitimate griev- 
ances and desires for greater social justice. They score some of their greatest 
successes when they are able to pretend that the issue is simply one of choice 
between "reactionaries" and "progressives". They suffer their greatest defeats 
when genuine liberals who are informed and active take the lead against them. 

The greatest lack in the world today in the struggle against communism is 
the absence of a large trained body of men and women dedicated to the ideals 
of freedom who are experts in tlie theory of communism, informed of its prac- 
tices, and able to give positive leadership in the struggles against them for a 
freer and better world. The Freedom Academy should be an open, public 
center run like a great university where specially gifted and qualified individuals 
can study all relevant aspects of the Communist movement. It should under- 
take research and publication projects. It should be open to persons who are 
scholarship and in pursuit of the truth. Because its objective is the truth 
their devotion to freedom more effective by thorough study and training. 

It should be organized in such a way as to make it independent of partisan 
political control. 


The Freedom Academy should not be regarded as an institution for dissem- 
ination of propaganda. Its work should be conducted on the highest levels of 
appropriately qualified from all coimtries of the world who desire to make 
about communism and the exploration of the ethics of freedom it will easily 
be able to withstand in the court of world public opinion the campaign of 
calumny which the Communist world will launch against it. 
Sincerely yours, 

Sidney Hook, 
Head of the All-University Department of Philosophy. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Finally, Mr. Chairman, here are a number of in- 
dividual letters wliich appear to be identical in text. I respectfully 
suggest that the text of only one such letter be printed, and the names 
of the other signers of similar letters be appended. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. So ordered. 

(The letter above mentioned reads as follows :) 

St. Louis, Mo., May 19, 1959. 
Dear Sir : We want to take this opportunity to let you know that we favor 
the H.R. 3880 bill known as the Freedom Commission Act providing that people 
such as Senator James O. Eastland and Kenneth Goff, an ex-Communist who 
has testified many times in Washington, be placed on the committee at least 
in an advisory capacity. We feel that only those who have a good knowledge 
of how and where communism works should be on the committee. 

Please do everything in your power to see that this bill is passed with the 
provision stated above. 
Thank you very much. 
Yours truly, 

Mrs. Claude Stough, 
Claude V. Stough. 

Similar letters were received from the following : 

Mr. and Mrs. Coats Shiverdecker, St. Charles, Mo. 

R. A. Adams and Grace Adams, St. Charles, Mo. 

Rev. James O. Poe, St. Charles, Mo. 

John Hockmeyer and Mrs. Marie Hockmeyer, St. Charles, Mo. 

Virgil I. Miller, St. Louis, Mo. 

Senator Hruska. We will be adjourned until 9 :30 tomorrow morn- 

(Whereupon, at 12 :05 p.m., the committee adjourned to reconvene 
at 9 :30 a.m. Thursday, June 18, 1959.) 


THURSDAY, JUNE 18, 1959 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D.G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10 : 05 a.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd pre- 

Present : Senators Dodd and Roman L. Hruska. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di- 
rector of research; and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Dodd. The subcommittee will be in order. 

We shall resume our hearings on Senate bill 1689. 

The first witness this morning, I understand, is Mr. C. D. Jack- 


Senator Dodd. Good morning, Mr. Jackson. I am glad you ap- 
peared. These are matters on which you speak with authority and 

Will you give us your name and address for the record, please? 

Mr. Jackson. My name is C. D. Jackson, and I live at 1 West Y2d 
Street, New York City. 

Senator Dodd. Off the record, just a moment. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Senator Dodd. Go right ahead, Mr. Jackson. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman, I have a really quite brief statement 
that I would like to read, so that I can keep it straight. 

Senator Dodd. Yes, of course. 

Mr. Jackson. I have given you my name, and my address. Also, 
I am vice president of Time, Inc., which is a magazine publishing 

For the past 16 years, I have been closely connected with the activi- 
ty known as "psychological warfare" or "political warfare." 

During 1942 and the early part of 1943, I was Special Assist- 
ant to the U.S. Ambassador in Ankara, Turkey, Mr. Laurence Stein- 
hardt, and there had a general portfolio in political warfare. 

From the spring of 1943 until January 1944, 1 was Deputy Chief of 
the Psychological Warfare Branch of Allied Forces Headquarters 
in North Africa, Sicily, and Italy. 



From 1944 until V-E Day, I was Deputy Chief of the Psychologi- 
cal Warfare Division of Supreme Headquarters, Allied Expedition- 
ary Force, in London and France, Luxembourg, Belgium, and finally 

In 1951, I was president of the Free Europe Committee, which op- 
erates Radio Free Europe. 

I came down here in 1952 and 1953 to be a member of the so-called 
Jackson Committee. It was so called because William Jackson was 
the chairman, not I, and that was to study the entire spectrum of 
political warfare and see what was being done, what ought to be 
done, and make recommendations. 

Then, from February 1953 until May 1954, I worked out of the 
White House as special assistant to the President in cold war plan- 

Now, if there is a single common denominator running through 
these different experiences — military, civilian, governmental, and pri- 
vate — it is the difficulty of finding Americans who have not only an 
instinct or a flair for political warfare, but also the elementary knowl- 
edge and training on the nature of the conflict and how to go about 
our end of the conduct of this very real and continuing warfare. 

During World War II, both in AFIIQ and in SHAEF, had it not 
been for the large number of Britishers and Canadians who had this 
political warfare "feel" and knew the technical subtleties involved, 
we would have been hard put to adequately staff the top-thinking jobs. 

Since the war, the same difficulty has continued. But it is a far 
more dangerous difficulty now, because our enemy is communism, and 
the Communists are the supreme masters and unrelenting practitioners 
of political warfare. Indeed, it is by the persistent and pervasive 
use of this weapon, with or without military threats, that the Com- 
munists hope to accomplish their ultimate aim of destroying the 
United States. Unless we learn to resist and counter their use of 
this political weapon, we shall have no recourse, in the long run, ex- 
cept to military force. 

Winning the cold war is therefore the only way we can avoid a 
hot war. 

But to win the cold war, to master communism in political combat, 
we must have more and better trained political warriors. Nowhere 
in the United States today can this art be learned in concentrated and 
systematic form. There are many excellent institutions where bits 
and pieces of political warfare are taught. And certainly our Ameri- 
can press, radio, and television "communicate" amply on the subject. 
But to the average intelligent, interested, young American, these 
constitute disconnected and uncoordinated impressions. Even if he 
realizes that the men of the Kremlin are actively plotting his personal 
destruction, there is little or nothing he can do about it. There is no 
single place he can go to learn all that is known about communism 
and how to combat it. 

Confronted with the monolithic attack of communism, it is not 
enough for Americans to be generally aware of the nature of the 
conflict in one place and at one time, to study the depth and scope 
of the Communist conspiracy to destroy the United States and con- 
quer the world in another place and at another time, and to learn the 
methods by which the Communist conspiracy can be counteracted in 


still another place and still another time. It is only by uniting the 
study and teaching of these elements in one place and one time that 
the challenge can be fully comprehended and adequate response gen- 

To be a Communist is to make political warfare a fulltime job 
and a life commitment. For Americans it is at best a part-time 
aspect of some other job, conducted intermittently and with grossly 
inadequate training. There are far too few Americans who are both 
dedicated enough and knowledgeable enough to combat commmiism 
effectively on a full-time basis. If the Communists are scoring steady 
political gains — and we know they are, in all corners of the world — 
it is because they take their political warfare seriously and we do not. 
Our greatest danger, it seems to me, is that we may let the victory go 
by default, simply because too few of us realize the nature and under- 
stand the weapons of the struggle. 

The Academy proposed in Senate bill 1689 is, to my mind, an 
intelligent and important step toward rectifying the present danger- 
ous situation. It would furnish this country with a professional 
and dedicated corps of political warriors — something we sorely need 
and need immediately. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, if I may repeat and paraphrase, I am sure 
that there is a general impression that adequate instruction places 
exist where this art or this profession can be studied. Actually, sir, 
there is no existing place where the whole problem is pulled together 
and taught in concentrated form and not in bits and pieces. That is 
why I think this is a good idea. 

Senator Dodd. We are very grateful to you, Mr. Jackson. As I 
said when you prepared to make your statement, I feel personally, 
and I am sure that my view is shared by other members of this sub- 
committee, that you are extremely competent in this field, and your 
observations have great weight and influence with us. 

Do you have any questions, Mr. Sourwine ? 

Mr. SouRAViNE. Mr. Chairman, I should like to ask a few questions. 

Senator Dodd. Very well. 

^ Mr. SouRWiN-E. I noted, Mr. Jackson, your stress on "political war- 
rior." I suppose you mean enlistment for the duration for Americans, 
also. Do you advocate this ? 

Mr. Jackson. Well, sir, when — "political warrior" is a sort of catch 
phrase to tie in with "political warfare." 

Mr. SouR^VINE. Yes, I Imow. 

Mr. Jacksox. More Americans should dedicate more time to this 
work than has happened in the past. A lot of us sort of dart in and 
out of it. We take an assignment for a year or a year and a half. It 
will take us the first 6 months to learn what it is all about, and then 
for one reason or another, we get out. More of us should spend more 
time at it. 

Furthermore, I use the phrase "political warrior" because there is 
another ^reat element of confusion, and that is that there is a funda- 
mental difference between diplomacy and political warfare, and most 
of the existing institutions teach diplomacy ; they do not teach political 

42731—59 5 


A diplomat is in business for a totally different reason. Diplomats 
should Imow about political warfare, but political warriors should 
also know about it. 

Mr. SoTTRwiNE. What I was trying to get at is whether you feel 
that the Freedom Academy, which this bill proposes, might be a, 
means of getting full-time and dedicated political warriors in this 
country ? 

Mr. Jackson. I think so, sir. It is too much to expect that every- 
body that goes through it will stay there for life, but it is the first time 
that a beginning of a corps of highly-trained professionals in this 
work would be available. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You think it would be the objective of such an 
Academy to create such a corps ? 

Mr. Jackson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SoTJRwiNE. You would advocate, then, keeping contact, main- 
taining liaison with the graduates of the Academy, if I may use that 
word, "graduates" ? 

Mr. Jackson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Would you advocate also a policy of attempting to 
place Academy graduates, put them where they can do the most good ? 

Mr. Jackson. I think so. I think the answer is yes. 

On the other hand, there is such great need for these people in 
various private and governmental organizations right now, that I 
have no doubt that they would be absorbed, well absorbed, as fast 
as they could be turned out. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Jackson, do you see this Freedom Academy bill 
as, in a sense, a congressional declaration that we are in fact in this 
cold war and we need to fight it ? 

Mr. Jackson. I hope it would be interpreted as such, because we 
have made noises about being in the cold war, but we have not pursued 
it at all times. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. We have done a few things around the periphery, 
without ever 

Mr. Jackson. Well, we are running around the periphery, and every 
now and then we dart into the middle, but then we get right out again. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Could you tell us something, sir, about what you 
would consider to be the qualifications of individuals to be selected 
for this Freedom Academy ? 

Mr. Jackson. I think that the first qualification is dedication to the 
aggressive defense of this country. 

Mr. SouRWTNE. In other words, the students should be dedicated 
anti-Communists ? 

Mr. Jackson. That is right. I do not think it would be serving 
its purpose if a student approached this Academy sort of as an, oh, 
another way of passing a few months, learning something. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You do not want dilettantes ? 

Mr. Jackson, No. 

Mr. SoiTRwiNE. Do you perhaps see tliis Academy as something for 
which definite criteria for entrance should definitely be worked out? 

Mr. Jackson. Yes ; but there you run into a difficult human prob- 
lem. If I may speak in sort of first-person-singular experience, in all 
these jobs that I have had in this work, you never can tell when the 
guy with this particular feel and dedication is going to show up. 


Well, to make it very real, one of the ablest young men that I have 
run into in this work-^he is not in government — happens to be an ex- 
tremely pleasant, handsome, well-educated, rich son of a Wall Street 
broker. Only he just happened to have it. 

Another associate of his, one of his ablest associates, is a Rumanian 
refugee exile who, when he skipped over, was a Marxist, an anti-Sta- 
linist, Socialist. Those two are now teamed up into a most effective 

A third one, to sort of give the picture, is a young Harvard doctor 
of philosophy in history from upstate New York. If these three men 
were to walk into this room, a more unlikely and dissimilar trio just 
could not be imagined. But they have that element, and, unfortu- 
nately, they had to learn it the hard way — all except the Marxist. The 
Rumanian Marxist had it at his fingertips when he skipped over. 

The two Americans had to learn it the hard way, whereas had this 
Academy existed, and had they convinced the entrance board or the 
dean, or whatever the proper official or group would be, that they really 
meant to get into this work, they would have been infinitely ahead of 
where they were at any given time because of the concentrated learn- 
ing they would have been able to acquire. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. On the basis of what you say, do you think that 
the selection of students for the Academy should be on the basis of 
beating the bushes to look for them, or should the selection be made 
primarily or entirely from those who seek entrance to the Academy ? 

Mr. Jackson. I would say a little bit of both, sir. I think the an- 
nouncement of the existence of the Academy will attract, immediately 
attract, a sizable number of young Americans, because there is great 
interest in this and a great sense of frustration, a feeling of "what can 
I do, where can I go to do something, to learn something?" The an- 
nouncement will attract, I am sure, a sizable group. 

On the other hand, a certain amount of intelligent bush-shaking 
should also be done. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does it correctly reflect your view to say that you 
regard the proposed Academy as more than a mere institution of 
learning, as a place for training for action ? 

Mr. Jackson. Yes, sir ; and quite emphatically. I think that per- 
sonally, if this were to turn into just another academic machine, it 
would not be doing what it is supposed to do. It is not just an aca- 
demic machine ; it is a place where a concentrated global course on a 
little-known subject can give the kind of instruction and produce in 
the minds and hearts of the proper group of young people, a knowl- 
edge and a feel and a drive that we sorely need. I emphasize the word 
"drive"' because of your question. If it is to be just another academic 
institution, you can emerge from that full of knowledge but not nec- 
essarily drive. 

If this institution does not also produce the drive along with the 
knowledge, I do not think it will be living up to what its sponsors 
intend it to be. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. Do you think an institution of this nature can pro- 
duce drive, or does it have to find people that have it ? 

Mr. Jackson. Well, the institution can produce the drive if it is a 
wedding of the right kind of management, instruction and student 
body, and if right from the beginning, the philosophy of the insti- 
tution contains the element of drive. 


Mr. SouRwiisTE. You think, then, this should be an action insti- 
tution ? 

Mr. Jackson. If you mean should these young fellows go out and 
put a timebomb under Khrushchev's seat in Geneva, the answer is 
"No." But they should be thoroughly indoctrinated with the idea 
that political warfare is not a passive action, and that, unless they 
have the concept of moving forward in political warfare instead 
of constantly fighting these desperate rearguard actions which we are 
always fighting, we shall not win the conflict. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. What I had in mind was that there might be said 
to be some question whether political warfare can be learned wholly, 
as an art, out of books, or whether there has to be some on-the-job 
training, so to speak. 

Mr. Jackson. Well, I think there should be on-the-job training, 
but you can have the sort of case technique, because, from the State 
Department, from the Central Intelligence Agency, from certain pri- 
vate institutions in Columbia, Harvard, Johns Hopkins, all over the 
country, instructors in the case method can be found, and also, just 
picking up the morning newspaper and deciding what you would 
do if you were in a position to do it constitutes a daily case in politi- 
cal warfare, because political warfare is just all around us. We are 
living it now. 

Coexistence and political warfare are one and the same thing. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You spoke, sir, of the need for dedication. There 
really is not any way to measure that in a man, is there ? 

You would not, I take it, advocate limiting the enrollment in the 
Freedom Academy to persons who had already demonstrated by vig- 
orous activity their anti-Communist attitude ? 

Mr. Jackson. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That would pretty well curtail the enrollment. 

Mr. Jackson. It sure w^ould. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. Do you, sir, see any possibility of disillusionment 
and frustration of the graduates from this Academy who might find no 
occupational outlet for their training ? 

Mr. Jackson. No. As I said, I am pretty sure that both in Gov- 
ernment and in private organizations in this work and in U.S. busi- 
ness and in industry, there will be plenty of opportunities for these 
people to have an operational outlet. 

Of course, when you are young, you think that everything can be 
settled in 24 hours. Well, they will have the frustration of realizing 
that it may take a year, but that is a frustration that we all get, one 
time or another. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You spoke earlier of the Academy keeping contact 
with these graduates. Do you have in mind that there would be any 
after-direction of their activities, that is, after graduation, or would 
they be turned loose to go, as you say, to business, industry, and 
Government, where their activities would be entirely controlled and 
guided by the agency they went to ? 

Mr. Jackson. Sir, I think, off ihe top of the head, I think two 
things on that. One is that the basic course, however, long it takes, 
may not, in the case of certain individuals, be the ultimate answer, 
and that the Academy might be set up in such a way that beyond 
the basic course of a? number of months, if a graduate finds that 


he needs more intensive study, more intensive training in some special- 
ized branch of this, it ought to be possible for him to come back and 
either have a refresher or an extension course. 

In the second place, I think the graduates should be kept in touch 
with, even if it is on the most elementary level, such as a monthly 
bulletin or newsletter, or alumni weekly, or alumni monthly, because 
one of the things that I have observed in American efforts in post- 
war education of foreign students is that the facilities are superb for 
getting them over here, and the facilities of education are superb while 
they are here, and everybody pats them on the back and gives them a 
great farewell party when they go. But then they go back to France 
or Italy or Africa, or wherever they came from, and the institution 
does not keep in touch with them any longer, except in a few cases. 
By and large, they do not. Whereas, the Communists' equivalent of 
that — and the Communists are training innumerable students, thou- 
sands of them all over the world in various institutions — that stu- 
dent is never let go of. The Communists don't attempt to control him 
in his work in corporation X or activity Y, but that booklet, that 
pamphlet, that letter, follows him wherever he goes and furnishes the 
emotional and intellectual tie to what he originally learned. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you see either the Freedom Academy or Free- 
dom Commission as in any sense a coordinating agency or directing 
agency for Government activity in this whole field '^ 

JNIr. Jackson. I have not thought about that one, but sir — again off 
the top of the head — I would say that would be a bad idea. I do not 
think it is the business, or would be the business of the Freedom Acad- 
emy to be an operating branch of Government. It would be a contra- 
diction in terms, and the Academy would not last for a year if it 
started pushing the State Department around. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You do not, then, like to think of the Academ.y as 
another tier in the bureaucratic pyramid ? 

Mr. Jacksox. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I note the bill provides rather broad authority for 
the Academy or the Commisison for the publication of textbooks and 
doing a great m.any things that might be termed in the psychological 
warfare field. That would necessarily make it an operational agency, 
would it not ? 

Mr. Jackson. I am really not competent — I really do not know the 
answer to that. I have read the bill and frankly, sir, I do not know 
how that would work. But I am convinced that it would be bad, it 
would be a bad thing if the Academy turned into an operating agency 
in political warfare or in foreign affairs. 

Mr. SouR-\viNE. Of course, the Academy, as a group, would be sep- 
arate from the Freedom Commission, although the Freedom Com- 
mission would establish the Academy. The bill gives the Freedom 
Commission these duties and authorities with regard to publication, 
preparation of materials, and so forth. Do you consider that is per- 
haps something that the Congress should look at carefully to consider 
whether the Commission should do this, or whether this type of thing 
should be left to the existing agency of the Government ? 

Mr. Jackson. I think that Congress should look at the whole bill, 
and if there is anything in the bill that they think duplicates an op- 
eratmg activity of the Government, or is moving m on the State De- 


partment or the CIA or what have you, that should be reworded. I 
do not think that the language of the bill as proposed — I did not in- 
terpret it as final. I imagined that if the Congress accepted, let us say, 
the philosophy which inspired the bill, it would then be able to work 
out the details so that the bill would be the right kind, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I am not trying to put you in a spot. 

Mr. Jackson. I understand, and I am not trying to evade. I just 
do not know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The sponsors of the bill are frank to say they do 
not tliink it would be the be-all and end-all, and I am trying to get 
for the record your own particular feeling about this phase as an 
operating agency, just how much authority should be given to the 
Commission in that field. We all know that, if you create an agency 
and give it authority, it is going to exercise the authority and prob- 
ably expand it as time goes on. 1 wondered if you could give us just 
your own view as to whether the Congress should be careful in limi- 
ting that or leave it open. Wliat should be the policy in that one 
respect ? 

Mr. Jackson. Well, I assume that the reason for setting up this 
double-barreled arrangement, the Commission and then the Academy, 
was to find a way by which the Academy would not be niched into 
an operating branch of the Government. In other words, not an 
administrative offshoot of the State Department or CIA or the White 
House, or something like that. It was a device. I think that the 
Commissioners are given very broad powers in here, and if the Com- 
missioners were the right kind of Commissioners, I am sure that the 
more freedom they were given, the better the Academy would be. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. There is one more point I should like to ask you 
about, sir. It has been suggested the creation of a joint congressional 
committee as a sort of watchdog over this whole afi'air involves a 
threat to the jurisdiction of existing congressional committees, in 
both the House and the Senate, in that the new committee might take 
over functions of existing separate committees. The sponsors of the 
bill say that tliere was no intention to do that. Without any effort to 
put you on the spot, I should like to ask you, is this something that you 
would favor — that is, the coordination of the work in a single joint 
committee — or do you feel that the existing committees should con- 
tinue, and if there is to be a joint committee, it should be made clear 
that its fmiction has entirely to do with the Freedom Commission 
and the Freedom Academy ? 

Mr. Jackson. Oh, absolutely the latter. I think it would be in- 
conceivable that the joint committee for this Academy should have 
any thought of moving into the existing committees. They are in 
business for totally different reasons, and it would be very bad if that 
were an overt or a covert purpose behind this. This joint committee 
should be concerned with the Academy, period. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. If there is to be a joint committee, do you think it 
needs broad investigating powers, subpena powers ? 

Mr. Jackson. I just do not know the answer to that. Again, it 
read as though this were standard language for committees. 

Senator Dodd. I think that is true. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Perhaps I have overstressed, Mr. Chairman, the 
threat to existing committees in this particular field. It would seem 


rather clear that the joint committee's authority as the bill is now 
drafted would impinge on the jurisdiction of various other committees 
in the Senate and House — Foreign Relations, possibly Armed Serv- 
ices, surely Government Operations, and possibly Interstate and For- 
eign Commerce, at least. It is in this whole area that I am inquiring. 

Senator Dodd. I think something could be worked out satisfactorily 
so that we could make rather clear the jurisdictional lines. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I have no more questions, Mr. Chainnan. 

Senator Dodd. Once again, Mr. Jackson, we are very grateful to 
you. You have been very helpful to us. I have my own views about 
this, and think we all do and I thought when you were testifying that, 
if this did nothing else, it would put an end to the apology that has 
been made for so many years that we did not know about the Com- 
munists. It would be worthwhile for that reason if for no other. 
There are many other, better reasons, of course. 

Mr. Jackson. Well, actually, Mr. Chairman, not to butter you up, 
but you made a fine speech last year on political warfare with respect 
to Eastern European satellite countries. Now, if there had been, 
if this Academy had been in existence for 5 years, I do not think you 
would have had to make that speech, because that would have been in 

Senator Dodd. That would have been a misfortune for me. 

Well, we are very grateful to you, and thank you again. 

Mr. Jackson. Thank you, sir. 

Thank you, gentlemen. 

Senator Dodd. Our next witness is Dr. Gerhart Niemeyer. 


Senator Dodd. Good morning. Dr. Niemeyer. We are grateful to 
you for coming here. I know that you are a member of the faculty at 
Notre Dame University. You are also on the faculty of the War 

Mr. NiEMEYER. Right. 

Senator Dodd. We are grateful to you for being here this morning. 

Would you give your name and address for the record, please? 

Mr. NiEsrEYER. My address is 1126 Helmen Drive, South Bend, Ind. 

I am very grateful to you for this opportunity, Mr. Chairman. I 
submitted to you a statement the day before yesterday, and I would 
like to ask your permission to insert that statement into the record and 
to summarize its contents. 

Senator Dodd. That will be fine. I have read your statement, and 
I must say that it is an excellent one. 

Mr. NiEMEYER. Thank you. 

Senator Dodd. It will be printed in the record at this point, and I 
think it would be helpful to us if you did smnmarize it. 

(The complete statement of Dr. Niemeyer follows:) 

Statement by Dr. Gerhart Niemeyer 

In the forces of Soviet communism, we are facing an enemy who has for 
half a century perfected his capabilities in political wafare. The Communists 
ultimately rely on the ruthless and destructive use of force. But in order to 
get into a position where they can use force with impunity and without re- 
straint, they prefer political methods when seizing power. In coming to power, 


the Communists have used force sparingly and have, where possible, manipu- 
lated their enemies into political submission. They did this in Russia in 1917. 

More recent examples are East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, and 
Iraq. For East Germany, Wolfgang Leonhard in his "Child of the Revolution" 
has told how German cadres were trained in special schools in the Urals, thrown 
into Berlin in the first days of the occupation, and used to maneuver all po- 
tential political groups into a Communist controlled single party. Czechoslo- 
vakia was taken over by gradual steps, from one small position of power to 
another. Gradual infiltration into the Guatemalan Government put that country 
under Communist control before any one really knew what was going on, and 
it took a revolution to dislodge the Reds there. Regarding Iraq, we have the 
recent report of a Soviet writer who boasts that the Communists, in Iraq, are 
controlling a youth union, a women's league, an organization of "peace sup- 
porters," and a peasants' union, the latter with 200,000 members, in addition 
to 34 trade unions. The same writer noted that Iraq now has "units of the 
people's home guards" which were recently armed. Here we see political war- 
fare at work. 

What are the Communist capabilities in political warfare? There is no 
mystery about this: The Soviets in numerous schools train thousands in the 
skills of political action in specific countries. Basically, the Communists have 
capabilities in political warfare because they have long been aware that politi- 
cal warfare can be planned, taught, and learned. They have put to work as 
teachers veterans of political warfare or others who have studied the veterans' 
experience. The experts have developed courses through which they teach 
their knowledge to dedicated students. The students emerging from the nu- 
merous Communist schools swarm all over the world. They are deeply moti- 
vated to fight and win. They have full and detailed knowledge of their victims 
as well as of their own party and its goals. They are skilled in the tricks 
of their trade, including writing, speaking, organization, and subversion. They 
can turn a passing mood into a lasting organizational gain. They can develop 
allegiance out of au ideal. They can maneuver their opponents from the places 
of control. They can skin their enemy with his own consent. Such people 
need force only at the margin of their operations. They are trained to conquer 
totally, but, if possible, bloodlessly. 

Communist capabilities of political warfare are becoming more important, 
as the atomic stalemate inhibits both sides from the risk of a military show- 
down. Under the umbrella of the universal atomic deterrent, any territory 
the Commuinsts conquer by political warfare drops behind the Iron Curtain for 
keeps, unless we succeed in winning it back by similar methods. 

Moreover, in a number of countries we are now witnessing a process called 
polarization in which the Communist Party becomes the sole available alternative 
to the governing party. This is already the case in Greece, India, and Indonesia, 
and a similar situation may well develop in other countries, for instance South 
Africa and even France. Once the political forces of a country split into two 
camps, one of which is Communist, that country's fate will be decided not by 
foreign policies but by internal political warfare. Czechoslovakia may well 
be repeated. 

How well are we equipped for political warfare? There can be no doubt that 
our present capabilities in this field are utterly inadequate. USTA, which is 
certainly one of our main instruments of political warfare, may serve as an 
illustration. As of a year ago, the personnel in USIA posts abroad numbered 
less than 1,000, who were distributed over more than 80 posts. This number 
includes those serving in administrative functions. The rest handicapped by 
the fact that they are Americans, ofiieially employed by the U.S. Government, and 
moreover rotated from post to post in 2-year intervals so that they are never 
able to develop firm contacts in any country. Apart from all that, however, the 
capability of USIA is confined to the spreading of information. It does not 
give us any capability to organize, lead, maneuver, counteract. 

How about our capability to learn about the enemy, and to train great numbers 
of people in this vital knowledge? Our universities have a number of centers 
of area studies. A number of students are educated there in foreign languages, 
the history and the institutions of foreign countries. But these students are not 
equipped for political warfare. In the first place, their training does not motivate 
them to engage in that kind of warfare. Secondly, they are not taught how to 
put their knowledge to use in the world conflict, to engage in intellectual contest, 
to argue with conviction for our cause, to find the enemy's weakness. 


Among the citizens of otlier countries, we have even less capability. Nowhere 
is there anything that could be called an "American Party," or even a "Freedom 
Party," in the sense in which the Soviets dispose of a worldwide Communist party. 
Those citizens of other countries who stand ready to argue, debate, organize, and 
fight on our side find that they have no place to turn to. There is no unit, no 
organization, no set of leaders whom they could readily identify as their proper 
rallying points. What is worse, these people often find that we have not even 
provided them with telling intellectual arguments with which they could enter 
the fray on our behalf. Paraphrasing a word from the Bible, one could say : 
In many free countries the laborers are ready, but no one hires them to gather 
the harvest. 

The proposed Freedom Academy will cost very little, compared with the costs 
of even a single missile. Yet this one lonely Freedom Academy, mobilizing and 
gathering people, facts, and thoughts at the expense of a few million dollars, 
can without exaggeration be called a potential major weapon of the free world. 
Its effect will be a multiple of the effort that needs to be put into it. For a few 
people, well trained, organized, and disciplined, are a truly powerful force. In 
South Africa at present, a fast advancing tide of Commimist influence is threaten- 
ing. This influence actually comes from no more than 30 to 40 Commuinsts, 
nearly all of them foreigners trained in Soviet schools, who are engaged in sys- 
tematic and disciplined political warfare. The seeds of a future Communist 
control of South Africa does not cost the Soviets more than a few hundred 
thousand dollars. 

There is no reason why, for a proportionally equally small simi, we could not 
do as much for freedom as the Communists do for their goal of world rule. 
The very existence of a place where competent and dedicated people gather and 
disseminate knowledge of the enemy and are pi'epared to teach it to those who 
have resolved to counteract Communist infiltration, the very existence of such 
a place will be an inspiration to the entire free world. A member of a friendly 
embassy, commenting on the present bill, said to me : "This bill, if adopted, would 
be a major breakthi-ough." 

It has frequently been said we are ill suited to the business of political war- 
fare. Those who say this must really mean : we are ill suited to use lies, subter- 
fuge, distortions, blackmail, and fraud to gain our ends. This is the way of 
the Communists. But political warfare can be waged in different ways, and we 
can and will wage it with methods worthy of freemen. Others say : Our good 
cause will prevail by its merit. To have a good cause does not mean that one 
should not fight for it. If political warfare threatens the cause of human free- 
dom, the defenders of freedom then must become past masters at the art of 
ixjlitical warfare, and do it without in the process of losing the values we protect. 

What is more, it is a mistake to believe that our culture dooms us to a second- 
rate performance in this field. In the first place, we have working for us what 
might be called the natural preference of men : religion, morality, love of native 
country and of national independence, and, at least in the West, political tradi- 
tion. Those are mighty allies, and they have so powerfully wrought on our 
side that even without developing special capabilities for political warfare, we 
have by and large held our own against a massive Soviet onslaught. 

In the second place, there are several examples of highly successful political 
warfare in the West. The unions, once alarmed and alerted, have recaptured 
from the Communists the bulk of the positions they iiad lost to them not only 
in this country, but, to some extent, also in Europe. In Germany, the Govern- 
ment is running a college at which groups of leading citizens are educated in the 
knowledge of communism. This Ostkolleg in Cologne, together with other 
measures of political warfare against German Communists, are conducted in 
the spirit and the methods of democracy, even though inspired by a hard- 
hitting determination to crush, politically, the totalitarian threat to freedom. 

Political warfare is not a field that we need to concede to the enemy. Once 
we begin to develop its methods and skills, once we give deliberate thought to 
its strategy, it will enable us not only to hold our own but to go on the offensive 
against communism. The Freedom Academy is an institution that will im- 
measurably help to accomplish this. 

Dr. NiEMEYER. Let me give you a few details about my past ex- 
perience, which may or may not be germane to this testimony. 

I am a native of Germany, and I have lived through the Nazi 
dictatorsliip there, as well as through the beginnings of the civil war 


in Spain. I came to this country in 1937 and have, since then, taught 
at various universities — Princeton, Yale, Columbia, Oglethorpe. 

I have been in the State Department for 3 years as a planning 
adviser, and with the Council on Foreign Relations for 2 years. I 
am now professor of political science at the University of Notre 
Dame, where it is one of my responsibilities to teach a full year 
graduate course on Communist ideology from the original source 

The main impression, of course, which has been created by Mr. 
C. D. Jackson's very able testimony, which I would like to underscore, 
is the very strong capabilities of the Soviet Union in political war- 
fare, capabilities which have existed because the Soviets have been 
aware that one can teach political warfare in courses, and they have 
developed the courses, they have developed the teachers, they have 
selected the students, they have sent them out, motivated, informed, 
skilled, and organized. 

These students swarm all over the world, and instances of which 
all of us are aware bear testimony to the effectiveness of this situa- 
tion. For example, Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, at present, of course, 
Iraq, which is still in the balance. Compared with this, our own 
capability is woefully inadequate. 

We have, of course, organizations which do dedicate themselves to 
political warfare, but to some extent these organizations are handi- 
capped by the fact that their members are official Government em- 
ployees of the United States. What we need, in other words, are peo- 
ple who are private persons, particularly in other countries, but also 
in this country. 

In that respect, our universities, which could teach private persons, 
simply are not set up to teach about political warfare. Those who do 
teach about Soviet affairs teach about the geography and history of 
the Soviet Union, but they do not dedicate their teaching and orient 
their teaching toward the purposes and needs of political warfare. 

In our exchange program, where also we get foreign students who 
are trained in this country, there is certainly no attempt to indoc- 
trinate these students for this particular purpose, or even to indoc- 
trinate them for the West. We all know of the painful experience of 
these exchange students going back to their countries and going back, 
not as advocates of the Western cause, the cause of freedom, but as ad- 
vocates of, or as cannon fodder for the Communist machine. 

I would like to say that, in my contacts with military people, which 
I have maintained during this past year, of the National War College, 
I have found no one who did not feel that special training for po- 
litical warfare was needed. I found it particularly true in the mili- 
tary missions which I visited during the field trip of the National 
War College, that the very important people who are there as part 
of our military mission are selected for their military competence, be- 
cause they are good commanders, good leaders of troops, and so on, 
but not because they are adequately qualified for the role of political 
warfare which they are playing, whether they want to or not. 

So I would say, together with Mr. C. D. Jackson, that the very ex- 
istence of an Academy of this kind would be a very important step, 
and I should like to mention what a diplomat, a high ranking diplo- 
mat of a friendly embassy, said to me when I discussed this bill with 


He said, "If this bill were passed, this would indeed be a major 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Sourwine, do you have any questions? 

Mr. SouRwixE. You mean that the mere act of passing the bill, 
being, as Mr. Jackson said, a sort of congressional declaration of the 
cold war, would accomplish something for our side? 

Mr. NiEMEYER. Indeed it would. This, I tliink, was also the mean- 
ing of the statement which I just quoted by the diplomat. It would 
be a recognition that political warfare is a problem, that one needs to 
train and equip oneself to deal with political warfare, and it would 
be an indication to the world that we mean business. 

I would also say that this is particularly important, now that we 
are moving more and more under the shadow of the atomic stalemate, 
so that political methods become more and more decisive. 

Mr. Sourwine. Instead of leaving this declaration that we are in 
the cold war merely implicit in the enactment of the bill, would you 
favor putting in the bill a policy declaration which would place upon 
all departments and agencies of the Government the obligation to 
fight this cold war for all they are worth ? 

Mr. NiEMETER. My own feeling would be that the setting up of 
the Academy would be an action, and that actions speak louder than 

Senator Dodd, Would you also agree that this Academy might 
sei-ve effectively, what I would describe, for want of a better phrase, 
as a massive intellectual conversion ? 

Mr. NiEMETER. In the sense of disseminating information about 
communism ? 

Senator Dodd. ISTo. I have thought for some time that what we 
must do in order to be most effective with respect to the Communists 
is convert the many intellectuals who seem not able to comprehend the 
nature of the difficulty. This has occurred to me as an ideal means 
of doing so. 

Mr. NiEMETER. Yes, in the sense that all the facts about communism 
would be brought together into one pattern there, which is very seldom 
done. I think this is quite true. 

Senator Dodd. I do not want to seem to be knocking all intellectu- 
als as being ignorant on this, but there are enough of them who seem 
to have trouble understanding, to make me feel that there is need 
for what I have described as a massive conversion in that field. 

Mr. NiEMETER. I fully agree. I fully agree, and I would like to 
say that, certain instances of cold warfare — concrete instances which 
are known to me — a considerable degree of ignorance about com- 
munism and, of course, misguided thought vis-a-vis the whole prob- 
lem of communism, was a crucially decisive weakness on the West's 

I am referring particularly to the situation in South Africa at the 
present time, wliere a friend of mine has been consultant to the Gov- 
ernment. He reports that, to the extent to which the Goverimient 
is losing the fight to the Communists, it is doing so because of a really 
indescribable ignorance about communism and failure to appreciate 
the tnie nature of communism. Precisely what you are saying, sir. 

Senator Dodd. That says it much better than I could. That is 
what I wanted to say. 


Excuse me for interrupting. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Sir, do you have views on the question of whether 
the Freedom Academy, or Freedom Commission, or either, should 
be an action agency in any sense ? 

Mr. NiEMEYER. I would be inclined to give the same answer as Mr. 
C. D. Jackson. In the sense that you place time bombs, no. In the 
sense that you motivate students, yes. I would say that the Freedom 
Academy and Freedom Commission would both miss the mam point 
of the whole enterprise if they did not motivate their students to go 
out and do something about it. 

To the extent that they support their students with continual m- 
formation, centralize all information about communism, gather all 
this information and make it available to them — to this extent I 
think they would be the center of a network of active people. 

Whether vou would call this an operation agency or not I do not 
know. But I would say that the students of this Academy, after they 
leave, whether or not they are active in this field, would write back 
there, they would get their data there, possibly submit their pam- 
phlets to this organization for approval or improvement, and so on. 
Mr. SouRwiNE. You speak of time bombs, of course, in the literal 
sense, but in another sense, when the Communists place a trained, 
skilled, and motivated man in our midst, it is a kind of time bomb, 
and it might not do any harm if we planted a few time bombs like that 
around this country and perhaps the world ? 

Mr. NiEMEYER. In this sense, I agree with you, sir. 
Mr. SouRwiNE. That brings us to another point we have discussed 
in connection with this bill, and that is the training of aliens, that is, 
nationals of another country than our own, and sending them back to 
their own countries. 

There has been expressed some fear that this might be taken as the 
training of spies and might have a kickback, a reverse propaganda 

Do you have any thoughts on this point ? 

Mr. NiEMEYER. First of all, I would say that to the extent to which 
spies are trained, this is the function of the government, a time-honored 
function of any government, and there should be no interference by the 
Academy in this. Again, I fully agree with Mr. C. D. Jackson on 
this point. 

To the extent to which people go back from the Academy to their 
own countries, having been trained in the United States, there is, of 
course, an element in their background that might strike their own 
fellow citizens as alien, and this might be one of the difficulties to 

In some countries it would not be a difficulty. I think we are quite 
mistaken to assume that we do not have people in other countries who 
welcome our alliance, our help, in this cold war, and who cry out for it. 
To these people, who are to be found in all countries, all free countries 
all over the world, someone trained in the United States in what is 
really a common cause, would be very welcome. 

But, of course, there would be others who would consider this man 
as an alien intruder. I think this is one of the difficulties we have to 
take and put up with. It is at that, I think, a far lesser difficulty than 
the alternative which is offered to us in the war in the cold war and 


the political war, namely, that we have to move in with our troops 
whenever a cold war situation has turned against us, which is a 
far greater diplomatic and national difficulty than to send these, after 
all, native citizens, back to their own countries trained in the United 

Mr. SoTJRwiNE. Is it a fair summary of what you have said that 
you feel that, on balance, the advantages of training nationals of 
other countries greatly outweigh the disadvantages? 

Mr. NiEMEYER. Yes, I would say that. 

Senator Dodd. Well, we are very grateful to you, also, for taking 
the time to come here. This is a very important matter, we think — 
we of this subcommittee — and it helps us a lot to get opinions such 
as you have given us this morning. I thank you on behalf of the 
subcommittee and for myself, personally. 

Mr. NiEMEYER. Thank you, Senator. 

Senator Dodd. Our next witness is Mr. McDowell. Is Mr. Mc- 
Dowell here? 


Senator Dodd. Mr. McDowell, we have a little time problem this 
morning. The Senate is convening at 11 o'clock, rather than at 12. 
I must be on the floor today. Would it be possible to be through with 
your testimony in 10 or 15 minutes ? 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Chairman, I think I can conclude within 10 

Senator Dodd. I do not want to hurry you. I shall be happy to go 
a little overtime, but I am sure that there will be a quorum call, 
maybe more. Why not go ahead and give your statement, and if we 
have to suspend, you will understand why. 

Mr. McDowell. Very well. 

Senator Dodd. I thank you for appearing here; we are glad to see 
you. Your name is Arthur McDowell. You are executive secretary 
of the Council Against Commmiist Aggression, and I believe your 
home is in Philadelphia ? 

Mr. McDowell. Philadelphia. 

Senator Dodd. Would you give your full address for the record, 
please ? 

Mr. McDowell. My name is Arthur G. McDowell, I reside at 574 
West Clapier Street, Germantown, Pa. I am employed as the 
director of the Department of Civic, Education and Govern- 
mental Affairs, and also as director of International Labor Relations 
by the Upholsterers International Union of North America, with 
principal headquarters at 1500 North Broad Street, Philadelphia, 
and auxiliary offices at 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C. 

I am authorized and empowered by the organization that employs 
me to devote such time as is available and is required for the ad- 
ministration of the Council Against Communist Aggression, which 
is a voluntary organization of citizens selected from the ranks of 
trade union leaders, business people, with some accent on scholars in 
International Labor Relations who enter the field, and, in some cases, 
because of their special interests, representatives of the clergy. 


I have prepared a statement which is in the nature of a qualifica- 
tion of a witness to give testimony on the essential matter, and I 
would like to file that for the record and merely concentrate on one 
summary aspect of that statement. 

Senator Dodd. Do we have a copy of your statement? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, we have copies, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Dodd. It will be printed in the record at this point. 

(The complete statement of Mr. McDowell is as follows:) 

Mr. Chairman and Senators, members of the subcommittee, my name is Arthur 
Gladstone McDowell and I reside at 574 W. Clapier Street in Germantown, Phila- 
delphia, Pa. I am employed as the director of the Department of Civic, Edu- 
cation, and Governmental Affairs, and also as director of International Labor 
Relations by the Upholsterers' International Union of North America, with 
principal headquarters at 1500 North Broad Street, Philadelphia, and auxiliary 
oflSces at 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, B.C. 

