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KKITTKI'  i'OkTKAIT  (]]■-  M  AKL'lliTTH 


COLLECTIONS 

OF   THE 

STATE  Historical  Society 

OF  WISCONSIN 


REUBEN   GOLD  THWAITES 

SecreUrr  atid  Superinteadetit  of  the  Socleir 


VOL.    XVI 

The  French  Regime  in  Wisconsin— I 

1634-1727 


MADISON 

PUBLISHED   BY  THE  SOCIETY 

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DElfOCRAT  PBINTING 


>K,  STATS  PRINTER 


CONTENTS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Refuted  Pobtbait  of  Jacques  Marquette,  S.  J. 
OrncEBS  or  the  Societt 


PAGE 

Frontispiece 
ix 
xl 


1634: 
1640-60: 
1653-55: 
1656-62: 

1658-61: 
1660-61: 
1660-61: 
1662-72: 

1665: 
1665-66: 

1666-67: 

1665-68: 

1665-69: 

1670: 

1670? 

1670: 

1670: 

1670-73: 

1673: 

1673-76: 

167^77: 


THE  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN- 
DOCUMENTS 

Jeak  Nioolet's  Visit  to  WiscoKsnr  .  •  1 
Tbibes  and  Tbibal  Wabs  about  Obeen  Bat  .  8 
FmsT  Iboquois  Raid  into  Wisconsin  .  .  10 
The  Oitawas  and  Hubons  flee  to  Wisconsin:  Hos- 
tilities between  them  and  the  Sioux  .  .  14 
Radisson  and  Oboseilijebs  in  Wisconsin  .  .  21 
FiBST  Jesuit  Mission  among  the  Ottawas  .  21 

MfiNABD'S  LABOBS  AND  DEATH  .  .22 

Relations  between   the  Wisconsin  Tbibes  and  the 

Sioux       .  .  .  .25 

Allouez  descbibes  Lake  Sufebiob  .  .31 

Pebbot  visits  the  Wisconsin  Tbibes,  and  induces  them 

TO  become  Allies  of  the  Fbench  .  .        32 

Religious  Beliefs  and  Supebstitions   of  the  Ufpeb 

Algonkin   Tbibes     .  .  .  .60 

Allouez's  Account  of  vabious  Tbibes  .  .        65 

Allouez's  Mission  at  Lake  Sufebiob  .        59 

Oalin^e  and  Dolueb  de  Gasson  at  Sault  Ste.  Mabib  62 
Jesuit  Missions  among  the  Wisconsin  ^  Tbibes  .        63 

Dablon's  Account  of  CkiFPEB  Mines  at  Lake  Sufebiob  72 
Chequamegon  a  Centbe  of  Tbade  .  .        77 

Jesuit  Missions  in  the  Lake  Region;  Tbibal  Migba- 

TIONS  .  .  .78 

Jouet  and  Mabquette  discoteb  the  Ufpeb  Mississippi  89 
Jesuit  Missions  to  Ottawas  and  Wisconsin  Tbibes  92 
Allouez  begins  the  Illinois  Mission  .        96 


8835  8 


IV 

1677-79: 
1681-83: 

1682: 

1683 
1683 
1684 
1686 

1686: 
1687: 

1687-89: 
1688-90: 

1689: 
1690-91: 


1695: 
1697: 

1697: 
1698: 

1700: 

1700: 

1700-02; 

1700 

1701 

1701 

1701; 

1702 

1702 

1702; 

1703; 
1703 
1703 
1703; 

1706: 


CONTENTS   AND   ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAOB 

Jesuit  Missions  to  Ottawas  and  Wisconsin  Tribes  97 
FuB  Trade;  Wisconsin  Indians  atone  to  Jesuits  fob 

THE  Murder  of  their  Servants  .  .  99 
Description     of     Wisconsin     Rivers;     Accusations 

▲gainst  du  luth     ....  105 

Affairs  at  Michillimackinac  .  .  .  110 
Jesuit  Missions  in  the  Northwest              .                  .113 

Indian  Murderers  punished  by  Du  Luth  .  .  114 
Governor  Denonville  orders  Du  Luth  to  establish  a 

Post  at  Detroit        .  .  .125 

Account  of  Detroit  Post  .  .  .  127 
English  and  Iroquois  Intrigues  among  Northi^ti:st- 

ERN  Tribes                 ....  130 

Hostilities  between  French  and  Iroquois  .  132 
Disturbances  among  the  Upper  Tribes,  which  are 

QUELLED  BY  PERROT      ....  134 

Algonkin,  Huron,  and  Iroquois  Politics     .                  .  142 
Perrot's  Dealings  with  Wisconsin  Tribes;  He  estab- 
lishes A  Fort  on  the  Mississippi,  near  the  Wiscon- 
sin             .....  143 
Northwestern  Indians  at  Q^'ebec;  Huron  Intrigues  160 
Northwestern  Indians  at  Quebec;  Frontenac's  Pol- 
icy TOWARD  THEM        ....  166 

Le  Sueur's  Mines  on  the  Mississippi  .  .  173 
Illicit  Fur  Trade;  Participation  therein  of  French 

Soldiers;  Complaints  against  Le  Sueur                   .  174 

Le  Sueur's  Voyage  up  the  Mi8sissipi»i       .                  .  177 

LOUVIGNY  punished  FOR  ILLICIT  TRADING  WITH  IrOQUOIS  194 

Le  Sueur's  Fort  on  the  Mississippi  .  .  194 
Treaty  with  Indian  Tribes;  Illicit  Trading  .  200 
Cadillac's  Detroit  Colony;  approved  by  Jesuits  .  204 
Michillimackinac  and  Detroit  .  .  .  206 
New  Trading  Posts  to  be  established  in  the  West  .  208 
MiAMis  Intrigue  with  English  Traders  .  .  211 
mlamis  unwilling  to  go  to  detroit  .  .  213 
Evils  attendant  upon  the  Fur  Trade;  Demoraliza- 
tion OF  BOTH  French  and  Indians              .                  .  214 

Hi:RONS  REFUSE  TO  GO  TO  DETROIT                             .                         .  217 

Importance  of  Post  at  Detroit  .  .218 

Indian  Intrigues;  Detroit  should  be  abandoned  .  220 
Conference   of   Indian    Envoys   with   Governor   De 

Vaudreuil                  ....  221 

Illicit  Trade;  French  Policy  toward  Indian  Tribes  228 


CONTENTS  AND   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


1706: 

1706 
1707 
1707 
1707 
1708; 

1708: 

1709: 
1710: 

1710 
1712 
1712 
1712 
1713 
1713-14: 

1714: 
1714: 
1714-15: 

1715: 

1715: 


1716: 

1716: 

1716: 
1717: 

1718: 

1718: 

1718: 


Detboit  attacked  bt  Ottawas  A2n)  Ml  amis;  Jesuits 

PACIFT  BflCHILLIMACKINAC   SaVAOES 

Intebtribal  Relations;  Fbencu  Policy 

Louis  XIV  orders  inspection  of  Westebn  Posts 

Policy  towabd  Indians:  Illicit  Tbade 

PoucT  toward  Indian  Tribes 

Rejection  of  Proposal  to  enroll  Indians  in  Canadian 

Militia 
sumliary  of  an  inspection  of  the  posts  of  detroit 

AND   BflCHILLIMACKINAC,    BY    D'AlGBEMONT 

Decisions  regarding  Northwestern   Posts 
Disturbances     among     Indians;     Michillimackinao 

should  be  reoccupied 
Trading  Licenses  and  Sale  of  Brandy 
Siege  of  Detroit  by  Wisconsin  Indians     . 
Indian  Affairs  in  the  Lake  Region 
Another  Account  of  the  Siege  of  Detroit 
Reestabushment  of  Michillimackinac 
Foxes  are  unruly  and  lawless;  Should  be  destbotid 

French  Renegades    . 
Plans  for  Campaign  against  the  Foxes     . 
Memoir  on  Detroit;  Plea  for  Troops 
Intrigl^s  of  English  and  Iroquois  among  Western 

Tribes;  Foxes  slay  Frenchmen 

EiPIDEMIC  AMONG  WeAS  PREVENTS  THEM  FROM  AIDING  DB 

Lignery;  Should  be  removed  to  Chicago 
Military  Preparations  against  Foxes;  Traders  and 

VoYAGEURs;    Their  lawlessness;    Restrictions  on 

Trade;  English  seek  to  control  Fur  Trade;  French 

should  estabush  new  Posts 
Plans  for  settling  Difficulties  with  Fox  Indians; 

Lawlessness  of  Coureurs  de  Bois 

The  Fox  War;  Lovigny's  Expedition;  Proceedings 
OF  Council  thereon 

Indian  Affairs  in  the  West 

Louvigny  pacifies  Western  Tribes,  and  recalls  Cour- 
eurs DE  Bois;  Posts  established 

Descbiption  of  Michillimackinac;  Indian  Tribes  of 
THAT  Region  .... 

Memoir  on  the  Savages  of  Canada  as  far  as  the  Mis- 
sissippi River,  describing  their  Customs  and  Trade 

Conference  of  Western  Indians  with  Governor  Vau- 
dreuil,  at  Montreal 


PAQB 

232 
240 
242 
247 
249 

250 

251 
260 

263 
265 
267 
288 
293 
295 

298 
803 
307 

310 

322 


327 
338 

341 
346 

346 

350 

363 

377 


VI  CONTENTS  AND   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


FAGV 


1719:  Fbengh  Oabrisoit  bent  to  GHSQiXAMBaoN;  Wab  bb- 
TWEEN  Illinois  and  Wisconsin  Tribes;  English  In- 

TBIGUES   WITH   MlAlOS  880 

1719:         Account  of  De  Lignebt  fob  Expenses  incxtbbed  bt  him      383 

1720:  LOUYIGNT     appointed     CkllCMANDANT-GENEBAL     IN     THE 

Northwest  .  .  .  .385 

1720:  Expenses  of  Fox  Wab  .  .  .386 

1720:  Fur  Trade  in  Northwest;  Restrictions  needed;  Evils 

OF  Intemperance  among  Savages;  Policy  to  be  pur- 
sued bt  French       ....      387 
1720:  Expenses  for  inspecting  the  Upper  Posts  .      391 

1720-21:  More  Jesuits  needed  in  Upper  Ck>UNTRT;  HosTiLmES 
between  Foxes  and  other  Tribes;  Miamis  refuse 
TO  migrate  ....      392 

1721:  Expenses  incurred  in  the  War  with  the  Foxes        .      400 

1721:  Charlevoix   visits   Wisconsin;    His    Description   of 

the  Tribes  ....      408 

1722:  Speeches  of  the  Foxes  at  a  Council  held  at  the 

House  of  Monsieur  de  Montigny,  in  the  presence 
OF  THE  Missionary,  Sept.  6,  1722  .  .      418 

1723:  Detroit  Indians  threaten  the  Foxes;  Illicit  Sale  of 

Brandy  at  that  Post  .  .  .      422 

1723:  Jesuit  Missionaries  needed  among  the  Sioux  .      427 

1723:  Hostilities  between  Foxes  and  other  Tribes;  Policy 

OF  French  toward  them  .  .  .      428 

1723:  Foxes  intrigue  with  the  Abenakis  .  .       431 

1723:  Intebtridal  affairs;  Licenses  for  Fur  Trade;  Their 

suppression  .  .  .  .433 

1724:  War  between  Foxes  and  Chippewas;  Fort  to  be  es- 

tablished among  Sioux  .  .  .      441 

1724:  Intertribal  Wars;    Importance  of  Post  Ouiatanon      442 

1724:  De  Liqnery  goes  to  Green  Bay;  Pacifies  the  warring 

Tribes,  except  the  Foxes  and  Illinois  .  .      444 

1724:  Foxes   demand   the   restoration   of   their   Captives 

AMONG  the  Illinois;  Lack  of  co-operation  among 
French  Commandants  .  .  .446 

1725:  French  Settlements  in  Illinois  are  menaced  by  the 

Foxes;  Aid  from  France  requested  .  .      450 

1725:  Opinions  of  Illinois  Missionaries  regarding  Fox  War      453 

1725:  Speech   of   the    Illinois   Indians,   defending   them- 

selves,  AND   ACCUSING   THE   FoXES  .  .        456 

1?26:  De  Ligneby  makes  a  Tempobary  Peace  with  Foxes; 

Policy  of  the  French  toward  that  Tribe  .      463 


CONTENTS  AND   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Vll 


1727: 
1727: 

1727: 

1727: 


Foxes  pbomiss  to  keep  the  Peace 

EXTSAOBDmABT   BXFEKSES   INCUBBED  BT   WESTEBK    CoU- 
MANDAIITS  .... 

Answeb  to  CkiMFLAiirxs  OF  Detboit  Habitaxtts  AQAm 8T 

THE  Ck)KlCAin>AIfT'8  MONOPOLY  OF  FUB  TbADE 

English  Intbiques  among  the  Westebn  Tbibes;  Foxes 
disaffected;  Fbench  will  again  wage  Wab  against 


PAOB 

468 
470 
471 


476 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Reputed  Pobtbatt  of  Mabquette 

Combined  Bbonze  Sun-Dial  and  Compass 

Facsimile  of  Handwbtting  of  Louis  AndbA,  S.  J. 

Map  of  Lake  Supebiob,  fbom  the  "Jesuit  Relation"  of  1670-71 

Facsimile  of  Handwbiting  of  Claude  Dablon,  S.  J. 

Mabquette's  MS.  Map,  accompanying  his  Joubnal  of  1673 

O.STAN0  Tbentanove's  Statue  of  Mabquettb 

Mabquette's  unfinished  Axttogbaph   Joubnal,   1674-75    (seyen 

pages)  .... 

The  De  Pebe  Monument  to  Allouez 
La  Hontan's  Map  of  Mackinac  Stbaits 

PeBBOT'S    OSTENSOBIUM,    1686 

SupiosED  Site  of  Pebbot's  Winteb  Quabtebs,  1685-86 

Junction  of  Wisconsin  and  Mississippi  Riyebs 

L\  Pointe  Village,  Madelaine  Island,  Chequameoon  Bat 


Frontispiecs 
64 


66 
80 
84 
88 
92 

96 
104 
136 
142 
154 
180 
380 


INDEX 


479 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  SOCIETY.  1902 


PRK8IDENT 

HON.  ROBERT  L.  McCORMICK 


Hatward 


VICE-PRESIDENTS 

HON.  JOHN  B.  CASSODAY 
HON.  LUCIUS  C.  COLMAN 
HON.  EMIL  BAENSCH  . 
HON.  JAMES  SUTHERLAND 
HON.  WILLIAM  F.  VILAS 
WILLIAM  W.  WIGHT,  LL.  D. 


Madison 

La  Crobsb 

Makitowoo 

Janbsyillb 

Madison 

MiLWAUKXB 


SECRETARY  AND  SUPERINTENDENT 

REUBEN  G.  THWAITES 


Madison 


TREASURER 


LUCIEN  S.  HANKS 


Madison 


LIBRARIAN  AND  AS  ST.  SUPERINTENDENT 

ISAAC  S.  BRADLEY        ....  Madison 

CURATORS,  EZ'OFFICIO 

HON.  ROBERT  M.  LaFOLLETTE  .  Governor 

HON.  WILLIAM  H.  FROEHLICH  .  .       Sxcrbtart  op  Statb 

HON.  JAMES  O.  DAVIDSON  .  Statb  Trxasurxr 


CUR  A  TORS,  ELECTIVE 
Teitn  expires  at  annual  meeting  in  190M 

CHARLES  K.  ADAMS,  LL.  D.    HON.  BUELL  E.  HUTCHINSON 
RASMUS  B.  ANDERSON,  LL.  D.  HON.  ALFRED  A.  JACKSON 
HON.  EMIL  BAENSCH        HON.  BURR  W.  JONES 
HON.  GEORGE  B.  BURROWS   J.  HOWARD  PALMER,  Esq. 
FREDERIC  K.  CONOVER,  LL.  B.  PROF.  JOHN  B.  PARKINSON 
JOHN  C.  FREEMAN,  LL.  D.     HON.  N.  B.  VAN  SLYKE 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  SOCIETY.  1902 


PRR8IDENT 

HON.  ROBERT  L.  McCORMICK 


Hatward 


VICE-PRESIDENTS 

HON.  JOHN  B.  CASSODAY 
HON.  LUCIUS  C.  COLMAN 
HON.  EMIL  BAENSCH  . 
HON.  JAMES  SUTHERLAND 
HON.  WILLIAM  F.  VILAS 
WILLIAM  W.  WIGHT,  LL.  D. 


Madison 

La  Crobsb 

Makitowoo 

Janbsvillb 

Madison 

MiLWAUKXB 


SECRETARY  AND  SUPERINTENDENT 

REUBEN  G.  THWAITES 


Madison 


TREASURER 


LUCIEN  S.  HANKS 


Madison 


LIBRARIAN  AND  AS  ST,  SUPERINTENDENT 

ISAAC  S.  BRADLEY        ....  Madison 

CURATORS,  EZ'OFFICIO 

HON.  ROBERT  M.  LaFOLLETTE  .  Govsrnor 

HON.  WILLIAM  H.  FROEHLICH  .  .       Sxcrbtart  op  Statb 

HON.  JAMES  O.  DAVIDSON         .  Statb  Trxasurxr 


CURATORS,  ELECTIVE 


Term  expire*  at  anntAal  meeting  in  190M 


CHARLES  K.  ADAMS,  LL.  D.    HON.  BUELL  E.  HUTCHINSON 
RASMUS  B.  ANDERSON,  LL.  D.  HON.  ALFRED  A.  JACKSON 
HON.  EMIL  BAENSCH        HON.  BURR  W.  JONES 
HON.  GEORGE  B.  BURROWS   J.  HOWARD  PALMER,  Esq. 
FREDERIC  K.  CONOVER,  LL.  B.  PROF.  JOHN  B.  PARKINSON 
JOHN  C.  FREEMAN,  LL.  D.     HON.  N.  B.  VAN  SLYKE 


OFFICERS   OF  THE   SOCIETY. 


Term  expires  €U  annual  meeting  in  1!HM 

CHARLES  N.  GREGOR V,  LL.  D.  ARTHUR  L.  S A  NBORN,  LL.  B. 

HON.  LUCIEN  S.  HANKS  HON.  HALLE  STEENSLAND 

HON.  JOHN  JOHNSTON  HON.  E.  RAY  STEVENS 

REV.  PATRICK  B.  KNOX  HON.  JAMES  SUTHERLAND 

HON.  ROBERT  U  McCORMICK  HON.  WILLIAM  F.  VILAS 

HON.  GEORGE  RAYMER  WILLIAM  W.  WIGHT,  LL.  D. 

7'erm  expiret  at  annual  meeting  in  lOOU 

HON.  ROBERT  M.  BASHFORD      HON.  HENRY  E.  LEGLER 
GEN.  EDWIN  E.  BRYANT  WILLIAM  A.  P.  MORRIS,  A.  B. 

HON.  JOHN  B.  CASSODAY  HON.  ROBERT  G.  SIEBECKER 

JAIRUS  H.  CARPENTER,  LL.  D.  HON.  BREESE  J.  STEVENS 
HON.  LUCIUS  C.  COLMAN  HERBERT  B.  TANNER,  M.  D. 

CHARLES  H.  HASKINS,  Ph.  D.   FREDERICK  J.  TURNER,  Ph.  D. 


PREFACE 


The  long  period  (1634-1763)  of  the  French  regime  is  the 
most  romantic  chapter  in  the  history  of  Wisconsin.  But  its 
details  have  in  large  measure  been  inaccessible  save  to  those 
historical  specialists  who  had  opportunity  to  work  in  the 
archives  of  both  France  and  Canada.  Unfortunately,  the  con- 
temporary French  documents  heretofore  published  in  our  Col- 
lections have  been  unsatisfactory  in  number  and  range.  The 
student  of  that  time,  seeking  thoroughly  to  know  Wisconsin  un- 
der the  domination  of  France,  has  been  compelled  to  supplement 
the  Collections  with  investigations  elsewhere — chiefly  in  the 
old  Jesuit  Relations,  Perrot's  Memoirey  La  Potherie's  Histoire, 
Charlevoix's  Ilistoire,  Margry's  Decouvertes,  the  New  York 
Colonial  Documents,  and  the  calendar  entries  in  Brymner's 
Canadian  Archives, 

A  variety  of  reasons  have  conspired  to  prevent  a  fuller  pres- 
entation of  material  in  our  series — chief  of  these  was  the  lack 
of  funds  for  researches  in  the  Paris  archives,  and  for  the  trans- 
oription  and  translation  of  documents  when  found.  The  time 
has  now  arrived,  however,  when  the  Society  fi.nds  itself  enabled 
properly  to  publish  the  most  important  documents  concerning 
this  epoch  in  Wisconsin  history.  The  recent  edition  of  the 
Jesuit  Relations  and  Allied  Documents  has  made  available, 
much  of  it  for  the  first  time,  a  considerable  mass  of  material 
bearing  upon  the  French  regime  in  the  Northwest;  and  im- 
portant investigations  have  been  conducted  during  recent  years 
in  behalf  of  this  Society  and  of  similar  bodies,  in  the  govern- 
mental archives  of  Paris.  From  this  store  of  new  material  and 
that  which  has  already  appeared  in  the  several  publications 
above  named,  it  has  at  last  become  possible  to  make  a  reasonably 
full  presentation  of  the  most  important  documents  relating  to 
the  wide  fur  trade  r^on  of  the  upper  Great  Lakes,  of  which 


Xn  PREFACE. 

what  is  now  Wisconsin  then  formed  an  integral  part.  The  re- 
sult is  so  satisfactory  that  it  is  fortunate  that  an  earlier  publi- 
cation was  not  attempted ;  for  not  until  now  has  such  complete 
treatment  been  practicable. 

It  is  perhaps  unnecessary  to  state  that  tlie  originals  of  all 
these  documents  were  written  in  the  French  language,  the 
greater  number  of  them  being  Englishe<l  for  this  volume;  the 
principal  exceptions  are  those  borrowed  direct  from  the  New 
York  Colonial  Documents,  which  were  translated  under  the  ed- 
itorship of  E.  B.  O'Callaghan.  In  earlier  years,  editors  of  his- 
torical material  were  less  solicitous  than  the  present  generation, 
to  repro<luce  originals  verbatim  et  literatim.  Liberties  were 
freely  taken,  especially  with  manuscripts,  which  often  wero 
modernized  and  otherwise  "improved"  out  of  all  semblance; 
thus  was  history  falsified  in  a  measure,  for  it  is  only  by  having 
before  us  the  original  document,  or  an  exact  reproduction  of  it 
(so  far  as  typogra])hy  permits),  that  we  can  fairly  study  the 
writer  and  his  times.  Such  documents  as  we  have  reproduced 
from  tlie  originals,  are,  in  accordance  with  tlie  custom  of  this 
series,  presented  with  such  of  their  textual  eccentricities  as  can 
be  expressed  in  translation ;  those  copied  from  other  published 
collections  are  necessarily  as  therein  given — in  most  cases,  obvi- 
ously modernized  in  form,  although  doubtless  otherwise  unim- 
paired, save  for  possible  unintentional  errors  in  transcription 
and  translation.  The  original  transcripts  made  for  us  in  Paris, 
are  preserved  in  the  Society's  library. 

It  has  been  deemed  l)est  to  present  the  material  in  chrono- 
logical sequence,  regardless  of  source.  In  each  case  the  source 
is  indicated,  for  tlie  benefit  of  scholars  who  may  wish  to  consult 
the  original,  and  such  explanatory  notes  are  given  as  seem  es- 
sential to  the  elucidation  of  the  text.  That  the  series  may  be 
complete,  references  are  made,  in  their  proi)er  place,  to  docu- 
ments previously  published  in  these  Collections.  In  the  case 
of  the  Jesuit  Rclatiotis,  only  synopses  are  for  the  most  part 
given,  for  the  reason  that  the  new  edition  (in  73  volumes)  is  now 
obtainable  in  many  of  the  libraries  of  the  Xorthwest — although 
some  of  the  most  important  Wisconsin  material  therein  is  here 
reproduced  in  full.     Documents  from  other  sources  are  usually 


PREFACE.  Xlll 

given  in  cxtenso,  only  such  matter  being  omitted  as  either  did 
not  come  within  our  historical  field,  or  appeared  to  the  Editor 
needlessly  detailed  for  the  present  purpose.  In  a  few  cases, 
where  docimients  are  either  too  profuse  or  are  unavailable,  a 
synoptical  editorial  note  covers  the  period  sufficiently  for  the 
average  student — references  being  given  to  more  abundant 
sources. 

Owing  to  the  great  extent  of  the  material,  it  has  been  found 
impossible  to  include  all  of  it  \\4thin  this  volume,  the  size  of 
which  is  restricted  by  law.  A  considerable  portion  of  vol.  xvii 
will  be  occupied  with  the  remainder  of  the  documents,  which 
carry  us  to  the  downfall  of  Kew  France,  in  1763. 

It  is  hoped  that  the  publication  of  these  documents  may 
greatly  renew  both  popular  and  scholarly  interest  in  the  period 
when  the  region  of  the  upper  Great  Lakes  was  a  part  of  New 
France.  The  story  here  revealed  is  one  possessing  great  inter- 
est to  the  student  of  civilization,  as  well  as  of  Western  history. 

With  the  simple  record  in  the  Jesuit  Belations  of  Kicolet's 
voyage  in  1634  (or  possibly  1638),  we  see  tlie  French — im- 
pelled by  desire  for  empire,  for  trade,  and  for  religious  proselyt- 
ing— first  reaching  out  to  the  Northwest  With  this  event,  the 
annals  of  our  region  begin.  For  many  years,  these  concern  al- 
most wholly  the  migrations  and  wars  of  Indian  tribes,  and  the 
operations  of  a  few  adventurous  fur-traders.  At  first  the  ac- 
counts are  shadowy  in  character,  having  reached  the  French 
at  the  settlements  on  the  St.  Lawrence  river  through  devious 
channels  of  report,  for  few  white  men  had  as  yet  penetrated 
to  these  far-away  wilds;  and  most  of  tlie  explorers  were  unli- 
censed traders  whose  interests  did  not  lie  in  spreading  knowledge 
of  their  wanderings.  We  find  the  Winnebagoes  (Puants),  an 
outcast  tribe  of  the  Siouan  stock,  reported  as  being,  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  seventeenth  century,  powerfully  entrenched  upon 
Green  Bay,  tyrannizing  over  their  Algonquian  neighbors,  the 
ilenomonees,  Pottawattomies,  Sacs,  Foxes,  Ivickapoos,  and 
Mascoutens;  and  cruelly  betraying  the  Ottawas  and  Illinois, 
whose  envoys  they  "cooked  in  their  kettles."  The  Ottawas  first 
formed  a  war-league  against  the  Winnebagoes,  whom  they  piti- 
lessly scourged ;  later,  the  Illinois  headed  a  similar  conspiracy, 


XIV  PREFACE. 

"which  almost  annihilated  the  Winnebago  tyrants,  the  survivors 
retreating  to  the  borders  of  Lake  Winnebago. 

Soon  after  these  events,  the  all-conquering  Iroquois,  engaged 
in  devastating  raids  upon  the  tribes  dwelling  along  the  eastern 
shores  of  Lake  Huron,  drove  northward  the  Ilurons  and  Otta- 
"was,  who  established  themselves  at  Mackinac,  at  Thunder  Bay 
and  Point  Keweenaw  on  Lake  Superior,  and  on  the  islands 
at  the  mouth  of  Green  Bay,  About  1653-55,  the  Iroquois  pur- 
sued the  fugitives  into  these  hiding-places,  and  drove  them  still 
farther  westward,  although  not  without  some  severe  reverses. 
The  new  retreat  of  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas  was  on  the  western 
waters  of  Wisconsin,  where  at  last  they  were  comparatively  safe 
from  Iroquois  incursions.  Upon  both  sides  of  the  upper  Mis- 
sissippi they  found  powerful  Sioux  tribes,  disposed  to  welcome 
the  newcomers,  who  brought  to  them  articles  of  iron  obtained 
from  French  fur-traders  who  had  not  yet  penetrated  to  the 
Sioux.  But  the  impolitic  fugitives  repaid  their  kind  hosts  with 
base  treachery,  and  the  latter  turned  upon  them  with  fury. 
This  led  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas  to  seek  seclusion  at  the  head- 
waters of  the  Black  and  other  westrflowing  rivers,  and  on  the 
isolated  shores  of  Chequamegon  Bay.  It  might  have  been  pre- 
sumed that  the  strangers  would  now  learn  to  keep  the  peace; 
but  finding  that  the  Sioux  did  not  follow  them,  they  sent 
against  tlie  latter  war-parties,  which  frequently  met  defeat, 
although  the  Sioux  were  singularly  indulgent  and  allowed  the 
ungrateful  fugitives  thereafter  to  live  in  peace  for  several  years. 

This  was  the  situation  when  Eadisson  and  Groseilliers  came 
to  Wisconsin  (1654-61),  and  traded  on  Chequamegon  Bay  and 
explored  the  interior;  when  the  Jesuit  Menard  established 
(1660-61)  the  first  mission  on  Lake  Superior,  at  Point  Ke- 
weenaw, and  met  death  on  the  upper  waters  of  Wisconsin  river 
while  attempting  to  reach  the  Hurons  encamped  on  the  head- 
waters of  the  Black;  when  Allouez  founded  (1665)  the  Jesuit 
mission  of  La  Pointe  on  Chequamegon  Bay;  and  when  Mar- 
quette succeeded  Allouez  at  La  Pointe  (1669).  Soon  after 
Marquette's  arrival,  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas  again  goaded  the 
Sioux  into  anger,  and  were  obliged,  with  their  missionary,  to 
flee  (1671)  from  the  threatened  storm — the  Hurons  to  Macki- 
nac, and  the  Ottawas  to  Manitoulin  Island  in  Lake  Huron. 


PREFACE.  XV 

After  the  coming  of  Allouez,  we  find  Lake  Superior  fre- 
quently mentioned  in  the  Jesuit  Relations.  The  attention  of 
both  priests  and  laymen  was  early  attracted  to  the  copper  mines, 
which  receive  much  attention  from  the  annalists  of  that  time. 
The  lake  is  also  regarded  as  a  promising  seat  for  missionary  en- 
terprises,  because  of  the  many  nations  that  frequent  its  shores 
for  fishing  and  trading  purposes.  But  upon  the  retreat  of  Mar- 
quette,  the  Jesuits  abandoned  the  field. 

Rivers  and  lakes  were  the  primitive  highways  followed  by  the 
French  explorers.  Within  the  region  now  known  as  Wisconsin, 
the  sources  of  divergent  water  systems  interlaced — here,  was  the 
parting  of  the  ways.  To  Wisconsin  portage-paths,  especially  to 
that  between  the  Fox  and  Wisconsin  rivers,  the  explorers  were 
early  led ;  thus  topographical  peculiarities  caused  Wisconsin  to 
become  known  to  the  French  at  a  time  when  the  Puritans  of 
Massachusetts  had  not  ventured  far  beyond  the  sound  of  the  sea. 

Nicolet  and  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  had  sought  the  shores 
of  Green  Bay,  the  upper  end  of  the  path  to  the  Mississippi; 
and  Allouez  had  established  a  Jesuit  mission  there,  before  Mar- 
quette left  Lake  Superior.  The  centre  of  interest  now  shifted 
to  this  region ;  thenceforth  our  documents  are  chiefly  concerned 
with  the  exploitation  of  the  Fox-Wisconsin  waterway  and  the 
lands  to  which  it  led. 

In  Perrot's  Memoire  and  the  Jesuit  Relations  we  have  our 
earliest  detailed  accounts  of  the  life  and  customs  of  the  Wiscon- 
sin tribes,  gaining  from  them  vivid  impressions  of  the  Indians 
as  they  were  when  first  encountered  by  white  men.  From  these 
documents  we  obtain  a  clear  view  of  the  attitude  of  the  savages 
to  the  newcomers ;  and  the  arguments  resorted  to  by  the  latter 
to  induce  tlie  tribesmen  to  abandon  their  simple  life  and  seri- 
ously  to  take  up  the  business  of  supplying  Frenchmen  with  pel- 
tries, in  exchange  for  white  men's  clothing,  utensils,  weapons, 
and  ornaments.  The  effect  of  this  intercourse  on  the  French 
themselves  is  readily  traced,  with  the  lowering  of  stand- 
ards on  the  part  of  both  races  as  they  sought  to  meet  on  com- 
mon ground.  The  gradual  growth  of  the  Jesuit  missions; 
the  spread  of  the  fur  trade,  with  the  economic  and  social  revo- 
lution wrought  thereby  in  the  forest  life  of  the  West — and  the 


XVI  PREFACE. 

demoralization  which  often  resulted,  thus  nullifying  missionary 
influence;  the  introduction  of  military  posts,  to  protect  the 
traders  and  to  connect  Canada  and  Louisiana  by  an  arch  of 
armed  occupation  in  wliich  Wisconsin  was  the  keystone — the 
development  of  all  these  movements  is  clearly  recorded  in  the 
documents  herein  presented.  Only  through  a  knowledge  of 
them,  can  early  Wisconsin  history  be  fully  understood. 

The  story  revealed  by  the  documents  abounds  in  dramatic  in- 
cidents: Nicolet,  hoping  to  find  Chinamen  on  tlie  shores  of 
Oreen  Bay ;  w^ar-parties  of  half-naked  Iroquois,  Algonquians, 
and  Sioux,  chasing  each  otlier  in  the  dark  Wisconsin  forests, 
with  the  intention  of  literally  devouring  the  vanquished ;  Radis- 
8on  and  GroseillieTs,  seeking  peltries  and  fierce  adventures; 
stout-hearted  sons  of  Loyola  endeavoring  to  win  our  painted 
savages  to  a  knowledge  of  the  Cross ;  coureurs  de  bois  like  Per- 
rot,  Du  Luth,  La  Salle,  and  Le  Sueur,  exploiting  for  gain  far- 
stretching  forests  and  waterways;  Joliet  and  Marquette  dis- 
-covering  the  Mississippi  at  Prairie  du  Chien ;  Hennepin,  with 
his  curious  experiences  as  a  captive  among  the  Sioux;  and 
finally,  the  Fox  War,  a  dreary  half-century  of  spasmodic  con- 
flict, which  absorbed  the  attention  and  helped  drain  the  treasury 
of  New  France,  contributing  not  a  little  to  her  downfall. 

Highly  significant  are  the  revelations  of  tlie  duplicity  and 
practical  dishonesty  of  many  of  the  French  military  oSicers  in 
the  Xorthwest,  especially  during  the  last  fifty  or  sixty  years  of 
the  old  regime.  An  appointment  to  a  frontier  post  was  often 
brought  about  by  corrupt  influence.  The  appointee  sought  at 
€very  turn  to  enrich  himself  at  the  expense  of  both  the  Indians 
and  tlie  king.  Charges  of  corruption  were  freely  bandied  to 
and  fro ;  and  throughout  the  system,  from  governor  down  to  the 
smallest'commandant,  one  detects  the  presence  of  spies  and  in- 
formers, with  the  usual  accompaniment  of  malice  and  slander. 
It  is  a  sorry  picture,  but  characteristic  of  New  France. 

In  the  preparation  of  material  for  this  volume,  which  sheds 
so  much  new  light  on  the  earliest  chapter  of  Wisconsin  his- 
tory, a  largo  share  of  the  work  has  fallen  to  Miss  Emma  Helen 
Blair,  chief  of  the  Division  of  Maps  and  Manuscripts  in  the 
Library  of  the  Society.     Miss  Blair's  long  service  as  Assistant 


PREFACE.  XVll 

Editor  of  the  Jesuit  Relations  and  Allied  Documents  has  well 
qualified  her  for  a  task  of  this  character.  Acknowledgments 
are  also  due  to  the  Burrows  Brothers  Company,  of  Cleve- 
land, for  generous  permission  to  draw  upon  their  edition  of  the 
Relations,  not  only  for  documefntary  material  but  for  many  of 
ihe  engravings  which  illustrate  the  present  volimie;  also  to 
Messrs.  D.  Appleton  &  Company,  of  New  York,  for  the  loan  of 

two  engravings. 

R.  G.  T. 
June,  1902. 
b 


THE  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN -I. 


1634:  JEAN  NICOLBT'S  VISIT  TO  WISCONSIN. 
[From  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1642-43.] 

He  came  to  Ifew  France  in  the  year  sixteen  hundred 
eighteen;  and  forasmuch  as  his  nature  and  excellent  memory 
inspired  good  hopes  of  him,  he  was  sent  to  winter  with  the 
Island  AlgonquinSy  in  order  to  learn  their  language.^  He 
tarried  with  them  two  years,  alone  of  the  French,  and  always 
joined  the  Barbarians  in  their  excursions  and  journeys — un- 
dergoing such  fatigues  as  none  but  eyewitnesses  can  conceive; 
he  often  passed  seven  or  eight  days  without  food,  and  once,  full 
seven  weeks  with  no  other  nourishment  than  a^  little  bark  from 
the  trees.  He  accompanied  four  hundred  Algonquins,  who 
went  during  that  time  to  make  peace  with  the  Hyroquois,  which 
he  successfully  accomplished;  and  would  to  Gk>d  that  it  had 
never  been  broken,  for  then  we  would  not  now  be  suffering  the 
calamities  which  move  us  to  groans,  and  which  must  be  an  ex- 
traordinary impediment  in  the  way  of  converting  these  tribes. 
After  this  treaty  of  peace,  he  went  to  live  eight  or  nine  years 
with  the  Algonquin  Nipissiriniens,  where  he  passed  for  one  of 
that  nation,  taking  part  in  the  very  frequent  councils  of  those 
tribes,  haying  his  own  separate  cabin  and  household,  and  fishing 
and  trading  for  himself.  He  was  finally  recalled,  and  ap- 
pointed Agent  and  Interpreter.  While  in  the  exercise  of  this 
ofBce,  he  was  delegated  to  make  a  journey  to  the  nation  called 
People  of  the  sea,  and  arrange  peace  between  them  and  the 
Hurons,   from  whom   they   are   distant   about  three  hundred 

1  Regarding  Jean  Nicolet  and  his  explorations,  see  WU.  HUt,  CoUi,, 
Till,  pp.  183-194;  X,  pp.  41-46;  xi,  pp.  1-25.— Eo. 

2 


2  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.      [vol.  Xvi 

leagues^  Westward.  He  embarked  in  the  Huron  country,  with 
seven  Savages ;  and  they  passed  by  many  small  nations,  both  go- 
ing and  returning.  When  they  arrived  at  their  destination, 
they  fastened  two  sticks  in  the  earth,  and  hung  gifts  thereon, 
so  as  to  relieve  those  tribes  from  the  notion  of  mistaking  them 
for  enemies  to  be  massacred.  When  he  was  two  days'  jour- 
ney from  that  nation,  he  sent  one  of  those  Savages  to  bear  tid- 
ings of  the  peace,  which  word  was  especially  well  received 
when  they  heard  that  it  was  a  European  who  carried  the  mes- 
sage ;  they  despatched  several  young  men  to  meet  the  Manitoui- 
riniou — that  is  to  say,  "the  wonderful  man."  They  meet 
him;  they  escort  him,  and  carry  all  his  baggage.  He  wore  a 
grand  robe  of  China  damask,  all  strewn  with  flowers  and  birds 
of  many  colors.  No  sooner  did  they  perceive  him  than  the 
women  and  children  fled,  at  the  sight  of  a  man  who  carried 
thunder  in  both  hands — for  thus  they  caJled  the  two  pistola 
that  he  held.  The  news  of  his  coming  quickly  spread  to  the 
places  round  about,  and  there  assembled  four  or  five  thousand 
men.  Each  of  the  chief  men  made  a  feast  for  him,  and  at  one 
of  these  banquets  they  served  at  least  sixscore  Beavers.^  The 
peace  was  concluded ;  he  returned  to  the  Hurons,  and  some  time 
later  to  the  three  Rivers,  where  he  continued  his  employment 
as  Agent  and  Interpreter,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  both  the 
French  and  the  Savages,  by  whom  he  was  equally  and  singu- 
larly loved.  In  so  far  as  his  office  allowed,  he  vigorously  co- 
operated with  our  Fathers  for  the  conversion  of  those  peoples, 

1  Distances  are  usually  given  In  leagues  by  early  French  explorers  in 
America;  but  they  use  the  term  only  approximately,  as  they  estimated 
instead  of  measuring  distances.  The  standard  French  league  is  about 
2.42  English  miles;  the  common  league  Is  2.76  of  these  The  arpent 
is  an  old  French  measure  of  distance,  used  In  measuring  land,  equiva- 
lent to  about  192  English  feet  (linear).  Another  old  French  measure 
was  the  brasse,  equivalent  to  5.318  English  feet. — Ed. 

2Le  Jeune  mentions  (Jea.  Relations,  xvlll,  pp.  231-233)  the  tribes  seen 
by  Nlcolet  In  Wisconsin — Menomonees,  Winnebagoes,  Mascoutens,  and 
Pottawattomles.  The  date  of  his  visit  must  have  been  1634,  according 
to  Suite  (Milange9  6:hi8toire,  pp.  426,  436)  and  Butterfield  (Discovery 
of  Northtoeat,  pp.  42-45) ;  but  Hebberd  argues  (Wisconsin  tinder  French 
Dominion,  pp.  14-17)  that  1638  is  more  nearly  correct — Ed. 


1640-60]  FRENCH    REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  3 

whom  he  could  shape  and  bend  howsoever  he  would,  with  a  skill 
that  can  hardly  be  matched. — Jesuit  Relations  (Cleveland  re- 
issue), xxiii,  pp.  275-279.* 


BETWEEN  1640  AND  1660:     TRIBES  AND  TRIBAL  WARS  ABOUT 

OREEN  BAT. 

[From  BacquevUle  de  la  Potherie's  Histoire  de  VAmMque  Septen- 
trionale,  puBlished  at  Paris  in  1722,  and  again  in  1753.  Tlie  author  mm 
a  French  historian  of  the  late  seventeenth  and  early  eighteenth  cen- 
tnries.    In  1697  he  visited  Hudson  Bay  as  royal  commissioner.] 

This  [Green]  Bay  is  forty  leagues  in  depth ;  its  width  at  the 
entrance  is  eight  or  ten  leagues,  gradually  diminishing  until 
at  the  farthest  end  it  is  but  two  leagues  wida  The  moutH  ifl 
closed  by  seven  islands,  which  must  be  doubled  in  voyaging  to 
the  Islinois.  The  Bay  is  on  the  Northwestern  side  of  the  lake, 
and  extends  toward  the  Southwest;  at  the  entrance  is  a  small 
village,  composed  of  people  gathered  from  various  nations — 
who,  wishing  to  commend  themselves  to  their  neighbors,  have 
cleared  some  lands  there,  and  affect  to  entertain  all  who  Pass 
that  way.  Liberality  is  a  characteristic  greatly  admired  among 
the  Savages ;  and  it  is  the  proper  thing  for  the  Chiefs  to  lavish 
all  their  possessions,  if  they  desire  to  be  esteemed.  Accord- 
ingly, they  have  exerted  themselves  to  receive  Strangers  hos* 
pitably,  who  find  among  them  whatever  provisions  are  in  sea- 
son; and  they  like  nothing  better  than  to  hear  that  others  are 
praising  their  generosity. 

The  Pouteouatemis,  Sakis,  and  Malhominis^  dwell  there;  and 
there  are  four  Cabins,  the  remains  of  the  Nadouaichs,  a  trjibe 

lAll  citations  in  this  volume  from  the  Jesuit  Relations  refer  to  the 
above  edition. — Ed. 

2  These  are  variants  of  the  names  Pottawattomies,  Sacs,  and  Menom- 
onees.  Puans  (Puants)  was  the  name  applied  by  the  French  to  the 
Winnebagoes;  the  word  "was  an  erroneous  translation  of  the  Algonkln 
word  Ouinipeg,  which  appears  in  the  modem  names  Winnipeg  and  Win- 
nebagoes. 8ee  Jes.  Relations,  xv,  pp.  156,  247;  xvl,  263;  xviii,  231; 
zxxiii,  161;  xxxviii,  239;  xli,  79, 185;  xlv,  219.— Ed. 


4  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

wliich  has  been  entirely  destroyed  by  the  Iroquois.  In  former 
times,  the  Puans  were  the  masters  of  this  Bay,  and  of  a  great 
extent  of  adjoining  country.  This  Nation  was  a  populous  one, 
very  redoubtable,  and  spared  no  one ;  they  violated  all  the  laws 
of  nature ;  they  were  Sodomites,  and  even  had  intercourse  with 
beasts.  If  any  stranger  came  among  them,  he  was  cooked  in 
their  kettles.  The  Malhominis  were  the  only  tribe  who  main- 
tained relations  with  them ;  they  did  not  dare  even  to  complain 
of  their  tyranny.  Those  Tribes  believed  themselves  the  most 
powerful  in  the  Universe ;  they  declared  war  on  all  Nations 
whom  they  could  discover,  although  they  had  only  stone  knives 
and  hatchets.  They  did  not  desire  to  have  commerce  with  the 
French.  The  Outaouaks  [Ottawas],  notwithstanding,  sent  to 
them  Envoys,  whom  they  had  the  cruelty  to  eat.  This  crime 
incensed  all  the  Nations,  who  formed  a  union  with  the  Out- 
aouaks, on  account  of  the  protection  accorded  to  them  by  the 
latter  under  the  auspices  of  the  French,  from  whom  they  re- 
ceived weapons  and  all  sorts  of  merchandise.  They  made  fre- 
quent Expeditions  against  the  Puans,  who  were  giving  them 
much  trouble ;  and  then  followed  Civil  wars  among  the  Puans — 
who  reproached  one  another  for  their  ill-fortune,  brought  upon 
them  by  the  perfidy  of  those  who  had  slain  the  Envoys,  since 
the  latter  had  brought  them  knives,  bodkins,  and  many  other 
useful  articles,  of  which  they  had  had  no  previous  knowledge. 
When  they  found  that  they  were  being  vigorously  attacked, 
they  were  compelled  to  unite  all  their  forces  in  one  village, 
where  they  numbered  four  or  five  thousand  men ;  but  maladies 
wrought  among  them  more  devastation  than  even  the  war  did, 
and  the  exhalations  from  the  rotting  corpses  caused  great  mor- 
tality. They  could  not  bury  the  dead,  and  were  soon  reduced 
to  fifteen  hundred  men.  Despite  all  these  misfortunes,  they 
sent  a  party  of  five  hundred  warriors  against  the  Outagamis, 
who  dwelt  on  the  other  shore  of  the  lake;  but  all  those  men 
perished,  while  making  that  journey,  by  a  tempest  which  arose. 
Their  enemies  wer^  moved  by  this  disaster,  and  said  that  the 
Gk)ds  ought  to  be  satisfied  with  so  many  punishments ;  so  they 
ceased  making  war  on  those  who  remained.  All  these  scourges, 
which  ought  to  have  gone  home  to  their  consciences,  seemed 


1640-60]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN   WISCONSIN.  5 

only  to  increase  their  iniquities.  All  Savages  who  have  not  yet 
embraced  the  Christian  faith  have  the  notion  that  the  souls  of 
the  departed,  especially  of  those  who  have  been  slain,  can  not 
rest  in  peace  unless  their  relatives  avenge  their  death ;  it  is 
necessary,  therefore,  to  sacrifice  victims  to  their  shades,  if  their 
friends  wish  to  solace  them.  This  belief,  which  animated 
those  barbarians,  inspired  in  them  an  ardent  desire  to  satisfy 
the  manes  of  their  ancestors,  or  to  perish  utterly;  but,  seeing 
that  this  was  impossible  for  them,  they  were  obliged  to  check 
their  resentment — they  felt  too  humiliated  in  the  sight  of  all 
the  Nations  to  dare  undertake  any  such  enterprise.  The  de- 
spair, the  cruel  memory  of  their  losses,  and  the  destitution  to 
which  they  were  reduced,  made  it  still  more  difficult  for  them  to 
find  favorable  opportunities  for  providing  their  subsistence; 
the  frequent  raids  of  their  enemies  had  even  dispersed  the 
game;  and  famine  was  the  last  scourge  that  attacked  them. 

Then  the  Islinois,  touched  with  compassion  for  these  un- 
fortunates, sent  five  hundred  men,  among  whom  were  fifty  of 
the  most  prominent  persons  in  their  Nation,  to  carry  them  a 
liberal  supply  of  provisions.  Those  Man-eaters  received  them 
at  first  with  the  utmost  gratitude ;  but  at  the  same  time  they 
meditated  taking  revenge  for  their  loss  by  the  sacrifice  which 
they  meant  to  make  of  the  Islinois  to  the  shades  of  their  dead. 
Accordingly,  they  erected  a  great  cabin  in  which  to  lodge  these 
new  guests.  As  it  is  a  custom  among  the  Savages  to  provide 
dances  and  public  games  on  splendid  occasions,  the  Puans 
made  ready  for  a  dance  expressly  for  their  guests.  While  the 
Islinois  were  engaged  in  dancing,  the  Puans  cut  their  bow- 
strings, and  immediately  flung  themselves  upon  the  Islinois, 
massacred  them,  not  sparing  one  man,  and  made  a  genera] 
Feast  of  their  flesh ;  the  enclosure  of  that  cabin,  and  the  mel- 
ancholy remains  of  the  victims,  may  still  be  seen.  The  Puans 
rightly  judged  that  all  the  Nations  would  league  themselves 
together  to  take  vengeance  for  the  massacre  of  the  Islinois  and 
for  their  own  cruel  ingratitude  toward  that  people,  and  re- 
solved to  abandon  the  place  which  they  were  occupying.  But, 
before  they  took  that  final  step,  each  reproached  himself  for 
that  crime ;  some  dreamed  at  night  that  their  families  were  be- 
ing carried  away,  and  others  thought  that  they  saw  on  every 


6  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

side  frightful  spectres,  who  threatened  them.     They  took  refuge 
in  an  Island,  which  has  since  been  swept  away  by  the  ice-floee. 