Since February 1951, by authorization of the General Executive Board of the 
Upholsterers' International Union and its president, Sal B. Hoffmann, ratified 
by all the successive conventions of that union, as its supreme governing body, 
including the 32d Triennium Convention of that organization in the city of San 
Francisco, just adjourned on June 11, 1959, I am authorized to serve, without 
pay, as the executive secretary-treasurer of the Council Against Communist 
Aggression, with offices, administrative and clerical services furnished by the 
union. This is a correspondence organization formulating or furnishing reprints 
of study documents on methods of combating Communist aggression and further- 
ing world freedom through information and advocacy of policy by American 
citizens and to the extent that they can influence its decisions by information 
and discussion, through the Government of these United States. We encourage 
and maintain fraternal correspondence with similar groups and individuals in 
other free countries. Our governing committee is made up of a national com- 
mittee, composed of labor union officials, businessmen and industrialists, church- 
men, specialized scholars in international affairs, etc. 

I appear before your committee to advocate your favorable action in approving 
and recommending to the full Judiciary Committee for favorable report and 
recommendation for final passage of Senate bill 1689, which has the endorsement 
of the National Committee of the Council Against Communist Aggression as of 
last November 1958 and of the June 11, 1959, action of Convention of the 
Upholsterers' International Union, for both of whom I speak in this matter. 

It is my considered opinion that the Freedom Academy and the Freedom 
Commission responsible to the Congress for the governance of the academy, 
among other matters, is an indispensable course of action for defeat of the 
worldwide Communist conspiracy of aggression and survival of the free world, 
of which the United States is the core. It is my further observation that the 
function sought to be served is not presently being filled by any existing gov- 
ernmental agency, nor is there any existing agency prepared or qualified to 
discharge the imperatively necessary function proposed for this Freedom 

This conviction is based on 30 years' experience almost to the day in a variety 
of posts in student organizations, trade unions, political party activity, including 
campaigning for office, religious groups, cultural societies, and almost any collec- 
tive type of activity you can mention ; in only one of which, to my recollection, 
did I function throughout my term without encountering and finding it essential 
to resist Communist infiltration attempts to infiuence by mobilizing opposition 
to and, in certain cases, organizing withdrawal from, or exposure of the group 
in order to prevent the subsequent use of such for advancing Communist purposes, 
power or propagandawise. It is my observation that in all these years of experi- 
ence never was there present at the beginning the informed, organized, and 
trained personnel equal to those disposed of by the Communist Party or equal 
to them in preparation and training and, of course, in nature of our free society 
there was never any equivalent in direction, central place for information or 
consultation. However successful was the eventual resistance, it was always 
by a pickup team against professionals, and in the majority of cases the battle 
once won was never final and had to be fought over again in a few years by 
another pickup team, unless the particular organization happened to be one whose 
passing nature or dependence on events led to its total disappearance. It was 


always a case of an essentially civilian force fighting an essentially military for- 
mation. The Communist enemy always understood this essential difference and 
their advantage and the democratic opposing forces seldom or never realized this 
or acted upon that realization. We have now come to the point where we must 
either provide the purposeful teaching of freemen at all these levels of voluntary 
community organizations and institutions, sometimes even more important than 
governmental organization in our American society, the nature and tactics and 
advantage of our enemy or reconcile ourselves to rear guard actions and ultimate 
defeat even on own grounds at hands of the adherents of a new slave society. 

If the committee's time can possibly afford it, permit me to cite year by year 
experience of an individual. In 1928 I was a beginning student at University of 
Pittsburgh, committed to the Methodist ministry as a goal, with a public school 
background of leadership in Boy Scouts, YMCA, church young people's society, 
and a lively sense of injustice and social conscience. A loved idealistic minister 
had signed me up in Methodist Federation for Social Service. I visited their 
headquarters in New York and was regaled by the dainty white-haired woman 
secretary with stories of her experience attending Communist Party meetings. 
I was definitely propagandized and when it was discovered that through friend- 
ship with Norman Thomas I had Socialist leanings only, I was scolded and almost 
scorned. At my university I became active in the Student Liberal Club, but when 
faculty advisers and past officers assumed it a sound idea to place me in presi- 
dency, it was quickly clear that a Communist caucus was secretly at work and 
the lad who emerged as victor was the son of a Communist textile boss in Lenin- 
grad, who was planted in Pittsburgh. When we became embroiled with uni- 
versity authorities in the spring of 1929 over student labor agitation, Fred 
Woltman, graduate assistant, who subsequently became Pulitzer prize winner for 
the Scripps-Howard articles exposing Communist infiltration of unions some 
years later, and myself, found ourselves expelled along with the professional 
Communist student, but with evidence that a secret strategy board, including 
faculty members, had made many of our decisions before we had a chance to. 

While the student battle raged, I was asked to do a research job to help a group 
of striking dairy unionists in Pittsburgh. In the midst of this work I found my 
Communist fellow student and expellee organizing a cabal and trying to take 
over the strike or break it up. I began to get interested in this Communist type 
of element and competing with it. I joined and became an officer of the Socialist 
Party for some 10 years, holding virtually every post except those reserved for 
Norman Thomas. 

I found Communist infiltrators every step of the way, with no one to fight 
them at outset except a few oldtimers who had had a special training in 1919 
when they fought off Lenin's attempt to take over the mantle of labor respect 
accorded in the United States of America to the remnant of the party of 
Eugene Debs. These men and women were already aging and alienated from 
younger people coming in. 

The battle expanded. I became a correspondent in Pennsylvania Legislature 
and saw mass unemployment being exploited, with phony costume party dem- 
onstrations at capital. After 1933 partial recovery. Every effort of trade 
unions in educational field, such as I participated in through the Chicago Labor 
College, the newly organized local of Adult Education Teachers in the Chicago 
Federation of Labor, and the new education department of the rising young 
United Auto Workers in Midwest were beset with organized attempts at infiltra- 
tion and take over by a tireless bunch of operators. 

In 1940 I left the Socialist movement and went to work for CIO Textile 
Workers' Union and found in St. Louis, Mo., that I had a constant battle with 
Communist active elements seeking domination of CIO there. The battle be- 
came so fierce that I and my local unions actually were compelled to withdraw 
from CIO Council of the city. 

Seeing no evidence of will to combat Communist influence as yet evident 
in top of CIO ranks in 1945, I resigned from Textile Workers and took director 
of organization post with Upholsterers' International Union, which had fought 
the Communist drive into unions openly and consciously since it came into 
open from underground in 1922. In a few months I found myself getting appeals 
for aid from friends abroad over the manipulation in Eiirope of the service 
committee of Unitarian Church, with which I was now afiSliated, by Communist 
agent Noel Field and his fellow traveler and aid, the very editor of the then 
Christian Register. I was in midst of aiding an anti-Communist uprising in 
the rival to Upholsterers, the United Furniture Workers, by 1946, and saw 


again, firsthand, the effectiveness of Communists when aided by even just 
weak and egotistical men at top merely consenting and evading unpleasant 

I became president of the Men's Society, the Laymen's League of my church, 
after finding secret Communist speakers on program without critical wit or 
informed opinion present to nail them, where even though the good sound 
membership felt there was something wrong, they couldn't put their finger on 
what it was, a common American plight. 

I became a candidate for oflSce and an active party Democrat and ran across 
a capable Communist operative once eliminated from a group like the Phila- 
delphia ADA while I was a member there, well pointed to get places in ward 
committee and even a pending appointment to judicial bench. 

Gentlemen, 30 years are now behind me. Many a warrior trained as I was, 
not in theory but in practice, has grown much older. The big main labor fight 
is over. No more battlers are being trained there. But the Communist machine 
grinds on. There is no answer in even domestic affairs in pickup teams. In 
uncommitted nations and imtried peoples abroad the trained Communist will 
cut like a hot knife through butter. If we are serious about survival, the only 
serious approach is this professional one of the Freedom Academy and Com- 
mission to train the cadres freedom needs, as does West Point, Annapolis, or 
the Air Academy in military affairs. Washington won with a pickup army like 
my great-great-grandfather, a Major McDowell, who came from and went back 
to the plow. Not today anymore. We train professionally or perish. 

Senator Dodd. I think it would be helpful if you would give us a 
summary of it. 

Mr. McDowell. My principal point is that it is my considered 
opinion that the Freedom Academy and the Freedom Commission re- 
sponsible to the Congress for the governance of the Academy, among 
other matters, is an indispensable course of action for defeat of the 
worldwide Communist conspiracy of aggression, and for survival of 
the free world, of which the United States is the core. It is my further 
observation that the function sought to be served is not presently 
being filled by any existing governmental agency, nor is there any 
existing agency prepared or qualified to discharge the imperatively 
necessary function proposed for this Freedom Academy. 

May I give a specific instance? I might say that I am at the very 
opposite end of the spectrum, as far as activity goes, from the wit- 
nesses who presented themselves this morning, who have functioned, 
it might be said, in official governmental capacities, and at the top of 
the operations that have been concerned with basic security. I have 
never functioned as a representative or as an employee of a Govern- 
ment agency. Thirty years of experience in dealing with the problem 
have been entirely in the area of participation in voluntary organiza- 
tions in the generalized sense of that term. My largest experience, of 
course, is within the trade-union movement, but it also included the 
area of familiarity with and direct operation against Communist 
propaganda and manipulative operations in religious groups, in cul- 
tural groups, and in almost any of those activities in which an active 
citizen concerned with public affairs might find himself involved. 

I would like particularly, Mr. Chairman, to call your attention to 
the fact that our press, particularly our sports pages, have been con- 
cerned since the end of May with the description of certain events in- 
volving the International Olympics Committee. This has been marked 
by statements from our official State Department spokesman, Lincoln 
Wliite, as press officer, expressing obvious elements of surprise over 
the fact that political elements have been interjected into the Inter- 
national Olympics Committee. 


Mr. Chairman, I would point out that this is very, very late intelli- 
gence as to what goes on in an area as important for its indirect im- 
pact on opinion formulation as this. In the summer of 1932, a Com- 
munist agent, operating in the Chicago area, organized a counter- 
Olympics committee. This would have been analogous, in my ex- 
perience, to the policy of that time pursued by the international Com- 
munist movement which we would call dual unionism. It involved 
the operation of a separate trade union center which was established 
and pushed in America from 1929 to approximately 1935, when the 
Communist Party line was changed. At that time, within the Ameri- 
can labor movement, the purpose of Communist tactics was to set up a 
separate trade-union organization. This was done. Communist or- 
ganizations were operating similarly in the organized athletics area 
in the summer of 1932, whicli I believe is approximately some 27 
years ago, a long time indeed before our official agency expressed sur- 
prise that political elements should be found connected with such an 
activity as international Olympic events. 

Now, I would like also to point out in view of the lateness of the 
hour, that I can remember, as a correspondent in the Penns3dvania 
Legislature in the year 1931, w^e had one of the earlier massive demon- 
strations seeking to exploit the large-scale unemployment situation. 
As a correspondent, I covered the carefully arranged and dramatized 
demonstration under Communist auspices that wound into the Penn- 
sylvania Capitol in 1931, in the course of the legislative session. At 
the head of the procession, seeming quite ludicrous to the newspaper- 
men and to the citizens involved, I sup])ose, who were there as spec- 
tators, was a very large and the very first leading banner, entitled 
"Hands Off the Chinese People." The fact is, of course, that this is 
ludicrous only with a superficial observation, because this was an 
index to the fact that, within the body of American public opinion, 
there was, however ill-conceived or adapted at the moment, a program 
for affecting and directing the course of some section of American 
opinion as to the events in China, and it was not considered ridiculous 
by the sponsors to put at the head of an unemployed demonstration 
a reference to something that was going on 10,000 miles away. As a 
matter of fact, I was aware at the time that a certain amount of funds 
were being made available through American sympathizers to editors 
of labor papers, who would give space in their papers to special mate- 
rial on events connected with the clash between the Soviet and Japa- 
nese armies in Manchuria. I know some of these editors were ap- 
proached. I know the majority of them had nothing to do with it. 
These were not the editors of Communist papers, they were trade 
union papers' editors, like the organ of Progressive Miners in Illinois, 
in 1932, for example, the editor of which was approached on this basis. 

Now, this is simply what I seek to emphasize by pointing out that 
this is a late approach to meeting an enemy on a field where it is not 
a question of excellence of the enemy's tactics or his preparation, but 
the fact that he has been operating in this area without any operation 
in response. It is not that we have not been effective, we have not 
even been there in any coordinated, directed sense, in any informed 

Those of us who have gone through this experience over these years, 
and my own experience, in finding Communists in operation within 

42731—59 6 


a religious organization, goes back to 1928, which I believe you will 
note is only 9 years after the foundation of the Communist Interna- 
tional, discovered it had found a foothold and was already carrying 
on an operation within an outright religious operation. 

I referred, of course, in my statement, to the Methodist Federation 
for Social Service, of which I was a member in the spring of 1928, 
when I visited their office. 

Now, this is the substance of what I wish to say, and while I could 
give in detail, Mr. Chairman, a great deal of experience over 30 years' 
time, specifically in the trade union movement where my experience 
has been most definite, I think that this point is sufficiently made. It 
is in the area of the private organization, where people flounder hope- 
lessly and learn the hardest possible way, as I have, in the case 
of my personal experience, but in the case of scores of young people 
I knew, drawn into various activities on the most idealistic motives, 
and finding themselves, if they did not have their lives wrecked, or 
their loyalties compromised, finding at best that they had a long 
period of years of the most miserable and trying experience in finding 
out even the fundamentals of the nature of the enemy they faced, and 
the nature of his operation. 

Senator Dodd. If you will excuse me, I have a phone call. 

Mr. Sourwine, the counsel of this committee, will preside. 

( Senator Dodd left the hearing room at this point. ) 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Mr. McDowell, you spoke of the need for coordina- 
tion and direction in this effort to fight the cold war on the psycholog- 
ical warfare front. 

Is it your thought that the Freedom Academy and the Freedom 
Commission would provide any measure of coordination and direction ? 

Mr. McDowell. In many respects, what I meant in terms of coor- 
dination is summarized by a little old gentleman who, for years, func- 
tioned as the secretary for foreign students under the Rhodes Scholar- 
ship Plan at Oxford University. 

So far as I know, there was no staff. I don't think he even used a 
stenographer. But those who had been Rhodes scholars were kept 
in contact through handwritten letters. It was an amazing per- 
f onnance for an individual without any staff. But it served an obvious 
functional purpose in binding together those who had had the advan- 
tage of that scholarship in that period into a sort of international 

Now, of course, this had no direct or obvious political overtones, but 
this was the sort of thing that I meant. The purpose to be served 
by the Academy is obviously the systematic teaching and preparation 
of people to discover the things which a few other individuals have 
been able, on the basis of pragmatic experience, to discover, but at 
a very painful and costly sort of a face and fashion. 

Many times, they discovered it too late to save themselves from 
individual shipwreck after involving themselves in what was, at the 
start, a very normal organizational relationship. 

Coordination, yes, but when I think of an institution such as the 
Freedom Academy, I am thinking of that little old chap at Oxford 
University, who bound together students across a good portion of the 
world by correspondence. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. You spoke of coordination and direction. Is it 
your thought that the direction part of it would be supplied in any 
sense by the Freedom Academy and Freedom Commission, or would 
that perhaps be supplied indirectly by creating a corps of individuals 
who could, in various capacities in government and business and indus- 
try, themselves direct ? 

Mr. McDowell. I am speaking essentially of the Freedom Academy 
itself. It does not seem to me that the Freedom Commission's task 
or authority should be in terms of the direction of the student body. 
That should be a function of people who have taught and been taught 
and who have been bound into the process of the teaching of the 
Academy itself. 

That is why I cited the experiment of that amazing individual at 
Oxford University. I have heard many and many a Khodes scholar 
describe his own surprise that one individual was able to keep in touch 
with them across the years in that personal fashion. 

Senator Dodd (now presiding) . We are very grateful to you, Mr. 
McDowell, for coming here. We have valued your testimony. 

We must recess now, because the Senate has been called into session. 
We shall reconvene at 1 :30 this afternoon. 

(Wliereupon a recess was taken to reconvene at 1 :30 p.m., the same 
day. ) 


The subcommittee resumed, pursuant to order, at 1 :35 p.m. 

Senator Hruska (presiding) . The subcommittee will come to order. 

We shall continue the hearings on S. 1689. 

The first witness for this afternoon will be Dr. Stefan Possony, a 
professor at Georgetown University. 

Will you be seated, professor, and proceed in your own way with 
your statement? 


Mr. PossoNT. My name is Stefan T. Possony. I was born in Vienna, 
Austria. I hold a Ph. D. degree from the University of Viemia. I 
was a member of the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, N.J. 

In 1946, I joined the Graduate School of Georgetown University. 
In 1952, I was a member of the faculty of the National War College. 
Since 1955 I have been an associate of the Foreign Policy Research 
Institute, University of Pennsylvania. 

I have written books and articles on matters concerned with mili- 
tary economics, airpower, military history, international relations, 

My books were translated in a number of languages, and I have also 
had ample opportunity to study political warfare from original docu- 
ments which so far have not been released, most of them in the files 
of the German Foreign Office, which were captured during the last 

Senator Hruska. Where are those documents ? 

Mr. PossoNY. Many of those documents are on microfilm in the 
National Archives, here in Washington, D.C. The originals are 
mostly stored in London. 


As to my experience: Before coming to this country, I have, of 
course, tried several times, rather extensively, to study American de- 
mocracy from abroad, and I think I know something of the difficulties 
which are encoimtered in such an attempt. 

I have, during the war, had experience in psychological warfare in 
France, with the Columbia Broadcasting System, and between 1943 
and 1946 with the U.S. Navy. I have frequently traveled abroad and 
have interviewed persons as to their knowledge of the United States 
and of communism. 

I have frequently interrogated visitors coming to this country. I 
also have had foreign students, and I follow regularly the foreign 
literature, at least the foreig-n European literature, which has a bear- 
ing on matters which are of concern to this committee. 

I shall argue that there is an urgent need for the United States to 
set up an Academy or Institute of Political Science, or, as the language 
of S. 1689 calls it, a Freedom Academy. This need arises from the 
following j5ve reasons, in my opinion : 

First, it is necessary to make American democracy better under- 
stood ; 

Second, to improve our own understanding of the multiple threats 
facing free government all over the world ; 

Third, to acquire badly needed theoretical and operational capa- 
bilities in the struggle against communism ; 

Fourth, to enhance the mutual miderstanding of political leadership 
groups throughout the free world ; and 

Fifth, and perhaps not of least importance, it is necessary to increase 
and strengthen the capacity of the free world for reform and mutual 

I shall argue further that these purposes can be acliieved only 
through a genuine educational effort, not through indoctrination. 
However, this education must not be restricted to theory, but must 
have practical significance and realistic applicability. 

Senator, my statement will cover six points, of which three are 
fairly long. 

The first point will deal with the Communist system of political 
education, so far as I could decipher it ; second, the state of knowledge 
on democracy and communism in the United States and the free 
world; third, the limitations of the present educational setup and 
tlie need for a central institution; fourth, the structure of the acad- 
emy; five, principles under which the academy should operate; and 
sixth, I will attempt to give a general outline for a suitable curricu- 

Point No. 1 on deals with Communist political education. The 
Communists have recognized the problem and the need of thorough 
political education. They have a whole network of schools which 
teach both political theory and practice. By practice, which is a 
Communist word in this context, they mean operational and organ- 
izational know-how. 

The Communist system of political education is just as much a 
key to the secret of their expansion as scientific-technological edu- 
cation has been and is increasingly becoming a key to the mysteries of 
their military strength and the incessant growth of their physical 


In 1902, approximately, Lenin hit on the idea that revolution can 
only be carried out by professional revolutionaries. This idea was 
not original with him. It had many predecessors, but Lenin was 
the man who put this idea into the Marxist school of thought. 

Professional revolutionaries, in his mind, were people who not 
only devote their whole life to the revolutionary cause, but who also, 
throughout the entire duration of their commitment to the revolu- 
tionary movement, must undergo training and education. 

At the time of World War I, when communism — bolshevism — still 
was a small group, sect, or coterie of men, there were small schools 
run by them. One school was in Bologna, Italy. One was at Long- 
jumeau, Paris, and the other on Capri, the little island outside of 
Naples. This school was financed by Gorki's income as a writer. The 
men who lectured at these schools included the leading lights of the 
revolutionaiy movement, among them Lenin himself. Some of the 
cadres trained by Lenin at Longjumeau played a great role during the 
revolution of 1917. 

After the revolution, the Communists immediately set up a num- 
ber of schools dealing with revolutionary expertise. One of the 
most famous schools of this sort was the Sun Yat-sen University, 
sometimes called the Far Eastern University. This was one of the 
main instruments which allowed the Communists, 27 years later, to 
take over China. 

Furthermore, there was established the Lenin Institute. I shall 
talk about that a little later in a different context. 

In the late twenties there was established what is known as the 
Institute or Academy of Red Professors. This was essentially de- 
signed to teach the teachers and to train the upper crust of gen- 
eralists. This school has not survived to this day. The course lasted 
3 to 4 years. 

In addition to this upper echelon of schools, of course, there are 
lower party schools all over the Communist Party organizations: 
schools for training organizers, for training people they call agi- 
tational and propaganda experts, and specialists in military ques- 
tions, and penetration of military forces, specialists in labor unions, 
race specialists, and now, presumably, experts in nuclear disarma- 
ment. They even have church specialists, as we know from recent 
testimony, not to preach the Gospel but to control ecclesiastic organi- 
zations and dominate the church by secret atheists. 

Many of these schools, I understand, teach, as a matter of course, 
political warfare and related topics. The standard procedure for 
all Communist organizations is to have such schools at all levels and 
places also in the free world. In the United States a number of such 
schools have been identified. 

Now, in the last 20 to 30 years, the Communist educational system 
has been going in the direction of ever greater diversification. For 
example, the Frunze Military Academy, for a while, was the highest 
institution of military learning. It was established in 1918. This 
school was and still is the equivalent of the Command and Staff School 
in the United States, something like the Ecole de Guerre in Paris. 
For about 16 years that was all the Communists wanted. 

In 1936 a new institution was created, the Voroshilov Higher 
Military Academy, which is the equivalent, on a somewhat higher 


level, of the National War College. It embraces all three military 
services, but, unlike the National War College, which is teaching 
essentially on the level of colonels, a great deal of the teaching at 
the Voroshilov Academy is at the flag rank level. In addition, it 
has extension courses, a research institute on doctrine, and also offers 
refresher courses for earlier graduates. 

On the other hand, unlike the National War College, it seems to 
be strictly devoted to military problems, while the National War 
College covers strategy in the broad sense. The present status of the 
two Soviet academies is not exactly known. There seems to be some 
political in-fighting going on, and according to recent information 
I have seen, it is possible that the Voroshilov Academy was put down 
a few notches, but I would consider this to be a temporary mishap, 
rather than a significant change. 

In addition to these two higher academies, there is the Lenin Mili- 
tary Political Academy, It is a specialized academy dealing with 
combined political-military problems. It has no equivalent in the 
United States. It is interesting to note that, even though there is 
extensive testimony on the curriculum of the Lenin Military Political 
Academy, to this day, some people ignore or deny its existence. This 
is done not just by people who are not knowledgeable on Soviet affairs, 
but a first-class expert like Mr. Boris Souvarine, who has written a 
biography of Stalin, and who is generally recognized as an expert on 
communism, has recently denied that there is such a thing as a Lenin 
Academy of Political Warfare. It is, of course, the Lenin Military- 
Political Academy and Mr. Souvarine should know about it. This 
academy is recognized as an existing institution, it officially exists. 
The present boss of the place is a general-colonel — a four-star gen- 
eral — by the name of F. F. Kusnetsov. This academy, from what is 
known of it, is officially at the university level. Major is the mini- 
mum rank of the students and usually the rank is higher. The con- 
cept is that the commissar types in the Russian military forces, the 
men in charge of political indoctrination, political activities, military 
government control, those men are getting, in this academy, military 
training while military officers — that is, combat soldiers — are getting 
political education. 

There is also offered — and this is of great importance, at least it 
has been offered in the past — joint training in the Lenin Academy, 
with foreign Communists, and again there is sworn testimony to this 

In addition to these three military academies, there are six other 
military academies dealing with more technical aspects, such as 
artillery, armor, airpower, and navy, which I think don't concern 
us here. 

It should be stressed that the courses in these schools seem to be 
generally for 2 years and sometimes for 3-year periods. 

Now, all these academies place enormous empliasis on doctrine, the 
Communist term for what may be called the art of operating. These 
academies are in close contact, and possibly are directed by a special 
department within the Armed Forces General Staff. Teaching is 
supervised by the Historical Branch of the General Staff which is 
an integral part of the staff, not like in the United States, where the 
historical branch is more or less an unused appendage. In the Soviet 


Union, the Historical Branch of the General Staff is an integral ele- 
ment of the planning function within the staff. 

In addition to this school system, there is a political administra- 
tion in the General Staff and in all the services, and this political ad- 
ministration is in close contact with the Armed Forces Department in 
the Central Committee of the Communist Party. The significance of 
this will come out in a later part of my statement. 

The central committee of the Communist Party, which is — maybe 
I can define it as the highest body of the Commmiist Party — of 
course, this is a matter of dispute, since obviously, the central com- 
mittee is run by the presidium which, in turn, is run by Khrushchev, 
but I think you can say the central committee is the highest staff 
within the Communist Party, the main organ and the recruiting 
ground of the leadership. The central committee has two foreign de- 
partments, one dealing with the Socialist comitries, the other deal- 
ing with capitalist countries. These two departments are where po- 
litical intelligence is received, and where political penetration and 
warfare plans are elaborated. 

The central committee furthermore has an agitation and propa- 
ganda department, which is divided into the Kussian branch and 
the Union Kepublic branch. In other words, these are dealing with 
internal propaganda and the breakdown between the great Kussian 
and nongreat Russian branches indicates the continuance of the na- 
tional question within the Soviet Union. 

There are, furthermore, between 5 and 8 central committee depart- 
ments whose functions have not been disclosed. To judge by the bi- 
ographies of some of the department heads, I would guess that quite 
a number of the secret departments are engaged in one or the other 
political warfare activity. 

The significance of the general staff-central committee tie, I thijik, 
can be discerned by a short look back to 1941 and the management 
of the Partisan movement during World War II. The Partisan 
movement, that is, the guerrillas, originally was planned for, but 
when the Germans overran Russia, these plans became worthless. 
Guerrillas sprang up more or less spontaneously, but soon thereafter 
there was established in the central staff to command the Partisan 
movement, not in the armed forces, but an independent central staff 
performing, in essence, as a command over a fourth military serv- 
ice. This fourth service was directly under the central committee. 
Within the central cormnittee, there was set up a state committee of 
defense, which — this is a quote from an unclassified Army pamph- 
let — had the function "to direct all the defenses of the nation : mili- 
tary, political and civilian." The commander of this central staff 
of Partisans, P. K. Ponomarenko, was formerly Prime Minister of 
Wliite Russia. He later became a member of the presidium. He was 
both a member of the central committee and a member of the de- 
fense committee. In other words, you had a bundling of all these 
responsibilities in one man, who had access to the highest levels of the 
government and the party, and authority to act down to the lowest 
level of operations. The double purpose of the Partisan movement 
which, as we see, was a military service rmi by the party, was to aid 
the Soviet armed forces in combat, but also to establish political con- 
trol in the territories behind the German lines, to set up Commmiist 


political organizations, to revitalize the Communist Party where it 
had been destroyed; in brief, to wage political warfare. 

In addition to this function and to sabotage, this Partisan move- 
ment had to collect intelligence. It is significant that special man- 
uals were issued to the Partisans. We have the titles of two of these 
manuals. One is called, the Guidebook for the Partisan Intelligence 
Agent, and the other one, and this is very pertinent to this hearing, is 
called the Guide for Political Espionage. 

I believe this structure of World War II is still more or less the 
model for the Communist political warfare effort, that is, political 
warfare in the broad sense of the word, which includes military oper- 
ations if necessary. In other words, you essentially have a setup 
where the central committee directs the conflict. Inside the central 
committee, there is a group which is directing political warfare on a 
global scale. Thus Communist political warfare is a centrally di- 
rected effort, under a single command, which probably has worldwide 
responsibilities. This command is served, intelligencewise and capa- 
bilitywise, by the party, the worldwide party organizations and, of 
course, the resources of all Communist states. 

Senator Hruska. At that point. Doctor, you speak repeatedly of one 
man being in command, and so on. That sort of implies that these 
people under him are not students, necessarily, they are not in school, 
they are not being trained ; they are already trained, they are doing 
certain work. Is that what you had in mind? Is that what the 
fact is? 

Mr. PossoNY. Well, the people under this man — this man is in com- 
mand, as you have a general in command of an army. Of course, 
the men under him, depending on their rank, are supposed to have 
had the training necessary to accomplish their functions. The point 
is that you have a major political warfare effort which is organized 
and fully integrated. It is not a hit or miss effort, it is not an im- 
provised effort, but a centrally directed effort extending to all fields 
pertinent to political warfare. Unfortunately, we do not have the 
exact data as to how political warfare is ran at present by the Com- 
munists. Consequently, w^e have to go back to historical data. 

Senator Hruska. Now, the people under this one commander, are 
they students, are they trainees, are they accomplished workers, have 
they the instruments ready to do what they must, and are they apply- 
ing those instruments ? 

Mr. PossoNY. Accomplished workers. However, they also are get- 
ting on-the-job training. Part of them presumably are products of 
special schools. 

Now, to come back to the central committee, and I think this will 
answer your question a different way. Senator. Under the central 
committee, there has been set up a whole system of schools. It is 
confusing to the outsider to determine exactly which is which school, 
but an effort can be made. 

For instance, there is an Institute for Marxism-Leninism at Mos- 
cow. Please, this is not the Lenin Institute. This is under G. D. 
Obichkin, about whom I know nothing. Then there is another insti- 
tute for Marxism-Leninism at Leningrad under S. P. Knyazen. 
Whether there are similar institutes in the Ukraine or in the Union 
Republics, I do not know. I believe that these institutes probably 


deal with the basic ideolo<vy, that is, on the one hand are concerned 
with publishing theoretical works by Marx, Lenin, and other Commu- 
nists, and on the other hand, presumably deliberately fabricate ideo- 
logical variants and even systems. Those are the producers of 

It would be a bad mistake for us to assume that the Communist 
ideolopy has emerged spontaneously or that it still is the same ideol- 
ogy which was laid down by the classics. Current Communist 
ideology has been the result of a great deal of planning and staff work 
and discussions around the table and reflects what the Communist 
leaders estimate constitutes the best ideology at a particular moment 
at a given place. 

Senator Hruska. They are really the rewrite artists? 

Mr. PossoNY. That is right. This is a very artistic effort, and 
nothing is left to chance. 

Furthermore, there is a higher party school under the central com- 
mittee. This has been, for many years, the highest party school of 
the party school system, as distinguished from the military system. 
I have not been able to find its curriculum, but, from what I gather, it 
gives operational training to leading party and Soviet workers, that 
is, to members of the party and to state bureaucrats, and also to news- 
paper editors. That much has been disclosed. It has an extension 
course. One member of the presidium, Madame Furtseva, is a gradu- 
ate of the extension course of the higher party school. 

In 1956 — but I am not sure of this date, it could have been earlier — 
there was created an Academy of Social Sciences under the central 
committee. The director of that Academy of Social Sciences is a man 
by the name of I. A. Dorashev. He also doubles as the editor of the 
Communist magazine, "Kommunist." In other words, the social 
sciences there are not just for the sake of scientific effort, but they 
have a very practical purpose. 

A part of the curriculum has been disclosed. It reads as follows : 
Political econom.y, economics, theory of state, international law, in- 
ternational relations, history of the U.S.S.R., history of the Commu- 
nist Party — I presume this covers all the Communist Parties. There 
is a major effort right now, this is the major ideological effort at this 
point in time, to write party histories. Many directives have been 
issued on the point of how a proper Communist Party history is to be 

To continue with the curriculum : dialectic and economic material- 
ism, history of Russian and European philosophy, logic, psychology, 
the theory and history of literature, and of art. Art, in other words, 
is not what the artist conceives by inspiration and which is accom- 
plished for its own sake, but it is something which has to be impressed 
into the service of political warfare. 

There are a large niunber of additional institutes. For example, 
there is an Institute of World Economics. This institute has the 
function, so far as I can gather, to analyze economic situations in 
foreign countries, with the view in mind of how economic difficulties 
may be exploited for the benefit of the Communist movement. 

There is an Institute on International Relations which has a similar 


Now, the Academy of Sciences, which is a highly important body in 
the Soviet Union, and, in fact, operates directly under the Council of 
Ministers, also is engaged in this political warfare. It publishes, 
for example, a magazine dealing with party history. There are, in 
the Department of Historical Sciences, for example, an Institute of 
Orientalistics and an Institute of Sinology. These institutes publish 
a number of magazines. These magazines are essentially on the nature 
of what we would call geopolitics or political magazines. In other 
words, they are not devoted to the study of the Han or Ming Dynasty, 
or to the study of Cleopatra's nose or other historical problems, but are 
largely devoted to a study of current affairs and power relations. 

Under the Academy of Sciences, there is also a museum for religion 
and atheism. Of course, I do not have to point out to you that 
atheism has traditionally served as one of the main instruments of 
the Communist movement. 

The chief of the historical department of the Academy, is a man 
by the name of E. M. Zhukov. He is also a member of the Presidium 
of the Soviet Solidarity Committee for the Asian and African coun- 
tries, which is a political instrumentality. A leader of this political 
instrumentality happens to be the president of a department of the 
Academy of Sciences. 

There is also the Academy of Pedagogy. Of course, pedagogical 
sciences deal with education, the development of the mind, and not 
with propaganda, the disorientation of the mind. To what extent 
tliey are involved here, I am not sure, but I would be willing to take a 
bet that this particular academy delivers many into political warfare 

We have heard a great deal about a School for Political Warfare 
in Prague, Czechoslovakia. This school has been commented on in 
the newspapers. Unfortunately, I did not clip the information. But 
it seems that in this school the students — mostly from nonbloc coun- 
tries — are trained for utilization in Latin America. There could be 
other target countries, too, but as far as I remember the articles I 
read, Latin America is the main target area. 

By contrast, a frequently commented upon school at Tashkent is a 
training center for people who would go into the Islamic areas. 
Of course, Tashkent is in an area where Islam has always had an 
important impact. Some of the holy places of Islam are in the Eussian 
part of Central Asia. The penetration of Islamic countries today is 
one of the high priority targets of the Soviet Union. 

I would add this other point, that all of these schools are backed up 
by a very strong publication effort. Every one of these institutes pub- 
lishes one magazine, if not more, and a whole stream of books is pub- 
lished, dealing with all the conceivable problems that have to be 
handled in political warfare. The system is_ training experts in basic 
doctrine, in dialetic methodology of planning, in party history, in 
organizational political activities, and in conflict operations. It 
thrives, on the one hand, on motivation, and on the other hand, on 
what Mr. Hunter has called brainwashing. 

The system enhances the exchange of practical political knowledge. 
That is, the Eussian instructors receive a lot of knowledge from the 
foreign students, and the foreign students, in addition to learning 
from the Eussians, exchange knowledge among themselves and find 


out about local and regional problems all over the world. Thus, this 
system strengthens the intelligence at the disposal of the Soviet Gov- 
erimient, and undoubtedly improves their ability to make estimates 
as to future events. Furthermore, it creates a worldwide network of 
operators who know each other and who can depend on each other m 
an emergency. 

These experts, after they have gone through this teclinical training, 
receive on-the-job training. I should add that, before they get into 
these schools, they usually have had a good deal of on-the-job training, 
and also some trainmg in lower party schools. 

The graduates from those schools are staffing, so far as we can tell, 
most or all of the agencies which the Communists are using for the 
planning of their strategy and for the management of their conflict 

As I pointed out, this system is like an ameba, it multiplies, becomes 
larger, and continuously changes shape. But the substance remains: 
history's most elaborate system for creating political warfare capabil- 

In 1958, a network of so-called friendship societies was established ; 
for example, a society, USSR-France, of which the president is Ilya 
Ehrenburg, the writer. There are, or were at last count, 24 such asso- 
ciations, and they were all founded "spontaneously," within a few 
months' time during 1958. The overall or roof organization of these 
24 associations, is under the chairmanship of Madame N. V. Popova, 
who used to be the vice president of the International Democratic 
Federation of Women, and also was a key member of the World Peace 
Council, both important political warfare instruments of the Soviet 
Union. The friendsliip societies indicate that political warfare is 
conducted not only functionally, as heretofore, for example, through 
women, veterans, scientists, youth, or peace and labor slogans, but also 
nation by nation. I do not know whether there is a USSR-United 
States Friendship Society. 

Furthermore, the following organizations seem to be noteworthy. 
There is a Soviet Peace Committee. There is a Society for the Propa- 
gation of Political and Scientific Knowledge. This would somid like 
a very good idea, to have such a propagation society;, until you find 
out that it is run by a man named M. B. Mitin, who is a graduate of 
the Academy of Red Professors, who formerly was editor-in-chief, 
of the Cominf orm journal "For Lasting Peace, For A People's Domes- 
tic Democracy," and who also happens to be the editor of "Questions 
of Philosophy." I am sure his is the type of philosophy which is not 
very customary among philosophers in this country. 

There is, furthermore, a Slavic committee run by a lieutenant gen- 
eral by the name of A. S. Gundorov. This is the agency which cen- 
tralizes the Pan-Slav propaganda efforts. It has always been denied 
that there is a Pan-Slav movement, but we find that there is an agency 
in Moscow which controls this nonavowed movement. 

Furthermore, there is the aforementioned Soviet Solidarity Com- 
mittee for the countries of Asia and Africa. This outfit is unique, 
inasmuch as it has an outlet in Cairo — at least, that is what the in- 
formation says — and it has commissions for cultural and economic 
collaboration, a commission for information, or propaganda, and a 
special commission for Africa, which, again, is indicative of the prior- 
ity assigned to this target for penetration. 


I am sure, Senator, that further research would unearth additional 
political warfare capabilities in the Soviet Union, particularly in the 
Union Kepublics, and, of course, in China and the satellites. Mira- 
beau once said of Prussia that war was its only industry, I think 
that political conflict and political warfare is the most important 
industry of communism, although it is not the only one. 

The free world's problem is to undo or neutralize the work done 
by the graduates of this Communist school system. As I mentioned 
before, this system does include many schools within the free world 
itself, some party operated, some under some cover, in what you might 
call fellow-traveling outfits. The objective of midoing the work done 
by the graduates of the Communist school system cannot be reached 
by defense methods; that is, merely by comiteraction against the 
Communist threat. Counteraction is important, but a positive ap- 
proach also is needed in order to enable ourselves and our friends to 
improve security and living conditions in the world. 

Our poorly trained people are no match for the thoroughly trained 
agents of the Communist world movement, nor are they in a position 
to handle the challenge of democratic construction — the positive ap- 
proach — on a worldwide basis. Tasks of that magnitude cannot be 
accomplished by improvisation. 

I would like to make a brief comment about political schools in 
general. I have made a cursory survey of this, and I remember that 
in Vienna, Austria, there used to be, for many years, a so-called Kon- 
sularakademie, which was used to train diplomatic and consular per- 
sonnel of many countries. It was not quite as restricted to actual 
consular duties as the title would indicate. It certainly imparted a 
great deal of political and practical knowledge, especially about cen- 
tral European and Balkan problems. 

In Berlin, there was created in the interwar period a Hochschule f uer 
Politik, which I do not think was too successful, but it was another 
attempt on the educational side of political science. 

In France, there was created in 1871 — very significantly, immedi- 
ately after the Germans won their war with France — the Institut 
d'Etudes Politiques, or Institute of Political Studies. This institute 
is still alive. It had, in 1938, 1,800 students, including 350 foreign 
students. In 1945, it was reorganized, and now consists of an institute 
of political studies, a national foundation of political sciences, and 
a natronal school of administration. It covers all of the political and 
social sciences. 

In addition, after the war, the French Ai-my, very much impressed 
by the defeat they suffered during World War II, went in strongly 
for political and psychological warfare. The French have made very 
thorough studies, particularly in Indo-China, of the methods used by 
the leader of the Chinese Communists, Mao Tse-tung. 

One of the instigators of this effort is a Col. Gabriel Bonnet, who 
wrote an excellent book on revolutionary warfare. I shall mention 
some points he made about the war in Algeria. He said, like 
Clausewitz, that the impact on the souls of men is the principal ob- 
jective in war and that all officers, who, after the war, were educated 
in military schools such as the General Staff school and the Ecole de 
Guerre, have become much more sophisticated and much more 
knowledgeable in human and sociological questions. 


The French Army has set up a fifth bureau, in addition to the 
normal four bureaus they always had. This bureau is in charge of 
psychological warfare, or what they call psychological action. In 
addition, they handle press and more mundane matters like releases 
and communiques. The troops — this is very important — this fifth 
bureau is not just a staff agency, but controls actual forces. These 
troops are organized in what they call light companies, and these 
light companies are given a great deal of special equipment. 

Now, in addition to that, they also have set up 630 so-called 
specialized administrative sections, abbreviated, SAS. Their func- 
tion is to accomplish positive, constructive tasks. These are the 
problems: Defensive action, psychopolitical warfare and creative 
action. Some of the missions which these SAS units have are to 
build and run schools, to restore electricitj^, look after sanitation, 
carry out rescue and relief operations^ — in other words, to be of actual 
help to the civilian population, whether friendly or hostile. Thus the 
awareness of psychological warfare is becoming generalized through- 
out the world. If France, as a democracy, can handle it, I am sure 
that other democracies can, too. 

Senator Hruska. You have mentioned France. Are there any 
other countries which you might want to mention ? 
Mr. PossoNY. Not off hand. I happened to have this information. 
Senatro Hruska. Do you feel there have been similar develop- 
ments in other countries besides France, in Europe, along the same 

Mr. PossoNY. I do not know. I do not know what the status is 
presently in the Italian Forces. I am afraid that the British, in 
some instances, are falling down on this job. You may remember 
the memoirs by Glubb Paslia, the man who used to be the leading 
Britisher in Jordan. He said that the British are losing in the Mid- 
dle East because they have had no counter to the activities of Radio 
Cairo and similar outlets. 
This covers my first point. It was a long point. 
Point No. 2, a great deal of knowledge about democracy and com- 
munism is available. Some of it is taught, more or less indirectly, in 
connection with other courses in the political and social sciences, inter- 
national relations, governments and parties and things like that. A 
great deal of it is accessible in literature, providing you have the 
money to pay for hard-to-get books and provided you have the patience 
to dig through very large library holdings, which are very poorly 
cataloged and indexed. 

There are many shortcomings in the teachings of these subjects, 
particularly communism. There are gaps in completeness. Many 
subsidiary problems are not covered at all, or are poorly covered. I 
think you will find it impossible to discover a discussion on conspiracy 
in modern political science textbooks. There are many books on 
propaganda and psychological warfare, most of them discussing the 
maps and only few even evincing awareness of communism. I do 
not think you will find anything, or not very much, at any rate, on 
matters such as political warfare. This is an undeveloped subject 
if I ever saw one. 

Solutions which are applicable in the United States and Western 
Europe are not applicable m other countries. There is a great deal of 
misleading information all over the world, both on the Soviet bloc and 


on the United States. There are no textbooks on communism; Dr. 
Niemeyer, who testified this morning, is one of the few men who ought 
to be congratulated on his effort, together with Father Bochenski in 
Fribourg, Switzerland. These men, against incredible odds, put out 
an encyclopedia on communism. This unique book is about this 
large [illustrating]. It has come out in German, and I hope it will 
come out in English. This text is available, but there is a great deal 
of trouble keeping it up to date. You get it into print months after 
the manuscripts were completed and, but by the time you get it trans- 
lated and get it into print the second time, there has been a great deal 
of change. 