The  Islinois,  finding  that  their  people  did  not  return,  sent  out 
some  men  to  bring  news  of  them.  They  arrived  at  the  Puan 
village,  which  they  found  abandoned ;  but  from  it  they  descried 
the  smoke  from  the  one  which  had  just  been  established  in  that 
island.  The  Islinois  saw  only  the  ruins  of  the  Cabins,  and 
the  bones  of  many  himian  beings  which,  they  concluded,  were 
those  of  their  own  people.  When  they  carried  back  to  their 
country  this  sad  news,  only  weeping  and  lamentation  were 
heard ;  they  sent  word  of  their  loss  to  their  Allies,  who  offered 
to  assist  them.  The  Puans,  who  knew  that  the  Islinois  did  not 
use  Canoes,  were  sure  that  in  that  Island  they  were  safe  from 
all  affronts.  The  Islinois  were  every  day  consoled  by  those 
who  had  learned  of  their  disaster;  and  from  every  side  they 
received  presents  which  wiped  away  their  tears.  They  con- 
sulted together  whether  they  should  immediately  attempt  hos- 
tilities against  their  enemies.  Their  wisest  men  said  that  they 
ought,  in  accordance  with  the  custom  of  their  ancestors,  to  spend 
one  year,  or  even  more,  in  mourning,  to  move  the  Great  Spirit; 
that  he  had  chastised  them  because  they  had  not  offered  enough 
sacrifices  to  him ;  that  he  would,  notwithstanding,  have  pity  on 
them  if  they  were  not  impatient ;  and  that  he  would  chastise  the 
Puans  for  so  black  a  deed.  They  deferred  hostilities  until  the 
second  year,  when  they  assembled  a  large  body  of  men  from  all 
the  Nations  who  were  interested  in  the  undertaking;  and  they 
set  out  in  the  Winter  season,  in  order  not  to  fail  therein.  Hav- 
ing reached  the  island  over  the  ice,  they  found  only  the  Cabins, 
in  which  there  still  remained  some  fire ;  the  Puans  had  gone  to 
their  Hunt  on  the  day  before,  and  were  traveling  in  a  body,  that 
they  might  not,  in  any  emergency,  be  surprised  by  the  Islinois. 
The  army  of  the  latter  followed  these  Hunters,  and  on  the  sixth 
day  descried  their  village,  to  which  they  laid  siege.  So  vigor- 
ous was  their  attack  that  they  killed,  wounded,  or  made  pris- 
oners all  the  Puans,  except  a  few  who  escaped,  and  who  reached 
the  Malhouminis'  village,  but  severely  wounded  by  arrows.^ 

lAllouez  thus  comments  upon  this  event:  "About  thirty  years  ago, 
all  the  people  of  this  Nation  were  killed  or  taken  captive  by  the 


1640-60]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  ^ 

The  Islinois  returned  to  their  country,  well  avenged;  they 
had,  however,  the  generosity  to  spare  the  lives  of  many  women 
and  children,  part  of  whom  remained  among  them,  while  otheis 
had  liberty  to  go  whither  they  pleased.  A  few  years  ago,  they 
[the  Puans]  numbered  possibly  one  hundred  and  fifty  warriors- 
These  Savages  have  no  mutual  fellow-feeling;  they  have 
caused  their  own  ruin,  and  have  been  obliged  to  divide  their 
forces.  They  are  naturally  very  impatient  of  control,  and  very 
passionate;  a  little  matter  excites  them;  and  they  are  great 
braggarts.  They  are,  however,  well  built,  and  are  brave  sol- 
diers, who  do  not  know  what  danger  is ;  and  they  are  subtle  and 
crafty  in  war.  Although  they  are  convinced  that  their  ancestors 
drew  upon  themselves  the  enmity  of  all  the  surroimding  Na- 
tions, they  cannot  be  humble;  on  the  contrary,  they  are  the 
first  to  affront  those  who  are  with  them.  Their  women  are  ex- 
tremely laborious ;  they  are  neat  in  their  houses,  but  very  dis- 
gusting about  their  food.  These  people  are  very  fond  of  the 
French,  who  always  protect  them;  without  that  support,  they 
would  have  been  long  ago  utterly  destroyed,  for  none  of  their 
neighbors  could  endure  them  on  account  of  their  behavior  and 
their  insupportable  haughtiness.  Some  years  ago,  the  Outa^ 
gamis,  Maskoutechs,  Kikabous,^  Sakis,  and  Miamis  were  almost 
defeated  by  them ;  but  they  have  become  somewhat  more  tract- 
able. Some  of  the  Pouteouatemis,  Sakis,  and  Outagamis  have 
taken  wives  among  them,  and  have  given  them  their  own  daugh- 
ters. 

The  Pouteouatemis  are  their  neighbors ;  the  behavior  of  these 
People  is  very  affable  and  cordial,  and  they  make  great  efforts 
to  gain  the  good  opinion  of  persons  who  come  among  them. 
They  are  very  intelligent ;  they  have  an  inclination  for  raillery ; 
their  physical  appearance  is  good;  and  they  are  great  talkers. 
When  they  set  their  minds  on  anything,  it  is  not  easy  to  turn 

Iliniouek,  with  the  exception  of  a  single  man,  who  escaped,  shot 
through  the  body  with  an  arrow.  When  the  Iliniouetz  had  sent  back 
his  captive  countrymen  to  inhabit  the  country  anew,  he  was  made 
Captain  of  his  Nation,  as  having  never  been  a  slave." — /e«.  Relations, 
liv,  p.  237. 

1  Variants  of  Mascoutens  and  Klckapoos.    The  Outagamies  are  better 
known  as  Foxes  (Fr.  R^nards). — Ed. 


8  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

them  from  it.  Tlie  old  men  are  prudent,  sensible,  and  delib- 
erate; it  is  seldom  that  they  undertake  any  unseasonable  en- 
terprise. As  they  receive  Strangers  very  kindly,  they  are 
delighted  when  reciprocal  attentions  are  paid  to  them.  They 
have  so  good  an  opinion  of  themselves  that  they  regard  other 
Nations  as  inferior  to  them.  They  have  made  themselves  Arbi- 
ters for  the  tribes  about  the  Bay,  and  for  all  their  neighbors; 
and  they  strive  to  preserve  for  themselves  that  reputation  in 
every  direction.  Their  ambition  to  please  everybody  has  of 
course  caused  among  them  jealousy  and  divorce ;  for  their  Fam- 
ilies are  scattered  to  the  right  and  to  the  left  along  the 
Mecheygan  [Lake  Michigan].  With  a  view  of  gaining  for 
themselves  special  esteem,  they  make  presents  of  all  their  pos- 
sessions, stripping  themselves  of  even  necessary  articles,  in  their 
eager  desire  to  be  accounted  liberal.  Most  of  the  merchandise 
for  which  the  Outaouas  trade  with  the  French  is  carried  among 
these  people. 

The  Sakis  have  always  been  neighbors  of  the  Pouteouatemis, 
and  have  even  built  a  Village  with  them.  They  separated  from 
each  other  some  years  ago,  as  neither  tribe  could  endure  to  be 
subordinate ;  this  feeling  is  general  among  all  the  Savages,  and 
each  man  is  master  of  his  own  actions,  no  one  daring  to  contra- 
dict him.  These  Peoples  are  not  intelligent,  and  are  of  brutal 
nature  and  unruly  disposition ;  but  they  have  a  good  physique, 
and  are  quite  good-looking  for  Savages;  they  are  thieves  and 
liars,  great  chatterers,  good  Hunters,  and  very  poor  Canoemen* 

The  Malhominis  are  no  more  than  forty  in  number;  they 
raise  a  little  Indian  com,  but  live  upon  game  and  Sturgeons; 
they  are  skillful  navigators.  If  the  Sauteurs^  are  adroit  in 
catching  the  Whitefish  at  the  Sault,  the  Malhominis  are  no  less 
so  in  spearing  the  Sturgeon  in  their  river.  For  this  purpose 
they  use  only  small  Canoes,  very  light,  in  which  they  stand  up- 
right, and  in  the  middle  of  the  current  spear  the  Sturgeon  with 
an  iron-pointed  pole ;  only  Canoes  are  to  be  seen,  morning  and 
night.     They  are  good-natured  people,  not  very  keen  of  intel- 

iSauteurs  (Saulteurs),  "the  people  of  the  Sault:"  the  French  name 
for  the  Ojlbwas  (Chlppewas),  given  to  them  because  they  dwelt  at  and 
near  Sault  Ste.  Marie  when  first  encountered  by  the  French.— Ed. 


1640-60]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  9 

lect;  selfish  to  the  last  degree,  and  consequently  characterized 
by  a  sordid  avarice ;  but  they  are  brave  warriors. 

All  these  Tribes  at  the  Bay  are  most  favorably  situated; 
The  country  is  a  beautiful  one,  and  they  have  fertile  fields 
planted  with  Indian  corn.  Game  is  abimdant  at  all  seasons, 
and  in  Winter  they  hunt  Bears  and  Beavers ;  they  himt  Deer 
at  all  times,  and  they  even  fish  for  Wild-fowl.  I  will  explain 
my  remark;  in  Autumn  there  is  a  prodigious  abundance  of 
Ducks,  both  black  and  white,  of  excellent  flavor,  and  the  Savages 
stretch  nets  in  certain  places  where  these  Fowl  alight  to  feed 
upon  the  wild  rice.^  Then  advancing  silently  in  their  Canoes, 
they  draw  them  up  alongside  of  the  nets,  in  which  the  birds 
have  been  caught.  They  also  capture  Pigeons  in  their  nets,  in 
the  Summer.  They  make  in  the  woods  wide  paths,  in  which 
they  spread  large  nets,  in  the  shape  of  a  bag,  and  attached  at 
each  side  to  the  trees ;  and  they  make  a  little  hut  of  branches, 
in  which  they  hide.  When  the  Pigeons  in  their  flight  get 
within  this  open  space,  the  Savages  pull  a  small  cord  which  is 
drawn  through  the  edge  of  the  net,  and  thus  capture  sometimes 
five  or  six  hundred  birds  in  one  morning,  especially  in  windy 
weather.  All  the  year  round  they  fish  for  Sturgeon,  and  for 
herring  in  the  Autumn ;  and  in  Winter  they  have  fruits.  Al- 
though their  rivers  are  deep,  they  close  the  stream  with  a  sort 
of  hurdle,  leaving  open  places  through  which  the  Fish  can  pass ; 
in  these  spaces  they  set  a  sort  of  net  which  they  can  cast  or 
draw  in  as  they  please ;  and  several  cords  are  attached,  which, 
although  they  seem  to  close  the  opening,  nevertheless  afford 
passage  to  the  Fish.  The  Savages  are  apprised  of  the  entrance 
of  the  Fish  into  the  net  by  a  little  bell  which  they  fasten  on  the 

iThe  wUd  rice  (Zizania  aquatica)  formed  an  important  part  of  the 
food  of  the  northwestern  Algonquian  tribes.  For  information  regard- 
ing their  use  of  it,  see  Carr's  "Food  for  American  Indians/'  in  Amer, 
Antiq.  80c.  Proc,  x  (1896),  part  I;  A.  B.  Jenks's  "Wild-rice  Oatherers 
of  the  Upper  Lakes/'  in  19th  (and  forthcoming)  Report  of  U.  S.  Bureau 
of  Ethnology — also  published  separately  (Washington,  1901);  and 
Gardner  P.  Stickney's  "Indian  Use  of  Wild  Rice/'  in  Amer.  Anthro- 
pologist, iz,  pp.  115-121.  The  Indian  practice  of  capturing  wild  fowl 
in  nets  is  also  described  by  Dablon  in  the  Relation  of  1671-72  (Jei, 
Relations,  Ivi,  p.  121). — Bd. 


lO  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [voL  Xvi 

upper  part  of  it;  when  this  sounds,  they  pull  in  their  Fish. 
This  Fishery  suffices  to  maintain  large  Villages;  they  alsc 
gather  wild  rice  and  acorns;  accordingly  the  Peoples  of  the 
Bay  can  live  in  the  utmost  comfort — La  Potherie's  Amer. 
Septerdrionale,  pp.  69-81. 


1653-65:     FIRST  IROQUOIS  RAID  INTO  WISCONSIN. 

[From  Nicolas  Perrot's  M&moire  8ur  lea  moeura,  coustumea  et  relligion 
dea  Sauvagea  de  VAnUrique  Septentrionale:  written  about  1715-18  ;i 
published  at  Paris,  1864,  with  annotations  by  Rev.  Jules  Tallhan,  S.  J.] 

This  defeat  spread  terror  among  the  Outaouas  [Ottawas] 
and  their  allies,  who  were  at  Sankinon,  at  Thunder  Bay,  and 
at  Manitoaletz  and  Michillimakinak.  They  went  to  dwell 
together  among  the  Hurons,  on  the  island  which  we  call  Huron 
Island.^     The  Irroquois  remained  at  peace  with  another  vil- 

1  Nicolas  Perrot  was  one  of  the  most  noted  French  voyageurs  In  the 
Northwest;  see  accounts  of  his  life  and  achievements  In  Taliban's 
notes  on  his  M&moire,  and  In  Wia,  HUt,  CoUa.,  v.  pp.  110-112.  In  re- 
gard to  his  taking  possession  of  the  Upper  Mississippi,  Id.,  x,  359- 
362,  and  xl,  35,  36;  and,  on  the  ostensorlum  presented  by  him  to 
the  De  Pere  mission,  Id,,  vlil,  pp.  129-206,  and  Jea.  Relationa,  ixvi, 
p.  347.  For  locations  of  forts  erected  by  him  In  Wisconsin,  see  Wia, 
Hiat,  com.,  X,  pp.  69-63,  299-301,  328-333,  358,  364-372,  504-506.— Bo. 

2  Taliban  thinks  (Perrot,  p.  214)  that  the  Island  here  mentioned  was 
that  now  known  as  Washington  Island,  at  the  entrance  of  Green  Bay — 
later,  the  abode  of  the  Pottawattomles.  The  only  application  of  the 
name  Huron  Islands  on  early  maps,  however.  Is  to  the  group  still  known 
by  that  name  near  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Superior;  they  lie  to  the 
north  of  Marquette  county,  Mich.  The  name  Sanklnon  Is  but  a  variant 
of  Saginaw  (the  large  bay  In  the  western  shore  of  Lake  Huron),  and 
Manitoaletz  of  ManitouUn  (the  Islands  at  the  entrance  to  Oeorglan 
Bay).  Saklnan  (Sanklnon)  Is  said  by  Dr.  E.  B.  O'Callaghan  (N.  Y. 
Colon.  Doca.,  Ix,  p.  293,  note)  to  mean.  In  Algonkln,  "the  country  of  the 
Sakls."  Cf.  Nouvel's  account  of  the  "Sakl  country,"  In  Jea.  Relationa, 
Ix,  pp.  219-221;  apparently  it  was  on  the  Tlttlbawassee  river.  In  Mid- 
land and  Saginaw  counties,  Mich.  "This  defeat"  refers  to  the  ruin  of 
tiie  Huron  confederacy  by  the  Iroquois  in  1650-51 ;  for  detailed  accounts 
thereof,  see  Jea,  Relationa,  vols,  xxxlii-xxxvl. —  Eo. 


1653-55]  FRENCH  REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  II 

lage,  established  at  Detroit,  of  savages  who  were  called  "Neu- 
tral Hiirons,"  because  they  did  not  embrace  the  interests  of 
their  allies,  but  maintained  an  attitude  of  neutrality.  The 
Irroquois,  however,  compelled  these  people  to  abandon  Detroit 
and  settle  in  the  Irroquois  country.  Thus  they  augmented  their 
own  strength,  not  only  by  the  many  children  whom  they  took 
captive,  but  by  the  great  number  of  Neutral  Hurons  whom  they 
carried  to  their  own  country ;  and  it  was  at  that  time  that  they 
made  so  many  raids  against  the  Algonkins  that  the  latter  were 
<»mpelled  to  seek  shelter  among  the  French  colonists.  The 
Nipissings  made  a  stand  in  their  villages  during  a  few  years; 
but  they  were  finally  obliged  to  flee  far  northward  to  Alimibe- 
gon  [Nepigon]  ;  and  the  savages  who  had  been  neighbors  to  the 
Hurons  fled,  with  those  along  the  Outaoua  River,  to  Three 
Rivers. 

The  Irroquois,  elated  by  the  advantage  which  they  had  gained 
over  their  enemies  in  thus  compelling  them  to  take  flight,  and 
finding  no  other  bones  to  gnaw,  made  several  attacks  upon  the 
Algonkins  and  even  upon  the  French,  taking  several  captives 
who  were  afterward  restored.  These  hostilities  were  succeeded 
by  more  than  one  treaty  of  peace,  which  proved  to  be  of  short 
duration.  The  early  relations  of  these  events  describe  them 
quite  fully ;  accordingly  I  do  not  expatiate  upon  them  here,  but 
limit  myself  to  an  account  of  only  such  things  as  they  have 
omitted,  and  which  I  have  learned  from  the  lips  of  the  old  men 
among  the  Outaoua  tribes. 

The  following  year  [1653  ?],  the  Irroquois  sent  another  expe- 
dition, which  counted  800  men,  to  attack  the  Outaouas;  but 
those  tribes,  feeling  sure  that  the  enemy  had  ascertained  the 
place  where  they  had  established  themselves,  and  would  cer- 
tainly make  another  attack  against  them,  had  taken  the  pre- 
caution to  send  out  one  of  their  scouting  parties,  who  went  as  far 
as  the  former  country  of  the  Hurons,  from  which  they  had  been 
driven.  These  men  descried  the  Irroquois  party  who  were 
marching  against  them,  and  hastened  back  to  carry  the  news  of 
this  incursion  to  their  own  people.  Those  tribes,  who  were 
dwelling  on  Huron  Island,  immediately  abandoned  that  place 


12  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

and  retreated  to  Mechingan/  where  they  constructed  a  fort,  re- 
solving to  await  there  the  enemy.  The  Irroquois  came  to  that 
region,  but  were  unable  to  accomplish  anything  for  two  years. 
They  made  persistent  efforts  to  succeed,  and  put  in  the  field  a 
little  army,  as  it  were,  intending  to  destroy  the  villages  of  that 
new  settlement,  at  which  a  considerable  extent  of  land  had 
been  already  cleared.  But  the  Outaouas  had  time  enough  to 
harvest  their  grain  before  the  arrival  of  the  enemy;  for  they 
were  always  careful  to  keep  scouts  on  the  watch,  in  order  not 
to  be  taken  by  surprise,  and  the  scouts  saw  the  enemy  in  time. 
The  Irroquois  finally  arrived  one  morning  before  the  fort, 
which  appeared  to  them  impregnable.  In  their  army  were 
many  Hurons  who  were  the  offspring  of  the  people  whom  they 
had  come  to  attack — men  whose  mothers  had  escaped  from  the 
ruin  of  their  tribe  when  the  Irroquois  had  invaded  their  former 
country.  The  enemy  had  at  the  time  not  much  food,  because 
they  found  very  little  game  on  the  route  which  they  had  fol- 
lowed. Deliberations  were  held,  and  propositions  for  a  treaty 
of  peace  were  made.  One  of  these  was  that  the  Hurons  who 
were  in  the  Irroquois  army  should  be  given  up,  which  was 
granted.  In  order  to  settle  upon  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  it  was 
agreed  that  six  of  their  chiefs  should  enter  the  fort  of  the  Hu- 
rons, and  that  the  latter  should,  in  exchange,  give  six  of  their 
men  as  hostages.  A  treaty  of  peace  was  accordingly  made  and 
concluded  between  them.  The  Outaouas  and  Hurons  made 
presents  of  food  to  the  Irroquois,  and  also  traded  with  them  for 
blankets  and  porcelain  collars.^  The  latter  remained  in  camp 
for  several  days  to  rest  their  warriors,  but  when  they  entered 
the  fort  only  a  few  at  a  time  were  admitted,  and  these  were 
drawn  by  the  Outaouas  over  the  palisades  by  ropes. 

The  Outaouas  sent  word  to  the  Irroquois  army  before  their 
departure  that  they  wished  to  present  to  each  of  their  men  a  loaf 
of  corn-bread ;  but  they  prepared  a  poison  to  mix  with  the  bread. 

iBy  Mechingan  (Michigan),  Perrot  probably  means  the  mainland 
northwest  of  Lake  Michigan. — Ed, 

2 ''Porcelain"  is  simply  the  Canadian-French  term  for  the  sheU,  glass, 
or  porcelain  beads  used  as  money  and  ornaments  by  the  Indians — the 
"wampum"  of  English  writers.— Ed. 


l6S3"55]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN   WISCONSIN.  1 3 

When  the  loaves  were  baked,  they  were  sent  to  the  Irroquois ; 
but  a  Huron  woman  who  had  an  Irroquois  husband  knew  the 
secret,  and  warned  her  son  not  to  eat  any  of  the  bread,  because 
it  had  been  poisoned.  The  son  immediately  warned  the  Irro- 
quois ;  they  threw  the  bread  to  their  dogs,  who  died  after  eating 
it.  They  needed  no  more  to  assure  them  of  the  conspiracy 
against  them,  and  determined  to  go  away  without  provisions. 
They  concluded  to  divide  their  forces  into  two  parties ;  one  of 
these  embarked  from  that  place,  and  were  defeated  by  the  Sault* 
eurs,  Missisakis,  and  people  of  the  Otter  tribe  (who  are  called 
in  their  own  tongue  Mikikoiiet),  but  few  of  the  Irroquois  escap- 
ing. The  main  force  pushed  farther  on,  and  soon  found  them- 
selves among  the  buffaloes.  If  the  Outaouas  had  been  as 
courageous  as  the  Hurons,  and  had  pursued  the  enemy,  they 
could  without  doubt  have  defeated  them,  considering  their  slen- 
der supply  of  food.  But  the  Irroquois,  when  they  had  secured 
abundance  of  provisions,  steadily  advanced  until  they  en- 
countered a  small  lUinoet  village;  they  killed  the  women  and 
children  therein,  for  the  men  fled  toward  their  own  people,  who 
were  not  very  far  from  that  place.^  The  Illinoets  immediately 
assembled  their  forces,  and  hastened  after  the  Irroquois,  who 
had  no  suspicion  of  an  enemy;  attacking  them  after  nightfall, 
the  Illinoets  gained  the  advantage  and  slew  many  of  them. 
Other  lUinoet  villages,  who  were  hunting  in  that  vicinity,  hav- 
ing learned  what  had  occurred,  hastened  to  find  their  tribesmen, 
who  undertook  to  deal  a  blow  at  the  Irroquois.  Assembling 
their  warriors,  they  made  a  hasty  march,  surprised  the  enemy, 
and  utterly  defeated  them  in  battle;  for  there  were  very  few 
of  the  Irroquois  who  returned  to  their  own  villages.  This  was 
the  first  acquaintance  of  the  Illinoets  with  the  Irroquois;  it 
proved  baneful  to  them,  but  they  have  well  avenged  themselves 
for  it. — Perrot's  Memoire,  pp.  80-83. 


1  Missisakis:  an  earlier  form  of  Missisaguas— an  Algonquian  tribe 
resident  on  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Huron,  and  later  forming  villages 
in  the  peninsula  between  that  lake  and  Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario.  Mi* 
kikouets:  probably  the  same  as  the  Algonquian  Nikikouets,  occasion- 
ally mentioned  in  the  Jesuit  Relations;  located  near  the  Missisaguas. 
IlUnoets:  the  Illinois  tribes.— Eo. 


14  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVt 

1656-62:    THE   OTTAWAS  AND   HURONS   FLEE   TO  WISCONSIN; 
HOSTILITIES  BETWEEN  THEM  AND  THE  SIOUX. 

[From  Perrot's  Mtnoire.l 

The  Flemish  Bastard^  carried  away  [from  the  vicinity  of 
Montreal]  several  Huron  prisoners;  he  caused  their  fingers  to 
be  burned,  without  any  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  French^ 
but  spared  their  lives  after  he  had  taken  them  to  his  own  vil- 
lage. The  Hurons  never  forgot  the  way  in  which  we  abandoned 
them,  on  that  occasion,  to  the  pleasure  of  their  enemies.  They 
will,  moreover,  always  remember  how  little  effort  the  French 
made  to  oppose  the  Irroquois  when  the  latter,  in  time  of  peace 
[May,  1656],  carried  away  the  Hurons  who  dwelt  on  Orleans- 
Island,  and  made  them  pass  in  canoes  before  Quebec  and  Three 
Rivers — meanwhile  compelling  them  to  sing,  in  order  to  increase 
their  mortification.  But  since  then  the  Outaouas  have,  in  re- 
venge, sought  every  opportunity  to  betray  the  French,  at  the 
same  time  pretending  to  be  their  devoted  friends ;  they  treat  the 
French  thus  through  policy  and  through  fear,  for  they  do  not 
trust  any  people,  as  the  reader  will  learn  from  the  circumstances 
narrated  in  this  Memoir. 

When  all  the  Outaouas  were  dispersed  toward  the  great  lakes, 
the  Saulters  and  the  Mississakis  fled  northward,  and  finally  ta 
Kionconan  [Keweenaw],  for  lack  of  game.  Then  the  Outa- 
ouas, fearing  that  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  repel  the  in- 
cursions of  the  Irroquois,  who  had  gained  information  of  the 
place  in  which  the  former  had  established  themselves,  sought 

iThus  named  by  the  French;  the  son  of  a  Dutchman  and  a  Mohawk 
woman;  his  mother's  tribe  chose  him  as  one  of  its  chiefs.  He  was 
long  a  prominent  figure  in  the  hostiUties  waged  by  the  Iroquois  against 
the  French  and  Algonkins.  In  1666,  he  came  to  Quebec  to  negotiate 
for  peace;  this  was  secured  for  the  time,  but  was  soon  broken;  and 
Tracy  and  Courcelles  led  an  expedition  against  the  Mohawks,  which 
laid  their  country  waste.  Overwhelmed  by  this  blow,  they  sent  the 
Flemish  Bastard  to  Quebec  to  sue  for  peace,  which  was  then  estab- 
lished. The  Bastard,  with  many  of  his  tribesmen,  even  removed  their 
families  and  abodes  to  Canada,  and  settled  near  Montreal.  See  Per- 
rot's  Mdmoire,  pp.  111-114,  228.— Je«.  Relation8,  xxxv.  p.  292. 


1656-62]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  1 5 

refuge  in  the  Micissypy  region,  which  is  now  called  Louisianna. 
They  ascended  that  river  to  a  place  about  twelve  leagues  from 
the  Ouisconching,  where  they  came  to  another  river,  which  is 
named  for  the  Ayoes  savages.*  They  followed  this  stream  to 
its  source,  and  there  encoimtered  nations  who  received  them 
cordially.  But  as  they  did  not  find,  in  all  that  region  which 
they  traversed,  any  place  suitable  for  a  settlement, — since  the 
country  was  destitute  of  woods,  and  contained  only  prairies  and 
level  fields,  although  buffaloes  and  other  animals  were  foimd 
there  in  abundance, — they  retraced  the  same  route  by  which 
they  had  come;  and,  having  again  reached  the  shores  of  the 
Louisianna  river,  they  continued  to  ascend  it.  Before  they  had 
gone  far,  they  dispersed  in  various  directions  to  pursue  the  chase ; 
I  will  mention  only  one  of  their  bands,  whom  the  Scioux  en- 
coimtered, captured,  and  carried  away  to  their  villages.  The 
Scioux,  who  had  no  acquaintance  with  the  firearms  and  other 
implements  which  they  saw  among  the  strangers, — for  they 
themselves  use  only  knives  and  hatchets  of  stone, — hoped  that 
these  new  nations  who  had  come  near  them  would  share  with 
them  the  commodities  which  they  possessed ;  and,  believing  that 
the  latter  were  spirits,  because  they  were  acquainted  with  the 
use  of  iron, — an  article  which  was  utterly  unlike  the  stone  and 
other  things  which  they  used, — conducted  them,  as  I  have  said, 
to  their  own  villages,  and  delivered  the  prisoners  to  their  own 
people. 

The  Outaouas  and  Hurons  gave  the  Scioux,  in  turn,  a 
friendly  reception,  but  did  not  make  them  presents  of  much 
value.  The  Scioux  returned  to  their  own  country,  with  some 
small  articles  which  they  had  received  from  the  Outaouas,  and 
shared  these  with  their  allies,  giving  to  some  hatchets,  and  to 
others  knives  or  awls.  All  those  villages  sent  deputies  to  those 
of  the  Outaouas ;  as  soon  as  they  arrived  there,  they  began, 
according  to  their  custom,  to  weep  over  every  person  they  met, 
in  order  to  manifest  the  lively  joy  which  they  felt  in  meeting 
them;  and  they  entreated  the  strangers  to  have  pity  on  them, 

iliiciSBypy:  a  variant  of  Mississippi.  Ouisconching:  the  Wisconsin 
River.    Ayoes:  the  same  as  lowas — referring  to  the  Iowa  River. — Bo. 


l6  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

and  share  with  them  that  iron,  which  they  regarded  as  a  divin- 
ity. The  Outaouas,  seeing  these  people  weeping  over  all  who 
approached  them,  began  to  feel  contempt  for  them,  and  regarded 
them  as  people  far  inferior  to  themselves,  and  as  incapable  even 
of  waging  war.  They  gave  to  the  envoys  a  few  trifles,  snch  as 
knives  and  awls;  the  Scioux  declared  that  they  placed  great 
value  on  these,  lifting  their  eyes  to  the  sky,^  and  blessing  it  for 
having  gnided  to  their  country  these  tribes,  who  were  able  to 
furnish  them  so  powerful  aid  in  ameliorating  their  wretched 
condition.  The  Outaouas  fired  some  guns  which  they  had ;  and 
the  report  of  these  weapons  so  terrified  the  Scioux  that  they  im- 
agined it  was  the  thunder  and  lightning,  of  which  the  Outaouas 
had  made  themselves  masters  in  order  to  exterminate  whomso- 
ever they  would.  The  Scioux,  whenever  they  encountered  the 
Hurons  and  Outaouas,  loaded  them  with  endearing  terms,  and 
showed  the  utmost  submissiveness,  in  order  to  touch  them  with 
compassion  and  obtain  from  them  some  benefits;  but  the  Outa- 
ouas had  even  less  esteem  for  them  when  they  persisted  in  main- 
taining before  them  this  humiliating  attitude. 

The  Outaouas  finally  decided  to  select  the  island  called  Pel6e 
as  the  place  of  their  settlement;  and  they  spent  several  years 
there  in  peace,  often  receiving  visits  from  the  Scioux.*  But  on 
one  occasion  it  happened  that  a  hunting-party  of  Hurons  en- 
countered and  slew  some  Scioux.  The  Scioux,  missing  their 
people,  did  not  know  what  had  become  of  them ;  but  after  a  few 
days  they  found  their  corpses,  from  which  the  heads  had  been 
severed.  Hastily  returning  to  their  village,  to  carry  this  sad 
news,  they  met  on  the  way  some  Hurons,  whom  they  made  pris- 

1  Among  most  of  the  Indian  tribes,  the  sky  was  revered,  not  only 
as  the  residence  of  a  deity,  but  (by  a  sort  of  personification)  as  the 
deity  himself,  and  was  often  invoked,  especially  at  councils;  the  sun 
also  was  regarded  as  a  deity.  See  Jes,  Relations,  x,  pp.  159,  161-165, 
195.  273;  xviii,  211;  xxiil,  55;  xxxiii,  225;  xxxix,  15;  xlvi.  43;  Ixviii, 
156.— Ed. 

s Situated  at  the  upper  end  of  Lake  Pepin,  opposite  Red  Wing,  Minn.; 
see  Charlevoix's  Journal  Hiatorique,  p.  398.  It  was  thus  named,  as  he 
tells  us,  *' because  it  had  not  a  single  tree;"  he  adds:  "The  French  of 
Canada  have  often  made  it  the  center  of  their  trade  in  those  Western. 
Regions." — Ed. 


1656-62]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  1 7 

oners;  but  when  thej  reached  home  the  chiefs  liberated  the 
captives  and  sent  them  back  to  their  own  people.  The  Hurons, 
80  rash  as  to  imagine  that  the  Scioux  were  incapable  of  resist- 
ing them  without  iron  weapons  and  firearms,  conspired  with  the 
Outaouas  to  undertake  a  war  against  them,  purposing  to  drive 
them  from  their  own  country  in  order  that  they  themselves 
might  thus  secure  a  greater  territory  in  which  to  seek  their  liv- 
ing. The  Outaouas  and  Hurons  accordingly  united  their  forces 
and  marched  against  the  Scioux.  They  believed  that  as  soon  as 
they  appeared  the  latter  would  flee,  but  they  were  greatly  de- 
ceived ;  for  the  Scioux  sustained  their  attack,  and  even  repulsed 
them,  and,  if  they  had  not  retreated,  they  would  have  been 
utterly  routed  by  the  great  number  of  men  who  came  from  other 
villages  to  the  aid  of  their  allies.  The  Outaouas  were  pursued 
even  to  their  settlement,  where  they  were  obliged  to  erect  a 
wretched  fort ;  this,  however,  was  sufficient  to  compel  the  Scioux 
to  retire,  as  they  did  not  dare  to  attack  it. 

The  continual  incursions  made  by  the  Scioux  forced  the  Outa- 
ouas to  flee.  They  had  become  acquainted  with  a  river,  which 
is  called  Black;  they  entered  its  waters  and^  ascending  to  its 
source,  the  Hurons  found  there  a  place  suitable  for  fortifying 
themselves  and  establishing  their  village.  The  Outaouas 
pushed  farther  on,  and  proceeded  as  far  as  Lake  Superior, 
where  they  fixed  their  abode  at  Chagouamikon  [Chequamegon], 
The  Scioux,  seeing  that  their  enemies  had  departed,  remained 
quietly,  without  pursuing  them  farther;  but  the  Hurons  were 
not  willing  to  keep  the  peace,  and  sent  out  several  hostile  bands 
against  the  Scioux.  These  expeditions  had  very  little  success ; 
and,  moreover,  drew  upon  them  frequent  raids  from  the  Scioux, 
which  compelled  them  to  abandon  their  fort,  with  great  loss  of 
their  men,  and  go  to  join  the  Outaouas  at  Chagouamikon.  As 
soon  as  they  arrived  there,  they  planned  to  form  a  war-party  of 
a  hundred  men,  to  march  against  the  Scioux  and  avenge  them- 
selves. It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  country  where  they  roam 
is  nothing  but  lakes  and  marshes,  full  of  wild  rice ;  these  are 
separated  from  one  another  by  narrow  tongues  of  land,  which 
extend  from  one  lake  to  another  not  more  than  thirty  or  forty, 
paces,  and  sometimes  no  more  than  five  or  six.  These  lakes  and 
3 


l8  WISCONSIN   MISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

marshes  form  a  tract  more  than  fifty  leagues  square,  and  are 
traversed  by  no  river  save  that  of  Louisianna  [the  Mississippi] ; 
its  course  lies  through  the  midst  of  them,  and  part  of  their 
waters  discharge  into  it.  Other  waters  fall  into  the  Ste.  Croix 
River,  which  is  situated  northeast  of  them,  at  no  great  distance. 
Still  other  marshes  and  lakes  are  situated  to  the  west  of  the  St. 
Peter  River,  into  which  their  waters  flow.  Consequently,  the 
Scioux  are  inaccessible  in  so  swampy  a  coimtry,  and  cannot  be 
destn\ved  by  enemies  who  have  not  canoes,  as  they  have,  with 
which  to  j)ursuo  them.  Moreover,  in  those  quarters  only  five  or 
six  families  live  together  as  one  body,  forming  a  small  village; 
and  all  the  others  are  removed  from  one  another  at  certain  dis- 
tances, in  order  that  they  may  be  able  to  lend  a  helping  hand  at 
the  first  alarm.  If  any  one  of  these  little  villages  be  attacked, 
the  enemy  can  inflict  very  little  damage  upon  it,  for  all  its 
neighbors  promptly  assemble,  and  give  prompt  aid  wherever  it 
is  needed.  Their  mWihod  of  navigation  in  lakes  of  this  kind  is, 
to  push  through  the  wild  rice  with  their  canoes,  and,  carrying 
these  from  lake  to  lake,  comi)el  the  fleeing  enemy  to  turn  about, 
and  thus  bewilder  him;  they,  meanwhile,  pass  from  one  lake  to 
another  until  they  thread  those  mazes  and  reach  the  firm  groimd. 
The  hundred  Hurons  became  involved  among  these  swamps, 
and  without  canoes ;  they  were  discovered  by  some  Scioux,  who 
hastened  to  spread  the  alarm  everywhere.  That  was  a  popu- 
lous nation,  scattered  along  the  circumference  of  the  marshes, 
in  which  they  gathered  abundance  of  wild  rice;  this  grain  is 
the  food  of  those  people,  and  tastes  better  than  does  rice.  More 
than  3,000  Scioux  came  together  from  every  side,  and  be- 
sieged the  Hurons.  The  loud  noise,  the  clamor,  and  the  yells 
Avith  which  the  air  resounded  showed  them  that  they  were  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides,  and  that  their  only  resource  was  to  make 
head  against  the  Scioux  (who  were  eagerly  striving  to  discover 
their  location),  unless  they  could  find  some  place  by  which  they 
could  retreat.  In  this  straitened  condition,  they  concluded  that 
they  could  not  do  better  than  to  hide  among  the  wild  rice,  where 
the  water  and  mud  reached  almost  to  their  chins.  Accordingly, 
they  dispersed  in  various  directions,  taking  great  pains  to  avoid 
noise  in  their  progress.     The  Scioux,  who  were  sharply  search- 


1656-62]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  I9 

ing  for  them,  and  desired  only  to  meet  them  in  battle,  found 
very  few  of  them,  and  were  fully  persuaded  that  the  Hurons 
were  hidden  in  the  wild  rice ;  but  they  were  greatly  astonished 
at  seeing  only  the  trail  made  in  entering  the  lake,  and  no  trace 
of  the  Hurons'  departure.  They  bethought  them  of  this  device : 
they  stretched  across  the  narrow  strips  of  land  between  the 
lakes  the  nets  used  in  capturing  beavers;  and  to  these  they 
attached  small  bells,  which  they  had  obtained  from  the  Outaouas 
and  their  allies  in  the  visits  which  they  had  made  to  those  tribes, 
as  above  related.  They  divided  their  forces  into  numerous  de- 
tachments, in  order  to  guard  all  the  passages,  and  watched  by 
day  and  night,  supposing  that  the  Hurons  would  take  the  first 
opportunity  to  escape  from  the  danger  which  threatened  them. 
This  scheme  indeed  succeeded ;  for  the  Hurons  slipped  out  un- 
der cover  of  the  darkness,  creeping  on  all  fours,  not  suspecting 
this  sort  of  ambuscade ;  they  struck  their  heads  against  the  nets, 
which  they  could  not  escape,  and  thus  set  the  bells  to  ringing.* 
The  Scioux,  lying  in  ambush,  made  prisoners  of  them  as  soon 
as  they  stepped  on  land.  Thus  from  all  that  band  but  one  man 
escaped;  he  was  called  in  his  own  language  Le  Froid  ["he  who 
is  coW].     This  same  man  died  not  a  long  time  ago. 

The  captives  were  conducted  to  the  nearest  village,  where  the 
people  from  all  the  others  were  assembled  in  order  to  share 
among  them  the  prey.  It  must  be  observed  that  the  Scioux, 
although  they  are  not  as  warlike  or  as  crafty  as  the  other  tribes, 
are  not,  like  them,  cannibals.  They  eat  neither  dogs  nor  human 
flesh ;  they  are  not  even  as  cruel  as  the  other  savages,  for  they 
do  not  put  to  death  the  captives  whom  they  take  from  their 
enemies,  except  when  their  own  people  are  burned  by  the  enemy. 
They  were  naturally  indulgent,  and  are  so  now,  for  they  send 
home  the  greater  number  of  those  whom  they  have  captured. 
The  usual  torture  which  they  inflict  upon  those  whom  they  have 
doomed  to  death  is,  to  fasten  them  to  trees  or  stakes,  and  let  the 
boys  shoot  arrows  at  them;  neither  the  warriors,  nor  any  men, 

iCf.  Radisson's  device  for  the  protection  of  himself  and  QroseiUiers 
at  Chequamegon — **a  long  cord  tyed  wth  some  small  bells,  web  weare 
Mnteryes  [sentries];"  see  Wis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xi,  p.  73.— Ed. 


20  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 

nor  the  women,  took  part  in  this.  But,  as  soon  as  they  saw  their 
own  people  burned,  they  resolved  to  do  the  same  by  way  of  re- 
prisal ;  even  in  this,  however,  they  do  not  behave  with  as  much 
cruelty  as  do  their  enemies — either  because  some  motive  of  pity 
or  compassion  will  not  permit  them  to  behold  such  suffering,  or 
because  they  believe  that  only  despair  can  make  the  captives 
sing  during  their  torments  with  so  much  fortitude  and  bravery, 
if  it  may  be  so  called.  On  this  account  they  speedily  break 
the  enemies'  heads,  in  time  of  war. 

The  Scioux,  having  shared  the  prisoners,  sent  back  part  of 
them,  and  made  the  others  objects  for  their  sport — delivering 
them,  as  I  said,  to  their  boys  to  be  shot  to  death  with  arrows; 
their  bodies  were  then  cast  upon  the  dung-heap.  Those  whose 
lives  they  spared  were  condemned  to  see  their  comrades  die,  and 
were  then  sent  home.  Having  arrived  there,  they  gave  a  faith- 
ful account  of  all  that  had  occurred,  and  said  that  having  seen 
the  numbers  of  the  Scioux,  they  believed  it  impossible  to  destroy 
them.  The  Outaouas  listened  very  attentively  to  the  relations 
of  their  recently-arrived  comrades,  but,  as  they  were  not  very 
brave  warriors,  they  were  not  willing  to  make  any  hostile 
attempt;  and  the  Hurons,  recognizing:  the  smallness  of  their 
numbers,  made  up  their  minds  to  meditate  revenge  no  longer, 
but  to  live  peaceably  at  Chagouamikon,  which  they  did  during 
several  years.  In  all  that  time  they  were  not  molested  by  the 
Scioux,  who  gave  all  their  attention  to  waging  war  against  the 
Kiristinons  [Crees],  the  Assiniboules,  and  all  the  nations  of  the 
north ;  they  ruined  those  tribes,  and  have  been  in  turn  ruined 
by  them.  *  *  *  The  Outaouas,  having  settled  at  Chag- 
ouamikon, there  applied  themselves  to  the  cultivation  of  Indian 
com  and  squashes,  on  which,  with  the  fish  they  could  catch,  they 
subsisted.  They  searched  along  the  lake  to  find  whether  other 
tribes  were  there,  and  encountered  the  Saulteurs  who  had  fled 
northwards,  and  with  them  some  Frenchmen,  who  had  followed 
them  to  Chagouamikon  in  order  to  settle  there.  Part  of  the 
savages  went  towards  Kionconan  [Keweenaw],  and  reported 
that  they  had  seen  many  tribes;  that  beavers  were  abundant 
there;  that  they  did  not  all  return  together  because  they  had 
left  their  people  at  the  north ;  that  the  latter  intended  to  dwell 


1658-61]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  21 

there,  but  without  a  fixed  residence,  purposing  to  roam  in  all 
directions;  and  that  the  Nepissings  and  Amikouets^  were  at 
Alimibegon. 

At  these  tidings,  the  Outaouas  went  away  toward  the  north, 
and  sought  to  carry  on  trade  with  those  tribes  [1662],  who  gave 
them  all  their  beaver  robes  for  old  knives,  blunted  awls,  wretched 
nets,  and  kettles  used  until  they  were  past  service.  For  these 
they  were  most  humbly  thanked ;  and  those  people  declared  that 
they  were  under  great  obligations  to  the  Outaouas  for  having 
had  compassion  upon  them  and  having  shared  with  them  the 
merchandise  which  they  had  obtained  from  the  French.  In 
acknowledgment  of  this,  they  presented  to  them  many  packages 
of  peltries,  hoping  that  their  visitors  would  not  fail  to  come  to 
them  every  year,  and  to  supply  them  with  the  like  wares.  They 
assured  the  Outaouas,  at  parting,  that  they  would  go  on  a  hunt- 
ing expedition  to  make  ready  for  their  coming ;  that  they  would 
be  present,  without  fail,  at  the  rendezvous  agreed  upon;  and 
that  they  would  surely  wait  for  them  there. — Perrot's  Memoire, 
pp.  84-93. 


1658-61:  RADISSON  AND  GROSEILLIERS  IN  WISCONSIN. 

[Such  part  of  Radlsson's  Voyages  as  relates  to  the  stay  in  Wisconsin 
of  Qroseilliers  and  himself,  is  given  in  Wis,  Hist,  Colls.,  xi,  pp.  64-96.] 


1660-61:     FIRST  JESUIT  MISSION  AMONG  THE  OTTAWAS. 

[Letter  of  Father  Ren6  Menard,  June  2,  1661,  to  his  superior  at  Que- 
bec, Jerome  Lalemant] 

[Synopsis:  This  letter  is  written  from  the  Bay  of  Ste. 
Therese  (Keweenaw  Bay),  Lake  Superior,  where  Menard  has 
labored  among  the  Ottawas  whom  he  accompanied  thither  the 
preceding  year.  He  has  gained  six  converts  in  that  time,  whose 
pious  fervor  and  pure  lives  console  him  in  his  life  of  privations 

1  These  were  Algonquian  tribes  of  Western  Canada,  from  Lake  Nipiss^ 
ing  and  Georgian  Bay  respectively,  who  had  fled  from  Iroquois  ferocity 
to  Lake  Nepigon,  north  of  Lake  Superior. — Ed. 


22  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVi 

and  trials.  He  mentions  his  poverty ;  he  needs  presents  for  the 
Indians,  clothing  for  himself,  some  medicines  for  the  sick,  and 
some  tobacco,  which  is  money  in  that  r^on.  "These  people 
are  so  poor,  and  we  likewise,  that  we  cannot  find  a  scrap  of  doth 
wherewith  to  make  a  compress ;  or  a  piece  of  stuff  as  large  aa 
one's  hand,  with  which  to  mend  our  clothes." 

Menard  mentions  the  unusual  mildness  of  the  winter  at  Lake 
Superior.  He  is  uncertain  how  long  he  will  remain  at  Kewee- 
naw, and  states  that  he  must  go  to  the  spring  rendezvous  of  the 
Algonkins,  at  St.  Esprit  (Chequamegon)  Bay.  The  letter  at 
this  point  (March  1)  remains  unfinished  for  three  months;  on 
June  1,  he  resumes  it,  and  gives  a  summary  of  his  experiences 
during  the  interval.  The  supply  of  fish  was  deficient  this  win- 
ter, and  "those  who  wished  to  keep  Lent  suffered  greatly ;''  but 
after  Easter  they  have^  for  a  time,  abundance  of  moose-meat. 
This  also  failing,  the  Frenchmen,  nine  in  number,  leave  the 
Indians,  and  go  in  canoes  to  the  rendezvous.  The  spring  is 
cold  and  stormv ;  "the  winter  and  white  frosts  continued  until 
the  middle  of  May."  Among  the  fugitive  Hurons,  many  are 
dying  with  hunger;  and  to  this  misery  is  added  an  attack  by 
their  relentless  foes,  the  Iroquois,  and  another  by  the  Sioux. 
Again  they  flee,  seeking  refuge  in  the  forests  of  Central  Wis- 
consin. 

Menard  sends  some  of  the  Frenchmen  to  an  Indian  chief,  to 
procure  com ;  but  they  do  not  return  when  he  expects  them,  and 
his  provisions  are  almost  gone.  Joliet  and  a  companion  have 
just  left  him ;  and,  with  the  remaining  three  Frenchmen,  he  is 
encamped  near  eighty  cabins  of  Ottawas.] — Jes.  Relations,  xlvi, 
pp.  11-13,  127-145.' 


1660-61:   MfeNARD'S  LABORS  AND  DEATH.  i 

[From  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1662-63.] 

[Synopsis:  The  Relation  states  that  the  news  of  Father 
Menard's  death  is  brought  to  Montreal,  two  years  after  the 
event.  The  Frenchmen  who  had  accompanied  him  to  the 
Ottawa  country  relate  the  particulars  of  the  privations  and 


l660-6l]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  23 

sufferings  endured  by  them  there — hardest  of  all  for  the  Father, 
who  is  old,  and  spent  by  many  years  of  toil  and  exposure.  He 
baptizes  some  dying  children,  and  gains  a  few  adult  converts; 
but  the  Ottawas,  excepting  these,  treat  him  with  indifference^ 
and  even  brutality.  The  Father  hears  of  a  Huron  band  who 
have  fled  from  the  cruel  Iroquois^  into  tHe  depths  of  the  great 
forests  in  Wisconsin ;  they  are  safe  from  their  enemies,  but  are 
starving  to  death.  Menard  sets  out  to  visit  them,  despite  all 
remonstrances  from  his  companions.  His  savage  guides  leave 
him  with  one  Frenchman,  promising  to  return  soon  for  them. 
As  the  Indians  do  not  come,  the  Frenchmen  finally  proceed 
alone ;  but  the  Father,  becoming  separated  from  his  companion, 
disappears  from  sight,  and  cannot  be  found  by  any  search. 
Later,  articles  belonging  to  him  are  found  among  the  savages; 
but  it  is  not  known  whether  he  was  murdered  by  Indians,  or 
starved  to  death.*  The  following  extract  from  the  Relation 
vividly  describes  the  hardships  of  the  early  explorers  and  mia- 
sionaries :] 

The  poor  Father  and  the  eight  Frenchmen,  his  Companions, 
setting  out  from  Three  Eivers  on  the  28th  of  August  in  the  year 
1660  with  the  Outaouax,  reached  the  latter's  country  on  the 
16th  of  October,  saint  Theresa^s  day,  after  enduring  unspeat 
able  hardships,  ill  treatment  from  their  Boatmen,  who  were 
utterly  inhuman,  and  an  extreme  scantiness  of  provisions.  As 
a  result,  the  Father  could  scarcely  drag  himself  along,  for  hie 
was,  besides,  of  a  delicate  constitution  and  spent  with  toil ;  but, 
as  a  man  can  still  go  a  good  distance  after  growing  weary,  he 
had  spirit  enough  left  to  gain  his  hosts'  Quarters.  A  man 
known  as  le  Brochet  ["the  Pike"],  the  head  of  this  Family, — 
proud,  extremely  vicious,  and  possessing  four  or  five  wives, — 
treated  the  poor  Father  very  badly,  and  finally  forced  him  to 
leave  him  and  make  himself  a  hut  out  of  fir^branches.  Heavens, 
what  an  abode  during  the  rigors  of  Winter,  which  are  well-nigh 

iMore  exact  information  regarding  the  flight  of  this  Huron  band  is 
given  by  Perrot;  see  p.  17,  ante. — Ed. 

> Regarding  the  life,  labors  (1640-61),  and  death  of  Menard,  see  H.  C. 
Campbell's  monograph  thereon,  Parkman  Club  PuhUcations,  No.  11 
(ICilwaukee,  1897).— Ed. 


24  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

unbearable  in  those  regions !  The  food  was  scarcely  better,  as 
they  commonly  had  for  their  only  dish  one  paltry  fish,  cooked 
in  clear  water  and  to  be  divided  among  the  four  or  five  of  their 
party ;  and  this,  too,  was  a  charitable  offering  made  by  the  Sav- 
ages, some  one  of  the  Frenchmen  awaiting,  at  the  water's  edge 
the  return  of  the  fishermen's  Canoes,  as  poor  beggars  wait  for 
alms  at  Church  doors.  A  kind  of  moss  growing  on  the  rocks 
often  served  them  in  place  of  a  good  meal.  They  would  put  a 
handful  of  it  into  their  kettle,  which  would  thicken  the  water 
ever  so  little,  forming  a  kind  of  foam  or  slime,  like  that  of 
snails,  and  feeding  their  imaginations  more  than  their  bodies.* 
Fish-bones,  which  are  carefully  saved  as  long  as  fish  are  found 
in  plenty,  also  served  to  beguile  their  hunger  in  time  of  need. 
There  was  nothing,  even  to  pounded  bones,  which  those  poor 
starvelings  did  not  turn  to  some  account.  Many  kinds  of  wood, 
too,  furnished  them  food.  The  bark  of  the  Oak,  Birch,  Linden 
or  white-wood,  and  that  of  other  trees,  when  well  cooked  and 
poimded,  and  then  put  into  the  water  in  which  fish  had  been 
boiled,  or  else  mixed  with  fish-oil,  made  them  some  excellent 
stews.  They  ate  acorns  with  more  relish  and  greater  pleasure 
than  attend  the  eating  of  chestnuts  in  Europe,  yet  even  of  those 
they  did  not  have  their  fill.     Thus  passed  the  first  Winter. 