Senator Hruska. Dr. Possony, when you say a book "this large" will 
you say it in such a way that we can get it in the record ? I assume 
you mean that it is very voluminous. 

Mr. PossoNY. Yes, it is very voluminous ; it is a very large and fat 

Many curriculums in the universities presently do not handle com- 
munism. There are no systematic and complete courses on the overall 
problem. It is extremely difficult for writers on communism to get 
their books published, not because their manuscripts are bad or not 
useful. There usually is not too much argument about this point, but 
the crux of the matter is that the publisher must sell 3,000 or 4,000 
copies before he breaks even. He customarily sells perhaps 1,500 
to 2,000 of a scholarly book on communism, so he has to pay the 
rest out of his pocket. He can afford this once or twice, but he is not 
going to print the third book. It is difficult to obtain financial support 
to get books of this sort published. I had an experience with a student 
of mine, who wrote a dissertation on the penetration of communism 
into military forces. This technique is called revolutionary defeat- 
ism or revolutionary antunilitarism and it has been an integral part 
of Communist operations and warfare dating back to 1904. There is 
no English book on the subject, the security importance of which is 
self-evident. The book cannot be published, because no publisher 
has as yet been found who has the money to pay for it. 

Senator Hruska. How big a work is it ? 

Mr. PossoNY. Four hundred typewritten pages, covering events up 
to 1941 only. 

Senator Hruska. And he is working on later material ? 

Mr. PossoNY. He is working on later material, and. Senator, you 
may remember that, m 1945, this particular Commmiist effort hit the 
United States veiy badly in the Philippines and Germany and other 
places. It was one of the reasons for the rapid and premature de- 
mobilization of the U.S. military forces.* 

Point three, individual universities cannot handle the job. They 
can do a great deal, of course, and some are doing a fair amount. 
There is lack of funds and personnel. Special chairs would have to 
be set up for this, and they simply do not have the money for special- 
ized subjects of this type, or at least this a frequent argument, which 

* After hearings In 1954, the Internal Security Subcommittee reported that : "A group 
of Communists or pro-Communists infiltrated into controlling positions in the Informa- 
tion and Education program (of the U.S. Armed Forces) and brought it about 
that 8 million American soldiers were taught the wrong things about communism, the 
wrong things about the U.S.S.R., the wrong things about Communist China, and the wrong 
things about Americans who oppose communism." 


often is actually valid. In addition there is the problem of docu- 
mentation, of which I have spoken and which cannot be solved except 
through heavy expense. 

Nor could an individual university, however large, handle the job 
on a sufficiently broad and sustained basis. There also in the objec- 
tive problem: If you go to one university, you have two or three 
professors who may be suitable. Actually, this is an optimistic 
assumption. These men have their own opinions, specialties and 
hobby horses and cannot be expected to provide the wide, broad, all- 
directional approach that would be necessary in order to cover all 
pertinent problems. Subjects like communism, democracy and polit- 
ical warfare are universal encyclopedic subjects. Communism has 
penetrated all spheres of life, covers almost a half century of history, 
since the Communists seized state control, and over 110 years of Com- 
munist history since the Communist manifesto was written, not count- 
ing the earlier phases. 

The piecemeal approach that presently takes place, in which each 
international relations course, or each coui"se on foreign governments, 
handles some part of this problem requires a great deal of duplica- 
tion in basic information. The basic introductory information is re- 
peated time and time again but the payoff phase of the instruction, 
the specifics, the details, the ramifications and implications, the final 
arguments and the final deductions never are reached. Hence I think 
a central instrumentality would be the only effective solution, pro- 
vided, of course, it were based on sound principles, and provided it 
will be adequately funded. 

I think I should make one point on this funding. I have had a great 
deal of experience with the cost of research programs. For example, 
I ran a research operation for Life magazine, in connection with Mr. 
Alan Moorehead's articles and book on the Russian Revolution. It is 
amazing how much money you can spend if you need documentation 
which is not readily available on the shelves. You have to pay for re- 
production, you need reproduction facilities, for which you also need 
personnel and you have to maintain a staff to correspond with the' 
various libraries in many countries. There is a problem of the "ero- 
sion" of library holdings. Many of the important books are being 
stolen out of the libraries, and many times, key books are available 
only in single copies in the United States. If you have to find it, this 
may be very difficult and costly. If you are in a hurry, only the tele- 
phone and telegraph will help you. 

So, funding, if you really want to establish a real research and up- 
to-date inspirational institution, is going to be a crucial factor, and 
that on a continuing basis. You need money to set up proper libraries 
and proper original documentation, you must keep your collection up 
to date and I should think that a Freedom Academy, sponsored by 
the United States, should end up with the most significant specialized 
library. I may say that there already is such a library ; the Hoover 
Library on Revolution, World Peace, at Stanford, Calif. 

Point No. 4: I now want to talk about what I conceive to be the 
more or less ideal form of the Academy. I think we have in this 
country a pattern or model for this type of school. Those are the 
war colleges — the Army War College, the Navy and Air Force War 
Colleges, the Industrial College, and the National War College. These 


institutions should not be imitated in every detail but their general 
pattern is admirable and should be adopted for the Freedom Academy. 

You need a resident faculty, with both permanent and rotating 
members. In addition to the resident faculty, you need outside lec- 
turers. You should get the best lecturers available in the comitry. 
The war colleges generally have succeeded in getting the best experts 
to lecture on their platform on their specilic area of knowledge. Cer- 
tainly it is possible to get lecturers from among the upper 5 or 10 
specialists in the country. Private universities do not have such a 
selection of lecturers. 

I think the courses should be divided into graduate and under- 
graduate courses. 

The course work should consist of lectures, which should be fol- 
lowed by discussions and seminars. For example, in the War Col- 
lege, you have a lecture in the morning, which takes about an hour. 
Then the whole class and the lecturer have a discussion which takes 
about 45 minutes. Finally, the class breaks up into seminars, where 
the problem is discussed in detail by the students, with a faculty ad- 
viser present. 

Furthermore, there should be visits. I would say, for example, 
some visits would be useful, particularly when you have foreign 
students, to American corporations, to American labor miions, to 
Congress, to legislatures, overseas, and so on. There are many 
places you can profitably visit, and, of course, war colleges do take 
trips at the end of their school year. 

You have to provide the students with a gi-eat deal of research 
data — books, chapters of books, articles and research papers, and 
documentary films. One difficulty is that there is a great mass of 
material which must be condensed to make it manageable. This is 
just one of the jobs that requires a good and strong stalf . 

I think the courses should be divided into graduate and under- 
gi'aduate courses. 

You must see to it that the students do a lot of work in the library, 
and perform actual, genuine research. Workshops would be used 
to work out joint solutions, and act as simulated stafTs, or even gov- 
ernments to practice in problem solving. If you have foreig-n stu- 
dents from different countries, working together, Asians and Africans 
joining Europeans and Americans, in such workshops this could lead 
to excellent intellectual contacts and mutual undei-standing. This 
would be a more effective method to reach this goal of our foreign 
policy, about which we do a lot of preaching. 

Of course, each student should write- an original thesis. 

You need a research department to work up all kinds of basic 
data, including new information, new documentation, new analyses, 
presentations of the historical background, and also preliminary 
analyses of newly emergent problems. 

You need a translation department, for two reasons. If you have 
foreign students, for sure you need it. I think one of our great 
difficulties at present is that many troubles arise in areas where we 
do not have linguistic ability. We can handle veiy readily European 
languages, Russian to a lesser extent, some Chinese, but where the 
African and Asiatic languages are concerned, we are in bad shape. 

In addition to helping students who have language difficulties, all 


the students need translations from all the significent areas in the 

A production department would be needed where textbooks, hand- 
books, or treatises can be written. 

And lastly — perhaps this requires a bit of imagination — you may 
want a setup which could take outside contracts, for example, from 
a foreign govermnent or a departm.ent or corporation in a foreign 
country which wants a program worked out for some reform. Maybe 
this department of the Freedom Academy could be of some help in 
the application of the principles it teaches. 

Senator Hruska. You mean if Dr. Castro wanted to get some ideas 
on land reform, he could get it there ? 

Mr. PossoNY. We might be able to help him to accomplish some- 
thing of value. Maybe we could tell him how he really could do it 
if he has the interests of the Cuban people at heart, rather than carry 
out a doctrinaire program. 

Who should participate? I think, in the United States, you want 
to address yourself to two main groups outside the undergraduates. 
First of all, ^ou should have students from the Government and the 
military services; in other words, people who, in their professions, 
whether they want it or not, are concerned with political warfare. And 
you should have professors who are teaching these subjects or related 
subjects throughout the educational system of the United States, so 
that you have some kind of a snowball effect. In addition, obviously 
people from public life, newspapermen, authors, political persons and 
traders, and members of industrial corporations — this is very difficult 
to organize because these people must have time to attend these schools 
possibly some kind of a compromise could be worked out — for example, 
short courses for this purpose, or public lectures, or extension and 
correspondence courses. These are details I do not think I should go 
into except to indicate that solutions should not be inflexible. 

Furthermore, you should have students from the free world, in- 
cluding the neutral countries. Additionally you should have a goodly 
number of political refugees from behind the Iron Curtain. 

Point No. 5 ; the principles of the Academy. 

Senator PIruska. Dr. Possony, before you get to point No. 5, the 
principles, in regard to these students, you said some of the under- 
graduates would be in universities or colleges ? 

Mr. PossoNT. No, this would be a university in its own right. 

Senator Hruska. In its own right ? 

Mr. PossoNY. Right. This would be a political science school, per- 
haps the one political science school in the United States where all — 
literally all — of the political and social sciences are brought together. 
Students would go to that school for reasons of genuine personal in- 
terest. The Freedom Academy should be of the highest attainable 
academic standing. 

Senator Hruska. As far as undergraduates are concerned, how 
much preschool education or training would they conceivably have? 

Mr. PossoNY. Well, a B.A., no, before the B.A. I would say this 
is a complicated problem, because foreign students have one level 
of education and American students have another level at a given age. 
You might have to compromise on this. But I have in mind an under- 
graduate department in the sense of an American college. 

42731—59 7 


Senator Hruska. Well, you see, we run there into a matter of dupli- 
cation of facilities and so on. There are certain things which can 
be furnished in other universities, if they are nearby, or colleges. May- 
be, after all, funds or the availability thereof may be a factor in this 

Mr. PossoNY. That is right. 

Senator Hruska. I do not know that we are just going to dip into 
the Treasury indiscriminately and say, boys, help yourself. So, when 
you talk in terms of university, I have an idea that you are going to be 
restricted pretty much to the idea that there should not be a duplica- 
tion of existing facilities. 

Mr. PossoNY. This is probably true. 

Senator Hruska. So I say, would it be that this school that you 
speak of, where would it be located? Would it be located in the 
proximity of other colleges or universities where some of these courses, 
some of this training might be gotten in other institutions? Not in 
the specialized area, but in the general area of education ? 

Mr. PossoNY. This is true, Senator. However, this splitting up 
into various universities, in order to take courses at several institu- 
tions, might not be too ideal or practical, I would say, even when facili- 
ties are very close by, because after all you have traffic and scheduling 
problems, and you might get the very duplication you want to avoid. 
But, perhaps the undergraduates should be on the B.A. to M.A. level, 
and the graduates on the M.A. to Ph. D. level. 

Senator Hruska. That would answer my question, because then 
they would come in with certain academic equipment on which they 
can build. 

Mr. PossoNY. That is right. This may be preferable than to study 
more or less advanced political sciences immediately after the high 
school level. I think a little more mature background would be better. 

Senator Hruska. What threw me ojff was the use of the word "un- 
dergraduates." Usually, we consider those who have just completed 
their secondary education as undergraduates. 

Mr. PossoNY. That is right. 

Now, the principles of the Academy, in my opinion, should be as 
follows : 

There should be no uniformity and no dogmatism in teaching. You 
should not put down a party line. This would defeat the purpose. 
You should make sure that the various points of view are covered, 
really covered, not just simply a theoretical commitment which, in 
fact, means that one line is being presented, while the other lines are 
being cut out. 

The teaching should be factual, objective, and complete as to docu- 
mentation. If the proper facts are brought out — if a major effort is 
made that all of the facts are brought out — this teaching should be 
very effective and we should make precisely the impact we are trying 
to make. 

There should be ample discussion, completely free. Each student 
should be in a position to make his views known, but, of course, the 
discussion must be run in an orderly fashion, and if it were used to 
make some kind of soapbox oratory, that will have to be cut out, as it 
would be in any university. 


There should be complete adherence to the scientific method in fact- 
finding and analysis. I should say there should be a full exposition 
of the political pliilosophies involved, those of communism, those of 
democracy, and of other political creeds as may be relevant. 

There should be a complete exposition, analysis, and discussion of 
ethical problems, political ethics, and also an analysis of motivation. 
In other words, we should not simply take motivation for granted. 
Obviously, we would like to have students, and should be able to get 
students who have a certain strength of motivation, but we should not 
rely on this motivation as a sort of spontaneous commitment. The 
man should know why he is motivated, and his motivation should be 
discussed with him. If it is discussed with him thoroughly in a good 
factually scientific and moral manner, I think his motivation will be 

We should not assume that democracy is a static solution to various 
political problems, a solution which was found in the 18th century 
and which needs no improvement. Democracy is a continuing chal- 
lenge. This is a point of particular relevance to oversea students, 
who obviously are not helped by understanding that things work 
pretty well in this country, especially when they know also that things 
do not work so well over there. Their question is: How are they 
going to contribute to make their own system function better? I 
think we should address ourselves to this problem in a much more 
meaningful way than we have done so far. 

The Academy should aim at finding creative solutions which can 
be adopted through evolution and reform. We should make sure that 
they understand the commitment to revolution is a bad way of im- 
proving the political system. 

We should insist on completeness of coverage. We should also 
adopt the principle of mutual instruction, which is being used effec- 
tively in our war colleges. 

The student is a man who happens to be a student; that is, he is 
not necessarily a man of inferior knowledge. Similarly, the instructor 
is a man who happens to be on the faculty. But he is not necessarily 
a man with knowledge superior to that of the students. Obviously 
all students and instructors in a national war college have a great 
deal of practical experience and knowledge. Everybody there is 
some sort of expert in one or another field. As they sit down around 
the table and discuss large problems, they are instructing each other. 
This, I think, is a perfectly good methocl. Obviously, some man has 
to go up and give a speech ; he is, in essence, a keynoter. He sets the 
pace, defines the problem and initiates the discussion, but he does not 
impose solutions. If he preaches panaceas, he is bound to be shot 
down. Through this method of mutual instruction, you render the 
students sensitive to the one-sided view of "experts" and you teach 
them to handle both the details and the generalities of broad problems. 

This also bears on the relations between American students and 
foreign students. The Americans learn from the foreigners, even as 
they are teaching them, and of course, what you really get is a mutual 
exchange of information on an international basis. 

I think another point, perhaps minor, must be mentioned. The 
foreign student should be well qualified in English. 


I think that two-thirds of the course should be mandatory. The 
electives should be tied to the subject the student chooses for his 

I believe there should be academic degrees, because in my concept, 
the Academy would be providing a bona fide educational effort. If a 
man gets a degree in the end, he will be happy, and if not, he would 
feel unjustly penalized. I sometimes get a little irritated when I find 
out that the National War College does not enjoy the academic recog- 
nition it deserves. Any small college seems to be rated by the aca- 
demic community higher than the National War College. This is 
simply unfair and academically utterly unjustified. If a man is a 
good student in the National War College, he can hold his own in any 
college in the country. And all universities should be happy to give 
him credit for his term in the National War College. 

My last point concerns the curriculum. I believe the Academy 
should offer a 2-year course. I realize this is long. On the other 
hand, we are dealing with a very broad subject, and even if we made 
the greatest effort at streamlining data and teaching — and certainly 
this should be done — still a lot of subjects would have to be covered. 

During the first year, I would teach general backgi-ound subjects, 
such as scientific method and problem solving, ethics and morality, 
concepts of political philosophy, history of democracy, history of 
communism, including their ideological and organizational histories; 
also, the current status of world democracy, the status of world com- 
munism, and the status of emergent nations; other ideologies as may 
be necessary; sociology; national psychology* key topical problems, 
such as international trade, investment, agriculture, economic and 
industrial problems in general, oil, specific questions such as oil, water 
problems, problems of space, nucleonics, problems of military security 
and internal security, and so on. 

In addition to that — this is still background — methods: How do 
you legislate, what are the methods of legislation, how do you obtain 
international cooperation? How do you use the instrumentalities of 
the United Nations? Wliat is international law giving or denying? 
How do you organize politically, what is political organization, how 
can it be set up, how should it be run ? "Wliat are conflict operations, 
what are peaceful operations, what are the broad strategies of political 
warfare, economic warfare, technological warfare and of limited and 
total war? Wliat is meant by these terms. What is being done, 
what is the history of the problem, what is the threat to you, to the 
other country, to the world, to democracy, to the Communist ? Wliat 
are the techniques of revolution, how do revolutions come about; do 
they emerge spontaneously, or are they organized ? How do you run 
propaganda and how do you recognize propaganda? I would give 
considerable attention to propaganda analysis. How do you vacci- 
nate, so to speak, your people against mendacious propaganda, de- 
signed to hurt you ? How do you carry out a program of evolution 
and reform ? 

The second year would be devoted to special problems. I would 
think you should have, within this second year, two or three team stud- 
ies on individual but broadly conceived problems. Here is country X, 
what are its problems, for example, in agriculture or defense ? Here 
is a team. They should work out specific or overall plans for this 


country. Here is a problem such, as water shortages in the world, or 
copper shortages. Does it have a bearing on the political struggle? 
What are practical solutions ? 

Furthermore, I would present analyses of the various regions of the 
world. This idea is again taken from War College experience. 
When I was there, we started out with an analysis of the United 
States, went into the British Empire, then into Western Europe, 
Soviet Union, satellites, Far East, Africa, Latin America. In brief 
we made an intellectual tour of global problems. 

All this should lead, in the end, to student presentations of individ- 
ual theses and dissertations, both on the platform and in writing. 

Now, there may be a third year, for postgraduate instruction of 
first-rate students. The student could become a team leader for the 
teams which handle the individual problems, or he could write a full 
length doctor's dissertation. He needs a little time for that. He 
also could become a member of one of the research departments I dis- 
cussed. Or he could become a member of the faculty on a rotation 
basis, or he could go into writing, perhaps with other members of the 
group, and see to it that the things he learned in the school will be 
committed to print, to be available to whoever could make use of liis 
data and his thinking. 

This concludes my six points. Senator. The conclusions generally, 
are that, in my opinion, an all-around Academy for the sociopolitical 
sciences, a Freedom Academy, is needed, that such an Academy is 
practical, that it can be operated effectively, and that it must be op- 
erated by means of the scientific method and within the spirit of a 
free society. This must be an educational undertaking; that is, it 
must be designed to broaden and sharpen the mind, and the power 
of judgment, not just to impart information, let alone an indoctrina- 
tion with any particular party line, be it one to our own liking. 

On the other hand, this education should be practical, and should 
allow a man to be proficient in a pertinent and practical job. The 
Academy should not limit itself to just theoretical knowledge. This 
would not do the trick at all, since constructive action must be the 
goal of the entire undertaking. The result of such an effort, in my 
opinion, would be a great strengthening, not only of the chances of 
survival of our free society, but an improvement of the chances of a 
better free society, worldwide. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you very much, Mr. Possony. 

Mr. Sourwine, do you have any questions ? 

Mr. Sourwine. I have just one question. This has been so well 
organized that most of the questions have been recognized m advance 
and answered without having been voiced. 

I was much impressed by what Dr. Possony had to say about the 
cost, and I wonder if we could put him on the spot and ask him for 
his own judgment, which necessarily does not bind anyone, about 
what the minimum cost of establishing — put it this way — of setting 
up and operating the Freedom Academy for the first 3 years might 
be? Not the most that could be spent, not what you would like to 
spend, but what you would consider the minimum, a smn of which 
you might wish to say, "If you are not willing to go this far, do 
not go." 


Mr. PossoNY. That is a difficult question. I would approach it 
this way. Disregarding the pay for the students and construction 
cost for the building, I think you would need about 20 men on the 
faculty, at a minimum, if you have 200 and not more than 300 stu- 
dents. I would say you should have a research department of equal 
strength, if not larger, and, of course, the library would require 10 or 
15 people. Let me refer to my structure here and see that I do not 
forget a major problem here. 

A translation department. This probably could be farmed out in 
some way, because I do not tliink you necessarily need a man who 
reads Burmese when you have two Burmese translations a year. 
Nevertheless, you have to budget for this type of thing. You should 
have a budget for the acquisition of books. 

Now, we have, at this pohit, I am sure, at least 70 people. At 
$10,000 each, that is $700,000 in salaries alone. For 30 secretaries 
you would need about $150,000; reproduction and library, $100,000, 
plus 20 percent overhead — a total of about $1 million at a rough esti- 
mate or $1,500,000 for 500 students as yearly expense for the staff. 
In addition, the cost of plant and equipment, which is nonrecurring. 
If you want to do a good job, these are cautious estimates. 

in addition, the lecturers would cost between $50,000 and $100,000. 

As to textbook production, suppose you want to produce two or 
three books per year. This costs you for the printing alone something 
like $6,000 or $7,000 per book. That is $20,000, $30,000. You must 
have the books written which is another 2-year project and woiQd 
cost about $20,000 to $25,000 or about $100,000 for a minimal obliga- 
tion program. 

So I think, in order to operate this thing right, discounting travel 
expenses and students' salaries and voyages and the like, the annual 
costs of a 500-student school should run to $2 million or a little more. 
Closer inspection may show this to be an underestimation. On the 
other hand, if research were contracted out, some of this expense may 
be recovered. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. To which would have to be added, as you pointed 
out, the cost of setting up your original library of what is determined 
to be needed research material. 

Mr, PossoNY. I myself, at this moment, as an individual, spend 
about $800 a year on books. The reason for that is that tliese books 
on communism are usually second-hand, and the secondhand book 
sellers charge an outlandish price for them. Of course, I do not 
cover everything — I just cover books of interest to me. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Besides which, it is your understanding, is it not, 
that this would not be a tuition-free institution, but there would be 
some subsidization of those who came to study ? 

Mr. PossoNY. The officers, of course, of the National War College, 
for example, are on military pay. They are of colonel's rank and 
usually with between 15 and 20 years' service, so that is a high cost 
right there. 

Now, if you have a large school, you will want an auditorium and 
ample space. But perhaps 500 students should be the maximum. 

Senator Hruska. On the basis of the 20 faculty you mentioned, 
how many students would that take care of ? 

Mr. PossoNY. 200, at the most 300, but this may be very optimistic. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. If you want 500, multiply the cost by two ? 


Mr. PossoNY. You have to organize the faculty from two points 
of view, management of students and of expert knowledge. One man 
might be an outstanding expert on some special facet though he may 
not be able to handle any students. Nevertheless, you may need him. 
This is a borderline case. I do not necessarily advocate you should 
do that but you should have creative men on the faculty in addition 
to teachers and discussion leaders. 

Let us say 10 to 15 students for a faculty advisor is not too bad a 
ratio, if all students are Americans. If you have a lot of foreign 
students, who have many questions and who cannot quite find their 
way through, and if you do not want to lose the foreign students, 
you had better have a very comfortable ratio between professors and 
students. Incidentally, the students' salaries or stipends would run 
to $4 million or $5 million, discounting expenses. 

In brief, the total cost, minus nonrecurring expenditures for plant, 
will be in the neighborhood of $8 million. This is off the top of my 
head — I have not studied college budgets. 

Senator Hruska. Doctor, what becomes of these people? You 
have taken us through 2 years of academic work, a year of postgrad- 
uate work. Wliat becomes of them when they get through 3 years 
of schooling? 

Mr. PossONY. The American student would go back to his service 
or his department, or to his school, or whatever his affiliation is. I 
would say that you probably will do best to recruit foreign students 
from foreign institutions. In other words, I do not think you should 
pick them off the streets. You should not take a teacher, for in- 
stance, who has no pupils, hence he has nothing better to do than to 
come to school. You don't want doctors without patients, lawyers 
without clients, and you don't want students of ping pong or bowl- 
ing to paraplirase Karl Marx. 

I think you should make an effort to take people out of local ad- 
ministrations, out of local military services, out of local universities, 
people who have a very good chance of making a significant public 
career — it is not a problem of free education. Those men can go back 
and can be expected to have an impact. It is conceivable, of course, 
that people go back and do not find their country quite as attractive 
as it had looked before. This may be an added motivation to them to 
improve their system. But that is the chance you take, namely, that 
they become disgruntled. If the Freedom Academy were to live up 
to my hopes, I would consider this risk small. 

Senator Hruska. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. No, sir. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Mandel, do you have any ? 

Mr. Mandel. No. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you very much, Doctor. You have cer- 
tainly made a big contribution to our hearings. 

Our next witness is Mr. Edward Hunter. 


Senator Hruska. You may proceed, Mr. Hunter. 
Mr. Hunter. My name is Edward Hunter, and I live at 64 Webster 
Avenue, Port Washmgton, N.Y. 


I have been witnessing, reporting, analyzing, and participating in 
psychological warfare for practically all of my adult life, the first 
years as a passive observer, as a reporter, foreign correspondent, and 
analyst, and latterly, as a participant, during World War II and for 
a short while afterwards. 

Many of my years have been spent abroad. That background en- 
abled me to disclose brainwashing, the techniques used in pressures 
against the mind, for war against the mind, and also the Pavlovian 
aspect to it. I did two books on this subject, and have continued in 
that specialty all along. I am concentrating now in analysis, writing, 
and consultations on matters connected with psychological warfare. 

Senator Hruska. You mentioned two books, Mr. Hunter. Would 
you mind giving us the titles and the year of publication ? 

Mr. Hunter. Yes, the first book, "Brainwashing in Red China," 
was published in December of 1951. 

Senator Hruska. By whom ? 

Mr. Hunter. By the Vanguard Press. That book was about the 
destruction of the mind. 

The next book, which I had not anticipated writing, was entitled 
"Brainwashing : The Story of Men Who Defy It," published by Farrar, 
Straus. This was on methods by which a mind can be preserved, a 
much more important matter. Both books were based, not on pent- 
house thinking, but on first-hand observations and first-hand experi- 
ence alone. 

I did a number of other books along the periphery of this subject. 

The mere fact that there are hearings being held on such a bill as 
the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy measure is itself 
very revealing and significant. One would certainly assume that in 
mid- 1959, after the rape of Hungary and Tibet, on top of the long 
past, our Government, through its various agencies, the public, and 
private enterprise through its organizations, industrial, trade, and 
labor, would certainly be tackling this biggest menace of all time. 
The necessity for a bill of this nature can only mean — and we have to 
face this fact — that there is a deficiency, a critical and dangerous lag, 
on both sides, official and unofficial, the feeling that they are not 
doing the job. 

My personal belief, based on well over a quarter of a century of ob- 
servation and experience, is that this distrust is well founded. The 
place for such apprehensions to be expressed is certainly in the Halls 
of Congress. After all. Congress is a repository of power and policy. 
It declares war, it determines budgets. This is the business of Con- 
gress, the responsibility of Congress. And it is the public's business 
too, when such a feeling exists, to prod Congress into seeing that the 
Government takes action. The public and the Government, each 
by itself, cannot accept responsibility alone. Each has to coordinate 
with the other. Otherwise there will be catastrophe. The plain fact 
is that, as a defensive and offensive tactic, the Reds have infiltrated 
all spheres of our society — political, economic, legal, medical, certainly 
religious, taking advantage of the unlimited trust of others tradition- 
ally characteristic of the American way of life. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Himter, in that list, you did not list education. 
Was that by design ? 

Mr. Hunter. Oh, education, most certainly. 


Senator Hruska. Was that by design that you omitted it? 

Mr. Hunter. Oh, no ; it was merely that I am reading from my own 
sketchy, handwritten notes. 

This trust, this wonderful trust of the American people, this way 
of life, was regarded by Eed psychological warfare as simply a vul- 
nerability, a weakness to be exploited. As I have personally ob- 
served during the past couple of decades, they have been exploiting 
it to the fullest, callously bringing us to the plight in which we are 

Nothing is so vitally needed as recognition of the fact that com- 
munism, in the full sense of the phrase, is "psychological warfare." 
We shall go down to defeat, to liquidation, as the Reds term it, if 
we do not face up to the fact that we are in this fight, that we are 
fighting communism. This would take our psychological warfare 
away from the theoretical, and put it on the offensive, in recognition 
of the existence of this form of combat. 

The importance of our failure to recognize this is one of our basic 
vulnerabilities of which the Reds take full advantage. The fact 
that, by a bill of this sort, by action of this kind, we shall be entering, 
frontally, anti-Communist activities and teaching, would give tre- 
mendous hope once again to people all around the world, would itself 
be a most important factor in psychological warfare, helping to 
restore the fast-dwindling hope and faith in us among people all 
around the world. The whole essence of the Communist psychologi- 
cal war today, in which they are succeeding, is to convince the rest 
of the world that it can have no hope, no faith in us, that people 
have no alternative but to be extinguished or to join the Communist 

This bill brands communism as the enemy. It is also intended, 
by this bill, to set up a watchdog system to see that its purposes are 
fulfilled. It seeks to put an end at long last to the negative policy 
we have been following, negative by being simply inactive, by ignor- 
ing the existence of communism as the frontal enemy. 

A bill of this sort is also a matter of financing, of money. There 
is, in the United States, strangely enough, very little money available 
for aid to anticommunism. That is why a situation such as this 
exists, where the Government is, at this late date, having to consider 
setting up a psychological warfare academy. 

Private enterprise has been checkmated, bluffed into not supporting 
anti-Communist activities, because of smear campaigns. At the same 
time, fantastic fortunes are available for anti-anticommunism and 
even for pro-Communist activity. 

Here I might point out where Congress could certainly take action, 
a big reason why we have not had more money given by the public 
for anticommunism, why there has been comparatively none. It is 
the question of tax exemption. I myself have learned something of 
it in the past few months. I have done some research on it. In 
effect, without anyone realizing it, the Government is actually, 
through the way tax exemption is being regulated, squeezing out anti- 
Communist activity in favor of anti-anti-Communists. For tax ex- 
emption purposes, we do not recognize officially that teaching about 
the menace of communism is educational, and, therefore, it is not 
allowed to be the basis for tax exemption. 


Senator Hruska. Well, educational projects are considered, are they 

Mr. Hunter. Yes, but they have to teach both sides of the question, 
otherwise they lose tax exemption. 

Senator Hruska. How do you get over to the other side, the anti- 
communism ? 

Mr. Hunter. We have to face certain basic facts. I think this 
Freedom Academy measure is a first step toward that, not merely the 
first step, but recognition that communism is a menace, and that it 
can be spelled out, and that education has a proper role in this. Tax 
exemption should include anticommunism. As of today, practically 
all efforts by people who have money with which to fight communism 
have been abandoned. Even big fortunes are involved. They have 
tried to set up publications that would tell both sides, so as to meet 
tax requirements, but that defeats their purpose, because at this time, 
under the coexistence line of the Communist world network, it exactly 
fits into the Red psychological warfare program. The line is "let's 
see both sides" permanently and artificially, never coming to a con- 
clusion ourselves. 

The bill would be incomplete if this tax exemption gimmick were 
not remedied simultaneously, to permit such money to be contributed 
specifically for anticommunism. Still as of today, when a man pro- 
vides money under tax exemption for anti-anticommunism, each of 
his dollars goes three or four times as far as a similar expenditure by 
someone else who wants to fight communism. This is because the man 
wants to fight communism is deprived of tax exemption. The im- 
portance to the bill we are discussing is basic. If anticommunism were 
included in tax exemption, there is no doubt at all in my mind but 
what part of the financing, I believe a very large part, would be gladly 
provided by private sources. 

Senator Hruska. Even if the bulk of the Academy or school were 
taken care of by Government appropriation, do you think there would 
be that incentive to do it ? 

Mr. Hunter. Frankly I do not believe, in our present climate, as it 
will exist for quite a while, enough of a budget would be voted by 
Congress and become law to meet the real need. We would again be 
doing too little, too late. 

If we open the door to private enterprise, to people who are willing 
to spend money this way, I believe the solution will be easily met. 
Only yesterday and today, when I picked up the newspapers, I saw 
stories pointing out what a tremendous amount of money is available. 
On the first page of the Baltimore Sun yesterday was an article en- 
titled, "Program Provides Millions for Training United States 
Leaders." Wlien I saw the headline I said to myself, "Ah, here is a 
story that has to do with this new Freedom Academy." Oh no! 
Despite the tremendous importance of this project, I have not seen 
any reference to it in the newspapers. This article was about a pro- 
gram for adult education that it said "might work out as high as $15 
to $20 million a year," one of the incidental contributions of tlie Ford 
Foundation. But nothing for a Freedom Academy that would fight 

There was an editorial in the New York Times today entitled 
"Studying Freedom," and I thought this surely had to do with what 


is taking place here today. But no, it was about tremendous founda- 
tion funds being provided for just a continuous study of so-called 
basic issues. AVell, certainly, the Communist war on us is the most 
basic issue of all. 

The decisive flaw in our Communist approach, in the past and today, 
in and out of Government circles, has been lack of coordination and 
lack of followthrough. It has not been a matter of lack of people, 
of dedicated knowledgeable anti-Communists. They are not lacking 
and also, the Reds carry the ball for each other and have a whole strat- 
egy for coordination and followthrough, and we have nothing of the 
sort, or do the opposite. 

As of now, the unhappy fact is that anti- Communists are being 
squeezed out all along the line here in America while they are being 
squeezed out, we are shaking our heads and saying, look, there are no 
anti-Communists available who are able and experienced for this job. 
There are plenty of them. Plenty of them, to compose the faculty for 
this Freedom Academy, plenty to do this job. 

The rare exception in and out of Government is anyone who is 
permitted to call a spade a spade in this anti-Communist fight. 

Wliat do I mean by saying these people are being squeezed out? 
I mean just that. I mean in Government agencies — the people who 
are anti- Communists, who have the know-how of anticommunism 
and are anxious to fight it frontally. And in public agencies, too, on 
newspapers, in publishing, in public organizations generally. The 
dislike of communism as a theory is permissible, or to generalize about 
it, but when one pinpoints the e^dl, when one goes down to earth by 
gi^dng names and dates, disclosing specific things, actually hurting 
the Communists, then the roof falls in on you. 

Senator Hruska. Wlio causes it to fall in ? You mentioned, a little 
earlier, smear campaigns as figuring in the lack of desire for partici- 
pation by private enterprise in this anti-Commmiist combat. Now, 
who generates it? Where does it come from? What is the nature 
of the smear campaign to which you refer ? 

Mr. Hunter. This is part of the Communist psychological warfare 
that is being waged on all fronts, exploiting a state of mind which is 
not Communist. 

Senator Hruska. For example? 

Mr. Hunter. This state of mind is based on the way we liave 
brought up a generation, that the customer is always right, that you 
must not be what is called antisocial, that if you are in a group of 
people and one person picks up a glass of water and calls it what it 
is — a glass of water — and the others say, ""Wliy, that is a flower vase," 
it is considered impolite to disagree. If the person insists it is a glass 
of water, he is advised to go to a psychiatrist. All that our young 
people who were captured in Korea did — those who did as the Com- 
munists asked — was to follow these teachings given to them in home, 
school and church back here in America, to "get along." When they 
were among Communists, and everyone was talking communism, 
why, they were just "getting along." 

Communist psychological warfare has taken a free ride on top 
of this really un-American approach. The methods being used to 
squeeze out numerous anti-Communists who have experience and 
capability — you are having a number who are perfectly capable appear 


at these hearings — ranges through all the techniques that go into psy- 
chological warfare, the teaching of which would be the purpose of this 
Academy. Lack of knowledge in it is the reason why you are having 
these hearings. 

We have been maneuvered into a state of mind, into a political 
propaganda clim.ate under which, while the Reds howl murder, purge 
and arrest wholesale, and stamp out nests of freedom-lovers wherever 
they can, bloodily, for all the world to see, we follow the policy of 
not being rude. We do not use, as an important official expressed it 
to me only a few days ago, the "sledge hammer approach" of calling 
communism communism, because that might upset people. Honey 
can attract a bear, is the saying, but I don't believe honey will trap 
the Communist bear. 

We have psychological warriors, but they are being squeezed out 
of the field. We have plenty of activists. Anti-Communist war- 
riors, people with know-how, are excluded. A major problem for 
such an Academy as tliis bill proposes is that of placement, after 
students learn their subjects, so they obtain the opportunity, in and 
out of Government, to perform their work. I mean specifically in 
Government, in agencies that range everywhere from USIS and CIA 
to some other departments, as well as in private life, in business or- 
ganizations and even in labor, and in other institutions. It is very 
rare that you find anticommunism being mentioned specifically, the 
way it is pinpointed in this bill, because the leadership has been lack- 
ing. We have not taken this kind of a stand. 

^Vliat this bill would achicA^e, what it must be seeking, is a change 
in approach, a change in policy, plainly and openly, to becoming 
plainly anti-Communist, to going on the offensive against commun- 
ism. We have never been on the offensive. We are like a football 
team, as described to me in a conversation only a few days ago, in 
which the manager of our side instructs his team not to make any 
goals, or to kick any goals, oh no, but to make sure that the other 
team makes no goals, either. That is containment. Well, we may 
be a tremendously powerful football team, but the time will come 
when our guard will be down, and the other team will kick a goal. 
It is just a matter of time when we agree to such rules. 

This strategy of merely being on the defensive results in just what 
has been happening all around the world. One cannot pick up a 
newspaper any day without seeing somewhere where we have been 
given a new setbacK. Under our strategy, the dice are loaded by our- 
selves against ourselves. A psychological warfare training insti- 
tution that recognizes that the foe, the basic foe, is communism, 
would contribute tremendously toward changing this defeatist out- 

We are lacking a psychological warfare strategy, a strategy for 
fighting communism. We have no real philosophy for it; we do not 
even dare mention it by its true name. We are muffing daily oppor- 
tunities for lack of the know-how to utilize the opportunities that 
present themselves to us. I have sat time and time again, since I 
came back to America a couple of years ago, with groups of people 
who only required some sort of coordination of action to be developed 
to prevent a Communist victory, and they have been unable to obtain 
it. We lack operational facilities. 


The papers only a few days ago were full of a recent psychological 
warfare setback given us — given us by fellow Americans, too — in the 
Olympics arrangements. Eed China is being enabled, in effect, to 
replace the Republic of China. Well, at this very time, I've learned 
of still another step that the Communist psychological war machine 
is taking to keep us off balance, and ultimately lead to our recognition 
of Red China, and what this would mean in the loss of all Asia. 

Only a few days ago, in the lobbies of the United Nations, I heard 
that the Commmiist Chinese were recruiting a planeload of corre- 
spondents accredited to the United Nations to go to Red China. No, 
the Red Chinese were not themselves doing the recruiting ; they had 
friends doing it. They had the Indonesian delegates doing it for them. 
The propaganda intent is that, when this is announced, the reaction 
created in America would be, well, we've been caught with our pants 
down again ; why didn't we do something like that, and this is exactly 
the Communist line. A number of other persons have found out about 
this latest conspiracy, too, but nobody knows what to do about it. 

Senator Hruska. That is the point I was trying to reach, that I was 
trying to tliink of. You say why did we not think of something like 
that ? Then your next words are, we do not know what to do about it. 
What would you suggest? You have made a great study of this, you 
have thought about it a great deal. Where would you send some cor- 
respondents ? 

Mr. Hunter. Well, the very obvious thing should be not to fall into 
the Red-set trap, but to expose the plot, not to become 

Senator Hruska. To expose what, Mr. Hunter ? 

Mr. Hunter. To expose the fact that an enclave on American soil 
was being utilized by delegations favorable to a regime — a con- 
spiracy — which is not recognized by the United Nations, conducting 
what is obviously a plot to push the United States into recognizing 
Red China, to blackmail the United States into agreeing to the Red 
Chinese forcing their way into the United Nations. 

Senator Hruska. How would you suggest going about that? 

Mr. Hunter. I believe, and it certainly is what the Communists 
would do if it were the other way around, we should come right out, 
as soon as we find out these facts, explaining and exposing this con- 
spiracy. It certainly is not the intent of the Red Chinese to bring a 
group of United Nations correspondents to really see what is hap- 
pening in China, on the tortured mainland of China, and to permit 
the views to be truthfully portrayed. That is not their intent at all. 
Their intent is to keep the United States off balance, the way it was 
put off balance in this Olympics scandal, the way it lias been kept off 
balance by incident after incident, so that we finally give up the way 
the boys gave up in the brainwashing camps in northern Korea and 
say, all right, we give in, let us recognize Red China, waking up only 
after we have trapped ourselves in a situation where we are cornered 
into recognizing Red China. 

Senator Hruska. I do not believe you have answered my question. 
How do you go about it ? 

Mr. Hunter. Well, very simply. Members of Congress, the many 
private organizations that are anti-Communist, the Committee of One 
Million, all should act on this at once. But they need a channel for 
coordination. As the situation is now, there is no such channel for 


an anti- Communist approach, no know-how on how to go about setting 
it up, for instance, between the members of the United States Senate 
and organizations in private life. Psychological warfare is an un- 
charted field and under present conditions, those who mention it, 
some lonely Senator or the Committee of One Million in a leaflet, are 
woefully insufficient. This is a matter of coordination and follow- 
through, the way the Ked put on pressure, a snowball effect. ^ One 
does not require guns for that, one requires a tongue and printer's 
ink, and the capacity which psychological warfare provides, the same 
way it is done in business, to alert all in the field who are interested. 
This very simple first step, alerting each other, is as of this moment 
wholly lacking. We have no facilities for it, and it is the basis of 
psychological warfare, something which any academy on psychologi- 
cal warfare would have to teach and to develop. The first thing to 
do in such an incident as we are referring to is to make it public knowl- 
edge and another measure, of course, would be to put pressure on 
correspondents who accept such tricky invitations. The ones being 
used in this maneuver inside the United States are mostly from for- 
eign countries. But if there is utter silence about it, this is encour- 
agement to them to go right ahead and do what the Reds want. This 
is just one example, a simple example. 

Senator Hruska. Are you proposing, Mr. Hunter, that the press 
should be discouraged from going on a tour of that kind ? 
Mr. Hunter. Into Red China ? 
Senator Hruska. Yes. 
Mr. Hunter. Of course. 

Senator Hruska. You would rather not have them go, is that it ? 
Mr. Hunter. Well, for correspondents to go to Formosa, where 
they are able to go about without a stage being set, would be one thing. 
But correspondents going mto mainland China would simply be fall- 
ing for a Potemkin setup, a development of Potemkin villages. We 
have already had the horrible experience, have we not, of what helped 
bring about the fall of China, when the Communists used our press, 
important segments of it, successfully blinding us to the fact that 
Mao Tse-tung was a real Communist, and the Chinese Communists 
were only "agrarian reformers." 

Senator Hruska. You are discounting the press very heavily when 
you say they are going into a Potemkin-like setting and not realizing 
it, are you not ? 