In  the  Spring  and  Summer,  thanks  to  some  little  game,  they 
eked  out  a  living  with  less  diflSculty,  killing  from  time  to  time 
Ducks,  Bustards,  or  Pigeons,  which  furnished  them  delightful 
banquets;  whiie  Raspberries  and  other  similar  small  fruits 
served  them  as  choice  refreshments.  Com  and  bread  are  en* 
tirely  unknown  in  those  countries. 

When  the  second  Winter  came,  the  Frenchmen,  having  ob- 
served how  the  Savages  carried  on  their  fishing,  resolved  to 

1  This  was  probably  the  tripe  de  roche  (Umbilicaria  Dillenti),  one  of 
tbe  edible  species  of  lichen,  growing  upon  rocks  in  Canada.  It  is  often 
mentioned  by  early  explorers.  Perrot  (Taliban's  ed.,  p.  52)  describes 
it  as  "a  sort  of  gray  moss,  dry,  which  has  no  flavor  of  its  own,  tast- 
ing only  of  the  soil,  and  of  the  soup  in  which  it  is  cooked;  without 
it,  most  of  the  families  would  die  of  hunger."  Father  Andr^  (Relation 
of  1671)  says  of  it:  "It  is  necessary  to  close  one's  eyes  when  one  b^ 
gins  to  eat  it."  Charlevoix  (Journal  Historique,  p.  332)  mentions  it 
in  similar  terms. — Jes.  Relations,  xxxv,  p.  292. 


1662-72]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  25 

imitate  them, — deeming  hunger  still  harder  to  bear  than  the 
arduous  labor  and  risks  attending  such  fishing.  It  was  a  sight 
to  arouse  pity,  to  see  poor  Frenchmen  in  a  Canoe,  amid  rain 
and  snow,  borne  hither  and  thither  by  whirlwinds  on  those  great 
Lakes,  which  often  show  waves  as  high  as  those  of  the  Sea.  The 
men  frequently  found  their  hands  and  feet  frozen  upon  their 
return,  while  occasionally  they  were  overtaken  by  so  thick  a 
fall  of  powdery  snow,  driven  against  them  by  a  violent  wind, 
that  the  one  steering  the  Canoe  could  not  see  his  companion  in 
the  bow.  How  then  gain  the  port?  Verily,  as  often  as  they 
reached  land,  their  doing  so  seemed  to  be  a  little  miracle. 
Whenever  their  fishing  was  successful,  they  laid  by  a  little 
store,  which  they  smoked  and  used  for  provision  when  the  fish- 
ing was  over,  or  the  season  no  longer  admitted  of  fishing. 

There  is  in  that  country  a  certain  plant,  four  feet  or  there- 
about in  height,  which  grows  in  marshy  places.  A  little  before 
it  ears,  the  Savages  go  in  their  Canoes  and  bind  the  stalks  of 
these  plants  in  clusters,  which  they  separate  from  one  another 
by  as  much  space  as  is  needed  for  the  passage  of  a  Canoe  when 
they  return  to  gather  the  grain.  Harvest  time  having  come, 
they  guide  their  Canoes  through  the  little  alleys  which  they  have 
opened  across  this  grain-field,  and  bending  down  the  clustered 
masses  over  their  boats,  strip  them  of  their  grain.  As  often  aa 
a  Canoe  is  full,  they  go  and  empty  it  on  the  shore  into  a  ditch 
dug  at  the  water^s  edge.  Then  they  tread  the  grain  and  stir  it 
about  long  enough  to  free  it  entirely  of  hulls ;  after  which  they 
dry  it,  and  finally  put  it  into  bark  chests  for  keeping.  This 
grain  much  resembles  Oats,  when  it  is  raw ;  but,  on  being  cooked 
in  water,  it  swells  more  than  any  European  grain. — Jes.  Rela- 
tions, xlviii,  pp.  12,  115-143. 


1662-72:     RELATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  V^ISCONSIN  TRIBES  AND 

THE  SIOUX. 

[From  Perrot's  M&moire.l 

The  Outaouas  and  other  i;ribes  lived  in  peace,  during  several 
jears,  in  the  country  to  which  they  had  fled  to  avoid  being  har- 


26  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

assed  by  the  Scioiix.  An  Irroquois  band  came,  on  one  occasion, 
to  the  Sault  Sainte  Marie,  in  order  to  find  some  village  to  eat 
[1662] ;  they  were  confident  that,  since  they  had  spread  terror 
among  all  the  other  savages,  whom  they  had  driven  away  from 
their  homes,  they  had  caused  themselves  to  be  feared  as  soon  as 
they  should  appear.  The  hundred  men  who  composed  the  Ir- 
roquois party  ascended  the  Sault  Sainte  Marie,  and  proceeded  to 
encamp  at  the  entrance  to  Lake  Superior,  about  five  leagues 
from  the  Sault;  there  they  perceived  fires  burning  along  the 
hills  to  the  north,  not  very  far  from  them.  They  then  sent  out 
scouts  toward  those  hills,  to  ascertain  who  might  be  there.  Some 
Saulteurs,  Outaouas,  Nepissings,  and  Amikouets  had  gone  from 
their  settlement  to  hunt  elk  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Sault,  and  to 
carry  on  the  fishery  of  the  great  white  fish,  or  sahnon— which 
they  capture  there  in  great  abundance,  amid  the  foaming  waters 
of  those  rapids.  There  is  hardly  any  place  where  that  fish  is 
found  as  large  and  as  fat  as  are  those  at  the  Sault.  These  peo- 
ple were  scattered  about,  hunting,  when  one  of  them  saw  the 
smoke  from  the  Irroquois  camp.  The  warning  was  sent  to  all 
their  men,  and  they  rallied  together,  to  the  number  of  one  hun- 
dred warriors.  They  elected  as  chief  of  the  party  a  Saulteur, 
who  well  deserved  the  honor,  because  he  had  a  thorough  ac- 
quaintance with  the  country  where  they  were,  having  lived  there 
before  the  Irroquois  war.  *  *  *  After  the  defeat  of  the 
Irroquois,  the  Saulteurs  and  their  companions  returned  in  tri- 
umph to  Kionconan  and  Chagouamikon,  where  they  long  dwelt 
in  peace,  until  some  Hurons,  who  went  to  hunt  on  the  borders 
of  the  Scioux  country  (for  Chagouamikon  is  distant  from  it, 
in  a  straight  line,  only  fifty  or  sixty  leagues),  took  some  Scioux 
prisoners.  They  carried  these  people  to  their  village,  and  alive, 
for  they  did  not  feel  inclined  to  kill  them ;  the  captives  were  very 
kindly  received  there,  especially  by  the  Outaouas,  who  loaded 
them  with  presents.  Although  they  did  not  show  much  appre- 
ciation of  this  welcome,  it  is  certain  that  they  would  have  been 
thrown  into  the  kettle  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  Outaouas. 
When  the  Scioux  were  ready  to  return  home,  they  were  accom- 
panied [1665-66]  by  Sinagos,  chief  of  the  Outaouas,  with  his 
men  and  four  Frenchmen.     They  were  treated  with  great  kind- 


1662-72]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  2^ 

ness  on  their  arrival,  and  during  all  their  stay  there ;  but  they 
did  not  bring  back  many  peltries,  because  it  is  a  custom  among 
them  to  roast  the  beavers  in  preparing  them  as  food.  Honors 
were  heaped  upon  Chief  Sinagos,  and  they  sang  the  calumet  to 
liim — ^which  is  one  of  the  notable  marks  of  distinction  conferred 
by  them,^  for  he  who  has  had  that  honor  becomes  thus  a  son  of 
the  tribe,  and  is  naturalized  as  such.  When  the  calumet  is  pre- 
sented and  sung  to  him,  obedience  is  due  to  him  from  the  people 
of  the  tribe.  The  calumet  constrains  and  pledges  those  who 
have  sung  it  to  follow  to  war  the  man  in  whose  honor  it  has  been 
sung;  but  that  obligation  does  not  rest  upon  him.  The  calumet 
halts  the  warriors  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  those  who  have  sung 
it,  and  arrests  the  reprisals  which  they  could  lawfully  inflict  on 
those  who  have  slain  their  tribesmen.  The  calumet  also  com- 
pels the  suspension  of  hostilities  and  secures  the  reception  of  dep- 
uties from  hostile  tribes  who  are  sent  among  nations  whose  peo- 
pie  have  been  recently  slain.  It  is,  in  one  word,  the  calumet 
which  has  authority  to  confirm  everything,  and  which  renders 
solemn  oaths  binding.  The  savages  believe  that  the  sun  gave  it 
to  the  Panys,^  and  that  since  then  it  has  been  communicated 
from  village  to  village  as  far  as  the  Outaouas.  They  have  so 
much  respect  and  veneration  for  it  that  he  who  has  violated  the 
law  of  the  calumet  is  regarded  by  them  as  disloyal  and  traitor- 
ous; they  assert  that  he  has  committed  a  crime  which  cannot 
be  pardoned.  Those  of  the  prairies  have  the  utmost  attachment 
for  it,  and  regard  it  as  a  sacred  thing.  Never  did  they  betray 
the  pledge  that  they  had  given  to  those  who  sang  it,  when  that 
nation  dealt  a  blow  against  their  own — ^unless  he  who  had  sung 


iSee  AUouez's  description  of  the  calumet  dance,  post,  under  date  of 
1667;  also  Marquette's  more  detailed  account  of  it,  and  of  the  impor- 
tance attached  to  the  calumet,  in  /es.  B,e\aiion9,  lix,  pp.  129-137  (the 
musical  notation  of  the  song  is  given  at  p.  311).  A  document  which 
we  shall  give  in  the  present  series,  under  date  of  1744,  written  hy  the 
Jesuit  Le  Sueur,  states  that  the  dance  was  introduced  hy  the  Foxes 
(1720)  among  his  Ahenaki  converts  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  with  the  view 
of  seducing  the  latter  from  their  French  alliance.— Ed. 

tPanys:  the  Pawnee  tribes,  originally  located  between  the  Niobrara 
and  Arkansas  rivers;  see  Coues's  account  of  this  group,  in  his  Lewis 
«fid  C\aTliy  pp.  5&--57,  note  7.— Ed. 


28  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVf 

it  should  perfidiously  take  part  in  the  attack  made  upon  thenu. 
That  would  be  the  basest  of  all  traitorous  acts,  because  it  would 
break  the  calumet  in  pieces  and  disrupt  the  union  which  had 
been  contracted  through  its  agency. 

I  have  just  said  that  the  Scioux  sang  the  calumet  to  Chief 
Sinagos ;  this  ceremony  was  performed  in  their  villages  with  au- 
thority and  solemnity.  All  the  chiefs  were  present,  and  gave 
their  consent  to  an  inviolable  peace.  After  that  solemnity, 
Chief  Sinagos,  with  his  people  and  the  Frenchmen  who  had 
gone  with  him,  returned  to  Chagouamikon,  assuring  the  Scioux 
that  he  would  revisit  them  the  following  year.  This  he  failed 
to  do,  even  in  the  second  year  afterward ;  and  the  Scioux  did  not 
know  what  had  caused  him  to  break  his  promise.  It  happened, 
however  [1669-70],  that  some  Hurons,  having  gone  to  hunt 
far  toward  the  Scioux  country,  were  captured  by  some  young 
men  of  that  nation,  and  taken  to  their  village.  The  chief,  who 
had  sung  the  calumet  to  Sinagos,  was  greatly  incensed  at  see- 
ing these  prisoners,  and  made  it  his  business  to  protect  them; 
he  almost  attacked  those  who  had  captured  them,  and  nearly 
caused  war  between  his  villages  and  theirs.  He  took  possession 
of  the  captives,  and  set  them  at  liberty.  On  the  next  day,  this 
chief  sent  one  of  them  to  Chagouamikon,  in  order  to  assure  the 
Hurons  that  he  had  not  been  to  blame  in  the  late  affair;  that 
the  attack  had  been  made  by  misguided  young  men,  who  were 
not  even  of  his  own  tribe;  and  that  in  a  few  days  he  himself 
would  conduct  to  their  homes  the  captives  whom  he  had  retained 
in  his  village.  That  Huron,  whom  he  had  sent  to  Chagoua- 
mikon to  assure  his  tribesmen  of  the  Scioux  chief's  sincere  good- 
will, told  them — either  because  he  chose  to  lie,  or  because  some 
one  instigated  him  to  do  so — ^that  the  Scioux  had  made  prisoners 
of  him  and  his  companions;  that  he  had  fortunately  escaped 
from  their  hands ;  and  that  he  did  not  know,  since  his  departure, 
whether  his  comrades  were  still  alive  or  had  been  put  to  death. 

The  Scioux  chief  who  had  sung  the  calumet  to  Sinagos  chose 
to  go  in  person  to  restore  the  Huron  captives  to  their  nation. 
He  departed  from  his  village  with  them ;  but  when  they  came 
near  Chagouamikon  they  deserted  him.  Having  reached  their 
friends,  they  declared  that  they  had  just  escaped  from  death  by 


1662-72]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  29 

flight.  The  Scioux  chief,  not  seeing  those  persons  the  next 
morning,  was  much  surprised;  he  nevertheless  persisted  in  his 
resolution  and  continued  on  his  way,  reaching  the  village  on  the 
same  day.  Not  daring,  however,  to  go  among  the  Hurons,  whom 
he  distrusted,  he  entered  the  cabin  of  Chief  Sinagos,  to  whom 
he  had  sung  the  calumet,  who,  with  all  the  Outaouas,  received 
him  very  cordially.  He  explained  to  them  that  he  had  set  the 
Hurons  free ;  he  had  four  companions,  including  a  woman.  The 
Hurons,  crafty,  and  the  most  treacherous  of  all  the  savages — 
when  they  found  that  they  could  not  persuade  the  Outaouas  to 
deliver  the  Scioux  to  them,  concluded  to  see  what  could  be  done 
by  presents ;  and  by  the  agency  of  these  they  gained  over  Chief 
Sinagos,  whose  house  the  Scioux  had  entered.  Such  was  their 
success  that  they  corrupted  him ;  and  all  the  Outaouas,  follow- 
ing his  example,  were  so  carried  away  that  they  had  the  inhu- 
manity to  throw  the  Scioux  into  the  kettle  and  eat  them.  At 
the  same  time,  abandoning  their  villages,  they  went  to  live  at 
Michillimakinak  and  Manitoaletz  [1670-71].  The  next  year 
they  went  down  to  Montreal,  and  bought,  in  exchange  for  their 
peltries,  only  guns  and  munitions  of  war — intending  to  march 
against  the  Scioux,  build  a  fort  in  their  country,  and  wage  war 
against  them  during  the  entire  winter.  Returning  home  after 
this  trading  expedition,  they  hastily  gathered  in  their  grain- 
crops,  and  departed  in  a  body  to  march  against  the  Scioux. 
Their  forces  were  increased  along  the  route ;  for  Chief  Sinagos 
had  for  a  brother-in-law  the  chief  of  the  Sakis,  who  resided  at 
the  Bay;  and  the  Pouteouatamis  and  the  Renards  were  his  al- 
lies. As  the  Outaouas  had  brought  with  them  all  the  goods 
which  they  had  obtained  in  trade  with  the  French,  they  made 
presents  of  these  to  the  Pouteouatamis,  Sakis,  and  Renards, 
who  formed  a  body  of  over  a  thousand  men,  all  having  guns  or 
other  powerful  weapons  of  defense. 

As  soon  as  they  arrived  in  the  Scioux  country,  they  fell  upon 
some  little  villages,  putting  the  men  to  flight  and  carrying  away 
the  women  and  children  whom  they  found  there.  This  blow  was 
80  quickly  dealt  that  they  had  not  time  to  reconnoiter  or  to  erect 
fortifications.  The  fugitives  quickly  carried  the  alarm  to  the 
neighboring  villages,  the  men  of  which  hastened  in  crowds  to 


30  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

fall  upon  their  enemies,  and  so  vigorously  attacked  them  that 
they  took  to  flight,  and  abandoned  the  fort  which  they  had  com- 
menced. The  Scioux  pursued  them  without  intermission,  and 
slew  them  in  great  numbers,  for  their  terror  was  so  overwhelm- 
ing that  in  their  flight  they  had  thrown  away  their  weapons;  be- 
sides, they  were  stripped  of  all  their  belongings,  and  many  of 
them  had  only  a  wretched  deerskin  for  covering.  In  a  word, 
nearly  all  of  them  perished — by  fighting,  by  hunger,  or  by  the 
rigor  of  the  climate.  The  Renards,  the  Kiskaouets,^  and  the 
Pouteouatamis,  tribes  less  inured  to  war  than  the  others,  were 
the  only  ones  whose  loss  was  not  so  great  in  this  enterprise ;  and 
that  because  they  took  to  their  heels  at  the  beginning  of  the  com- 
bat. The  Hurons,  the  Sinagos,  and  the  Sakis  distinguished 
themselves  on  this  occasion  and,  by  the  courageous  resistance 
that  they  made,  greatly  aided  the  fugitives  by  giving  them  time 
to  get  the  start  of  the  enemy.  At  the  end,  the  disorder  among 
them  was  so  great  that  they  ate  one  another  [1671-72]. 

The  two  chiefs  of  the  party  were  made  prisoners,  and  Sinagos 
was  recognized  as  the  man  to  whom  they  had  sung  the  calumet ; 
they  reproached  him  with  his  perfidy  in  having  eaten  the  very 
man  who  had  adopted  him  into  his  own  nation.  They  were, 
however,  unwilling  to  bum  either  him  or  his  brother-in-law ;  but 
they  made  him  go  to  a  repast,  and,  cutting  pieces  of  flesh  from 
his  thighs  and  all  other  parts  of  his  body,  broiled  these  and  gave 
them  to  him  to  eat — informing  Sinagos  that,  as  he  had  eaten  so 
much  human  flesh  and  shown  himself  so  greedy  for  it,  he  might 
now  satiate  himself  upon  it  by  eating  his  own.  His  brother-in- 
law  received  the  same  treatment;  and  this  was  all  the  nourish- 
ment  that  they  received  until  they  died.  As  for  the  other  pris- 
oners, they  were  all  shot  to  death  with  arrows,  except  a  Panys* 
who  belonged  to  the  chief  of  those  savages ;  and  he  was  sent  back 

iThe  Kiskakons,  the  Bear  clan  of  the  Ottawas;  in  1678,  their  viUage 
at  Mackinac  numbered  about  500  souls  (Jea,  Relations,  Ixi,  p.  69).  Late 
in  the  seventeenth  century,  they  were  located  along  St  Marys  river;  in 
1745,  they  had  wandered  as  far  south  as  Detroit — S2d. 

2 The  Indian  tribes,  generally,  enslaved  their  captives  taken  in  war; 
and  these  slaves  were  also  transferred  to  the  whites,  especially  to  the 
French.      So  many  were  obtained  (largely  by  the  Illinois)  from  the 


1665]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  3 1 

to  his  OTm  country  that  he  might  faithfully  report  what  he  had 
eeen  and  the  justice  that  had  been  administered. — Perrot'a 
Memoir e,  pp.  96-104. 


1665:  ALLOUEZ  DESCRIBES  LAKE   SUPERIOR. 
[From  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1666-67.] 

On  the  second  of  September,  then,  after  clearing  this  Sault 
[de  Sainte-Marie], — which  is  not  a  waterfall,  but  merely  a  very 
swift  current  impeded  by  numerous  rocks, — we  entered  Lake 
Superior,  which  will  henceforth  bear  Monsieur  de  Tracy's  name, 
in  recognition  of  indebtedness  to  him  on  the  part  of  the  people 
of  those  regions. 

The  form  of  this  Lake  is  nearly  that  of  a  bow,  the  Southern 
shore  being  much  curved,  and  the  Northern  nearly  straight. 
Fish  are  abundant  there,  and  of  excellent  quality;  while  the 
water  is  so  clear  and  pure  that  objects  at  the  bottom  can  be 
seen  to  the  depth  of  six  brasses. 

The  Savages  revere  this  Lake  as  a  Divinity,  and  offer  it  Sac- 
rifices, whether  on  account  of  its  size,— for  its  length  is  two  hun- 
dred leagues,  and  is  greatest  width  eighty, — or  because  of  its 
goodness  in  furnishing  fish  for  the  sustenance  of  all  these  tribes, 
in  default  of  game,  which  is  scarce  in  the  neighborhood. 

One  often  finds  at  the  bottom  of  the  water  pieces  of  pure  cop- 
per, of  ten  and  twenty  pounds'  weight.  I  have  several  times 
seen  such  pieces  in  the  Savages'  hands ;  and,  since  they  are  su- 
perstitious, they  keep  them  as  so  many  divinities,  or  as  presents 
which  the  gods  dwelling  beneath  the  water  have  given  them,  and 
on  which  their  welfare  is  to  depend.  For  this  reason  they  pre- 
serve these  pieces  of  copper,  wrapped  up,  among  their  most 
precious  possessions.     Some  have  kept  them  for  more  than  fifty 


Pawnees, — who  were,  early  in  the  eighteenth  century,  settled  on  the 
Missouri  river, — that  Indian  slaves  were  everywhere  known  by  the 
general  term  pani9,  Slaveiy  in  Canada  was  not  legally  abolished  until 
1834.— Veg.  RelatUms,  Ixix,  p.  301.    See  also,  p.  27  ante,  note  2.— Ed. 

iln  honor  of  Alexandre  de  Prouville,  marquis  de  Tracy,  governor- 
general  from  1663  to  1667  of  the  French  possessions  in  America. — Ed. 


32  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

years ;  others  have  had  them  in  their  families  from  time  im- 
memorialy  and  cherish  them  as  household  gods. 

For  some  time,  there  had  been  seen  a  sort  of  great  rock,  all 
of  copper,  the  point  of  which  projected  from  the  water;  this 
gave  passers-by  the  opportunity  to  go  and  cut  off  pieces  from  it. 
When,  however,  I  passed  that  spot,  nothing  more  was  seen  of  it; 
and  I  think  that  the  storms — which  here  are  very  frequent,  and 
like  those  at  Sea — have  covered  the  rock  with  sand.  Our  Sav- 
ages tried  to  persuade  me  that  it  was  a  divinity,  who  had  disap- 
peared for  some  reason  which  they  do  not  state.  ^ 

This  Lake  is,  furthermore,  the  resort  of  twelve  or  fifteen  dis- 
tinct nations — coming,  some  from  the  jS'orth,  others  from  the 
South,  and  still  others  from  the  West ;  and  they  all  betake  them- 
selves either  to  the  best  parts  of  the  shore  for  fishing,  or  to  the 
Islands,  which  are  scattered  in  great  numbers  all  over  the  Lake. 
These  peoples'  motive  in  repairing  bither  is  partly  to  obtain 
food  by  fishing,  and  partly  to  transact  their  petty  trading  with 
one  another,  when  they  meet.  But  God's  purpose  was  to  facili- 
tate the  proclaiming  of  the  (lospel  to  wandering  and  vagrant 
tribes^ — as  will  appear  in  the  course  of  this  Journal. — Jes,  Re- 
lations,  1,  pp.  265-267. 


1665-66:     PERROT   VISITS    THE    WISCONSIN   TRIBES,   AND    IN- 
DUCES  THEM  TO  BECOME  ALLIES  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

[From  La  Potherle.] 

While  we  were  waging  war  with  the  Iroquois,  those  [Ottawa 
tribes]  who  dwelt  about  Lake  Huron  fied  to  Chagouamikon, 

iSee,  post  (under  date  of  1671),  Dablon's  account  of  the  copper  mines 
of  Lake  Superior. — Ed. 

2  For  accounts  of  AUouez's  missionary  work  in  New  France  (1658-89), 
see  his  own  writings,  Jea,  Relations,  xlix-lii,  liv,  Ivli-lx;  Rev.  J.  S.  La 
Boule's  sketch,  in  Parkman  Club  Publications,  no.  17  (Milwaukee, 
1897);  and  Father  Chrysostom  Verwyst's  Missionary  Labors  (Milwau- 
kee, 1886).  AUouez  came  to  Canada  in  1658;  his  labors  among  the 
Western  tribes  began  in  1665,  and  continued  until  his  death,  which 
occurred  Aug.  27, 1689. — Ed. 


1665-66]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.     -  33 

which  is  on  Lake  Superior;  they  came  down  to  Montreal  only 
when  they  wished  to  sell  their  Peltries,  and  then  trembling  with 
dread  of  the  en^ny.  The  Trade  was  not  yet  opened  with  the 
Outaonaka.  The  name  of  the  French  people  gradually  became 
known  in  that  r^ion,  and  some  of  the  French  made  their  way 
into  those  places  where  they  believed  that  they  could  make  some 
profit ;  it  was  a  Pern  for  them.  The  Savages  could  not  under- 
stand why  these  men  came  so  far  to  search  for  their  worn-out 
beaver  robes  ;^  meanwhile  they  admired  the  wares  brought  to 
them  by  the  French,  which  they  regarded  as  extremely  pre- 
cious. The  knives,  the  hatchets,  and  above  all  the  iron  weapons, 
oonld  not  be  sufficiently  praised ;  and  the  guns  so  astonished 
them  that  they  declared  that  there  was  a  spirit  within  the  gun, 
which  caused  the  loud  noise  made  when  it  was  fired.  *  *  * 
The  Savages  often  took  them  [the  Frenchmen]  for  Spirits  and 
Gk>ds ;  if  any  Tribe  had  some  Frenchmen  among  them,  that  was 
sufficient  to  make  them  feel  safe  from  any  injuries  that  their 
neighbors  might  inflict  upon  them,  and  the  French  became 
Mediators  in  all  their  quarrels.  The  detailed  conversations 
which  I  have  had  with  many  Voyageurs  in  those  countries  have 
supplied  me  with  material  for  my  accounts  of  those  Peoples ;  all 
that  they  have  told  me  about  them  has  so  uniformly  agreed  that 
I  have  felt  that  it  would  be  a  favor  to  the  public  to  give  it  some 
idea  of  that  vast  region. 

Sieur  Perot  has  best  known  those  Nations ;  the  governors-gen- 
eral of  Canada  have  always  employed  him  in  all  their  schemes ; 
■nd  his  acquaintance  with  the  savage  tongues,  his  experience, 
and  his  mental  ability  have  enabled  him  to  make  discoveries 
which  gave  opportunity  to  Monsieur  de  la  Salle  to  push  forward 
all  those  explorations  in  which  he  achieved  so  great  success.  It 
was  through  his  agency  that  the  Mississippi  became  known. 
He  rendered  very  important  services  to  the  Colony,  made  known 

iThe  beayer-sklns  most  sought  by  the  French  were  those  designated 
by  the  name  of  castor  gras  d'hiver  ("greasy,  or  faC  winter  beaver")  — 

that  is,  the  skins  of  beavers  kiUed  during  the  winter,  and  of  which  the 

■ 

savages  had  made  robes,  which  they  had  worn  sufficiently  long  to 
grease  them  through,  by  their  sweat  penetrating  to  the  roots  of  the 
fnr.— Tallhan,  in  Perrot,  p.  317. 

4 


34  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVi 

the  glory  of  the  King  among  those  Peoples,  and  induced  them 
to  form  an  alliance  with  us.  On  one  occasion,  among  the  Pou- 
teouatemis,  he  was  regarded  as  a  God.  Curiosity  induced  him 
to  form  the  acquaintance  of  this  Nation,  who  dwelt  at  the  foot  of 
the  Bay  of  Puans  [Green  Bay].  They  had  heard  of  the  French, 
and  their  desire  to  become  acquainted  with  them  in  order  to  se- 
cure the  trade  with  them  had  induced  these  savages  to  go  down 
to  Montreal,  under  the  guidance  of  a  wandering  Outaouak  who 
was  glad  to  conduct  them  thither.  The  French  had  been  de- 
scribed to  them  as  covered  with  hair  (the  Savages  have  no 
beards),  and  they  believed  that  we  were  of  a  different  species 
from  other  men.  They  were  astonished  to  see  that  we  were 
made  like  themselves,  and  regarded  it  as  a  present  that  the  Sky 
and  the  Spirits  had  made  them  in  permitting  one  of  the  celestial 
beings  to  enter  their  land.  The  Old  Men  solemnly  smoked  a 
Calumet  and  came  into  his  presence,  offering  it  as  homage  that 
they  rendered  to  him.  After  he  had  smoked  the  Calumet,  it 
was  presented  by  the  Chief  to  his  tribesmen,  who  all  offered  it  in 
turn  to  one  another,  blowing  from  their  mouths  the  tobacco- 
smoke  over  him  as  if  it  were  incense.^  They  said  to  him: 
"Thou  art  one  of  the  chief  spirits,  since  thou  usest  iron ;  it  is 
for  thee  to  rule  and  protect  all  men.  Praised  be  the  Sun,  which 
has  instructed  thee  and  sent  thee  to  our  country."  They  adored 
him  as  a  God ;  they  took  his  knives  and  hatchets  and  incensed 
them  with  the  tobacco-smoke  from  their  mouths ;  and  they  pre- 
sented to  him  so  many  kinds  of  food  that  he  could  not  taste  them 
all.  "It  is  a  Spirit,"  they  said ;  "these  provisions  that  he  has 
not  tasted  are  not  worthy  of  his  lips."  When  he  left  the  room, 
they  insisted  on  carrying  him  upon  their  shoulders;  the  way 
over  which  he  passed  was  made  clear ;  they  did  not  dare  look  in 
his  face ;  and  the  women  and  children  watched  him  from  a  dis- 
tance. "He  is  a  Spirit,"  they  said ;  "let  us  show  our  affection 
for  him,  and  he  Avill  have  pity  on  us."  The  Savage  who  had 
introduced  him  to  this  tribe  was,  in  acknowledgment  thereof, 
treated  as  a  Captain,     Perot  was  careful  not  to  receive  all  these 

1  Among  many  aboriginal  tribes  of  North  America,  it  was  customary 
to  offer  tobacco  to  their  deities;  see  Jes.  Relations,  x,  pp.  324-325,  and 
Peter  Jones's  Ojehtoay  Indians,  p.  255. — Ed. 


1665-66]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  35 

acts  of  adoration,  although  he  accepted  these  honors  so  far  as 
the  interests  of  Religion  were  not  concerned.  He  told  them 
that  he  was  not  what  they  thought,  but  only  a  Frenchman ;  that 
the  real  Spirit  who  had  made  all  had  given  to  the  French  the 
knowledge  of  iron,  and  the  Ability  to  handle  it  as  if  it  were 
paste.  He  said  that  that  Spirit,  desiring  to  show  his  pity  for 
his  Creatures,  had  permitted  the  French  Nation  to  settle  in 
their  country  in  order  to  remove  them  from  the  blindness  in 
which  they  had  dwelt,  as  they  had  not  known  the  true  God,  the 
author  of  Nature,  whom  the  French  adored;  that,  when  they 
had  established  a  friendship  with  the  French,  they  would  re- 
ceive from  the  latter  all  possible  assistance;  and  that  he  had 
come  to  facilitate  acquaintance  between  them  by  the  discoveries 
of  the  various  tribes  which  he  was  making.  And,  as  the  Beaver 
was  valued  by  his  people,  he  wished  to  ascertain  whether  there 
were  not  a  good  opportunity  for  them  to  carry  on  Trade  therein. 
At  that  time,  there  was  war  between  that  Tribe  and  their 
neighbors,  the  Malhominis.  The  latter,  while  hunting  with  the 
Outagamis,  had  by  mistake  slain  a  Pouteouatemi,  who  was  on 
his  way  to  the  Outagamis.  The  Pouteouatemis,  incensed  at 
this  affront,  deliberately  broke  the  head  of  a  Malhomini  who 
was  among  the  Puans.  In  the  Pouteouatemi  Village  there 
were  only  women  and  old  men,  as  the  Young  Men  had  gone 
for  the  first  time  to  trade  at  Montreal ;  and  there  was  reason  to 
fear  that  the  Malhominis  would  profit  by  that  mischance. 
Perot,  who  was  desirous  of  making  their  acquaintance,  offered 
to  mediate  a  Peace  between  them.  When  he  had  arrived 
within  half  a  league  of  the  Village,  he  sent  a  man  to  tell  them 
that  a  Frenchman  was  coming  to  visit  them ;  this  news  caused 
universal  joy.  All  the  youths  came  at  once  to  meet  him,  bear- 
ing their  weapons  and  their  warlike  adornments,  all  marching 
in  file,  with  frightful  contortions  and  yells ;  this  was  the  most 
honorable  reception  that  they  thought  it  possible  to  give  him. 
He  was  not  uneasy,  but  fired  a  gun  in  the  air  as  far  away  as  he 
could  see  them ;  this  noise,  which  seemed  to  them  so  extraordi- 
nary, caused  them  to  halt  suddenly,  gazing  at  the  Sun  in  most 
ludicrous  attitudes.  After  he  had  made  them  understand  that 
he  had  come  not  to  disturb  their  repose,  but  to  form  an  alliance 


36  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

with  them,  they  approached  hiin  with  many  gesticulations. 
The  Calumet  was  presented  to  him ;  and,  when  he  was  ready  to 
proceed  to  the  Village,  one  of  the  savages  stooped  down  in  order 
to  carry  Perot  upon  his  shoulders ;  but  his  Interpreter  assured 
them  that  he  had  refused  such  honors  among  many  Nations. 
He  was  escorted  with  assiduous  attentions ;  they  vied  with  one 
another  in  clearing  the  path,  and  in  breaking  off  the  branches 
of  trees  which  hung  in  the  way.  The  women  and  children, 
who  had  heard  "the  Spirit"  (for  thus  they  call  a  gun),  had  fled 
into  the  woods.  The  men  assembled  in  the  cabin  of  the  leading 
war  Chief,  whore  they  danced  the  Calumet  to  the  sound  of  the 
drum.  He  had  them  all  assemble  next  day,  and  made  them  a 
speech  in  nearly  these  words:  *  *  *  The  Father  of  the 
Malhomini  who  had  been  murdered  by  the  Pouteouatemis  arose 
and  took  the  collar  that  Perot  had  given  him;  he  lighted  his 
Calumet,  and  presented  it  to  him,  and  then  gave  it  to  the  Chief 
and  all  who  were  present,  who  smoked  it  in  turn ;  then  he  began 
to  sing,  holding  the  Calumet  in  one  hand,  and  the  collar  in  the 
other.  He  went  out  of  the  cabin  while  he  sang,  and,  presenting 
the  Calumet  and  collar  toward  the  Sun,  he  walked  sometimes 
backwards,  sometimes  f onvards ;  he  made  the  circuit  of  his  own 
cabin,  went  past  a  great  number  of  those  in  the  Village,  and 
finally  returned  to  that  of  the  Chief.  There  he  declared  that 
he  attached  himself  wholly  to  the  French;  that  he  believed  the 
living  Spirit,  who  had,  in  behalf  of  all  the  Spirits,  domination 
over  all  other  men,  who  were  inferior  to  him ;  that  all  his  Nation 
had  the  same  sentiments ;  and  that  they  asked  only  the  protec- 
tion of  the  French,  from  whom  they  hoped  for  life  and  for 
obtaining  all  that  is  necessary  to  man. 

The  Pouteouatemis  were  very  impatient  to  learn  the  fate  of 
their  people  who  had  gone  trading  to  Montreal;  they  feared 
that  the  French  might  treat  them  badly,  or  that  they  would  be 
defeated  by  the  Iroquois.  Accordingly,  they  had  recourse  to 
Perot's  guide,  who  was  a  master  Juggler.  That  false  Prophet 
built  himself  a  little  tower  of  poles,  and  therein  chanted  several 
songs,  through  which  he  invoked  all  the  infernal  spirits  to  tell 
him  where  the  Pouteouatemis  were.  The  reply  was  that  they 
were  at  the  Oulamanistik  River,  which  is  three  days'  journey 


1665-66]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  3? 

from  their  Village;^  that  they  had  been  well  received  by  the 
French ;  and  that  they  were  bringing  a  large  supply  of  merchan- 
dise. This  Oracle  would  have  been  believed  if  Perot,  who 
knew  that  his  Interpreter  had  played  the  Juggler,  had  not  de- 
clared that  he  was  a  liar.  The  latter  came  to  Perot,  and  heaped 
upon  him  loud  reproaches,  complaining  that  he  did  not  at  all 
realize  what  hardships  his  Interpreter  had  encountered  in  this 
Voyage,  and  that  it  was  Perot's  fault  that  he  had  not  been  rec- 
ompensed for  his  prediction.  The  Old  Men  begged  that  Perot 
himself  would  relieve  them  from  their  anxiety.  After  telling 
them  that  such  knowledge  belonged  only  to  Qod,  he  made  a  cal- 
culation, from  the  day  of  their  departure,  of  the  stay  that  they 
would  probably  make  at  Montreal,  and  of  the  time  when  their 
return  might  be  expected ;  and  determined  as  nearly  as  possible 
the  time  when  they  could  reach  home.  Fifteen  days  later,  a 
man  Fishing  for  Sturgeon  came  to  the  Village  in  great  fright, 
to  warn  them  that  he  had  seen  a  Canoe,  from  which  several  gun- 
shots had  proceeded ;  this  was  enough  to  make  them  believe  that 
the  Iroquois  were  coming  against  them.  Disorder  prevailed 
throughout  the  Village ;  they  were  ready  to  flee  into  the  woods 
or  to  shut  themselves  into  their  Fort.  There  was  no  probability 
that  these  were  Iroquois,  who  usually  make  their  attacks  by 
stealth;  Perot  conjectured  that  they  were  probably  their  own 
men,  who  were  thus  displaying  their  joy  as  they  came  near  the 
Village.  In  fact,  a  young  man  who  had  been  sent  out  as  a 
scout  came  back,  in  breathless  haste,  and  reported  that  it  was 
their  own  people  who  were  returning.  If  their  terror  had 
caused  general  consternation,  this  good  news  caused  no  less  joy 
throughout  the  village.  Two  Chiefs,  who  had  seen  Perot  blow 
into  his  gun  at  the  time  of  the  first  alarm,  came  to  let  him  know 
of  the  arrival  of  their  people,  and  begged  him  always  to  consult 
his  gun.  All  were  eager  to  receive  the  fleet.  As  they 
approached,  the  new-comers  discharged  a  salvo  of  musketry,  fol- 
lowed by  shouts  and  yells,  and  continued  their  firing  as  they 
came  toward  the  Village.     When  they  were  two  or  three  hun- 

iThe  lianistique  river,  which,  with  its  tributaries,  waters  School- 
traft  county.  Mich.^ED. 


38  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

dred  paces  from  the  shore,  the  Chief  rose  in  his  canoe  and  har- 
angued the  Old  Men  who  stood  at  the  water's  edge ;  he  gave  an 
account  of  the  favorable  reception  which  had  been  accorded 
them  at  Montreal.  An  old  man  informed  them,  meanwhile 
praising  the  Sky  and  the  Sun  who  had  thus  favored  them,  that 
there  was  a  Frenchman  in  the  Village  who  had  protected  them 
in  several  times  of  danger ;  at  this,  the  Pouteouatemis  suddenly 
flung  themselves  into  the  water,  to  show  their  joy  at  so  pleasing 
an  occurrence.  They  had  taken  pleasure  in  painting  them- 
selves in  a  very  peculiar  manner;  and  the  French  garments, 
which  had  been  intended  to  niake  them  more  comfortable,  dis- 
figured them  in  a  ludicrous  fashion.  They  carried  Perot  with 
them,  whether  or  no  he  would,  in  a  scarlet  blanket,  and  made 
him  go  around  the  Fort,  while  they  marched  in  double  files  in 
front  and  behind  him,  with  guns  over  their  shoulders,  often  fir- 
ing volleys.  This  Cortege  arrived  at  the  cabin  of  the  Chief 
who  had  led  the  band,  where  all  the  Old  Men  were  assembled ; 
and  a  great  feast  of  Sturgeon  was  served.  This  Chief  then  re- 
lated a  more  detailed  account  of  his  Voyage,  and  gave  a  very 
correct  idea  of  French  usages.  He  described  how  the  trade 
was  carried  on ;  he  spoke  with  enthusiasm  of  what  he  had  seen 
in  the  houses,  especially  of  the  cooking;  and  he  did  not  forget 
to  exalt  Onontio,^  who  had  called  them  his  children  and  had 
regaled  them  with  bread,  prunes,  and  raisins,  which  seemed  to 
them  great  delicacies. 

Those  Peoples  were  so  delighted  with  the  alliance  that  they 
had  just  made  that  they  sent  deputies  in  every  direction  to  in- 
form the  Islinois,  Miamis,  Outagamis,  Maskoutechs,  and  Kika- 
bous  that  they  had  been  at  Montreal,  whence  they  had  brought 
much  merchandise ;  they  besought  those  tribes  to  visit  them  and 
bring  them  Beavers.  Those  Nations  were  too  far  away  to  profit 
by  this  at  first;  only  the  Outagamis  came  to  establish  them- 
selves for  the  Winter  at  a  place  thirty  leagues  from  the  Bay,  in 
order  to  share  in  the  benefit  of  the  goods  which  they  could 
obtain  from  the  Pouteouatemis.     Their  hope  that  some  French- 

iThe  Huron-Iroqiuois  appellation  of  the  governor  of  Canada;  after- 
ward extended  to  the  governor  of  New  York,  and  even  to  the  king  of 
France. — Ed. 


1665-66]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN   WISCONSIN.  39 

men  would  come  from  Chagouamikon  induced  them  to  accumu- 
late as  many  Beavers  as  possible.  The  Pouteouatemis  took  the 
Southern  part  of  the  Bay,  the  Sakis  the  JSTorthem ;  the  Puans, 
as  they  could  not  fish,  had  gone  into  the  woods  to  live  on  Deer 
and  Bears.  When  the  Outagamis  had  formed  a  Village  of  more 
than  six  himdred  Cabins,  they  sent  to  the  Sakis,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  Spring,  to  let  them  know  of  the  new  establishment  that 
they  had  formed.^  The  latter  sent  them  some  chiefs,  with  pres- 
ents, to  ask  them  to  remain  in  this  new  settlement;  they  were 
accompanied  by  some  Frenchmen.  They  found  a  large  Vil- 
lage, but  destitute  of  everything.  Those  people  had  only  five  or 
six  hatchets,  which  had  no  edge,  and  they  used  these,  by  turns, 
for  cutting  their  wood ;  they  had  hardly  one  knife  or  one  bod- 
kin to  a  Cabin,  and  cut  their  meat  with  the  stones  which  they 
used  for  arrows;  and  they  scaled  their  fish  with  mussel-shells. 
Want  rendered  them  so  hideous  that  they  aroused  compassion. 
Although  their  bodies  were  large,  they  seemed  deformed  in 
shape ;  they  had  very  disagreeable  faces,  brutish  voices,  and  evil 
aspects.  They  were  continually  begging  from  our  Frenchmen 
who  went  among  them,  for  those  Savages  imagined  that  what- 
ever their  visitors  possessed  ought  to  be  given  to  them  gratis; 
everything  aroused  their  desires,  and  yet  they  had  few  Beavers 
to  sell.  The  French  thought  it  prudent  to  leave  to  the  Sakis 
for  the  Winter  the  trade  in  Peltries  with  the  Outagamis,  as 
they  could  carry  it  on  with  the  former  more  quietly  in  the 
Autumn. 

All  the  tribes  at  the  Bay  went  to  their  villages  after  the  Win- 
ter, to  sow  their  grain.  A  dispute  occurred  between  two 
Frenchmen  and  an  old  man,  who  was  one  of  the  leading  men 


1  It  is  not  possible,  with  present  data,  to  locate  the  site  of  this  Outa- 
gamie village,  further  than  to  say  that  it  was  probably  in  Waupaca 
county,  somewhere  on  the  Little  Wolf  river.  Verwyst  and  Gary  place 
it  near  Mukwa,  and  La  Boule  near  New  London;  while  Lawson  (in  his 
pamphlet.  Mission  of  8t,  Mark,  Menasha,  October,  1901)  locates  it  in 
"the  vicinity  of  Manawa,  Waupaca  county."  The  "little  lake  St. 
Francis"  mentioned  by  AUouez,  Lawson  identifies  with  White  Lake, 
five  miles  soutA  of  Manawa;  other  writers  suppose  it  to  be  Little  Lake 
Butte  des  Morts,  west  of  Menasha.  See  Jes,  Relations,  liv,  pp.  219,  307, 
308;  Ivlii,  297.— Bd. 


40  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

among  the  Fouteouatemis ;  the  former  demanded  payment  for 
the  goods ;  but  he  did  not  show  much  inclination  to  pay ;  sharp 
words  arose  on  both  sides,  and  they  came  to  blows.  The  'French- 
men were  vigorously  attacked  by  the  Savages,  and  a  third  man 
came  to  the  aid  of  his  comrades.  The  oonfusion  increased; 
that  Frenchman  tore  the  pendants  from  the  ears  of  a  Savage, 
and  gave  him  a  blow  in  the  belly  which  felled  him  so  rudely 
that  with  difficulty  could  he  rise  again.  At  the  same  time  the 
Frenchman  received  a  blow  from  a  war-club  on  his  head,  which 
caused  him  to  fall  motionless.  There  were  great  disputes 
among  the  savages  in  regard  to  the  Frenchman  who  had  juat 
been  wounded,  who  had  rendered  many  services  to  the  Village. 
There  were  three  families  interested  in  this  contention — those 
of  the  Red  Carp,  of  the  Black  Carp,  and  of  the  Bear.^  The 
Head  of  the  Bear  family — an  intimate  friend  of  the  French- 
man, and  whose  son-in-law  was  the  Chief  of  the  Sakis — seized 
a  hatchet,  and  declared  that  he  would  perish  with  the  French- 
man, whom  the  people  of  the  Red  Carp  had  slain.  The  Saki 
Chief,  hearing  the  voice  of  his  father-in-law,  called  his  own 
men  to  arms ;  the  Bear  family  did  the  same ;  and  the  wounded 
Frenchman  began  to  recover  consciousness.  He  calmed  the 
Sakis,  who  were  greatly  enraged ;  but  the  Savage  who  had  mal- 
treated him  was  compelled  to  abandon  the  Village.  These 
same  Frenchmen's  lives  were  in  danger  on  still  another  occasion. 
One  of  them,  who  was  amusing  himself  with  some  arrows,  told 
a  Saki  who  was  bathing  at  the  water's  edge  to  ward  off  the  shaft 
that  he  was  going  to  let  fly  at  him.  The  Savage,  who  held  a 
small  piece  of  cloth,  told  him  to  shoot ;  but  he  was  not  adroit 
enough  to  avoid  the  arrow,  which  wounded  him  in  the  shoulder. 
He  immediately  called  out  that  the  Frenchman  had  slain  him ; 


1  Those  "families"  are»  in  reality,  the  tribal  divisions  now  known  as 
"clans"  or  "gentes;"  they  were  founded  on  consanguinity,  and  have 
been  characteristic  of  savage  society  In  all  times  and  countries.  Bach 
clan  had  its  distinctive  sjrmbol  (called  "totem"  by  Algonquian  tribes), 
usually  a  fish,  bird,  or  other  animal.  See  Jea,  Relations,  zziz,  pp.  293» 
2H;  Iviil,  293;  Ixvil,  153-167;  Minn.  HUt.  Cotta,,  v,  pp.  44,  45;  U.  8. 
Bureau  of  Ethnology's  Report,  1881-82,  pp.  xxxviii-lxii;  and  N.  T. 
Colon,  Docs.,  ix,  175,  1052-o8.— Ed. 


1 665-^ J  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  4 1 

but  another  Frenchman  hastened  to  the  Savage,  made  him  enter 
his  cabin,  and  drew  out  the  arrow.  He  was  pacified  by  giving 
him  a  knife,  a  little  vermilion  to  paint  his  face,  and  a  pieccf  of 
tobacco.  This  present  was  effectual;  for  when,  at  the  Said's 
cry,  several  of  his  comrades  came,  ready  to  avenge  him  on  the 
spot,  the  wounded  man  cried,  "What  are  you  about?  I  am 
healed.  Metaminens"  (which  means  "little  Indian  com" — 
this  name  they  had  given  to  the  Frenchman,  who  was  Perot 
himself)  "has  tied  my  hands  by  this  ointment  which  you  see 
upon  my  wound,  and  I  have  no  more  anger,"  at  the  same  time 
showing  the  present  that  Perot  had  given  him.  This  presence 
of  mind  checked  the  disturbance  that  was  about  to  arise. 

The  Miamis,  the  Maskoutechs,  the  Eikabous,  and  fifteen  cab- 
ins of  Islinois  came  toward  the  Bay  in  the  following  summer, 
and  made  their  clearings  thirty  miles  away,  beside  the  Outa- 
gamis,  toward  the  South.  These  Peoples,  for  whom  the  Iro- 
quois were  looking,  had  gone  Southward  along  the  Mississippi 
after  the  combat  which  I  have  mentioned.*  Before  that  flight, 
they  had  seen  knives  and  hatchets  in  the  hands  of  the  Hurons 
who  had  had  dealings  with  the  French,  which  induced  them  to 
associate  themselves  with  the  Nations  who  already  had  some 
union  with  us.  They  are  very  sportive  when  among  their  own 
people,  but  grave  before  Strangers ;  well  built ;  lacking  in  intel- 
ligence, and  dull  of  apprehension ;  easily  persuaded ;  vain  in 
language  and  behavior,  and  extremely  selfish.  They  consider 
themselves  much  braver. than  their  neighbors;  they  are  great 
liars,  employing  every  kind  of  baseness  to  accomplish  their 
ends;  but  they  are  industrious,  indefatigable,  and  excellent 
pedestrians.  For  this  last  reason,  they  are  called  Metousce^ 
prinioueks,  which  in  their  language  means  ^'Walkers." 

After  they  had  planted  their  fields  in  this  new  settlement, 
they  went  to  hunt  Cattle.^  They  wished  to  entertain  the  peo- 
ple at  the  Bay ;  so  they  sent  envoys  to  ask  the  Pouteouatemis 
to  visit  them,  and  to  bring  the  Frenchmen,  if  they  were  still 

1  Apparently  a  reference  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Winnebagoes  by  the 
IllinoiB;  see  p.  6,  ante. 

^BuflflUoes  are  here  meant;  they  were  usually  called  "wild  cattle"  or 
"wild  cows"  by  the  early  French  writers  and  explorers. — Ed. 