Mr. Hunter. I am talking about reality. I remember the tour of 
Red China a couple of years ago by a group of correspondents and 
Labor Party leaders from England, which received tremendous pub- 
licity and gave tremendous impetus to the campaign in America by 
my colleagues in the press and by publishers — not all of them, by any 
means — to be allowed to go into Red China. I was in Asia then. I 
read letters from people in Red China who participated, who saw the 
way parties were set up, rehearsed ahead, rehearsed for days ahead as 
if for a show, for the reception to these British correspondents and 
politicians; how every move was plotted ahead, how individuals were 
rehearsed. A Chinese who spoke English would be instructed : you 
take such and such a Britisher aside and say this and that to him, and 
say, I am talking to you all alone, so you can believe me. Why, this 
was all a setup- For us to go into a trap of this sort, without our know- 


ing the ABC's in psychological warfare, would be tragic and a be- 
trayal. The mere fact that you are holding these hearings for the 
beginning of an Academy to teach psychological warfare shows how 
completely we are lacking in this knowledge. 

We are utterly lacking in it all along the line. We are even lacking 
a simple college of this sort. An Academy that a bill of this kind 
would make possible would teach such basic matters as Communist 
language. We do not even understand what the Communists mean by 
their own words, by their own dialectical materialist words. In an 
Academy such as proposed by this bill, chief among the foreign lan- 
guages that might be taught would have to be the Communists' own 
language. An editorial I wrote about this was published in the Sat- 
urday Evening Post only last June 13. The Reds have a code lan- 
guage, possibly the main psychological warfare channel they have into 
our minds. We have to learn about this. When the Reds use words 
that have one meaning to us but a wholly different meaning to them- 
selves, our intelligence people, newspaper correspondents and legis- 
lators are fooled. Unless they translate these words from the Com- 
munist language, the public is fooled, too. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Hunter, would not one instance of that be some 
of the interpretations of the Russian Constitution, for example, by 
American students and scholars and sometimes lecturers? 

Mr. Hunter. Of course. The Communists, in the Russian so-called 
Constitution, in speeches and documents, are saying what they mean. 
They are not foolish enough not to know what they mean. They say 
it, in the Communist jargon, except when they use English as English 
according to Webster, as a confusion tactic. Otherwise, they say what 
they mean in the Communist code language. When they say peace, 
they mean their interpretation of peace, and the academy would have 
to teach the meaning of that word : that peace to them is the condition 
that arrives when everybody accepts communism. We constantly re- 
peat in our headlines and in Congress what Communist delegates say 
about peace, not explaining that the word "peace," is as much a foreign 
word when pronounced by the Communist as any word in Chinese or 

An Academy such as this would have to go into fields of teaching 
that face up to the fact that communism is waging a war, that this 
is war, and that this psychological warfare includes not only the 
overt, not only simple publicity, but techniques that are used on the 
battlefield, techniques of deception, techniques that are called clan- 
destine or black. All this is part of the psychological warfare being 
waged against the United States here on American soil and all around 
the world. At least we should know the details. There is nowhere 
now where they are being taught. 

The Freedom Commission Act, of course, is only part of the answer 
in this situation. The basic success of the Communists in their psy- 
chological war has been the creation of a propaganda climate. The 
propaganda climate of America today is unfavorable to plainly 
worded anticommunism. The Communists work at creating a psy- 
chological climate. They build up an atmosphere favorable to their 
strategy and then the events that take place, the reactions, even of 
people who are anti-Communist, is as the Communist phychological 
warfare network has planned. The reaction to such a matter, for 


example, as American newspapermen going into an enemy area, such 
as Ked China, arouses in our minds only a naive, Red Ridinghood 

An academy of this sort requires some kind of watchdog arrange- 
ment. A great deal of study must be given this. A tremendous 
danger exists that, unless we go about this in a very knowledgeable 
way, we shall merely be setting up another bureaucracy, an additional 
bureaucracy, which would be linked to existing bureaucracies, and 
whose policy inevitably would be modified gradually to that of the 
previously anti-anticommunism. The watchdog, Freedom Commis- 
sion, would have to guard against this. It should consist of only the 
few individuals the bill provides, but they would have to be selected 
with certain points in mind. 

First of all, their motivation must be unquestioned, and among their 
motives must be the desire to fight communism. The bill is worded 
in a way that makes tliis objective plain, that mentions anticommunism 
in an unprecedentedly frank mamier. The watchdog group, first of 
all, would have to be composed of individuals who, in their own 
minds, know that to destroy communism we have to call a spade a 
spade. We can't do it with just soft words. 

Secondly, no matter how well motivated these individuals would 
be, they also would have to have actual experience in psychological 
warfare. Psychological warfare is as much of a profession, with its 
own techniques, as medicine, as electronics. Unless a man is trained 
and experienced in it, what he believes he is doing against com- 
munism often works out in an anti-anti-Communist or pro-Commu- 
nist manner. 

A third point that should be required in the selection of a watch- 
dog group is that they would not operate the Academy, but watch to 
make sure that the policy setup, as annoimced for the American 
public and the world, and which is sure to thrill people everywhere, 
that we finally are going to have a school where people will learn the 
Communist techniques and how to combat them, is not being quietly 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Hunter, just one question at that point. This 
bill provides that the watchdog committee will be composed of Mem- 
bers of Congress. You are obviously talking about some other watch- 
dog group. 

Mr. Hunter. No, I believe there are Members of Congress who 
fulfill these needs. Wliat I am thinking of is a watchdog group that 
would not be composed only of Members of Congress. Members of 
Congress change, often frequently, and represent all political com- 
plexions, having their own, diverse ideas on liow communism can be 
combated, how America can be defended. Sometimes, these ideas are 
very close to what the Communists themselves desire. They are not 
anti-Communist, in effect, at all. 

If an institution of this sort were set up by the will of Congress, 
those in control of it would first of all have to sincerely favor its 
approach, because far more important in psychological warfare than 
know-how is motivation. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Hunter, are you not kind of begging the ques- 
tion just a little bit? After all, it must be assumed tlmt laymen out- 
side of Congress are also of all political shades of mind. 


Mr. Hunter. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. Maybe some of them are a little bit 

Mr. Hunter. Yes, but 

Senator Hruska. Let me finish my observation, please, will you, 
Mr. Hunter ? 

After all, the cure is not to get them from Congress or outside of 
Congress, the cure is to find some method of selecting them to get the 
pro]:)er material. Is not that the real problem? 

Mr. Hunter. Yes. The manner of selection, once these require- 
ments are laid down, can be flexible. It can be as provided in the bill, 
the President doing it with Congress agreeing. Or Congress could do 
it itself. So long as these requirements for the job are specified. 

Senator Hruska. And followed ? 

Mr. Hunter. I did not hear you. 

Senator Hruska. And followed ? Not only must the requirements 
be specified, but they must be truly and accurately followed. 

Mr. Hunter. Yes, yes. 

Senator Hruska. Now, as to whether the choice comes from Mem- 
bers of Congress or from the American Medical Association, or the 
Kiwanis, or the Rotary Club, does not make too much difference. 

Mr. Hunter. That is not so important. If it is an alert, repre- 
sentative segment of American society, from the Executive to private 
enterprise, it really is not so important. It is the individual selected 
who is important, and there are many available. There is Herbert 
Hoover, who has been President of the United States, and out of 
Government for a long time, who knows psychological warfare. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Hunter, the chairman must leave to attend 
another committee. The Chair would like to announce that tomor- 
row's witnesses will be Congressman Walter H. Judd, of Minnesota, 
Mr. Herbert Philbrick, of Rye, N.H., Dr. Leo Cherne, Research In- 
stitute of America, and Lt. Col. MacArthur H. Manchester, Reserve 
Officers' Association, of Washington, D.C. 

Now, will you continue with your statement, Mr. Hunter; and, Mr. 
Sourwine, will you please close the hearing if I do not get back here 
in time ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Perhaps the Chair will leave the order that if Mr. 
Hunter should finish before the chairman returns the subcommittee 
will automatically recess until tomorrow morning. 

Senator Hruska. It is so ordered. 

(Senator Hruska left the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr. Hunter. A watchdog group of this sort must be an expert 
advisory group. Obviously its reports, for it certainly would make 
reports, would have to go to the appropriate committee of Congress, 
to existing Senate and House committees such as Government and 
Foreign Relations. This is not to be rivalry or to duplicate the work 
of other committees, but to fill a gap where no committee has existed, 
a gap responsible for our consistent setbacks in psychological warfare. 

An academy set up by the Government, with a commission also set 
up by the Government, even if composed partly of individuals in 
private life, must not become just another bureaucratic enterprise, 
susceptible to all the twists and turns of demagogs. Perfection is 
impossible. If we wait for perfection, we would never accomplish 
anything. But we can make sure, within reasonable limits, that 

42731—59 8 


bureaucracy is prevented from taking over, from obtainino; a control 
that would paralyze or change the work of a Psychological Warfare 

Tlie measure, fortunately, spells out the anti- Communist objective. 
This must remain paramount. It should also spell out, and to a great 
extent it does, its function to teach and encourage existing anti-Com- 
munist elements, and those coming into existence in private life here 
and abroad, so that we can create a psychological climate favorable 
to the free world, to replace the poisonous climate we now have on 
this matter of fighting communism in the United States. What I 
have seen of psychological warfare convinces me that such a change of 
climate can be achieved much quicker and far more completely than 
people suspect. 

The Academy, too, should be composed of, and welcome, volunteers. 
Indeed, General Chennault's Flying Tigers can be a symbol of wdiat 
is meant by volunteers. For our side, the word "volunteer" is actually 
the dictionary word as found in Webster. It is not doubletalk, as 
among the Communists. As w^e all know, the "volunteers" that the 
Red Chinese army sent into Korea were not volunteers at all. For 
our side, we have plenty of dedicated anti- Communists everywhere 
on earth, who only want the opportunity to volunteer in this great 
crusade. Instead of a foreign legion — the idea of a foreign legion 
belongs to old-fashioned warfare — volunteers can be encouraged and 
developed all around the world. They are eager, and volunteers would 
inevitably turn up inside the Iron Curtain countries, too. Once the 
ball starts rolling, this project would be a great factor for peace. The 
Communist world is off balance; and if the Red hierarchy realized 
that the populations of the satellite countries and the peoples of 
Soviet Russia and Communist China whom they know hate com- 
munism would find ways of attacking, they would not dare to take 
such military action as they would otherwise take if they were able 
to deceive their populations into believing that we were not fighting 
communism, but that we were fighting Russia ; that we were not fight- 
ing communism, but were fighting China. The Academy we are dis- 
cussing w^ould teach editors and legislators not to talk and write, as 
they are constantly doing, of the Russian enemy, of Russia doing this 
and that, when it is not Russia, but the Communist hierarchy in Russia. 
The Russian people are as much against communism as anybody in 
the world. The people of China are certainly as much against com- 
munism, more so than the people in America, because they know 
bitterly from experience what communism is. 

There are a number of vulnerabilities — traps — that the Freedom 
Academy would have to knowingly avoid. For instance, the simple 
matter of student selection. One might say, we have so many hundreds 
upon hundreds of foreign students coming into America, let us open 
wide the doors of the Academy to them, so they will learn how to fight 
communism and go back to their countries and be volunteers in this 
work of combat. But a proportion of the students are themselves, in 
effect, being infiltrated into America. In some parts of the world, 
police informers and others linked to the secret police are maneuvered 
into scholarships, and those dedicated to free world principles elimi- 
nated, sometimes even after being selected for scholarship in America. 
I came aci'oss a number of such instances abroad. 


The comparison of such an Academy to West Point should not be 
unthinkingly accepted. Our military schools teach basic military 
techniques, knowing that from year to year, from generation to gener- 
ation, the nations involved change. But this Academy would have 
as its fundamental premise the fact that communism is the main en- 
emy ; it would specifically teach about this enemy, the psychological 
warfare that this enemy engages in, and the psychological warfare 
that we must wage to defend ourselves against that enemy, and to help 
liquidate that enemy. 

Actually, the situation in America is far more favorable to anti- 
Communist activities, to a project of this nature, than it superficially 
appears. The mere fact that this project is being considered is evi- 
dence of it. Never before have I come across so many persons, groups, 
and organizations who are alert to the menace of communism and are 
trying to do something to fight it. Never before ; but never before, 
either, have I found so many persons, groups, and organizations who 
want to fight communism, or are trying to do so, with the feeling of 
being isolated, being boxed off, of being in a hopeless situation and 
being squeezed out. They are spending their energies just barely 

This obviously is a contradiction, and it does not make sense. It 
reflects the success the Communists have had in their psychological 
warfare in the United States. Coordination and f ollowthrough, which 
can be easily taught by the Academy and rapidly put into practice 
would automatically eliminate the contradiction, because then the 
vast number of people and groups in America who are alert to commu- 
nism will no longer feel boxed in, will know that they belong, and 
have the overwhelming support of the population. This contradiction, 
too, reflects our lack of leadership. The top must take the lead ; no 
matter how important and anxious people are, private citizens and 
organizations are pretty nuich stymied on such matters, unless there 
is leadership by official sources, on top. A bill of this nature would 
be a decisive element in showing that the top is assuming the responsi- 
bilities of leadership. 

The Freedom Commission Act, too, would tackle the decisive factor 
of character and convictions. It is basically a matter of character. 
Our consistent setbacks by the Communist international network ex- 
ploited the softening up in our character. Our experience in Korea 
is a vivid example. The bill, too, helps implement U.S. policy on this 
very point. A code dealing with character has been set up by the 
U.S. Government for Americans who happen to be captured in the 
future. In the accompanying documents that the President signed in 
connection with this prisoner of war code, and in the documentary 
report on prisoners of war made for the Department of Defense, it 
has been spelled out that this is the responsibility primarily of home, 
school, and church. Unless convictions, unless character, is retored 
to the American people, there can be no more success against enemy 
psychological warfare than our men had in the Ped POW brainwash- 
ing camps in Korea. 

An academy of this sort, teaching U.S. objectives as part of its 
responsibility, implies this reform in character to what it was not too 
many years ago, and in that way would be implementing U.S. policy. 
Actually, the American people are way ahead of their Government as 


regards the peril of communism, and tlie need to face it frankly and 

I have been constantly told that our people are apathetic regarding 
communism. I have found this to be a libel on the American people. 
They are not apathetic, but they are frustrated. They are constantly 
being given only doubletalk on communism. Under a distortion of 
the correct theory that we should see all sides of every issae, we are 
only being given conflicting viewpoints, without any conclusion ever 
being reached. The right and the wrong are artificially kept equal. 
Each time we describe something unfavorable to communism, under 
a twisted version of tolerance, we have to point out something favor- 
able to it, or at least be anti-anti-Communist. This is supposed to be 
what is meant by being "fair." And that is so much hogwash. 

Of course, any normal human being who comes up against a situa- 
tion of this kind is frustrated. Of course he then goes to the television 
to see Western and other escapist shows. He wants specific answers 
to be given to him. This measure which sets up for the first time — it is 
almost inconceivable that it would be the first time — a psychological 
warfare school frankly recognizing communism as the enemy, would 
help remove the frustration and the confusion in so many minds, and 
the apathy would automatically fade away with it. Because what this 
bill actually does, and this is what it has to do, is provide the genuine 
spirit for what we constantly observe in communism, its quack religion. 
The bill provides for a new type of missionary, a missionary of the free 
world, who will crusade for freedom. Very significantly, one of the 
two legislators who initiate this bill is a missionary himself, a mission- 
ary doctor. As part of his inherent missionary qualities, he sees the 
need today to extend the crusading spirit to psychological warfare for 
the defense and security of the free world. 

This Academy would be a seminary for a new crusade of the spirit. 

We must face up to the fact, too, that this bill is a declaration of 
war by Congress against the international Communist movement. 
Congress is the repository of this right, and the bill would be a decla- 
ration that the United States no longer will sit back and continue 
taking a licking, sitting down, unprepared for psychological warfare, 
just as unprepared as that reconnaissance plane which, a few days ago, 
was shot up and only miraculously spared from total destruction, be- 
cause its guns had been spiked. This is very symbolic of our situation 
in psychological warfare today. It was not the Reds who spiked those 
guns, it was ourselves. It is not the Reds who are preventing us from 
defending ourselves against communism in a frontal manner; it is 

The impact abroad of the establishment of such a Freedom Academy 
would be overwhelming. Faith in America is declining fast, espe- 
cially since Hungary and Tibet. The whole communistic technique 
is to point out to the peoples abroad that the United States has no pol- 
icy, actually, against communism, that we go with the wind, that we 
talk piously, but that when somebody climbs out on a limb on our 
mutual behalf as the people in Hungary did, as they are doing today 
in Tibet, we become silent, we turn our faces elsewhere. 

This actually, and I shall conclude with this point, is a measure not 
for war but for peace, because the Communist world is off balance, 
and by keeping it off balance, instead of enabling it to artificially put 


US off balance, it will be prevented from engaging in a total shooting 
war, because its own peoples would be the very first to take the oppor- 
tunity to obtain freedom. The only danger, and this is the desperate 
move we would have to guard against, would be of a Pearl Harbor 
sneak attack, a Pearl Harbor sputnik, in which automatically, before 
the peoples of the anti-Communist world could rise up and do any- 
thing about it, the victory would be won by the Communist hierarchy. 
That is what we have to circumvent and prevent. The policy change 
that the creation of a Freedom Academy of this character would con- 
stitute, would guarantee true peace and a gradual crumbling of the 
Communist edifice. 

I thank you. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I am sure that if the Senator were here, he would 
express the thanks of the committee, Mr. Hunter. I want to thank you 
for him and for the committee. It was a very fine presentation, and 
I know the committee appreciates your appearance here. 

I should like to announce that Mr. Joseph Z. Kornf eder, of Detroit, 
Mich., is ill and will not be here. He did furnish the committee with 
a statement. That statement, at the chairman's request, will be in- 
serted in the record at this point. 

(The statement of Mr. Kornf eder is as follows :) 

Mr. Chairman, it seems that I am the only one amongst the witnesses to 
appear in favor of S. 1689 who has actually gone through a type college that 
this bill aims to create. As many of you probably know, I have spent 3 years 
at the Lenin School in Moscow, and I was for about 2 years attached to various 
committees at International Communist Headquarters. The Comintern and 
the training colleges were, of course, closely interlinked. If I understand the 
purposes of S. 1689 clearly, you aim to create with that measure the type of 
college for political counterwarfare similar to the Lenin School but only in 
reverse. S. 1689 would, of course, not be needed except as a countereffort to 
the type of warfare with which the Kremlin aims to conquer the earth. 

We may perhaps see the scope of this thing in clearer perspective if we look 
back into recent history. Only about 50 years ago a group of ragged Russian 
intellectuals embarked upon certain methods of fighting existing society from 
within, now known as political warfare. It is a method of infighting and of 
conspiratory organization so effective that within a period of 40 years they 
were able to create an empire of 900 million plus an organized subversive move- 
ment of millions inside the areas of the West. 

The Lenin College was Lenin's idea, but he did not live to see it realized. 
Lenin through this type of, training aimed to do on a much larger scale what 
he and his group had done in Russia. Lenin aimed to train other intellectuals 
in the methods he had devised so that this thing could be done far more wisely 
and with much more system to it. As you probably know, Russia itself was 
conquered by these types of method, but when I was in Moscow the same thing 
was being prepared to be done in China. For that purpose there was what was 
known as the University of the East in which Chinese Communists were being 
trained on a large scale. Much of the leadership of the present Chinese Com- 
munist Party acquired its know-how in the Far Eastern University of Moscow 
and that includes Ho Chi Minh and many others of the Asiatic leaders outside 
of China. 

At the same time many of the leaders of the present East European satellites 
were being trained at another college also located in Moscow known as the 
Western University. Do not be misled by the name "university." These are not 
institutions like our universities. All the training colleges I mentioned are en- 
tirely preoccupied with the art of creating discontent and organizing and manipu- 
lating discontent in the areas in which those trained there operate. There are 
also other colleges all aimed at the same purpose. I would estimate the total 
turnout of trained personnel thus turned out since 1928, when the first batch 
graduated, at about 120,000 men and women, or an average of about 4,000 a year. 
This then is the oflacer corps which carries out the Kremlin's type of warfare 


on the five continents and in it is contained tlie real secret of the successful 
penetration of the West. 

You may also be able to get the scope of this if you had a chance to inspect 
the library in Moscow which feeds the colleges with the necessary textbooks. 
The library, about the size of our Congressional Library, full of books, all of 
which are concentrated on the problem how to organize, how to agitate, how to 
infiltrate, and to undermine our type of society. Never before has such a huge 
collection of material been assembled to teach this type of warfare. 

In addition to the training system above enumerated in which at least 600 
American Communist leaders were trained, including Steve Nelson, and an even 
larger number from the Communist Parties in South America, an area on which 
Moscow is now concentrating, there are spread all over the five continents minor 
Communist training schools, but all of them are patterned on the training system 
in Moscow and the same text material is used. In this connection it may interest 
you to know that the cost of all this type of training and all of the text material 
and much of the operational expense resulting from it is all defrayed by the 
Soviet Government, although oflacially they will deny and have denied the very 
existence of the whole thing. 

A word now as to who teaches in these colleges in Moscow which will give you 
an idea of the importance attached to this type of training by the leaders 
of the Soviet Government. In addition to the routine staff which carries on 
the day-to-day work, Joseph Stalin himself taught there; so did Trotsky while 
he was still in Moscow ; Nicolai Bukarin, a member of the Russian Politburo and 
Lenin's second as theoretician; Otto Kuusinen, erstwhile secretary of the Com- 
intern and now back in prominence again ; Dimitri Manuelsky ; and others. 

May I say a few words also on the question whether we can successfully 
create a college to fight their type of warfare. Well in my opinion it is not 
a matter of whether we can, we simply must because if we continue to ignore 
the enemy on this front, we and our successors may not be here to talk about 
it in 40 years from now as Khrushchev said. 

For if they could do what they did starting from scratch in the last 40 
years, they can with the present means at their disposal do much more in the 
next 40 years. 

I am also one among those who believe that we can successfully engage 
the enemy on this front and create an effective training college for that purpose. 
I think the potential staff for such a college is now available and they can 
also create the necessary textbooks. 

It is, however, not a mere matter of learning from them. On the contrary, 
much of their methods based on the penetration of an open society like ours 
cannot be used in reverse. In other words, we must devise methods of pene- 
trating a closed society like theirs, a problem which has not yet been solved, 
and much of it will be solved only when we begin to seriously wrestle with 
it. And then there is also the problem of countermethods against them in the 
West, problems of specialization according to area, population stratification, etc. 

In the main, ideas must be fought with other ideas, organization with 
counterorganization, tactics with countertactics, etc. 

S. 1689 in my opinion creates the prerequisite for such a coimtereffort and 
it is not a duplication of efforts by other agencies. On the contrary, it can 
make these other and scattered efforts at least indirectly more effective. Much 
of course depends on how this thing will be staffed after it is created. It took 
Moscow, even with the guidance of leaders experienced in political warfare, 
several years to get this type of colleges going effectively. Patience is needed. 

If the whole thing is however staffed by milk-and-toasters it will be but a 
toothless affair, if not worse, for even a tiger cannot bite without teeth. The 
Voice of America and Radio Free Europe is also a very good idea, but if 
some real teeth were added, it would be much better. 

Some say that it is late in the day of history and that there is no time left 
for a countereffort along these lines. They say that the military showdown 
will settle the whole thing. I doubt it very much because Moscow is doing 
quite well as is. Their huge military buildup is not to substitute political 
warfare but to back up the aggressiveness thereof. We must, of course, have 
a corresponding military buildup as a safeguard, but even with it all we will 
finally lose everything if we do not meet the Kremlin on this long neglected 
front — political warfare. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. So that the record will be clear, Mr. Kornfedernot 
only has a three and a half page statement, but he also has an exhibit, 
being the curriculum of the Lenin University, which he attended, 
w4iich it seems is pertinent to this subject matter. At the chairman's 
request, that also will go in. 

(The exhibit referred to is as follows :) 

Joseph Z. Koknfedek Exhibit 
CuBBicxnuUM, Lenin Univeesity, Moscow, U.S.S.R., (as of 1944) 


(Note. — The instructors on military subjects were all Red Army staff oflScers 
of the high command. They perform under party names and often are not at 
all introduced to the students; they just take charge. Occasionally a known 
member of the high command like Marshal Simeon Budenny lectured in Russian 
on this subject. The staff officers instructing are men who specialize on foreign 
military problems and participated in the events they are instructing about.) 


On War, by Clausewitz, the Karl Marx of German military theory. (Trans- 
lated from German.) 

Construction of the Red Army During the Revolution, by Antonov Ovseyenko. 
(Translated from Russian.) 

The Civil War, Military Problems and Civilian, by Bubnov. (Translated from 

Strategy of Civil War, composite book by Bubnov, Kamenev, and Eydeman. 
(Translated from Russian.) 

Red Army and Civil War Politics, by S. T. Gussev, former representative of 
the Comintern to the United States, under name of "Green." 

Fighting During the Revolution, by Bukharin. 

The Class War, by Tuchachevsky. (Translated from Russian.) 

Civil War Politics and Insurrection. Excerpts from Lenin's writings. 

Political and ideological preparation for iarmed insurrection. — Key theme: (1) 
Everyday politics have no sense unless it is consciously preparatory to the armed 
struggle for power; or (2) insurrection is a continuation of everyday politics by 
means of arms. 

Precondition for successful armed insurrection. — (1) Economic collapse and 
chaos in the country; (2) demoralization and dissention among the governing 
circles; (3) defeat of the government in a foreign war or its inability to keep 
things moving as a result of exhaustion following the war; (4) ability of the 
party to take advantage of the situation. 

The "peaceful" phase of preparation 

Ideological and organizational penetration of Armed Forces (Army, Navy, 
police, etc.). — Main theme : To foster antimilitarism and hatred of officers, alleged 
objective rank and file ; democratization of Army, Navy, etc. Main objective : 
Demoralization and decomposition. Subsidiary objectives : Training of young 
Communists in the use of arms and information on status and disposition of 
forces and armament. 

Instruments to be created and used for that purpose: (1) Young Communist 
League; (2) student unions, clubs, or leagues; (3) front organizations like the 
Youth Congress, auxiliary instruments, teachers' unions, parents' associations, 

Peaceful organization and penetration of strategic services. — Organization of 
trade and industrial unions; in maritime and land transports, such as the 
National Maritime Union, transport-workers union, longshore and warehouse- 
men, etc. 

Auxiliary — unions in the communications systems — radio, telegraph, and tele- 
phone, like the American Communications Association. 

Organization of strategic production services — like unions among oil and 
refinery workers; die and tool, instrument workers; automobile, aircraft, and 
vehicle workers : chemical workers ; electrical, machine, and radio workers, etc. 

Technical intelligence organizations — like the association of technicians, en- 
gineers, chemists, etc. 


Organisations for penetration of government. — Unions of county, municipal, 
and government employees ; ofl3ce and professional workers ; Labor Party and 
Progressive Party clubs and leagues; infiltration of Democratic or Republican 

Demoralization and disinformation instruments. — American Newspaper Guild, 
Teachers' Unions, American Association of Writers and Artists, American Peace 
Mobilization, committees of liberals, and clergymen for various purposes. Inter- 
national Juridical Association, Lawyers Guild, etc. 

(Note. — This gives only a rough idea of the theme behind the mosaic of in- 
nocents and "front" organizations basic and auxiliary fostered by the Com- 
munist Party under Comintern direction.) 

Tremendous attention is paid by the Comintern to the creation in popular form 
of labor confedera-tions like the CIO even if not fully controlled, it gives their 
unions within it a big backdrop and reach. This mosaic of organizations once 
created can then be utilized to profit from any crisis, confusion, or misfortune 
that may befall the country in which they operate or else be stimulated or driven 
in one direction or other according to the needs of Moscow's foreign policy. 

They can be utilized on a vast scale for political sabotage, that is, stimulated 
strikes where it hurts most. 

Demonstrations disconcerting to the morale of the public, and continued 
crescendo of demoralization propaganda. The inner intent of which is in stra- 
tegical parlance, '"defeaf'^of what Moscow considers as its enemies. Democ- 
racies are of course considered favored playground and easy marks for this sort 
of machinations. 

Actual physical sabotage becomes possible on an effective scale once the masses 
are sufficiently charged and wired by such ideological preparations. Physical 
sabotage is, however, considered secondary to political sabotage and is carried out 
only by specially instructed select groups in places and moments where it may 
count most. 

In order to get the masses involved into these machinations, the mosaic of 
organizations sponsor what the masses consider good for them. This "progres- 
sive" front shingle has the liberals entangled. In essence, the movement aims 
at a reactionary overturn of our constitutions carried out by revolutionary means. 

The technique and methods for this were, of course, developed gradually as the 
Russian revolution settled down to stark reaction. 

During a revolutionary situation, the creation of which is stimulated by these 
types of machinations, the activity of this mosaic of organizations can be stepped 
up as indicated further on. 

The average party member himself scarcely knows the pattern or intent of the 
top strategists, but, being mentally conditioned, welcomes and accepts it as it 

Intensified preparation for armed insurrection 

Intensification of antimilitarist activity among armed forces. (Objective: 
Demoralize, neutralize, recruit.) France is example. Advantage of conscript 
army. (Hatred of officer corps.) 

Organization on a large scale of a semimilitary, sports organizations, youth 
clubs, of many varieties. Intensified emphasis on penetration of non-Communist 
and semimilitary youth and other organizations. 

Organization and preparation of assault groups: Training and hardening of 
the groups in "peacetime" warfare; organized heckling and breakup of enemy 
meetings and demonstrations ; terrorization of opponents by assaults ; punish- 
ment of "bad" cops ; organized street brawls ; protecting a demonstration ; peace- 
time demonstrations in quasi-military form ; practicing on scabs. 

Procurement of armament : Procurement of arms from arsenals, depots, bar- 
racks and armament factories, etc. Assaults on arms stores and isolated police 
or constabulary stations and cops to obtain arms. Smuggling across border and 
by seas. Machine shops as arsenals. (Buying of arms, Molotov cocktails, home- 
made bombs, etc.) 

Preparation and organization of sabotage (state of tension and panic). — Polit- 
ical sabotage: Stimulation of strikes, demonstrations, street fights, with em- 
phasis on strategic industry. Temporary capture and operation of radio stations. 
Sabotage of government from the inside. (Direct sabotage.) Kail and trans- 
port sabotage, organized incendiarism, equipment sabotage. 

The planning of the uprising. — Assignment of objectives to the assault groups 
and commandos. Thorough investigation of objectives and planning of each 
individual assault. The theory of engaging and destroying the enemies' vital 


forces and occupying vital central points. The method of arming "left" elements, 
mopping up, and forming the Red guard. The strategy of absolute surprise. 
The strategy of relative surprise: Hamburg, Canton. The national aspect — 
interior lines: Marching to support government demoralization, Russian revo- 
lution. Periphery to center. German revolution. 

Techniques of agrarian insurrection. — Advantage of terrain, distance, and 
camouflage. Guerrilla raids. The technique of diversion. Expropriation raids. 
Raids on outposts, night activity. 

Political and philosophical preparation for seizure of power. Leninism 

Strategy of singling out the working class and setting it apart or against all 
other classes. 

Strategy of organizing a party out of the disalfected and pauperized intelli- 
gentsia to lead the working class, which particularly in agrarian countries is 
considered unfit to lead itself. 

The concept of party as a political army engaged in constant maneuvering and 
warfare and capable of rapid transformation into an armed miltary force. The 
use of other classes, peasants, middle classes, etc., as strategical allies in the 
capture of power. 

The transition from a party of revolutionary opposition to a party in power. 
Stalin completed that transition by destroying the old party and its principal 
components and creating gradually a new one. 

History of the lator movement 

The concept that the history of society is the history of continuous class 

The concept that authority of government is based on a body of armed men in 
the service of a particular class and that the problem is to create or possess 
oneself of that instrument. 

The history of labor is the history of rebellion against the master class from 
the time of Roman Empire (Spartacus rebellion) to our time. 

The Bolshevik (Leninist) concept of conquering power combines all the best 
out of the experience of the past brought to date. Other movements like the 
Socialists, anarchists, syndicalists, etc., are ailments and deviations surviving 
out of the infantile past. 

Marxian economics 

The theory according to which the workers produce all wealth, receive enough 
only for their minimum sustenance, while all others live off their backs. 

The theory of the inevitable economic exhaustion and decay of capitalism 
through its own greed, and dog-eat-dog conflicts creating a condition for its early 
destruction by the party of the revolution. 

The theory of the abolition of private ownership in the means of production 
and distribution and its replacement by government ownership (state capitalism) 
as a transitory economy on the way to socialism. 

The theory that a one-party monopoly over the government is essential in order 
to guide the masses through this diflicult economic process on the way to 

Marxism as modified by Lenin's strategical formulas and the needs of Stalin's 
policies : 

1. Imperialism is interpreted to suit the strategical purpose of organizing 
rebellion in the colonies against England, France, Japan, and to sublevate (sic) 
Latin America against the United States. 

2. Theory of independence of small nations is strategically utilized to create as 
much division as possible in non-Russian Europe and elsewhere. 

3. Theory of inevitable decay and collapse of empires to create faith in the 
sure victories of national independence movements under Russian inspiration 
and attract them within the orbit of Russian power politics. 

Anything ever written or said by Bolshevik, Socialist, anarchist, liberal, or 
reactionary leaders that could be quoted, interpreted, etc., to substantiate said 
strategical theories and create a fanatical conviction about them is made avail- 
able to the students. 

Case in point : The famous black-belt theory, to sublimate the southern Negro 
with the mirage of "national liberation" and independence. 

Dismemberment and exhaustion of empires aimed at without regard to 
consequences to populations involved. 


subject: Mental Conditionings of Party Members and Workers. — In order 
that civil war can be led into a direction desired by Moscow, a thorough prepa- 
ration is needed; this presupposes the creation of an insurrectionary mentality; 
only those thus mentally enmeshed can mentally charge the masses with the 
opiates necessary. Mental civil war precedes the physical civil war ; to be able 
to shoot mental, and thence physical, bullets is the aim of the philosophical 
training received. 

Textbooks and teachers are conditioned by that purpose. 

Textbooks on curriculum subjects 

Economics — Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, N. Lenin, Malstus, Ricardo, Smith, 
Hieferding etc. 

Politics — Lenin, Stalin, Marx, Bebel, Bernstein, Kautzky, LaSalle, Bismark, 
Bukharin, Backunin, etc. 

Organization — Lenin, Stalin, Piatnitzky, Gussev, Derchinsky, Sverdlov, Piata- 
kov, etc. 

(Note. — Outside of Marx' Capital which most students find difficult to digest 
mentally, the other authors are given in excerpts and parts or heavily criticized. 
Many of the above-mentioned authors, Russian and foreign, have since been 
purged and their books disappeared. If their ideas in part are essential to the 
teaching of the system, other authors have been given the privilege to present 
it as their own. 


Vyacheslav Molotov, head of the university, chairman of the Council of Peo- 
ples Commissars and present (1953) foreign commissar. Also head of Comin- 
tern (Dimitrov being titular head only). Subject: Soviet Politics and Tasks of 
the Comintern. 

Ossip Piatnitzky, organization (former) secretary of the Comintern. Sub- 
ject : Organization Politics of the Comintern. 

Otto Kuusinen, active politico of the presidium of the Comintern- Recently 
head of the provisional government set up by Stalin during the Finnish in- 
vasion. Subject : Politics and Strategy of the Comintern. 

S. Losovsky, head of the trade-union department of the Comintern and assist- 
ant foreign commissar. Subject: Trade Union Politics of the Comintern. 

(Note. — These are only the most prominent of the teachers at the Lenin 
University, the routine staff used to consist of Rudasz, Mingulin, Kirsienova, 
etc. All the heads of Comintern departments teach there, like Vasiliev, Ercoli, 
Petrovsky, etc.) 

P.S. — This outline as to what is taught at the Lenin School, a political-war- 
fare college, was prepared in 1944 from notes taken at the Lenin School. To 
make it intelligible to Americans, suitable names and illustrations were used. 
The CIO has since cleaned out its Communist-controlled unions and there have 
been other changes. 

/s/ Joseph Z. Koknfedeb. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. On the cliairmaii's order, the hearing is auto- 
matically recessed until tomorrow. 

(Whereupon, at 4 :05 p.m., the committee recessed, to reconvene at 
10 a.m., Friday, June 19, 1959.) 


FRIDAY, JUNE 19, 1959 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 
OF THE Internal Security Act and Other Internal 

Security Laws, of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washirigton, D.G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10:45 a.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska pre- 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di- 
rector of research ; and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Hruska. The committee will come to order. We will con- 
tinue hearings on S. 1689. 

We are fortunate today to have with us one of the leading Members 
of the other body. Dr. Walter H. Judd, Congressman from Minnesota. 

Congressman Judd has a deep interest in this subject and in the 

Dr. Judd, I think you are a coauthor and sponsor thereof. 

Would you take the witness chair here and favor us with such testi- 
mony and such statement as you care to make ? 


Mr. Judd. Thank you very much, Senator. I am one of the co- 
authors in the House. Congressman Herlong and I introduced the 
original bills, H.R. 3880 and H.R. 3881 on the same day last January. 

I apologize, Mr. Chairman, for not being able to be here when 
you opened the hearings the first of the week as I should like to have 
been, but we in the House were working on the mutual security pro- 
gram which is the most important bill that comes out of the Commit- 
tee on Foreign Affairs during the whole session. So I had to be on 
duty over there. 

Senator Hruska. We know of your leading role in that legislative 
place. We are busy on both sides of the Capitol. No apologies are 
necessary, but a note of explanation is always welcome. 

Mr. Judd. I might say for the record, although it is just a personal 
comment, that I am interested in appearing before you because I once 
appeared before your father when he was county superintendent of 
schools in Butler County, Nebr., and he signed my eighth grade 



Senator Hruska. And thereby giving you evidence that you are an 
educated man. 

Mr. JuDD. Superior training, I can assure you. 

Mr. Chairman, there is a lot of things going on in this world. You 
find comments, editorials, and discussions over the television, radio 
about this, that, or the other new thing that is happening. There is a 
shift, allegedly, in the Soviet position at Berlin one day, and then 
a shift in the other direction the next day. People react like a ther- 
mometer, going up with the slightest hint of a so-called thaw and 
being chilled at the closely following evidence of a so-called freeze. 

If there is one conclusion we can draw from this whole cold war 
situation after being in it for these many years, it is this — that the 
more things seem to change, the more they remain the same. Behind 
every one of the apparent changes, there is no fundamental change. 

The first thing that remains the same is the Communist conspiracy. 
Its objective is fixed ; it is world conquest. That does not change, and 
it cannot change unless or until the Communist movement gives up 
communism; that is, until these world revolutionists renounce them- 
selves. Nobody renounces himself or his philosophy of life or his whole 
lif ework, at least not as long as he is winnmg. 

You could no more have communism without this program of world 
conquest than you could have Judaism without the Ten Command- 
ments, or Christianity without the Sermon on the Mount. 

World dominance is the heart of it, and this is one thing our people 
have not been able to realize or believe. 

All these years since 1930 when I was in an area in China under 
the control of the Coimnunists for 8 months, I find myself trying in 
vain to get across one simple idea — that Communists act like Com- 
munists. But our people out of their very decency, do not grasp 
that. They insist that Communists are going to act like nationalists, 
or that they are going to act like capitalists, or like democrats, or even 
like Christians. 

Every day one hears someone say, "Well, I am convinced that the 
interests the Chinese Communists have as Chinese will lead them into 
conflict with the Soviet Union." This view is based on the notion 
that Chinese Communists are first Chinese and secondly Communists, 
or that Russian Communists are first Russian, and secondly Com- 

It is the basic error on our part. Wlien you become a Communist 
you give up your nationalism; you are a world revolutionist. The 
idea that Communists can be first or also, patriots leads us into the 
further error of assuming that a Communist government will operate 
primarily in terms of national interests. 

Our concessions at previous summit conferences, beginning at 
Yalta, were made in all sincerity in the belief that if we satisfied the 
historic national interests of the Soviet Union, that is, a warm water 
port in the Far East, security on its west, etc., that would achieve 
their objectives and we could get an agreement and peace. 

But they are not Russian patriots. They are not working in the 
interest of the Russian people. They are using the Russian people to 
promote the world revolution. 

In China, the Communist regime is making war, first of all, upon 
its own peox^le. It has enslaved 600 million persons. It locks them 


up at niglit and lets them out in the morning to work in the fields, 
only under armed guards. 

Communists also are not capitalists. We are always assuming that 
if we offer them some trade or raw materials or machinery that would 
appeal to us as being advantageous, they will of course, be sensible and 
make concessions to get that trade. 

But they are not capitalists, seeking profits. They are Communists 
dedicated to world revolution. 

Also, they are not democrats. They are not interested in sitting 
down and working out a settlement in a civilized democratic way. 
Why in the world should they want a settlement and an end to the 
situation of tension which they have at last managed to achieve and 
which is made to order for them ? 

They are also not Christians. I don't say this in a critical sense. 
I say it in an analytical sense. We are always projecting into their 
minds our ideas and our values. But they live by their values, not 
ours. If we could just get it through our heads that Conununists 
act like Communists, then we would be prepared to do what is neces- 
sary to get out of our state of apathy. 

It sometimes seems to me that it is almost a hypnotic stagnation 
which can lead to our destruction, not because we are weak, but be- 
cause we are slumbering and we can't bring ourselves to believe the 
truth. We are too decent. 

We don't believe that any group of people could sit down and 
coldly, scientifically, calculatingly reject all the decencies that civilized 
men have worked to develop to govern their intercourse since they 
emerged from the jungle. We have to oppose Communists not be- 
cause they are bad, but because they are Communist. They are not 
bad men; they are good men by their standards. They just have a 
different set of standards. 

This doesn't mean that to deal successfully with them, we have to 
abandon our values. It means that we have to find honorable but 
tough ways to defeat their skillful maneuvers and to present honestly 
and convincingly the things that we believe in, just as effectively as 
they are able dishonestly to present effectively the tilings that they 
believe in. 

Now, if it is true that the Communist conspiracy remains the same 
with respect to its objective, world conquest, it is also true that its 
tactics remain the same. They are completely fluid. Of course that 
is part of the reason for their success. They are hard and tough when 
they have the advantage. They are soft and smiling when we have 
the advantage. This has happened over and over. 

I have sometimes thought that their chief practical weapons are the 
five T's. The first thing they ask for, when we are ahead, is a truce. 

Wlien they were winning at Dien Bien Phu and the French asked 
for a truce, the Communists wouldn't give them even a 24-hour truce 
to evacuate the French wounded. 

When we had the upper hand in Korea, they asked for a truce and 
we promptly gave them 2 years during which they were able to escape 
from their difficult position, regroup and rearm their deteriorating 
forces and build up tremendous defenses in depth so that by the end 
of 2 years' discussions it was impossible for us to resume the hostili- 
ties without prohibitive costs. 


The second is talk. Some say we never lose anything by talking ; 
but we may when dealing with this kind of enemy. It was during 
the 2 years of talk at Panmunjom that they got the H-bomb. It was 
during these 2 years of talk, talk, talk at so-called disarmament con- 
ferences that they got sputnik. Then they said, no more discussions 
on disarmament; and there haven't been any serious ones since that 

The third is trade. Whenever they are in trouble they offer trade. 
We have grabbed the bait several times beginning in 1933. I don't 
think we are going to do that this time, but some of our allies are 
grabbing it, because they are unable to bring themselves to realize that 
this is a mortal conflict and more dangerous than anything any of us 
have been in previously — more dangerous just because it is so different. 

Another tactical weapon is to ask us to trust them. They play upon 
our sportsmanship which tends to make us give them the benefit of the 
doubt. They ask us to trust them even though they have not done one 
thing that justifies such trust. 