42  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

with  them.  But  those  savages  were  careful  not  to  let  their 
guests  know  how  desirous  their  neighbors  were  to  become 
acquainted  with  the  French ;  so  they  went  away  without  telling 
them,  and  came  back  at  the  end  of  a  fortnight,  loaded  with  meat 
and  grease.  With  them  were  some  of  those  new  settlers,  who 
were  greatly  surprised  to  see  the  French — ^whom  they  re- 
proached for  not  having  come  to  visit  them  with  the  Pouteoua- 
temis.  The  French  saw  plainly  that  the  latter  were  jealous, 
and  they  recognized  the  importance  of  becoming  acquainted 
with  those  Peoples,  who  had  come  to  the  Bay  on  purpose  to 
trade  more  conveniently  with  us.  The  Pouteouatemis,  when 
they  saw  that  the  French  desired  to  go  away  with  a  Miami  and 
a  Maskoutech,  made  representations  to  them  that  there  were  no 
Beavers  among  those  people, — ^who,  moreover,  were  very  boor- 
ish,— and  even  that  they  were  in  great  danger  of  being  plun- 
dered. The  French  took  their  departure,  notwithstanding 
these  tales,  and  in  five  days  reached  the  vicinity  of  the  Village.- 
The  Maskoutech  sent  ahead  the  Miami,  who  had  a  gun,  with 
orders  to  fire  it  when  he  arrived  there;  the  report  of  the  gun 


iThe  location  of  the  Mascouten  village  is  a  disputed  question  among 
antiquarians.  Butte rfleld  and  some  other  writers  place  it  in  Green 
Lake  county — ^Father  La  Boule  near  Ste.  Marie,  Father  Holtzknecht 
at  Marquette,  and  P.  V.  Lawson  "two  or  three  miles  from  Princeton;" 
while  George  Gary  concludes  that  it  was  in  Rushford  township,.  Win- 
nebago county.  Father  Verwyst,  Thomas  Clithero,  and  A.  J.  Turner 
locate  the  village  near  Coming,  Ck>lumbia  county.  See  Jes.  Relaiiona, 
liv,  p.  308;  Amer.  Cath.  Hist  Researches,  xli,  31-34,  76-80,  and  xiv, 
^8-100;  and  Oshkosh  Northwestern,  Jan.  18,  1902.  The  difficulty  arises 
mainly  from  the  apparent  discrepancy  in  the  statements  of  the  mis- 
si<)naries  who  visited  the  Mascoutens.  Marquette  says  (Jes.  Relations, 
lix,  p.  105):  "At  three  leagues  from  Maskoutens  was  a  river  which 
discharged  into  Mississippi."  On  this  statement  is  based  the  claim  for 
the  Coming  site,  which  is  on  the  Fox  river  about  seven  miles  (by  the 
stream)  north  of  the  portage.  But  Allouez  (Id,,  liv,  pp.  227,  229)  lo- 
cates the  village  a  day's  journey  above  the  junction  of  the  Wolf  and 
Fox — with  which  the  maps  of  Joliet  and  Marquette  agree.  Princeton  is, 
however,  65  miles  down  the  Fox  river  from  Portage,  and  Berlin  is  20 
miles  farther.  The  most  satisfactory  explanation  is,  a  probable  error 
by  the  copyist  of  Marquette's  report,  in  writing  trois  ("three")  for 
trente  ("thirty") ;  thirty  French  leagues  would  be  about  72  miles. — ^Ed. 


1665-66J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  43 

was  heard  soon  afterward.  Hardly  had  they  reached  the  shore 
when  a  venerable  Old  Man  appeared,  and  a  Woman  carrying 
a  bag  in  which  was  a  clay  pot  filled  with  commeal  porridge. 
More  than  two  hundred  stout  young  men  came  upon  the  scene ; 
their  hair  was  adorned  with  headdresses  of  various  sorts,  and 
their  bodies  were  covered  with  tattooing  in  black,  representing 
many  kinds  of  figures ;  they  carried  arrows  and  war-clubs,  and 
wore  girdles  and  leggings  of  braided  work.  The  old  man  held 
in  his  hand  a  Calumet  of  red  stone,  with  a  long  stick  at  the  end ; 
this  was  ornamented  in  its  whole  length  with  the  heads  of 
birds,  flame-colored,  and  had  in  the  middle  a  bunch  of  feathers 
colored  a  bright  red,  which  resembled  a  great  fan.  As  soon  as 
he  espied  the  leader  of  the  Frenchmen,  he  presented  to  him  the 
Calumet,  on  the  side  next  to  the  Sun ;  and  uttered  words  which 
were  apparently  addressed  to  all  the  Spirits  whom  those  Peo- 
ples adore.  The  old  man  held  it  sometimes  toward  the  east, 
and  sometimes  toward  the  west ;  then  toward  the  Sun ;  now  he 
would  stick  the  end  in  the  ground,  and  then  he  would  turn  the 
Calumet  around  him,  looking  at  it  as  if  he  were  trying  to  point 
out  the  whole  earth,  with  expressions  which  gave  the  French- 
man to  understand  that  he  had  compassion  on  all  men.  Then 
he  rubbed  with  his  hands  Perot's  head,  back,  legs,  and  feet,  and 
sometimes  his  own  body.  This  welcome  lasted  a  long  time,  dur- 
ing which  the  Old  Man  made  a  harangue,  after  the  fashion  of  a 
prayer,  all  to  assure  the  Frenchman  of  the  joy  which  all  in  the 
Village  felt  at  his  arrival. 

One  of  the  men  spread  upon  the  grass  a  large  painted  ox-skin, 
the  hair  on  which  was  as  soft  as  silk,  on  which  he  and  his  com- 
rade were  made  to  sit.  The  Old  Man  struck  two  pieces  of 
wood  together,  to  obtain  fire  from  it ;  but  as  it  was  wet  he  could 
not  light  it.  The  Frenchman  drew  forth  his  own  fire-steel,  and 
immediately  made  fire  with  tinder.^  The  Old  Man  uttered 
loud  exclamations  about  the  iron,  which  seemed  to  him  a  spirit ; 
the  Calumet  was  lighted,  and  each  man  smoked ;  then  they  must 
eat  porridge  and  dried  meat,  and  suck  the  juice  of  the  green 

^For  descriptions  of  aboriginal  processes  of  fire-making,  see  Je%,  Re- 
latians,  tI,  217;  zii»  272;  also,  Walter  Hough's  "Fire-making  Appara- 
tus/' in  U.  S.  Natl.  Museum  Report,  1887-88,  pp.  531-587.— Ed. 


44  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

com.  Again  the  Calumet  was  filled,  and  those  who  smoked 
blew  the  tobacco-smoke  into  the  Frenchman's  face,  as  the  great- 
98t  honor  that  they  could  render  him;  he  saw  himself  smoked 
like  meat,  but  said  not  a  word.  This  ceremony  ended,  a  skin 
was  spread  for  the  Frenchman's  Comrade.  The  Savages 
thought  that  it  was  their  duty  to  carry  the  French  guests ;  but 
the  latter  informed  the  Maskoutechs  that,  as  they  could  shape 
the  iron,  they  had  strength  to  walk,  so  they  were  left  at  liberty. 
On  the  way,  they  rested  again,  and  the  same  honors  were  paid 
to  him  as  at  the  first  meeting.  Continuing  their  route,  they 
halted  near  a  high  hill,  at  the  summit  of  which  was  the  Village; 
they  made  their  fourth  halt  here,  and  the  ceremonies  were  re- 
peated. The  great  Chief  of  the  Miamis  came  to  meet  them,  at 
the  head  of  more  than  three  thousand  men,  accompanied  by  the 
Chiefs  of  other  Nations  who  formed  part  of  the  Village.  Each 
of  these  Chiefs  had  a  Calumet,  as  handsome  as  that  of  the  Old 
Man;  they  were  entirely  naked,  wearing  only  shoes,  which 
were  artistically  embroidered  like  buskins;  they  sang,  as  they 
approached,  the  Calumet  song,  which  they  uttered  in  cadence. 
When  they  reached  the  Frenchmen,  they  continued  their  songs^ 
meanwhile  bending  their  knees,  in  turn,  almost  to  the  ground. 
They  presented  the  Calumet  to  the  Sun,  with  the  same  genuflex- 
ions, and  then  they  came  back  to  the  principal  Frenchman, 
with  many  gesticulations.  Some  played  upon  instruments  the 
Calumet  songs,  and  others  sang  them,  holding  the  Calumet  in 
the  mouth  without  lighting  it.  A  war  Chief  raised  Perot  upon 
his  shoulders,  and,  accompanied  by  all  the  Musicians,  conducted 
him  to  the  Village.  The  Maskoutech  who  had  been  his  guide 
offered  him  to  the  Miamis,  to  be  lodged  among  them ;  they  very 
amiably  declined,  being  unwilling  to  deprive  the  Maskoutechs 
of  the  pleasure  of  possessing  a  Frenchman  who  had  consented 
to  come  under  their  auspices.  At  last  he  was  taken  to  the  Cabin 
of  the  Chief  of  the  Maskoutechs ;  as  he  entered,  the  lighted  Cal- 
umet was  presented  to  him,  which  he  smoked ;  and  fifty  guards- 
men were  provided  for  him,  who  prevented  the  crowd  from 
annoying  him.  A  grand  repast  was  served,  the  various  courses 
of  which  reminded  one  of  feeding-troughs  rather  than  dishes; 
the  food  was  seasoned  with  the  fat  of  the  wild  ox.     The  Guards 


1665-66]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  45 

took  good  care  that  provisions  should  be  brought  often,  for  they 
profited  thereby. 

On  the  next  day,  the  Frenchman  gave  them,  as  presents,  a 
Gun  and  a  Kettle ;  and  made  them  the  following  speech,  which 
was  suited  to  their  character:  "Men,  I  admire  your  youths; 
although  they  have  since  their  birth  seen  only  shadows,  they 
seem  to  me  as  fine-looking  as  those  who  are  bom  in  regions 
where  the  Sun  always  displays  his  glory.  I  would  not  have  be- 
lieved that  the  earth,  the  mother  of  all  men,  could  have  fur- 
nished you  the  means  of  subsistence  when  you  did  not  possess 
the  light  of  the  Frenchman,  who  supplies  its  influences  to  many 
peoples;  I  believe  that  you  will  become  another  nation  when 
you  become  acquainted  with  him.  I  am  the  dawn  of  that  light, 
which  is  beginning  to  appear  in  your  lands, — as  it  were,  that 
which  precedes  the  Sun,  who  will  soon  shine  brightly  and  will 
cause  you  to  be  bom  again,  in  another  land,  where  you  will  find, 
more  easily  and  in  greater  abundance,  all  that  can  be  necessary 
to  man.  I  see  this  fine  Village  filled  with  young  men,  who  are, 
I  am  sure,  as  courageous  as  they  are  well  built ;  and  who  will, 
without  doubt,  not  fear  their  enemies  if  they  carry  French 
weapons.  It  is  for  these  young  men  that  I  leave  my  Gun,  which 
they  must  regard  as  the  pledge  of  my  esteem  for  their  valor; 
they  must  use  it  if  they  are  attacked.  It  will  also  be  more  sat- 
isfactory in  hunting  Cattle  and  other  animals  than  are  all  the 
arrows  that  you  use.  To  you  who  are  Old  Men  I  leave  my  Ket- 
tle; I  carry  it  everywhere  without  fear  of  breaking  it.  Yon 
will  cook  in  it  the  meat  that  your  young  men  bring  from  the 
chase,  and  the  food  which  you  offer  to  the  Frenchmen  who  come 
to  visit  you.''  He  tossed  a  dozen  awls  and  knives  to  the  women, 
and  said  to  them:  "Throw  aside  your  bone  bodkins;  these 
French  awls  will  be  much  easier  to  use.  These  knives  will  be 
more  useful  to  you  in  killing  Beavers  and  in  cutting  your  meat 
than  are  the  pieces  of  stone  that  you  use."  Then,  throwing  to 
them  some  Rassade  :*  "See ;  these  will  better  adorn  your  Chil- 
dren and  Girls  than  do  their  usual  ornaments."     The  Miamis 


lA  French  term  for  porcelain  (wampun)  beads  of  the  round  sort; 
they  were  made  of  porcelain  or  glass,  both  white  and  colored.  The 
long,  tabular  beads  were  known  as  canons, — Eu. 


46  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

said,  by  way  of  excuse  for  not  having  any  Beaver-skins,  that 
they  had  until  then  roasted  those  animals. 

That  alliance  began,  therefore,  through  the  agency  of  Sieur 
Perot.  A  week  later  the  Savages  made  a  solemn  feast^  to 
thank  the  Sun  for  having  conducted  him  to  their  Village.  In 
the  Cabin  of  the  great  Chief  of  the  Miamis  an  altar  had  been 
erected,  on  which  he  had  caused  to  be  placed  a  Pindiikosan. 
This  is  a  Warrior's  Pouch,  filled  with  medicinal  herbs,  and 
wrapped  in  the  skins  of  animals,  the  rarest  that  they  can  find  ^ 
it  usually  contains  all  that  inspires  their  dreams.  Perot,  who 
did  not  approve  this  Altar,  told  the  great  Chief  that  he  adored 
a  God  who  forbade  him  to  eat  things  sacrificed  to  evil  Spirits 
or  to  the  skins  of  animals.  They  were  greatly  surprised  at 
this,  and  asked  if  he  would  eat  provided  they  shut  up  their 
Manitous ;  this  he  consented  to  do.  The  Chief  begged  Perot  to 
consecrate  him  to  his  Spirit,  whom  he  would  thenceforth 
acknowledge;  he  said  that  he  would  prefer  that  Spirit  to  his 
own,  who  had  not  taught  them  to  make  Hatchets,  Kettles,  and 
all  else  that  men  need;  and  hoped  that  by  adoring  him  they 
would  obtain  all  the  knowledge  that  the  French  had.  This 
Chief  governed  his  people  as  a  sort  of  Sovereign;  he  had  his 
Guards,  and  whatever  he  said  or  ordered  was  regarded  as  Law. 

The  Pouteouatemis,  jealous  that  the  French  had  found  the 
way  to  the  Miamis,  secretly  sent  a  Slave  to  the  latter,  who  said 
many  unkind  things  about  the  French ;  he  said  that  the  Poute- 
ouatemis held  them  in  the  utmost  contempt,  and  regarded  them 
as  dogs.  The  French,  who  had  heard  these  abusive  remarks, 
put  him  into  a  condition  where  he  could  say  no  more  outrageous 
things ;  the  Miamis  regarded  the  Spectacle  with  great  tranquil- 
lity. When  it  was  time  to  return  to  the  Bay,  the  Chiefs  sent 
all  their  young  men  to  escort  the  Frenchmen  thither,  and  made 
them  many  presents.  The  Pouteouatemis,  having  learned  of 
the  Frenchman's  arrival,  came  to  assure  him  of  the  interest  they 
felt  in  his  safe  return,  and  were  very  impatient  to  know 
whether  the  Nations  from  whom  he  had  come  had  treated  him 
well.  But  when  they  heard  the  reproaches  which  he  uttered  for 
their  sending  a  Slave  who  had  said  most  imgenerous  things  re- 
garding the  French  Nation,  they  attempted  to  make  an  explana- 


1665-66]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  47 

tion  of  their  conduct,  but  fully  justified  the  poor  opinion  which 
he  already  had  of  them.  The  Savages  have  this  characteristic, 
that  they  find  a  way  to  free  themselves  from  blame  in  any  evil 
undertaking,  or  to  make  it  succeed  without  seeming  to  have 
taken  part  in  it. 

It  was  for  the  interest  of  the  Pouteouatemis  to  keep  on  good 
terms  with  the  French ;  and  they  had  been  too  well  received  at 
Montreal  not  to  return  thither.  Indeed,  after  having  presented 
to  Perot  a  bag  of  Indian  com,  that  he  might,  they  said,  "eat  and 
swallow  the  suspicion  that  he  felt  toward  them,"  and  five  Beaver 
robes  to  serve  as  an  emetic  for  the  ill-will  and  vengeance  which 
he  might  retain  in  his  heart,  they  sent  some  of  their  people  on  a 
journey  to  Montreal.  When  they  came  in  sight  of  Michilimak- 
inak,  which  then  was  frequented  only  by  them  and  the  Iroquois, 
they  perceived  smoke.  While  they  were  trying  to  ascertain 
what  this  meant,  they  encountered  two  Iroquois,  and  saw 
another  Canoe  off  shore.  Each  party  was  alarmed  at  the  other ; 
as  for  the  Iroquois,  they  took  to  flight,  while  the  Pouteouatemis, 
plying  their  paddles  against  contrary  winds,  fled  to  their  own 
Village ;  they  felt  an  extraordinary  anxiety,  for  they  knew  not 
what  measures  to  take  for  protection  against  the  Iroquois.  All 
the  Nations  of  the  Bay  experienced  the  same  perplexity.  Their 
terror  was  greatly  increased  when,  a  fortnight  later,  they  saw 
large  fires  on  the  other  shore  of  the  Bay,  and  heard  many  gun- 
shots. As  a  climax  to  their  fears,  the  scouts  whom  they  had 
sent  out  brought  back  the  news  that  they  had  seen  at  night  many 
canoes  made  in  Iroquois  fashion,  in  one  of  which  was  a  gun,  and 
a  blanket  of  Iroquois  material ;  and  some  men,  who  were  sleep- 
ing by  a  fire.  All  those  canoes  came  in  sight  the  next  morning, 
and  each  one  fled,  at  the  top  of  his  speed,  into  the  forest;  only 
the  most  courageous  took  the  risk  of  awaiting,  with  resolute  air, 
the  Iroquois  in  their  Fort,  where  they  had  good  firearms.  As 
we  were  at  Peace  with  the  Iroquois,  some  of  the  bolder  spirits 
among  our  Frenchmen  offered  to  go  to  meet  that  so-called  army, 
in  order  to  learn  the  motive  which  could  have  impelled  them 
to  come  to  wage  war  against  the  Allies  of  Onontio.  They  were 
greatly  surprised  to  find  that  it  was  a  Fleet  of  Outaouaks,  who 
had  come  to  trade ;  these  people  had,  while  traveling  across  the 


48  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vOl.XVl 

country,  built  £cme  Canoes  which  resembled  those  of  the  Iro- 
quois. The  men  whom  the  Pouteouatemis  had  seen  at  Michili- 
makinak  were  really  Iroquois ;  but  they  had  feared  falling  into 
the  hands  of  the  Pouteouatemis  quite  as  much  as  the  latter  had 
feared  them.  The  Iroquois,  while  fleeing,  fell  into  an  am- 
buscade of  forty  Sauteurs,  who  carried  them  away  to  the  Sau- 
teur  Village ;  they  had  come  from  a  raid  against  the  Chaouanons 
[Shawnese] ,  near  Carolina,  and  had  brought  with  them  a  cap- 
tive from  that  tribe,  whom  they  were  going  to  bum.  The  Sau- 
teurs set  him  at  liberty,  and  enabled  him  to  return  to  the  Bay 
by  entrusting  him  to  the  Sakis.  This  man  gave  them  marvel- 
ous notions  of  the  South  Sea,  from  which  his  Village  was  dis- 
tant only  five  days'  journey — ^near  a  great  river  which,  com- 
ing from  the  Islinois,  discharges  its  waters  into  that  Sea.*  The 
tribes  of  the  Bay  sent  him  home  with  much  merchandise,  urgf- 
ing  him  to  persuade  his  tribesmen  to  come  and  visit  them. 

These  Peoples  held  several  councils,  to  deliberate  whether 
they  should  go  down  to  Montreal;  they  hesitated  at  first,  be- 
cause they  had  so  few  ^^avers.  As  the  Savages  give  every- 
thing to  their  mouths,  they  preferred  to  devote  themselves  to 
hunting  such  wild  beasts  as  could  furnish  subsistence  for  their 
families,  rather  than  seek  Beavers,  of  which  there  were  not 
enough;  they  preferred  the  needs  of  life  to  those  of  the  State. 
Nevertheless,  they  refiected  that  if  they  allowed  the  Frenchmen 
to  go  away  without  themselves  going  do\vn  to  trade,  it  might 
happen  that  the  latter  would  thereafter  attach  themselves  to 
some  other  Nations;  or,  if  they  should  afterward  go  to  Mon- 
treal, the  Governor  would  feel  resentment  against  them  because 
they  had  not  escorted  these  Frenchmen  thither.  They  decided 
that  they  would  go  with  the  Frenchmen;  preparations  for  this 
were  accordingly  made,  and  a  solemn  feast  was  held;  and  on 
the  eve  of  their  departure  a  volley  of  musketry  was  fired  in  the 
Village.  Three  men  sang  incessantly,  all  night  long,  in  a 
Cabin,  invoking  their  Spirits  from  time  to  time.  They  began 
with  the  song  of  Michabous ;  then  they  came  to  that  of  the  God 

lA  reference  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Mississippi  river — then, 
however,  supposed  to  flow  into  the  Pacific  Ocean,  which  was  called 
South  Sea. — Co. 


1665-66]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  49 

of  Laloee,  BiyerSy  and  Forests^  begging  the  winda^  the  thunder, 
the  storms,  and  the  tempests  to  be  favorable  to  them  during  the 
Voyage.  The  next  day,  the  crier  went  through  the  Village,  in- 
viting the  men  to  the  Cabin  where  the  Feast  was  tx)  be  prepared. 
They  found  no  difficulty  in  going  thither,  each  furnished  with 
his  Ouragan  and  Mikouen.^  The  three  Musicians  of  the  pre* 
vious  night  began  to  sing;  one  was  placed  at  the  entrance  of 
the  Cabin,  another  in  the  middle,  and  the  third  at  its  end ;  they 
were  armed  with  quivers,  bows,  and  arrows,  and  their  faces  and 
entire  bodies  were  blackened  with  coaL  While  the  people  sat 
in  this  Assembly,  in  the  utmost  quiet,  twenty  young  men — en- 
tirely naked,  elaborately  painted,  and  wearing  girdles  of  Otter- 
skin,  to  which  were  attached  the  skins  of  Crows,  with  their 
plumage,  and  gourds — lifted  from  the  fires  ten  great  kettles; 
then  the  singing  ceased.  The  first  of  these  Actors  next  sang 
his  war-song,  keeping  time  with  it  in  a  dance  from  one  end  to 
the  other  of  the  Cabin,  while  all  the  Savages  cried  in  deep  gut- 
tural tones,  "Hay,  hay!"  When  the  Musician  ended,  all  the 
others  uttered  a  loud  yell,  in  which  their  voices  gradually  died 
away,  much  as  a  loud  noise  disappears  among  the  mountains. 
Then  the  second  and  the  third  Musicians  repeated,  in  turn, 
the  same  performance;  and,  in  a  word,  nearly  all  the  Savages 
did  the  same,  in  alternation — each  singing  his  own  song,  but 
no  one  venturing  to  repeat  that  of  another,  unless  he  were  will- 
ing deliberately  to  offend  the  one  who  had  composed  the  song, 
or  unless  the  latter  were  dead,  so  that  he  could  restore  his  name 
by  appropriating  his  song.  During  this,  their  looks  were  ac- 
companied with  gestures  and  violent  movements ;  and  some  of 
them  took  hatchets,  with  which  they  pretended  to  strike  the 
women  and  children  who  were  watching  them.  Some  took 
firebrands,  which  they  tossed  about  everywhere;  others  filled 
their  dishes  with  red-hot  coals,  which  they  threw  at  each  other. 
It  is  difficult  to  make  the  reader  understand  the  details  of 
Feasts  of  this  sort,  unless  he  has  himself  seen  them.  I  was 
present  at  a  like  entertainment  among  the  Iroquois  at  the 
Sault  of  Montreal,  and  it  seemed  as  if  I  were  in  the  midst  of 


iHis  dish  and  spoon. — La  Pothebib. 
5 


50  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

hell.  After  most  of  those  who  had  been  invited  to  this  pleas- 
ant Festival  had  sung,  the  Chief  of  the  Feast,  who  had  given 
the  dance,  sang  a  second  time;  and  he  said  at  the  end  of  his 
song  (which  he  improvised)  that  he  was  going  to  Montreal 
with  the  Frenchmen,  and  was  on  that  account  offering  these 
Prayers  to  their  God,  entreating  him  to  be  propitious  to  him  on 
the  Voyage,  and  to  render  him  acceptable  to  the  French  Nation. 
The  young  men  who  had  taken  off  the  kettles  filled  all  the  dishes 
with  food,  while  the  three  Chanters  repeated  their  first  songs, 
not  finishing  their  concert  until  everything  had  been  eaten — a 
feat  which  did  not  take  long  to  accomplish.  An  Old  Man  arose 
and  congratulated,  in  the  most  affable  manner,  the  Chief  of 
the  Feast  on  the  project  which  he  had  formed,  and  encouraged 
the  young  men  to  follow  him.  All  those  who  wished  to  go  on  the 
Voyage  laid  down  a  stick;  there  were  enough  people  to  man 
thirty  Canoes.  At  the  Sault,  they  joined  seventy  other  Canoes, 
of  various  Nations,  all  of  whom  formed  a  single  fleet. — ^La 
Potherie's  Amer.  Septentrionale,  ii,  pp.  85-118. 


1665-67:    RELIGIOUS    BELIEFS    AND    SUPERSTITIONS    OF    THE 

UPPER  ALGONKIN  TRIBES. 

[From  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1666-67.] 

Following  is  what  Father  AUouez  relates  concerning  the  cus- 
toms of  the  Outaouacs  and  other  peoples,  which  he  has  studied 
very  carefully — not  trusting  the  accounts  given  him  by  others^ 
but  having  been  himself  an  eye-witness  and  observer  of  every- 
thing described  in  this  manuscript. 

"There  is  here,"  he  says,  "a  false  and  abominable  religion, 
resembling  in  many  respects  the  faiths  of  some  of  the  ancient 
Pagans.  The  Savages  of  these  regions  recognize  no  sovereign 
master  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  but  believe  there  are  many  genii — 
some  of  which  are  beneficent,  as  the  Sun,  the  Moon,  the  Lake, 
Eivers,  and  Woods ;  others  malevolent,  as  the  adder,  the  dragon, 
cold,  and  storms.     And,  in  general,  whatever  seems  to  them 


1665-67]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  51 

either  helpful  or  hurtful  they  call  a  Manitou,  and  pay  it  the 
worship  and  veneration  which  we  render  only  to  the  true  Gtod. 

"These  divinities  they  invoke  whenever  they  go  out  hunting, 
fishing,  to  war,  or  on  a  journey — offering  them  sacrifices,  with 
ceremonies  appropriate  only  for  Sacrificial  priests. 

"One  of  the  leading  old  men  of  the  Village  discharges  the 
function  of  Priest,  beginning  with  a  carefully-prepared  har- 
angue addressed  to  the  Sun — if  the  eat-all  feast,  which  bears  a 
certain  resemblance  to  a  holocaust,  is  held  in  its  honor.  He 
declares  in  a  loud  voice  that  he  pays  his  thanks  to  that  Lumi- 
nary for  having  lighted  him  so  that  he  could  successfully  kill 
some  animal  or  other, — praying  and  exhorting  it  by  this  feast 
to  continue  its  kind  care  of  his  family.  During  this  invoca- 
tion, all  the  Guests  eat,  even  to  the  last  morsel;  after  which  a 
man  appointed  for  the  purpose  takes  a  cake  of  tobacco,  breaks 
it  in  two,  and  throws  it  into  the  fire.  Every  one  cries  aloud 
while  the  tobacco  bums  and  the  smoke  rises  aloft;  and  with 
these  outcries  the  whole  sacrifice  ends." 

"I  have  seen,"  continues  the  Father,  "an  Idol  set  up  in  the 
middle  of  a  Village ;  and  to  it,  among  other  presents,  ten  dogs 
were  offered  in  sacrifice,  in  order  to  prevail  on  this  false  god 
to  send  elsewhere  the  distemper  that  was  depopulating  the  Vil- 
lage. Every  one  went  daily  to  make  his  offerings  to  this  Idol, 
according  to  his  needs. 

"Besides  these  public  sacrifices,  they  have  some  that  are 
private  and  domestic;  for  often  in  their  cabins  they  throw  to- 
bacco into  the  fire,  with  a  kind  of  outward  offering  which  they 
make  to  their  false  gods. 

"During  storms  and  tempests,  they  sacrifice  a  dog,  throw- 
ing it  into  the  Lake.  That  is  to  appease  thee,'  they  say  to  the 
latter ;  'keep  quiet.'  At  perilous  places  in  the  Rivers,  they  pro- 
pitiate the  eddies  and  rapids  by  offering  them  presents ;  and  so 
persuaded  are  they  that  they  honor  their  pretended  divinities 
by  this  external  worship,  that  those  among  them  who  are  con- 
verted and  baptized  observe  the  same  ceremonies  toward  the 
true  God,  until  they  are  disabused. 

"As,  moreover,  these  people  are  of  gross  nature,  they  recog* 
nize  no  purely  spiritual  divinity,  believing  that  the  Sun  is  a 


52  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

man,  and  the  Moon  is  his  wife;  that  snow  and  ice  are  also  a 
man,  who  goes  away  in  the  spring  and  comes  back  in  the  winter; 
that  the  evil  spirit  is  in  adders,  dragons,  and  other  monsters; 
that  the  crow,  the  kite,  and  some  other  birds  are  genii,  and  speak 
just  as  we  do ;  and  that  there  are  even  people  among  them  who 
understand  the  language  of  birds,  as  some  understand  a  little 
that  of  the  French. 

"They  believe,  moreover,  that  the  souls  of  the  Departed  gov- 
ern the  fishes  in  the  Lake;  and  thus,  from  the  earliest  times, 
they  have  held  the  immortality,  and  even  the  metempsychosis, 
of  the  souls  of  dead  fishes,  believing  that  they  pass  into  other 
fishes'  bodies.  Therefore  they  never  throw  their  bones  into  the 
fire,  for  fear  that  they  may  offend  these  souls,  so  that  they  will 
cease  to  come  into  their  nets. 

"They  hold  in  very  special  veneration  a  certain  fabulous  ani- 
mal which  they  have  never  seen  except  in  dreams,  and  which 
they  call  Missibizi,  acknowledging  it  to  be  a  great  genius,  and 
offering  it  sacrifices  in  order  to  obtain  good  sturgeon-fishing. 

"They  say  also  that  the  little  pebbles  of  copper  which,  they 
ffnd  at  the  bottom  of  the  water  in  the  Lake,  or  in  the  Rive^ 
emptying  into  it,  are  the  riches  of  the  gods  who  dwell  in  the 
-depths  of  the  earth. 

"I  have  learned,"  says  the  Father  who  has  brought  to  light 
all  these  follies,  "that  the  Iliniouek,  the  Outagami,  and  other 
Savages  toward  the  South,  hold  that  there  is  a  great  and  excel- 
lent genius,  master  of  all  the  rest,  who  made  Heaven  and  Earth ; 
and  who  dwells,  they  say,  in  the  East,  toward  the  country  of  the 
French. 

"The  fountain-head  of  their  Religion  is  libertinism;  and  all 
these  various  sacrifices  end  ordinarily  in  debauches,  indecent 
dances,  and  shameful  acts  of  concubinage.  All  the  devotion 
of  the  men  is  directed  toward  securing  many  wives,  and  chang- 
ing them  whenever  they  choose ;  that  of  the  women  toward  leav- 
ing their  husbands;  and  that  of  the  girls,  toward  a  life  of 
profligacy. 

"They  endure  a  great  deal  on  account  of  these  ridiculous 
deities ;  for  they  fast  in  their  honor,  for  the  purpose  of  learning 
the  issue  of  some  affair.     I  have,"  says  the  Father,  "seen  with 


1 665-67  J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  53 

oompaseion  men  who  had  some  scheme  of  war  or  hunting  paaB 
a  whole  week,  taking  scarcely  anything.  They  show  such  fix- 
ity of  purpose  that  they  will  not  desist  until  they  have  seen  in 
a  dream  what  they  desire, — either  a  herd  of  moose,  or  a  band 
of  Iroquois  put  to  flight,  or  something  similar, — no  very  diflS- 
cult  thing  for  an  empty  brain,  utterly  exhausted  with  hunger, 
and  thinking  all  day  of  nothing  else. 

'^t  us  say  something  about  the  art  of  Medicine  in  vogue  in 
this  country.  Their  science  consists  in  ascertaining  the  cause 
of  the  ailment,  and  applying  the  remedies. 

"They  deem  the  most  common  cause  of  illness  to  come  from 
failure  to  give  a  feast  after  some  successful  fishing  or  hunting 
excursion ;  for  then  the  Sun,  which  takes  pleasure  in  feasts,  is 
angry  with  the  one  who  has  been  delinquent  in  his  duty,  and 
makes  him  ill. 

"Besides  this  general  cause  of  sickness,  there  are  special  ones, 
in  the  shape  of  certain  little  genii,  malevolent  in  their  nature, 
which  thrust  themselves  of  their  own  accord,  or  are  sent  by 
some  enemy,  into  the  parts  of  the  body  that  are  most  diseased. 
Thus,  when  any  one  has  an  aching  head,  or  arm,  or  stomach, 
they  say  that  a  Manitou  has  entered  this  part  of  the  body,  and 
will  not  cease  its  torments  until  it  has  been  drawn  or  driven  out. 

"The  most  common  remedy,  accordingly,  is  to  summon  the 
Juggler,  who  comes  attended  by  some  old  men,  with  whom  he 
holds  a  sort  of  consultation  on  the  patient's  ailment.  After  this^ 
he  falls  upon  the  diseased  part,  applies  his  mouth  to  it,  and,  by 
sucking,  pretends  to  extract  something  from  it,  as  a  little  stone, 
or  a  bit  of  string,  or  something  else,  which  he  has  concealed  in 
his  mouth  beforehand,  and  which  he  displays,  saying :  *There  ifl 
the  Manitou ;  now  thou  art  cured,  and  it  only  remains  to  give  a 
feast.' 

"The  Devil,  bent  on  tormenting  those  poor  blinded  creatures 
even  in  this  world,  has  suggested  to  them  another  remedy,  in 
which  they  place  great  confidence.  It  consists  in  grasping  the 
patient  under  the  arms,  and  making  him  walk  barefoot  over 
the  live  embers  in  the  cabin ;  or,  if  he  is  so  ill  that  he  cannot 
walk,  he  is  carried  by  four  or  five  persons,  and  made  to  pass 
alowly  over  all  the  fires,  a  treatment  which  often  enough  results 


54  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

in  this,  that  the  greater  suffering  thereby  produced  cures,  or 
induces  unconsciousness  of,  the  lesser  pain  which  they  strive 
to  cure. 

"After  all,  the  commonest  remedy,  as  it  is  the  most  profitable 
for  the  Physician,  is  the  holding  of  a  feast  to  the  Sun,  which  is 
done  in  the  belief  that  this  luminary,  which  takes  pleasure  in 
liberal  actions,  being  appeased  by  a  magnificent  repast,  will  re- 
gard the  patient  with  favor,  and  restore  him  to  health." 

"I  must  not  omit  here  a  rather  strange  circumstance :  on  the 
day  after  his  death  his  relatives,  contrary  to  all  usage  of  this 
country,  burned  his  body  and  reduced  it  entirely  to  ashes.  The 
cause  of  this  is  found  in  a  legend  which  passes  here  for  truth. 

"It  is  held  beyond  dispute  that  this  old  man's  father  was  a 
Hare, — an  animal  which  runs  over  the  snow  in  winter, — and 
that  thus  the  snow,  the  Hare,  and  the  old  man  are  of  the  same 
village, — that  is,  are  relatives.  It  is  further  said  that  the  Hare 
told  his  wife  that  he  disapproved  of  their  children's  remaining 
in  the  depths  of  the  earth,  as  that  did  not  befit  their  condition — 
they  being  relatives  of  the  snow,  whose  country  is  above,  toward 
the  Sky;  and,  if  it  ever  occurred  that  they  were  put  into  the 
ground  after  their  death,  he  would  pray  the  snow,  his  relative, 
in  order  to  punish  the  people  for  this  offense,  to  fall  in  such 
quantities  and  so  long  that  there  should  be  no  Spring.  And,  to 
confirm  this  story,  it  is  added  that  three  years  ago  the  brother 
of  our  good  old  man  died,  in  the  beginning  of  the  winter ;  and, 
after  he  had  been  buried  in  the  usual  manner,  snow  fell  to  such 
an  extent,  and  the  winter  was  so  long,  that  people  despaired  of 
seeing  the  spring  in  its  season.  Meanwhile,  all  were  dying  of 
hunger,  and  no  remedy  could  be  found  for  this  general  suffer- 
ing. The  elders  assembled,  and  held  many  councils,  but  all  in 
vain ;  the  snow  still  continued.  Then  some  one  of  the  company 
said  he  remembered  the  threats  which  we  have  related.  Straight- 
way they  went  and  disinterred  the  dead  man,  and  burned  him ; 
when  immediately  the  snow  ceased,  and  spring  followed.  Who 
would  think  that  people  could  give  credence  to  such  absurd 
stories  ?  And  yet  they  regard  them  as  true  beyond  dispute." — 
Jes.  Relations,  1,  pp.  285-295 ;  li,  pp.  33-35. 


1665-68]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  55 

1665-68:    ALLOUBZ'S  ACCOUNT  OP  VARIOUS  TRIBES. 
[From  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1666-67.] 

The  Pouteouatami  are  a  people  speaking  the  Algonquin 
tongue,  but  in  a  dialect  much  harder  to  understand  than  that 
of  the  Outaouacs.  Their  country  lies  along  the  Lake  of  the 
nimouek — a  large  Lake  which  had  not  before  come  to  our 
knowledge,  adjoining  the  Lake  of  the  Hurons,  and  that  of  the 
Stinkards,  in  a  Southeasterly  direction.^  These  people  are  war- 
like, and  they  engage  in  Hunting  and  Fishing.  Their  country 
is  excellently  adapted  to  raising  Indian  com,  and  they  have 
Fields  covered  with  it,  to  which  they  are  glad  to  have  recourse, 
to  avoid  the  famine  that  is  only  too  common  in  these  regions. 
They  are  extremely  idolatrous,  clinging  to  their  ridiculous 
legends,  and  are  addicted  to  Polygamy.  We  have  seen  them 
all  here,  to  the  number  of  three  hundred  men  bearing  arms. 
Of  all  the  people  with  whom  I  have  mingled  in  these  regions, 
they  are  the  most  docile,  and  the  best  disposed  toward  the 
French.  Their  wives  and  daughters  are  more  modest  than 
those  of  the  other  Nations.  They  observe  among  themselves  a 
certain  sort  of  civility,  and  also  show  it  toward  strangers — 
which  is  rare  among  our  Barbarians.  Once  when  I  went  to 
see  one  of  their  elders,  his  eyes  fell  upon  my  shoes,  which  were 
made  after  the  French  fashion ;  and  curiosity  moved  him  to  ask 
leave  to  take  them,  in  order  to  examine  them  easily.  Upon  re* 
turning  them  to  me,  he  would  not  permit  me  to  put  them  on 
myself,  but  obliged  me  to  allow  him  to  perform  that  service, — 
even  insisting  on  fastening  the  thongs,  and  showing  the  same 
marks  of  respect  that  servants  do  to  their  Masters  upon  render- 
ing them  this  service.  Kneeling  at  my  feet,  he  said  to  me,  *It 
is  in  this  way  that  we  treat  those  whom  we  honor.' 

On  another  occasion  when  I  went  to  see  him,  he  arose  from 
his  seat  to  yield  it  to  me,  with  the  same  formalities  that  polite- 
ness demands  of  gentlefolk. 


iLake  of  the  Ilimouek  (Illinois) :  an  early  appellation  of  Lake  Mich* 
Igan.  "Lake  of  the  Stinkards"  (Fr.  Puants)  refers  to  Green  Bay,  at 
first  supposed  to  be  a  lake. — ^Eo. 


56  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

I  next  add  these  two  nations  [Ousaki  and  Outagami — now 
called  Sacs  and  Foxes]  because  they  are  mingled  with  and 
allied  to  the  preceding,  and  have,  besides,  the  same  language, 
the  Algonquin, — although  differing  greatly  in  various  Idioms, 
a  fact  which  makes  it  very  difficult  to  understand  them.  Never- 
theless, after  some  labor  on  my  part,  they  understand  me  now, 
and  I  understand  them,  sufficiently  for  their  instruction. 

The  country  of  the  Outagami  lies  Southward  toward  the  Lake 
of  the  Ilimouek.  They  are  a  populous  tribe,  of  about  a  thou- 
sand men  bearing  arms,  and  given  to  hunting  and  warfare. 
They  have  fields  of  Indian  com,  and  live  in  a  country  offering 
excellent  facilities  for  the  hunting  of  the  Wildcat,  Stag,  wild 
Ox,  and  Beaver.  Canoes  they  do  not  use,  but  commonly  make 
their  journeys  by  land,  bearing  their  packages  and  their  game 
on  their  shoulders.  These  people  are  as  much  addicted  to  idol- 
atry as  the  other  nations.  One  day,  on  entering  the  Cabin  of 
an  Outagamy,  I  found  his  parents  dangerously  ill;  and  when 
I  told  him  that  bleeding  would  cure  them,  the  poor  man  took 
some  powdered  tobacco  and  sprinkled  it  completely  over  my 
gown,  saying  to  me :  "Thou  are  a  spirit ;  come  now,  restore 
these  sick  people  to  health ;  I  offer  thee  this  tobacco  in  sacrifice." 
'What  art  thou  doing,  my  brother  ?"  said  I ;  "I  am  nothing,  but 
he  who  made  all  things  is  the  master  of  our  lives,  while  I  am 
but  his  servant."  "Well,  then,"  he  rejoined,  scattering  some 
tobacco  on  the  ground,  and  raising  his  eyes  on  high,  "to  thee, 
then,  who  madest  Heaven  and  earth  I  offer  this  tobacco.  Give 
these  sick  persons  health." 

These  people  are  not  very  far  removed  from  the  recognition 
of  the  Creator  of  the  world ;  for  it  is  they  who  told  me  what  I 
have  already  related — namely,  that  they  acknowledge  in  their 
country  a  great  spirit,  the  maker  of  Heaven  and  earth,  who 
dwells  toward  the  country  of  the  French.  It  is  said  of  them 
and  of  the  Ousaki  that,  when  they  find  a  man  alone  and  at  a 
disadvantage,  they  kill  him,  especially  if  he  is  a  Frenchman; 
for  they  cannot  endure  the  beards  of  the  latter  people.  Cruelly 
of  that  kind  makes  them  less  docile,  and  less  inclined  to  receive 
the  Gospel,  than  are  the  Pouteouatami.  Still  I  failed  not  to 
proclaim  it  to  nearly  six-score  persons,  who  passed  a  summer 


1665-68]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  5/ 

here.  I  found  none  among  them  sufficiently  well  prepared  for 
Baptism,  though  I  conferred  it  on  five  of  their  sick  children, 
who  then  recovered  their  health. 

As  for  the  Ousaki,  they  above  all  others  can  be  called  Savages. 
They  are  very  numerous,  but  wandering  and  scattered  in  the 
forests,  without  any  fixed  abode.  I  have  seen  nearly  two  hun- 
dred of  them,  to  all  of  whom  I  published  the  faith,  and  have 
baptized  eighteen  of  their  children,  to  whom  the  sacred  waters 
were  salutary  for  both  soul  and  body. 

The  Ilimouec  speak  Algonquin,  but  a  very  different  dialect 
from  those  of  all  the  other  tribes.  I  understand  them  only 
slightly,  because  I  have  talked  with  them  only  a  very  little. 
They  do  not  live  in  these  regions,  their  country  being  more  than 
sixty  leagues  hence  toward  the  South,  beyond  a  great  river — 
which,  as  well  as  I  can  conjecture,  empties  into  the  Sea  some- 
where near  Virginia.  These  people  are  hunters  and  warriors, 
using  bows  and  arrows,  rarely  muskets,  and  never  canoes.  They 
used  to  be  a  populous  nation,  divided  into  ten  large  Villages; 
but  now  they  are  reduced  to  two,  continual  wars  with  the 
Nadouessi  [Sioux]  on  one  side  and  the  Iroquois  on  the  other 
having  well-nigh  exterminated  them. 

They  acknowledge  many  spirits  to  whom  they  offer  sacrifice. 
They  practice  a  kind  of  dance,  quite  peculiar  to  themselves, 
which  they  call  "the  dance  of  the  tobacco-pipe."  It  is  executed 
thus :  they  prepare  a  great  pipe,  which  they  deck  with  plumes, 
and  put  in  the  middle  of  the  room,  with  a  sort  of  veneration. 
One  of  the  company  rises,  begins  to  dance,  and  then  yields  his 
place  to  another,  and  this  one  to  a  third ;  and  thus  they  dance  in 
succession,  one  after  another,  and  not  together.  One  would 
take  this  dance  for  a  pantomime  ballet;  and  it  is  executed  to 
the  beating  of  a  drum.  The  performer  makes  war  in  rhythmic 
time,  preparing  his  arms,  attiring  himself,  running,  discover- 
ing the  foe,  raising  the  cry,  slaying  the  enemy,  removing  his 
scalp,  and  returning  home  with  a  song  of  victory — and  all  with 
an  astonishing  exactness,  promptitude,  and  agility.  After  they 
have  all  danced,  one  after  the  other,  around  the  pipe,  it  is  taken 
and  offered  to  the  chief  man  in  the  whole  assembly,  for  him  to 
■moke ;  then  to  another,  and  so  in  succession  to  all.     This  cere- 


58  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

mony  resembles  in  its  significance  the  French  custom  of  drink- 
ing, several  out  of  the  same  glass ;  but,  in  addition,  the  pipe  is 
left  in  the  keeping  of  the  most  honored  man,  as  a  sacred  trust, 
and  a  sure  pledge  of  the  peace  and  union  that  will  ever  subsist 
among  them  as  long  as  it  shall  remain  in  that  person's  hands. 

Of  all  the  spirits  to  whom  they  offer  sacrifice,  they  honor 
with  a  very  special  worship  one  who  is  preeminent  above  the 
others,  as  they  maintain,  because  he  is  the  maker  of  all  things. 
Such  a  passionate  desire  have  they  to  see  him  that  they  keep 
long  fasts  to  that  end,  hoping  that  by  this  means  Qod  will  be 
induced  to  appear  to  them  in  their  sleep ;  and  if  they  chance  to 
see  him,  they  deem  themselves  happy,  and  assured  of  a  long 
life. 

All  the  nations  of  the  South  have  this  same  wish  to  see  God, 
which,  without  doubt,  greatly  facilitates  their  conversion;  for 
it  only  remains  to  teach  them  how  they  must  serve  him  in  order 
to  see  him  and  be  blessed. 

I  have  proclaimed  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  here  to  eighty 
people  of  this  nation,  and  they  have  carried  it  and  published  it 
with  approbation  to  the  whole  country  of  the  South;  conse- 
quently I  can  say  that  this  Mission  is  the  one  where  I  have 
labored  the  least  and  accomplished  the  most.  They  honor  our 
Lord  among  themselves  iu  their  own  way,  putting  his  Image, 
which  I  have  given  them,  in  the  most  honored  place  on  the  oc- 
casion of  any  important  feast,  while  the-  Master  of  the  banquet 
addresses  it  as  follows :  "In  thy  honor,  O  Man-God,  do  we  hold 
this  feast;  to  thee  do  we  offer  these  viands." 

I  confess  that  the  fairest  field  for  the  Gospel  appears  to  me 
to  be  yonder.  Had  I  had  leisure  and  opportunity,  I  would 
have  pushed  on  to  their  country,  to  see  with  my  own  eyes  all  the 
good  things  there  of  which  they  tell  me. 

I  find  all  those  with  whom  I  have  mingled  affable  and  hu* 
mane ;  and  it  is  said  that  whenever  they  meet  a  strange,  they 
give  a  cry  of  joy,  caress  him,  and  show  him  every  possible  evi- 
dence of  affection.  I  have  baptized  but  one  child  of  this  nation. 
The  seeds  of  the  faith  which  I  have  sown  in  their  souls  will  bear 
fruit  when  it  pleases  the  master  of  the  vine  to  gather  it.  Their 
country  is  warm,  and  they  raise  two  crops  of  Indian  com  a  year. 


1665-69]  FRENCH  REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  59 

There  are  rattlesnakes  there,  which  cause  many  deaths  among 
them,  as  they  do  not  know  the  antidote.  They  hold  medicines 
in  high  esteem,  offering  sacrifice  to  them  as  to  great  spirits. 
They  have  no  forests  in  their  country,  but  vast  prairies  instead, 
where  oxen,  cows,  deer,  bears,  and  other  animals  feed  in  great 
numbers. — Jes.  Relations,  li,  pp.  27-29,  43-51. 


1665-69:  ALLOUEZ'S  MISSION  AT  LAKE  SUPERIOR. 
[From  the  Jesuit  Relations  of  1666-67  and  1668-69.] 

[Synopsis:  The  Relation  of  1666-67  announces  that  Allouez 
has  returned  from  his  two  years'  mission  among  the  Ottawas; 
he  has  traveled  nearly  2,000  leagues  in  the  wilderness  of  the 
great  Northwest,  and  endured  many  hardships;  "but  he  has 
also  had  the  consolation  of  bearing  the  torch  of  the  Faith  to 
more  than  twenty  different  infidel  Nations."  The  journal  of 
his  wanderings  is  given ;  it  includes  many  interesting  "descrip- 
tions of  the  places  and  Lakes  that  he  passed,  the  customs  and 
superstitions  of  the  peoples  visited,"  etc.  He  confers  upon  Lake 
Superior  the  name  of  the  governor-general,  Tracy.  It  is  a  resort 
for  many  tribes.  North,  South,  and  West ;  they  obtain  there  food 
from  the  fisheries,  and  carry  on  trade  with  one  another.  Allouez 
finds  some  of  Menard's  disciples — among  them,  "two  Christian 
women  who  had  always  kept  the  faith,  and  who  shone  like  two 
stars  amid  the  darkness  of  that  infidelity."  He  finds  at  Che- 
quamegon  Bay  a  great  village  of  sedentary  Algonkins,  num- 
bering eight  hundred  warriors.  Most  of  these  people  have 
never  seen  Europeans,  and  the  missionary  finds  his  labors  con- 
stantly interrupted. 

Soon  after  Allouez's  arrival,  a  great  council  of  the  Algonkin 
tribes  is  held,  mainly  to  plan  for  defense  against  their  enemies, 
the  Sioux,  with  whom  a  new  war  is  imminent.  They  invite  to 
this  assembly  the  Father,  who  is,  moreover,  the  bearer  of  mes- 
sages and  presents  to  these  savages  from  Tracy.  They  listen 
to  him  attentively,  and  he  then  proclaims  the  gospel  to  them. 


6o  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVL 

afterward  going  among  their  cabins  and  witli  them  on  their 
journeys,  to  gather  the  fruits  of  this  sowing.  Allouez  describes 
many  of  the  peculiar  customs  and  superstitious  rites  among 
these  savages,  of  which  he  has  been  an  eye-witness.  He  finds 
these  people  unusually  licentious,  and,  like  the  Eastern  tribes,, 
swayed  by  their  dreams  and  medicine-men.  The  Father  estab- 
lishes at  Chequamegon  the  residence  and  mission  of  St.  Esprit^ 
a  name  already  applied  to  the  bay ;  and  there  lie  labors  to  spread 
the  gospel  among  the  savages,  who  visit  him  from  curiosity,  but 
show  little  sympathy  with  his  work.  Still,  he  sees  some  good 
results ;  he  baptizes  many  little  children,  and  the  young  people 
are  less  shameless  in  their  behavior.  After  a  time,  he  removea 
his  chapel  to  the  large  village ;  but  the  medicine-men  are  so  hos- 
tile to  him  that  he  is  compelled  to  return  to  his  former  station. 

Allouez  finds  the  remnants  of  the  Tobacco  Nation  settled  not 
far  from  this  place,  and  undertakes  to  restore  in  their  hearts 
the  Christian  belief  which  they  once  had — now,  alas !  almost 
effaced  through  their  long  intercourse  with  the  pagans.  "As- 
they  had  been  very  well  taught,  it  was  a  matter  of  no  great  dif- 
ficulty for  me  to  restore  piety  to  their  hearts."  He  describes^ 
in  especial,  the  conversion  of  three  persons  in  this  tribe,  "for 
whose  salvation  God  seems  to  have  sent  me  hither." 