Of course, the greatest of all their tactical maneuvers is to play for 
time. We think time is on our side. I am sure it would be on our side 
if we would use it to work in dead earnest ; but time is not on our side 
automatically especially if we just wait while they are working day 
and night. 

Truce, talk, trade, and trust — all in order to gain time. 

So first of all, the more the Communist world conspiracy seems to 
change, the more it remains the same. And it must remain the same. 
It camiot change until Communists renounce communism. 

The second fact that remains the same is that we cannot call this 
cold war off except on their terms — and their terms are surrender. We 
have tried repeatedly and constantly to call it off through negotiations. 
Three summit conferences were held under three Presidents. It was 
in vain. For we cannot call it off except on their terms — and their 
terms are surrender. 

Now, the surrender must not necessarily be all at once. They are 
quite willing to take it city by city and island by island, position by 
position, principle by principle. And they don't demand that we sur- 
render under the name of "surrender." They know that would be too 
difficult, so they are perfectly willing to take our surrender under some 
other name, such as disengagement, or a realistic readjustment, or a 
new approach. 

I haven't yet seen any new approach suggested that didn't amount to 
another surrender. 

If a football team is doing badly on the 40-yard line, it might say, 
"Let's have a realistic readjustment on the 30-yard line," but it is 
still a retreat. 

A third thing that remains the same is that we haven't been winning 
in this cold war because we haven't been trying to win. 

We are just like a football team that stands on its 40-yard line and 
says, "If you try to come through us, we are going to resist you ; but 
we want to liave good relations with you, so we tell you in advance 
that if one of your men should fumble the ball, we'll never grab it and 
run to your goal line." 

This is why the Communists want more and more conferences. 
There is nothing for them to lose. We have told them in advance that 


we aren't going to try to win, so they can go to a conference with com- 
plete confidence. They can't lose, and they can win eventually if we 
don't do anything except defend. One of their plays will one day 
break through. In contrast, we can't win, because we are not trying 
to win, and we can lose. 

We go to a conference and our maximum is just to maintain the 
status quo — please just be nice and leave Berlin as it is. 

The status quo is their minimum. Their maximum is a touchdown, 
or at least a first down. If they don't succeed in gaining some ground, 
well, at least they won't lose any. We are happy if they just leave 
things as they are until they can devise the next probe. 

Mr. Chairman, nobody has ever yet won a struggle, military or 
otherwise, by being only on the defensive and announcing ahead of 
time that he is not trying to win. 

Wliy haven't we tried to win ? 

A basic reason is this: We have assumed in our typical American 
self-assurance that if we can just avoid a shooting war, we, of course, 
will win any other kind of war. 

We assume we will win any economic war, for example. Well, are 
we so sure ? 

We, of course, will always be ahead scientifically. We didn't argue 
that or try to prove it. We just took it for granted. But the facts 
won't support the assumption. 

We, of course, would always be ahead educationally. I was im- 
pressed a year ago, at commencement in one of the large high schools 
in my city in Minnesota with over 400 seniors graduating, to observe 
that the top 5 honor students all came to this country from displaced 
persons camps since the end of the war. 

Wliat's the reason ? Are they smarter than the native-born young- 
sters of Minnesota. Of course not. They appreciate America, and 
they work harder. 

We unquestionably can win the educational struggle if we have the 
will; but if the chief objective of a people is enjoyment rather than 
hard, stern self-discipline, including the intellectual disciplines of 
studying our enemy and studying ourselves and working out effective 
means of winning for the things we believe in, then the other folks 
will win just because they work harder. 

Another thing that we are assuming just now is that if we can 
arrange a greater exchange of persons, so that their people and ours 
can "understand" each other better, we, of course, will gain in any 
such interchange. 

Although that could be the result if we have the will to make it so, 
I don't think that it necessarily follows. First, because there is not 
a real interchange. Who goes over from our side? If it's a farm 
group, whatever farmer wants to go. He may be merely curious and 
like to go see. He is not trained in dialectics. Very few Americans 
have thought out and can sta:te convincingly just why they believe 
what they believe. 

Put them in a contest with the trained agitator who has learned 
dictated answers and our American is all but helpless. He is not 
articulate. He hasn't thought it through in precise phases. 

So we allow any farmers to go over who want to go. Who comes 
over from their side? Only those are allowed to come that are 


trained and tested — persons whom they are sure of and who know 
how to be convincing in presenting their side. 

We allow journalists to go over to get information. They send 
over agents to win victories. 

We have our professors and clergymen going over as they wish. 
They send over agents. 

We have Congressmen and Senators going over. The officials that 
come from their side are agents — from Mikoyan down. 

It just does not follow that the better system will overcome the 
worse, unless the spokesmen for the better are better trained. 

We don't say, Never mind about the few rotton apples ; bring them 
in amongst the many good apples. The good apples will prevail over 
the rotten apples. We know that it is the other way around. 

We don't say that it is cruel to quarantine people with TB, small- 
pox, et cetera. They ought to be brought m among the healthy. 
How can the diseased become well unless they circulate amongst the 
healthy? Rather, we know that the diseased will prevail over the 
healthy unless precautions are taken to protect the healthy from the 

We don't say, "Don't worry about an unsound currency or a bad 
economic system. Let it associate with ours. Ours is sounder and 
stronger. Ours will prevail over theirs." But almost the first law 
of economics is that bad money drives out good. It is the other 
way around. 

We can win these interchanges if we are awake and alert and trained, 
and have worked out our philosophy so that we can present it, and 
have an organizational setup which will enable us to mobilize the full 
strength we really have — intellectual, political, moral, economic — as 
well as military. Only if we mobilize all of them can we be ade- 
quately effective. 

It seems to me, therefore, Mr. Chairman, that we are not winning 
this cold war as yet because, first, we haven't taken the trouble to 
understand this adversary. We haven't recognized that his science 
of winning is exactly by the same methods that we use to win in 
football — that is, power and deception. 

If you have enough power, you go through the line ; but if you don't 
have enough power, then you revert to deception — trick plays, forward 
passes, reverses, and the rest. 

A good quarterback is chosen not because he is a crooked or evil 
person. He is chosen because, after training, he is skillful at deceiving 
the other team's players, diverting their attention, confusing them. 
Likewise, the top man in any Communist organization is there because 
he is the most skillful deceiver. If they haven't the power to drive 
through Turkey, they shoot a forward pass over Turkey to Egypt, et 

They do what any good quarterback or good pitcher on a baseball 
team does — he mixes up his plays. The pitcher throws his fast ball, 
and then a slow one, and then his curve and then his sinker or what- 
ever he has. We don't get confused by that. We don't assume that 
when he throws a fast ball, all the rest will also be fast balls. We 
know he mixes them up in order to win. 

This is just what any intelligent Communist leader does. He mixes 
up his tough threats and his soft smiles. The smile does not mean 


any thaw or the slightest change in policy. It means he is a smart 
quarterback, intent on winning the game — the world. Yet we insist 
on believing that because our system, our society, is better than theirs, 
it will win out without any feints or diversions on our part, without 
any deviousness, if you wish. Rather, we too must master these 
techniques if we are to deal successfully with this kind of an enemy 
whose primary tactic is not straightforwardness and winning by 
merit, but winning by deception. 

We are good poker players. We are good football players. But 
in the biggest contest in which we have ever been engaged, not by 
choice but by necessity, we are inclined to think that just by being 
straightforward and open and honest, without much skill, we will 

Unfortunately, much of history is the story of better civilizations 
being overcome by poorer civilizations, when the better civilizations 
were not as alert and dedicated and willing to work as hard and as 
intelligently as the poorer. 

I think it was Toynbee who said, "Whenever the frontier between 
two civilizations stands still, time always works in the barbarians' 
faA^or." ^Vliy? Because they work harder and to win. They know 
what they want. They have more drive, and they are on the oli'ensive. 

May I impose upon the committee to read a quotation from Demos- 
thenes, supposedly the greatest orator of history. He tried in vain 
to awaken the people of Athens to a threat they faced. They were at 
the peak of their power ; the whole world beat a path to Athens ; it led 
the world as perhaps no civilization has ever excelled in history. It 
led in philosophy, science, education, medicine, mathematics, culture, 
art, literature, whatever you can name. 

Let me quote a few sentences from Demosthenes' warnings. You 
remember his greatest speeches were called the Philippics. 'Wliy were 
they called the Philippics ? Because he was warning his people about 
a man named Philip who was picking up the outposts in neighboring 
Macedonia — ^the equivalent of Quemoy or Iraq or Cuba today. 
Demosthenes was urging that if the Athenians allowed this barbarian 
to pick up the outposts, one day he would knock at the door of 
Athens and Athens would go down not because it was weak, but be- 
cause it had lost the will to resist. 

Demosthenes failed. It was not Philip, but his son Alexander did 
take Athens, its civilization was destroyecl and has never been recon- 
structed 2,300 years later. 

Demosthenes said (and one can well substitute Khrushchev for 
Philip and the United States of America for Athens) , "Do not believe 
that his present power is fixed and unchangeable like that of a god. 
No, men of Athens, he is a mark for the hatred and fear even of those 
who now seem devoted to him. One must assume that even his ad- 
herents are subject to the same passions of any other men." 

Demosthenes was saying there were great forces against Philip 
in his own area, if the Athenians would hold him in check. He was 
not strong but, rather, weak because of his tyrannies. If the 
Athenians would wake up to the situation, they and the peoples con- 
quered by him could clef eat him. 

42731—59 9 


In present day terms, the communes in China are not an evidence 
of Communist strength there, but of incredible Communist wealaiess. 
If the people of a country are enthusiastically supporting their gov- 
ernment, they don't have to be locked up every night and be denied 
the opportunity to live as families, or allowed to work in the fields 
except under armed guards. There are terrible weaknesses in the 
Communist regime in China. 

Demosthenes warned that they had to take advantage of such 
weakness. He said : 

At present, however all these feelings — 

compare this with behind the Iron Curtain- — 

are repressed and have no outlet, thanks to your indolence and apathy which I 
urge you to throw off at once. For observe, Athenians, the height to which the 
fellow's insolence has soared. He leaves you no choice of action or inaction. 
He blusters and talks big according to all accounts. Pie cannot rest content 
with what he has conquered. He is always taking in more, everywhere casting 
his net around us, while we sit idle and do nothing. 

You take your marching orders from him. You have never framed any plan 
of campaign for yourselves. You have never foreseen any event until you 
learned that something has happened or is happening. All this was once per- 
haps permissible. Now things have come to a crisis, so it is no longer in your 

It seems to me, Athenians, as if some god out of very shame for the conduct 
of our city, had inspired Philip with this activity. For if he did nothing more, 
but were willing to rest satisfied with what he has already captured and sub- 
dued, I believe some of you would be quite content with what must bring the 
deepest disgrace upon us and brand us as a nation of cowards. 

Yet, I find people urging us to follow the same course today as 
Athens followed then — to its doom. 

If we can just get the Communists, they argue, to be content with 
the 900 million they already have enslaved and leave the rest of us 
alone, it will be all right with us. We haven't understood our enemy 
and, perhaps, just as bad, we haven't understood ourselves. We 
haven't appreciated the power, the liberating force, the dynamism, 
that are in our philosophy, our life, and our system. 

If we will come to understand these and release them, mobilize 
them, organize them so that they can work in the world, we will win. 

Well, Mr. Chainnan, I didn't intend to talk so much about the 
background, but it seemed worth doing because we are in the greatest 
struggle of all the history of man on this planet, and these are the 
fundamentals. There have always been conflicts and always will be, 
but this time every culture, every civilization, every continent, every 
country, every people is involved. It is total conflict, not only geo- 
j^raphically, but in the sense that it involves every aspect of our 
lives — our economy, our politics, our military strength, our educa- 
tional system, the psychological reactions of individuals to their en- 
vironment, the forces for them and the forces against them. 

So what do we have to do ? 

First of all we have to know our enemy ; and, second, we have to 
know ourselves. 

Wliat is required if we are to know our enemy ? I think we have 
to develop a more systematic study of his objectives, his tactics, his 
strategj% and then we have to develop a science for counteracting 
them. He has a science by which he continues to expand his poAver. 
We have to develop a science whereby we can successfully counteract 


that. We have to develop first a science of defense against this type 
of enemy ; and second a science of offense for our own system. The 
purpose of this bill is to try to fill in a void between former types of 
warfare and this total warfare. It is a gap that somehow we have 
left empty, not by intention, but by default. 

We have strong forces for conducting conventional conflicts. I 
think our diplomatic corps is as competent today as it has ever been 
in our history, if not more so. It is skilled in the traditional methods 
of handling international problems. But the Communists use a 
whole series of unorthodox, unconventional methods that we haven't 
studied adequately. We have powerful military forces. But, in a 
sense, we are like Braddock and his redcoats who came to this coun- 
try to fight American Indians as if the Indians would fight accord- 
ing to the European codes of chivalry, the codes of the knights of 
King Arthur's roundtable. The redcoats insisted on fighting the way 
they had been trained to fight in Europe. 

You know, the two sides put on different colored uniforms so each 
would know which were the proper targets to shoot at. Then they 
lined up and shot at each other. 

Braddock's redcoats were being badly defeated, but fortunately he 
had with him a man named Washington and a bunch of scouts who 
didn't know much about traditional warfare in Europe, but they un- 
derstood the American Indian and did not hesitate to get down 
behind the fences and trees and fire from ambush. That was dis- 
graceful for a knight in armor from Europe, but that was the way 
the Indian fought and the scouts saved the day. 

To begin this task of knowing our enemy and knowing ourselves, 
this bill sets up, as you know, a Freedom Commission. 

I am not going into the details because I know that has been han- 
dled in previous testimony. 

It is a Commission of seven outstanding citizens, not under the 
Pentagon, not under the State Department, not bogged down or 
smothered in the usual bureaucracy carrying on things as usual in 
the conventional pattern, but a separate organization in the executive 
branch, to study this adversary intensively and to develop systematic 
laiowledge regarding its methods and its procedures. 

Second, it is to develop a program for meeting the Communist of- 
fensives with an adequate defense, and then to develop an appropriate 

In short, we have to develop a science of total warfare. Somebody 
has to do that and I believe this Freedom Commission will do it. It 
should work out for this new kind of total warfare a science such as 
Clausewitz and others developed for conventional warfare, the rules, 
the principles of war as fought in the past. 

The Freedom Commission at that point, I think, will want to estab- 
lish a freedom academy. 

We don't say it has to, but we say it is authorized to do so, if its 
study leads it to conclude that this is an advantageous thing to do. 

We wouldn't try to win a land war without a West Point to train 
our warriors in the science of land warfare. We wouldn't try to win 
a naval war without the Naval Academy to train officers in the science 
of naval warfare. When airplanes were developed and Ave developed 
sky warfare, we didn't trust the old Academies, we established a third 


Academy at Colorado Springs, to train officers in the science of war- 
fare in the skies. 

How do we expect to meet snccessfnlly an enemy that is attacking 
us on all sorts of unexpected fronts, unless we have somewhere a 
^roup of topnotch people, the most competent in our country, work- 
ing to develop the science of meeting today's enemy in his new kind 
of total warfare and overcoming him ^ 

A science of defense, that is first. A science of successful counter- 
offensive is second. Third, in order to know ourselves as thoroughly 
as we know the enemy, I would hope that this Commission and this 
Academy would have a section concentrating on how to develop, re- 
lease, and rise to the pull of the dynamic forces that are inherent in 
freedom. We have to know how to win for our faith as well as to 
prevent the other side's winning for its faith. 

The Communists are in trouble behind the Iron Curtain. The urge 
of men to be free is moving mightily in the world once more; not so 
much in the free world where we still enjoy freedom and don't quite 
realize that it is threatened, but behind the Iron Curtain where people 
have been deprived of it. The urge of men to be free has not been 
exterminated there through environmental conditioning. Man is 
proving wrong the Connnunist theoiy that he is just like Pavlov's 
dogs and if taken early can be conditioned to accept his environment 
and react according to tlie conditioning with an automatic "yes" or 

We believe that man was bom to be free, and that he has the in- 
born capacity to make moral judgments. This is our faith. If we 
don't believe this, then we ought to join the Communists. If we do 
believe it, then we ought to take full advantage of it. This urge of 
man to be free is in his nature, it is inalienable, as our Declaration 
puts it, and unextractable from his nature. 

Because men were bom to be free and to stand with dignity, they 
have always managed to pull down their oppressors; and men now 
will find a way to weaken from within and pull down the present 
tyrants who oppress them and threatens us, if only we don't build 
those tyrants up, and if we will give hope to the peoples behind the 
Iron Curtain by proving to them that we will not let them down. 

I hope very much, Mr. Chairman, that your committee will regard 
this project as one of the most important things that can possibly 
be done at this time. 

Thirty-nine billion dollars we have appropriated for our conven- 
tional defenses. Yesterday in the House, we authorized almost $3.6 
billion to help our allies and all peoples who are free to remain free, 
because if they are able to maintain their independence, if they are 
able to keep their countries out of the control of the adversary, no 
matter how much they may dislike us, that is of gi-eat advantage to us 
and to other free peoples, as well as to themselves. 

We are making these tremendous efforts to build our own strength 
and to build strengtli among all free peoples in the world, and yet 
we are making almost no effort at all in the one area where we are 
losing, the weak spot in the line where the adversary comes through. 

We ought to concentrate on finding ways to plug that hole in our 
lines as the first step, and then to develop a strategy of victory, a sci- 
ence, and to train our people in it. We need to organize systemati- 


cally SO that we can take advantage of the forces in the universe that 
are on onr side, can release them and move on to defeat of this new 
kind of adversary, and thus give human beings a chance once more 
to enjoy the blessings of liberty and the peace that will come only as 
a result of such freedom and justice and good relations among peoples 
in the world, 

I have talked in overall general terms today because the great thing 
that we need is the urge, the will, to find the way. 

We haven't had it in the past because we didn't quite see that it was 
necessary. And where there is no will, there is no way. But if we 
can somehow wake up to the urgency of our peril, I have no slightest 
doubt about our capacity to find a way. And I know no better way 
to start than to set up a specialized agency for this purpose as we 
always do in our Government when a new problem or a new oppor- 
tunity or a new weapon or what have you comes along. 

We discovered radio and TV and we set up the Federal Com- 
munications Commission, a specialized agency to deal with it. 

We discovered atomic energy and we set up the Atomic Energy 
Commission, a specialized agency to deal with this new force. 

Men find a way to send missiles into outer space and we set up 
special committees of the Congress and a special space commission to 
deal with this problem. 

How does it happen that when everything we have is threatened 
by the most dangerous menace of our history, we haven't yet grappled 
intelligently and in dead earnest with it, or established a specialized 
agency to meet the threat ? 

Let's know our enemy, how to check his moves, and mount a suc- 
cessful counteroffensive against them. 

Let's know ourselves and how to mobilize the powerful forces that 
are on our side. Let's establish a specialized agency to train people — 
both governmental officials and selected civilians — in the science of 
total warfare, so that we can win and live. 

If I have talked too long, I apologize, Mr. Chairman, but I feel 
very deeply on this subject, I don't want us to go the way of Athens. 

It is too bad for such a beautiful and blessed country as this to be 
in such danger of following the 20 civilizations before us that have 
gone to their doom. It is too bad if we are so busy with other things 
and too decent in our dedication to the finest values that our civiliza- 
tion has developed that we allow it to drift into such mortal dangers 
as we face today. 

I shall be glad to answer any questions, if I can. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you, Dr. Judd. You have certainly sup- 
plemented and complemented the background remarks of your col- 
league. Congressman Herlong, who testified day before yesterday on 
this same subject and pretty much in the same area in which you did, 
laying the gromidwork for the proposals made in the bill. 

There is one thing that has been canvassed somewhat here before the 
committee by other conmiittees. I am sure that it will ring a fa- 
miliar note in your mind and the committee would be interested, I 
am sure, in any comment you might have on it. 

After all, we have witnessed in America the infiltration of many 
of our institutions of thinking and of business and of training and 
education — yes, even our religious institutions — the infiltration of 


some of the very thinking that you have been criticizing and con- 
demning so much as having for its purpose, the conquest of the 

We know that in our educational institutions we have witnessed 
that thing. We have witnessed those people who say that after all 
the Communists are just another political party. 

Secondly, they resent it when people seek to deal sternly with the 

Also, there are those who point out and say, "Well, they are different 
now, they are smiling, they are trying to coexist." 

How can we assure ourselves, Dr. Judd, that maybe even this Free- 
dom Academy, if it is established, will not sooner or later find ter- 
mites in it, or maybe even be taken over by the termites who are 
burrowing so deeply and so destructively in so many of our other 
institutions ? 

Mr. Judd. There is no assurance, sir, except through eternal vigi- 
lance. We can be sure that if we set up such a commission, this will 
be its No. 1 target. 

Senator Hruska. Exactly. 

Representative Judd. They would be foolish not to try to take it 

That isn't a nasty charge against them ; that is a compliment. They 
have sense enough to know where the centers of power are. 

You say they have infiltrated even our religious organizations. 
They are a primary target. Where else is there such an advantageous 
place to get in and work on the outside without suspicion, as in the 
churches ? 

A fellow said to me the other day, "Wliy would a minister become 
a Communist?" I said, "Ministers don't become Communists. Com- 
munists become ministers." They have been at this for 40 years. 
Years ago they assigned their smartest boys to go into the seminaries. 
It was their mission to get in where they could have greatest influence 
and be least suspect. 

Likewise, college professors don't become Communists ; Communists 
become college professors. Congressmen don't become Communists; 
Communists try to become Congressmen if they can fool enough peo- 
ple into supporting them. 

I was in China when they took over China. They didn't talk about 
communism. They talked about Chinese nationalism. They talked 
about liberation of people from poverty and disease, and what they 
called medieval feudalism. They promised whatever they found the 
people wanted. They appeared to be fighting for the Chinese and 
their human aspirations, and they took the country over for the 
Communist Party. 

Almost nobody would go with them if they came out openly and 
said, "Please join our party." One of the errors we often make is 
to assume that the Communist Party is a bona fide political party like 
the Republican and Democratic Parties, each tiying to get 51 
percent of the voters to join it. No, no ; the Communists don't want 
51 percent of the voters as members. They would have as mucli 
trouble as the Democrats or Republicans have when they get that 
many ; they would quarrel among themselves. They don't want more 


than 2 or 3 or 4 percent. They are always weeding out any fringe 
beyond that. It may not be completely reliable. 

They have developed into practically an exact science techniques 
whereby the 2 percent that is disciplined and trained can control the 
other 98 percent. And they are doing it today in several countries. 

In the end, I am sure it will break down, but not perhaps until after 
we have been overcome. So we must exercise eternal vigilance. 

A new organization usually can stay clean for a while. _ Perhaps 
I shouldn't say this, but one reason we need this new agency is because 
some of the older organizations have gotten into inflexible grooves. 
Their 11th commandment is, "Thou shalt not upset the applecart." 
That becomes a rule in all the traditional agencies. 

In Washington, the way we get ahead is by seniority, or as some 
people call it, senility. The way to get enough seniority to get ahead 
under that rule is never to make any enemies. What is the way not 
to make enemies ? Never have an idea. 

If you have a good idea, you will offend your superior. It reflects 
on him. Why didn't he think of it first ? 

If it is a bad idea, it reflects on him also. He has such an incompe- 
tent as an underling. 

So in either case, you don't win favor with your superiors in any 
routinized organization by having ideas. 

To get the fresh ideas and methods, we need to deal with our present 
world situation ; we need a new agency. If, after 10 years,^ it becomes 
either infiltrated or frozen then we will have to do something else. 

This enemy has all the tricks that there are, and I can give no guar- 
antee that the thing might not become infiltrated. The representa- 
tives of the people in this Congress would have to watch for that. 
By and large, we are close to the realities, perhaps closer than any other 
group. Furthermore, we don't become too bureaucratized here be- 
cause our tenure is too micertain. We can all be changed very quickly. 
There are no civil service laws that protect us. We can't appeal to 
any bureau to keep us in office. We have to go back to the peoj)le and 
lay it on the line. That keeps us on our toes. 

I don't think we can refuse to take a step that is good, just because 
it has some possible dangers. 

Let me use an analogy. I wish sometimes more men in public life 
had had surgical training. I spent 19 years in the practice of surgery. 
Every day doctors have to make difficult choices between courses 
which both have dangers. Every time we operate, we are taking a 
life into our hands and the patient may die. Some may say we 
shouldn't operate because of the risk of the operation and, if the 
patient dies, we are responsible. But not to operate allows the cancer 
to go ahead, and we know that will kill the patient. 

A cancer grows by the lawless process of encroaching on tissues 
that don't belong to it. That is also the best description I know of 
communism — it grows lawlessly by encroaching on countries and in- 
terests that don't belong to it. 

"VMien we see in a microscope even a few cells growing lawlessly, 
we don't say we should wait and see if it spreads. Y/e know it will 
spread. It cannot change its character. We have to cut it out or 
cut off its blood supply so it can't grow. There are risks in that 


operation. The liiisband says, You say my wife must have her breast 
removed because of that lump, but. Doctor, that is cruel. That is 
mutilating. It is bloody. Maybe she will get an infection, or have 
a hemorrhage, and die. 

We say, Yes, that is right. There is risk if we operate, but there 
is also hope. If we don't operate, there is far greater risk and no 
hope. Therefore we operate. 

Some will die, but the largest percentage will not. We save a gi-eat 
many more tlian we lose and for us to refuse the lesser risk, because 
of the possible death, is to accept the greater risk of certain death. 
It seems to me that is not a wise course to follow. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Sourwine, have you any questions ? 

Mr. Sourwine. I have one or two, Mr. Chairman. 

Isn't it true, sir, that it is one of the objectives of the Communist 
conspiracy to seek to create in the minds of not only our people but 
peoples of all the free countries a concept of communism with the 
very objective of paralyzing any action that might otherwise be 
taken ? 

Mr. JuDD. There is no question about that. That is as true of the 
Communists as it was true of Philip when Demosthenes was talking 
about that very point. 

It is one of their most effective appeals amongst the so-called less 
developed peoples. I have spent endless hours talking to Communists. 
Everyone of them was perfectly certain that they are going to win, 
as certain as I am that the sun is going to rise tomorrow. 

They look at us with astonishment that we don't accept it too. To 
them this is not a dogma. They think Karl Marx discovered a law. 
The same as Newton when the apple hit him on the head is supposed in 
a flash of insight to have discovered the law of gravity, so Karl Marx — 
they will tell you — pouring over the history books in the library of 
the British Museum, noticed a consistent pattern in history, and in a 
flash of insight perceived the law by which societies develop. People 
went along for centuries without change, and then a new idea came 
along, an upward thrust — thesis they call it. The status quo resisted — 
antithesis. The pressures built up until there was an explosion, with 
violence, revolution, bloodshed, destruction. But out of it came a 
new pattern — synthesis — and man moved ahead. We believe that so- 
cieties usually develop by gradual change or evolution — the leaven 
process. Karl Marx said it isn't so. Why are we so stupid as not to 
see that history develops by a series of explosions ? You sit and talk 
to them by the hour and they are so sure of it. They can point to so 
much of history which on superficial examination seems to support 
their position. They make you wonder. 

I tell you it made me proud of my country's basic educational sys- 
tem that there were only 23 of our boys that succumbed to this kind 
of brainwashing in Korea. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Judd, you spoke of the parallel between an 
operation for cancer and the attack on tlie Communist conspiracy. 
This really has nothing to do with the bill, but I would like to take 
this opportunity to ask you when a su]:'geon operates for cancer, is he 


content to remove the cancer or does he consider it important to re- 
move the surrounding pink tissue ? 

Mr. JuDD. Yes, he has to take some normal tissue also if he wants 
to be sure of getting all the disease process. There are times in cancer 
when you can't operate. It is too late. When some one now sug- 
gests a preventive war, we must recognize that such a point has 
already been passed. 

No. 1, we were not logical enough to do it when it could have 
succeeded. No. 2, we were not savage enough to do it. No. 3, it is now 
too late. We don't have sufficient superiority to do it. I bowed that 
course out a long time ago. We aren't that kind of people. 

Furthermore, we would probably destroy the patient whom we are 
trying to save if we started it. We are reduced to the other course 
that surgeons use. We try to cut off the blood supply to i:)revent further 
spread, we cut its channels of communications even though we can't 
operate to remove the whole cancer. 

It doesn't mean we are helpless. We have to do what we can do. We 
are not without weapons, by any means. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Sir, witnesses here have referred to this bill as a 
conventional declaration of cold war, at least for the first time we have 
a legislative recognition that we are in a cold war and a legislative 
directive to fight that cold war. 

Do you see it that way ? 

Mr. JuDD. Yes, I a2:ree with that. The Communists have an addi- 
tional weapon in that they know they are at war with us, but we don't 
realize we are at war with them; and therefore we aren't willing to 
do the things necessary to win, the things that we would do if we 
realized we are at war. 

We disarm ourselves psychologically, again because of our decencies, 
I feel strongly that our people will do whatever is necessary once 
they see we are in a war. And as I said earlier, this is a much more 
dangerous war than we have ever been in before, partly because it 
doesn't look like a war and therefore, we don't mobilize our full 
strength and discipline ourselves and galvanize ourselves into action 
to do the job that is necessary. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Sir, do you see the freedom commission that would 
be established under this bill as an operating agency? 

Mr. JuDD. Not primarily, at least not at the begimiing. I think it 
might develop into one, but I would begin with the first task of devel- 
oping a total plan and see how we go along. 

I don't think we can win without a blueprint for total warfare; 
but I don't think anybody is likely to come up witli such a blueprint 
unless somebody is set apart and commissioned to do just that. 

Primarily, the first job is to analyze the enemy and systematize 
our knowledge with respect to him, analyze the forces on our side that 
can be used against him, systematically develop a science of total 
warfare, and then enlighten, alert, and train our people so they can 
and will apply that science successfully. 

The amateur will always lose against the professional. I want 
professionals on our side. We have the better cause, but we are not 
professional in the presentation and advancement of it. 


They have the poorer cause, but they are professionals in making 
their lies look good. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This bill contains no amount on the particular 
authorization or appropriation. 

Have you given any consideration to what might be the minimum 
cost to set up the freedom academy and operate it for 3 years ? 

Mr. JuDD. No, but it wouldn't be a substantial cost in comparison 
with what we are spending to fight the war on the old fronts where 
we don't even get at this enemy. 

I would think that in the first few years its budget couldn't con- 
ceivably get beyond $5 million and that figure is just picked out of 
my head. 

I would expect it to be less. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. There have been several questions of witnesses about 
cost. I have been waiting for some witness to say we need this, we 
must have it, it doesn't make any difference what it cost. 

Mr. JuDD. I will say that without hesitation. But you asked me 
what it would cost in the early stages. The need to spend whatever 
it takes is implicit in what I said earlier. We are spending $39 
billion for our own Armed Forces and we appropriated $3.6 billion 
yesterday to help our allies with the bases and other facilities essential 
to our militarj^ defense. I don't see how we can choke on a figure 
only a tiny fraction of that, and I think we can afi'ord it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. No more questions. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you very much, Dr. Judd, for coming. 
You have added a great deal to our record. 

Our next witness is Mr. Herbert A. Philbrick. 

Mr. Philbrick, will you please come forward and take the witness 
chair. Have you copies of your statement ? 


Mr. Philbrick. I have copies of my statement, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Hruska. You may proceed. We are glad to have you with 

Mr. Philbrick. Thank you. Senator. I wish to express my appre- 
ciation for the opportunity afforded me to testify before this committee 
in favor of the Mundt-Douglas bill to create the Freedom Commission. 

Senator Hruska. In reality, Mr. Philbrick, it is a return engage- 
ment for you. You have been before congressional committees before. 

Mr. Philbrick. It has been my opportunity and privilege to testify 
before this very committee several times before. 

In fact, it is largely that testimony and some of the information 
which I have given this committee that has led me to support this bill. 

That testimony concerned some of the things that I learned inside 
the Communist Party while serving as a counterspy for the FBI.^ 

I know that, in the course of that testimony, I related that my entire 
experieiice with the Communist Party — and the FBI — began \yhen I 
joined a supposedly legitimate group in Cambridge, Mass., in the 
spring of 1940, only to learn — after I had joined it — that the group 
was, in fact, a Communist- front organization. 


I further testified that my own lack of information and knowl- 
edge concerning communism played a major part in the success of 
the Communists duping me into joining one of their phony organ- 

I further related, in my testimony before this committee, that be- 
tween 300 and 400 other young people in Cambridge, Mass.— decent 
young people— were similarly victimized by the Communist criminal 
conspiracy, and that they, too, were victimized by ignorance. 

Over the years that I worked as an informant for the FBI, I was 
appalled to observe, over and over again, how easily the Communists 
were able to dupe, to victimize, to fool innocent individuals. One 
of the documents prepared by the House Committee on Un-Amer- 
ican Activities, entitled "Guide to Subversive Organizations and Pub- 
lications," provides evidence of the incredible success the Commu- 
nists have had in an obviously well-planned, well-directed, and well- 
operated campaign of deception. 

If the lack of information on the part of the American people 
has served to make them tools of Soviet agents, and if this had 
occurred on a civilian level only, this would have been bad enough. 
I believe that the record shows, however, that Americans who have 
gone into Government service have carried with them the same lack 
of information, and knowledge, concerning the Communist apparatus. 

This has been borne out by experts better qualified to speak than 
I. The recent book by Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer "Wedemeyer 
Reports," cites a number of appalling errors of judgment on the part 
of Government leaders. 

Ralph De Toledano, noted newswriter, indicated in his book, pub- 
lished in 1952 by Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, "Spies, Dupes, and Diplo- 
mats," that these errors of judgment had been taking place over a 
long period of time. 

Robert Morris, former chief counsel of this committee, in his ex- 
cellent book, "No Wonder We Are Losing," also cites a number of 
disastrous errore in judgment. 

I think that it is high time that we Americans, all of us, frank- 
ly and humbly admit that, for a long time, we have made a series 
of disastrous and far-reaching mistakes. I believe that when the 
history of this period of time is written, it will be recorded that 
the Soviet Empire has won major victories, not because of any par- 
ticular brillance on the part of Com.munist action, but largely be- 
cause of the inaction or wrong actions on the part of the U.S. Gov- 
ernment and people. 

All of these things, I believe, point to the great need for the pro- 
posed Freedom Commission, and the Freedom Academy, for the de- 
velopment of the science of counteraction to the World Commu- 
nist conspiracy, and for the training and development of leaders in 
this, a total political war. 

I can further testify to the needs for the Freedom Commission 
on the basis of my many contacts with the American people through- 
out the United States. For the past few years, I have lectured wide- 
ly, in every State of the Union. Everywhere I go, I find people 
anxiously asking for information, what to do. 


In Oklahoma City, last fall, I spoke to over 12,000 schoolteachers, 
members of the Oklahoma Education Association at their annual con- 
vention. After the lecture, many of the teachers came to the platform 
to tell me that in the entire State of Oklahoma, not one single solitary 
textbook was available for them to use for the instruction of their 
students concerning the most rudimentary facts about communism. 

Many of the teachers told me that they were, on their own time, and 
using their own money, gathering together whatever material they 
could find, in order that they might bring some small amomit of in- 
formation to their students. They asked me: "Where can we get 
inf oiTiiation ? What can we tell our students to do ? " 

It has been suggested by some — and I agree wholeheartedly with 
them — that it would be better if private groups would do the job of 
the Freedom Commission, rather than the Government. But the fact 
is, the job is not being done. 

Only last week I received a letter from a student at Harvard Uni- 
versity, He asked me several questions concerning communism, and 
then he said, and I quote : 

I do not have suflBcient information to enable me to form an intelligent 

It seems incredible that, at this time in world history, with not 
only our Nation but all the remaining nations of the free world fac- 
ing a ruthless and deadly enemy ; at a time when every newspaper in 
the United States every day carries stories concerning this enemy in 
its headlines; when not a single major radio program is heard or 
television newscast is seen without some mention of the Communist 
gangsters; at a time when not a single major magazine in the country 
does not carry some mention of the struggle over and over again ; at 
this very time when the entire future of our Nation, our lives, and 
our fortunes are at stake — at this time, a student at a leading Ameri- 
can university can say, "I do not have enough information to form 
an intelligent opinion." 

I do not cite this instance to imply or suggest in any way sub- 
versive intent on the part of Harvard University, but only to indi- 
cate that apparently the youth of Cambridge today are no better in- 
formed than the youth who were victimized, along with myself, 20 
years ago. 

Harry and Bonaro Overstreet, the esteemed writers of many best 
sellers, said recently in their latest book, "Wliat We Must Know 
About Communism" : 

The problems that harass our country today in relation to communism can 
best be summed up as problems of our unreadiness * * * The time has come when 
each of us is obligated to study the character of this new force which claims the 
human future as its own, and to convert such knowledge into an awareness of 
what is at stake and what needs to be done. 

In the face of our own unreadiness, what has the enemy been doing ? 

It has again been a matter of my own testimony before this com- 
mittee that when I joined the Young Communist League for the FBI, 
I was astonished by the great skill and knowledge of the Communist 
instructors who came into our cell meetings. Tliese people were 

I quickly revised my previous estimation of Communists as half- 
witted, unkempt radicals. Over the years I observed that these people 


were experts ; they knew what they were doing ; they knew what they 
wanted ; and they had elaborately and meticulously jDlanned each step 
in their campaign. Over the years I have constantly tried to warn 
our people, ''Don't underestimate the Communists." It is not that 
they are any smarter ; it is only that they work harder at it. 

It is no accident that this was true. The Subversive Activities Con- 
trol Board, in 1953, came, upon information revealing that the conduct 
of the Communists' political warfare in the United States had been, 
in fact, outlined a long time ago in Moscow itself. One section of 
their report reads as follows, and I am quoting : 

The evidence establishes that in the early 1930's respondent's students in the 
Lenin School were taught such subjects as Marxism, Leninism, the history of 
the labor movement, trade-union and strike strategy, history of the Communist 
party of the Soviet Union, history and organizational structure of the Commu- 
nist International, the national and colonial problem, the history of the Com- 
munist Party, U.S.A., international propaganda, the theory and practice of 
Soviet economy, revolutionary tactics and the science of civil warfare. These 
subjects at the school were adapted to the peculiar conditions in the countries of 
the students, including the United States. For instance, the course given re- 
spondent's members on civil warfare included political and economic conditions 
in the United States, the culture of the people, the terrain, the histories of the 
United States and the Communist Party, U.S.A., and the degree of political 
maturity in the United States. * * * All this was taught with the object of 
destroying the economic system in the United States, and establishing a dictator- 
ship of the proletariat here. 

In the face of this expert training in political warfare on the part 
of our enemy, we in the United States have done little or nothing. 
We have tried to rely upon conventional weapons, and the conven- 
tional weapons have failed and are failing today, to maintain and 
secure the freedom and safety of our people. 

The simple reason is, we have not been fighting back with the new 
weapons used by the Communists. The cold war is not just a figure 
of speech ; this is a war, but it is a new and difl'erent kind of warfare. 

Robert Byfield called it fourth dimensional warfare. So un- 
familiar are the American people with this type of warfare that 
many people in the United States today still do not realize that we 
are at war. 

During my years of observation inside the Communist Party, I 
learned that the Communists are being trained and taught not only 
what to do, but how to do it. It is high time that our people were 
provided with some information with which to fight back. 

They need to better understand the nature of the international 
Communist conspiracy, and they need to be equipped with knowl- 
edge of effective methods for combating it. It was for this purpose 
that the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy were 
envisioned, and I strongly recommend the enactment of this bill. 

Senator Hruska. Well, thank you very much. 

Mr. Sourwine, do you have any questions ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE, No questions. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Philbrick, why haven't we any textbooks in 
the schools on communism ? 

Mr. Philbrick. This is one of the strange mysteries that no one 
can seem to fathom. 

It would seem that some of the largest publishing companies in 
this Nation, producing thousands of textbooks annually would at 
least produce one that could be used in our schools. 


The Little, Brown Publishing Co. in Boston, for example, one of the 
largest textbook publishers in the country, so far as I know has noth- 
ing that can be used in the schools on the subject of communism. 

Senator Hruska. First you must have the writers to produce the 

Why haven't we got any writers? Have you ever given any 
thought to why we don't have them for the grade school, high school, 
and colleges in this particular field ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, sir, I indeed have and I must confess that I 
am unable to provide a reasonable or logical answer. I just don't 

Senator Hruska. Among the public, we have, of course, what Dr. 
Judd described as the lack of will, the lack of an urge to do some- 
thing in the area that w^e are exploring in these hearings. 

Could it be that there is a lack of urge on the part of educators 
and teachers and a lack of will on their part to sit down and wrestle 
with this, or is there an aversion to it or Just what is the answer? 

Mr. Philbrick. I think, insofar as the teachers themselves are con- 
cerned, or the professors let us say, yes, there is not only a lack of 
urge but I would say there is a lack of desire, apparently, toward 
bringing into our colleges any information which would very seriously 
damage the Communists. 

For example, a couple of months ago I was invited by some of the 
students at Harvard University to speak to one of their student 
groups. I was rather shocked to find that a great deal of resistance 
appeared, not on the part of the students, but on the part of some 
of the faculty members at Harvard to prevent me from speaking at 
Harvard; and yet this is the same campus where Mr. Castro, only 
shortly before, had received a great reception. 

Dr. Oppenheimer had also been invited and had spoken at the 
campus and yet, when I was invited by the students to speak, they 
did their best to prevent me from appearing there. 

Senator Hruska. It is not my recollection that Dr. Oppenheimer 
was working with the FBI at any time. 

That is very interesting and bears again on the question I raised 
with Dr. Judd. Suppose we get this Commission and Academy roll- 
ing. How long will it be before even the students or the faculty have 
amongst their numbers those who are possessed perhaps of the same 
desire to sabotage and take control of the Academy ? 

Mr. Philbrick. I don't know. Again, I agree with Dr. Judd. The 
Communists would be rather stupid if they didn't attempt to infiltrate 
the Freedom Academy. 

I again, however, agree with him that if sufficient vigilance is taken 
a good job can be done. 

For example, I cite Harding College in Searcy, Ark., under the 
leadership of Dr. George Benson. They have clone a remarkably 
good job. 

I know the students who come from that school are not confused 
about communism. They know the truth. Again, this is only an 
exception that proves the rule, but at Harding College I would be 
willing to bet you would not find a Communist or Communist sym- 
pathizer on the staif, and if one did manage to infiltrate the campus 
there, I am sure he wouldn't stay too long. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Mnj I ask a question, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Hruska. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Following your own question, Mr. Chairman, do you 
think Congress should write into this bill some specific provisions to 
protect against possible infiltration of the Freedom Academy ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, I do, sir. 

Senator Hruska. Have you given any thought to the structure of 
the school or academy or center w-hich would be formed under this 
school as to courses of study, as to organization, as to faculty, and so 

JNIr. Philbrick. Yes, indeed. I have been in contact with Alan 
Grant of Orlando, Fla., for a long time. 

As you know, he originally tried to establish such a school, such 
a Freedom Academy, as a private organization. His attempts, how- 
ever, have not been successful, and, of course, this is why this has 
now been proposed as a Government Commission. 

I know it is the intent of the plan to bring into the school qualified 
people and we have them. We have many on this committee, cer- 
tainly, who are qualified to teach ; who have learned through applica- 
tion, through study, by gathering knowledge concernmg communism, 
and who know how to teach the nature of the Communist criminal 
conspiracy ; how it operates and what it intends to do. 

I don't think it is going to be quite that easy for the Academy to 
devise or to develop plans of counteraction. This is something that, 
as I said before, we Americans must admit, all of us, that we have not 

This is one of the things that the Academy will attempt to do and 
I think that, with the people we have available today scattered 
throughout the United States, brought together to work together, a 
good program and effective program of counteraction could be de- 

This is something that does not exist today and I don't think any 
one of us would attempt to claim that we have the answer or that any 
one of us individually knows the answer to the problem. 

^ This is one of the things the Freedom Academy would seek out and 

Senator Hruska. Of course, as to the textbooks and the gathering 
of information for schools, I don't want to suggest that maybe the 
fault lies exclusively with the faculty or teachers in the school. 

We read on occasion, when courses are considered for offering in 
schools on communism, there are sometimes objections by lay people 
saying they don't want their children exposed to the pliilosophy of 
the Communist. 

Have you any comment in that regard, on the resistance and the 
opposition maybe amotigst lay people who are not well enough in- 
formed or not possessed of that will and that urge to do those things 
which Dr. Judd outlined ? 

Mr. Phillbrick. I know, sir, that that has happened on a few 
occasions. I think that it happened largely because of a lack of 
understanding on the part of the individuals opposed to the program. 

Also, I think that some of this opposition came about because it 
was discovered upon analysis, that occasionally when these courses on 
communism were proposed for the schools, they unfortunately turned 


out to be courses favorable to communism rather than doing any 
particular harm to the Communists. 

I know this happened in Scarsdale, N.Y., a community just out- 
side of New York City, when a number of the parents discovered 
that some of the students were being taught about communism all 
right. The only trouble was that the courses were completely favor- 
able to the Communist cause, and, as you know, this became quite a 
notorious national incident. 

Over 100 books were found in the Scarsdale school library about 
communism, but all were written by Communists and pro- Commu- 
nists. There was not one single, solitary book in the school library 
against communism, or exposing communism. 

There was not in the Scarsdale library for the use of the students 
one copy of the excellent reports that this committee has published. 

Now I think that is partly the reason. I would say this, that, in 
contrast to those incidents, I have found in my travels about the 
United States that most parents I have spoken to are hoping that the 
schools will teach and will bring the truth about communism to their 

Senator Hruska. Thank you, Mr. Philbrick. The chairman per- 
sonally thinks you are doing a very fine and effective job, nationwide, 
in your travels and your lectures, and I should like to say that to you 
and to bid you good luck and a lot more years ahead in this very fine 

Mr. Philbrick. Thank you very much, sir. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you for coming. 

Our next witness will be Dr. Leo Cherne, executive director of the 
Research Institute of America. 

Dr. Cherne, will you come forward and take the witness chair, 


Mr. Cherne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is a great privilege 
to testify before this committee in support of Senate bill 1689, the 
Freedom Commission Act. 

Mr. Chairman, I would be delighted if there is the opportunity, at 
the close of the testimony, to address myself to two of the questions 
which you raised with the previous witnesses. 

Senator Hruska. That would please the chairman and I know it 
would enlighten him and the whole committee. 

Mr. Cherne. My remarks flow from a conviction which, in turn, 
has been created by the last 24 years of my own professional preoccu- 
pation and involvement as executive director of the Research Institute 
of America and in a voluntary capacity as chairman of the board of 
the International Rescue Committee. 

As executive director of the Research Institute of America, recently 
described at West Point as "the central intelligence agency of busi- 
ness," it has been my responsibility to guide a staff of economists, 
attorneys, psychologists, sociologists, accountants, industrial engineers, 
foreign affairs specialists, and political scientists who are deeply con- 
cerned with all of the major aspects of our economy and with the 


increasing impact of events in far distant countries upon the most 
intimate details of the life of the average American citizen. 

In the course of this activity, I have been deeply involved in the 
preparation of the industrial mobilization plans before World War II, 
in the internal economic mobilization during the war years, and in 
the economic warfare waged throughout the world during the war. 
I was also called upon to play a role in the conduct of political war- 
fare during those years. It has also been as a result of my association 
with the Research Institute of America that I have, since 1938, par- 
ticipated in the courses of instruction given at the National War 
College, the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, and the U.S. 
Military Academy. 

At the conclusion of the war, at the request of the White House, I 
undertook a detailed political, economic, and social study of England, 
France, and Germany ; and subsequently, at the request of Gen. Doug- 
las MacArthur and the War Department, I directed the stajff of the 
Research Institute in planning the reorganization of a major segment 
of the Japanese economy. 

I have also, for many years, been deeply concerned with the aggres- 
sive danger to the free world presented by the totalitarian govern- 
ments of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. Because of this 
interest, almost 15 years ago I became a director of the International 
Rescue Committee, which has assisted thousands of the most distin- 
guished scientists, writers, artists, and political leaders who fled Nazi 
Germany, and in recent years has assisted more than 100,000 of those 
who have fled the slave empire behind the Iron Curtain. 

During the last 7 years I have functioned as Chairman of the Board 
of the International Rescue Committee and, in that capacity, became 
deeply involved in the tragedy of Berlin the winter of 1953, when as 
many as 6,000 escapees daily fled the Soviet Zone of Germany. I also 
tried to provide some help to the Hungarian people in their heroic 
struggle to achieve their freedom in October 1956. I was, in fact, 
the first American to confer with Cardinal Mindzenty in Budapest 
on the morning of his release from Communist imprisonment. This 
background also enabled me to play a role in assisting the new Gov- 
ernment of Vietnam to meet the crisis which confronted that new 
country right after the 1954 Geneva armistice. The sum total of these 
activities does, I believe, enable mo to make some assessment of the 
training which is available in the United States today for various 
aspects of the struggle against Soviet imperialism. 

In the months and years immediately before us, there are several 
facts that must dominate our planning and actions : 

1. The war which the Soviet Union conducts against the free, the 
independent, the remaining colonial, and even the neutral nations of 
the world, has been and will continue to be a war waged by the Com- 
munists with every available instrument. Not only does this warfare 
involve the most complete use of military, diplomatic, economic, politi- 
cal, subversive and ambiguous techniques, but it is one which regards 
as the battlefield all levels of a society under attack. The boundaries 
of this warfare include every society which is not yet safely imprisoned 
within the Communist empire. 

2. There is, of course, no alternative to totally adequate military 
preparedness and the deep involvement of the United States in the 
adequacy of the military strength of our friends and allies. 

42731—59 10 


3. There is urgent need for economic assistance of every character, 
particularly to the developing nations of the world, in order to assist 
them to develop a higher standard of living for their people within 
a clnnate of freedom and democracy. 

4. The diplomatic, the intelligence, the informational and cultural 
functions of our Government have increasingly important roles to play 
in the struggle which lies ahead. 

5. This testimony is in no sense to be regarded as seeking to diminish 
in any way the need for programs which are in existence or are before 
the Congress. I do testify, however, in the belief that those programs 
can achieve those objectives only if the individuals involved officially 
in the performance of those activities, and the countless others whose 
private eiforts accompanying these governmental functions, are ade- 
quately trained to understand, and counter Communist warfare of the 
character which has been so well described. 

I am frankly less concerned with the need for adequate training for 
Government personnel, though it is important to recognize that the 
various institutions for the education of military and civilian personnel 
which exist today reflect a world which was profoundly different, and 
warfare of an entirely different character. The National War College, 
the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, the institutions which 
train the foreign service have all taken recognition of the fact and 
nature of the Soviet Union, yet they fundamentally must concern 
themselves with the very large and very complex professional guid- 
ance required by their particular function. The equally important 
instruments of political, economic, organizational, and ambiguous 
warfare remain only footnotes of preoccupation in the existing in- 
stitutions. I speak with greater certainty that we have hardly tapped 
that reservoir of talent in the country at large which will be required 
if we are even to hold our own in the nonmilitary aspects of the 
struggle. A recent study of educational activities within the executive 
branch of the Government (Lilly report) shows that while systematic 
infonnatlon about communism, its objectives, how it operates, and so 
forth, exists to a limited extent and in a piecemeal fashion, there is 
nowhere at the present time any training of U.S. Government person- 
nel, or those persons involved in the exchange programs which could 
lead to an understanding of the techniques of organisation which are 
at the heart of any effective counteraction program against the Com- 
munist cadres. As a matter of fact, the principles of conventional 
di])lomacy, for example, regard counteraction as a harmful emphasis. 

That this should be so is tragic and this gap in our armor stems from 
a failure to recognize the nature and scope of the cold war. The fact 
that, between the conventional techniques of government-to-govem- 
ment diplomacy and the normal military defenses, there exist only 
the rigidly nonpolitical foreign aid program and the apolitical cul- 
tural exchange efforts is an anachronism in this revolutionary age. 

It seems to me that the heart of the problem is the failure to under- 
stand the nature of the implications of the revolutionary character 
of the age in which we live and the revolutionary character of the 
enemy who is committed to our destruction. It is not unusual that 
men of good will, people whose purpose is peace, citizens who live in a 
community which has religious and moral attributes that are generous 
and decent, project that image upon others. It is not that they are 


gullible ; it is that they are unprepared by belief, by study, by contact, 
to accept the profoundly different commitments which guide the Soviet 
Union and the agents of its -warfare abroad. 

When the Reverend Billy Graham, after an exhaustive 5 days' 
study of the Soviet Union, reported the high morality and religious 
fervor of the Russians, he reached judgments which were at one and 
the same time true, if superficial, false, and damaging and altogether 
irrelevant. A better trained observer would have realized that the 
danger to the world is the force which has enslaved one-third of the 
earth's people ; the Soviet Government, using the Russian people. 

~If, by morality, the Reverend Billy Graham means that the Rus- 
sians wear longer bathing suits than we do, he is quite right. If his 
evidence has persuaded him that in the Soviet Union all aspects of 
the culture place a lesser emphasis upon sex than is the case in the 
United States and the countries of AVestern Europe, this is also en- 
tirely true. These, however, are purposeless manifestations of 
morality when contrasted with the fact that those who first enslaved 
and then butchered the Hungarians, who were simply seeking free- 
dom, were also Russians. 

It is true that the Russian people, as people, not only wish peace 
but would themselves prefer freedom. But it is equally true that they 
have become tools for the actions of a government which has com- 
mitted genocide repeatedly, which threatens war and destruction 
constantly, but which uses brutality as a standard operating proce- 
dure to enforce its inhuman and immoral objectives. 

And, to the extent that the Russian people are the victims, as well 
as the instruments of the Soviet, it was urgent that the Reverend 
Graham take notice of that key reality. 

Similarly, if the evidence of the Russian religious spirit lies in the 
fact that St. Basil's Cathedral towers above the walls of the Kremlin 
and that thousands of Russians attend religious services, then, by that 
test, Russia is religious. A serious student of Russian church history 
would, however, recall that some of the hierarchs of Russian Ortho- 
doxy have been as willing to acquiesce in the brutality, nationalism, 
and intrigue of the Kremlin as they were in the violence, bloodshed, 
and abuses of the Russian people by the Czars of Russia. 

A short sophisticated course in the complex realities of life in the 
Soviet Union, such as this bill would provide, would have aided the 
Reverend Billy Graham to discern the sin against humanity which 
lies astride the Russian people and the Russian nation with some- 
thing of the same acuteness which enables him to observe and inveigh 
against sin in the Western World countries, with which he is much 
more familiar. Such a course would have saved Reverend Graham 
from confusing his religious and moral following at a moment of 
acute crisis for the free countries of the West. 

Wlien my good friend the hard-hitting Judge Samuel Leibowitz, 
after having visited one model prison outside Moscow, concluded 
that Soviet prisons are more modern and humane than ours, the judge 
not only cavalierly neglected to observe that he was visiting the one 
show-case prison that is used to impress westerners, including Averell 
Harriman only recently, but permitted himself to be used to create 
the impression that the slave labor camps are a thing of the past. 

I regret to say so, because I have personal affection for him, but 


Judge Leibowitz was as unsophisticated and dangerously superficial 
in neglecting to look behind the front he was permitted to observe in 
Moscow as he was when he failed to observe who and what was behind 
his selection as lawyer to defend the Scottsboro boys more than 20 years 
ago. The Scottsboro boys were undoubtedly as innocent and as 
framed as millions of those who still pay their brutal penalty in Vor- 
kuta and the host of other slave labor camps in the Soviet Union and 
Siberia, It is pertinent to ask w^hether Judge Leibowitz met any 
of the thousands of Hungarian students who were hauled off in sealed 
boxcars from Budapest in November and December of 1956. If they 
were not in that model prison, where were they — certainly not back 
in Hungary. 

I have no doubt that Judge Leibowitz' immediate and limited ob- 
servations were entirely accurate. He is, as he has always been, a 
man of determined honesty. But honesty which does not seek to 
penetrate the surface can only serve the most dishonest imperial fraud 
of the 20th century. As lawyer and judge, Sam Leibowitz knows 
well the mentality and the ruthless practices of the gangster. He 
might well have brought this experience and these powers of observa- 
tions to bear on the occupants of the Kremlin, who are not safe even 
in each other's company. 

In our age, as in any revolutionary period, the fabric of societies is 
weakened, seams come apart more readily ; in a revolutionary period 
the potential of an individual acting on his own or in an organized 
group increases tremendously. 

The Communists know this perfectly well. And that is why for 
years they have concentrated on training personnel to infiltrate and 
seek to control every area of life in a given society in order to wring 
the last measure of political advantage, and these efforts of theirs have 
been immensely successful. 

Let me give you an example from my own experience as to how this 
Communist effort works. Shortly after World War II, I was asked 
by General MacArthur, in my capacity as executive director of the 
Research Institute of America, to undertake a basic revision of the 
Japanese tax and fiscal structure. The prewar industrialization of 
Japan, superimposed as it was on the top of a feudal society, never per- 
mitted the development of a healthy, viable middle class. And with- 
out such a healthy middle class, democracy would be impossible. 
Therefore, tax measures were introduced which were designed to pro- 
duce in a short time the strong middle class necessary to the political 
pluralisms of democracy. Now, the moment that the essence of this 
plan was aimounced, and its purposes explained, an unexpected event 
occurred throughout the nation: The tax collectors went on strike. 
The Communist leaders of that union were clearly following the in- 
structions of the central political apparatus in the Kremlin. They 
knew clearly that, if the tax plan was enforced, the power of a wealthy 
few reduced, the land redistributed, and a healthy middle class de- 
veloped, the chances of Communist control of Japan would be seri- 
ously diminished. This is an example of astute political warfare car- 
ried out by well trained persons operating in key positions in captured 
private organizations. 

This is the sort of thing that goes on all the time all over the world. 
A large youth organization in India passes a resolution about the 


stopping of H-bomb tests; copies of American magazines suddenly 
are unavailable at the newsstands in Jakarta ; students riot in Latin 
America; Kerala, the most literate of India's states, goes Communist; 
the sects in the new Republic of Vietnam suddenly turn on the cen- 
tral Government ; the newspaper of the world accept uncritically and 
without quotas the adjective "free city" of Berlin when discussing 
Khrushchev's ultimatum. A boatload of armed Kurdish "refugees" 
from the U.S.S.R. pass through the Suez Canal on their way to Iraq. 
These things don't just happen by accident. They are the results of 
organization and training. 

Little in the arsenal of existing U.S. action is geared to counteract 
this kind of political warfare. No training program exists today in 
the United States which can adequately prepare our citizens for this 
struggle. As I have indicated before, I am particularly concenied 
with the vast multitude of private American citizens who are and 
will increasingly be involved in activity abroad. The nongovern- 
mental voluntary organizations already employ thousands of private 
individuals operating in oversea areas. With each month, additional 
numbers of American business executives, educators, consultants, and 
community specialists embark to perf onn vital, separate roles in coun- 
tries which are in the very heart of the battlefield. Artistic, cul- 
tural, scientific, and entertainment groups are an additional increas- 
ing body of American representatives contesting, in their own way, 
the unequal effort upon which the Soviet is engaged. 

There is a great interest in and preoccupation with communism in 
the United States. It is my belief, nevertheless, that hardly more 
than a handful really understand the precise nature of the Communist, 
his commitment, his instructions, his methods of operation and the 
mechanism to which he is linked by absolute loyalty. Is it strange 
then that these aspects operating in other comitries are even less well 
understood ? 

And this failure to understand the dimensions of the war we must 
fight has already cost us a great deal. Yet we have hardly begun the 
task of harnessing and organizing the vast reservoir of talent and 
brains for the political warfare we cannot avoid. 

This is why I consider the Freedom Commission Act and the Acad- 
emy to be of such central importance for the development and train- 
ing which will assist our whole cold war program immeasurably. The 
Academy is the institution within which we can bring together that 
talent and experience which can develop an operational science of 
political counteraction within the framework of our democratic struc- 
tures. The most important and thrilling thing about this bill 1689 
is that it offers the beginnings of a basic solution to the problem. We 
recognize the urgent and even heroic programs which proceed within 
the scope of the State Department, the CIA and the USIA. These 
leave, however, largely uninvolved and untrained other foreign pro- 
grams of our Government and the infinitely more numerous private 
sectors representing the United States and the foreign communities 
which are a part of the battlefield. 

There has been an understandable concern in the Congress over the 
granting of passports to those servants of the Communist conspira- 
cy who in traveling abroad will seek to misrepresent and actively in- 
jure our freedom. This danger is real. But it is small in my judg- 


ment when contrasted to the loss we suffer because infinitely more 
numerous patriotic Americans, functioning here and abroad, are 
unable to brin^ to their travel or work, their fraternal contacts or the 
exercise of their professions a disciplined knov/ledge of the enemy 
we face, the techniques designed to destroy us and the methods by 
which we may fortify our safety. 

Senator Hruska. Dr. Cherne, that is an excellent statement and I 
think an excellent one for the committee. I noticed that in following 
the manuscript which you gave us you skipped around a little. Would 
you like the privilege or would you permit us to put the entire manu- 
script in the record which you gave, as though j^ou had read it in its 
entirety, so we can have it as a part of the record and for the informa- 
tion of the other members of the committee ? 

Mr. Cherne. I would be delighted to have you do that. I merely 
eliminated certain portions of it in the interest of conserving your 
time but would appreciate having the full statement copied into the 
record as though I had read it word for word.. 

Senator Hruska I might say that you did it without hurting the 
substance or the text. In fact, I think you emphasized it beautifully. 

(Dr. Cherne's prepared statement reads as follows:) 

Statement of Leo Cherne, Executive Director of the Research Institute of 


Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is a great privilege to testify be- 
fore this committee iu support of Senate bill 1689, the Freedom Commission Act. 

It is usual, I know, to preface testimony before committees of this sort with 
a few formal gracious words of introduction but in this instance my introductory 
words are not, in any sense, formal. They flow from a conviction, which, in 
turn, has been created by the last 24 years of my own professional preoccupa- 
tion and involvement as executive director of the Research Institute of America 
and in a voluntary capacity as chairman of the board of the International Rescue 

As executive director of the Research Institute of America, recently described 
at West Point as "the central intelligence agency of business, it has been my 
responsibility to guide a staff of economists, attorneys, psychologists, sociologists, 
accountants, industrial engineers, foreign affairs specialists, and political sci- 
entists who are deeply concerned with all the major aspects of our economy 
and with the increasing impact of events in far distant countries upon the most 
intimate details of the life of the average American citizen. 

In the course of this activity, I have been deeply involved in the preparation 
of the industrial mobilization plans before World War II, in the internal eco- 
nomic mobilization during the war years, and in the economic warfare waged 
throughout the world during the war. I was also called upon to play a role in 
the conduct of political warfare during those years. It has also been as a result 
of my association with the Research Institute of America that I have, since 1938, 
participated in the courses of instruction given at the National War College, 
the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, and the U.S. Military Acadeniy. 

At the conclusion of the war, at the request of the White House, I undertook 
a detailed political, economic and social study of England, France, and Ger- 
many ; and subsequently, at the request of Gen. Douglas MacArthur and the War 
Department, I directed the staff of the Research Institute in planning the 
reorganization of a major segment of the Japanese economy. 

I have also, for many years, been deeply concerned with the aggressive dan- 
ger to the free world presented by the totalitarian governments of Nazi Ger- 
many and the Soviet Union. Because of this interest, almost 15 years ago I 
became a director of the International Rescue Committee, which has assisted 
thousands of the most distinguished scientists, writers, artists, and political 
leaders who fled Nazi Germany, and in recent years has assisted more than 
100,000 of those who liave fled the slave empire behind the Iron Curtain. Dur- 
ing the past 7 years I have functioned as chairman of the board of the Inter- 


national Rescue Committee and, in the course of that responsibility, was deeply 
involved in the acute dilemma of Berlin during the days of the airlift, the trag- 
edy of Berlin in the winter of 1953, when as many as 6,000 escapees daily fled 
the Soviet Zone of Germany. I also assisted the Hungarian people in their 
struggle to achieve their freedom in October 1956. I was, in fact, the first 
American to confer with Cardinal Mindzenty in Budapest on the morning of his 
release from Communist imprisonment. This background also enabled me to 
play a role in assisting the new Government of Vietnam to meet the crisis which 
confronted that new country right after the 1954 Geneva Armistice. The sum 
total of these activities does, I believe, enable me to make some assessment of tlie 
training which is available in the United States today for various aspects of the 
struggle against Soviet imperialism. 

In the months and years immediately before us there are several facts that 
must dominate our concerns and our acts : 

1. The war which the Soviet Union conducts against the free, the independent, 
the remaining colonial, and even the neutral nations of the world has been and 
will continue to be a war waged by the Communists with every available in- 
sti'ument. Not only does this warfare involve the most complete use of mili- 
tary, diplomatic, economic, political, subversive, and ambiguous techniques, but 
it is one which regai-ds as the battlefield all levels of any society and the bound- 
aries of this warfare include every society which is not yet safely imprisoned 
within the Communist empire. 

2. There is, of course, no alternative to totally adequate military prepared- 
ness and the deep involvement of the United States in the adequacy of the mili- 
tary strength of our friends and allies. 

3. There is urgent need for economic assistance of every character partic- 
ularly to the developing nations of the world, in order to assist them to develop 
a higher standard of living for their people within a climate of freedom and 

4. The diplomatic, the intelligence, the informational and cultural functions 
of our Government have increasingly important roles to play in the struggle 
which lies ahead. 

5. This testimony is in no sense to be regarded as seeking to diminish in any 
way the need for programs which are in existence or are before the Congress. 
I do testify, however, in the belief that those programs can achieve those ob- 
jectives only if the individuals involved ofiicially in the performance of those 
activities and the countless others whose private efforts accompanying these 
governmental functions are adequately trained to understand and counter war- 
fare of the character which I have described. 

I am frankly less concerned with the need for adequate training for Govern- 
ment personnel though it is important to recognize that the various institutions 
for the education of military and civilian personnel which exist today reflect a 
world which was profoundly diiferent and warfare of an entirely different 
character. To the U.S. Military Academy, the Naval Academy there has re- 
cently been added the Air Force Academy and there is an urgent specialized 
basis for this particular service in the Armed Forces. The National War Col- 
lege, the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, the institutions which train 
the Foreign Service have all taken recognition of the fact and nature of the 
Soviet Union yet they fundamentally must concern themselves with the very 
large and very complex professional guidance required by their particular 
function. The equally important instruments of political, economic, organiza- 
tional, and ambiguous warfare remain only footnotes of preoccupation in the 
existing institutions. It is my judgment that the United States has as yet 
inadequately introduced that level of coordination within the functions of gov- 
ernment that we must have if we want to survive. I speak with greater cer- 
tainty that we have hardly tapped that i-eservoir of talent in the country at 
large which will be required if we are even to hold our own in the nonmilitary 
aspects of the struggle. A recent study of educational activities within the 
executive branch of the Government (Lilly report) shows that while systematic 
information about communism, its ol^jectives, how it operates, etc., exists to a 
limited extent and in a piecemeal fashion, there is nowhere at the present time 
any training of U.S. Government persomiel, or those persons involved in the 
exchange programs which could lead to an understanding of the techniques of 
organization which are at the heart of any effective counteraction program 
against the Communist cadres. As a matter of fact the pi-inciples of con- 
ventional diplomacy, for example, regard counteraction as a harmful emphasis. 

That this should be so is tragic and this gap in our armor stems from a failure 


to recognize the nature and scope of the cold war. The fact that between the 
conventional techniques of government to government diplomacy and the normal 
military defenses there exist only the rigidly nonpolitical foreign aid program 
and the apolitical cultural exchange efforts is an anachronism in this revolu- 
tionary age. 

It seems to me that the heart of tlie problem is the failure to understand the 
nature and the implications of the revolutionary character of the age in which 
we live and the revolutionary character of the enemy who is committed to our 
destruction. It is not unusual that men of good will, people whose purpose is 
peace, citizens who live in a community which has religious and moral attributes 
that are generous and decent, project that image upon others. It is not that 
they are gullible, it is that they are unprepared by belief, by study, by contact, 
to accept the profoundly different commitments which guide the Soviet Union 
and the agents of its warfare abroad. In our age, as in any revolutionary pe- 
riod, the fabric of societies is weakened, seams come apart more readily ; in a 
revolutionary period the potential of an individual acting on his own or in an 
organized group increases tremendously. 

The Communists know this perfectly well. And that is why for years they 
have concentrated on training personnel to infiltrate and seek to control every 
area of life in a given society in order to wring the last measure of political 
advantage and these efforts of theirs have been immensely successful. 

Let me give you an example from my own experience as to how this Commu- 
ist effort works. Shortly after World War II, I was asked by General Mac- 
Arthur, in my capacity as Executive Director of the Research Institute of 
America, to undertake a basic revision of the Japanese tax and fiscal structure. 
Such a program seemed particularly central to the introduction of democratic 
structures into the social fabric of postwar Japan ; because the prewar indus- 
trialization of Japan, superimposed as it was on the top of a feudal society, never 
allowed for the development of a healthy, viable middle class. And without 
such a healthy middle class, democracy would be impossible. Therefore tax 
measures were introduced which were designed to produce in a short time the 
strong middle class necessary to the political jjluralisms of democracy. Now 
the moment that the essence of this plan was announced, and its purposes ex- 
plained, a mysterious event occurred throughout the nation : The tax collectors 
went on strike. The Communist leaders of that union were clearly following 
the instructions of the central political apparatus in the Kremlin. They knew 
clearly that if the tax plan was enforced, the power of a wealthy few reduced, 
the land redistributed, and a healthy middle class developed, the chances of 
Communist control of Japan would be seriously diminished. This is an example 
of astute political warfare earned out by well trained persons operating in key 
positions in apparently private organizations. 

Tills is the sort of thing that goes on all the time all over the world. A large 
youth organization in India passes a resolution about the stopping of H-bomb 
tests ; copies of American magazines suddenly are unavailable at the newsstands 
in Jakarta ; an entertainer rockets to fame in New York ; students riot in 
Latin America ; Kerala, the most literate of India's states goes Communist ; the 
sects in the new Republic of Vietnam suddenly turn on the Central Government : 
the newspapers of the world accept uncritically and without quotes the adjective 
"free city" of Berlin when discussing Khrushchev's ultimatum. A boatload of 
armed Kurdish "refugees" from the U.S.S.R. pass through the Suez Canal on 
their way to Iraq. These things don't just happen by accident. They are the 
result of organization and training. 

Little in the arsenal of existing U.S. action is geared to counteract this kind 
of political warfare. No training program exists today in the United States 
which can adequately prepare our citizens for this struggle. As I have indi- 
cated, I am particularly concerned with the vast multitude of private American 
citizens who are and will increasingly be involved in activity abroad. The non- 
governmental voluntary organizations already employ thousands of private 
individuals operating in oversea areas. With each month additional numbers 
of American business executives, educators, consultants, community specialists 
embark to perform vital, separate roles in countries which are in the very heart 
of the battlefield. Artistic, cultural, scientific, and entertainment groups are 
an additional increasing body of American representatives contesting in their 
own way the unequal effort upon which the Soviet is engaged. 

There is a great interest in and preoccupation with communism in the 
United States. It is my belief, nevertheless, that hardly more than a handful 
really understand the precise nature of the Communist, his commitment, his 


instructions, his metliods of operation und tlie mechanism to which he is linlied 
by absolute loyalty. Is it strange then that these aspects operating in other 
countries are even less well understood V 

And this failure to understand the dimensions of the war we must fight 
has already cost us a great deal. It may not be important in the United 
States that the most prominent American businessmen roll out the red carpet 
for the Communist Mikoyan, and no one is suggesting that the resolve of 
these men was in any way weakened. But you can be sure that for many peo- 
ple around the world the stature of Mikoyan and their respect for Communist 
economic power rose tremendously. 

The failure to understand quickly enough the implications of the Communist 
attempt to get the escapees to return home, and their kidnaping by the Soviets 
hurt the cause of the free world greatly. One need only read some of the 
statements made by the returned refugees and then listen to their impact on the 
people still in refugee camps in the West to understand the measure of dis- 
satisfaction, and disillusionment this campaign produced. 

Examples like this could be multiplied hundreds of times. This is not 
meant as an indictment of those in whose hands the responsibility for America's 
cold war struggle lay. Often they understood more than anyone else. But the 
Nation was not prepared to understand w^hat was required, and so we just 
haven't been able to be smart enough. We have not yet begun the task of 
harnessing and oi-ganizing the vast reservoir of talent and brains for the po- 
litical warfare job we must undertake. 

This is why I consider the Freedom Commission Act and the Academy to be 
of such central importance for the development and training which will assist 
our whole cold war program immeasurably. The Academy is the institution 
within which we can bring together that talent and experience which can de- 
velop an operational science of political warfare within the framework of our 
democratic structures. The most important and thrilling thing about this 
bill 1689 is that it offers the beginnings of a basic solution to the problem. 
Each of the various departments and agencies of the Government and the 
private organizations who are concerned with the problem of political warfare 
will have available to them in a single center the possibility for continuity, inter- 
relationships and meshing into the wide spectrum of counteraction. 

Senator Hruska. Dr. Clierne, I asked a previous witness today, and 
I did yesterday also, a question about the structure of this Academy 
and some of its courses of study and the mechanical makeup. 

Have you given that subject any thought so that you could give the 
committee some suggestions in that direction ? 

Mr. Cherne. Yes ; I have given that subject some thought. I know 
it has been a great deal less than Alan Grant and the others who have 
devoted so many dedicated years to this effort but to the extent that 
my thought makes a contribution, I will be happy to do so. I would 
like to return to one aspect of my testimony. 

I indicated, as we all know, a number of educational institutions 
which are presently concerned with the training of certain portions of 
our governmental personnel. They are the U.S. Military Academy, 
the Naval Academy, the Air Force Academy, the National War Col- 
leges, the Foreign Service Institutes. I also indicated that, while in 
these institutions there is an occasional reference to the problem of 
protracted conflicts and the problem consequently of conflicting man- 
agement, there are two things which do operate. 

Those two aspects of the problem are merely footnotes, by necessity, 
in the existing institutions. Secondly, within at least one of the insti- 
tutions, the preoccupation with these aspects is, in fact, in conflict with 
normal purposes. 

I am referring here to the Foreign Service Institutes, the normal 
diplomatic corps which does not regard conflict management and 
counteraction as a useful normal instrument of the Foreign Service. 


I believe, incidentally, tliey are entirely correct in their view, but in 
providing this footnote material, these institutions have already assem- 
bled the names of those specialists, the lecturers and their lectures 
which were taken in shorthand. 

Consequently, we are not dealing with a matter entirely novel. In 
fact, the experts are well known to the members of this committee. 
The experts are, in fact, well known- — and you raised another question 
earlier — to the members of the educational community of the United 
States. The experts are available. They are, in fact, about to be 
tapped for, I believe, a 2 weeks' training session this summer of the 
Officer Reserve here in Washington, in which a certain portion of that 
officer training will be involved in an examination of some aspects of 
these questions. 

However, on the second part, on the science of counteraction, here 
a great deal more must be done. 

Here, too, we are not completely in the dark. It must be evident to 
the members of this committee that, after having been burned badly 
as a result largely of its own blindness, the American labor community, 
an overwhelmingly large community, began to understand two 
things — the nature of the enemy and the urgency of counteraction. 

The American labor movement, through the International Confed- 
eration of Free Trade Unions, has been involved in the counteraction. 

Here, too, we are not dealing with blue sky. We are dealing with 
the availability in the United States today of the beginnings of ex- 
ploration on the process of counteraction. 

Senator PIruska. Now, you referred to the matter of passports and 
said that, while there is danger of an abuse of the relaxed standards 
for passports, the greater danger lies in these many other representa- 
tives, not of Government, but of businessm.en and of others who go 

Now, it would seem, would it not. Dr. Cherne, that some provision 
should be made, some thought should be given, not only to a formal 
school which would have a 2-year course and a year of postgraduate 
work and a doctor's degree and so on, but to some available practical 
courses not necessarily by way of indoctrination, but certainly by way 
of having heavy tones in that direction, for men who will be sent by 
corporations to foreign lands to represent them for 2, 3, or 5 years or 
as long as they would stay. 

Would you like to comment on that and tell us what your ideas are 
as to the possibilities of perfecting something like that which would 
not necessarily be required by law of these corporations, but which 
they in their self-interest should follow and take advantage of? 

Mr. Cherne. There is no question, Mr. Chairman, that the observa- 
tion you have made is essential to the entire prospect of an effective 
counteraction, that at least half of the process of developing effective 
counteraction might involve shorter courses of education, of orienta- 
tion to those who go abroad for more limited periods or more limited 

Consequently, such an Academy must have at its very earliest and 
as one of its central objectives, the provision of short courses of educa- 
tion in the problem of the Soviet Union and the means of counteracting 


It is my judgment, incidentally, on the basis of concrete information, 
that business institutions, among others, will be eager to avail them- 
selves of the opportunity to have members of their staff secure this 

I am amazed constantly to learn of the many thousands of business 
executives who, year in and year out, take two weeks' training which 
is provided annually by the Industrial College of the Armed Forces 
in industrial mobilization. 

Now these are men who presently have no knowledge of industrial 
mobilization. This is merely in the unhappy, terrible event of anotlier 
war. Nevertheless, they put 2 weeks aside and, as I recall, more 
than 20 major cities of the United States devote 2 weeks' time to 
the industrial mobilization plan. 

The need for it among businessmen cannot possibly be exaggerated. 

If I may be permitted, I would like to read a letter I received yes- 
terday from a very able and successful businessman who retired a 
year ago and who has spent one solid year traveling around the world 
and who considers himself, with some small reason, to be a very 
informed world student as a consequence. 

He now writes : 

It was nice of you to think of me and. forward the reproduction of Eugene 
Lyons' speech. 

I think he has somewhat of a fixational viewpoint on the Russian Communist 
leaders, as his entire speech harped constantly on the individuals involved and 
overlooked the Russian people and the nation as a whole. 

There is one element of reality to his comments. That is the so-called 
political leadership such as Khrushchev, Mikoyan, who can cause a lot of 
trouble and get a nation into war. There is nothing new about that. By past 
experience Hitler and Mussolini did the same thing. However, several indi- 
viduals on our side of the fence, such as Dulles and Herter, can force the 
same thing. 

The people don't want war. That is true of the Russian people. They are 
very friendly. Most of them know two English words — "please" and "friend." 

I mingled with them in two different areas of their country geographically 
which was like New York, Cleveland, and Chicago. There is hardly a Russian 
family who, during the last war, did not have somebody killed or wounded. 
They are fed up with the strife. 

Right now they are well fed and dressed, happy and contented. 

It is the so-called bickering and negotiating by political statesmen that will 
cause war, and people like Eugene Lyons, who stir up antagonism, don't help 

I am planning a trip to South America, probably around January or February. 
I have been to Venezuela, Colombia, and Panama. I would like to feel I have 
been to every country in South America. 

Frankly, I should fear to think of his inadequate information now 
extending to South America. It is clear that he was wholly un- 
prepared on any level to understand what he saw in the Soviet Union 
or to understand the relationship between the Soviet people and the 
government of the Soviet Union. 

It is not the people of Russia who now threaten Berlin. It is 
the government of the Soviet Union which threatens Berlin. 

It is not the people of Russia which established the cold war. It 
is the government of the Soviet Union which established the cold war. 

Unfortunately, an untrained individual looks at faces. He sees 
faces which he suggests resemble those of Cleveland, New York and 
Chicago. He is wholly honest and I am sure sometimes intensely 
wishes : "Why can't we live in peace," and he comes back concluding 
it is just a matter of a resolution on our part. 


That, if we just act peaceful, they will want peace. Lost in this 
mass of misunderstanding is the entire conspiracy of the Soviet 

Senator Hruska. Which, as Dr. Judd and many other witnesses 
have testified, has not changed and will not prevail until they are 

One other question, would it be practical, in your judgment, in this 
process of education and training in short coui*ses or long courses, 
would it be practical for the Commission to contract with some of 
our Nation's universities to get the job done ? 

Mr. Cherne. I have no doubt it would be practical and I would 
suspect that some of our universities would be the desirable site of some 
of these short courses or instruction to which you have referred previ- 
ously. But, I should think that, by and large, it would not be desir- 
able at the early stages to contract to a university, any university, the 
job of either the assembly of the Academy or the job of the preparation 
of the curriculum. 

Senator Hruska. Wliynot? 

Mr. Cherne. Well, if the universities had demonstrated any capac- 
ity to do this job, they would, in fact, have been doing it on their own 
campus, and I see no evidence. And may I also say I am not singling 
out the universities in that respect. I just see no evidence that any 
segment of American life, with the exception of the organized labor 
movement which itself had been substantially captured — there was 
the unique element which created its own experience — with the excep- 
tion of that, I see no segment of American life which is capable at the 
present time of undertaking a contract on this job. 

I think individuals are. I think this committee, for example, is a 
repository of enoraious knowledge and judgment in this area, and this 
committee knows well who in the community has that knowledge. 

Senator Hruska. Yes, and we have witnessed those who have said 
that this committee has served its purpose and should go its way. 

Mr. Cherne. Any activity that is interested in defeating communism 
today suffers acute troubles. There is the urgent need for it to have, 
not the individual hit or miss, but isolate those important efforts, and 
coordinate them. 

You asked before, Mr. Chairman, of two other witnesses why aren't 
the textbooks in the colleges. 

My answer would be that it is not because there is anything uniquely 
sinister in the colleges or anything uniquely sinister in the publishing 
companies. It is because there is a fact which still prevails and that 
is that anyone who tackles the job of anticommunism has no market. 
There is an automatic campaign to injure and destroy him. 

Why is it that there are so few anti-Communist plays on Broadway? 
Why is it that the anti-Coimnunist plays on Broadway fail ? 

It is because investors need to have their money returned. The 
anticommunist plays either receive a yawn or a slap from the critics, 
because the anti-Communist play will have, surrounding itself, a word 
of mouth campaign about its unattractiveness, its morbidity, as well as 
the fact that it is awfully dull. 

That would be the word of mouth campaign and consequently, 
whether it is writing a book or writing a play, it is not unusual that, 
in a private society, there will, by and large, be a rough correlation 


between the market, the possibility of earning a living and the action 
which is taken by an author, a playright, a professor. Here I believe 
is the answer. 

Once again, the effort to have a Freedom Commission and Freedom 
Academy will, in my judgment, be the major indication that the Na- 
tion does indeed regard this, not only as urgent, but eminently re- 

Senator Hruska. I take it from the earlier part of your answer to 
the question as to contracting with universities, that what you would 
like to see happen is the formation of the proper trend, the assembling 
of properly trained people ; the gathering of a proper library, sources 
of information, and impress upon the institutions which will be con- 
tracted to carry the right pitch on this thing, rather than putting 
this project into perhaps a purely academic atmosphere where it will 
be kicked around and examined as to whether or not communism is 
good ; whether or not we should take a position. Would you say that 
approximates it ? 

Mr. Cherne. That is entirely correct, Mr. Chairman. You have 
said it so much better than I. There is no question that that is so. 

I am concerned there will be a misconception of the Freedom Acad- 
emy, not in the direction of an infiltrated organization but that if 
some academic minds are applied to it, we will find ourselves in still 
another examination into what it is that Marx really did say and how 
accurate was he, and did it work out. 

Now these are all useful, but this is not the heart of a program of 
understanding the enemy with which we deal today. 

Senator Hruska. It is the deadly serious business, isn't it, of as- 
sembling a correct, effective weapon ? 

Mr. Cherne. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. Dr. Cherne, we are very grateful to you for your 
appearance here. 

Your vast knowledge and your experience with this subject is plainly 
indicated by the statement you have filed and the testimony you have 

Your appearance has added immeasurably to the substance and to 
the information which is so necessary for proper consideration of the 
legislation upon which we are having hearings. 

Colonel Manchester did not return and there are no further wit- 
nesses today. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Colonel Manchester did not come back but he has 
sent word that he would like to have his statement put in the record 
at this point. 

Senator Hrusica. Without objection, it will be incorporated into 
the record at this point. 

(The statement of Lt. Col. M. H. Manchester reads as follows :) 

The Case for a Freedom Academy 

Presentation by Lt. Col. M. H. Manchester, deputy director of ROA, to the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 

1. To further strengthen national security, the Reserve Officers Association 
has taken the unusual step of creating a si)ecial standing committee to study 
the whole field of nonmilitary warfare. This group, headed by Brig. Gen. 
Wendell Westover, bears the title of "Committee on Fourth Dimensional War- 
fare." Many other distinguished officers, from all parts of the Nation, have 


volunteered to serve on this committee ; and the group maintains close liaison 
with a number of outstanding scholars who are preparing the articles on Com- 
munist strategy, geopolitics, and psychological warfare for the OflBcer magazine. 
Moreover, ROA is the cosponsor of a 2-week strategy seminar at the National 
War College this coming July, in which some 200 Reserve officers will be trained 
to understand the Communist techniques of protracted conflict. These points 
are made to indicate that ROA has knowledge and experience in fields related 
to the legislation under consideration by this committee of the Senate. 

2. The "fourth dimension" refers to the techniques of struggle in the arena of 
the mind, the will, and the psyche. Hence it embraces propaganda, political 
warfare, psychosocial combat, economic warfare, brainwashing, subversion, 
ideological conflict, and the basic beliefs of our own society which motivate men 
to sacrifice. (The classical dimensions of warfare are, of course, land, sea, air, 
and, now, space. The fourth dimension is the invisible terrain of courage, 
character, loyalty, determination, and ideals.) 

3. ROA is, of course, comprised of officers who have seen service on what 
might be called the orthodox battlefields of World War I, World War II, and 
Korea. ROA has consistently supported an adequate and balanced military 
posture ; for we know that the Communist challenge is backed by formidable 
land armies, a menacing fleet of submarines, and growing air and missile capa- 

4. But ROA is concerned also with the nonmilitary threat of the Slno-Soviet 
Axis. It is here that world communism has a long leadtime over the West in 
the use of trained, professional cadres, or conflict managers. 

5. Americans believe in education for defense as well as for peace. At West 
Point, Annapolis, and the Air Force Academy we train selected youths in the 
arts of war. Graduates of these military schools continue their education, in 
adult life, at the Army War College, the Naval War College, the Air War Uni- 
versity, the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, and the National War 
College. In other words, we have postgraduate schools for hot war. 

6. The Communists, however, are waging war against the free world on the 
chessboard of politics, economics, propaganda, and subversion. They have, for 
more than three decades, trained professional revolutionists in the arts of non- 
military combat. Communists, in short, have command and staff schools for 
cold war. 