He  relates  his  work  among  the  Ottawa  tribes.  They  are  ex- 
tremely licentious  and  superstitious,  and  therefore  care  little 
for  the  gospel ;  yet  many  attend  the  chapel  services  and  instruc- 
tions, and  he  baptizes  about  eighty  children.  The  savages  have 
lost  their  former  dread  of  baptism  as  causing  death ;  they  now 
imagine  that  this  rite  will  cure  sickness,  and  raise  up  the  dying. 
The  Father  ministers  especially  to  the  sick  and  the  dying;  he 
finds  only  four  adults  who  are  worthy  of  baptism. 

Allouez  next  mentions  his  labors  among  the  Pottawattomies. 
These  people  he  has  met  at  Lake  Superior,  whither  they  resort. 
He  considers  them  more  friendly  and  tractable,  and  less  li- 
centious, than  other  tribes  in  that  region.  The  Father  visits 
their  cabins  during  their  stay  there,  and  baptizes  thirty-four  lit- 
tle children;  a  few  adults  are  also  converted — among  them  a 
man  "about  a  hundred  years  old,  who  was  regarded  by  the  Sav- 
ages as  a  sort  of  divinity."     Allouez  relates  the  particulars  of 


1665-69]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  61 

his  labors  with  these  people,  and  of  the  conversions  occurring 
among  them.  Bands  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  also  sojourn  near 
Chequamegon,  to  whom  AUouez  preaches  the  faith ;  and  he  bap- 
tizes some  of  their  children. 

The  seed  of  the  true  religion  has  been  carried  among  the  Il- 
linois tribes  by  some  of  their  own  people,  whom  AUouez  has 
instructed.  He  regards  that  nation  as  offering  a  most  promis- 
ing field  for  missionary  labor ;  he  finds  them  friendly,  and  more 
inclined  than  other  tribes  to  recognize  a  Supreme  Being.  He 
describes  a  ceremony  peculiar  to  them,  the  calumet  dance. 

He  meets  also  some  wandering  Sioux  and  Cree  savages ;  re- 
garding all  these  distant  tribes,  he  gives  much  curious  informa- 
tion gathered  from  conversation  with  these  people.  The  Crees 
invite  him  to  spend  the  winter  with  them ;  but  he  cannot  leave 
his  present  field  to  do  so.  The  ]^ipissing  Indians  (in  the  days 
of  the  Huron  mission,  instructed  by  the  Jesuits)  have  been 
driven  by  fear  of  the  Iroquois  to  Lake  Nepigon,  where  AUouez 
visits  them — crossing  the  western  end  of  Lake  Superior  in  a 
frail  canoe,  three  men  paddling  without  any  halt  for  twelve  or 
fifteen  hours  each  day.  He  finds  among  these  people  twenty 
professed  Christians,  as  well  as  many  infidels;  and  he  spends 
there  two  weeks  of  constant  ministration  and  instruction. 

Le  Mercier  concludes,  from  AUouez's  report,  that  mission- 
aries to  the  Northwest  should  have  a  fixed  residence,  with  men 
to  work  for  their  maintenance  and  to  erect  chapels  for  religious 
services.  This  is  Allouez's  own  plan,  to  execute  which  he  de- 
scends to  Quebec  for  aid.  He  obtains  Father  Nicolas,^  with 
five  men,  and  supplies  of  food,  clothing,  etc. ;  but  the  Indians 
with  whom  he  has  come  down  are  ill-humored,  and  refuse  to 
take  more  than  three  Frenchmen,  with  but  a  small  part  of  their 
baggage.  There  is,  accordingly,  "reasonable  doubt  whether 
they  can  reach  the  country ;  or,  if  they  do  so,  of  their  ability 
to  maintain  themselves  there  very  long.'' 

At  Lake  Superior  [1669],  AUouez  has  been  laboring  with 


1  Louis  Nicolas  was  one  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in  New  France 
from  1664  to  1675;  returning  then  to  France,  he  left  the  Jesuit  order 
three  years  later.    His  labors  were  mainly  in  Lower  Canada. — ^Ed. 


62  .    WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

the  Ottawas.  Dablon^  is  sent  to  reinforce  him,  and  to  act  as 
superior  of  that  mission.  They  are  stationed  at  Sault  Ste. 
Marie,  and  AUouez  has  also  ministered  at  Chequamegon.  A 
third  church  will  soon  be  established  at  Green  Bay.  A  peace 
has  been  negotiated  between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Ottawas ;  but 
the  fickle  temper  of  these  savage  peoples  makes  the  duration  of 
the  peace  somewhat  uncertain. 

Allouez  announces  the  conversion  of  an  entire  Ottawa  tribe. 
These  people  had  received  instruction  for  several  years,  but  had 
always  made  sport  of  the  new  religion.  But  at  last  the  good 
seed  has  taken  root,  and  they  institute  a  complete  reform.  They 
abolish  polygamy,  give  up  their  sacrifices,  and  flock  to  Allouez's 
little  chapel.^  Some  of  the  conversions  here  made  are  described 
at  length, — especially  that  of  their  chief,  Eekakoung.  A  hun- 
dred of  them  have  already  been  baptized — ^besides  thirty-eight 
Hurons,  who  had  fled  to  that  country  for  refuge;  and  a  hun- 
dred more,  in  other  neighboring  tribes. 

Marquette,  too,  is  stationed  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  and  he 
writes  that  "the  harvest  there  is  very  abundant,  and  that  it  only 
rests  with  the  Missionaries  to  baptize  the  entire  population,  to 
the  number  of  two  thousandj"  but,  knowing  the  fickle  nature  of 
the  Indians,  the  Fathers  are  not  disposed  to  trust  them  too 
far.] — Jes.  Relations,  1,  pp.  17,  18,  249,  311;  li,  pp.  9-11, 
21-51;lii,  14,  15,  199-213. 


1670:     GALIN&E    AND    DOLLIER    DE    CASSON    AT    SAULT    STE. 

MARIE. 

[Note:     In  1669  Queylus,  the  Sulpitian  superior  at  Mont- 
real, conceived  the  idea  of  establishing  missions  among  Western 


1  Claude  Dablon  was  engaged  in  the  New  France  missions  from  1665 
until  his  death  in  1697.  During  1668-71,  he  was  among  the  Lake  Sa« 
perior  tribes;  during  the  next  ten  years,  and  from  1686  to  1693,  he  was 
superior  of  all  the  C!anadian  missions. — Ed. 

2 Reference  is  here  made  to  the  Kiskakon  clan  (see  p.  30,  ante^ 
note  1).— Ed. 


1670]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  63 

tribes.  He  accordingly  sent  two  of  his  order,  Frangois  DoUier 
de  Casson  and  Een6  de  Brehant  de  Galinee, — ^who  had  oome 
with  Queylus  to  Canada  in  the  year  preceding, — ^to  travel  with 
the  explorer  La  Salle,  to  seek  the  Mississippi  river,  and  to  open 
the  way,  among  hitherto  unknown  tribes,  for  Sidpitian  mi*, 
sions.  In  pursuance  of  this  commission,  the  two  priests  spent 
the  winter  of  1669-70  on  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Erie, — alone, 
since  La  Salle,  on  account  of  illness,  returned  to  Montreal  in 
the  preceding  October, — ^where  they  took  possession  of  the  coun- 
try in  the  name  of  Louis  XIV. ;  and  made  earnest  but  unavail- 
ing efforts  to  reach  the  Mississippi.  But  they  met  with  dis- 
asters, which  obliged  them  to  give  up  the  attempt.  They  pro- 
ceeded to  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  and  returned  to  the  St.  Lawrence  in 
the  spring  of  1670.  Galinee  then  made  a  map  of  the  r^on 
which  they  had  explored:  Lake  Ontario^  Niagara,  the  north 
shore  of  Lake  Erie,  Detroit,  and  the  east  and  north  shores  of 
Lake  Huron — the  first  chart  thereof  known  to  exist.] — Je8. 
Relatiom,  1,  pp.  320-321. 


1670:  JESUIT  MISSIONS  AMONG  THE  WISCONSIN  TRIBES. 
[From  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1669-70.] 

[Synopsis:  Much  of  this  yearns  Relation  is  occupied  by  the 
report  of  the  Ottawa  mission,  made  by  Dablon  to  his  Quebeo 
superior.  He  mentions  its  three  centres  of  work — at  Sault  Ste. 
Marie,  Chequamegon,  and  Green  Bay;  and  gives  a  separate 
account  of  each ;  of  its  topography,  resources,  and  inhabitants ; 
and  of  the  state  of  each  mission. 

Sault  Ste.  Marie  is  a  resort  for  nineteen  different  tribes, 
most  of  whom  come  hither  to  fish  during  the  summer.  Some 
of  these  come  from  the  region  of  Hudson  Bay ;  and  intercourse 
with  them  has  led  the  missionaries  to  plan  a  journey  to  that  dis- 
tant land — ^partly  to  open  the  way  for  missionary  work  among 
those  peoples,  partly  to  discover  a  land  route  to  the  great  and  still 
mysterious  "North  Sea,"  and  perhaps  also  the  Japan  Sea.  They 
have,  moreover,  heard  of  the  Mississippi  river,  and  of  the  Uli- 


64  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

nois  tribes  who  live  near  it ;  they  are  also  planning  to  visit  these 
savages. 

At  the  Sault,  the  Fathers  are  cultivating  the  soil,  and  some  of 
the  Indians  have  even  begun  to  imitate  their  example.  In  theic 
chapel,  they  regularly  give  instruction  to  both  adults  and  chil- 
dren, and  celebrate  the  rites  of  the  Church.  The  greatest  ob- 
stacle in  their  way  is  the  devotion  paid  by  the  savages  to  their 
personal  manitous,  or  "medicine" — a  devotion  inculcated  from 
earliest  infancy,  in  both  boys  and  girls.  Notwithstanding  this 
and  other  difficulties,  the  missionaries  at  the  Sault  have  bap- 
tized more  than  three  hundred  persons,  of  all  ages. 

A  detailed  description  of  Lake  Superior  and  its  fisheries  is 
given  by  Dablon,  which  we  copy  upon  a  later  page. 

Chequamegon  Bay  is  a  resort  for  all  the  tribes  of  the  North- 
west;  at  this  point  they  carry  on  both  fishing  and  mutual  com- 
merce.  It  thus  becomes  a  highly  advantageous  location  for  the 
Jesuit  missionaries,  who  can  here  reach  savages  belonging  to  all 
the  tribes  between  Lake  Michigan  and  the  Missouri  river,  and 
from  Hudson  Bay  to  the  Ohio.  The  Illinois  tribes  desire  in- 
struction, and  Marquette  is  already  planning  to  visit  them  next 
year.  A  letter  from  him  to  the  superior  at  Quebec  (Le  Mer- 
cier)  follows  Dablon's  report  Marquette  recounts  his  arrival 
at  Chequamegon  (September,  1669),  where  he  succeeds  Al- 
louez ;  the  latter  considered  this  too  hard  a  field,  and  Marquette 
finds  it  in  every  way  discouraging.  The  Ottawa  tribes  here  are 
unusually  superstitious  and  licentious ;  and  the  once  Christian 
Hurons  are  so  demoralized  by  the  example  of  their  neighbors 
that  they  retain  but  little  of  their  new  faith.  The  Father  strug- 
gles against  indifference  and  mockery,  immorality  and  supersti- 
tion ;  after  a  year  of  this  almost  useless  effort,  he  again  replaces 
AUouez,  this  time  with  the  Kiskakons, — another  Ottawa  tribe, 
dwelling  at  La  Pointe, — ^who  have  at  last  consented  to  receive 
the  Christian  religion.  Here  Marquette  reaps  the  harvest  of 
his  predecessor's  long  toil ;  he  baptizes  the  children,  and  in- 
duces the  families  to  winter  near  the  chapel,  where  they  are  reg- 
ularly instructed.  "The  Pagans  hold  no  feast  without  Sacri- 
fice ;"  "I  keep  a  little  of  their  usage,  and  take  from  it  all  that 
is  bad'' — ^that  is,  he  induces  them  to  address  their  invocations 


COMBINKI)  BRONZE  SUN-DIAI,  AN'D  COMPASS 

Found  ir  January,  190J,  al  Poinl  Sable,  on  Green  Bay,     Shoi 

latitude  of  several  important  lui  trade  and  mission  station! 

in  New  France;  is  apparently  a<  the  17th  century,  and 


.  •  »  _ 


-  •  •• 


c 


1670]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  65 

to  God,  instead  of  to  their  divinities.  Under  his  instruction, 
too,  the  women  become  modest  and  chaste.  Marquette  waits 
only  for  another  Father  to  take  his  place,  before  departing  on  a 
mission  to  the  Illinois  tribes.  Those  Indians  are  well  disposed 
to  Christianity ;  some  of  their  number  heard  Allouez  at  La 
Pointe,  and  have  inclined  their  tribesmen  to  listen  to  the 
preachers  of  the  faith.  Marquette  looks  forward  with  hope  to 
a  mission  among  these  tribes,  and  is  already  studying  their  lan- 
guage. He  describes  their  location,  customs,  and  characteris- 
tics, as  well  as  those  of  the  Sioux  and  Crees — ^repeating  what 
he  has  learned  from  the  savages  whom  he  has  met  at  La  Pointe. 
To  the  Sioux,  "the  Iroquois  of  this  country,"  the  Father  sends 
a  present,  asking  them  to  let  him  and  other  Frenchmen  pass 
freely  and  unharmed  through  all  those  regions,  to  which  they 
consent. 

Following  this  document  is  another  letter,  from  Allouez  to 
Le  Mercier.  He  recounts  his  labors  during  the  past  season 
(November,  1669,  to  May,  1670,  inclusive)^  among  the  tribes 
along  the  west  shore  of  Green  Bay,  and  on  the  Fox  river.  He 
describes  his  journey  from  the  Sault  to  Green  Bay,  on  the  shores 
of  which  he  spends  the  winter,  instructing  the  natives  who  make 
there  their  winter  quarters.  Some  hear  him  willingly,  but 
most  are  indifferent  or  opposed ;  and  all  are,  at  times,  on  the 
verge  of  starvation,  so  scanty  are  their  supplies  of  food.  Often 
does  the  Father  suffer  from  hunger;  but  he  praises  Qod  for 
his  crosses.  In  April,  1670,  he  goes  to  visit  the  Indian  villages 
on  the  Wolf  and  upper  Fox  rivers.  During  this  voyage,  Al- 
louez observes  a  solar  eclipse.  After  traveling  eight  days,  he 
reaches  the  Outagami  (Fox)  settlement  on  the  Wolf  river. 
Even  in  these  remote  Wisconsin  forests  the  fierce  Iroquois  have 
made  one  of  their  sudden  raids,  killing  and  taking  captive  all 
the  people  in  a  considerable  Fox  encampment,  but  a  few  weeks 
before  Allouez's  visit.  This  disaster  has  so  dispirited  his  hosts 
that  they  cannot  give  his  teachings  more  than  civil  attention  at 
this  time ;  but  they  request  him  to  visit  them  again. 

Allouez  proceeds  thence  to  the  Masoouten  village  on  the  up- 
per Fox.  Here  he  is  welcomed  with  great  hospitality  and  cere- 
6 


66  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

mony,  since  they  regard  him  as  a  manitou,  or  spirit.  The 
Father,  horrified  at  this  idea,  succeeds  in  making  them  imder- 
stand  that  he  is  only  God's  servant,  and  preaches  the  gospel  to 
them,  which  they  reverently  receive.  In  this  same  region  are 
some  Miami  families,  whom  AUouez  visits  and  instructs.  They 
appear  very  docile  and  gentle,  and  the  Father  commends  the  im- 
portance of  this  mission  field ;  but  he  cannot  remain,  as  obedi- 
ence calls  him  to  the  Sault.  Returning  down  the  Fox  river 
(this  time,  making  the  voyage  in  three  days),  he  visits  the 
Menomonees,  who  have  been  "almost  exterminated  by  the 
wars;"  and  the  Winnebagoes,  at  present  camping  on  the  east 
shore  of  Green  Bay.  This  tribe  also  had  been  ruined,  a 
generation  before,  by  the  Illinois.  In  both  places,  he  is  wel- 
comed and  respectfully  heard,  and  urged  to  visit  them  again. 

In  conclusion,  Allouez  summarizes  the  condition  of  the  Green 
Bay  mission.  Although  he  has  no  chapel,  he  instructs  the  sav- 
ages as  well  as  he  can,  and  counts  as  Christians  seven  adults 
and  forty-eight  children.  May  20,  Allouez  returns  to  the 
Sault,  intending  to  revisit  all  his  scattered  flock  the  next  au- 
tumn. 

A  few  paragraphs  are  added,  in  conclusion,  by  Le  Mercier. 
He  states  that  a  reinforcement  has  been  sent  to  the  Ottawa  mis- 
sion— Fathers  Druillettes  and  Andre* ;  and  adds  a  description 
of  the  eclipse  mentioned  by  AUouez.] 


1  Gabriel  DruiUettes  was  a  missionary  in  Canada  from  1643  until  his 
death  in  1681.  He  was  in  charge  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie  for  about  two 
years;  most  of  his  life  was  spent  among  the  Abenaki  and  Montagnais 
tribes. 

Louis  Andr6  came  to  Canada  in  1669,  and  from  that  time  to  1684 
labored  in  the  Ottawa  and  Wisconsin  missions — at  Green  Bay,  during 
1671-81.  In  his  later  years  he  was  a  missionary  among  the  tribes  on 
the  lower  St.  Lawrence;  he  died  at  Quebec  in  1715.  See  Father 
A.  E.  Jones's  biographical  sketch  of  Andr^,  in  V.  8,  Cath,  Hiator.  Mag., 
No.  9,  1889.— Ed. 


ir*  *.•  .^(1 ... 


■•-^ 


-^•t^^>t/}^  •c-^«wl''>v<j:   Ttm^Ji^wCA^ /i^Uji*^A/yf  i^' 
4^mlJrA^^%jJ^y^yy^    ^A-^m^/  ft^<AieA«*A  J^Au^^i^ 


^. 


'A^M  /-  k4^*i^> 


7 


., -.' 


1670]  FRENCH  REGIME    IN  WISCONSIN.  67 

[Part  of  AUouez'8  report  for  this  year.] 

On  tlie  following  day,  I  celebrated  holy  Mass,  at  which  the 
French,  to  the  number  of  eight,  paid  their  Devotions.  As  the 
Savages  had  gone  into  winter  quarters,  I  found  here  only  one 
Village  of  different  Nations — Ousaki,  Pouteouatami,  Onta- 
gami,  Ovenibigoutz  [Winnebago] — about  six  hundred  souls. 
A  league  and  a  half  away  was  another,  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
souls;  four  leagues  distant,  one  of  a  hundred  souls;  and  eight 
leagues  from  here,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Bay,  one  of  about 
three  hundred  souls. 

All  these  Nations  have  their  fields  of  Indian  com,  squashes, 
beans,  and  tobacco.  On  this  Bay,^  in  a  place  they  call  Ouestar 
tinong,  twenty-five  leagues  away,  there  is  a  large  Nation  named 
Outagami,^  and  a  day's  joum^  from  them  there  are  two  others, 
Oumami  and  Makskouteng.*  Of  all  these  Peoples,  a  portion 
gained  a  knowledge  of  our  Faith  at  saint  Esprit  point,  where  I 
instructed  them ;  we  shall  do  so  more  fully,  with  Heaven's  help. 

In  the  matter  of  our  sustenance,  we  have  had  a  good  deal  of 
trouble.  Scarcely  have  we  found  material  to  make  our  cabin; 
all  that  we  have  had  for  food  has  been  only  Indian  com  and 
acorns;  the  few  fish  that  are  seen  here,  and  that  but  seldom, 
are  very  poor ;  and  the  water  of  this  bay  and  of  the  rivers  is  like 
stagnant  ditch-water. 

The  Savages  of  this  region  are  more  than  usually  barbarous ; 

they  are  without  ingenuity,  and  do  not  know  how  to  make  even 

a  bark  dish  or  a  ladle;  they  commonly  use  shells.     They  are 

grasping  and  avaricious  to  an  extraordinary  d^ree,  and  sell 

their  little  commodities  at  a  high  price,  because  they  have  only 

what  is  barely  necessary.     The  season  in  which  we   arrived 

among  them  was  not  favorable  for  us ;  they  were  all  in  a  needy 

condition,  and  very  little  able  to  give  us  any  assistance,  so  that 

we  suffered  hunger. 

******** 

On  the  16th  of  April,  I  embarked  to  go  and  begin  the  Mission 
to  the  Outagamis,  a  people  of  considerable  note  in  all  these  re- 

1  Meaning  "In  the  vicinity  of  this  Bay."— Ed. 
'See  p.  39,  ante,  note. — Ed. 
<See  p.  42,  ante,  note. — Ed. 


68  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

gions.  We  slept  at  the  head  of  the  bay,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
River  dee  Puans,  which  we  have  named  for  saint  Francis.^ 
On  our  way  we  saw  clouds  of  Swans,  Bustards,  and  Ducks.  The 
Savages  set  snares  for  them  at  the  head  of  the  bay,  where  they 
catch  as  many  as  fifty  in  one  night,  this  game  seeking  in  Au- 
tumn the  wild  oats  that  the  wind  has  shaken  off  in  the  month 
of  September. 

On  the  17th,  we  ascended  the  River  saint  Francois,  which  is 
two,  and  sometimes  three,  arpents  wide.  After  proceeding 
four  leagues,  we  found  the  Village  of  the  Savages  called  Saky 
[Sacs],  whose  people  were  beginning  a  work  that  well  deserves 
to  have  its  place  here.  From  one  bank  of  the  River  to  the  other 
they  make  a  barricade  by  driving  down  large  stakes  in  two 
brasses  of  water,  so  that  there  is  a  kind  of  bridge  over  the 
stream  for  the  fishermen,  who,  with  the  help  of  a  small  weir, 
easily  catch  the  Sturgeon  and  every  other  kind  of  fish, — ^which 
this  dam  stops,  although  the  water  does  not  cease  to  flow  be- 
tween the  stakes.  They  call  this  contrivance  Mitihikan,  and 
it  serves  them  during  the  Spring  and  a  part  of  the  Summer. 

On  the  eighteenth  we  passed  the  portage  called  by  the  natives 
Kekaling,  our  sailors  dragging  the  canoe  among  rapids;  while 
I  walked  on  the  River-bank,  where  I  found  apple-trees  and  vine- 
stocks  in  great  numbers. 

On  the  19th,  our  Sailors  ascended  the  Rapids  for  two  leagues 
by  the  use  of  poles,  and  I  went  by  land  as  far  as  the  other  port- 
age, which  they  call  Ooukocitiming, — that  is  to  say,  "cause- 
way."" We  observed  on  this  same  day  the  Eclipse  of  the  Sun 
predicted  by  the  Astrologers,  which  lasted  from  noon  until  two 
o'clock ;  a  third  of  the  Sun's  disk,  or  near  that,  appeared  to  be 
eclipsed,  the  other  two-thirds  making  a  Crescent.     We  arrived 


iThe  Fox  river,  at  first  named  for  the  Winnebagoes  (Puants).  This 
sentence  alone  shows  that  AUouez  did  not,  as  usually  supposed,  begin 
his  mission  at  the  mouth  of  the  Fox  river;  to  recu^h  that  point  evi- 
dently required  nearly  a  day's  Journey  from  his  headquarters,  which 
were  probably  at  the  mouth  of  Oconto  river.  See  Jes,  Relations,  liv, 
pp.  305,  306.— Ed. 

sThe  Sac  village  was  apparently  at  Little  Rapids  (or  Little  Kakalin). 
The  Kekaling  portage  was  around  the  rapids  at  Kaukauna;  that  at 
Ooukocitiming,  at  Little  Chute.— Ed. 


1670]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  69 

in  the  evening  at  the  entrance  to  Lake  des  Puans  [Winnebago], 
which  we  have  named  Lake  saint  Francois ;  it  is  about  twelve 
leagues  long  and  four  wide,  extends  from  the  North-Northeast 
to  the  South-Southwest,  and  abounds  in  fish,  but  is  uninhabited, 
on  account  of  the  Nadouecis  [Sioux],  who  are  there  held  in 
fear. 

On  the  twentieth,  which  was  Sunday,  I  said  Mass,  after  voy- 
aging five  or  six  leagues  on  the  Lake,  after  which  we  came  to  a 
Eiver,  flowing  from  a  Lake  bordered  with  wild  oats ;  this  stream 
we  followed,  and  found  at  the  end  of  it  the  River  that  leads  to 
the  Outagamis,  in  one  direction,  and  that  which  leads  to  the 
Machkoutench,  in  the  other.*  We  entered  this  first  stream, 
which  flows  from  a  Lake ;  there  we  saw  two  Turkeys  perched  on 
a  tree,  male  and  female,  resembling  perfectly  those  of  France — 
the  same  size,  the  same  color,  and  the  same  cry.  Bustards, 
Ducks,  Swans,  and  Geese  are  in  great  number  on  all  these 
Lakes  and  Rivers — the  wild  oats,  on  which  they  live,  attract- 
ing them  thither.  There  are  large  and  small  Stags,  Bears,  and 
Beavers  in  great  abundance. 

On  the  twenty-fourth,  after  turning  and  doubling  several 
times  in  various  Lakes  and  Rivers,  we  arrived  at  the  Village 
of  the  Outagamis. 

This  people  came  in  crowds  to  meet  us,  in  order  to  see,  as 
they  said,  the  Manitou,  who  was  coming  to  their  country.  They 
accompanied  us  with  respect  as  far  as  the  door  of  the  cabin, 
which  we  were  made  to  enter. 

This  Nation  is  renowned  for  being  populous,  the  men  who 
bear  arms  numbering  more  than  four  hundred ;  while  the  num- 
ber of  women  and  children  there  is  the  greater  on  account  of  the 
polygamy  which  prevails  among  them— each  man  having  com- 
monly four  wives,  some  having  six,  and  others  as  many  as  ten. 
Six  large  cabins  of  these  poor  people  were  put  to  rout  this  month 
of  March  by  eighteen  Iroquois  from  Tsonnontouan* — who,  un- 

1  Allouez*8  course  led  through  Grand  Lake  Butte  des  Morts,  the  Upper 
Fox  river,  and  up  Wolf  river.  He  saw  the  wild  turkeys  at  Lake  Win- 
neconne. — ^Ed. 

2 The  name  of  the  westernmost  Iroquois  tribe,  now  known  as  Sen- 
ecas.  Sonnontouan,  their  principal  village,  was  located  two  and  a 
half  miles  north  of  Honeoye  Falls,  near  Rochester,  N.  T. — Bd. 


yO  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVj 

der  the  guidance  of  two  fugitive  Iroquois  Slaves  of  the  Pou- 
teouatamis,  made  an  onslaught,  and  killed  all  the  people,  except 
thirfy  women  whom  they  led  away  as  captives.  As  the  men 
were  away  hunting,  they  met  with  but  little  resistance — there 
being  only  six  warriors  left  in  the  cabins,  besides  the  women  and 
children,  who  numbered  a  hundred  or  thereabout.  This  car- 
nage was  committed  two  days'  journey  from  the  place  of  our 
winter  quarters,  at  the  foot  of  the  Lake  of  the  Hinioues,  which 

is  called  Machihiganing  [Michigan]. 

******** 

These  Savages  had  withdrawn  to  those  regions  to  escape 
the  persecution  of  the  Iroquois,  and  settled  in  an  excellent 
ooimtry  — ^the  soil,  which  is  black  there,  yielding  them  Indian 
com  in  abundance.  They  live  by  hunting  during  the  Winter, 
returning  to  their  cabins  toward  its  close,  and  living  there  on 
Indian  com  that  they  had  hidden  away  the  previous  Autumn ; 
they  season  it  with  fish.  In  the  midst  of  their  clearings  they 
have  a  Fort,  where  their  cabins  of  heavy  bark  are  situated,  for 
resisting  all  sorts  of  attacks.  On  their  journeys,  they  make 
themselves  cabins  with  mats.  They  are  at  war  with  the  Na- 
douecious,  their  neighbors.  Canoes  are  not  used  by  them ;  and, 
for  that  reason,  they  do  not  make  war  on  the  Iroquois,  although 
they  are  often  killed  by  them.  They  are  held  in  very  low  esti- 
mation, and  are  considered  by  the  other  Nations  as  stingy, 
avaricious,  thieving,  choleric,  and  quarrelsome.  They  have  a 
poor  opinion  of  the  French,  ever  since  two  traders  in  Beaver- 
akins  appeared  among  them ;  if  these  men  had  behaved  as  they 
ought,  I  would  have  had  loss  trouble  in  giving  these  poor  peo- 
ple other  ideas  of  the  whole  French  Nation — ^which  they  are  bo- 
ginning  to  esteem,  since  I  explained  to  them  the  principal  and 

only  motive  that  brought  me  to  their  coimtry. 

******** 

On  the  twenty-ninth,  we  entered  the  River  which  leads  to 
the  Machkoutench,  who  are  called  by  the  Hurons  Assista  Ectae- 
ronnons,  "Nation  of  Fire."^  This  River  is  very  beautiful, 
without  rapids  or  portages,  and  flows  toward  the  Southwest. 


lit  is  generaUy  supposed  that  the  appellation  "Fire  Nation"  arose 
from  a  mistranslation  of  the  name  Mascouten,  which  more  properly 
signifies  "people  of  the  prairies."    W.  W.  Tooker,  however,  thinks  that 


1670]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  7 1 

On  the  thirtieth,  landing  opposite  the  Village,  and  leaving 
our  canoe  at  the  water's  edge,  after  walking  a  league  through 
beautiful  Prairies,  we  perceived  the  Fort  The  Savages,  espy- 
ing us,  immediately  gave  the  cry  in  their  Village,  hastened  to 
meet  us,  and  accompanied  us  with  honor  into  the  Cabin  of  the 
Chief,  where  refreshments  were  straightway  brought  to  us,  and 
the  feet  and  l^s  of  the  Frenchmen  with  me  were  anointed  with 
oil.  Afterward  a  feast  was  prepared,  which  was  attended  with 
the  following  ceremonies.  When  all  were  seated,  and  after 
some  had  filled  a  dish  with  powdered  tobacco,  an  Old  Man  arose 
and,  turning  to  me,  with  both  hands  full  of  tobacco  which  he 
took  from  the  dish,  harangued  me  as  follows:  "This  is  well, 
black  Gown,  that  thou  comest  to  visit  us.  Take  pity  on  us; 
thou  art  a  Manitou ;  we  give  thee  tobacco  to  smoke.  The  Nad- 
ouessious  and  the  Iroquois  are  eating  us ;  take  pity  on  us.  We 
are  often  ill,  our  children  are  dying,  we  are  hungry.  Hear  me, 
Manitou ;  I  give  thee  tobacco  to  smoke.  Let  the  earth  give  us 
com,  and  the  rivers  yield  us  fish ;  let  not  disease  kill  us  any  more, 
or  famine  treat  us  any  longer  so  harshly !"  At  each  desire  the 
Old  Men  who  were  present  uttered  a  loud  "Oh !"  in  response. 
I  had  a  horror  of  this  ceremony,  and,  begging  them  to  hear  me, 
I  told  them  that  it  was  not  I  to  whom  their  vows  must  be  ad- 
dressed; that  in  our  necessities  I  had  recourse  to  Prayer  to 
him  who  is  the  only  and  the  true  God ;  that  it  was  in  him  that 
they  ought  to  place  their  trust.  I  told  them  that  he  was  the  sole 
Master  of  all  things,  as  well  as  of  their  lives,  I  being  only  his 
servant  and  envoy;  that  he  was  my  sovereign  Lord,  as  well  as 
my  host's;  and  that  wise  men  nevertheless  willingly  honored 
and  listened  to  the  black  Gown,  as  being  a  person  who  is  heard 
by  the  great  God  and  is  his  Interpreter,  his  Officer,  and  his 
Domestic.  They  offered  us  a  veritable  sacrifice  like  that  which 
they  make  to  their  false  Gods. — Jes,  Relations,  liv,  12-16,  127^ 
237. 


the  Maacoutens  were  the  same  as  the  Bocootawanaukes  mentioned  by 
Strachey;  and  that  the  name  "Fire  Nation"  was  given  them  because 
they  used  fire  In  melting  copper.  See  his  Bocootawanaukhs  (N.  T., 
1901).  Luclen  Carr  thinks  that  the  Mascoutens  were  a  Shawnese  tribe; 
see  his  "Mascoutins/'  In  Amer.  Antiquarian  Soc.  Proceedings,  April, 
1900.— Ed. 


72  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.XVi 

1670:     DABLON'S  ACCOUNT  OP  COPPER  MINES  AT  LAKE 

SUPERIOR. 

[From  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1669-70.] 

Hitherto  it  had  been  thought  that  these  Mines  were  found 
only  in  one  or  two  Islands ;  but,  since  we  have  made  more  exact 
inquiries  on  the  subject,  we  have  learned  from  the  Savages 
some  secrets  which  they  did  not  wish  to  reveal.  It  has  been 
necessary  to  use  artifice  to  elicit  this  information,  and  to  dis- 
tinguish the  true  from  the  false. 

Still  we  do  not  vouch  for  the  truth  of  all  that  we  are  about  to 
relate,  upon  their  simple  deposition,  until  we  are  able  to  speak 
with  more  assurance  after  having  gone  in  person  to  the  places 
referred  to;  and  this  we  hope  to  do  this  Summer,  at  the  same 
time  when  we  go  in  search  of  lost  and  wandering  sheep  all 
through  the  region  of  that  great  Lake. 

Upon  entering  it  by  its  mouth,  where  it  empties  into  the 
Sault,  the  first  place  met  where  Copper  is  found  in  abundance, 
is  an  Island,  distant  forty  or  fifty  leagues  and  situated  toward 
the  North,  opposite  a  spot  called  Missipicouatong  [Michipico- 
ten]. 

The  Savages  say  that  it  is  a  floating  Island,  which  is  some- 
times far  off,  sometimes  near,  according  to  the  winds  that  push 
it  and  drive  it  in  all  directions.  They  add,  that  a  long  time 
ago  four  Savages  came  thither  by  chance,  having  lost  their  way 
in  the  fog  by  which  that  Island  is  almost  always  surrounded. 

It  was  in  the  times  before  they  had  yet  had  any  commerce 
with  the  French,  and  when  they  did  not  use  kettles  or  hatchets. 
These  men,  then,  wishing  to  prepare  themselves  something  to 
eat,  adopted  their  usual  method :  taking  some  stones  that  they 
found  at  tlie  water's  edge,  they  heated  them  red-hot,  and  threw 
them  into  a  bark  dish  filled  with  water,  to  make  it  boil,  and  by 
this  device  to  cook  tiieir  meat  While  selecting  these  stones, 
they  found  that  they  were  almost  all  pieces  of  Copper ;  accord- 
ingly they  made  use  of  some  of  them,  and,  after  taking  their 
repast,  resolved  to  embark  as  soon  as  possible,  fearing  the 
Lynxes  and  the  Hares,  which  are  as  large  as  Dogs  in  that  region, 
and  were  coming  to  eat  up  their  provisions  and  even  their 
Canoe. 


1670]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  73 

Before  setting  out,  they  loaded  themselves  with  a  good  many 
of  these  stones,  large  and  small,  and  even  with  some  slabs  of 
Copper ;  but  they  had  not  gone  far  from  the  shore  when  a  power- 
ful voice  made  itself  heard  to  their  ears,  calling  in  great  wrath : 
'Who  are  those  robbers  carrying  off  from  me  my  children's 
cradles  and  playthings?"  The  Copper  slabs  are  the  cradles, 
because  among  the  Savages  these  are  made  of  only  one  or  two 
boards  joined  together,  on  which  they  put  their  children  to  bed; 
and  those  little  pieces  of  Copper  that  they  were  carrying  off  are 
the  toys  and  playthings  of  the  Savage  children,  who  play 
together  with  little  stones. 

That  voice  astonished  them  greatly,  as  they  knew  not  whose 
it  was.  Some  say  that  it  was  Thunder,  because  there  are  many 
storms  there ;  and  others  that  it  was  a  certain  Spirit  whom  they 
call  Missibizi,  who  passes  among  these  peoples  for  the  God  of 
the  waters,  as  Neptune  did  among  the  Pagans.  Others  say  it 
came  from  Memogovissiouis :  these  are,  they  say,  marine  Peo- 
ple somewhat  like  the  fabulous  Tritons  or  the  Sirens,  who 
always  live  in  the  water  and  have  long  hair  reaching  to  the 
waist.  One  of  our  Savages  told  us  he  had  seen  one  of  them  in 
the  water,  according  to  what  he  imagined. 

However  this  may  be,  that  astounding  voice  inspired  such 
terror  in  our  Travelers'  souls  that  one  of  the  four  died  before 
reaching  land.  A  short  time  afterward  a  second  was  taken  off, 
and  then  the  third ;  so  that  only  one  was  left,  who,  after  return- 
ing to  his  Country  and  relating  all  that  had  happened,  died 
very  soon  afterward. 

The  Savages,  timid  and  superstitious  as  they  all  are,  have 
never  dared  to  go  there  since  that  time,  for  fear  of  dying  there, 
believing  that  there  are  certain  Spirits  who  kill  those  who 
approach  them.  And,  in  fact,  in  the  memory  of  man,  no  one 
has  been  kno^vn  to  set  foot  there,  or  even  to  be  willing  to  sail  in 
that  direction — although  the  Island  seems  to  be  open  enough, 
and  its  trees  may  even  be  distinguished  from  another  Island, 
named  Achemikouan. 

There  is  truth  and  there  is  untruth  in  this  whole  narrative, 
and  the  following  is  what  is  most  probable:  namely,  that  those 
four  persons  were  poisoned  by  the  water  that  they  boiled  with 


74  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

the  pieces  of  copper,  which  communicated  their  poison  to  it, 
owing  to  their  very  great  heat;  for  we  know  by  experience  that 
this  copper,  when  it  is  put  into  the  fire  for  the  first  time,  exhales 
very  malignant  vapors,  which  are  thick  and  infectious  and 
whiten  the  fireplace.  It  is  not,  however,  a  poison  so  immediate 
as  not  to  operate  more  promptly  in  some  cases  than  in  others, 
as  happened  with  those  of  whom  we  are  speaking;  who,  being 
already  affected  by  the  poison,  may  have  easily  imagined  that 
they  heard  those  voices,  if  they  heard,  however  slightly,  some 
echo,  such  as  is  conmionly  foimd  among  the  Bocks  bordering 
that  Island. 

Perhaps  this  fable  has  been  invented  since  the  event,  from 
not  knowing  to  what  to  attribute  the  death  of  those  Savages; 
and  when  they  say  that  it  is  a  floating  Island,  it  is  not  incred- 
ible that  the  mists  with  which  it  is  often  laden,  by  becoming 
thin  or  dense  imder  the  Sun's  rays,  make  the  Island  appear  to 
the  observer  sometimes  very  near,  and  at  other  times  farther 
away. 

What  is  certain  is  that,  in  the  common  opinion  of  the  Sav* 
ages,  there  is  a  great  abundance  of  Copper  in  that  Island ;  but 
they  dare  not  go  there.  It  is  there  that  we  hope  to  begin  the 
<iiscoveries  which  we  purpose  making  this  Summer. 

Advancing  as  far  as  the  part  called  ^^the  great  inlet,"  one 
<K)me8  to  an  Island  three  leagues  from  the  land,  renowned  for 
the  metal  that  is  found  there,  and  for  the  name  [Thundef\j 
which  it  bears  because  it  is  said  to  thimder  there  all  the  time. 

But  farther  toward  the  West,  on  the  same  North  side,  is 
found  the  Island  which  is  most  famous  for  Copper,  and  is  called 
Minong  [Isle  Royale]  ;  this  is  the  one  in  which,  as  the  Savages 
have  told  many  people,  the  metal  exists  in  abundance,  and  in 
many  places.  It  is  large,  and  is  fully  twenty-five  leagues  long; 
it  is  distant  seven  leagues  from  the  mainland,  and  more  than 
43ixty  from  the  end  of  the  Lake.  Pieces  of  Copper,  mingled  with 
the  stones,  are  found  at  the  water's  edge  almost  all  aroimd  the 
Island,  especially  on  the  South  side;  but  principally  in  a  cer- 
tain inlet  that  is  near  the  end  facing  the  Northeast,  toward  the 
ofling,  there  are  some  very  steep  clay  hills  where  are  seen  sev- 
eral strata  or  beds  of  red  Copper,  one  over  another,  separated  or 


1670]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  75 

•divided  by  other  strata  of  earth  or  of  Eocks.  In  the  water 
even  is  seen  Copper  sand  as  it  were ;  and  from  it  may  be  dipped 
up  with  ladles  grains  as  large  as  a  nut,  and  other  smaller  ones 
reduced  to  sand.  This  large  Island  is  almost  all  surrounded 
with  Islets  that  are  said  to  be  formed  of  Copper ;  they  are  en- 
ooimtered  in  various  places,  as  far  as  the  mainland  on  the 
North.  One,  among  others,  is  only  two  gunshots  distant  from 
Minong;  it  is  between  the  middle  of  the  Island  and  the  end  that 
faces  the  Northeast.  Again,  on  this  Northeast  side,  far  out  in 
the  lake,  there  is  another  Island  which,  because  of  the  copper 
in  which  it  abounds,  is  called  Manitouminis  [i.  e.,  ^^Island  of 
the  Spirit"]  ;  of  this  it  is  related  that  those  who  came  here  for- 
merly, upon  throwing  stones  at  the  ground,  made  it  ring,  just 
as  brass  is  wont  to  ring. 

Groing  on  to  the  end  of  the  Lake,  and  coming  back  a  day's 
journey  along  the  South  side,  one  sees  at  the  water's  edge  a  Eock 
of  Copper  weighing  fully  seven  or  eight  hundred  livres,  so  hard 
that  steel  can  scarcely  cut  it ;  yet,  when  it  is  heated,  it  may  be 
cut  like  lead. 

Twenty  or  thirty  leagues  this  side  of  that  spot  is  situated 
Chagaouamigong  [Chequamegon]  point,  where  we  have  estab- 
lished the  Mission  of  saint  Esprit,  of  which  we  shall  speak  here- 
after. Near  that  place  are  some  Islands,  on  the  shores  of  which 
are  often  found  Rocks  of  Copper,  and  even  slabs  of  the  same 
material. 

Last  Spring,  we  bought  from  the  Savages  a  slab  of  pure  Cop- 
per, two  feet  square,  and  weighing  more  than  a  hundred  livrea. 
It  is  not  thought,  however,  that  the  mines  are  found  in  the 
Islands,  but  that  all  these  Copper  pebbles  probably  come  from 
Minong  or  from  the  other  Islands  which  are  the  sources  of  it, 
borne  upon  floating  ice  or  rolled  along  in  the  depths  of  the 
water  by  the  very  impetuous  winds — particularly  by  the  North- 
east wind,  which  is  extremely  violent. 

It  is  true  that  on  the  Mainland,  at  the  place  where  the  Outa- 
ouaks  raise  Indian  com,  half  a  league  from  the  water's  edge, 
the  women  have  sometimes  found  pieces  of  Copper  scattered 
here  and  there,  of  the  weight  of  ten,  twenty,  or  thirty  livres. 
It  is  in  digging  up  the  sand  to  plant  their  com  that  they  make 
these  chance  discoveries. 


76  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

Still  returning  toward  the  mouth  of  the  Lake  and  following 
the  South  side,  at  twenty  leagues'  distance  from  the  spot  we 
have  just  mentioned  one  enters  the  river  called  Nantounagan 
[Ontonagon],  in  which  is  seen  a  height  from  which  stones  of 
red  Copper  fall  into  the  water  or  on  the  ground,  and  are  very 
easily  found.  Three  years  ago  we  were  given  a  massive  piece 
of  it,  a  hundred  livres  in  weight,  which  was  taken  in  this  same 
spot;  from  it  we  have  cut  off  some  fragments,  and  sent  them 
to  Quebec  to  Monsieur  Talon.^ 

All  do  not  agree  as  to  the  precise  spot  where  it  is  found,  some 
maintaining  that  it  is  where  the  river  begins  to  narrow,  and 
others  saying  that  it  is  encountered  very  near  the  Lake,  by  dig- 
ging in  the  clay.  Some  have  said  that  at  the  place  where  the 
River  forks,  and  in  the  channel  farthest  to  the  East,  on  this  side 
of  a  point  of  land,  one  must  dig  in  the  rich  earth  to  find  this 
Copper ;  and  that  pieces  of  this  metal  are  even  found  scattered 
in  the  channel  which  is  in  the  middle. 

Still  continuing  in  this  direction,  the  long  point  [Keweenaw] 
of  land  presents  itself  which  we  have  called  the  arrow  of  the 
bow;  at  its  end  there  is  only  an  Islet,  which  appears  to  be  six 
feet  square,  and  is  said  to  be  all  of  copper. 

Finally,  not  to  leave  any  part  of  this  great  Lake  that  we  have 
not  explored,  we  are  assured  that  in  the  interior,  toward  the 
South,  mines  of  this  metal  are  found  in  different  places. 

All  this  information  and  other  besides,  which  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  give  more  in  detail,  make  it  worth  while  to  imdertake 
an  exact  investigation  in  these  matters;  and  that  is  what  we 
shall  try  to  do— as  also  to  examine  a  certain  verdigris  which  is 
said  to  run  down  through  the  crevices  of  certain  Bocks  at  the 
waterside,  where  one  even  finds  among  the  pebbles  some  rather 
soft  pieces,  of  a  pleasant  green  hue.  If  Qod  guide  us  in  our 
enterprise,  we  shall  speak  about  it  next  year  with  more  cer- 
tainty and  knowledge. — Jes.  Relations,  liv,  pp.  153-165. 


ijean  Talon,  intendant  of  New  France  from  1663  to  1668.  He  did 
much  to  develop  the  natural  resources  of  the  country,  and  to  extend  ex- 
plorations in  the  Northwest — Ed. 


1670]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  ^^ 

1670:     CHEQUAMEGON  A  CENTER  OF  TRADE. 
[From  the  Jesuit  RelaXion  of  1669-70.] 

More  than  fifty  Villages  can  be  counted,  which  comprise 
divers  peoples,  either  nomadic  or  stationary,  who  depend  in 
some  sort  on  this  Mission ;  and  to  whom  the  Gk)spel  can  be  pro- 
claimed, either  by  going  into  their  Country,  or  waiting  for  them 
to  come  to  this  to  do  their  trading. 

The  three  Nations  comprised  under  the  name  of  Outaouaks, 
of  which  one  has  embraced  Christianity,  and  that  of  the 
Etionnontatehronnon  Hurons^ — among  whom  there  are  more 
than  five  hundred  baptized  persons — inhabit  this  point;  they 
live  there  on  fish  and  com,  and  rarely  by  hunting,  and  number 
more  than  fifteen  hundred  souls. 

The  Ilinois,  tribes  extending  toward  the  South,  have  five 
large  Villages,  of  which  one  has  a  stretch  of  three  leagues,  the 
cabins  being  placed  leng:thwise.  They  number  nearly  two  thou- 
sand souls,  and  repair  to  this  place  from  time  to  time  in  great 
numbers,  as  Merchants,  to  carry  away  hatchets  and  kettles, 
^ns,  and  other  articles  that  they  need.  During  the  sojourn 
that  they  make  here,  we  take  the  opportunity  to  sow  in  their 
hearts  the  first  seeds  of  the  Gospel.  Fuller  mention  will  be 
hereafter  made  of  these  peoples,  and  of  the  desire  which  they 
manifest  to  have  one  of  our  Fathers  among  them  to  instruct 
them ;  and  also  of  the  plan  formed  by  Father  Marquette  to  go 
thither  next  Autumn. 

Eight  days'  journey  from  here  toward  the  West  is  the  first 
of  the  thirty  Villages  of  the  [tfadouessi.  The  extensive  warfare 
carried  on  by  them  with  our  Hurons,  and  with  some  other 
Nations  of  those  Regions,  keeps  them  more  confined,  and  obliges 
them  to  come  hither  only  in  small  numbers,  and  as  if  on  an 
Embassy.  Of  them  also  mention  will  be  made  hereafter,  and 
of  what  the  said  Father  has  done  to  put  them  in  a  state  of  peace 
and  keep  them  there. 


iThe  Tionnonates,  or  Petun  (Tobacco)  Indians;  they  dwelt  west  of 
the  Hurons  (about  the  southern  end  of  Nottawasaga  Bay,  Ont),  to 
whom  they  were  racially  allied,  and  were  driven  from  their  country  by 
the  Iroquois  at  the  time  of  the  Huron  overthrow  (1649-50). — ^Bd. 


78  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvl 

Of  all  the  Nations  toward  the  North,  there  are  three,  among 
others,  who  come  to  trade  here ;  and  very  recently  two  hundred 
Canoes  passed  some  time  here. — Jes.  Relations j  liv,  pp.  165- 
167. 


1670-73:     JESUIT  MISSIONS  IN  THE  LAKE  REGION;  TRIBAL 

MIGRATIONS. 

[From  the  Jesuit  Relations  of  1670-71,  1671-72,  and  1672-73.] 

[Synopsis:  In  Part  ni  of  the  Relation  of  1670-71  are  de- 
scribed the  Ottawa  missions.  It  opens  with  a  survey  of  these 
missions,  of  the  tribes  that  they  reach,  and  of  the  regions  inhab- 
ited by  those  peoples;  this  resume  is  illustrated  by  a  map  of 
Lake  Superior  and  the  adjacent  lands,  prepared  by  some  of  the 
missionaries.  Besides  the  missions  already  familiar  to  the 
reader  of  these  accounts, — at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  Chequamegon, 
and  Green  Bav, — several  new  ones  have  been  founded.  New 
locations  are  assigned  to  several  tribes  that  have  been  mentioned 
in  previous  documents ;  for  the  fierce  Iroquois  on  the  east,  and 
the  Sioux  on  the  west,  have  made  numerous  raids  upon  the 
weaker  tribes,  who  flee  to  whatever  regions  seem  to  offer  even 
temporary  security  from  their  foes. 

Dablon  then  relates  how  all  the  North  and  West  has  been 
annexed  to  the  crown  of  France,  the  king  "subjecting  these 
nations  to  Jesus  Christ's  dominion  before  placing  them  under 
his  own."  This  is  accomplished  by  a  formal  ceremony  at  Sault 
Ste.  Marie  (June  4,  1671),  at  which  St.  Lusgon  takes  posses- 
sion, in  the  name  of  the  king,  of  the  territories  "from  Montreal 
as  far  as  the  South  Sea,  covering  the  utmost  extent  and  range 
possible."  He  plants  a  cross  there,  and  raises  over  it  the  French 
royal  standard,  with  ceremonies  both  civil  and  religious.  Rep- 
resentatives of  fourteen  different  tribes  are  present,  whom 
Allouez  addresses  in  eulogy  of  the  king — "giving  them  such  an 
idea  of  our  incomparable  Monarch's  greatness  that  they  have 
no  words  with  which  to  express  their  thoughts  upon  the  sub- 
ject."    His  speech  is  reported  at  length ;  it  is  followed  by  one 


1670-73]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  79 

from  St  Lueson,  "in  martial  and  eloquent  language."  The 
ceremonies  close  with  a  bonfire,  "aroimd  which  the  Te  Deum 
was  sung  to  thank  God,  on  behalf  of  those  poor  peoples,  that 
they  were  now  the  subjects  of  so  great  and  powerful  a  mon- 
arch."i 

A  report  of  the  various  branches  of  the  Ottawa  mission  is 
now  made.  At  the  Sault,  Druillettes  is  in  charge.  An  epi- 
demic breaks  out  there  among  the  Indians,  but  wonderful  cures 
of  the  sick  are  wrought  by  prayer — in  cases  of  fever,  hemor- 
rhage, and  even  of  paralysis,  blindness,  and  deafness.  These 
wonders  lead  the  savages  to  embrace  the  faith ;  even  the  elders 
are  desirous  of  instruction  and  baptism,  and  publicly  declare 
(October  11,  1670)  that  "the  Sault  is  Christian,  and  that  the 
God  of  prayer  is  the  Master  of  life."  Many  of  these  miracu- 
lous cures  are  related  in  detail.  The  result  is  equally  marvel- 
ous; the  chapel  is  filled  on  Sundays,  and  in  the  cabins 
instructions  are  given  both  day  and  night.  In  less  than  six 
months,  Druillettes  has  baptized  more  than  six-score  children. 
But  such  blessings  from  Grod,  and  such  honors  paid  to  him, 
"doubtless  stirred  the  wrath  of  Hell  against  this  infant 
Church;"  the  chapel  is  consumed  by  fire  January  27,  1671. 
Another  and  much  finer  building  is  soon  erected,  however ;  and 
"in  it  were  baptized  in  a  single  day  as  many  as  twenty-six  chil- 
dren." 

The  Ottawas  have  been  driven  by  the  Sioux  from  Chequame- 
gon  Bay,  and  part  of  the  refugees  have  returned  to  their  old 
home  on  Manitoulin  Island.  They  ask  for  a  priest,  and  Andr6 
is  assigned  to  this  post.  In  the  Relation  is  published  the  re- 
port of  Andre  upon  his  labors  since  August,  1670,  among  the 
tribes  about  Lake  Huron.  He  first  goes  to  the  Mississaguas, 
whom  he  finds  so  pressed  by  famine  that  they  are  living  on  the 
inner  bark  of  the  fir-tree ;  but  he  is  able  to  baptize  seven  new- 
bom  infants.  On  an  island  in  Georgian  Bay,  he  finds  a  large 
concourse  of  Indians  from  various  tribes,  who  are  "resuscitat- 
ing" a  dead  chief — that  is,  giving  his  name  to  his  son.  The 
Father  addresses  the  assembly,  urging  them  to  accept  the  Chris- 


iFor  the  procds-verbal  drawn  up  by  St.  Lusson  on  this  occasion,  see 
WU,  Hist.  Colls,,  xl,  pp.  26-29.— Ed. 


8o  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

tian  faith,  and  to  recognize  the  authority  of  the  French  gov- 
ernor. He  then  goes  among  the  cabins,  exhorting  individuals ; 
"in  twelve  days  I  baptized  fifteen  little  children,  while  I  left 
no  one  without  adequate  instruction."  Thence  he  proceeded 
to  Manitoulin  Island,  the  old  home  of  the  Ottawas,  to  which 
many  of  them  have  returned.  With  them  he  remains  until 
famine  disperses  the  people,  and  he  is  compelled  to  depart,  after 
almost  perishing  from  starvation.  His  next  station  is  Lake 
Nipissing,  where  he  remains  three  months ;  he  there  gains  "four- 
teen Spiritual  children,  through  Holy  Baptism."  Although  he 
suffers  greatly  from  hunger,  he  is  able  to  keep  alive  with  acorns 
and  rock  tripe  (an  edible  lichen).  When  the  ice  melts,  he  re- 
turns to  Manitoulin,  and  instructs  the  Beaver  tribe  [Ami- 
koues]  ;  they  can  now  capture  enough  moose  to  live  in  compara- 
tive comfort. 

A  long  description  is  given  of  Mackinac  Island,  its  fisheries, 
its  phenomena  of  wind  and  tide,  and  the  tribes  who,  now  and 
in  the  past,  have  made  it  their  abode.  A  favorite  resort  for  all 
the  Algonkin  tribes;  many  are  returning  to  it  since  the  peace 
with  the  Iroquois.  On  this  account,  the  Jesuits  have  begun  a 
new  mission,  apparently  on  the  island,  called  St  Ignace. 
Thither  have  fled  the  Hurons,  driven  from  Chequamegon  Bay 
by  fear  of  the  Sioux,  "The  Iroquois  of  the  West;"  and  Mar- 
quette follows  his  flock. 

The  Relation  is  here  interrupted  by  a  detailed  account  of  a 
remarkable  display  of  parhelia  ("sun-dogs,"  in  common  par- 
lance), which  appeared  on  the  upper  lakes  in  January  and 
March  respectively,  in  1671. 

Besuming  his  report  of  the  missions,  Dablon  next  describes 
that  at  Green  Bay.  He  enumerates  and  locates  the  tribes  dwell- 
ing in  Wisconsin.  He  relates  a  journey  made  by  himself  and 
AUouez,  in  the  autumn  of  1670,  to  visit  the  tribes  in  the  central 
and  southern  parts  of  the  State.  Arriving  at  Green  Bay,  they 
find  serious  disturbances— the  Indians  are  plundering  and  ill- 
treating  the  French  traders  there,  in  revenge  for  wrongs  which 
they  have  received  from  the  soldiers  at  the  French  settlements. 
The  Fathers  quiet  the  savages,  and  call  them  together  in  a  coun- 
cil ;  they  announce  the  purpose  of  their  coining  hither,  to  teach 


^ 


1670-73]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  8 1 

the  Indians  the  way  to  heaven,  and  they  also  reprimand  the  lat- 
ter for  the  current  disturbances.  On  this  occasion  some  of  the 
warriors  attempt  to  imitate  the  appearance  and  drill  of  the 
French  soldiers  at  Quebec,  but  make  themselves  "the  more  ridio- 
ulouSy  the  more  they  tried  to  comport  themselves  seriously. 
We  had  difficulty  in  refraining  from  laughter,  although  we  were 
treating  of  only  the  most  important  matters — ^the  Mysteries  of 
our  Beligion,  and  what  must  be  done  in  order  not  to  bum  for- 
ever in  Hell." 

The  Fathers  proceed  up  the  Fox  river,  to  visit  the  tribes 
thereon ;  they  find  at  the  De  Pere  rapids  a  sort  of  idol,  adored 
by  the  savages — a  rock,  resembling  a  himxan  bust.  This  the 
missionaries  remove,  and  cast  to  the  bottom  of  the  river.  After 
passing  all  the  rapids,  they  reach  the  prairies  and  "oak-open- 
ings" of  Winnebago  county — "the  fairest  land  possible  to  be^ 
hold;"  its  beauty  is  vividly  portrayed  in  their  accoimt.  Here 
the  abundance  of  game  and  wild  rice  renders  the  savages  seden* 
tary.  They  reach  the  Mascoutens  and  Miamis,  who  have  fixed 
their  abode  in  the  same  place,  for  common  defense  against  the 
Iroquois.  The  Fathers  address  these  people  upon  their  need 
of  the  Christian  religion,  reinforcing  their  appeals,  as  usual, 
with  a  picture  of  the  judgment-day,  and  a  description  of  "the 
happiness  of  the  Saints  and  the  torments  of  the  damned."  The 
Indians  listen  with  great  wonder  and  respect;  and  afterward, 
not  satisfied  with  the  instruction  given  them  through  the  day, 
"assembled  dnring  the  night,  in  crowds,  to  hear  a  more  detailed 
account  of  the  Mysteries  about  which  they  had  been  told."  The 
Fathers  are  regaled  with  many  feasts,  and  have  free  access  to 
the  cabins;  they  avail  themselves  of  every  opportimity  to  in- 
struct the  people.  Among  three  thousand  souls  they  find  but 
one  sick  person — a  child  who  is  dying  of  consumption.  After 
receiving  baptism,  this  child  is  restored  to  health. 

Dablon  devotes  a  chapter  to  the  character,  manners,  and  cus^ 

toms  of  the  Illinois  Indians,  some  of  whom  have  come  to  dwell 

with  the  Mascoutens ;  and  to  the  Mississippi  river  and  valley, 

so  far  as  he  has  learned  about  that  region  from  the  reports  of 

the  savages.     He  is  delighted  with  tlic  mildness  and  politeness 

of  the  Illinois  tribe,  and  dilates  upon  the  noble  character  and 
7 


82  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

kindness  of  their  chief,  who  shows  the  missionaries  every  atten* 
tion ;  they  have  strong  hope  that  he  will  embrace  the  faith.  All 
these  people  show  great  docility,  and  are  much  less  superstitious 
than  the  Ottawas  and  other  Algonkin  tribes.  They  offer  no 
sacrifices  to  spirits,  and  worship  only  the  sun.  They  promise 
to  build  a  chapel  for  the  missionaries,  when  the  latter  come  back 
to  them.  After  the  Fathers  return  to  Green  Bay,  AUouez  goes 
(February,  1671)  to  the  Outagami  (Fox)  tribe,  where  he 
founds  the  mission  of  St.  Mark.  These  savages  are  haughty 
and  insolent,  and  at  first  bestow  upon  him  only  rebuffs  and 
mockery.  But  Allouez  perseveres  in  his  efforts  to  reach  them 
with  the  Grospel,  "cheering  some  with  the  hope  of  Paradise,  and 
frightening  others  with  the  fear  of  Hell.''  After  a  time,  he 
secures  their  attention,  and  even  their  affection;  he  baptises 
seven  persons,  and  the  elders  promise  to  build  him  a  chapel 
when  he  shall  return  to  them.  All  these  tribes  regard  the 
Fathers  as  manitous,  or  spirits.] — Jes.  Relations,  Iv,  pp.  10-16, 
95-225. 


[Synopsis :  It  is  in  the  Ottawa  missions  that  the  Jesuits  have 
reaped  most  of  their  harvest  during  the  past  year  (1671-72). 
Their  gains  are  thus  triumphantly  announced:  "More  than 
three  hundred  baptisms  conferred  in  one  year;  more  than 
twenty-five  nations  illuminated  by  the  light  of  the  Gk)8pel ;  many 
sick  persons  restored  to  health  in  a  very  extraordinary  maimer ; 
Churches  erected  and  Crosses  planted  in  the  midst  of  adolatry ; 
the  Faith  borne  far  to  the  North  and  South."  A  more  detailed 
account  of  this  work  is  begun  by  the  journal  of  Nouvel,^  who 
has  spent  the  winter  among  the  Beaver  Indians,  on  the  north 
shore  of  Qeorgian  Bay.  His  mission  b^ns  well,  but  the  devil 
is  envious  of  his  success,  and  stirs  up  trouble  for  him  with  the 
medicine-men.  By  Grod's  grace,  he  is  able  to  vanquish  his 
opponents  one  of  whom,  at  the  Father's  bidding,  erects  a  large 
cross  for  the  veneration  of  his  tribesmen.     During  the  winter 


1  Henri  Nouvel  entered  the  Canada  mission  in  1662,  and  labored  aman^ 
the  tribes  of  the  Upper  Lakes  from  1671  to  1700;  he  was  superior  of  the 
Ottawa  mission  during  some  thirteen  years. — Ed. 


I67O-73J  FRENXH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  83 

Nouvel  makes  various  excursions  to  neighboring  encampments, 
here  and  there  baptizing  a  few,  mainly  children — except  at 
Manitoulin  Island,  where  he  receives  into  the  Church  f ourteein 
adults  and  youth.  He  relates  several  instances  of  marvelous 
cures  wrought  in  sickness,  by  water  in  which  certain  relics  of  the 
martyr  Brebeuf  have  been  dipped. 

At  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  one  hundred  and  forty-five  baptisms  are 
recorded.  A  church  has  recently  been  built  there,  which  is  the 
object  of  much  admiration,  from  Frenchmen  as  well  as  savages. 
The  rest  of  the  report  from  this  mission  is  occupied  with 
accounts  of  miraculous  cures  wrought  by  prayer  and  holy 
water.  These  wonders  "have  gone  far  toward  eradicating  the 
two  chief  vices  prevalent  among  these  Tribes,  jugglery  and 
polygamy."  "Those  who  recognize  only  the  true  Gtod  enjoy 
perfect  health.  We  see,  in  fine,  Christianity  becoming  estab- 
lished here,  despite  all  hell." 

The  mission  of  St.  Ignace,  apparently  on  Mackinac  Island, 
was  recently  opened  for  the  benefit  of  the  Hurons,  who  have  fled 
thither  from  Chequamegon  Bay  in  dread  of  the  hostile  Sioux 
tribes.  Marquette  has  accompanied  them,  and  has  charge  of 
the  mission.  Such  of  these  Hurons  "as  have  continued  in  the 
faith  now  display  great  fervor." 

A  chapel  has  been  built  for  the  Green  Bay  mission,  at  the 
De  Pere  rapids.  The  advantages  of  this  location  are  recounted 
at  length.  The  writer  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the 
methods  employed  by  the  savages  of  the  place  in  catching  fish, 
and  praises  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  surrounding  country. 
AUouez  and  Andre  are  laboring  with  those  tribes — the  former, 
with  the  inland  tribes  on  the  Fox  and  Wolf  rivers;  the  latter, 
with  those  about  De  Pere  and  along  the  shores  of  Green  Bay. 
The  divinities  venerated  by  these  tribes,  and  their  superstitions 
regarding  them,  are  recounted.  Andre  makes  a  strong  impres- 
sion on  the  minds  of  his  savages  by  songs, — composed  in  the 
Indian  tongue,  but  sung  to  French  airs, — ^which  he  accompanies 
with  a  flute.  These  songs,  many  of  which  are  expressly  di- 
rected against  their  superstitions,  he  teaches  to  the  children; 
and  with  a  band  of  "these  little  Savage  musicians"  he  goes 
about  the  villages,  "to  declare  war  on  Jugglers,  Dreamers,  and 


84  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

those  who  have  had  several  wives."  He  also  employs  pictures 
to  instruct  the  people ;  and  spends  the  winter  in  going  from  one 
village  to  another,  instructing  and  baptizing.  He  is  subject,  of 
course,  to  trials  and  annoyances,  "but  such  Crosses  are  the  de- 
light of  Missionaries."  Andre  adds  notes  of  his  observations 
upon  the  apparent  tides  in  Green  Bay. 

Among  the  tribes  of  Central  Wisconsin,  AUouez  has  accom- 
plished much — instructing  savages  of  five  different  tongues,  of 
whom  some  had  never  before  seen  a  Frenchman.  The  Mascou- 
tens  and  Illinois  "receive  him  as  an  Angel  from  Heaven,  and 
crowd  about  him,  both  day  and  night."  The  Outagamies  are 
especially  interested  in  the  cross;  almost  every  one,  young  or 
old,  frequently  makes  its  sign,  and  a  war-party  from  this  tribe 
believe  that  they  have  won  a  battle  by  this  means.  Allouez 
erects  in  their  village  a  large  cross,  "thus  taking  possession  of 
those  infidel  lands  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ."] — Jes.  Rela- 
tions, Ivi,  pp.  11-14,  107-147. 


[Synopsis:  The  mission  to  the  Ottawas  is  now  on  Lake 
Huron  and  Green  Bay,  for  the  Algonkin  tribes  have  been  driven 
by  the  Sioux  from  the  shores  of  Superior.  This  facilitates  the 
work  of  the  missionaries,  who  this  year  (1672-73)  have  met 
with  unusual  success^  having  baptized  over  four  hundred  per- 
sons. At  Sault  Ste.  Marie  the  Indians  have  begun  to  plant 
Indian  com.  A  church  has  recently  been  erected,  which  is 
well  frequented  by  the  savages,  who  there  pray  "to  Jesus,  the 
God  of  war,"  as  one  of  their  chiefs  entitles  hiuL  A  church  has 
been  built  at  De  Pere  also,  which  excites  much  religious  fervor 
among  the  Wisconsin  tribes.  The  Kiskakons  at  the  Sault  have 
been  urged  by  the  Ottawas  of  Manitoulin  Island  to  dwell  with 
them — ^where,  according  to  Dablon,  "polygamy  and  Juggleries 
seem  to  have  dedicated  most  of  the  Cabins  to  hell."  But  "those 
instruments  of  the  Demon"  fail  to  draw  away  the  Kiskakons 
from  their  loyalty  to  the  Church.  Druillettes,  who  is  in  charge 
at  the  Sault,  also  cares  for  the  Mississaguas,  dwelling  on  the 
north  shore  of  Lake  Huron.  They  receive  him  most  hospitably 
and  kindly.     To  the  twenty  converts  already  there  he  adds 


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I 


1670-73]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  85 

twenty-three  newly  baptized,  and  the  elders  beg  him  to  return 
soon  to  continue  their  instruction. 

A  chapter  is  devoted  to  "marvels  that  God  wrought  at  Ste. 
Marie  du  Sault."  These  include,  besides  the  cure  of  various 
diseases  through  prayer  and  holy  water,  the  successful  raid  of 
an  Algonkin  band  against  the  Sioux, — ^the  former  not  even  re- 
ceiving any  wound  or  other  injury, — this  also  in  answer  to  their 
prayers.  Among  the  Kiskakons — who,  as  a  tribe,  have  em- 
braced the  Christian  faith — "the  children  hardly  ever  die ;"  and 
those  who  die  prove  to  be  "the  children  of  those  who  were 
addicted  to  polygamy,  or  of  their  nearest  relatives."  Many 
Christians  have  been  marvelously  aided  in  temporal  matters,  or 
saved  from  death.  These  wonders  have  greatly  impressed  the 
minds  of  the  savages ;  in  consequence,  the  numbers  of  the  bap- 
tized are  increasing,  and  the  medicine-men  often  renounce  their 
superstitions.  But,  if  God  grants  such  success,  he  "makes  the 
Missionaries  pay  very  dearly  for  it."  Father  Nouvel  has  sev- 
eral times  narrowly  escaped  death — once  at  the  hands  of  an 
angry  medicine-man ;  and  for  all  there  are  many  hardships. 
The  mission  of  the  Apostles,  among  the  northern  islands  in 
Lake  Huron,  "formerly  affording  much  consolation  to  the  mis- 
sionaries, has  this  year  yielded  almost  nothing  but  thorns  and 
difficulties  to  Father  Bailloquet,  who  has  charge  of  it ;"  this  is 
due  to  "the  malice  of  some  old  men,"  who  wish  to  get  rid  of  the 
Father.  He,  too,  has  imperiled  his  life  by  his  zeal;  and  has 
often  been  driven  from  the  cabins.  The  few  who  profess  the 
faith  show,  however,  great  constancy  therein,  and  refuse  to 
yield  to  the  superstitious  customs  around  them. 

A  report  from  the  mission  of  St.  Ignace  is  made  by  Mar- 
quette, in  a  letter  to  the  superior,  Dablon.  There  the  remnant 
of  the  Tobacco  tribe  of  Hurons  have  settled,  and  are  imder 
Marquette's  spiritual  care.  They  are  becoming  more  tractable^ 
but  "God  alone  can  give  firmness  to  their  fickle  minds."  In 
general,  they  manifest  much  esteem  for  the  Father,  and  respect 
for  the  faith.  In  the  autumn,  most  of  his  savages  go  hunting ; 
those  who  remain  ask  his  sanction  for  their  dances.  The  chapel 
services  are  well  attended,  despite  the  severe  cold.  Marquette 
visits  his  parishioners  in  their  fields,  at  a  considerable  distance 


86  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

from  the  village.  He  has  baptized  only  two  adults.  In  obedi- 
ence to  his  superior's  orders,  the  Father  is  preparing  to  under- 
take a  journey  of  exploration  toward  the  South  Sea. 

Allouez  and  Andre  conduct  the  mission  at  St.  Frangois  Xavier, 
at  De  Pere,  and  its  neighborhood — Andre  caring  for  the  sav- 
ages residing  at  or  near  Green  Bay,  and  Allouez  for  those  up  the 
Fox  and  Wolf  rivers.  A  letter  from  the  former  states  that  a 
fire  in  his  cabin  burned  (December  22,  1672)  his  diary  and 
writing  materials.  He  describes  his  labors  during  the  rest  of 
that  winter,  at  a  fishing  village  on  the  bay.  The  natives  at 
once  build  him  a  new  cabin ;  it  includes  a  chapel,  at  which  the 
women  and  children  are  assiduous  attendants.  The  great  obsta- 
cles to  the  missionary's  success  are  the  dependence  of  these  j)eo- 
ple  upon  dreams,  and  the  belief  of  the  warriors  that  prayer  is  not 
for  them,  but  for  the  women  and  children.  Andre  recounts 
various  debates  which  he  holds  with  the  chiefs  on  this  and  like 
questions.  One  of  them  admits  frankly,  **We  care  very  little 
whether  it  be  the  devil  or  God  that  gives  us  food."  Notwith- 
standing his  opposition  to  their  false  gods,  Andre  is  able  to  say : 
'*I  have  had  no  trouble  this  year  with  the  savages ;"  and,  indeed, 
they  endeavor  to  please  him  in  various  ways.  Some  even  re- 
noimce  their  superstitions,  and  accept  God  as  their  only  man- 
itou.  Andre  does  not  ascribe  this  improvement  to  his  own 
efforts  during  his  three  months'  stay;  but  "God  accomplished 
this,  through  the  great  numbers  of  sturgeon  that  were  speared 
there" — ^which  makes  them  conclude  that  their  deity  is  worth 
nothing,  since  they  secure  abundance  of  fish  without  invoking 
him.  The  Father  baptizes  ten  adults  and  nine  children  during 
his  sojourn  there.  He  then  proceeds  to  the  Suamico  river, 
where  there  is  a  village  of  Pottawattomies.  These  savages 
entreat  the  Father  to  procure  for  them,  by  his  prayers,  success 
in  their  fishery.  He  refuses  to  do  so  unless  they  renounce 
their  false  deities,  which  they  readily  promise  to  do.  One  of 
them  gives  a  feast,  at  which,  as  he  assures  Andre,  he  "Imperson- 
ated God,  and  not  the  Devil.  I  told  him  that  I  knew  that  he 
was  worthless,  and  had  no  esteem  for  prayer.  He  is  called 
porceau  [*the  hog'],  and  he  is  a  true  hog  in  his  conduct"  The 
Father  says,  in  reference  to  their  answers  to  his  inquiries  about 


167O-73J  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  87 

the  superstitious  observances  at  their  feasts,  *^ut  The  savages 
are  too  great  liars  to  be  Believed."  "However,"  he  adds,  "I 
have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  the  girls,"  who  are 
always  assiduous  in  attending  and  in  learning  the  prayers. 
The  children  clean  their  faces  when  Andr6  tells  them  to;  and 
"even  the  young  men  came  in  the  evening  to  pray,  and  not  to 
see  the  girls,  *  *  *  hoping  that  God  wojald  give  them 
sturgeon,  and  manifesting  their  belief  that  their  dreams  were 
folly."  At  the  close  of  Andre's  report,  he  adds  some  curious 
observations  regarding  the  apparent  tides  in  the  Fox  River. 
He  ascribes  these  to  the  action  of  the  wind. 

Allouez's  work  among  the  Wisconsin  tribes  is  described  in  his 
report  to  his  superior.  In  May,  1672,  he  goes  to  the  Mascouten 
village  on  the  upper  Fox  river.  Here  he  finds  nearly  two  hun- 
dred cabins  of  savages,  representing  five  tribes.  A  cabin  is 
erected,  for  his  chapel;  but,  when  he  undertakes  to  say  mass, 
so  great  a  crowd  assembles,  and  so  great  is  their  curiosity  "to 
see  the  black  gown,"  that  for  some  time  he  cannot  even  make 
himself  heard  by  them.  He  succeeds  at  last  in  explaining  the 
ceremony  to  them,  when  they  show  profoimd  respect,  and  even 
refrain  from  smoking  and  talking  while  Allouez  is  using  the 
chapel.  Crowds  attend  his  instructions  every  day,  and  he  says, 
"I  had  barely  time  to  take  my  food."  He  erects  a  great  cross; 
and  his  parishioners  hang  upon  it  "clusters  of  Indian  com, 
girdles,  and  red  garters,"  to  show  their  veneration.  Two  of  the 
tribes  begin  to  quarrel  over  it,  each  desiring  to  have  it  when  the 
Father  shall  depart;  "this  holy  contention  gave  me  joy."  He 
settles  it  by  erecting  another  cross  in  the  rival  encampment. 
Allouez  remains  among  these  people  until  September  6,  when 
he  sets  out  on  his  return  to  De  Pere.  His  canoe  is  wrecked  in 
the  Appleton  rapids ;  all  his  baggage  is  soaked  with  water,  but 
fortunately  is  not  lost.  With  one  of  his  boatmen,  who  is  ill,  he 
remains  eight  days  on  "an  Islet  ten  feet  Long,"  until  his  men 
can  procure  another  canoe.  They  then  return  safely  to  the 
mission-house  at  De  Pere. 

In  the  mission  of  St.  Frangois  Xavier,  which  includes  the 
Pottawattomie  village  on  the  east  shore  of  Green  Bay,  Allouez 
baptizes  thirty-four  persons  during  the  year^ — all  children,  ex- 


88  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

cept  one  sick  man.  After  September,  lie  dwells  in  his  house 
alone — the  savages  all  departing,  ^Tbecause  this  year  there  are 
neither  acorns  nor  Ducks."  Many  parties  of  Indians  pass  that 
way,  however,  going  to  or  returning  from  their  hunting;  these 
he  instructs  as  he  has  opportunity. 

At  St.  Mark^s,  among  the  Foxes,  he  has  baptized  forty-eight. 
In  November,  he  goes  there  to  visit  some  sick  converts,  of  whose 
religious  experiences  he  gives  some  account.  In  February, 
1673,  he  again  visits  them,  but  finds  that  they  have  been  pre- 
judiced against  the  faith  by  the  Iroquois.  Moreover,  notwith- 
standing their  prayers  to  God,  they  have  lost  many  warriors  at 
the  hands  of  the  Sioux.  He  says  mass  every  day,  and  preaches 
boldly  against  their  superstitions  and  their  licentious  customs ; 
yet  no  one  interferes  vdth  him.  "This  is  a  special  grace  for 
this  village,  where  the  people  are  self-willed  beyond  anything 
that  can  be  imagined."  Allouez  relates  the  course  of  events 
during  his  stay  there.  They  listen  to  him  readily,  but  are  eas- 
ily diverted  from  belief  in  the  new  faith,  especially  when  it 
does  not  protect  them  from  their  enemies. 

The  Father  departs,  April  30,  for  the  Mascouten  village, 
where  he  is  welcomed  by  a  friendly  but  noisy  crowd,  so  anxious 
to  get  inside  his  chapel  that,  as  before,  they  tear  off  the  rush 
mats  of  which  it  is  made.  Of  the  Miami  Indians,  who  also 
dwell  here,  some  profess  the  faith ;  but  others  do  not  approve  of 
the  Father's  preaching.  He  observes,  however,  that  all  those 
who  believe  have  not  suffered  from  hunger  during  the  winter, 
while  the  pagans  have  experienced  such  famine  that  some  of 
them  died.  The  Miamis  have  given  up  invocations  to  their 
manitous,  and  invoke  "him  who  has  made  Heaven  and  earth.'' 

Marquette  has  departed  on  his  voyage  toward  the  South  Sea, 
and  AlbaneP  has  again  set  out  for  Hudson  Bay.] — Jes.  BelO' 
Uons,  Ivii,  pp.  15-18,  203-301 ;  Iviii,  21-73. 

1  Charles  Albanel  came  to  Canada  in  1649,  and  was  long  a  missionary 
among  the  Montagnais.  In  1671-72,  he  was  sent  to  Hudson  Bay  by  TBt 
Ion,  to  take  possession  of  that  region  for  France.  In  1676  he  began 
labor  in  the  Ottawa  missions,  where  he  remained  until  his  death  (1696). 
He  was  stationed  at  Green  Bay  during  1676-83. — Ed. 


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1673]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  89 

1673:    JOLIET  AND  MARQUETTE  DISCOVER  THE  UPPER 

MISSISSIPPI. 

[From  a  document  in  the  Jesuit  Relations.'! 

[Synopsis:  The  journal  of  Father  Marquette  describes  the 
voyage  in  which  he  and  Joliet  discovered  and  explored  the  Mis- 
sissippi river.  It  is  prefaced  with  a  brief  note  by  Dablon, 
which  mentions  Marquette's  early  desire  to  carry  the  gospel  to 
the  Southern  tribes,  and  his  opportunity  for  doing' so  when 
Joliet  is  chosen  by  Frontenac  and  Talon  to  explore  the  then 
unknown  water-routes  beyond  Lake  Michigan.  Dablon  also 
praises  the  fitness  of  Joliet  for  this  undertaking.^ 

Marquette  recounts  the  details  of  their  voyage,  w^hich  begins 
May  17,  1673,  at  the  St.  Ignace  mission.  They  journey  via 
Green  Bay,  visiting  on  the  way  the  Menomonee  Indians,  who 
endeavor  to  dissuade  them  from  their  enterprise — saying  that 

1  Jacques  Marquette,  born  in  1673,  entered  the  Jesuit  order  at  the  age 
of  seventeen.  Joining  the  Canadian  mission  in  1666,  he  was,  three  years 
later,  sent  to  the  Ottawas  at  Chequamegon,  and  in  1671  founded  the 
Mackinac  (or  St  Ignace)  mission  to  the  Hurons.  After  his  famous 
voyage  of  discovery  and  exploration  on  the  Mississippi  river,  he  re- 
turned to  Green  Bay;  a  year  later  he  founded  the  mission  to  the  Illinois 
Indians.  His  health  giving  way,  he  departed  thence  to  go  to  Mackinac; 
but  died  on  the  way  (May  18,  1675),  at  the  mouth  of  Marquette 
river,  Mich. 

On  this  voyage  Marquette  was  the  companion  of  Louis  Joliet  sent  by 
the  Canadian  authorities  to  explore  the  terra  incognita  west  of  the  Fox 
river  of  Green  Bay.  Joliet  had  been  educated  at  the  Jesuit  college  of 
Quebec;  had  explored  the  Lake  Superior  copper  region  in  1669;  and 
accompanied  St  Lusson  when  the  latter  took  possession  (1671)  of  the 
Northwest.  Returning  from  his  Mississippi  expedition,  Joliet  lost  all 
his  papers  in  the  wreck  of  his  canoe  near  Montreal,  but  afterward  pre- 
pared other  copies  of  them,  and  of  his  noted  map,  for  the  French  gov- 
ernment In  1679  he  made  a  vosrage  to  Hudson  Bay.  In  1679-80  he  ob- 
tained grants  of  Islands  (Mingan  and  Anticosti)  noted  for  their  val- 
uable fisheries;  but  he  died  (about  1700)  a  poor  man.  For  more  de- 
tailed information  regarding  both  these  explorers,  see  Gagnon's  "Louis 
Jolliet"  (Rev.  Canadienne,  1900-01),  Thwaites's  Father  Marquette 
(N.  T.,  1902 T>  and  Jes,  Relations,  1,  pp.  323-325;  for  reproductions  of 
their  maps,  Id,,  lix.,  pp.  86, 108, 154;  Marquette's  report  of  his  first  voy- 
age, and  journal  of  his  second,  are  given  in  full  in  vol.  lix. — ^Bd. 


90  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 

there  are  ferocious  tribes  on  the  great  river,  some  of  whom  are 
at  war  together,  who  will  kill  any  stranger ;  that  horrible  mon- 
sters and  demons  will  endanger  their  lives,  etc. 

Passing  through  the  bay,  amd  ascending  the  Fox  river,  they 
arrive  at  the  Mascouten  village  June  7.  Marquette  describes 
at  length  two  remarkable  plants,  the  wild  rice  and  snake-root. 
The  Frenchmen  at  once  call  the  elders,  and  ask  them  for  guides 
on  their  way,  which  is  readily  granted.  These  savages  conduct 
them  to  the  Fox- Wisconsin  portage,  whence  the  travelers  make 
their  way  alone.  On  June  17,  they  enter  the  Mississippi, 
at  Prairie  du  Chien,  "with  a  Joy  that  I  cannot  express.^'  Mar- 
quette gives  a  minute  description  of  the  great  river,  the  lands 
through  which  it  passes,  and  the  fauna  of  that  region,  most  of 
which  are  strange  and  curious  to  the  Canadians.  Among  these 
animals,  he  gives  especial  attention  to  the  buffalo. 

The  voyagers  proceed  more  than  sixty  leagues  without  see- 
ing any  human  being,  until  June  25,  when  they  discover  a 
beaten  path  from  the  river  inland.  Marquette  and  Joliet  fol- 
low this,  and  reach  an  Illinois  village,  the  people  of  which  re- 
ceive them  most  hospitably,  and  with  elaborate  ceremonies, 
which  are  fully  described.  A  chapter  is  devoted  to  an  account 
of  their  customs  and  usages.  Marquette  praises  the  gentleness 
and  docility  of  the  Illinois  savages.  They  use  guns,  and  carry 
on  an  extensive  trade  in  slaves,  whom  they  capture  from  more 
remote  tribes.  They  raise  abundant  crops  of  Indian  com  and 
other  vegetables.  The  calumet,  or  ceremonial  pipe,  and  the 
dance  in  honor  of  it,  are  fully  described.  One  of  these  pipes 
is  given  to  Marquette  and  his  party,  as  a  safeguard  for  their 
passage  through  the  hostile  nations  farther  down  the  river. 

After  remaining  several  days  with  the  friendly  Illinois  sav- 
ages, the  explorers  resume  their  voyage.  They  find  new  and 
curious  plants,  and  agreeable  fruits.  Near  Alton,  Illinois,  they 
see  on  the  smooth  face  of  a  bluff  paintings  of  strange  monsters, 
80  frightful  in  appearance  that  "the  boldest  savages  dare  not 
Long  rest  their  eyes"  upon  them.  Shortly  after  passing  these 
grotesque  figures,  they  narrowly  escape  being  wrecked  in  the 
swollen  and  turbid  fiood  poured  forth  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mis- 
souri river.     The  reports  which  they  have  already  heard  from 


1673]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  QI 

the  savages  regarding  this  stream  lead  them  to  suppose  that,  by 
ascending  it  far  enough,  they  might  gain  other  rivers  which 
would  furnish  the  long-sought  passage  to  the  Western  Sea.  Near 
the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  they  find  rich  deposits  of  iron  ore.  They 
now  begin  to  experience  the  torment  of  mosquitoes. 

Somewhat  farther  down,  they  encounter  a  band  of  savages, 
who  at  first  appear  to  be  hostile ;  they  prove,  however,  to  be  "as 
frightened  as  we  were,"  and  soon  become  pacified.  Again,  at 
the  mouth  of  St.  Francis  river,  they  are  in  danger  of  losing 
their  lives,  being  attacked  by  the  Mitchigameas,  who  dwell 
there.  In  this  emergency,  they  are  saved  by  displaying  the 
calumet  which  the  Illinois  gave  them.  •  On  the  next  day  they 
proceed  to  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  where  another  tribe 
dwells.  These  savages  are  friendly,  and  warn  them  that  they 
cannot  go  farther  without  great  danger. 

At  this  point,  Marquette  and  Joliet  take  coimsel  together  as 
to  their  next  proceeding.  They  are  now  well  satisfied  that  the 
great  river,  on  which  they  have  voyaged  more  than  a  thousand 
miles,  flows  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  If  they  advance,  they 
axe  in  danger  of  imprisonment,  and  perhaps  death — ^thus  risk- 
ing the  loss  of  all  that  they  have  gained  from  their  long  and 
perilous  journey.  Accordingly,  they  begin  (July  17)  their  re- 
turn voyage;  but  this  time  they  ascend  the  Illinois  and  Des 
Plaines  rivers,  and  enter  Lake  Michigan  by  the  Chicago  river. 
They  stop  on  the  way  to  visit  a  Kaskaskia  band,  who  desire 
Marquette  to  come  again  to  instruct  them ;  also  the  Peorias, 
where  he  baptizes  a  dying  child,  which  alone  repays  the  mis- 
sionary for  his  long  and  toilsome  journey.  At  the  close  of  Sep- 
tember, they  reach  the  De  Pere  mission. 

Dablon  writes  (August  1,  1674)  to  his  superior  in  France, 
giving  an  account  of  the  recent  discovery  of  the  Missis- 
sippi by  Joliet  and  Marquette,  obtained  from  reports  made 
by  the  former.  He  describes  the  extent  and  course  of  the  great 
river,  and  mentions  the  tribes  dwelling  upon  its  shores.  The 
savages  of  that  region  appear  gentle  and  friendly.  At  the  first 
village  that  they  enter,  a  magnificent  calumet — ^the  pipe  of 
peace — is  presented  to  the  Frenchmen.  The  beauty  and  fer- 
tility of  that  country,  the  abundance  of  game,  and  the  mildness 


92  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

of  the  climate,  delight  the  travelers.  They  proceed  until,  as 
the  Indians  inform  them,  they  are  but  fifty  leagues  distant  from 
the  sea.  At  this  point,  fearing  that  they  may  be  detained  a& 
prisoners  by  the  Spaniards,  they  conclude  to  go  back  to  Quebec, 
to  inform  the  governor,  as  soon  as  possible,  of  their  discoveries. 
They  return  to  De  Pere  (this  time  by  the  Illinois  river  route), 
and  Joliet  proceeds  to  Quebec ;  but  he  has  the  misfortune  to 
wreck  his  canoe  above  Montreal,  losing  all  his  papers,  and 
barely  escaping  with  his  life. 

Dablon^s  first  comment  on  this  important  voyage  is,  that  it 
opens  the  way  for  missions  to  new  tribes,  among  whom  there  is 
a  bright  prospect  for  success.  He  also  observes  that  it  is  now 
tolerably  certain  that  the  Mississippi  discharges  into  the  JFlor- 
ida  sea.  This  disappoints  the  hope  of  explorers  that  the  river 
would  offer  a  passage  to  the  China  sea;  but  they  think  that,  by 
ascending  the  Missouri,  some  other  river  which  flows  westward 
may  be  reached.  The  writer — or,  more  probably,  Joliet — sug- 
gests that  a  ship-canal  might  be  cut  across  the  Chicago  portage, 
to  connect  the  Illinois  river  with  Lake  Michigan,  thus  afford- 
ing a  short  and  inland  route  from  Canada  to  the  Gulf  of  Mex- 
ico.^ Joliet  recommends  the  Illinois  prairies  as  suitable  for 
French  colonies.] — Jes.  Relations,  lix,  pp  14-17,  87-163;  Iviii^ 
12,  13,  93-109. 


1673-76:      JESUIT    MISSIONS    TO    OTTAWAS    AND    WISCONSIN 

TRIBES. 

[From  the  Jesuit  Relations  of  1673-74,  1675,  and  1676-77.] 

[Synopsis:  At  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  the  chapel  first  built^ 
which  was  consumed  by  fire  in  1671,  has  been  replaced  by  a 
new  and  finer  one.  This,  too,  was  in  danger  of  the  same  fate, 
in  the  spring  of  1674 — the  residence  of  the  Fathers,  which 

1  The  portage  of  the  Chicago-Des  Plaines  route  varied  in  length  from 
one  to  nine  miles,  according  to  the  season  of  the  year.  A  canal  be- 
tween these  rivers  was  opened  in  1848,  which  is  now  replaced  by  the 
Chicago  drainage  canal;  it  is  36  miles  long,  and  extends  from  Chicago 
to  Joliet — ^Ed. 


G«TANO  TBF.NTaKovES  STATUE  OF  MARQL'ETTE 


bjecl  is  idcaliied;  the  : 


1673-76]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  93 

stood  near  it,  being  burned  to  the  ground.  This  fire  results 
from  a  treacherous  attack  made  upon  some  Sioux  ambassadors 
who  had  come  to  treat  for  peace,  and  had  been  placed,  for  their 
safety,  in  the  mission-house.  Nevertheless,  the  ambassadors 
are  attacked  even  there,  by  certain  Cree  Indians  who  are  im- 
placably hostile  to  the  Sioux.  The  ambassadors  are  all  slain^ 
after  having  killed  many  of  the  Crees  and  Ottawas.  During 
the  fight,  the  mission-house  is  burned,  with  all  its  contents ;  and, 
worst  of  all,  the  Fathers  see  the  door  closed  by  which  they  had 
hopfed  to  enter  the  Sioux  tribes.  The  Algonkins  at  the  Sault, 
fearing  reprisals  from  the  Sioux  for  this  treacherous  murder, 
take  flight ;  and  the  missionaries  are  thus  left  alone  to  face  the 
expected  enemy. 

Allouez  gives  (1674)  an  account  of  his  work  at  Green  Bay. 
*T[n  the  conviction  that  the  house  of  God  will  protect  them,"  the 
Illinois  tribes  are  flocking  to  that  region,  as  well  as  many  from 
the  upper  Mississippi.  "If  they  do  not  all  pray  as  yet,  they  at 
least  esteem  Prayer."  When  they  pass  the  church,  they  throw 
tobacco  all  around  it,  as  a  token  of  respect  "to  the  greatest 
divinity  of  whom  they  have  ever  heard." 

Andre  is  laboring  among  the  Menomonees  and  other  tribes 
along  the  shore  of  Green  Bay.  He  finds  the  former  invoking 
the  sun  to  send  them  success  in  fishing  for  sturgeon;  he  per- 
suades them  to  replace  the  image  of  the  sun  by  his  crucifix.  On 
the  next  day,  they  catch  abundance  of  fish;  this  renders  them 
surprisingly  attentive  to  his  instructions.  He  baptizes  many 
children,  and  two  sick  men.  At  another  of  these  outlying  sta- 
tions, the  young  men  are  taught  the  folly  of  invoking  the  devil, 
by  the  failure  of  an  expedition  on  which  they  set  out  against 
the  Sioux;  they  then  are  willing  to  have  recourse  to  the  true 
God.  Andre's  efforts  are  also  aided  by  the  cure  of  a  sick  man 
through  baptism.  His  people  go  in  November  to  the  shore  of 
Lake  Michigan,  but  he  is  unable  to  follow  them.  He  falls  ill, 
and  is  obliged  to  remain  alone  at  the  Menominee  river  during 
six  weeks,  suffering  from  the  cold  and  his  sickness,  and  exposed 
to  possible  attack  from  enemies ;  but  his  confidence  in  God,  and 
his  expectation  of  the  coming  of  some  Illinois  bands  in  Janu- 
ary, sustain  him  amid  these  hardships.] — Jes.  Relations,  Iviii, 
pp.  17-18,  255-289. 


94  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

[Synopsis:  In  1675,  Dablon  sends  to  his  provincial  an  ae- 
coiint  of  "the  present  condition  of  the  missions  in  New  France/' 
It  begins  with  a  brief  survey  of  the  Ottawa  mission,  followed 
by  an  acconnt  of  Marquette^s  last  voyage  and  death. 

At  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  with  its  dependent  missions  on  the 
islands  and  northern  shore  of  Lake  Huron,  over  one  hundred 
and  twenty  persons  have  been  baptized,  "notwithstanding  all 
llie  opposition  that  the  devil  raises  up  against  the  Gospel  by 
various  superstitions" — ^to  oppose  which  the  missionaries  have 
more  than  once  risked  their  lives.  At  St.  Ignace  (Marquette's 
post),  the  new  chapel  built  last  year  was,  at  its  op^ng,  "con- 
secrated by  sixty-six  baptisms,"  administered  to  Hurons  and 
Algonkins  who  have  settled  there.  At  De  Pere,  Andre  has,  by 
mingled  patience  and  firmness,  conquered  the  minds,  "most 
ferocious  and  superstitious,"  of  the  savages  in  that  region.  He 
has  formed  "a  church  of  four  or  five  hundred  Christians ;"  and 
has  baptized  a  hundred  and  forty  persons  during  the  past  year. 
Among  the  Central  Wisconsin  tribes  Allouez  has  baptized  a 
hundred  and  sixty.  The  Mascouten  village  has  been  increased, 
by  refugees  from  many  tribes,  to  a  population  of  20,000  souls — 
a  parish  too  large  for  Allouez,  who  is  now  aided  by  Silvy.^ 
Letters  from  the  former  give  some  account  of  his  work  there. 
As  usual,  the  great  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  missionaries  is  the 
blind  adherence  of  the  savages  to  their  superstitions,  especially 
where  dreams  are  concerned.] — Jes.  Relations,  lix,  pp.  69,  71, 
217-235. 


[Synopsis:  The  Ottawa  missions  (1676)  have  "within  a 
year  Given  to  the  Church  367  persons.  *  *  *  Of  all  that 
number,  not  more  than  60  are  adults.  The  remainder  are  chil- 
dren, most  of  whom  have  gone  to  Heaven  since  baptism."  Ex- 
tracts from  the  missionaries'  letters  are  given.  Allouez  writes 
from  the  De  Pere  mission  (May  26,  1676)  that  he  has  spent 

^Antoino  Silvy  came  to  Canada  in  1673,  and  spent  bis  Ufe  in  the 
missions.  During  1674-78  he  was  a  laborer  in  tbe  Ottawa  missions, 
aiding  Allouez  in  Wisconsin  during  the  last  two  years  of  that  pe- 
riod.—Ed. 


J673""76j  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  95 

the  preceding  year  in  itinerant  missions  among  the  tribes  in 
Central  Wisconsin.  From  the  Outagamies  he  expects  much^ 
for  they  have  been  sorely  aflBicted  of  late,  by  war,  famine,  and 
sickness.  A  letter  from  Andre,  dated  April  20,  1676,  gives 
some  account  of  the  De  Pere  mission.  His  stations  are  scat- 
tered around  Green  Bay,  ten  to  fifteen  leagues  apart;  '^his 
compels  me  To  Be  always  in  the  Field."  He  has  on  this  bay 
"from  4  to  500  Christians."  He  has  secured  forty-five  bap- 
tisms, but  has  had  to  endure  much  at  the  hands  of  the  infidels. 
One  of  these  bums  Andre's  house :  "he  did  so  perhaps  to  allay 
the  sorrow  that  he  felt  for  the  death  of  his  two  children,  who 
were  killed  some  time  ago  by  a  savage.''  The  Father  mentions 
various  journeys  which  he  has  made  among  the  scattered  tribes, 
baptizing  some  children  or  old  men  at  each  camp ;  the  devil  tries 
"to  revenge  himself  for  the  prey  that  I  Snatched  from  him 
through  these  Baptisms."  Among  the  Winnebago  Indians 
Andre  finds  others,  who  speak  their  language,  are  neutral  in  the 
war  between  them  and  the  Sioux,  and  belong  to  the  lowas,  200 
leagues  westward  from  Green  Bay.  A  postscript  by  Dablon 
simmiarizes  Andre's  observations  on  the  apparent  tides  in  Green 
Bay. 

Silvy  has  gone  to  the  Mascouten  village,  to  aid  Allouez  in  that 
great  field.  He  finds  (April  6,  1676)  among  them  thirty-six 
adult  Christians  and  126  baptized  children.  The  savages,'both 
Christian  and  pagan,  throng  to  his  chapel.  He  details  the 
pious  behavior  of  one  of  the  Christians,  who,  at  the  elevation 
of  the  host,  feels  such  awe  and  veneration  that  he  "suddenly  fell 
into  such  convulsions  that  he  seemed  like  one  possessed." 

From  St.  Ignace  mission,  Pierson  writes  (April  25,  1676)  in 
highly  encouraging  terms.  He  has  baptized  forty-seven  adults, 
a  number  greater  than  that  of  the  children;  and  his  Huron 
church  is  steadily  growing  in  faith  and  devotion,  as  well  as  in 
numbers.  The  medicine-men  have  kept  the  promise  given  by 
them  two  years  ago,  to  abandon  their  juggleries  and  supersti- 
tions. The  Iroquois  are  endeavoring  to  gain  the  good  will  of 
the  Hurons ;  but  the  Jesuits  fear  that  this  is  but  a  pretext  to 
lure  the  Hurons  to  the  Iroquois  country,  which  would  ruin  the 
St.  Ignace  mission.     The  other  Fathers  who  labor  on  or  near 


96  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

Lake  Huron  also  report  many  baptisms,  mainly  of  children.] — 
Jes.  Relations,  Ix,  pp.  18,  19,  197-213. 


1676-77:     ALLOUEZ    BEGINS    THE    ILLINOIS    MISSION. 

[The  mission  to  the  Illinois  tribes,  which  was  founded  by  Marquette, 
was  continued  by  AUouez  (1676-77).  His  Journal  of  the  voyage  thither 
is  given  in  Jes.  Relations,  Ix.  The  original  MS.,  written  by  him, 
rests  in  the  archives  of  St.  Mary's  (Jesuit)  College,  Montreal.] 

[Synopsis:  A  voyage  to  the  Illinois  mission,  which  was  be- 
gun by  the  late  Father  Marquette,  is  made  by  his  successor,  the 
veteran  Allouez.  His  report  of  this  journey,  prefaced  by  a 
abort  note  by  Dablon,  is  here  given. 

He  sets  out  from  De  Pere  near  the  end  of  October,  1676,  with 
two  men.  They  intend  to  winter  with  the  Illinois,  but  cold 
weather  overtakes  them  earlier  than  usual,  and  they  are  obliged 
to  remain  among  the  Pottawattomie  Indians  near  Green  Bay 
until  February.  The  ice  is  then  strong  enough  to  bear  their 
canoe,  upon  which  thoy  rig  a  sail,  and  thus  have  an  ice-boat 
which  is  propelled  by  the  wind ;  when  the  wind  fails,  they  haul 
the  canoe  by  ropes.  March  29,  they  embark  on  Lake  Michigan, 
which  they  have  reached  via  the  Sturgeon  Bay  portage.  After 
voyaging  seventy-six  leagues  along  the  lake-shore,  they  reach 
Chicago  river,  where  they  are  cordially  welcomed  by  the  In- 
dians who  dwell  there.  Finally,  on  April  27,  they  reach  the 
great  Illinois  village  of  Kaskaskia.^  This  place  now  has  people 
from  eight  different  tribes,  and  contains  351  cabins.  Allouez 
briefly  mentions  the  customs  of  these  people,  and  the  natural 
products  of  the  country.  He  at  once  begins  to  instruct  them, 
in  the  very  cabin  where  Marquette  had  lodged;  "I  could  not 
have  desired  a  larger  audience,  or  closer  attention."  The 
Father  baptizes  thirty-five  children  and  a  sick  man;  he  erects 
a  great  cross  in  the  village,  which  is  adored  by  even  the  chil- 

1  This  village  was  not  located  at  the  place  afterward  called  Kaskaskia, 
but  near  the  present  village  of  Utica,  in  La  Salle  county.  111.  The 
tribe  migrated  to  the  present  Kaskaskia  in  1700  (see  Jes,  Relations, 
IxT,  p.  101  J. —Ed. 


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1677-79]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  97 

dren ;  and  he  sees  there  a  bright  prospect  of  success  for  the  faith. 
A  rumor  that  the  Iroquois  intend  to  make  war  upon  the  Illinois 
leads  him  to  dread  that  ^'beginnings  so  glorious  may  be  entirely 
destroyed."  A  postscript  by  Dablon  states  that  the  expected 
Iroquois  raid  had  taken  place,  but  had  been  repelled  by  the  Illi< 
nois.  He  dreads  the  result  of  this  upon  the  mission  just  be- 
gun.]— Jes.  Relations,  Ix,  pp.  16,  17,  149-167. 