7. ROA submits that, on the record, the free world has been losing the non- 
military struggle owing in part to the lack of cold war training facilities for 
American diplomats, soldiers, foreign aid personnel, businessmen who serve 
overseas, and other effectives. 

8. American personnel are being trained today in international law, business 
management, diplomatic history, and economic theory. Virtually no Americans 
are being trained in propaganda analysis, psychological warfare, world precinct 
politics, and ideological combat. 

9. In an age of mass media, mass literacy, and intercontinental communica- 
tions, the battle of world opinion is dominated by professionals. At the present 
time, Soviet Russia has a monopoly on professionals who are the products of the 
Lenin Institute of Political Warfare and other Communist training schools. 

10. ROA wishes to record the conviction of citizen soldiers, who have served 
under fire in three wars, that a whole new dimension of conflict has been intro- 
duced by the Sino-Soviet Axis ; and that, therefore, a whole new type of train- 
ing is required in order to equip Americans and their allies with techniques 
evolved from the behavioral sciences. Classical diplomacy and firepower are not 
always relevant in the age of the hidden persuaders. The Communists have per- 
fected an organizational weapon and propaganda machinery that cannot be 
contained by the conventional defenses of the past. 

11. In the following analysis, ROA sets forth its assimiptions about the nature 
of the world struggle in the decade ahead, and strongly recommends that, in 
order to compete on reasonably equal terms, the Senate give serious considera- 
tion to the case for the Freedom Academy. 


A. By exploiting fear of nuclear missiles, and boasting of sputnik, the Soviets 
will try to paralyze the U.S. military arm by terrorizing public opinion in 
America and the rest of the free world. The Communists, like the Nazis before 
them, know that, in a democracy, confused opinion sometimes inhibits govern- 
ment from taking decisive action in time. By corroding the will of free peoples 


(alternating threats with false hopes for peace), the Soviets may be able to use 
politics, propaganda, and world pressure group activity to — 

(1) "ground" the Strategic Air Force; 

(2) deactivate and dismantle our military and missile bases abroad ; 

(3) immobilize our Army and Navy (in the event of brush-fire wars) : 

(4) demoralize and disorient large segments of American opinion, and 
thus increase pressures on Washington for disengagement, peace at any 
price, unilateral disarmament ; peaceful coalition in a world socialist state, 
etc., etc. 

B. Under the "umbrella" of nuclear terror, the Soviets may be able to seize 
Asia, the Middle East, and Africa piecemeal by coup d'etat, civil war, precinct 
politics, fifth columns, assassination, propaganda, guerrilla activities, economic 
penetration, and the other instruments of psychosocial conflict. The Soviets 
can thus keep their atomic powder dry and win the world with fourth dimen- 
sional warfare. 

C. In the past, we have waited for the enemy's first blow to awaken our people 
to peril. Then, shielded by our oceans and by time, we have mobilized public 
opinion for sacrifice and service. But, today, we must arouse the people before 
the Soviets are ready to consummate an atomic Pearl Harbor on continental 
United States. Indeed, there must be disciplined understanding that we are 
already engaged in a new kind of war, with camouflaged weapons and unortho- 
dox rules. If we do not prosecute this fourth dimensional conflict with vigor 
and sophistication, we may be driven into a corner where our only choice is to 
surrender or cremate the earth. 


A. To create, inside Government, the machinery needed to enable the free 
world to compete successfully with Soviet fourth dimensional warfare techniques. 
(Ultimately this might mean the establishment of a fourth weapon not only in 
Washington; but at NATO and SEATO Headquarters.) The creation of a 
Freedom Academy would seem a logical first step. 

B. To create, in the private sector, a disciplined understanding of Communist 
strategy and tactics so there will be — 

(1) adequate public support for an American and free world offensive 
in the nonmilitary warfare field ; and 

(2) tenacious and skillful defense against Communist attempts to infil- 
trate or disorient private institutions in this country, in order to use them 
to handcuff and/or disarm our Military Establishment. 

C. The purpose of both A and B, above, would be to stultify the Soviet fourth 
weapon and, gradually, to isolate, paralyze, and cripple Communist warmaking 
power with nonmilitary pressures. Eventually, the United States should de- 
velop economic, political, and cultural weapons to probe the internal weaknesses 
of the Sino-Soviet Empire and so carry the nonmilitary war into the camp of 
the enemy. 

Note. — Obviously, in order to wage psychopolitieal and economic warfare, we 
must have an impenetrable shield of science and military power. Hence, the 
public must understand that the fourth weapon is no substitute for airpower, the 
Navy, and an Army capable of fighting limited wars. Any campaign to alert 
the public to the case for an American fourth weapon must, necessarily, empha- 
size the need to match Soviet capabilities in firepower, missiles, submarines, etc. 
The fourth weapon is simply the sword that can be used, as the Communists are 
using it, from behind the shield of military and scientific preparedness. 


A. Fourth dimensional warfare, since it involves social, economic, and political 
factors, cannot, in a free society, be exclusively dominated by Government. 
What is required is a new kind of partnership in defense between the military, 
the Department of State, and private institutions, defense industrv, oversea 
corporations, professional societies, private foundations, universities, "^the public 
school system, youth groups, women's clubs, etc. 

B. A Freedom Academy is needed to train the civilian and military compon- 
ents which must work together in voluntary cooperation if an American fourth 
weapon is to be used both offensively behind the Iron Curtain and defensively 
here at home to strengthen the climate of opinion against Soviet strategems. 


Mr. SouRWiNE, Mr. Chairman, we also have a letter from Congress- 
man Charles E. Bennett, of Florida with a very brief statement about 
this legislation which he asked to be put into the record. 

Senator Hruska. It will be accepted with pleasure, a colleague of 
Congressman Herlong. 

(The letter and statement referred to read as follows :) 

House of Representatives, 
Washington, D.C., June 18, 1959. 
Subcommittee on Internal Security, 
Senate Judiciary Committee 
Washington, B.C. 

Gentlemen : I understand your subcommittee has been holding hearings on 
Congressman Herlong's H.R. 3S80. I would appreciate your including the 
enclosed statement in the record of these hearings. 
Thanking you, and with kindest regards, I am 

Charles E. Bennett, Member of Congress. 

Statement of Charles E. Bennett, Member of Congress, On the Proposed 

Freedom Commission Act, H.R. 3SS0 

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this opportunity to appear here today in behalf 
of the proposed Freedom Commission Act. Coauthors of this proposal are Con- 
gressmen A. S. Herlong, Jr., and Walter H. Judd. I introduced a companion 
measure, H.R. 4988, to show my support for this marvelous proposal to 
strengthen the force of freedom in the battle for the minds of uncommitted peo- 
ples all over the world. I sincerely believe that enactment of this proposal 
would serve the cause of freedom throughout the world by establishing a free- 
dom commission, a freedom academy, and a joint congressional freedom commit- 
tee, each of which could be a valuable freedom weapon. I certainly hope this 
committee can give its approval and support to this fine proposal. 

Senator Hruska. Mrs. Jessica Payne of Huntington, W. Va., a 
former member of the legislature of that State, has asked for per- 
mission to include in the record a statement on this general subject. 

That permission, without objection, is granted, and upon receipt 
thereof, Mr. Counsel, you will turn it over to the reporter for inclusion 
in the record. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir. 

(The statement referred to reads as follows 

Statement on Freedom Academy 
(By Mrs. E. Wyatt Payne, (Mrs. Jessica Payne) Huntington, W. Va.) 

Mr. Chairman, my name is Mrs. E. Wyatt Payne, (Mrs. Jessica Payne) from 
Huntington, W. Va. I am a former member of the legislature, a lecturer and 
writer on Americanism versus communism and have defended constitutional 
government and our free enterprise system in every State, except the two new- 
comers. I appreciate the opportunity to come before this committee with this 
statement as a lay American, mother and former teacher, to speak in sup- 
port of the Freedom Academy, which, if established, and protected from infiltra- 
tion and indoctrination by the Communist, Socialists and the National J]duca- 
tional Association, should, and could prove to be the guiding light and guiding 
hand necessary to save our Republic. 

Certainly, all else has failed to stop the Communist cimspiracy and to "con- 
tain" communism and I am convinced that their expansion program, under the 
panoply of the cold war, will continue unless and until some sensible, fearless 
and honest approach is made toward understanding and exposing this con- 
spiracy which is now interwoven into the very fabric of American life. Our 
Government, schools, unions, clubs and churches, because of the colossal igno- 
rance (in spite of the fine work of the FBI, the Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee and your own courageous work) are either victims, dupes or collaborators 
in some degree and aspect of their nefarious program. 


Obviously, specific attention to this problem is indicated. Generalities, double- 
talk, half-truths, erroneous propaganda and outright falsehoods have so con- 
fused the American people about communism, that they are often willing and 
eager followers, if not participants, in its clever, deceptive conniving. Most peo- 
ple fall for the bait because it comes disguised as progress, brotherhood, free- 
dom from prejudice, do-gooder programs, neutralism and many other "forms" to 
fool "conformers." 

These known and documented facts point up the need for a pro-American 
Academy where the truth about the Communist conspiracy — its techniques, in- 
trigues, espionage system, the roll of their saboteurs and their philosophy, is 
taught and made known to the American people. 

As I listened to the fine points brought out by Congressman Judd, Herbert 
Philbrick and others, I was impressed with the question asked each of those 
appearing before the committee by the presiding chairman. Senator Roman 
Hruska, namely : Why are there so few pro- American textbooks in our schools 
and colleges? Obviously, the astute Senator realizes that there may be some 
connection between the easy acceptance of pro-Communist doctrine and the 
vacuum created in our educational system by deleting and slanting basic Amer- 
ican concepts. There is such a connection, and much of our trouble today stems 
from the fact that it is becoming increasingly diflacult to preserve American 
values — even the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence — because 
of un-American and non-American propaganda, through textbooks and other 
media which the social planners in education have substituted for sound prin- 
ciples in education and government. Every dictator knows the immediate im- 
pact of taking over and rewriting the textbooks when they want to condition 
a nation for the "kill." They change the vocabulary, replace or remove re- 
ligious and national symbols, scoff at their national heroes and confuse the peo- 
ple about their allegiance to established traditions and mores by misinterpret- 
ing, or slanting history. 

Do we have a parallel for these signs of decadence in America today? Yes. 
The proof is overwhelming to those who read and compare "modern" textbooks 
with those whose faithful reporting of the great experiment in individual liberty, 
known as the American Republic, inspired their readers to respect and pre- 
serve it. The creeping paralysis of changing our form of government under 
the guise of "social progress" and "progressive education" is everywhere ap- 
parent, and a thorough investigation an'I expose of this major weakness in 
our national life is long overdue. When, and if, it is held the investigation 
should not be conducted by those leaders in education whose philosophies and 
textbooks helped to create the dilemma, but by a Government committee whose 
members are dedicated to the preservation of this Nation, it can be shown by 
evidence and documentation that our educational system (including most all 
textbooks in history, the social and political sciences and economics), has di- 
rected its students, and therefore the Nation, toward the Collectivist-Socialist 
welfare state. The visible beginning is found in the official records of the 
N.E.A. under "Addresses and Proceedings in Washington and Cleveland," 1934. 
vol. 72, page 647, under the title "Education for the New America" by Willard 
E. Givens. Every congressional committee dealing with the Communist-Social- 
ist problem in America today should read the following Report and compare 
its bold statement with the pattern of education which developed under the 
leadership of the gentleman who made the report. A few months later he 
was made executive secretary of the National Educational Association and 
directed its program for many years until the present secretary, his protege, 
took over. Quoting from the Givens Report: "This report comes directly from 
the thinking together of more than 1,000 members of the department of super- 
intendence. A dying laissez faire must be completely destroyed and all of us, 
including the owners, must be subjected to a large degree of social control. 
A large section of our discussion group, accepting the conclusions of distin- 
guished students, maintain that, in our fragile, interdependent society, the credit 
agencies, the basic industries and utilities cannot be centrally planned and 
operated under private ownership. Hence, they will join in creating a swift 
nationwide campaign of adult education which will support President Roosevelt 
in taking over and operating them at full capacity as a unified national system 
in the interest of all the people." No wonder parents and good teachers and 
elected representatives are concerned about the consequences of such an edu- 
cational program. 

42731 — 59 11 


Unfortunately, the very philosophy stated in the above repoi-t, which obvi- 
ously was lifted right out of the Ckirrmiunist-Socialist philosophy and initiated 
program in America, became the motivation for changing our textbooks, and 
we find its wording and advice advocated through directives from the N.E.A., 
the modem curriculum, and the textbooks during the ensuing years. Today^ 
civilian defense authorities are anxious that we watch the skies for enemy 
bombers and give the alert, but there were no "listening posts" in the class- 
rooms when the far deadlier Oommunist-Socialist bombs dropped into the text- 
books such devastating bombs as "Free enterprise is dead — The Supreme Court 
could and presumably should abolish constitutional property rights for the so- 
cial good — Those who think that government is a competitor of free enterprise 
will only drive the United States into totalitarian dictatorship — The United 
States has already committed its power and wealth to changing conditions all 
over the world and enforcing the four freedoms — This Nation is part of a 'new 
world' in which national rights will be superceded by an international system — • 
You cannot level wealth in America until legislation is passed which forbids 
parents leaving their inheritance to their children." You see, gentlemen of the 
committee, these were not "clean bombs" and the fallout changed the schools, 
the students, the Government, and the whole fabric of American life. Our 
present status, measured on the background of the above report and its re- 
incarnation in leading textbooks presents a fait accompli : the Communist-Social- 
ist prophesy fulfilled. To pinpoint the answer to the Senator's question re- 
garding textbooks we should remember those whose influence was predominant 
in the N.E.A., the textbook field, educational policy decisions and the "modern" 
curriculum, some of whom were Moscow trained and oriented. John Dewey, 
William Kilpatrick, George Counts, Kirtley Mather, Henry Commager, the Schle»- 
ingers and their followers cannot escape the verdict of history relating to weak- 
ening American concepts of individual liberty, individual initiative, frugaUty, 
property rights, the free enterprise system, sound money, a balanced budget and 
constitutional Government, American style. The shift away from these tried 
and true precepts and concepts, to the deficit spending, lean on Government, 
less work for more pay, public housing, public everything philosophy came about 
through leading educators whose textbooks found their way into the academic 
bloodstream of America, and whose students carried the philosophy into the 
Government, when given high positions in policymaking quarters. 

There are few i>ro-American textbooks today because education, per se, and 
those connected with it in the top eschelons were not thinking, writing, or 
planning according to American tradition and previously accepted basic prin- 
ciples. Something new had been added and implemented. It is clearly de- 
fined in the Givens Report. 

Why was this infiltration and indoctrination not stopped in its early stages, 
or even now? In my opinion, there are three obvious reasons. First, the Na- 
tional Education Association is still controlled by those who believe that the 
social gospel. Federal aid, and the child-centered school are dependable substi- 
tutes for reading, writing, arithmetic, character training, and reward for work 
well done. Second, the steamroller could have been checked by the P.T.A. 
and third, also by lay-independent school boards, but the N.E.A. quickly realized 
the necessity of bringing these two grassroot organizations under their watch- 
ful care and guidance. I have carefully checked much of the material, including 
the latest "Does Better Education Cost More?" sent out by the N.E.A. and 
propagandized for by the F.T.A., and the cry is always, "More money makes 
better schools." This is not necessarily so. Billions put into buildings and 
salaries will not reverse the Communist-Socialist trend in education unless and 
until the curriculum is changed to include fundamental education, American 
history, allegiance to God and country, and strength through character and de- 
votion to family life. When textbooks are written with the preservation of the 
American Republic in mind, and when textbook committees refuse to adopt any 
others, and if adopted. State legislatures refuse to pay for them, we shall be on 
our way to retrieving our American heritage. 

All the problems of space and the atomic age can best be settled by those who 
are equipped with fundamental education and love of and devotion to their 
country — freedom's native land. In fact, "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness" would be more secure in our keeping if modern textbooks were written 
with the spirit and intent expressed by Dr. Joes Steele in 1871, when, in the 
preface to his history book, he said : "This work is offered to American youth in 
the confident belief that, as they study the wonderful history of their native 


land, they will learn to prize their birthright more highly, and treasure it more 
carefully. Their patriotism must be kindled when they come to see how slowly, 
yet how gloriously, this tree of liberty has grown ; what storms have wrenched 
its boughs, what sweat of toil and blood has moistened its roots, what eager eyes 
have watched every outspreading bud, what brave hearts have defended it, lov- 
ing it even unto death. A heritage thus sanctified by the heroism and devotion 
of the fathers cannot but elicit the choicest and tenderest love of the sons." Old- 
fashioned? Yes. Emotional? Certainly. So are the Ten Commandments. 

When, may I ask you, did you read a textbook which would affect the spine 
and heart of our youth as does the above and bring them to "some to see" our glo- 
rious history? When? Yes, we need the Freedom Academy, and we need it now. 

Mr. SouEWiNE. May we have the same order for inclusion of a state- 
ment being prepared by Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, professor at George- 
town University and chairmen of the Ukrainian Congress Committee 
of America. 

Senator Hruska. It is so ordered. 

(Dr. Dobriansky 's statement reads as follows:) 

Statement on S. 1689 by De. Lev E. Dobriansky, Washington, D.C. 

I appreciate the opportunity of submitting this statement on S. 1GS9 which 
calls for the creation of a Freedom Commission and the establishment of a 
Freedom Academy. We are in complete favor of the passage of this extremely 
important measure. The tremendous and pressing need for this independent 
agency and the special educational institution cannot be too strongly em- 

For the serious consideration of the members of this committee and also in 
rational support of the affirmative position taken by us on this farseeing bill, 
we offer the following concise observations, all of which can be readily and 
reasonably documented : 

(1) The necessity for the passage of this measure is inextricably tied up 
with the basic issue of the very survival of our Nation. This statement is no 
exaggeration. When one soberly considers how much has been lost in the past 
decade, he could wnth considerable validity caption his thoughts with the title 
"From Atomic Monopoly Power and Air Supremacy to Research Surrender." 
The pessimistic overtones of this title for our latest chapter in foreign policy, 
vis-a-vis the Soviet Union, should not, of course, be accepted for the future. 
But who can reasonably deny that its elements bear varying degrees of factu- 
ality? Had we in operating existence what is sensibly designed in this bill, the 
probability is, to say the least, that we as a Nation would have maintained our 
clear-cut superiority in these respects. Lest we be mistaken, this is not entirely 
an observation from hindsight, even though such an observation would in itself 
draw respectful attention. The plain fact is that the fundamental nature of 
the imperialist Russian Communist enemy was openly revealed years before the 
outbreak of hostilities in 1939. 

The farseeing character of this measure points to the most essential course 
open to us in combating successfully the conspiratorial and subversive inroads 
made by Moscow in the free world. With the relatively declining long-run 
importance of military might and power as our chief source of deterrence 
against both the further expansion of Moscow's empire and the horrendous 
outbreak of a global hot war, the critical area of the foreseeable future will be 
that of vigorous and imaginative cold war activity. The sheer adequacy of 
Communist arms and industrial capacity has produced a formidable counter- 
deterrent which shifts the points of comparative advantage to activities within 
the cold war area. Vested with complete futural significance of the most 
crucial sort, this measure aims to equip us with the necessary means to cope 
adequately with the expected intensification of devious cold war activities by 

(2) The passage of this bill would make possible concentrated studies of Rus- 
sian cold war operations in terms of indispensable historical perspectives which 
would deepen our insights into the basic nature of the enemy. Careful analyses 
along these and primarily substantive lines would reveal that what we classify 
today as Moscow's cold war techniques and methods are essentially traditional 
to totalitarian Russian diplomacy. Contrary to rather superficial opinion, 
they are not the created products of so-called Communist ideology and opera- 


tion. It can be readily demonstrated, for example, that methods now em^ 
ployed by Moscow in the Middle East, particularly in Iran, were in essence 
used by the white Tsars of the old Russian Empire. Except for accidental 
refinements, many of the techniques manipulated by the rulers of the present 
Russian Empire can be traced as far back as the 16th century. Indeed, over 
a half century before Marx, the Russian ambassadors of Catherine the Great 
utilized class division techniques to prepare for the partitions of Poland. 
Numerous other examples of striking comparative worth and value can be cited. 
Such specialized studies conducted by an independent agency set up to con- 
centrate on cold war phenomena stand to have more value for our national 
security and defense than literally the billions spent upon military hardware. 
These fashioned techniques and methods of Moscow are new to us by virtue of our 
unfamiliarity with them. Yet, significantly, they are old and tried to many 
subjugated nations in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. In 
contrast to the ways and means of past Western imperialism and colonialism 
that throve on oversea possessions, the methods of Russian imperialism and 
colonialism wei-e forged to extend an overland empire, with all their borderland 
implications. By these methods and techniques an unprecedented empire was 
built over the centuries and revived and even greatly expanded by present 
Muscovite rulers. Of conspicuous note concerning the past as well as contem- 
porary Russian expansion is the outstanding fact that the polyglot military 
forces under Moscow played essentially a secondary role. The primary role 
has consistently been played by Russian diplomacy, conspiracy, and subversion. 
And this includes our latest period, from World War II to the present. Our 
understanding of these Russian "coid war" operations as pursued by tyrannical 
Russian rulers over the centuries is indispensable to adequate preparations and 
ability on our part to cope with phenomena of intensive revolutions and conquests 
from within in independent and also emerging nations of the free world. The 
objectives envisaged by S. 1689 point in this direction. 

(3) In the light of the swift-moving developments of the past decade and 
more, this measure and its passage are actually long overdue. The essential 
ideas of this measure were considered by the Select House Committee To Investi- 
gate Communist Aggression Since 1918. Shortly thereafter. Senator Douglas 
of Illinois sponsored a measure aimed at the creation of a Freedom Commission 
a few years ago. The present bill in more elaborate and adequate form 
crystallizes the thoughts and vision of the many who have given serious consid- 
eration and study to the nature and scope of cold war operations under contrived 
conditions of "neither peace nor war." Based on much precedent thought, this 
measure promises to lay the necessary foundations for us to contend intelligently 
and competently with the cold war thrusts and maneuvers of Moscow. 

(4) By analogy, the existence of a Freedom Commission and a Freedom 
Academy is as necessary to our national being today as the Board of Governors 
of the Federal Reserve System. In like manner that the latter is purposed to 
achieve stability and balanced development in our economy, the former would 
strive to accomplish the same in our undertakings under indefinite conditions 
of "neither peace nor war." It is safe to say that because the American people 
have not, by and large, understood the nature, scope, and depth of Moscow's 
cold v,'ar operations, they have been constantly subject to wide fluctuations of 
mood and sentiment, giving way at times to dangerous complacency and even 
seeming indifference toward the vital force of their treasured principles and 
values. The Mikoyan spectacle earlier this year was a case in point. Trips to 
Moscow to gain political popularity at home have developed into a veritable joke, 
with many indirect propaganda advantages and gains accruing to Moscow 
itself. These and many other developments have broad cold war significance. 
They require continuous studied assessment leading to recommendations for 
adequate counteraction. 

(5) To satisfactorily meet the tasks and requirements cited above, an inde- 
pendent agency devoted exclusively to the content of cold-war operation is indis- 
pensable. There is no existing agency or department in our Government that 
is equipped by intent or resources to meet these tasks. No existing govern- 
mental body is designed to treat and study Russian cold-war phenomena in all 
their interrelated aspects. Administratively, there is no principle of coordination 
represented by any body in this intricate and complex field. The creation of a 
Freedom Commission would correct these defects and fill in the gaps that pres- 
ently exist. It would, at long last, provide us with a functioning apparatus to 
deal with a foremost challenge in a totalistic and coordinated way, rather than 
the piecemeal and sporadic efforts that have prevailed up to the present. 


(6) Similarly, there is no educational institution maintained by our Govern- 
ment or any private body that is capable of conducting necessary and continuous 
studies and instruction on this new plane of cold-war operation. The intended 
Freedom Academy would satisfy this basic need. 

(7) And both bodies, the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy, 
would become valuable and effective media for our public and private institu- 
tions as concerns general enlightenment and understanding of the constant, dan- 
gerous threat that confronts our Nation and the free world. Their very exist- 
ence and work would bar indifference or complacency toward this persistent 
totalitarian peril which is centered in Moscow. In short, their service in this 
specialized field would be in the fimdamental service of our own survival as an 
independent nation. On grounds of national survival, we cannot afford to even 
risk the prospects of psychological attrition or isolation, not to mention other 
nonmilitary avenues of national reduction. 

Mr. SouRwiisrE. Senator Mundt has advised us that he has prepared 
a statement which he would like included in these hearings. 
Senator EfeusKA. It may be included. 
(The statement above referred to reads as follows:) 

Statement of Senatob Karl E. Mundt on S. 1689, the Fkeedom Commission Act 

I am delighted to have the opportunity to present this statement to the Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee in behalf of S. 16S9, the Freedom Commission 
Act, a bill which I introduced in the Senate on April 15, with the cosponsorship 
of Senator Douglas of Illinois and Senator Case of New Jersey. S. 1689 and its 
companion in the House, introduced by Congressmen Herlong and Judd, is a 
bill which should engage the attention and serious consideration of every Mem- 
ber of the Congress of the United States. This bill proposes a positive plan of 
action, which it seems to me must be implemented at an early date, if we are to 
succeed in the grim struggle against the pervading forces of international com- 

S. 1689 proiioses the creation of a Freedom Commission and a Freedom Aca- 
demy to train and inform the citizens of the free world as to the conspiratorial, 
organizational, and operational techniquest of communism, and of the means 
and methods of counteraction, which can be employed most effectively against 
the International Communist psychological and political warfare offensive. 
The conspirators, who are directing the Communist attack on the free nations 
of the world, have developed their organizational and operational techniques to 
the point of a pure science. Their every action is well calculated and minutely 
planned to do the greatest destruction to the free world cause. Bach Communist 
psychological warfare thrust is artistically designed in conformity with an 
overall master plan for world domination. Through this unified, scientifically 
developed, and well calculated psychopolitical plan, the Communists have suc- 
ceeded in penetrating every level of our free world society. This grave threat 
to the free world continues to an ever-increasing intensity. Grave as the threat 
may be, the situation is far from hopeless, providing this country, the acknowl- 
edged leader of the free world, is willing to undertake an organized and well- 
directed program of counteraction. The Communist challenge cannot be met 
with mere rhetoric and good intentions; the urgent need is for positive and 
unified action. S. 1689 is designed to provide the framework for such a program 
of action. 

This Nation and the other nations of the free world have dedicated themselves 
to the mutual development of a powerful defensive and offensive military estab- 
lishment capable, if necessity requires, to meet and defeat the combat forces 
of the Communist world on the battlefields of a hot war. Tragically enough, we 
have ignored in great measure the political battlefields of the cold war, where the 
crucial struggle against atheistic communism could be lost without the firing of 
a shot or the launching of an ICBM. It is on to these political battlefields that 
the Communists have dispatched highly trained echelons of conspirators to in- 
filtrate, subvert and control many of the institutions of the free world. These 
same cadres of Communist subversion are being rapidly deployed in many of 
the uncommitted nations of the world. We, of the free world, are not effectively 
meetmg or counteracting this intense Communist activity in the field of political 
warfare. We cannot effectively counteract this type of Communist cold war 
activity with apathy and ignorance ; if we are to win, if we are to survive, we 


must confront this political vanguard of the totalitarian forces with a program 
of action, indeed, counteraction and enlightenment. It is to provide this en- 
lightened force of counteraction to fight on the political battlefields of the world 
that Senator Douglas and I are proposing and urging the creation of a Freedom 
Commission and a Freedom Academy. 

Under the provisions of S. 1689, the initial step would be the establishment 
of a Freedom Commission, composed of seven outstanding U.S. citizens. This 
Commission must be staffed with our top experts in the field of political and 
psychological warfare. Its members must be highly sophisticated individuals, 
keenly aware of the plans, techniques, and objectives of the international Com- 
munist conspiracy. These individuals must be men of breadth and vision ; they 
must be earnestly dedicated to the causes of freedom and they must be aware 
and deeply respectful of the many divergent beliefs and philosophies which com- 
bine to form the total concept of freedom. I think that it is grand that two 
proponents of such widely divergent political philosophies, as are Paul Douglas 
and I, should join in the cosponsorship of this legislation, for it indicates the type 
of broad-based coalition, which the free world must present in this political 
warfare against the forces of communism. 

The posts on the Freedom Commission will be full-time jobs and the employ- 
ment activities of the members must be restricted exclusively to the work of the 
Freedom Commission. The activities envisioned in S. 1689 are so vast in both 
scope and importance that a full-time administrative branch is an absolute 
necessity if this plan of action is to succeed. The Commission will consist of six 
members and a chairman. These seven individuals will be appointed by the 
President with the advice and consent of the Senate. The individual members 
will serve for staggered terms of 6 years, and the chairman will serve at the 
pleasure of the President. A primary responsibility of this presideutially ap- 
pointed Commission will be the establishment and direction of the Freedom 
Academy. The Commission will direct the selection of the Academy faculty, and 
wiU cooperate with the faculty in drawing up the curriculum and proposed course 
of study. It will, additionally, be necessary for the Commission to draft a 
workable selection system, by which the Academy's students will be chosen. 

The Commission will also be responsible for establishing an information center, 
the principal function of which will be to disseminate information and materials 
which will assist persons and organizations to increase their understanding of 
the true nature of the Communist conspiracy and the ways and means of defeating 
that conspiracy. 

S. 1689 attempts only to chart a general course to be followed by the Commis- 
sion and Academy. The bill is not restrictive in its terms, and leaves much of 
the matters of detail and specific approach to the discretion and sound judgment 
of the Commission. However, the program envisioned in S. 1689 is too vital to 
the future of the free world to leave exclusively under the supervision of seven 
individuals. So S. 1689 proposes the creation of a Joint Congressional Freedom 
Committee, composed of 14 members, 7 from each House of the Congress. This 
joint committee shall make continued studies of the activities of the Freedom 
Commission and of the effectiveness of the educational and informational pro- 
grams being directed by the Commission. The Joint Freedom Committee will 
report from time to time to the Members of the Senate and the House of Repre- 

The Academy is, of course, the hub of this activity of counteraction against the 
Communist political warfare. It is in the Freedom Academy that individuals 
from public and private life wiU be informed as to the organizational techniques 
of the Conmiunist conspiracy and of the methods which must be employed to win 
in a battle of international political warfare. The Academy students will be 
thoroughly informed as to the Communist ideologies ; they will be shown how the 
Communists, with their well-developed organizational techniques, infiltrate our 
free institutions and later subvert them to their own conspiratorial and tyranni- 
cal purposes. Once thoroughly acquainted with the nature and character of the 
foe, the student will be schooled in the elements and essentials of successful 
counteraction. The student will be trained to engage in political infighting in 
specific types of situations, in specific areas of society, and in specific areas of the 

The student body of the Freedom Academy will not be drawn from the United 
States alone, but will be selected from all parts of the free world. Students will 
come from all walks of life ; the student body will include trade unionists, pro- 
fessional men, teachers, clergymen, housewives, municipal oflScials, technicians, 


business executives, and Government employees. This divergency of background 
is essential to successful counteraction, for the Communist organizational cam- 
paign of infiltration and subversion is directed at all strata of society. Mr. 
Chairman, it is the intention and purpose of S. 1689 to train a cadre of dedicated 
anti-Communists to lead and direct the forces of freedom on the political and 
psychological battlefronts of the world. 

To effectively offset and defeat the Communist organizational weapons, we 
need trained and dedicated i)eople who understand the Communist strategy and 
who appreciate the tactics and realities of a total global power struggle. Such 
an academy as that proposed in the Mundt-Douglas and Herlong-Judd bills would 
have the means and the objectives of providing the free world with skilled profes- 
sional operatives to promote freedom's side of this cold war into which we have 
been reluctantly but realistically forced. 

It is not our intention to emulate Communist conspiratorial techniques in con- 
ducting our side of this global struggle. Our methods and techniques can and 
should be developed in full harmony with our democratic principles, our Christian 
ethics, and our civilized concept of morality. With right on our side, however, 
we should be able to evolve methods and means far more effective than those 
utilized by the Communists. 

We are late, very late, in developing the proper and effective methods of 
repelling the Communist conspiracy. But there is still time if we devote our 
great American talents, vision, and resources to this immediate problem. I 
think S. 1689 contains at least a partial answer to the development of effective 
counteraction against the Communist conspiracy. I commend this bill to the 
attention of this committee with the high hope you will recommend its enactment 
t>y the 86th Congress, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I understand that Senator Paul Douglas, one of the 
sponsors of the Freedom Commission bill, also has a statement he 
wishes to have included in the record. May that be accepted ? 

Senator Hruska. It will be received for the record and printed if 
available in time. 

(Senator Douglas' letter and the document referred to therein read 
as follows:) 

U.S. Senate, 
Committee on Banking and Currency, 

June 22, 1959. 
Hon. Thomas J. Dodd, 
U.S. Senate, 
Senate Office Building, 
Washington, D.C. 

Dear Tom : I am very glad that you were able to schedule hearings on S. 1689, 
the bill to create a Freedom Commission, which I joined Senator Mundt in 

The idea behind this measure is an important one, and while improvements 
can undoubtedly be made in certain of the approaches which are made in this 
first draft, I hope that the measure will be of sufficient interest to your sub- 
committee and to the full committee to be given their earnest consideration. 

I was also struck by the value of the first chapter of the book recently written 
by Mr. Harry Welton of Britain, entitled "The Third World War" and believe 
that you may find it desirable to include in the record of your subcommittee 
hearings a copy of that chapter, which I am also inserting in the Congressional 
Record in another connection. 

In any case, I am glad to enclose the above material with this letter, and if 
you think it an appropriate review of the strategy and tactics of the Communist 
conspiracy, I would be glad to have it included in the record of your hearings. 

With kindest regards, 

Paul H. Douglas. 

author's note 

This is not a cloak and dagger story. That it occasionally reads like one is 
due entirely to the nature of the war unleashed by the Soviet Union against the 
free peoples. 


The evidence I have accumnlated is not secret, although it has never before 
been presented in one document. I vpould, however, make it clear that the reader 
looking for "ear-to-the-keyhole" stories will be disappointed. 

The facts are themselves startling enough, and because of this I have felt it 
necessary to provide full documentation. Emphasis in all cases, except where 
otherwise stated, is my own. 

Chapter 1. The Struggle for the World 

In every inhabited part of the world the forces of communism and democracy 
are locked together in combat. In this struggle there are no neutral territories. 
In some countries the Communists are firmly entrenched, in others, such as 
the United States and the British Commonwealth, the free peoples hold positions 
of immense strength. There is, however, a vast no man's land composed of 
nations in which the issue is in the balance, where probably within the next 
two decades the supremacy of one side or another will decide the fate of man- 
kind for centuries to come. 

This is not an all-out military struggle, and it is unlikely to develop into one. 
fought even with conventional weapons. A nuclear war, with whole cities being 
blasted out of existence in a matter of seconds, is even more unlikely. Such 
events would be the products of madmen. These do not exist among the leaders 
and potential leaders of the free nations. Nor does Khrushchev, even when 
he is in his cups, show the slightest inclination to risk the destruction of what 
he and his forerunners have taken such pains to build. The evidence of the 
Berlin blockade, Korea and the Middle East show beyond doubt that armed 
conflict on a global basis is not part of Soviet strategy. 

Indeed there is no reason why it should be. The Russian leaders are realists. 
They know that the third world war is already in progress, and believe that 
they are winning it. This great and decisive struggle for supremacy is being 
fought, not between sputniks in outer space, but between economic systems on 

The weapons are marketable commodities such as cars, tractors, industrial 
equipment, power stations and consumer goods of all types. The main armies 
are not soldiers, but salesmen who, operating as a disciplined force, have been told 
to get into world markets and drive out the products of the western democracies. 

That is the new war. It is based upon the simple truth that Britain — still re- 
garded as the main bulwark against the spread of communism — is either a great 
trading nation or is not a great nation. Deprived of our trade we become a com- 
paratively unimportant island in the North Sea. We would be incapable of de- 
fending ourselves, of maintaining our population or playing our full part in 
world affairs. Without a constant and sufiicient supply of food and raw ma- 
terials from overseas we are doomed. We know that, and so do the Russians. 

We are also the heart of a great Commonwealth, and the mainspring of the 
sterling area. Break this country through destroying its economy and the dream 
of world communism comes much nearer to reality. 

This type of warfare is the more dangerous because of its subtlety. We may 
not awaken before it is too late. For this reason the Soviet Union runs the 
most efficient and most costly propaganda machine in the world. Day in and 
day out it conducts a barrage against the minds of the free peoples. By lies, 
half-truths and innuendoes, it seeks to weaken our morale, undermine faith in 
our way of life, and above all to direct our attention away from the real danger. 

Not the least important part of the Soviet trade-war machine exists inside 
Britain's key exporting industries. There, under the guise of militant trade 
unionism, a constant battle is going on against the productive efficiency without 
which we cannot in the long run meet the Soviet challenge. 

These Soviet agents, many of whom hold important positions in the Trade 
Union Movement, have caused concern among such men as Bill Carron, president 
of the Amalgamated Engineering Union, who has described them as subversives 
"acting under the dictates of a foreign power with the declared purpose of wreck- 
ing Britain's economy." ^ 

It is in this light that the activities of Communists everywhere must be 
assessed. They are part of a plan, which has been avowed by all Russian leaders 
from Lenin to Khrushchev, to establish communism on a world basis. Like 
Hitler, these men, and the theoreticians before them, have frankly declared both 
their aims and the methods through which they hope to achieve them. Unlike 

1 Empire News, Sept. 8, 1957. 


Hitler they have relentlessly pursued these aims without unnecessary risk of 
anned conflict. They are not men in a hurry. 

There is a further similarity. When Hitler was proclaiming his intentions 
from the housetops, many people either dismissed him as a crank, or in any 
event refused to heed the warning. So it is today. Leaders of British public 
opinion, perhaps influenced by the day-to-day propaganda utterances of the 
Soviet leaders, are reluctant to accept Communist avowals at their true value. 

We cannot complain that they have not been constantly and concisely expressed. 
Over a century ago, for example, the Communist Manifesto, the first funda- 
mental document of modern communism, was simple, straightf oi'ward, and to the 
point. It stated: 

"The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly 
declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all 
existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist 
revolution. In it the proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They 
have a world to win. Working men of all countries, unite." 

This was given reality by the Bolshevik seizure of power in Russia in 1917. 
The world movement achieved a base from which it could reach out into the 
farthest corners of the globe. Adherents in all countries have since then con- 
sciously accepted the doctrine that the U.S.S.R. is the Communist heartland, and 
that its rulers are the potential masters of all mankind. 

Directives circulated through hosts of subsidiary organizations have since 
poured out from the Kremlin, and been accepted and acted upon without question 
by party members and supporters in every country. These Soviet agents straddle 
the earth, ready to subordinate everything, their country, their trade unions, their 
families and even themselves, to the of ensuring Soviet domination. 

Their duty has, in spite of the heavy Marxist jargon, never been more clearly 
expressed than by P. E. Vishinsky, the Soviet theoretician who stated in 
194S : 

"At present the only determining criterion of revolutionary proletarian inter- 
nationalism is : Are you for or against the U.S.S.R., the motherland of the 
world proletariat? An internationalist is not one who verbally recognizes inter- 
national solidarity or sympathizes with it. A real internationalist is one who 
brings his sympathy and recognition up to the point of practical and maximal 
help to the U.S.S.R. in support and defense of the U.S.S.R. by every means and in 
every possible form. Actual cooperation with the U.S.S.R., the readiness of the 
workers of any country to subject all their aims to the basic problem of strengthen- 
ing the U.S.S.R. in their struggle — this is the manifestation of revolutionary 
proletarian internationalism on the part of workmen in foreign countries. * * * 
The defense of the US.S.R., as of the socialist motherland of the world proletar- 
iat, is the holy duty of every honest man everywhere and not only of the 
citizens of the U.S.S.R." ^ 

This welding of international Communist forces into one mighty army directed 
and controlled by Russia, and owing unqualified allegiance to those in power 
in that country, has been a prime task of party members everywhere since 
1917. Any sign of deviation or movement toward national communism has 
been ruthlessly suppressed, either by mass executions where Communists rule, 
or expulsion from the party where dissident comrades are fortunate enough 
to live in a democracy. 

How this army could be used to achieve world conquest was outlined by 
Lenin many years ago, and incorporated in volume V, page 141, of his Selected 
Works. It so impressed Stalin that he repeated the general theme in a major 
speech in 1924, and it has since been included in every edition of his works 
(the most recent being in English in 1943 and in Russian in 1949). 

This important directive boils down to four essentials : 

1. Building up the strength of the Soviet Union. 

2. Organizing subversion in the industrialized capitalist states. 

3. The fomenting of revolt in colonial countries. 

4. A final onslaught, using whatever methods are most suitable in the light 
of prevailing conditions in the country or countries concerned. 

The struggle for the world 

The essential aim was summarized in the following statement : 

"The victory of socialism in one country is not a self-suf5cient task. The 

revolution which has been victorious in one country must regard itself not as 

2 "Problems of Philosophy," Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1948. 


a self-sufficient entity, but as an aid, a means for hastening the victory of the 
proletariat in all countries. For the victory of the revolution in one country, 
in the present case Russia * * * is the beginning of and the groundwork for 
the world revolution." ^ 

These are the words of Stalin, taken from Problems of Leninism published in 
1941. They declare the blunt truth — that Soviet foreign policy is one of world- 
wide expansion. 

The example of Hungary shows exactly the conditions under which the Soviet 
leaders will go to war. They will do so when the victim is helpless to retaliate, 
when they feel they are secure from armed intervention by other nations, and 
when the use of Soviet armed strength is necessary to obtain or retain complete 
and absolute control. 

Korea and Malaya are instances of an attempt to achieve conquest by proxy, 
although in each case the immediate aim was almost certainly more economic 
than military. The importance of Malayan rubber to the economies of Western 
Europe and to the stability of the sterling area is as evident to the Russians 
as it is to us. 

The Korean war, apart from spvarkiug off a propaganda campaign in which 
the Russians out-Goebbeled Goebbels, also caused the British Labor Government 
to embark upon an arms program which, by diverting men and materials from 
badly needed schemes for capital development, and the manufacture of products 
for export, struck a severe blow against our economy. It also paved the way 
for many of the industrial troubles from which we have since suffered. Those 
who doubt the ability of Russia to exert immense influence in this country might 
ponder over the fact that from 1950 onward our whole budgetary structure was 
conditioned by the Soviet military adventure in Korea. 

The shift of emphasis from military conflict to trade war was foreshadowed 
by Stalin in a treatise published just before his death. Referring to the economic 
integration of the Communist bloc, he stated : 

The result is a fast pace of industrial development in these countries. It may 
be confidently said that, with this pace of industrial development, it will soon 
come to pass that these countries will not only be in no need of imports from 
capitalist countries, but will themselves feel the necessity of finding an outside 
market for their surplus products. 

But it follows from this that the sphere of exploitation of the world's resources 
by the major capitalist countries will not expand, but contract ; that their oppor- 
tunities for sale in the world market will deteriorate, and that their industries 
will be operating more and more below capacity.* 

Since then this has become the spearhead of the Russian attack. It has 
dominated life behind the Iron Curtain, where the interest of workers, particu- 
larly in the satellites, have, as we shall see in ensuing chapters, been sacrificed to 
achieve capital formation in excess of that justified by existing productive 
capacity. Indeed, it is important to reemphasize that the drive for trade 
mastery has little in common with normal commercial rivalries between com- 
petitor countries. Inside the Communist countries it is planned, conducted, and 
financed as a military operation to be successfully concluded without regard 
for cost. Further, the attack has been launched with the active assistance of 
Communists working in every democratic country. 