1677-79:     JESUIT    MISSIONS    TO    OTTAWAS    AND    WISCONSIN 

TRIBES. 

[From  the  Jesuit  B,e\a%i(m%  of  1677-78  and  1679.] 

[Synopsis:  The  Fathers  in  the  Ottawa  missions  send 
(1678)  favorable  reports.  At  Mackinac,  Nouvel  has  the  care 
of  the  Kiskakons ;  their  chiefs  and  leading  elders  are  baptized, 
and  most  of  the  people  are  living  as  Christians.  Pierson  is  also 
doing  good  work  among  the  Hurons  of  tliat  locality ;  and  Baillo- 
quet  is  an  itinerant  among  the  tribes  scattered  along  the  north 
shore  of  Lake  Huron,  where  "opportunities  for  practicing 
patience  and  charity  have  not  failed  us."  At  Sault  Ste.  Marie, 
Druillettes  is  in  charge ;  "broken  down  by  age,  and  worn  out  by 
past  fatigues  and  many  infirmities,"  he  yet  "labors  with  almost 
imparalleled  energy." 

Good  news  also  comes  from  Wisconsin.  Albanel,  superior 
at  De  Pere,  states  that  his  chapel  there  is  a  centre  for  the  sav« 
ages  of  all  that  region.  Andre,  Silvy,  and  Allouez  report 
numerous  baptisms ;  and,  although  they  have  been  ill-treated  by 
the  infidels,  "all  that  is  to  them  a  cause  for  joy  and  triumpL" 

St.  Ignace  is  now  (1679)  an  important  station,  being  a  centre 
for  four  distinct  missions :  those  to  the  Ottawas  and  the  Hurons 
at  Mackinac,  the  tribes  at  the  upper  end  of  Jiake  Huron,  and 
die  savages  dwelling  at  Lake  !N'ipissing.  Bailloquet  is  in  charge 
of  the  last  two,  and  has  for  two  years  been  aided  by  Bonneault; 
extracts  from  their  letters  are  given.  The  two  missions  at  St 
8 


qS  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

Tgnace,  in  charge  of  Nouvel  and  Pierson,  are  reported  by  En- 
jalran,  who  has  been  aiding  those  Fathers.* 

He  warmly  eulogizes  the  patience,  love,  and  zeal  of  his  col- 
leagues. The  Hurons  and  Ottawas  there  comprise,  in  all, 
about  1,800  souls.  Enjalran  relates  at  length  the  pious  usages 
and  rule  of  this  Christian  community,  and  their  observance  of 
the  principal  church  feasts.  He  praises  their  charity  to  one 
another,  as  well  as  their  devotion  in  church  services.  The  two 
nations  live  side  by  side,  in  Christian  affection,  often  uniting 
in  their  celebration  of  notable  feast-days.  The  Algonkins  are 
BO  fervent  that  many  of  them  pray  all  day  long,  and  would,  if 
permitted,  continue  this  pious  exercise  far  into  the  night.  The 
baptisms  among  them  during  the  winter  count  nearly  140, 
twenty  of  whom  are  adults.  The  Kiskakon  band,  who  had  been 
converted  (about  1669)  by  the  long  and  patient  labors  of 
Allouez  and  Marquette,  are  especially  zealous ;  their  chiefs  and 
most  of  their  old  men  are  baptized,  and  "Continually  exhort 
the  young  people  to  make  profession  of  Christianity."  A  large 
cross  is  erected  in  their  village,  and  adorned  by  a  zealous  con- 
vert with  a  lance  and  sponge.  The  devil  persuades  some  of  the 
infidels  that  this  lance  "signifies  that  the  Iroquois  are  soon  to 
cause  us  to  perish,  and  that  Jesus  is  about  to  deliver  us  into  the 
hands  of  our  enemies."  They  also  inform  the  Fathers  that  their 
enemies,  the  Sioux,  crucify  their  prisoners  of  war ;  accordingly, 
these  Algonkins  regard  the  cross  with  dislike.  The  Jesuits  are, 
however,  able  to  win  their  minds  from  this  prejudice.  Some 
unbelievers  insult  the  cross ;  but  prompt  and  full  reparation  is 

iJean  Enjalran  was  superior  of  the  Jesuit  missions  in  the  North- 
west during  1681-88.  He  then  returned  to  France;  but  it  is  known 
that  he  was  again  in  Canada,  during  1701-02.  Pierre  Bailloquet  was, 
during  1673-79,  a  missionary  among  the  Algonkin  tribes  northeast  of 
Lake  Huron;  he  then  spent  a  few  years  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie  and  Mich- 
illlmackinac,  with  the  Ottawas  there  resident  Andr6  Bonneault  In 
1677  came  to  Michillimackinac,  and  in  the  following  year  replaced 
Silvy  in  Central  Wisconsin;  he  returned  to  France  in  1679.  Philippe 
Pierson  came  to  Canada  in  1666;  after  ministering  to  the  savages  at 
lAprairie  and  SiUery,  he  was  sent  to  the  Huron  mission  at  Michilll- 
mackinac  (1673),  where  he  labored  during  ten  years.  He  died  at 
Quebec  in  1688. — Bd. 


1681-83]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  99 

made  by  all  the  tribes,  and,  in  tbe  end,  the  true  faith  is  more 
honored  than  ever. 

In  Northern  Wisconsin,  the  missions  are  accomplishing  much 
good ;  but  the  Fathers  have  to  contend  most  of  all  against  the 
inveterate  superstition  and  idolatry  of  the  savages.  Neverthe- 
less, the  latter  frequent  the  De  Pere  chapel,  and  venerate  it  as 
they  do  their  idols — offering  it  tobacco,  and  addressing  it  "as 
if  it  were  a  living  Thing."  Albanel  is  now  in  charge  there; 
Andre  continues  his  labors  among  the  tribes  about  Green  Bay, 
whose  savage  traits  have  been  greatly  subdued  by  his  patience, 
courage,  and  devotion.  He  now  "counts  more  than  500  Chrisr 
tians  on  the  whole  bay."  AUouez  and  Silvy  have  ministered 
in  the  Outagamie  and  Mascouten  villages,  which,  including  the 
refugees  from  other  tribes,  number  at  least  20,000  souls.  They 
have  baptized  some  500  persons,  many  of  whom  have  been 
healed  by  that  rite.']— Jes.  Relations,  Ixi,  10-13,  69-Y3,  OS- 
IS  Y. 


1681-83:    FUR  TRADE;  WISCONSIN  INDIANS  ATONE  TO  JESUITS 
FOR  THE  MURDER  OF  THEIR  SERVANTS. 

[From  La  Potherie.] 

As  fast  as  the  new  Nations  were  discovered,  efforts  were  made 
to  introduce  among  them  the  Gospel.  Monsieur  de  la  Sale 
had  with  him  some  Recolet  Fathers.  Having  found  his  people, 
who  had  gone  to  live  among  the  Islinois,  he  established  himself 
upon  a  steep  rock,  which  was  accessible  only  by  a  narrow  footr 
path ;  and  the  Islinois  retired  to  a  valley  at  the  foot  of  the  rock* 
The  Miamis,  the  Maskoutechs,  and  the  Kikabous  abandoned 
their  Village  at  his  arrival,  because  the  men  who  served  those 
Beligious  had  been  assassinated;  and  they  established  them- 
selves thirty  leagues  from  there,  on  the  river  St.  Joseph.^     The 

1  La  Potherie  apparently  refers  to  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  not  to  the 
R^ollets,  when  he  says  ''those  Religious;"  for  in  the  caption  of  the 
chapter  (as  above)  he  states  that  it  was  the  Jesuits  whose  servants 
had  been  slain.    At  this  time    (1682),  Allouez  was  laboring  among 


lOO  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

Peace  that  had  just  been  concluded  with  the  Iroquois  seemed 
to  shield  them  from  all  difficulties  that  might  arise  for  them; 
and  the  presents  that  they  had  given  to  the  Iroquois  deputies 
were  a  sort  of  pledge  of  the  alliance  that  they  had  contracted. 
About  this  time^  the  Court  revoked  the  Conges;  these  were  a 
score  of  Permissions  which  His  Majesty  had  granted  to  the 
Families  of  the  poorer  Gentlemen  to  go  trading  among  the 
Outaouaks,  and  which  the  (Jovemor-general  distributed  to  the 
persons  whom  he  thought  most  in  need  of  them.  A  Conge  was, 
then,  a  Permission  to  take  into  the  Outaouak  country  a  Canoe 
with  eight  men,  loaded  with  merchandise.  Those  who  did  not 
care  to  go  up  thither  would  sell  their  Conges  for  a  sum  varying 
from  eight  to  twelve  hundred  francs.  The  buyer  would  choose 
three  Voyageurs,  to  whom  he  gave  a  thousand  ecus*  worth  of 
goods,  which  he  rated  high;  these  goods  would  produce  about 
twelve  thousand  francs'  profit  The  Owner  of  the  Conge  had 
the  half  of  this  profit,  besides  his  principal ;  and  the  Voyageurs 
shared  the  rest.  Those  people  usually  resorted  to  Michilimak- 
inak,  or  else  went  among  those  Nations  who,  they  believed,  had 
most  Peltries.  So  many  abuses  crept  in  with  all  these  favors 
from  the  Prince  that  persons  who  were  entitled  to  but  one  year 
extended  that  term,  and  others  went  thither  as  they  would.  As 
a  result.  Beaver-pelts  became  so  abundant  that  the  Farmers  of 
the  West  could  with  difficulty  find  sale  for  them  in  France,  or 
a  market  in  foreign  countries.  On  the  other  hand,  Monsieur 
de  la  Sale,  seeing  his  projects  thwarted  by  the  disorderly  com- 
merce which  some  unauthorized  Frenchmen  were  coming  into 
those  quarters  to  carry  on,  ordered  his  men  to  plunder  them; 
and,  at  an  Assemblage  of  the  Savages  convened  by  him,  he 
b^ged  them  not  to  trade  with  any  one  who  was  not  provided 
with  one  of  the  Commissions  issued  by  him.  He  took  this 
action  because  the  trade  which  he  carried  on  was  really  the 
means  of  maintaining  those  peoples,  and  because  he  could  not 
succeed  in  his  discoveries  if  he  did  not  attach  them  to  himself. 


these  Miamis.    La  Salle's  establishment  was  that  known  as  Fort  St 
Louis,  built  on  "Starved  Rock/'  a  lofty  height  near  the  present  Utica, 
111.— Bd. 
iln  1660.— La.  PorHERiE. 


1681-83]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  lOI 

He  took  all  necessary  precautions  to  pi*event  the  abuses  which 

might  be  occasioned  by  the  orders  which  he  had  given ;  but  they 

were  nevertheless  certain  to  occur;  for  the  Savages,  extending 

their  range  up  to  the  places  where  Trade  was  free,  plundered 

all,  indifferently,  whom  they  found  roving  in  those  quarters. 
******** 

The  Nations  at  Baye  des  Puants  no  longer  dared  to  go  down  to 
Montreal  after  the  Missionaries'  servants  had  been  assassinated 
upon  their  lands ;  for  they  were  persuaded  that  our  customs 
must  be  like  their  own,  which  allow  them  to  avenge  a  death  not 
only  upon  the  evil-doer,  but  also  upon  his  nearest  Eelatives,  his 
Friends,  or  his  neighbors.  Some  of  the  more  courageous  among 
them  exposed  themselves  to  this  danger;  but,  seeing  that  the 
murders  that  they  had  committed  on  every  side  were  left  un- 
punished, they  conceived  a  contempt  for  our  !N'ation,  and  con- 
tinued to  plunder  and  massacre  all  stra^lers  whom  they  found. 

A  contagious  malady  suddenly  appeared  at  the  Bay,  which 
cauesd  great  mortality.  This  scourge  afflicted  them  to  the  ut- 
most degree;  those  who  recovered  from  it  often  found  them- 
selves greatly  enfeebled,  especially  the  young  men.  In  the 
midst  of  this  affliction,  our  Missionaries  found  themselves  in 
great  danger;  for,  since  the  Savages  are  extremely  supersti- 
tious, they  imagined  that  the  Fathers  had  cast  upon  them  some 
spell  of  ^vitchcraf  t,  in  order  to  avenge  the  death  of  their  people 
who  had  been  assassinated.  The  Missionaries  narrowly  es- 
caped the  burning  of  their  houses  and  Churches,  and  a  like  fate 
for  themselves.  A  Chief,  who  had  heard  some  one  say  that  they 
ought  to  get  rid  of  these  Religious,  came  to  live  near  them,  in 
order  to  ward  off  attacks  upon  them.  A  Frenchman  who  had 
considerable  ascendancy  over  the  minds  of  those  Peoples^  told 
them  that  the  Fathers  were  incapable  of  feeling  a  resentment 
which  could  extend  to  vengeance ;  that  they  bore  the  word  of  the 
Spirit  who  made  all  things,  and  who  forbids  vengeance.  He 
told  them  that  the  Fathers  employed  no  spell  to  make  men  die; 
that,  on  the  contrary,  they  strove  to  mollify  and  appease  that 
spirit  when  he  corrected  them;  but  that  their  crimes  and  in- 

iE«vidently  a  reference  to  Nicolas  Perrot. — Ed. 


I02  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

iquities  aJone  could  be  the  cause  of  this  chastisement,  which, 
would  cease  if  they  were  willing  to  believe  on  the  Spirit  and  be- 
long to  the  prayer  (it  is  thus  that  they  name  the  assembly  of  the 
Christians).     This  Frenchman,  who  was  very  adroit,  appeased 
the  Savages ;  he  went  from  cabin  to  cabin  to  soothe  their  irri- 
tated minds,  and  found  only  affliction  and  misery  on  every  side. 
He  made  them  assemble  in  the  cabin  of  a  Chief,  where  he 
severely  reproached  them  for  the  assassination  that  had  been 
committed  on  the  Frenchmen,  and  at  the  same  time  demanded 
from  them  full  satisfaction  therefor.     They  defended  them- 
selves from  the  charge  of  such  perfidy ;  and,  after  many  explana- 
tions on  both  sides,  they  declared  that  the  Malhominis  were  the 
Authors  of  the  crime.     They  promised  that,  since  the  latter 
were  their  neighbors,  they  would  invite  them  to  be  present,  with 
themselves,  at  the  nearest  Jesuit  church  to  make  atonement  to 
those  dead  men.     During  the  past  winter  an  interview  occurred 
between  the  Outagamis,  accompanied  by  the  Loups,^  and  the 
Sauters  and  Nadouaissioux ;  an  Outa^ami  Chief  had  been  one 
of  the  thirty  young  Warriors  who  carried  away  twelve  womea 
and  children  from  the  Sauteurs.     News  of  this  was  at  once  car- 
ried to  the  Bay.     The  Commandant  at  Michilimakinak  sent 
some  Frenchmen  to  ask  the  Outagamis  to  send  back  to  him  an 
Outaouak  girl  and  a  Sokoki*  woman,  but  to  retain  the  women 
of  the  Sauteurs  until  the  latter  should  restore  some  children 
of  the  Outagamis  whom  they  had  kept  for  some  years.     A  Sau- 
teur  Chief  who  was  present  at  this  Parley  was  deeply  offended 
at  the  Outagamis  when  they  refused  to  restore  their  prisoners. 
The  Frenchmen  on  their  march  encountered  two  of  their  com- 
rades, whom  the  Outagamis  had  tried  to  kill,  who  had  saved 
their  lives  by  s\vimming  a  large  river.     When  tiiey  arrived  at 
the  Outagami  village,  they  called  an  assembly  of  the  people. 
The  most  prominent  among  the  Frenchmen  delivered  to  them 
a  speech,  in  nearly  these  words :     "Listen,  Outagamis,  to  what 

iLoups:  the  French  appellation  of  the  Wolf  clan  of  the  Mohegans — 
Algonqulan  tribes  who  were  located  mainly  in  the  valleys  of  the  Hud- 
son and  Connecticut  rivers. — Ed. 

^Sokosis:  an  Abenaki  tribe,  settled  along  the  Saco  river  in  Maine; 
they  finally  migrated  to  Canada. — ^Ed. 


1681-83]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  IO3 

I  am  goii\g  to  say.*  I  have  learned  that  you  are  very  anxious 
to  eat  the  flesh  of  the  French ;  I  have  come  with  these  yoimg 
men  whom  you  see,  in  order  to  satisfy  you.  Put  us  into  your 
kettles,  and  satiate  yourselves  with  the  flesh  that  you  have 
wanted."  Then,  drawing  his  sword  from  the  scabbard,  he 
bared  to  their  sight  his  chest.  "My  flesh,"  he  continued,  "is 
white  and  savory,  but  it  is  quite  salt;  if  you  eat  it,  I  do  not 
think  that  you  can  swallow  it  without  vomiting."  The  head 
war-Chief  immediately  replied :  "What  Son  will  eat  his  own 
Father,  from  whom  he  has  received  life  ?  Thou  hast  given  us 
birth,  since  thou  has  brought  us  the  first  Iron;  and  yet  thou 
tellest  us  to  eat  thee."  The  Frenchman  replied  to  him: 
"Thou  art  right  in  telling  me  that  I  have  given  thee  birth ;  for 
when  I  came  to  thy  village  you  all  were  in  wretchedness — ^as  it 
were,  people  who  know  not  where  to  settle,  and  who  spring  from 
the  lowest  depths  of  the  earth.  But  now,  how  peacefully  you 
live,  and  how  you  enjoy  the  light  that  I  have  obtained  for  you ! 
But  you  are  trying  to  disturb  the  land,  to  kill  the  Sauteurs,  and 
to  reduce  to  subjection  those  whom  I  adopted  before  I  did  you. 
Now  vomit  up  your  prey ;  give  me  back  my  body,  which  you 
wish  to  put  in  your  kettle;  and  fear  lest  the  fumes  which 
would  arise  if  you  should  cook  it  might  form  vapors  that  would 
become  storm-clouds,  extending  over  your  village.  In  one 
moment,  it  would  be  consumed  by  the  flames  and  lightnings  that 
would  issue  from  that  cloud ;  and  these  would  be  followed  by  a 
hailstorm  which  would  fall  upon  your  families,  so  violently  that 
not  one  would  find  shelter  from  it.  You  forget  that  your 
ancestors  and  yourselves  have  been  vagabonds  until  now;  are 
you  weary  of  living  in  comfort?  Vomit  forth  your  anger;  and 
believe  in  your  father,  who  will  not  abandon  you  unless  you 
compel  him  to  do  so.  Listen  to  my  words,  and  I  will  settle  the 
bad  scrape  that  you  have  got  into  with  the  Sauteurs."  Nothing 
more  was  needed  to  gain  for  him  the  prisoners  whom  he  desired. 
The  arrival  of  the  two  Girls  at  Michilimakinak  immediately 
quieted  the  Outaouaks,  who  were  preparing  to  go  to  war  against 
the  Outagamis,  for  news  had  been  brought  to  them  that  the  lat- 
ter had  slain  the  Giris. 


^In  1683. — La  Pothebie. 


I04  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.XVl 

Savages  from  all  the  villages  of  the  Bay  arrived,  according 
to  their  promise,  at  the  house  of  the  Jesuits,  in  order  to  make 
atonement  to  the  latter  for  the  death  of  their  men.  As  the 
affair  had  been  a  notorious  one,  they  were  at  once  taken  into 
the  Church,^  where  the  Superior  gave  them  an  exhortation, 
praised  their  excellent  intention,  which  God  would  bless,  and 
had  them  offer  some  Prayers.  Going  from  that  place,  they 
entered  a  room  where  sat  the  French  commandant  with  several 
other  persons ;  on  this  occasion  it  was  necessary  to  conform  to 
the  procedure  of  the  Savages,  who  spread  over  the  dead  the 
presents  which  they  make  to  those  who  are  the  parties  concerned. 
They  laid  on  the  floor,  accordingly,  four  packages  of  beaver- 
skins  and  two  Porceflain  Collars,  to  efface  the  resentment  that 
our  people  might  feel  at  the  assassination  which  they  had  com- 
mitted at  the  French  house.  The  latter  were  much  piqued  over 
a  point  of  honor,  and  claimed  that  that  number  of  Beaver-skins 
was  not  sufficient  to  wipe  away  their  tears.  The  Jesuits  paid 
very  little  attention  to  all  these  presents ;  they  felt  constrained 
to  exact  public  satisfaction  from  those  people  only  that  they 
might  maintain  them  in  the  spirt  of  religion.  Their  only  oc- 
cupation was  to  lay  the  foundations  of  the  House  of  God. 
*  *  *  The  Savages  readily  agreed  that  their  present  was 
an  insufficient  one,  but  thought  that  we  ought  to  consider  their 
troubles,  as  the  sickness  prevalent  among  them  had  not  allowed 
them  to  go  hunting;  and  claimed  that  they  would  make  satis- 
faction in  the  following  Spring,  in  a  more  acceptable  manner. 

At  that  time,  a  Saki  hung  up  a  war  Kettle,  but  without 
the  consent  of  all  the  Chiefs  of  his  tribe;  and  some  of  his  band 
entered  the  cabin  of  a  Frenchman,  who  was  lying  on  his  bed. 
Suspecting  that  they  had  come  to  say  farewell  to  him,  he  pre- 
tended to  snore ;  the  others  waited  the  moment  when  he  should 
awake.  The  Frenchman,  suddenly  opening  his  eyes  as  does 
a  man  who  awakes  from  a  heavy  slumber,  said  aloud  in  the 
Saki  tongue:  "The  Sakis  who  are  going  to  war  will  be  de- 
feated."    The  warriors  asked  what  had  given  him  that  idea. 

iThis  refers  to  the  church  at  AUoues's  Fox  river  mission  (at  the 
present  De  Pere) ;  it  was  built  in  1672  or  1678  (Jen.  Relations^  lyil» 
p.  209).— Ed. 


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1682]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  IO5 

He  told  them  that  he  had  that  moment  dreamed  that  he  saw, 
on  the  plains  iNorth  of  the  Mississippi,  beyond  the  village  of 
the  Sioux,  a  camp  of  Nadonaissioux,  where  there  was  a  lighted 
fire  and  a  great  troop  of  black  dogs.  Some  white  dogs,  hap- 
pening to  meet  them,  were  attacked  and  devoured  by  the  black 
ones — except  the  largest  one,  who  held  out  until  the  last,  but 
was  quite  worn  out  He  himself  had  tried  to  snatch  this  vic- 
tim from  their  jaws,  but  all  the  black  dogs  had  leaped  upon 
him  to  devour  him;  and  the  fear  of  actually  meeting  that 
fate  had  caused  him  to  awake,  with  the  startled  manner  that 
they  had  just  noticed.  This  fiction  had  more  effect  than  had 
all  the  solicitations  of  those  Chiefs,  who  could  not  obviate 
the  results  of  this  expedient,  so  ill-timed  for  their  plans;  for 
those  young  warriors  proceeded  to  relate  the  danger  of  the 
Frenchman,  the  meaning  of  which  they  interpreted  by  rep- 
resenting the  !N'adouaissioux  as  the  black  dogs,  and  the  Sakis 
as  the  white  ones.  They  did  not  fail  to  conclude  that  the 
Spirit  had  aided  the  Frenchman  in  this  emergency,  in  order 
to  turn  them  aside  from  an  enterprise  which  would  without 
doubt  have  been  fatal  to  them. — ^La  Potherie's  Amer.  Septentrir 
onale,  ii,  pp.  141-1 5 Y. 


1682:      DESCRIPTION    OF    WISCONSIN    RIVERS;    ACCUSATIONS 

AGAINST  DU  LUTH. 

[From  a  letter  by  La  Salle,  in  Margry's  Dicouvertea  et  italtlissementM 
des  Francais  1614-1754  (Paris,  1876-85),  ii,  pp.  249-254.] 

Following  the  windings  of  the  Mississippi,  we  come  to  the 
river  Ouisconsing,  Misconsing,  or  Meschetz  Od6ba,  which  is 
between  the  bay  of  the  Puans  and  the  Great  Biver.  It  flowB 
at  first  from  north  to  south  to  about  the  45th  d^ree  of  north 
latitude,  and  then  turns  to  the  west  and  west-south-west,  and, 
after  flowing  sixty  leagues,  it  falls  into  the  Mississippi.  It 
is  nearly  as  wide  as  that  of  the  Islinois,  navigable  to  that  bend 
(and  perhaps  below  it)  where  the  canoes  are  portaged  across 


106  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.XVi 

an  oak  grove  and  a  flooded  meadow  to  reach  the  Kakaling  river,^ 
which  falls  into  the  bay  of  the  Puans.  Miseonsing  flows 
between  two  ranges  of  hills  which  widen  out  from  one  another 
at  times,  leaving  between  them  quite  large  meadows  and  lands 
without  trees,  sandy  and  of  but  little  fertility.  At  other  places 
the  level  land  between  the  hills  and  the  river  is  lower,  and 
swampy  in  some  spots;  and  then  it  is  covered  with  timber, 
and  flooded  by  the  overflowing  of  the  river.  The  mountains 
gradually  diminish  as  the  river  is  ascended ;  and  finally,  about 
three  leagues  from  the  portage,  the  land  becomes  level  and 
swampy,  without  trees  on  the  side  of  the  portage,  but  covered 
with  pines  on  the  other  side.  The  place  where  the  canoes 
are  carried  over  is  marked  by  a  tree,  on  which  two  canoes 
have  been  clumsily  drawn  by  the  Savages.  At  a  distance  of 
about  half  a  league  from  this  spot  is  the  river  Kakaling,  which 
is  only  a  stream  with  its  source  in  the  swamp,  through  which 
it  winds  a  great  deal,  and  forms  small  lakes  by  frequently 
widening  and  narrowing.  The  route  continues  about  forty 
leagues  down  this  river,  following  its  windings,  and  then  the 
village  of  the  Outagamis  is  reached,  half  a  league  from  the 
river  on  the  north  side.  Before  reaching  that  place,  the  river 
flows  into  a  lake  about  eight  leagues  long  and  three  leagues 
wide;  and  about  two  leagues  beyond  the  village  are  what  are 
called  the  Kakaling  rapids.  They  are  difiicult  to  descend, 
owing  to  the  swiftness  of  the  water,  the  quantity  of  rocks 
against  which  it  strikes,  and  three  falls  where  the  canoes  and 
their  cargoes  have  to  be  portaged ;  they  are  six  leagues  in  lengtL 
At  the  mouth  of  this  river,  where  it  falls  into  the  bay  of 
the  Puans,  is  a  house  belonging  to  the  Jesuits, — ^^vho  really 
hold  the  key  to  the  country  of  Castoria  [Beaver  land], — ^where 
a  lay  brother  that  they  have,  who  is  a  blacksmith,  with  two 
companions  converts  more  iron  into  beaver-skins  than  the 
Fathers  convert  Savages  into  Christians. 

About  twenty-three  or  twenty-four  leagues  to  the  north  and 
northwest  of  the  mouth  of  the  Ouisoonsing — ^where  there  is 

lA  reference  to  Fox  river.  The  name  Kakaling  was  usually  re- 
stricted to  the  rapids  and  portage  at  the  present  Kaukauna  (the  name 
of  which  is  but  a  corruption  of  Kakaling) . — Kd, 


1682]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  IO7 

slso  a  rock  on  the  south  side,  and  a  fine  meadow  on  the  north, 
near  three  fine  basins  or  ooves  of  still  water — is  the  Riviere 
^oire  [Black  river],  called  Chabadeba  by  the  Xadouesioux, 
which  is  of  inconsiderable  size  and  whose  mouth  is  bordered 
l)y  alder  bushes  on  both  sides.  About  thirty  leagues,  ascend- 
ing always  in  the  same  direction,  one  comes  to  the  Riviere 
*des  Boeufs  [Buffalo  river  J  which  is  as  wide  at  its  mouth 
-as  that  of  the  Islinois.  It  is  called  by  that  name  owing  to  tho 
great  number  of  those  animals  f ojund  there ;  it  is  followed  from 
ten  to  twelve  leagues,  the  water  being  smooth  and  without  rap- 
ids, bordered  by  mountains  which  widen  out  from  time  to  time, 
forming  meadows.  There  are  several  islands  at  its  mouth, 
which  is  bordered  by  woods  on  both  sides.  Thirty-eight  or  forty 
leagues  above  is  the  river  by  which  Sieur  Du  Luth*  descended 
to  the  Missisippi.  For  three  years  he  remained,  contrary 
to  orders,  with  a  band  of  twenty  coureurs  de  bois,  in  the  Lake 
Superior  country ;  he  had  conducted  himself  boldly  there,  pub- 
licly announcing  everywhere  that  at  the  head  of  those  brave 
men  he  feared  not  the  Grand  Provost,  and  would  obtain  by 
force  the  granting  of  an  amnesty  in  his  favor.  The  coureurs 
de  bois,  whom  he  first  caused  to  throw  off  the  mask,  went  to 
and  returned  from  the  settlements  several  times,  loaded  with 
goods  and  furs;  during  that  period  they  exhausted  the  sup- 
ply of  pelts  in  the  Lake  Superior  coimtry,  besi^ng  it  from 
all  sides;  and  this  year  they  prevented  the  Outaouacs  from 
going  down  to  Montreal. 

At  that  time,  and  while  he  was  in  the  Lake  Superior  coun- 
try, the  Nadouesioux,  induced  by  presents  given  them  by  the 
late  Sieur  Randin  on  behalf  of  Monsieur  the  comte  de  Fron- 
tenac,  and  the  Sauteurs, — the  Savages  who  bring  most  furs 
to  Montreal,  and  who  live  in  the  Lake  Superior  country,— 

1  Daniel  Greysolon  du  Luth  (Lhut)  was  especially  prominent  among 
Northwestern  explorers.  An  officer  in  the  army  of  France,  he  came 
to  Canada  about  1676;  two  years  later,  he  conducted  a  French  expedi- 
tion into  the  Sioux  country,  of  which  he  took  formal  possession  (1679) 
for  France.  He  spent  nearly  ten  years  in  explorations  (mainly  beyond 
Lake  Superior)  and  fur-trading;  he  was  for  a  time  commandant  of 
the  Northwest  In  1689,  he  had  returned  to  the  St  Lawrence;  he  died 
In  1710.— Bd. 


108  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVI 

"wiBhing  to  obey  the  repeated  commands  of  the  said  monsieur 
the  Count,  were  negotiating  a  peace  to  unite  the  nation  of  the 
Sauteurs  with  the  French,  and  to  go  and  trade  in  the  oountrj 
of  the  Xadouesioux,  distant  about  sixty  leagues  to  the  west 
of  Lake  Superior.  Du  Luth,  to  cover  his  desertion,  seized 
this  opportunity  to  give  it  some  color;  and  with  two  of  his 
deserters  passed  himself  off  as  an  envoy  of  Monsieur  the  Count 
and  as  the  bearer  of  his  commands  to  negotiate  such  peace, 
while  his  comrades  negotiated  much  better  the  trade  in  beaver* 
«kins.  Many  interviews  took  place  with  the  Nadouesioux ; 
and,  as  he  had  no  interpreter,  he  enticed  away  one  of  my  men, 
named  Faffart,  who  was  then  a  soldier  at  Fort  Frontenac. 
Finally, — as  the  Sauteurs  had  come  among  and  returned  from 
the  Xadouesioux  several  times,  and  the  Nadouesioux  had  done 
the  same  as  regards  the  Sauteurs, — seeing  that  he  had  noth- 
ing to  fear,  and  that  he  could  thereby  greatly  increase  the  num- 
l)er  of  his  beaver-skinSj  he  sent  Faffart  by  land  with  some  Na- 
douesioux  and  Sauteurs  who  were  going  back  together.  On 
his  return,  that  young  man  told  him  of  the  abundance  of  beaver- 
skins  that  he  could  obtain  in  that  quarter;  he  thereupon  re- 
solved to  try  to  go  there  himself.  Accordingly,  guided  by  a 
Sauteur,  a  Nadouesioux  and  four  Frenchmen,  he  ascended  the 
river  Nemitsakouat^ — ^whence,  after  a  short  portage,  he  de- 
scended into  this  one,  wherein  he  says  he  passed  forty  leagues 
of  rapids.  Then,  finding  that  the  Nadouesioux  were  lower 
down  with  my  people  and  the  Father,^ — who  had  returned 

1  Apparently  referring  to  the  Bois  Bnil6  river,  which  empties  into 
Lake  Superior  near  its  western  end;  the  river  "full  of  rapids"  was 
probably  the  St  Croix. — ^Bd. 

2  An  allusion  to  Father  Louis  Hennepin,  a  R^ollet  priest  who  came 
to  Canada  at  the  same  time  with  La  Salle  (1675).  Three  years  later» 
he  Joined  that  explorer,  and  accompanied  him  as  far  as  his  Illinois 
fort.  Then  Hennepin,  in  company  with  a  Frenchman  named  Michel 
Accault,  continued  his  travels  by  ascending  the  Mississippi  as  far  as 
St  Anthony's  Falls,  visiting  the  tribes  of  that  region.  Returning  to 
Quebec  in  1681,  Hennepin  soon  afterward  went  to  France,  where  he 
wrote  his  Description  de  la  Louiaiane  (Paris,  1682) — an  account  of 
his  travels  in  America  which  attained  great  popularity  in  Europe,  and 
made  known  La  Salle's  discoveries.  It  was  translated  and  published* 
with  extensive  historical  and  bibliographical  annotations,  by  John  Q. 
Shea  (New  York,  1880).— Ed. 


1682]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  IO9 

from  the  village  of  the  Nadouesioux,  whither  they  had  already 
been, — ^he  went  to  meet  them.  He  returned  to  the  village, 
whence  they  all  came  down  together,  reascended  the  river  Oiiia- 
<x)n8ing,  and  thence  returned  to  Montreal  as  boldly  as  he  had 
left  it — going  so  far  as  to  insult  the  commissaries  and  the 
representative  of  the  Procurator-general  (now  the  Procurator- 
general)  named  d'Auteuil.  Monsieur  the  Count  de  Frontenac 
had  him  arrested  and  guarded,  to  keep  him  a  prisoner  in  the 
castle  of  Quebec — intending  to  send  him  to  France  on  charges 
instituted  by  Monsieur  the  Intendant,^  unless  the  amnesty 
granted  to  the  coureurs  de  bois  allows  of  his  being  set  at  liberty. 
To  know  who  the  said  Du  Luth  is,  you  have  only  to  inquire 
of  Monsieur  Dalera.  !N'evertheless  he  claims  to  have  made  a 
great  discovery,  and  asks  for  that  countiy  as  an  appendage 
of  the  Islinois ;  but  it  is  somewhat  of  a  joke  that  he  should 
expect  to  be  rewarded  for  his  rebellion.  In  the  second  place, 
there  are  only  three  routes  to  go  there:  one  by  Lake  Superior, 
another  by  the  bay  of  the  Puans,  the  third  by  the  Islinois  and 
through  the  lands  under  my  jurisdiction.  *  The  two  former 
are  suspicious ;  and  it  would  not  be  necessary  to  open  the  third, 
to  my  detriment,  as  he  has  incurred  no  expense  and  has  obtained 
great  gains  without  any  risk,  while  I  have  undei^ne  great 
fatigues  and  dangers  and  suffered  much  loss.  By  the  Islinois 
route  there  is  a  detour  of  three  hundred  leagues  for  him.  More- 
over, the  country  of  the  Nadouesioux  is  not  a  country  that  he 
has  discovered.  It  has  been  known  for  a  long  time,  and  Rev- 
erend Father  Hennepin  and  Michel  Accault  went  there  be- 
fore he  did.  Even  the  first  of  his  fellow-deserters  who  went 
there  was  one  of  my  soldiers,  whom  he  enticed  away  from  me. 
Moreover,  that  country  is  uninhabitable,  but  little  suited  for 
cultivation,  containing  only  swamps  of  wild  oats,  on  which  those 
peoples  live;  and  no  advantage  can  be  derived  from  that  dis- 
covery, whether  it  be  attributed  to  my  people  or  to  Du  Luth, 
because  the  rivers  are  not  navigable.  But  as  the  King  has 
granted  us  the  trade  in  buffalo-hides,  it  would  be  ruined  by 

sThe  intendant  of  New  France  at  that  time  was  Jacques  de  Meulles 
who  held  the  office  from  1675  to  September,  1682.— Ed. 


)lO  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.Xvi 

the  going  and  coming  to  and  from  the  ^N^adouesioux  by  any 
other  route  than  that  via  Lake  Superior — by  which  Monsieur 
the  Count  de  Frontenac  can  send  to  get  the  beaver-skins,  un- 
der the  power  that  he  possesses  to  grant  permits.  But  if  they 
go  by  Ouisconsing,  where  buffaloes  are  hunted  in  the  summer 
and  where  I  have  begun  an  establishment,  they  will  ruin  the 
trade — on  which  alone  I  rely,  owing  to  the  great  number  of 
buffaloes  killed  every  year,  which  is  greater  than  one  can  be- 
lieve. 


1683:     AFFAIRS  AT  MICHILLIMACKINAC. 

[Letter  from  Father  Enjalran  to  Lefevre  de  la  Barre,  governor  of  "Sew 
France.    From  Margry's  Btcouv,  et  itah.,  v,  pp.  3-7.] 

MissiLiMAKiXAK,  2Gth  August,  1683. 
My  previous  letters  will  have  informed  you  that  the  Gentle- 
men charged  with  carrying  out  your  orders — and  who  are  really 
desirous  of  imitating  your  vigorous  conduct  regarding  the  pro- 
tection of  those  who  are  faithful  to  you,  and  the  punishment 
of  those  who  are  rebellious — had  already  partly  forestalled  your 
commands  with  respect  to  the  Pouteatamis,  who  assuredly  will 
have  to  be  humbled  sooner  or  later.  Immediately  after  his  ar- 
rival. Monsieur  de  la  Durantaye^  sent  with  despatch  to  la  Baye, 
that  he  might  afterward  take  measures  according  to  the  infor- 
mation that  might  be  obtained  as  to  the  state  of  affairs  there,, 
and  what  we  might  have  to  dread  from  the  mutinous  spirit 
and  the  insolence  of  those  peoples.  Had  the  canoes  that 
Monsieur  Duluth  was  expected  to  send  been  here,  perhaps  some- 
thing more  effective  would  have  been  done  than  could  be  ac- 
complished by  Monsieur  de  la  Durantaye,  going  there  alone 


1  Oliver  Morel  de  la  Durantaye  was  an  officer  in  the  famous  Carignan 
regiment,  which  came  to  Canada  in  1655.  He  was  commandant  at 
Michillimackinac,  from  1683  to  1685,  and  was  then  made  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Northwest.  In  1690,  he  was  recaUed  to  the  St  Law- 
rence; nine  years  later,  he  resigned  his  commission;  and  his  death 
occurred  in  1727.— Ed. 


1683]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  Ill 

with  his  people — ^while  Monsieur  the  chevalier  de  Baugy^ 
passed  by  another  way,  in  order  to  meet  the  sieair  de  la  Salle 
in  ease  he  should  come  by  the  same  way,  which  is  the  shortesft. 
Therefore,  knowing  your  views  regarding  the  various  advices 
that  we  have  received  as  to  the  state  of  those  nations,  we 
thought,  with  Monsieur  Duluth,  that  it  would  be  advisable  to 
take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  offered  by  his  people  whom 
he  is  sending  to  the  Nadouessis  via  la  Baye,  and  who  have  been 
joined  by  other  persons.  Accordingly  he  left  on  the  eighth  in- 
stant, with  about  thirty  persons.  They  were  to  proceed  as  far  as 
the  house  of  St.  Francois  Xavier,  situated  at  the  head  of  the  Bay, 
and  leave  their  goods  there,  proceeding  afterward  in  warlike  ar- 
ray to  speak  to  the  Pouteatamis.  They  intended  to  partly  in- 
form those  savages  of  the  resentment  felt  by  the  new  Qnontio*  on 
accoimt  of  their  past  assassinations  and  the  bad  feelings  they 
display  toward  the  French  who  go  to  their  country,  inspiring  the 
other  nations  with  their  own  hostile  spirit.  It  is  the  policy  of 
the  wretched  Ounanghisse,  with  the  view  of  shielding  himself, 
to  induce  others  to  join  him;  and,  whatever  good-will  he  may 
display,  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  is  urging  the  Ilinois,  Miamis, 
and  others  to  do  without  the  French — leading  them  to  hope  that 
he  and  his  adherents  will  supply  them  with  goods.  Our  house, 
therefore,  gives  him  umbrage,  because  he  thinks  that  it  favors 
the  designs  of  the  French.  Monsieur  Duluth — ^who  had  not 
yet  been  able  to  start  for  Lake  Superior,  for  the  reasons  which 
he  has  written  you — ^will  effect  a  good  stroke,  speaking  as  he 
will  speak  to  them,  and  as  I  shall  be  careful  to  write  you  by 
another  conveyance  with  details  of  all  matters.  For  the  pres- 
ent, Monseigneur,  it  will  suffice  for  me  to  tell  you  that,  intending 
to  send  to  the  Nadouessis  via  la  Baye,  as  he  wrote  you,  it  was 
necessary  to  clear  the  road  and  make  it  safe  for  his  people  until 

iThe  Chevalier  de  Baugis  (Baugy)  was  an  officer  in  Governor  La 
Barre's  guards.  In  1683,  he  was  sent  by  La  Barre  to  seize  La  Salle's 
fort  (St  Louis)  on  the  Illinois;  he  remained  there  about  a  year,  when 
he  gave  it  up  to  Henri  de  Tonty,  and  returned  to  Quebec. — Ed. 

^Frontenac  was  superseded  (September,  1862)  by  La  Barre,  who  held 
the  office  of  governor  during  three  years;  he  was  succeeded  in  1685  by 
Denonville. — Ed 


112  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.      [vol.  Xvi 

other  measures  can  be  taken,  should  this  slight  attempt  not  have 
the  effect  expected  from  it.  Matters  will  be  arranged  in 
accordance  with  your  intentions.  One  good  thing  (and  no 
slight  one)  will  result  from  this  expedition,  if  we  prevent  the 
rupture  between  the  Outagamis  and  the  Sauteurs;  Monsieur 
Duluth  will  strive  for  this  with  a  vigor  corresponding  to  that 
which  animates  your  great  mind,  and  which  I  cannot  sufficiently 
admire.  This  compels  and  urges  us  to  redouble  our  prayers, 
and  beg  heaven  to  bless  all  your  designs. 

I  am  sending  simdry  letters  to  Our  Reverend  Father  Super- 
ior, from  which  he  will  obtain  information  of  various  kinds  and 
tell  you  what  concerns  Messieurs  de  la  Durantaye  and  the  cheva- 
lier de  Baugy.  I  fear  that  the  latter  may  meet  with  dangerous 
encounters^  owing  to  the  continual  acts  of  hostility  that  take 
place  in  that  direction ;  for  the  Iroquois  carried  off  fifty  Masoou- 
tins,  and  the  latter  are  no  less  to  be  dreaded  should  they  meet 
any  person  while  pursuing  the  aggressors.  Steps  must  be  taken 
to  secure  the  return  of  the  Miamis  and  Ilinois  to  their  own  coun- 
try. A  savage  called  Nassouascouat,  who  has  just  come  from 
that  quarter  and  who  is  going  to  see  you  in  the  spring,  assures 
me  that  the  Ilinois  will  return  to  their  country  if  they  can  be 
sure  of  your  protection.  Monsieur  de  la  Durantaye  came  to 
an  understanding  with  Father  d'Alloues,  and  I  rejoice  in  the 
hope  that  success  might  be  obtained  as  we  had  planned  at  the 
beginning,  and  that  those  Gentlemen  would  arrange  with  him 
regarding  Monsieur  de  la  Salle  and  the  Savages  of  that  quar- 
ter. But  an  indisposition  that  attacked  the  Father  puts  an  end 
to  these  measures.  It  will  perhaps  be  somewhat  late  when 
Monsieur  de  la  Salle  is  warned,  if  Monsieur  the  chevalier  de 
Baugy  has  not  become  impatient  at  waiting  so  long  for  Mon- 
sieur de  la  Durantaye — ^who  has  had  many  causes  of  delay, 
apart  from  the  length  of  the  journey.  If  all  who  have  taken 
the  road  to  the  Miamis  and  Ilinois  arrive  safely,  Monsieur  the 
chevalier  de  Baugy  will  not  be  the  only  one  to  winter  in  that 
quarter,  according  to  the  first  idea — ^which  was  not  to  abandon 
that  part  of  the  country  until  still  better  protection  was  afforded 
the  Savages  than  that  given  by  Monsieur  de  la  Salle.  I  have 
imparted  to  all  the  advice  I  deemed  most  conformable  to  your 
intentions. 


1683]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  II3 

Sieur  do  Boisguillot  faithfully  performs  the  duty  oonfided 
to  him  during  the  absence  of  those  who  are  entrusted  with  your 
commissions.  He  writes  us  what  Sieur  Pere  tells  him  about 
the  dispositions  of  the  Northern  Savages,  and  I  wrote  it  else- 
where. I  do  not  wish  to  trouble  you  with  a  pile  of  letters  that 
I  have  received  or  am  writing,  and  whereof  I  am  sending  the 
originals  or  copies  to  the  Reverend  Fatlier  Superior.  He  will 
extract  therefrom  what  is  to  be  communicated  to  you,  pending 
the  moment  when  I  shall  do  myself  the  honor  of  adding  to  the 
particulars  that  I  shall  give  of  the  news  we  expect  daily ;  they 
will  supply  what  is  needed  to  show  you  that,  with  all  possible 
esteem  and  attachment,  I  remain,  Monseigneur, 

Your  most  humble  and  most  obedient  servant, 

J.  Enjalban,  of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

The  Hurons  have  not  yet  returned  from  below  nor  from  the 
exploring  expedition. 


1683:     JESUIT  MISSIONS  IN  THE  NORTHWEST. 
[Father  Thierry  Beschefer's  report  to  his  proYincial,  for  the  year  1688.] 

[Synopsis:  He  enumerates  the  tribes  of  the  Ottawa  mis- 
sions, and  the  stations  which  the  Jesuits  have  established  among 
them.  The  pious  dispositions  and  customs  of  the  Christian 
Indians  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie  and  Mackinac  are  described  at  some 
length.  Superstitious  and  idolatrous  rites  are  seldom  openly 
practiced  among  them.  A  solar  eclipse  is,  as  usual,  advan- 
tageously employed  by  the  Fathers  to  combat  the  native  super- 
stitions. Nouvel  has  made  various  missionary  journeys  along 
the  shores  of  Lake  Huron',  and  has  found  the  savages  of  that 
region  very  friendly,  and  well  inclined  to  the  faitk  Drunken- 
ness  had  almost  destroyed  them ;  but  the  Father's  preaching  has 
aroused  them  to  strive  against  this  vice.  Albanel  and  Andre 
have  done  good  work  among  the  Wisconsin  tribes,  as  also  did 
Allouez  before  them ;  the  latter  is  now  evangelizing  the  Illinois 
and  Miami  savages,  and  has  been  able  to  abolish  most  of  their 

superstitious  fasts.     Famine  among  them  has  caused  him  great 
9 


114  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

BuflFering  and  hardship.  A  long  and  interesting  account  is 
given  of  Allouez's  labors,  and  of  the  methods  which  he  employs 
to  win  those  savages.  The  superior  regrets  the  necessity  of  dis- 
continuing the  Illinois  mission,  on  account  of  the  hostilities 
waged  in  that  region  by  the  Iroquois,  who  desire  to  exterminate 
the  Western  tribes.  Beschefer  states  the  need  of  new  mission- 
aries for  the  West,  since  four  of  the  seven  now  there  are  almost 
unfit,  on  account  of  age  and  infirmities,  for  active  service ;  and, 
were  it  not  for  the  services  of  the  donnes,  the  Jesuits  could  not 
have  maintained  those  missions  to  the  present  time.] — Jes.  Re- 
lations, Ixii,  pp.  17-18,  193-215. 


1684:     INDIAN  MURDERERS  PUNISHED  BY  DU  LUTH. 

[Extract  from  a  letter  by  Du  Luth.  The  original  MS.  of  this  docu- 
ment, from  which  the  present  is  a  translation,  is  in  the  archives  of  the 
Ministdre  des  Ck>lonie8,  at  Paris;  press-mark,  "Canada,  Ck>rrespondence 
g^nerale,  vol.  6,  c.  11,  fol.  231."] 

MiSGHELii^fAKiNAC,  April  12,  1684. 

Monsieur:  As  I  have  had  the  honor  of  writing  to  you  (in 
September  and  October  of  last  year)  regarding  the  murder  com- 
mitted by  the  children  of  Achiganaga,  you  will  be  pleased  to 
learn  from  the  present  letter  the  means  that  I  have  used  to 
avenge  the  death  of  the  two  Frenchmen  of  whose  murder  I  in- 
formed you. 

To  follow  the  affair  in  detail,  Sir,  you  must  know  that  on  the 
24th  of  last  October  I  received  notice  that  the  Folavoine,*  who 
was  an  accomplice  in  the  murder  and  robbing  of  the  aforesaid 
two  Frenchmen,  had  arrived  at  Sainte  Marie  du  Sault  with  fif- 
teen cabins  of  Sauteurs — who  had,  conjointly  with  the  Gens 
des  Terres,*  made  an  attack  on  the  Nadouecioux  last  spring; 

1  Literally,  "Wild-oats  (rice)  man;"  one  of  the  Menomonee  tribe, 
called  by  the  French  "FoUes  avoines,"  which  is  simply  the  translation 
of  Maloumin^,  or  Menomonee. — ^Bd. 

sGens  des  Terres:  the  French  appellation  of  an  Algonquian  tribe 
who  then  roamed  through  the  wilderness  north  of  Lake  Superior; 


1684]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  II5 

and  that  he  believed  himself  in  safety,  on  account  of  the  num- 
ber of  allies  and  relatives  whom  he  had  there.  The  Keverend 
Father  Albanel  sent  me  word  that  the  French,  of  whom  there 
were  twelve  at  the  Sault,  had  not  judged  it  advisable  to  arrest 
him,  believing  themselves  too  weak ;  the  Sauteurs,  besides,  had 
as  much  as  declared  that  they  would  not  suffer  their  lands  to  be 
reddened  with  their  blood.  I  informed  the  Reverend  Father 
Enialran  that  I  intended  to  embark  at  davbreak  with  six 
Frenchmen,  to  join  those  who  were  at  Sainte  Marie  du  Sault 
and  make  myself  master  there.  He  was  of  my  opinion ;  and, 
as  he  had  some  matters  to  arrange  with  the  Reverend  Father 
Albanel,  he  got  into  my  canoe. 