By 1955 the progress already made justified the Soviet announcement that 
communism has become a world system which is in economic competition with 

Khrushchev was even more specific when, at a reception held at the Norwegian 
Embassy in Moscow, he told a British reporter that "Your system will collapse 
through economic competition with communism." 

The Communists, then, have made no secret of their aims or their methods. 
Political penetration, the actuality or threat of military attack, and the trade 
war are the avowed weapons to be used to achieve an avowed aim. 

Yet in spite of warnings, and the lessons of postwar history, there are still 
people in high places who believe that the Kremlin is peopled by men and 
women dominated by fear of encirclement by hostile capitalist powers, and who 
have only to be given a little encouragement to become good neighbors with whom 
schemes for the mutual advancement of all countries can be worked out. 

» "Problems of Leninism," Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1941, p. 113, 

* Stalin : "Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.," Foreign Languages Publish- 
ing House, Moscow, 1952i, p. 36. 

• Sunday Times, Nov. 13, 1955. 


In other words, they believe that the Russians are taking steps toward world 
domination with great reluctance, not because it is an integral part of the 
Communist creed, but in self-defense against the machinations of the democratic 

When Mr. Aneurin Bevan, then Britain's "Shadow" Foreign Minister, visited 
Moscow in 1957, he returned to express the view that the utterances of Soviet 
leaders could be dismissed as ritualistic exercises. These deserve to be categoried 
as famous last words. Seldom has such a dangerous statement been made by 
such an important man. 

There is nothing ritualistic about Khrushchev's reaction when Hungary at- 
tempted to break away from the Soviet empire. Nor was it provoked by a 
neighborly desire to safeguard Hungarian democracy. His action was provoked 
by fear that if Hungary succeeded In achieving its freedom, the other satellites 
in which a great deal of restlessness existed would quickly follow suit. 

Anyone who believes that the Communists are playing theoretical games 
must have slumbered since the Hitler-Stalin Pact, in August 1939, made the 
Second World War inevitable. This began a period of open expansion. Of the 
three main powers ultimately engaged in the war against Nazi Germany, only 
the Soviet Union gained territory. 

Poland was invaded. This was followed by the attack on Finland, the annexa- 
tion of Bessarabia and Bukovina, and forcible incorporation of Estonia, Latvia, 
and Lithuania into the Soviet Union. Those who believe that there is an easy 
way to peaceful coexistence with communism should note that Russia had freely 
negotiated nonaggression pacts with all these countries. 

This expansionist phase, reminiscent of imperialism at its worst, received a set- 
back when Hitler rounded on his ally and invaded the Soviet Union. 

Once victory in Europe had been achieved, however, Russian imperialism went 
on with renewed impetus. 

What makes this postwar period one of the great water sheds of history 
is that the extension of Russian control to other countries coincided with an 
even greater movement of withdrawal and noncommitment on the part of the 
democracies. At each successive stage, barriers against Communist penetration 
were weakened over large areas inhabited by millions of people. Russia herself 
became enriched by the addition of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Eastern 
provinces of Poland, Bessarabia, and Bukovina from Rumania, the Carpathian- 
Ruthenia province of Czechoslovakia, half of East Prussia from Germany, slices 
of Finland, Tannu Tuva, Dairen, and Port Arthur from China, and the Kurile 
Islands and Sakhalin from Japan. Quite an impressive record for a power said 
to be in the forefront of the fight against imperialism. 

Further, it was Russia who provided aid to the Communists in China and 
helped to achieve the overthrow of the Nationalist Government which, inci- 
dentally, had been recognized by Stalin and Molotov in words oddly reminiscent 
of Hitler's solemn promises to Poland. 

China thus became part of a gigantic Sino-Soviet bloc that is now in the 
process of becoming one huge industrial unit, from which, sooner or later, 
goods will llow into world markets in ever-increasing quantities. 

Once in power, the Chinese Communists followed the example of their Soviet 
tutors. Tibet was invaded and occupied, North Korea and North Vietnam were 

It is instructive to examine the methods used by the Soviet rulers to extend 
the Communist base. Georgia provides a very early example of double dealing. 
In March 1920, the Soviet Government signed a treaty in which it unreservedly 
acknowledged the independence and sovereignty of the Georgian State, and re- 
nounced voluntarily all the sovereign rights which had appertained to Russia 
with regard to the people and territory of Georgia. It also pledged itself not 
to interfere in any way in Georgia's internal affairs. 

In February 1921, Soviet troops invaded Georgia, and Tiflis, the capital, fell to 
the Bolsheviks. On the day this happened Georgia was proclaimed a Soviet 

The annexation of eastern Poland is another instance of Communist duplicity. 
In the spring of 1939, while Britain, France, and Poland were negotiating with 
the U.S.S.R. to form an alliance against Nazi Germany, Stalin's agents were 
secretly in consultation with Hitler himself. The result was a nonaggression 
pact between the two countries, under which the eastern half of Poland was 
recognized as a Soviet sphere of interest. The Nazis invaded Poland on 
September 1, 1939, and thus sparked off the most destructive war in the history 
of man. By prearrangement, the Soviet Army marched in from the east. 


Soviet Foreign Minister, Molotov, speaking on October 31, 1939, boasted : 

"One swift blow to Poland, first by the German Army, and then by the Red 
army, and nothing remained of this ugly offispring of the Versailles Treaty." * 

Bessarabia and the northern province of Bukovina were acquired by the simple 
procedure of massing Red army troops on the Rumanian frontier, and delivering 
an ultimatum that the Rumanian forces move out of these areas and be replaced 
by Soviet military units, and that all railways, bridges, airfields, factories, and 
powerplants be handed over in good order. 

The Russians moved in on Jime 28, 1940, and by a combination of force and 
bullying, seized these territories. 

Another classic example of Soviet foreign policy in action occurred in Finland. 
In the autumn of 1939 Russia demanded territorial concessions and attempted 
to obtain them by diplomatic bullying and threats of force. When these maneu- 
vers failed, the Soviet Government decided to invade. 

In defiance of the Russo-Finnish Non-Aggression Pact of 1934, an armed 
attack was launched on November 30, 1939. Finland promptly appealed to the 
League of Nations, and as a result Russia suffered expulsion from that body. 
The Finns held out until March of the following year, when they were compelled 
to surrender large areas including Karelia, in which was situated Viipuri, their 
second largest town. 

Further hostilities broke out in June 1941, and when an armistice was signed 
3 years later, the Soviet Union had, by armed aggression, acquired nearly 18,000 
square miles — about one-eighth of Finland's total territory — and a population 
of nearly 600,000 people. Two-thirds of these chose to be resettled in other 
parts of their country rather than remain under Soviet rule. 

The fate of the Baltic States, like that of eastern Poland, was settled by the 
secret pact agreed by Hitler and Stalin in 1939. All three, Estonia, Latvia and 
Lithuania, had signed nonaggression pacts with the U.S.S.R. 

When the war broke out they gave way to severe diplomatic pressure and 
reluctantly accepted pacts of mutual assistance which gave the Soviet Armies 
the right of admittance into their territory. 

Molotov, surely one of the most cynical statesmen in history, gave his 
assurance that these agreements "strictly stipulate the inviolability of the sov- 
ereignty of the signatory states, and the principle of noninterference in each 
other's affairs. They are based upon mutual respect for the political, social and 
economic structure of the contracting parties, and are designed to strengthen the 
foundations for peaceful, neighborly cooperation between our peoples." '^ 

Molotov said this when he knew that Stalin, by agreement with Hitler, had 
already decided to annex these countries. 

When the Baltic States were finally occupied by the Red army in 1944, the 
people did not surrender without a struggle. Russia embarked upon a campaign 
of terror, execution and mass deportation which lasted for several years. Thou- 
sands of Estonians, Lithuanians and Latvians were dispatched to Siberia, and 
thousands more fled to West Germany and Britain. One of the most pathetic 
incidents reported was that 30,000 Estonians set out for Sweden in an armada 
of small boats, a venture, which was estimated to have cost nearly 10,000 lives. 

The methods used in all three cases followed the familiar pattern — broken 
treaties, duplicity and ultimatum backed by force. With the fate of Finland 
staring them in the face, the three tiny countries, with a total population of less 
than 6 million, had no alternative but to yield. 

Rigged elections on the usual Communist lines took place, and the grisly 
farce was played out to the end when at their own request Estonia, Latvia, 
and Lithuania, their peoples, culture, traditions and way of life, vanished be- 
hind the Iron Curtain. 

With the war over, Russia was not content to rest on her very considerable 
territorial gains. She began to export revolution in earnest. Trained Com- 
munist cadres, Soviet troops and political police armed with an established 
technique for rigging elections, poured into Eastern European countries. 

The jfrinciples of Potsdam and Yalta were speedily jettisoned, and many 
European satesmen had their first practical experience of Communist double- 
talk and double-think. Clauses in the agreements were distorted beyond recog- 
nition. "Democratic elements," for instance, was so twisted that it referred 
only to Communists and their sympathizers. "Fascists" and "reactionaries" 

« Speech to the Fifth (Extraordinary) Session of the Supreme Soviet, Oct. 31, 1939. 
" Ibid. 


became terms of abuse applied to everyone, even democratic socialists, who re- 
sisted the encroachment of the Soviet Union. The Red army, which was de- 
ployed across Eastern Europe, became the dominating factor. Its ranks were 
stiffened by Moscow-trained Communist leaders of all nationalities, together 
with units of political police. Before the dust of conflict had time to settle 
they began the task of systematically destroying national resistance to Com- 
munist rule. 

One by one the Eastern European countries were caught in the Soviet net. 
The technique in each case followed the same broad lines ; "united front" gov- 
ernments were formed in which Communists held the key iwsitions, and op- 
ponents who could not be intimidated were promptly dealt with either by execu- 
tion, deportation, or imprisonment. Rigged elections were held to give the 
process an appearance of legality. 

Whether these tactics would have succeeded on their own is doubtful. In 
fact, Stalin took no risks. He knew that with Europe in its war-weary state 
lie could use, or threaten to use, military force within the areas controlled by 
the Red army without fear of retaliation. 

The Communists themselves have openly admitted that Soviet Army backing 
was an essential ingredient in the early postwar prescription for revolution. 

In March 1956, Miron Constantinescu, First Deputy Chairman of the Ru- 
manian Council of Ministers, said : 

"The peaceful development of the revolution was facilitated by the fact that 
at that period the Soviet Army was stationed on Rumanian territory and . . . 
by its mere presence paralyzed the action of the reaction forces." * 

The Cominform journal of March 15, 1949, carried the interesting admis- 
sion that "one of the prerequisites of setting up the people's power in Poland 
was the liberation of Poland by such a revolutionary force as the Soviet Army." 

So the tide of Soviet communism swept across Europe toward the Western 
nations, then impoverished by the dislocation and destruction of war, and, in 
the view of Soviet economists, on the verge of economic collapse. 

In 1947 Stalin had reaffirmed his aims with complete frankness. The tasks 
of the Communist Party, he said, were : 

(a) To make use of all the contradictions and conflicts among capitalist 
groups and governments which surround our country, with the object of 
destroying imperialism. 

(6) To use all their strength and resources to assist the worker's revo- 
lution in the West. 

(c) To take all measures to strengthen the national liberation movement 
in the East. 

( d ) To strengthen the Red army." 

Among the factors which prevented the further immediate extension of Com- 
munist rule was the need to consolidate their hold on areas already dominated 
by Russian troops. Stalin at that stage was in no position to attempt military 
invasion of territories occupied by Allied forces. 

Another important point was that Stalin's economic advisers were over- 
optimistic. The threatened collapse of the Western democracies, although peril- 
ously close during the winter of 1947, did not materialize. Nor did the success- 
ful revolutionary uprising, which Stalin confidently expected, take place in 
France and Italy, although there were political disturbances on a large scale. 

The United States, quick to see the danger, rushed in with massive economic 
aid through the lilarshall plan and the European recovery program which, for 
obvious reasons, was bitterly opposed by Communists everywhere. 

This was a serious blow to Soviet ambitions. So was the speedy United 
Nations reaction to the invasion of South Korea in 1950, and the building up of 
defensive alliances designed to prevent further Soviet attempts to annex other 
countries by force. 

Faced with more formidable obstacles, the most potent of which was the 
American possession of the atomic bomb, the Soviet Government paused both 
to consolidate and strengthen their base, and to consider future strategy. So 
far greater strides toward world domination had been made through a planned 
policy of bullying and repression. By use of military force and diplomatic pres- 
sure, aided by a willing fifth column in the victim countries. Communist rule 
was established over one-third of the world. 

8 Cominform journal, Mar. 9, 1956. 

B Stalin : "The Party Before and After the Seizure of Power," Works, Moscow. 1947. 
VOL V, p. 111. 


Could these same weapons be used to conquer the remainder? Not, the 
Communist leaders decided, without risk of provoking a major conflict. Tactics 
were therefore changed. As George Dimitrov, then secretary-general of the 
Communist International, and later dictator of Bulgaria, had put it: 

"We are sometimes accused of departing from our Communist principles. 
What stupidity, what blindness. We should not be Marxist and Leninist revo- 
lutionaries, nor disciples of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, if we were not 
capable of completely altering our tactics and our mode of action as circum- 
stances may dictate. But all the deviations, and all the ins and outs of our 
tactics are directed lo a single end — the world revolution.^" 

From this reappraisal of the position two clearly defined lines emerged. It 
was decided to harness the fear of war instead of war itself to the Communist 
cause. So the "peace" campaign, always an essential part of Soviet strategy, 
assumed even greater importance. The worldwide propaganda machine went 
into action with the simple instruction — everything Russia does must be 
depicted as a great, magnanimous gesture for peace. By contrast, the policies 
of the United States, Britain, France, and Western Germany must always be 
denounced as warmongering imperialism. 

In this way Stalin, after his death admitted by Khrushchev and the whole 
Russian Communist Party to have been a bloodthirsty tyrant, became the leader 
of "peace lovers" throughout the world. Through subsidiary or "front" organi- 
zations operating inside the democracies, the Soviet leaders repeatedly appealed 
to the peoples of these countries over the heads of their governments. One aim 
was to lead the free nations into a false sense of security. Thus, while propa- 
gandists were attacking the western manufacture of atomic and hydrogen weap- 
ons, glowing accounts were given of progress in Russia, where the concentration 
was said to be entirely on the peaceful use of nuclear fission. Events have 
proved just how much truth there was in this version of Soviet policy. 

The propaganda machine, together with the industrial and trade attack, were 
deemed by the Soviet leaders to be the swiftest and surest way of continuing 
the struggle for power that began even before the war against Germany and 
Japan was finished. 

This new emphasis becomes even more intelligible when it is appreciated that 
while communism was engulfing and enslaving a third of the earth, the Western 
Powers set about liberating millions of subject peoples. Freedom and inde- 
pendence were granted to India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Burma, Malaya, the Philip- 
pines, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Libya, the Sudan, 
Tunisia, Morocco, Ghana, and the West Indian Federation. 

Some of these places are now "trouble spots" which have been infiltrated by 
Soviet agents and technicians. They are also areas which, because of their 
economic importance, can be decisive in the struggles which lie ahead. 

As Spotlight, the monthly bulletin of the International Confederation of Free 
Trade Unions, to which our own T.U.C. is affiliated, summarized it in Novem- 
ber 1957 : 

"Looking at the facts, we see that only Communist powers such as the Soviet 
Union and China are now engaged in an aggressive campaign to enslave nations 
and even whole continents behind a smokescreen of anticolonialism and anti- 
imperialism. Indeed, during the time when the Western colonial powers granted 
freedom and independence to 900 million people the Communists have enslaved 
900 million people and deprived them of their freedom and indei>endence." 

It is indicative of the help given to Russia by well-meaning but foolish people ; 
that in spite of these facts Prof. A. J. P. Taylor could, even at the time of the 
Hungarian uprising, be heard on television bracketing the Soviet suppression of 
Hungary with the "colonialism" of the British Government. 

The unfortunate truth is that these willingly granted extensions of the demo- 
cratic principle of government have in themselves strengthened the liberty- 
destroying forces of totalitarianism. Every one of the nations now in or ap- 
proaching new manhood had its own particular ferment. Each came into being 
infected with a touchy, easily wounded pride, quick to resent and suspect even 
the friendliest gesture on the part of the former colonial power. Each had the 
ravages of war, and admittedly in come cases the neglect of peace, to remedy. 
Each was the victim of years of unscrupulous Communist propaganda which 
attributed every problem to the alleged rapacity of the previous overlords. 
Stress was laid upon what the "imperialists" had taken out of these lands ; very 



^ Speech to Seventb Congress of Commualst International. Yerbatlm Beport No. SO, 
p. 1846. 


little was said about what had been put in — the vast capital sums, the technical 
know-how and the dedicated efforts of thousands of Europeans who had fought 
with blood, sweat, and tears the poverty, ignorance, and disease which were, 
and would have remained, an insoluble obstacle to progress. 

With their newly won freedom these nations are battling against their own 
individual problems and their political, racial, and religious rivalries. To Iseep 
on the crest of the 20th century wave of expansion in Africa, Asia, and South 
America, all of them need more capital, more technicians, more trade credits, 
better education, better health services, and an adequate supply of consumer 
goods. If the tacticians of the Kremlin could have wished into existence favor- 
able conditions in which to apply their own blueprint for power, they could 
scarcely have thought of anything better than this new postwar world. 

Countries such as these are the natural victims of Soviet infiltration. Un- 
skilled in the arts of government, they are crying out for help and sympathy. 
These things they are getting, and will continue to get, on a large scale from 
Russia. Small wonder that Soviet trade missions and financial advisers are 
swarming into South America and the Far and Middle East, offering prices and 
terms with which the democracies will find it difiicult, if not impossible, to 

Some commentators, while fully alive to Soviet intentions and tactics, allow 
their misgivings to take refuge behind the economic diflSculties now apparent 
inside Iron Curtain countries. These, it is said, set a severe limit on the ability 
of Russia and her satellites to meet the commitments which, for political rea- 
sons, they are cheerfully accepting. So they do — for the moment. But Russian 
strategy is not based on this year or the next ; it is the ultimate strength of the 
Soviet bloc that must be considered. 

At the moment the trade war is being waged with an abandon that would be 
ruinous if judged by normal commercial considerations. Only an empire built 
on industrial slavery can consistently market its products at less than cost 
price. Only a system in which political opposition and ordinary trade-union 
functions have been obliterated can achieve such concentration on heavy indus- 
try that immense production increases take place without a proportionate in- 
crease in living standards. Yet that is what is happening inside the Communist 
countries. The workers are paying heavily for their leaders' ruthless determi- 
nation to undermine the free world. 

Because of the great advantage enjoyed by totalitarianism, it is possible for 
communist trade to be conducted on other than a commercial basis. A sur- 
prisingly frank admission of present objectives was made by the Czechoslovak 
Statistical Institution which, in a reference to the Soviet trade campaign in 
southeast Asia and the Middle East, stated : 

"Czechoslovak participation in this expansion of trade is not guided by purely 
practical considerations. It follows a plan carefully drawn up in accordance 
with political considerations." " 

We would be extremely unwise to underrate the potential strength of a group 
of powers with subservience at home and aided by political and industrial 
agents abroad who are constantly pounding away at the economic stability of 
the free nations. Under these circumstances time is not too important. The 
rulers of the Kremlin can afford to wait for their rivals to disintegrate before 
delivering the knockout blow. 

If the decision was imminent there would be some justification for complacency 
about the result. The truth is, however, that this new form of warfare will be 
with us for years ahead. It is likely that the Russian leaders are thinking in 
terms of 15 or 20 years, but they know what they are doing, and why they are 
doing it. I wish the democracies could say the same. 

As we shall see in ensuing chapters, the Communists are laying their founda- 
tions well. By 1975 they hope to have achieved the complete coordination of all 
Communist countries, including China, into a single workshop directed and fed 
from the Soviet Union. Division of labor will be extended so as to insure that 
each country is concentrating on the type of product to which it is best suited. 
If and when this reaches fulfilment, the ability of this group to swamp selected 
markets with cheap industrial products will be frightening. 

Even now Russia is in a position to inflict considerable damage in some areas 
and on certain of our industries. This is clear from the testimony of many 
businessmen who have penetrated the Iron Curtain, and who have toured the 
uncommitted countries. They have expressed grave concern, not only at the 

a The Observer, Dec. lli, 1965. 


Soviet trade potential, but at the immense strides already being made in Britain's 
traditional markets. Goods are constantly offered at below cost of production 
prices in order to get or keep a foothold. 

While this battle is on, the air will continue to be thick with slogans designed 
to mislead the innocent. "Peaceful coexistence" and "friendly competition" will 
figure in almost every Communist propaganda tract. 

Offers of economic aid, technical and financial assistance without strings and, 
of course, armaments to help "preserve the independence of the peoples strug- 
gling against imperialism" will be made. 

Khrushchev himself can be relied upon to assure the world repeatedly, as he 
did in November 1955, that : 

"We are often accused of trying to export Communist ideas to other countries ; 
many other stupid things are said about us. But we have never forced on any- 
one, nor do we now force, our views on reforming society." " 

To deduce that such statements indicate that Russia's new rulers are content 
to go their own way and allow other countries to work out their own salvation 
would be criminal folly. The Soviet Union's export of ideas has not won over 
any nation to her side, but her export of revolutionary force has gained her the 
whole satellite empire. 

Now that has, for the moment at least, outlived its usefulness. The other 
weapons in the Communist arsenal are being used. Some of them are old and 
trusted, others are of more recent date. These include the exploitation of 
nationalism in such areas, vital to the Western economies, as the Middle East, 
offers of technical assistance to backward nations and economic missions de- 
signed to establish what are now called client states — countries which become so 
dependent upon trade with Russia that they cannot break away without risk of 
industrial collapse. 

A hard task confronts the nations of the free world. For 40 years communism 
has progressed. One thing that must be done now in the new nations bent upon 
building their future is to tell the truth about Soviet history and its present 
methods and intentions. We ourselves must know more about what is going on 
both behind the Iron Curtain and inside the vital industrial concerns of our own 

The trade war is the kind of conflict to which we ought to be well suited. 
We have been tackling world markets for the last 200 years with a great measure 
of success. We have a wealth of experience behind us which should stand us iii 
good stead. 

Further, together with other democracies, we can, if we will, present a solid 
economic front which the Soviet empire will find it impossible to break. All 
these things we can do if we have determination based upon a sound knowledge 
of the threat under which we are living and working. 

This book is what in Army terms would be described as "an appreciation 
of the situation." How strong is Russia's present position and what is her 
potential power? Who are her agents in the democratic countries and how 
do they operate? What are their weakest points? What forces are at our 
disposal and how should they be used? In answering these questions I shall 
draw on authentic and documented reports from Iron Curtain countries, and 
on a great deal of personal knowledge of Communist subversion inside industry 
and the trade union movement. 

In the foUowiUi? chapters we shall see how the Communist forces swung 
into action in places as far apart as Korea, the London docks and the British 
motor industry. I shall show how a meeting in Canada resulted in almost 
complete paralysis in Britain's docklands, and how riots outside Parliament 
were directed from Prague. 

We are in the throes of a war which we dare not lose, yet lose it we will unless 
free peoples everywhere awaken to the danger, and unite in defense of the 
freedoms which have taken centuries to build, but which can be destroyed 
almost overnight. 

Senator Hkuska. The committee stands in recess. 
(Wliereupon, at 12:15 p.m., the subcommittee took a recess sub- 
ject to the call of the Chair.) 

M Comlnf orm journal, Nov. 25, 1955. 


Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 

A Pase 

Academy of Pedagogy 86 

Academy of Red Professors 87 

Academy of Sciences 86 

Academy of Social Sciences 85 

Adult Education Teachers 75 

AFHQ 60 

AFI^CIO 55,56 

African Communists 15 

Agrarian reformers 106 

Air Force Academy 147, 149, 154 

Air War College 91 

Alexander, Professor (Rutgers University) 15 

All-University Department of Philosophy, Nev? York University 56, 57 

Alsop column 15 

American Medical Association 109 

Ankara, Turkey 59 

Arendt, Miss Hannah 35 

Argentine police 15 

Armed Forces Department 83 

Armed services 30 

Army War College 91 

Athens 125 

Atomic Energy Act 24, 25, 26 

Atomic Energy Commission 129 

Attorney General 33 

Baltimore Sun 102 

Bar Association of the City of New York 10 

Baylor University School of Law 10 

Beilan case 39 

Bennett, Representative Charles K (Florida) 7,156 

Letter from and statement 156 

Benson, Dr. George 138 

Berlin 120, 141, 145, 147, 148, 164 

Bevan, Mr. Aneurin 167 

Biemiller, Andrew J 55, 56 

Letter inserted in record 55 

Statement inserted in record 56 

Bochenski, Father 90 

Bologna, Italy 81 

Bonnet, Col. Gabriel 88 

Bonsai, Dudley B. (president, Association of Bar of City of New York) — 10 

Boy Scouts 75 

"Brainwashing in Red China" (book) 100 

"Brainwashing: The Story of Men Who Defy It" (book) 100 

British Museum 132 

Broger, John . 30 

Brune, Chief Judge Frederick W. (Maryland Court of Appeals) 38 

Letter inserted in record 38-39 

Bubnov 115 

Budget, Bureau of the 39 

Budenny, Marshal Simeon 115 

Bukharin, Nicolai 114, 115 

Byfield, Robert 137 

42731—59 12 173 

174 INDEX 

Q Page 

Capri -1^ 

Carron, Bill :fj* 

Case, Senator ^^^ 

Oastro — : ' < — ' ^ll 

Ca^itro Dr - - - - - -- 

Central Int"eiiig"en7e"Agen"cy (CIA) 17, 18, 29, 30, 32, 64, 66, 104, 145 

"Century of Conflict, A "book) 'I 

Chadwick School, Rolling Hills, CaUf ^ 

Chennault, General ||J{ 

Chennault's (General) Flying Tigers li" 

Cherne, Leo Ton ir^ 

Testimony of i^r i^o 

Statement of tt 

Chicago Federation of Labor 75 

Chicago Labor College ^| 

Chicago, University of 38 

"Child of the Revolution" (book) 68 

Chilean party 1^ 

Chinese Communist Party 1"* 

Chinese Nationalists 120 

Christian Register 75 

CIO Textile Workers' Union 75 

Citzens News, Hollywood, Calif 8 

Clausewitz 88,115 

Columbia 64,70 

Columbia Broadcasting System 80 

Cominform 16^ 

Commager, Henry 158 

Commission on Government Security 9 

Comintern journal 87 

Committee of One Million 105, 106 

Committee on Fourth Dimensional Warfare 153 

"Communism and Christ" (book) 37 

Communism in Latin America 15 

Communist/s, Chinese 106, 120, 167 

Communist China 1 

Communist International 78, 170 

Communist Manifesto 13, 37, 165 

Communist manifests 35 

Communist Party, Central Committee of 88 

Communist Party, French 16 

Communist training school uncovered by Argentine police 15 

Constantinescu, Miron 169 

Council Against Communist Aggression 73, 74 

Council of Ministers 86 

Counts, George 158 

Court of Appeals, Maryland 38 

Cramton, Professor 39 

Cutler, Robert 19, 20 

Czechoslovak Statistical Institution 171 

Daily News-Miner (Fairbanks, Alaska) 8 

Daily Sun (Lewiston, Maine) 8 

Debs, Eugene 75 

Defense Department 17, 30, 111 

De Jaegher, Father (Belgian Catholic missionary) 14 

Democratic Party 26 

Demosthenes 125, 126, 132 

De Toledano, Ralph 135 

Dewey, John 158 

Dien Bien Phu 121 

Dillon, Douglas 18 

Dimitrov, Geo 170 

Dobriansky, Dr. Lev E 159-161 

Statement of 159-161 

INDEX 175 


Dodd, Senator Thomas J 1 

"Does Better Education Cost More?" 158 

Dorashev, I. A 85 

Douglas, Senator 1. 7, 160-163 

Letter from dated June 23, 1959 163 

Statement of 163-172 

Dulles 151 


Ecole de Guerre in Paris 81, 88 

"Education for the New America" by Willard E. Givens 157 

Ehrenburg, Ilya (writer) 87 

Elson, Dr. Edward L. R 37 

"Enemy Within, The" 14 

Engels - 118,170 

Ercoli 118 

European Communists 15 

Exhibit of Joseph Z. Kornfeder re curriculum of Lenin University 115-118 

Eydeman 115 


Facts Forum (periodical) 15 

Fairbanks, Alaska 8 

Far Eastern University 81 

Farrar, Straus (publishers) 100 

FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) 18, 134, 135, 136, 139, 156 

Federal Communications Commission 129 

Field, Noel 75 

Fisher, Roger (Harvard University Law School) 9 

Florida 1 

Flying Tigers (Chennault's) 110 

Ford Foundation 102 

Foreign Policy Research Institute (University of Pennsylvania) 14, 79 

Foreign Service 147 

Foreign Service Institute 149 

"For Lasting Peace, For A People's Domestic Democracy" (Cominform 

Journal) 87 

Formosa 106 

FRASCO — Foundation for Religious Action in the Social and Civil 

Order 33, 34, 37 

Free Europe Committee 60 

Free-World Academy 19 

Fribourg, Switzerland 90 

Frunze Military Academy 81 

Furtseva, Madame 85 


General Stafe 82, 83 

General Staff School 88 

Geneva Armistice, 1954 141, 147 

Georgetown 14, 17 

German Foreign Office 79 

Germantown, Pa 73 

Germany, Nazi 141, 167 

Germany, Soviet Zone of 147 

Givens, Willard E 157 

Goff, Kenneth 57 

Gorki 81 

Gotterdammerung (a twlight of the gods) 36 

Graham, Dr. Billy 37, 143 

Grant, Alan G. (testimony of) 10-33, 139, 149 

Green, Montgomery 15 

Guide for Political Espionage  84 

Gundorov, A. S 87 

Gussev, S. T. (also known as Green) 115 

176 INDEX 

H Page 

"Hands Off the Chinese People" 77 

Harding College, Searcy, Ark 138 

Harriman, Averell 143 

Harvard 64 

Harvard University 136, 138 

Harvard University Law School 9 

H-bomb 16 

H-bomb tests 145, 148 

Herlong, Representative A. S., Jr. (Florida) 1-10, 20, 21, 32, 119, 156, 161 

Testimony of 7-9 

Herlong-Judd bill 163 

Herter _ _ _ _ 151 

Hitler- """"___ ~~""_~__r_"r_r~r"_r "_r_rrr~_r i5i~'i64, i65, i68 

Hitler-Stalin pact 167 

Ho Chi Minh 113 

Hochschule fuer Politik 88 

Hoffmann, Sal B 74 

Hollywood, Calif & 

Hook, Sidney (New York University) 56 

Letter inserted in record 56-57 

Hoover, Herbert : 1()9 

Hoover Library on devolution. World Peace, at Stanfcffd, Calif 91 

House Appropriations Subcommittee 18 

H.R. 4988 156 

House Un-American Activities Committee 22, 27, 34 

Hruska, Senator Roman L 1, 119 

Hungarian Revolution 35 

Hungary 100, 112, 166, 167, 170 

Hunter, Edward 35, 86, 99-113 

Testimony of 99-113 

ICBM 161 

"Ideology of Freedom versus the Ideology of Communism, The" (docu- 
ment) 34 

"I Led Three Lives" 15 

Illinois 77 

Immigration and Naturalization Service 33 

Industrial College 91 

Industrial College of the Armed Forces 141, 142, 146, 147, 151, 154 

Information Center 27, 31, 32 

Institut d'Etudes Poiltiques 88 

Institute or Academy of Red Professors 81 

Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, N.J 79 

Institute for Marxism-Leninism at Leningrad 84 

Institute of Political Studies 88 

Institute of World Economics 85 

International Confederation of Free Trade Unions 150, 170^ 

International Democratic Federation of Women 87 

International Labor Relations 73 

International Olympics Committee 7& 

International Rescue Committee 140, 141, 146, 147 

Iron Curtain 14, 126-129, 141, 146, 155, 166, 168, 171, 172 

Islamic areas 86 


Jackson, Representative (California) 7 

Jackson, C. D. (vice president, Time, Inc.) 59-67,70-72 

Testimony of 59-67 

Jackson Committee 60 

Jackson, William 60 

James, Daniel . 15 

Japan 144 

Japanese tax 148 

Jessup, John K — 20 

Johns Hopkins 64 

INDEX 177 


Joint Atomic Energy Committee 27 

Joint Congressional Freedom Committee 162 

Judd, Hon. Walter H. (Minnesota) 8,109,119-133,156,157,161 

Testimony of 119-133 

Justice Department 22, 39 


Kamenev 115 

Khrushchev 83, 125, 145, 148, 151, 164, 166, 167, 170, 172 

Kilpatrick, William 158 

Kirsienova 118 

Kiwanis 109 

Know Your Enemy Speakers 11 

Knyazen, S. P 84 

Kohlberg, Alfred 10 

Kommunist (magazine) 85 

Konsularakademie 88 

Korea, Red POW brainwashing camps in 111 

Kornfeder, Joseph Z 15, 113-118 

Statement of 113-114 

Exhibit of 115-118 

Kusnetsov, F. F 82 

Kuusinen, Otto 114 


Latin America 15, 31, 86, 145, 148 

Latin American Communists 15 

League of Nations 168 

Leibowitz, Judge Samuel 143, 144 

Lenin 31, 35, 75, 81, 85, 113, 115, 118, 164, 165, 170 

Lenin Academy of Political Warfare 82 

Lenin Institute 15, 19, 81, 84 

Lenin Institute of Political Warfare 154 

Lenin Military Political Academy 82 

Lenin University, Curriculum of 115-118 

Leningrad 75 

Leninist Academy in Moscow 36 

Lenin School 137 

Leonhard, Wolfgang 68 

Lerner case 39 

Letters inserted in record : 

Adams, R. A. and Grace 57 

Bennett, Hon. Chas. E 156 

Biemiller, Andrew J 55 

Brune, Chief Judge Frederick W 38-39 

Douglas, Senator . 163 

Hockmeyer, John and Mrs. Marie 57 

Hook, Sidney 56 

Miller, Virgil I 57 

Sarnofe, David 39 

Shiverdecker, Mr. and Mrs. Coats 57 

Stough, Claude V. and Mrs 57 

Walsh, Deputy Attorney General Lawrence E 39 

Lewiston, Idaho 8 

Lewiston, Maine 8 

Life (magazine) 7, 8, 20, 91 

Lilly, Dr. Edward P 18 

Lilly report 142, 147 

Lincoln-Petkov Academy 19 

Little, Brown Publishing Co 138 

Longjumeau, Paris 81 

Losovsky, S 118 

Lowry, Charles Wesley 33-38 

Statement of 33 

Lubell, Sam 20 

Lyons, Eugene 151 

178 INDEX 

M Pase 

MacArthur, Gen. Douglas 141, 144, 146, 147 

Malstus 118 

Manchester, Colonel 109, 153-155 

Statement of 153-155 

Mandel, Benjamin 1 

Mao Tse-tung 88, 106, 126 

Manuelsky, Dimitri 114 

Marshall plan 169 

Marx, Karl 35, 85, 99, 132, 160, 170 

Mather, Kirtley 158 

McCall, Dean Abner 10 

McDowell, Arthur G 73-76 

Testimony of 73-76 

McGraw-Hill 16 

Methodist Federation for Social Service 75, 78 

Middle East 155, 160, 164, 171, 172 

Mikoyan 124, 149, 151, 160 

Mindzenty, Cardinal 141, 147 

Mingulin 118 

Mitin, M. B 87 

Molotov 167, 168 

Molotov, Vyacheslav 118 

Moorehead, Alan 91 

Morning Tribune, Lewiston, Idaho 8 

Morris, Robert 135 

Mundt, Senator Karl E 1, 7, 9, 161-163 

Statement of 161-163 

Mundt-Douglas bill 134, 163 

Mussolini 151 


National Archives 79 

National Education Association (NEA) 156-158 

National Security Council 19 

National War College 18, 70, 79, 82, 91, 96, 98, 140, 142, 146, 147, 149, 154 

NATO 155 

Naval Academy 127, 147, 149 

Navy War College 91 

Nelson, Steve 114 

NEP 11 

New China 15 

New Hampshire 9 

New York Daily News 8 

New York Times 102 

New York University 56 

Niemeyer, Dr. Gerhart 18, 67-69, 73, 89 

Statement of 67-69 

Testimony of 67-73 

Nixon, stoning of 20 

Notre Dame (University of) , 18,67,70 

Nowell, William C 15 

"No Wonder We Are Losing" (book) 135 


Ober, Frank B 10 

Obichkin, G. D 84 

Oglethoi'pe 70 

Oklahoma Education Association 136 

Olympics . 105 

Operations Coordinating Board 18, 20 

Oppenheimer, Dr 138 

"Organizational Weapon, The" (book) 14,16 

Orlando, Fla 10, 13 

Orlando Committee for the Freedom Academy 10-33 

Orlando Sentinel Star 8 

INDEX 179 


Ostkolleg (Cologne) . 69 

Overstreet, Bonaro 136 

Overstreet, Harry 136 

Ovsevenko, Antonov 115 

Oxford University 78, 79 


Panmunjom , 122 

Parkersburg (W. Va.) News 8 

Partisan Intelligence Agent 84 

Pasha, Glubb 89 

Pavlov 35 

Payne, Mrs. Jessica (statement of) 156-159 

Pearl Harbor 113, 155 

Pennsylvania Legislature 75, 77 

Pennsylvania, University of 79 

Pentagon 30, 127 

Peronism 35 

Petkov (Hungarian patriot) 19 

Petrovsky 118 

Philbrick, Herbert A 15, 109, 134:-140, 157 

Testimony of 134-140 

Piatnitzky, Ossip 118 

Pittsburgh 75 

Poland 160, 167, 168 

Ponomarenko, P. K 83 

Popova, N. V. (Madame) 87 

Possony, Dr. Stefan 14, 17, 79-99 

Testimony of 79-99 

Post (magazine) 15 

Potsdam 168 

Prague 15, 172 

Presidium of Soviet Solidarity Committee for the Asian and African coun- 
tries 86 

Prime Minister of White Russia 83 

Princeton 70,79 

Problems of Leninism 166 

"Program for a Political Offense Against World Communism" by David 

Sarnoff 39, 40, 41-55 

Text of memo 41-55 

"Program Provides Millions for Training United States Leaders," article in 

Baltimore Sun 102 

Progressive Miners in Illinois 77 

"Protracted Conflict" (book) 14 

PTA - 13, 28, 158 

Pulitzer prize . 75 

"Questions of Philosophy" 87 


Radio Cairo 89 

Radio Corp. of America 39 

Radio Free Europe 60, 114 

Rand Corp 14 

Red POW brainwashing camps in Korea 111 

Republican Party 26 

Research Institute of America 109, 140, 141, 144, 146, 148 

Reserve Officers Association (ROA) 109, 153, 154 

Rhodes scholarship plan at Oxford University 78, 79 

Ricardo 118 

Rolling Hills, Calif 7 

Rooney's (Congressman) subcommittee 22 

Roosevelt, President 157 

Rotary Club 109 

Rudasz 118 

180 INDEX 


Russian Constitution 107 

Russian Revolution (booli) 91 

Russo-Finnish Nonaggression Pact of 1934 168 

Rutgers University 15 


S. 1689, text of bill 1-7 

St. Basil's Cathedral (Russia) 143 

St. Louis, Mo 75 

St. Petersburg Times 8 

SAS 89 

San Francisco 74 

SarnofE, David (chairman of board of RCA), letter together with copy of 

his brochure inserted in record 39-55 

Saturday Evening Post (magazine) 107 

Scarsdale, N.Y., school library 140 

Schlesingers, the 158 

School for Political Warfare in Prague 86 

Schroeder, Frank W 1 

Scottsboro boys 144 

Scripps-Howard 75 

SEATO 155 

Select House Committee To Investigate Communist Aggression Since 1918 160 

Selected Works (of Lenin) 165 

Selznick 16 


Sino-Soviet Axis 154, 167 

Society for the Propagation of Political and Scientific Knowledge 87 

Sourwine, J. G 1 

South Africa 69, 71 

South Bend, Ind 67 

Souvarine, Boris 82 

Soviet Peace Committee 87 

Soviet Solidarity Committee for the Asian and African countries 86, 87 

"Spies, Dupes, and Diplomats" (book) 135 

Spotlight (bulletin) 170 

Stachel, Jack 15 

"Staff and Assistance ; Utilization of Federal Departments and Agencies ; 

Armed Protection" 24 

Stalin 82, 114, 166, 168, 169, 170 

State Department 18, 22, 64-66, 76, 145 

State, Secretary of 33 

Steele, Dr. Joes 158 

Steinhardt, Laurence 59 

Stough, Mr. and Mrs. Claude (letter of) 57 

Strategic Air Force 155 

Student Liberal Club 75 

"Studying Freedom" editorial in New York Times 102 

Subversive Activities Control Board 137 

Suez Canal ^^- 145, 148 

Sun Yat-sen University 81 

Supreme Court 39 


Tampa Tribune 8 

Tashkent 86 

Taylor, Prof. A. J. P 170 

"Third World War, The" by Harry Welton 163 

Thirty-second Triennium Convention 74 

Thomas, Norman 75 

Time, Inc 59 

Time (magazine) 15 

Toynbee 125 

Trotsky . 114 

Tuchachevsky 115 

Tulsa Tribune . 8 

INDEX 181 



Ukrainian Ck>ngress Committee of America 159 

Unitarian Church 75 

United Auto Workers '^5 

United Furniture Workers 75 

United Nations 96, 105, 169 

University of Pennsylvania 14 

University of Pittsburgh 75 

Upholsterers International Union of North America 73, 74, 75 

USIA (U.S. Information Agency) 32,39,68,145 

U.S. Information Service Act 33 

USIS 104 

U.S. Military Academy 8, 111, 127, 139, 141, 146, 147, 149, 154 

U.S.S.R.-France 87 

U.S.S.R.-U.S. Friendship Society 87 


Vanguard Press 100 

Vasiliev 118 

Versailles Treaty 168 

Vienna, Austria 79, 88 

Vienna, University of 79 

Vietnam 141, 145, 147, 148 

North 167 

Vishinsky, P. E 165 

Voice of America 114 

Vorkuta (slave labor camp) 144 

Voroshilov Higher Military Academy 81, 82 


Walsh, Deputy Attorney General Lawrence E., letter inserted in record — 39 

War College 67, 92, 97 

War Department 141, 146 

Watson 35 

Wedemeyer, Gen. Albert C 135 

''Wedemeyer Reports" (book) 135 

Welton, Harry 163 

West Berlin 8 

West Point. ( See U.S. Military Academy. ) 

Westover, Brig. Gen. Wendell 153 

West Virginia 8 

"What We Must Knovr About Communism" (book) 136 

White House 66 

White, Lincoln 76 

Woltman, Fred 75 

World Peace Council 87 

Wright, Loyd 9 

Wyman, Attorney General Louis 9 


Yale 70 

Yalta 120,168 

YMOA 75 

Young Communist League 136 

Zhukov, E. M 86 




3 9999 05442 1951