Arrived  at  a  league's  distance  from  the  village  the  Reverend 
Father,  Messieurs  the  Chevalier  de  Fourcille  and  La  Chardon- 
niere,  and  myself  disembarked ;  and  I  sent  away  the  canoe,  in 
which  were  Baribaud,  Le  Mire,  La  Fortune,  and  Macons,  while 
we  went  through  the  woods  to  reach  the  house  of  the  Reverend 
Fathers,^  for  fear  that  the  savages  might  discover  me  and  take 
offense  at  my  coming,  and  enable  the  Folavoine  to  escape. 
Finally,  to  be  brief,  I  arrested  him,  and  had  him  guarded  day 
and  night  by  six  Frenchmen.  Afterward  I  held  a  council,  to 
which  I  desired  that  all  the  savages  who  were  present  should 
come,  and  in  which  I  repeated  to  them  what  I  had  said  to  the 
Hurons  and  Oatouats  at  the  time  of  the  departure  of  Sieur 
Pere* — namely,  that  you  had  given  me  orders,  in  case  there 


also  called  Tdtes  de  Boule  ("Round  Heads*').  The  remnant  of  this  trll)e 
migrated,  in  the  19th  century,  to  the  St.  Maurice  river,  in  the  Province 
of  Quebec.  Up  to  the  present  time  they  retain  their  nomadic  habits, 
and  are  "the  only  tribe  in  Eastern  Canada  which  persistently  refuse 
to  adopt  agriculture,  either  partially  or  entirely."  See  James  Bain's 
note  on  p.  62  of  Alexander  Henry's  Travels  and  Adventures  (new  ed., 
Boston,  1901). — Ed. 

iThe  Jesuit  mission  at  Sault  de  Ste.  Marie  was  established  in  1669. 
Its  buildings  had  been  destroyed  by  fire  twice  before  1684;  see  pp.  92, 
93,  ante, — Ed. 

a  Jean  Per6  was  a  noted  coureur  de  hois,  and  made  explorations  in 
the  Northwest,  especially  in  the  Lake  Superior  region,  whither  he  was 
sent  by  Talon  (1669)  to  search  for  copper  mines — one  of  which  was 
discovered  by  him  three  years  later.    In  1684,  he  was  captured  by  the 


Il6  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

were  among  them  any  sufficiently  perverse  to  follow  tlie  exam- 
ple of  those  who  have  in  the  past  assassinated  us  at  Lake  Su- 
perior and  in  Mischigane,  who  should  do  the  same,  I  was  to 
separate  the  innocent  from  the  guilty,  not  wishing  that  the  en- 
tire nation  should  suffer  for  the  crime,  unless  it  supported  the 
t^riminals.  I  told  them  that  they  must  declare  themselves,  in 
order  that,  if  any  factious  spirits  shared  in  this  project  regard- 
ing the  Folavoine,  I  might  learn  it,  and  they  would  see  that  I 
do  not  fear  them  enough  to  be  kept  from  doing  my  duty.  They 
then  held  several  councils,  to  which  they  invited  me,  and  which 
tended  only  to  exculpate  the  prisoner  so  that  I  might  release 
him — all  unanimously  accusing  Achiganaga  and  his  children, 
in  the  belief  that  Sieur  Pere  with  his  detachment  could  not 
make  himself  master  of  them,  and  wishing  to  persuade  me  that 
they  feared  lest  all  the  French  there  might  be  killed.  I  an- 
swered that,  as  regarded  the  Folavoine,  I  was  not  obliged  to 
believe  a  man  whom  I  considered  as  having  aided  to  shed  the 
blood  of  my  brothers ;  that  nevertheless,  in  view  of  their  submis- 
sion to  the  orders  of  Onontio,  their  Father,  I  would  make  no 
decision  until  I  had  more  fully  investigated  the  matter.  I  said, 
moreover,  that  if  I  did  not  get  more  convincing  proofs  against 
him  than  those  which  appeared,  I  would  send  him  back  to  them ; 
but  that,  on  the  contrary,  if  it  were  true  that  he  belonged  to  the 
number  of  the  assassins,  I  would  consider  in  what  manner  I 
should  dispose  of  him.  And  as  for  the  pretended  death  of 
Sieur  Pere,  as  well  as  of  the  other  French,  that  did  not  trouble 
me,  since  I  doubted  whether  the  allies,  or  any  one  of  the  tribe  of 
Achiganaga,  would  wish  to  have  a  war  with  us  in  order  to  sus- 
tain an  action  so  infamous  as  this ;  and  that  I  therefore  felt  sure 
that  the  French — as  they  had  to  attack  only  some  murderers,  or 
at  most  the  men  of  his  family — would  get  them,  alive  or  dead. 
These  are  the  only  answers  that  they  secured  from  me  during 
the  three  days  while  their  councils  lasted — after  which  I  em- 
barked, at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  supported  only  by  twelve 
Frenchmen,  to  show  some  seditious  persons,  who  boasted  that 

Bnglish  at  Hudson  Bay;  but  they  sent  him  back  to  France.  In  1687, 
lie  was  engaged  in  DenonyiUe's  expedition  against  the  Iroquois;  he  is 
mentioned,  three  years  later,  as  being  at  La  Rochelle,  France. — Kd. 


1684]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  II7 

they  would  take  away  the  prisoner  from  me,  that  the  French 
did  not  fear  them. 

The  advices  that  I  received  daily  concerning  the  number  of 
savages  of  his  own  tribe  whom  Achiganaga  was  gathering  at 
Eiaonan  [Keweenaw] — under  pretext,  he  said,  of  going  to  war 
this  spring  against  the  ^Nadouecioux,  to  avenge  the  death  of  one 
of  his  relatives,  a  son  of  Onenous — ^led  me  to  believe  that  it  was 
only  to  secure  himself  from  our  possible  pursuit,  in  case  we 
were  assured  that  his  children  had  killed  us.  This  precauticm 
left  me  between  fear  and  hope  r^arding  the  expedition  that 
Sieur  Pere  was  to  make — when  on  the  24th  of  November,  at 
10  o'clock  in  the  evening,  he  came  through  the  woods  to  tell  me 
that  he  was  bringing  to  me  Achiganaga  and  four  of  his  children. 
He  said  that  they  had  not,  indeed,  all  been  present  at  the  mur- 
der ;  but  that  he  had  thought  it  well  to  follow  in  this  matter  the 
maxim  of  the  Savages,  which  is  to  seize  all  the  relatives ;  and 
that  the  Folavoine,  whom  I  had  arrested,  was  the  most  guilty, 
as  being  the  author  of  the  evil.  This  obliged  me  to  keep  him 
close,  and  to  prevent  any  one  from  talking  to  him,  as  he  had  a 
brother,  a  sister,  and  an  uncle  in  the  village  of  the  Kiscacons.^ 
Sieur  Pere  told  me,  finally,  that  he  had  released  the  youngest 
son  of  Achiganaga,  aged  about  thirteen  or  fourteen  years,  in 
order  to  make  known  to  those  of  their  tribe,  and  to  the  Sauteurs 
and  the  Nocke,^  who  were  in  the  neighborhood,  the  reason 
which  the  French  had  for  taking  away  his  Father  and  his 
brothers.  He  also  told  them  that,  if  any  were  inclined  to  mur- 
mur against  this,  the  French  awaited  them  resolutely — ^for  they 
were  then  in  a  condition  to  defy  them,  having  found  at  Eiaonan 
18  Frenchmen,  who  have  passed  the  winter  there.  No  one  at- 
tempted to  oppose  his  design. 

iThe  Kiskakon  Ottawas  had  been  evangelized  by  Allouez  and  Mar- 
quette, when  at  Chequamegon  Bay  (1665-70) ;  then  removing  to  Mich- 
llUmackinac,  they  settled  near  the  Jesuit  mission  there.  Cf.  p.  80,  note 
1,  ante. — Ed. 

2Nouquet8  (Nock^):  an  Algonquian  tribe  along  the  south  shore  of 
Lake  Superior;  they  have  given  name  to  Bay  de  Noquet,  in  Delta 
county,  Mich.  By  1670  they  had  become  merged  in  the  Sautenn 
(OJibwaa).— Ed. 


Il8  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

On  the  25th,  at  daybreak,  he  embarked  with  four  good  men 
whom  I  gave  him,  to  go  to  join  the  prisoners — ^whom  he  had 
left  four  leagues  from  here,  under  the  guard  of  12  Frenchmen ; 
and  at  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  they  arrived.  I  had  them 
put  in  the  guard-room,  which  I  had  arranged  in  my  own  lodg- 
ings, not  suffering  them  to  speak  to  any  one.  On  the  26th,  I 
set  to  work  to  arrange  their  trial,  which  I  did  in  the  following 
manner : 

I  notified  all  the  chiefs  and  elders  that  they  must  come  to 
the  council  which  I  wished  to  hold;  I  told  the  Folavoine  to 
choose  two  of  his  kinsmen  to  sustain  his  interests;  and  I  told 
the  children  of  Achiganaga — that  is,  the  two  murderers — ^to  do 
the  same.  These  men  I  kept  separated.  The  council  assembled, 
and  I  sent  for  the  Folavoine,  that  he  might  be  interrogated. 
I  had  his  answers  written  down ;  these  were  afterward  read  to 
him,  to  know  if  these  were  not  word  for  word  what  he  had  an- 
swered, after  which  I  sent  him  out  of  the  council  under  good 
and  sure  guard.  I  observed  the  same  formalities  with  the  two 
sons  of  Achiganaga,  and,  as  the  Folavoine  in  some  sort  accused 
the  father,  I  sent  for  him,  and  had  the  Folavoine  and  the  two 
children  come  back;  and  all  three  made  accusations,  without 
denying  the  murder.  Achiganaga  alone  stoutly  maintained 
that  he  knew  nothing  of  the  design  of  the  Folavoine,  or  that  of 
his  children;  and  that  they  should  say  whether  he  had  urged 
them  to  kill  the  FrencL     Thev  answered  that  he  had  not. 

This  confrontation,  which  the  savages  did  not  expect,  sur- 
prised them ;  and,  seeing  that  they  were  convicted  of  the  mur- 
der, the  elders  said:  "It  is  enough;  you  accuse  one  another. 
The  Frenchman  is  now  master  of  your  bodies." 

The  next  day  I  held  another  council,  in  which  I  said  that 
there  was  no  longer  any  doubt  that  the  Frenchmen  had  been 
killed  and  robbed,  that  the  murderers  were  known,  and  that 
they  knew  what  was  their  own  practice  in  such  cases.  To  all 
that  they  answered  nothing,  which  obliged  me  to  hold  another 
council  in  the  cabin  of  Le  Brochet.  After  I  had  talked  to 
them,  seeing  that  they  did  not  come  to  any  decision,  and  that 
all  my  councils  resulted  in  nothing  but  the  reduction  of  to- 
bacco into  ashes,  I  made  a  speech  telling  them  that,  since  they 


1684]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  IIQ 

would  not  declare  themselves,  I  was  going  to  set  about  holding 
their  trial ;  and  that  the  next  day  I  would  make  known  to  them 
what  the  French  and  I  had  resolved. 

It  is  well,  Monsieur,  that  you  should  know  that  I  only  ob- 
served all  these  formalities  to  see  whether  they  would  do  us  the 
same  justice  which  they  practice  among  themselves ;  for  I  have 
various  examples  that  in  such  cases,  when  the  tribe  of  those 
who  have  killed  does  not  wish  to  have  war  with  the  one  that  has 
been  offended,  the  nearest  relatives  of  the  murderers  themselves 
kill  them — that  is,  a  man  for  a  man. 

On  the  29th,  I  assembled  a  part  of  the  French  who  were 
here ;  and,  after  having  had  read  to  them  the  examinations  and 
answers  of  the  accused,  the  certainty  which  we  had  that  they 
were  all  three  guilty,  by  their  own  avowal,*  decided  us  to  put 
them  all  three  to  death.  But,  as  the  French  who  had  remained 
at  Kiaonan  to  pass  the  winter  there  wrote  to  the  Reverend 
Father  Enialran  and  myself,  begging  us  to  treat  this  affair  with 
all  the  mildness  possible, — ^because  the  savages  murmured  that, 
if ,  all  the  accused  were  put  to  death,  they  would  revenge  them- 
selves upon  the  French, — I  made  known  to  these  gentlemen 
that,  this  being  an  unprecedented  affair,  I  believed  it  was  ex- 
pedient, for  the  safety  of  all  their  companions  who  were  win- 
tering at  Lake  Superior,  to  put  to  death  only  two.  I  told  them 
that,  in  case  the  savages  wished  to  make  trouble,  one  man  more 
would  not  greatly  weaken  their  own  party,  whereas  the  death 
of  this  third  savage  might  have  grievous  consequences ;  on  the 
contrary,  by  only  killing  man  for  man,  the  savages  would  have 
nothing  to  say,  since  that  is  their  own  practice.  M.  de  la  Tour, 
a  man  of  the  Fathers,  who  has  served  a  long  time,  supported 
by  cogent  reasons  the  opinion  I  had  expressed,  which  gave  all 
those  whom  I  had  called  to  the  council  reason  for  releasing  the 
third  man.  It  was  resolved  that  two  of  them,  the  Folavoine 
and  the  elder  of  the  two  brothers,  should  be  shot,  and  that  the 
younger  should  hold  his  life  by  your  favor.  Monsieur.  After 
this  I  returned  with  Messieurs  Boisguillot,  Pere,  de  Repen- 
tigny,  de  Manthet,  de  la  Ferte,  and  Macons,  to  Le  Brochet's 
cabin,  where  were  present  all  the  elders  of  the  Outaouats  of 
Sable,  Outaouats  Sinagaux,  Kiskacons,  Sauteurs,  Mississagues, 


120  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

AchiKngB,^  a  part  of  the  Hurons,  and  Oumamens,  chief  of  the 
Amikois.  I  there  declared  to  them  anew  that,  as  they  were 
aware  of  the  murder  of  the  two  Frenchmen  at  Kiaonan,  and 
knew  all  the  murderers,  I  was  surprised  that  no  one  dared  to 
declare  himself  in  favor  of  giving  us  satisfaction ;  that,  never- 
theless, Onontio's  blood  had  been  shed,  that  it  was  still  warm, 
and  that  other  blood  must  be  shed  to  satisfy  it.  I  therefore 
made  known  to  them  that,  since  we  had  been  killed  by  two  dif- 
ferent tribes,  one  man  of  each  should  die  therefor,  and  that 
they  should  me^  the  same  death  which  they  had  inflicted  on 
the  French,  and  should  therefore  be  shot.  As  for  the  third,  I 
said  that  you  granted  him  his  life  on  condition  that  he  make 
known  to  all  his  allies  the  favor  that  you.  Monsieur,  had  shown 
him.  I  added  that  if  I  were  not  relaxing  the  rigor  of  our  laws, 
I  would  put  to  death  all  six  of  them  as  being  guilty  of  partici- 
pating in  the  robbery,  and  possibly  of  contributing  to  the  mur- 
der by  their  evil  counsels ;  but  that  I  hoped  that  the  mildness 
I  had  shown  on  this  occasion  would  not  be  condemned  by  you. 
This  decision  to  put  them  to  death  was  a  very  hard  blow  for 
them,  for  they  had  thus  far  believed  that  I  would  not  venture 
to  undertake  this.  The  Outaouats  of  Sable  and  the  Outaouats 
Sinagaux,  in  order  not  to  have  trouble  with  you,  Monsieur,  had 
seemed  to  blame  their  conduct,  and  not  to  care  what  became  of 
them ;  now  Le  Talon  rose,  and  after  a  long  harangue  concluded 
that,  if  I  had  a  heart,  I  would  grant  them  their  lives.  The 
chief  of  the  Outaouats  Sinagaux  said  that  he  had  taken  captive 
some  Irocois  whom  Monsieur  de  Courcelle  had  demanded  of  him, 
whom  he  had  surrendered  and  whose  lives  had  been  spared; 
and  that  I  therefore  ought  to  do  the  same.  Oumamens,  whom 
the  Sauteurs  had  employed  to  speak  for  them, — not  being  able 
to  speak  for  themselves,  as  they  were  parties  in  the  trial, — 
thanked  me  for  being  content  with  so  little,  and  praised  the 
good  heart  of  the  Frenchman,  who  was  going  to  release  the 

iThe  Sinagaux  (Slnagos)  were  the  Squirrel  clan  of  Ottawas;  it  is 
their  chief  who  is  mentioned  as  Singos  on  pp.  26,  27,  ante.  Those  "of 
Sable "  were  apparently  a  band  located  along  Au  Sable  river,  Mich.  The 
Achilings  were  a  small  tribe  living  on  French  river  and  about  its 
discharge  into  Georgian  Bay.  The  Amikois  (Amikou6s)  are  also 
known  as  the  Beaver  tribe. — Ed. 


1684]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN,  121 

father  and  three  of  his  children.  The  other  tribes  did  not 
speak. 

These  different  opinions  led  me  to  answer  the  two  former 
speakers  that,  if  these  were  prisoners  of  war,  I  would  be  pleased 
to  spare  their  lives ;  but  that  being  assassins  they  must  die,  to 
set  an  example  for  those  who  might  have  similar  designs,  and 
by  this  fear  prevent  them  from  so  readily  resorting  to  assassi- 
nation, especially  that  of  Frenchmen.  I  said  that  they  know 
very  well  that  I  love  men,  but  that  I  do  not  fear  them 
enough  to  be  kept  from  executing  the  orders  received  from  you 
to  put  to  death  whomsoever  kills  us ;  that,  if  I  did  not  do  so, 
when  you  learned  that,  although  I  had  in  my  power  those  who 
assassinated  your  first  children,  I  did  not  punish  them,  you 
would  believe  it  was  on  account  of  my  fearing  men  that  I  had 
been  restrained.  Then,  to  teach  me  to  be  afraid,  I  would  no 
sooner  have  arrived  than  you  would  inflict  on  me  the  same  treat- 
ment that  their  crime  deserved.  I  said,  moreover,  that  I  was 
not  the  author  of  their  death,  but  that  all  the  elders  were.  I 
said :  "I  say  thus  on  account  of  the  sentiments  which  you  have 
insinuated  into  the  youth,  that  to  kill  the  French  was  not  an  af- 
fair of  such  great  moment  as  one  imagined,  since  a  slave  or  a 
package  of  beaver  could  make  sufficient  amends;  and  till  now 
there  has  been  no  more  grievous  result  for  those  who  had  com- 
mitted assassinations.  But  if  you  had  from  the  beginning 
made  known  to  the  young  men  that  in  case  they  committed  any 
evil  deed  the  tribe  would  abandon  them,  they  would  have  been 
better  advised,  and  the  Frenchmen  would  still  be  alive.'*  After 
this  I  left  the  council,  and  informed  the  Keverend  Fathers,  so 
that  they  might  baptise  those  two  wretched  men,  which  they 
did.  An  hour  afterward,  I  put  myself  at  the  head  of  42  French- 
men, and,  in  sight  of  more  than  400  men,  and  200  steps  from 
their  fort,  I  had  their  heads  broken. 

The  impossibility  of  guarding  them  until  spring  to  be  sent 
to  you,  Monsieur,  made  me  hasten  their  death,  being  persuaded 
that  on  such  an  occasion  a  prompt  execution  is  necessary  to 
calm  everything,  and  to  avoid  giving  opportunity  to  those  in- 
terested to  take  measures  for  attempting  to  rescue  the  pris- 
oners. 


122  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS,        [vol.  XVl 

When  Sieur  Pere  arrested  them,  those  who  had  committed 
the  murder  confessed ;  and  when  asked  what  they  had  done  with 
the  merchandise,  they  answered  that  it  was  aknost  all  hidden. 
He  had  himself  conducted  to  the  hiding-places,  and  was  greatly 
surprised,  as  were  the  Frenchmen  with  him,  to  see  that  it  was 
in  twelve  or  fifteen  different  places;  and  that  through  their 
carelessness  the  bales,  the  tobacco,  and  the  powder  were  ruined, 
as  they  had  put  them  in  the  pine  woods,  imder  roots  that  were 
soaked  in  water  on  account  of  ten  or  twelve  days  of  continual 
rain,  which  had  inimdated  all  the  land,  because  snow  and  freez- 
ing weather  had  come  unexpectedly  soon.  They  had,  therefore, 
the  utmost  diflSculty  in  withdrawing  the  goods.  They  next 
went  to  look  for  the  bodies,  and  tried,  but  unsuccessfully,  to  re- 
cover them,  as  the  wretches  had  thrown  them  into  loose  soil,  and 
in  a  hole  which  they  had  made;  and,  not  even  satisfied  with 
this,  had  put  branches  across  them  to  prevent  them  from  float- 
ing when  the  country  is  under  water  in  spring.  By  this  pre- 
caution they  hoped  that  the  French,  finding  no  indications  that 
the  missing  men  had  been  killed,  would  believe  that  they  had 
been  drowned  by  capsizing — which  report  they  had  in  fact  cir- 
culated, saying  that  they  had  found  on  the  other  side  of  the 
portage,^  in  the  lake,  a  demolished  boat,  which  they  believed  to 
be  the  property  of  Frenchmen. 

The  merchandise  recovered,  Sieur  Pere  had  it  brought  to  the 
place  where  all  the  French  were,  both  those  who  were  to  spend 
the  winter  at  Kiaonan,  and  who  knew  nothing  of  the  death  of 
Jacques  Le  Maire  and  Colin  Berthot  when  Sieur  Pere  arrived, 
and  the  ten  who  belonged  to  his  detachment.  A  conference  was 
held  regarding  the  measures  which  they  ought  to  take  to  avoid 
the  total  loss  of  the  wares,  and  it  was  concluded  to  sell  them 
to  the  highest  bidder.  This  brought  1,100  livres  Paris,  to  be 
paid  in  beaver  to  M.  de  Lachesnaye,  to  whom  I  send  the  names 
of  those  indebted  for  the  goods.' 

lAn  aUusion  to  the  portage  route  across  Keweenaw  Point,  which  is 
now  followed  by  the  Portage  river  ship-canal. — Ed. 

2 The  livre  was  a  French  money  of  account,  in  value  somewhat  less 
than  the  modem  franc:  that  of  Tours  was  worth  20  sous,  that  of 
Paris  25  sous. 

Charles  Aubert  de  la  Chesnaye  was  one  of  the  most  wealthy,  influ- 


1684]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  1 23 

The  savages  who  were  present  when  Achiganaga  and  his 
children  Were  arrested  wished  to  dance  the  calumets  for  Sieur 
Per6,  and  to  give  him  some  slaves,  which  was  only  meant 
to  patch  up  the  assassination  committed  upon  the  French.  He 
perceived  their  intention^  and  therefore  would  not  allow  it,  tell- 
ing them  that  a  hundred  slaves  and  a  hundred  packages  of 
beaver  could  not  make  him  traffic  in  the  blood  of  his  brothers ; 
and  that,  when  he  had  sent  them  to  me,  it  would  be  for  me  to 
decide.  I  said  the  same  thing  here  in  the  councils,  so  that  they 
might  not  in  future  believe  that  they  could  save  by  presents 
those  who  might  commit  similar  acts. 

On  the  whole.  Monsieur,  Sieur  Pere  plainly  shows  by  his 
conduct  in  the  pursuit  of  this  aflFair  that  he  is  not  so  much  in 
the  interest  of  the  savages  as  has  been  reported ;  and  I  venture 
to  say  that  I  know  of  no  one  whom  they  fear  more,  who  flatters 
them  less,  and  who  knows  them  better. 

The  criminals  being  in  two  diflFerent  places,  Sieur  Pere, 
forced  to  guard  four  of  them,  detached  Messieurs  de  Repen- 
tigny,  and  de  Manthet,  and  six  other  Frenchmen,  to  go  to  arrest 
the  two  who  were  among  their  people  eight  leagues  away  in  the 
woods,  which  order  they  vigorously  carried  out.  Among 
others.  Messieurs  de  Kepentigny  and  de  Manthet  showed  that 
they  feared  nothing  where  honor  called  them,  Sieur  de  la 
Chevrotiere  rendered  very  useful  service,  both  in  person  and  by 
his  counsels,  as  he  indicated  the  place  where  the  criminals  were ; 
Achiganaga,  who  had  adopted  him  as  his  son,  had  told  him  the 
place  where  he  was  to  hunt  during  the  winter.  I  enclose  here- 
with, Monsieur,  a  list  of  those  who  composed  the  detachment; 
and,  as  I  prevented  them  from  taking  along  any  wares,  since 
this  was  not  a  trading  expedition,  I  have  led  them  to  hope  that, 
in  case  they  should  be  unable  to  dispose  of  their  merchandise 
this  spring,  you  would  be  kind  enough  to  continue  them  for  a 
year,  so  that  they  may  have  an  opportunity  to  do  their  trading.^ 

ential,  and  public-spirited  merchants  of  Canada.    He  came  to  Canada 
in  1655,  and  died  in  1702.— Ed. 

1  These  men  were  voyageurs  or  traders,  whom  Du  Luth  had  induced 
to  aid  him  in  the  capture  of  the  Indian  murderers;  he  asks  that  the 
governor  will  extend  for  a  year  the  permits  to  trade  now  held  by  these 
▼oyageurs. — Bo. 


124  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [voI.XVt 

This  is  the  favor,  Monsieur,  that  I  ask  of  you  for  themv 
Sieur  de  Boisguillot,  who  remains  here,  will  await  your  orders 
in  this. 

Two  days  after  the  murderers  had  had  their  heads  broken, 
the  Kiskacons,  the  Outaouats  of  Sable,  and  the  Outaouata 
Sinagaux  held  a  council,  in  which  they  gave  me  six  collars 
(each  tribe  giving  two),  to  cover  the  Frenchmen  who  had  been 
killed,  and  to  efface  their  blood,  in  order  that  the  earth  might 
be  clean  in  future.  An  hour  later,  they  performed  the  same 
ceremony  toward  Achiganaga  and  the  relatives  of  the  Folavoine 
who  were  then  present. 

The  next  day  I  held  for  them  a  great  festival  of  wheat  and 
tobacco  in  the  cabin  of  Le  Brochet,  in  order  to  take  away  the 
pain  that  I  had  caused  him  by  pronoimcing  the  death-sentence 
of  the  two  savages  in  his  cabin,  without  speaking  to  him  of  it. 
To  this  I  invited  all  the  chiefs  and  elders  of  all  the  tribes  pre- 
viously named.  The  Hurons  here  gave  me  three  collars  for  the 
same  purpose  as  the  others  had,  and  they  gave  three  for  the 
Sauteurs  and  the  Folavoines. 

It  still  remained  for  me  to  enable  Achiganaga  and  his  three 
children  to  go  home  and  join  their  family,  located  about  120 
leagues  from  here,  where  they  had  been  taken.  They  could  not 
travel  this  distance  without  my  aid,  as  they  were  in  need  of 
everything.  Knowing  their  need,  I  informed  them  that  you 
were  not  satisfied  with  merely  sparing  their  lives,  but  that  you 
wished  to  preserve  them  in  life  by  furnishing  them  with  every- 
thing they  needed  to  escape  dying  of  hunger  and  cold  on  the 
way — which  you  did  by  giving  them,  by  my  hand,  blankets, 
guns,  powder,  lead,  mitasses,^  tobacco,  axes,  knives,  twine  for 
making  a  beaver-net,  shirts,  and  two  sacks  of  wheat  to  keep 
them  until  they  could  kill  some  game.     They  departed  two  days 

iMitasse:  an  Algonkin  word  adopted  by  the  French  Canadians,  as 
the  name  of  the  legging^s  worn  by  the  Indians  and  hunters  in  winter; 
defined  in  Clapin's  Diet,  Canad.'Francai8  as  "a  gaiter  of  deerskin  or 
cloth,  ornamented  with  designs  in  beads  or  moose-hair  of  various  col- 
ors." Crawford  Lindsay,  of  Quebec,  informs  the  editor:  "What  the 
Indians  and  French  Canadians  call  mitasae—the  Bnglish  inhabitants 
call  'neap' — a  blanket  over-stocking  that  we  wear  inside  moccasins  for 
snowshoeing." — Jea.  Relations,  Ixvii,  p.  344. 


1 686]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  12$ 

later,  thoroughly  satisfied;  but  God  was  not,  for  at  two  days' 
journey  from  here  old  Achiganaga  fell  sick  with  a  quinsy  and 
died,  which  left  his  three  children  at  liberty.  This  news 
reaching  the  savages,  most  of  them  in  this  place  attributed  his 
death  to  the  French,  saying  that  we  killed  him.  I  let  them 
talk  unheeded.  It  is  only  about  two  months  since  they  set  out 
for  Kiaonan.  I  gave  them  letters  to  the  French  there,  so  that 
these  may  have  nothing  to  say  to  them  about  the  murder  of  their 
companions,  as  I  have  taken  such  satisfaction  as  I  deemed  just. 
The  Sauteurs  gave  them  some  collars  in  order  that  they  might 
take  good  care  that  no  trouble  be  made  over  the  death  of  their 
brother ;  and  in  order,  should  any  have  evil  designs,  to  restrain 
them  by  these  collars,  of  which  they  are  bearers.  For  my  part, 
I  do  not  doubt  that  this  example  will  render  them  wiser,  and 
produce  very  good  results. 


1686:     GOVERNOR  DENONVILLE  ORDERS  DU  LUTH  TO 
ESTABLISH  A  POST  AT  DETROIT. 

[From  MS.  in  archives  of  Ministdre  des  Colonies,  Paris;  press-mark, 

'Canada,  Corres.  g^n.,  vol.  8,  c.  11,  fol.  53."] 


**t 


ViLLEMABUc,!  Juue  6,  1686. 

Monsieur:  Although  I  sent  word  to  you  this  autumn  to 
come  to  meet  me  in  order  to  confer  with  us  about  a  great  many 
things  which  can  not  be  written,  yet,  as  the  Reverend  Father 
Anialran  [Enjalran]  has  come  here  and  intends  to  go  back  to 
Michilimaquina  as  soon  as  the  restitution  of  the  prisoners  shall 
have  been  effected,  and  as  your  presence  is  much  more  necessary 
with  the  Outaouats,  I  therefore  give  you  orders  in  this  letter 
not  to  come  down,  but  to  join  Monsieur  de  la  Durantaye,  who 
is  to  be  at  Michilimaquina  to  execute  the  orders  that  I  am  send- 
ing to  him  for  the  security  of  our  allies  and  friends. 

You  will  see  by  the  letters  that  I  write  to  Monsieur  de  la 


^Villemarie  ("city  of  Mary")  was  the  name  first  given  to  Montreal 
by  the  religious  colony  who  established  that  settlement  (1641);  they 
dedicated  it  to  the  Virgin  Mary. — ^Bd. 


126  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

Durantaye  that  my  intention  is  for  you  to  occupy  a  post  at  the 
Strait  of  Lake  Erie,  with  50  men;  that  you  should  chooee  a 
post  in  an  advantageous  place  to  assure  us  of  that  passage,  and 
to  protect  our  savages  who  go  hunting,  and  serve  them  as  a 
refuge  against  the  enterprises  of  their  enemies  and  ours.  You 
will  do  or  say  nothing  to  the  Iroquois,  unless  they  should  un- 
dertake  anything  against  us  or  against  our  allies. 

You  will  see  also  by  the  letter  that  I  write  to  Monsieur  de  la 
Durantaye  that  I  intend  that  you  go  to  this  poet  as  soon  as  you 
possibly  can,  with  some  twenty  men  only,  whom  you  will  put 
under  the  orders  of  such  lieutenant  as  you  shall  choose,  as  being 
best  adapted  for  the  command  and  best  suiting  yourself. 

After  giving  all  the  orders  that  you  judge  necessary  for  the 
security  of  that  post,  and  having  ordered  your  lieutenant  to  be 
on  his  guard,  and  having  recommended  the  rest  to  be  obedient^ 
you  will  go  to  Michilimaquina  to  await  the  Reverend  Father 
Anialran,  and  receive  from  him  the  information  and  instruc- 
tions on  all  matters  that  I  shall  have  communicated  to  him  re- 
garding what  I  desire  of  you ;  and  then  you  will  return  to  said 
post  with  thirty  men,  whom  you  will  receive  from  Monsieur 
de  la  Durantaye  to  conduct  thither.  You  will  see  to  it  that 
each  one  furnish  himself  with  the  provisions  necessary  for  his 
subsistence  at  the  post,  where  doubtless  it  will  be  possible  to  do 
some  trading  in  furs ;  accordingly,  your  men  will  not  do  ill  to 
take  with  them  a  little  merchandise. 

I  can  not  suflSciently  recommend  to  you  to  keep  up  a  good  un- 
derstanding with  Monsieur  de  la  Durantaye,  as  otherwise  all 
our  plans  would  come  to  nothing,  and  meantime  the  service  of 
the  king  and  the  public  would  seriously  suffer. 

The  post  to  which  I  send  you  is  all  the  more  important  as  I 
count  that  it  will  bring  us  into  relations  with  the  Illinois,  to 
whom  you  will  make  known  the  matters  of  which  the  Reverend 
Father  will  inform  you.  Remember  that  nothing  can  be  more 
important  than  to  apply  yourself  to  carry  out  well  all  my  or- 
ders, and  everything  that  I  shall  make  known  to  you  through 
the  Reverend  Father  on  his  return  to  Michilimaquina.  I 
send  to  you  the  commissions  necessary  for  the  command  of  that 
post,  and  for  your  lieutenant 


1 686]  FRENCH    REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  127 

I  say  nothing  of  your  interests,  but  you  may  count  upon  my 
doing  with  pleasure  everything  that  is  necessary  for  your  ad- 
vantage. After  this,  however,  I  will  repeat  to  you  once  more 
that  you  can  not  exercise  too  much  application,  in  order  to  suc- 
ceed in  everything  that  I  shall  desire  of  you  for  the  interests 
of  the  King's  service.  If  your  affairs  could  allow  your  brother 
to  be  with  you  next  spring,  I  would  be  greatly  pleased;  for, 
as  he  is  a  very  intelligent  youth,  who  could  be  of  great  service 
to  you,  he  might  also  be  of  great  utility  to  us. 

I  beg  you  to  mention  nothing  that  you  may  guess  of  our  de- 
signs, but  to  evade  all  that. 


1686  (ca):    ACCOUNT   OF   DETROIT   POST. 

[Extract  from  a  letter  written  apparently  to  Count  de  Pontchartrain, 
then  intendant  of  finance  in  France.  The  original  MS.  is  in  the  MSS. 
diyision  of  the  library  of  Congnress,  Washington.] 

To  give  you  an  idea.  Monsieur,  of  what  the  Detroit  is,  in 
case  you  have  none,  you  must  Kjiow  that  it  is  a  River  which  is 
twenty-five  Leagues  long,  into  which  Lake  Huron  discharges 
its  waters,  to  fall  into  Lake  Erie.  About  Six  Leagues  from 
the  latter,  there  is  another  lake  in  this  River,  called  Lake  St 
Claire,  which  is  ten  Leagues  in  length  and  about  fifteen  in 
width.  It  is  well  stocked  with  fish,  as  is  also  the  River,  which 
is  on  the  forty-first  degree  of  latitude  and  runs  from  the  Mouth 
of  this  lake  to  Lake  Erie,  from  North-Northeast  to  South- 
Southwest.  The  Land  on  the  North  [sc.  West]  side  extends 
toward  the  Miamis,  where  is  a  River  by  which  one  goes  in  Six 
days  to  that  country  whence  one  can  easily  reach  the  Missisipi.* 
That  to  the  South  [sc.  East]  extends  to  Toronto,*  a  mainland 

i"The  Miamis"  refers  to  the  new  abode  of  these  savages,  at  the 
river  St  Joseph.  From  that  river  access  was  gained  to  the  Missis- 
Bfppi  by  a  portage  (near  the  present  South  Bend,  Ind.)  to  the  Kanka- 
kee, the  southern  branch  of  the  Illinois  river. — Bd. 

3 Toronto  (Tarento,  Toronto)  was  an  early  appellation  of  both  Lake 
Simcoe  and  the  Severn  river;  the  name  was  also  applied  to  the  portage- 


128  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.      [vol.  Xvi 

at  the  Foot  of  Lake  Huron  which  ends  at  Lake  Ontario.  The 
Detroit  is  one  hundred  Leagues  from  Missilimakinac ;  and 
from  its  lower  end  there  are  one  hundred  more  to  Niagara, 
which  is  distant  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from  Montreal. 
And  if  an  Establishment  be  made  at  this  post,  it  has  been  re- 
solved that  our  people  shall  build  Barks  at  Katara-Koui/  to  con- 
vey necessaries  to  Niagara.  At  the  latter  place  a  fort  will  be 
erected,  in  order  that  Wagons  may  be  kept  there  for  transport- 
ing the  goods,  which  will  be  placed  on  other  Barks,  to  be  carried 
as  far  as  the  Detroit.  From  this  place  tliey  can  be  sent  to  the 
Miamis  and  to  Chikager  [Chicago]  and  to  la  Baye  [Green 
Bay],  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  Trade  with  the  many  na- 
tions there. 

Our  Fort  covers  a  square  of  one  Arpent  in  extent,  without 
the  Bastions,  and  is  very  advantageously  Situated  on  an  Emi- 
nence, separated  from  the  River  by  a  gentle  slope  of  about  forty 
paces,  which  forms  a  very  pleasant  Glacis.*  Care  has  been 
taken  to  place  it  at  the  narrowest  part  of  the  River,  which  is 
here  a  gimshot  in  width,  while  everywhere  else  it  is  a  good  quar- 
ter of  a  leagua  And,  if  a  settlement  be  made  at  the  Post,  the 
ground  is  very  well  suited  for  building  a  large  town  there  in 
the  future.     The  various  conditions  to  be  encountered  in  this 


trail  from  Georgian  Bay  (via  Lake  Simcoe)  to  Lake  Ontario,  and  was 
transferred  to  the  shore  of  the  great  lake,  and  finally  to  the  present 
city  of  Toronto.  See  Bain's  note  thereon,  Henry's  Travels,  pp.  170, 
171.— Ed. 

iKartarakoul  (Cartarcoui) :  the  Iroquois  name  of  the  place  where 
Kingston,  Ont,  is  now  situated;  a  place  of  great  strategic  importance, 
where  Frontenac  erected  (1673)  the  fort  that  bore  his  name.  It  was 
abandoned  in  1689,  but  restored  in  1695;  it  was  finally  captured  and 
destroyed  by  the  English,  in  1758. 

In  1679  La  Salle  had  erected  blockhouses  at  the  entrance  of  Niagara 
river;  on  that  site  a  fort  was  built  by  Governor  Denonville  in  1687. 
This  was  for  many  years  one  of  the  most  important  French  posts;  in 
1759  it  was  surrendered  to  the  English. — ^Ed. 

2  A  military  term,  meaning  the  mass  of  earth  outside  a  fort  which 
serves  as  a  parapet  to  the  covered  way,  and  gently  slopes  to  the  exte- 
rior ground.  Du  Luth's  fort  was  built,  not  at  the  place  chosen  by 
Cadillac  in  1701,  but  at  the  southern  end  of  Lake  Huron,  apparently  at 
or  near  the  present  Fort  Gratiot,  Mich. — Ed. 


l686]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  1 29 

Region  make  it  a  very  agreeable  one ;  the  Climate  is  as  temper- 
ate as  in  Touraine/  and  the  Winter  (according  to  the  Savages) 
does  not  last  more  than  six  Weeks.  It  is  a  charming  sight  to 
see  that  River,  bordered  with  an  infinite  number  of  apple-trees, 
with  abundance  of  plum-trees  of  every  kind,  of  Chestnut  and 
Walnut  trees,  and  the  Hazel-bushes  of  France;  and  to  find 
there  the  Vine,  one  of  its  finest  ornaments,  whose  Grapes  are 
fairly  large  and  good.  At  intervals  we  come  upon  very  large 
meadows,  both  dry  and  wet,  full  of  grass  that  grows  to  the 
height  of  over  three  feet.  They  are  broken  only  by  fruit  Trees, 
or  by  hard-wood  Timber  of  great  height  and  of  various  kinds, 
such  as  the  butternut  and  walnut,  red  and  white  Oak,  Poplar, 
Basswood,  Elm,  Ash,  and  Cottonwood.  This  diversity  con- 
tinues inland,  where  we  have  taken  the  precaution  to  have  the 
soil  examined;  it  is  so  good  that  it  leads  us  to  hope  that  its 
fertility  will  not  refuse  to  the  hand  of  the  Careful  Husband- 
man what  Nature  itself  produces  so  abundantly. 

These  Woods  and  vast  prairies  supply  food  to  an  immense 
number  of  Oxen,  Cows,  Stags,  Does,  Deer,  Bears,  and  Turkeys, 
which  have  been  of  great  Assistance  to  us  in  providing  Sub- 
sistence for  our  Soldiers  and  Voyageurs,  who  were  occupied  in 
building  and  whose  provisions  gave  out  just  as  they  arrived 
Four  or  five  Hunters  have  hitherto  Sufficed  to  support  them, 
notwithstanding  the  great  Heat,  which  made  them  lose  a  por- 
tion of  their  meat.  This  will  give  an  idea  of  the  various  kinds 
of  animals  to  be  found  on  this  Continent.  In  the  prairies,  in 
Lake  Ste.  Claire,  and  in  the  River,  wherein  there  are  several 
Islands,  there  are  great  quantities  of  Game,  consisting  of  pheas- 
ants. Quail,  Rail,  red  Partridges,  Cranes,  Swans,  Bustards, 
Ducks  of  various  kinds,  Teal,  and  Pigeons. 

If  we  continue  to  maintain  this  Establishment,  it  will  be  a 
means  of  preventing  the  English  from  coming  to  take  posses- 
sion of  it,  to  deprive  us  of  the  Trade  with  the  Nations  up  above ; 
of  holding  the  Iroquois  in  check;  and  of  maintaining  our 
Allies  in  their  duty.     It  will  be  much  easier  to  Frenchify  the 

iTouraine  was  a  i^royince  in  the  west  central  part  of  France,  its 
mean  latitude  47**  N.;  it  was  watered  by  the  Loire  river. — Eo. 

10 


130  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

latter  and  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  them,  on  account  of  the  prox- 
imity of  the  French  and  the  number  of  Missionaries  who  will 
be  there. 

This,  Monsieur,  is  all  that  I  can  write  to  you  at  present  of 
the  excellence  of  this  Country.  If  any  discovery  should  be 
made  liereafter  I  will  inform  you  of  it. 


1687:     ENGLISH    AND    IROQUOIS    INTRIGUES   AMONG    NORTH- 
WESTERN TRIBES. 

[Part  of  a  letter  from  Grovernor  Denonville  to  the  French  Minister; 
dated  June  8,  1687.  The  original  MS.  is  in  the  Paris  archives;  we  ob- 
tain our  text  from  a  transcript  in  the  Dominion  archives  at  Ottawa^ 
Canada;  press-mark,  "Cor res.  gen.,  vol.  ix,  pp.  31-50."] 

By  the  last  letters  that  I  had  the  honor  to  send  you  (in  No- 
vember of  last  year),  I  rendered  you  a  tolerably  exact  account 
of  the  condition  of  aflfairs  in  this  country.  Since  that  time, 
Monseigneur,  we  have  learned  from  Missilimaquina  that  Father 
Angelran,  Superior  of  the  missionaries  who  are  scattered 
among  the  remote  nations  of  that  region,  and  Sieur  de  la  Du- 
rantaye,  who  commands  at  Missilimakinak  and  the  other  posts 
that  we  hold,  have  had  great  difficulty  in  restraining  all  the 
Hurons  and  the  other  Outawes  savages,  and  preventing  them 
from  going  to  find  the  Sonnontwan  [Seneca]  Iroquois — ^re- 
solved to  come  to  terms  with  them,  and  to  become  their  depend- 
ants, and  thus  their  allies.  As  a  result,  through  the  Iroquois 
power  would  be  introduced  the  trade  with  the  English — ^which 
has  made  a  strong  impression  upon  our  savages  by  the  cheap- 
ness of  the  wares  which  the  English  merchants  sold  them  last 
year  at  Missilimakinak,  whither  they  resort,  as  I  have  had  the 
honor  of  informing  you  by  my  letters.  This  Huron  nation — 
naturally  distrustful  and  fickle,  like  all  the  savages — and  the 
Outawes,  although  they  have  long  been  the  enemies  of  the 
Iroquois,  willingly  go  over  to  their  side.  They  do  so  through 
fear  of  the  Iroquois  power,  and  through  the  persuasions  of  the 
English,  who  promise  to  maintain  them  in  peace  with  their 


1687]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  I3I 

enemies,  and  to  render  them  masters  of  the  entire  trade  of  the 
other  remote  nations  to  whom  our  Frenchmen  are  accustomed 
to  go.  Consider,  too,  the  greater  cheapness  of  goods  which  the 
English  promise  them.  All  these  things,  Monseigneur,  have 
caused  great  difficulty  in  so  managing  these  peoples  as  to  turn 
them  aside  from  those  transactions. 

The  Hurons  and  the  Outawes  finally  determined  to  send  me, 
this  winter,  the  two  most  prominent  men  among  them,  with 
four  of  our  Frenchmen,  who  brought  them  to  me  over  the  ice. 
How  those  Fathers,  Monseigneur,  have  averted  the  greatest 
misfortune  which  could  at  present  happen  to  us  1  which  would 
be,  if  those  peoples,  quitting  our  alliance,  should  take  sides 
with  our  enemies.  The  post  which  Sieur  Dulhu  occupies  at 
the  strait  [Detroif]  of  Lake  Erie,  and  the  Frenchmen  whom 
Sieur  de  la  Durantaye  has  gathered  at  Missilimakina,  have 
been  of  no  little  aid  to  Brother  Valloin.^  The  harangues  of 
the  Fathers  have  been  accompanied  with  threats  from  Sieur 
Durantaye.  All  these  results,  Monseigneur,  could  not  be 
achieved  without  expense — not  only  to  support  our  Frenchmen 
who  were  kept  together  in  the  posts,  but  for  the  voyages  which 
it  has  been  necessary  to  make  ^vith  all  diligence,  but  without 
any  profit  for  those  who  were  employed  either  in  voyages  or  at 
the  posts,  where  as  vigilant  guard  is  maintained  as  in  a  city  in 
time  of  war. 

Monsieur  de  Champigny  and  I  did  not  fail  to  take  good  care 
of  our  two  savage  envoys,  whom  we  were  obliged  to  keep  sev- 
eral months,  awaiting  the  end  of  the  severe  cold  season  to  send 
them  back  over  the  ice  to  a  place  near  Lake  Huron.  According 
to  the  news  that  I  have  received,  they  reached  their  destination 
on  the  3rd  of  May,  when  the  ice  was  breaking  up.  They  went 
away  apparently  quite  resolved  to  march  with  their  people  to 
join  me  with  Sieurs  de  la  Durantaye  and  Dulhu,  in  accordance 
with  my  former  plans  of  last  year,  and  with  the  orders  that  I 


iThis  name  cannot  well  be  identified,  as  no  such  person  is  known 
among  the  Jesuit  missionaries  to  New  France  (see  list  of  these  in  /et. 
Relations,  Izi,  pp.  120-181).  It  is  possible  that  reference  is  here  made 
to  Father  Francois  Vaillant  de  Gueslis,  from  1678  to  1685  a  missionary 
to  the  Iroquois. — Ed. 


132  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

have  sent  to  those  oflScers,  which  I  had  the  honor  to  report  to 
you  in  iny  last  letters. 


1687-89:    HOSTILITIES  BETWEEN  FRENCH  AND  IROQUOIS. 

[Note:  Frontcnae  had  been  recalled  to  France,  and  suc- 
ceeded (1682)  by  Le  Febvre  de  la  Barre — an  old  man,  igno- 
rant of  the  affairs  of  tlie  colony  and  of  the  Indian  character, 
and  eager  to  make  money.  Engaging  in  the  fur  trade,  his  in- 
terests and  those  of  the  Canadian  merchants  leagued  with  him 
were  imperiled  by  the  Iroquois,  who  attacked  and  plundered 
the  French  traders.  These  savages,  moreover,  endeavored  to 
secure  for  themselves  the  monopoly  of  the  trade  with  the  Al- 
gonquian  tribes  on  the  upper  lakes,  in  order  to  divert  it  from 
Canada  to  the  English  and  Dutch  of  New  York ;  and  their  in- 
satiable ambition  and  ferocity  led  them  to  attempt  the  conquest 
of  those  Northwestern  tribes.  As  we  have  seen  in  the  third 
document  of  this  series,  the  Iroquois  had  made  their  way  into 
Wisconsin  as  early  as  1651;  and  in  1680  they  destroyed  the 
great  Illinois  village  near  La  Salle's  Fort  St.  Louis.  In  1684, 
La  Barre  led  an  army  into  the  Iroquois  country,  but  accom- 
plished nothing,  save  to  render  those  savages  more  arrogant 
and  turbulent  than  before.  This  failure  caused  La  Barre's 
immediate  recall;  his  successor  (1685)  being  the  Marquis  de 
Denonville.  The  latter,  a  far  abler  and  more  honest  man, 
strove  to  restrain  the  Iroquois,  and  to  counteract  the  influence 
exercised  over  them  by  the  English  and  Dutch ;  he  also  endeav- 
ored to  secure  and  extend  French  ascendency  on  the  upper  lakes 
and  in  the  Mississippi  valley ;  but  he  was  greatly  hampered  by 
lack  of  troops  and  money.  Finally  securing  supplies  of  men 
and  money  from  France,  he  conducted  an  army  ( June^July, 
1687)  against  the  Senecas,  destroying  their  villages  and  crops; 
and  afterward  built  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Niagara  river.  But 
he  had  incensed  more  than  he  had  injured  the  Senecas;  and 
in  this  same  campaign  he  had  committed  a  cniel  and  treacher- 
ous act  by  seizing,  under  pretext  of  a  friendly  conference,  some 
two  hundred  peaceable  and  inoffensive  Iroquois  (including  the 


1687-89]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN   WISCONSIN.  1 33 

women  and  children),  who  lived  on  the  north  shore  of  Cake 
Ontario,  among  whom  a  mission  was  maintained  by  priests 
from  Montreal.  Many  of  the  women  and  children  died  from 
grief  or  disease;  some  of  the  men  were  surrendered  to  their 
converted  relatives  in  the  Canadian  mission  colonies,  and  the 
rest  were  sent  to  France,  to  serve  with  convicts  on  the  royal  gal- 
leys. Exasperated  at  this  atrocious  act,  the  Iroquois  began  to 
harass  the  French  settlements  in  Canada — terrorizing  the  en- 
tire colony,  paralyzing  agriculture,  and  cutting  off  the  fur 
trade,  the  two  occupations  which  alone  gave  it  life.  The 
climax  of  this  misery  was  reached  in  the  terrible  massacre  at 
Lachine  (August  4-5,  1689),  when  that  settlement  was  de- 
stroyed by  an  Iroquois  army,  who  butchered  or  tortured  to 
death  some  320  French  inhabitants — men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren. Then  they  ravaged  Montreal  Island,  plundering,  killing, 
and  burning  all  in  their  way. 

Under  both  La  Barre  and  Denonville,  the  tribes  of  the  North- 
west were  in  constant  danger  from  the  frequent  hostilities  with 
the  Iroquois;  and  the  impoverished  and  feeble  condition  of 
Canada  prevented  the  French  from  doing  much  to  aid  their  In- 
dian allies — ^who  had,  nevertheless,  sent  their  warriors  to  take 
part  in  both  the  French  expeditions  against  the  Iroquois.  In 
consequence  of  this  neglect,  the  Hurons,  Ottawas,  and  other 
tribes  about  the  lakes,  were  ready  to  make  peace  on  their  own 
account,  with  that  dreaded  foe,  regardless  of  the  French  inter- 
ests. It  was  all  that  Perrot,  La  Durantaye,  and  other  French 
commandants  could  do  to  hold  their  wavering  allegiance. 
Parkman,  in  his  FroiUenac,  gives  a  full  account  (with  numer- 
ous citations  of  authorities)  of  this  period ;  of  the  commercial, 
political,  and  religious  influences  at  work  in  the  development 
of  the  Canadian  colony;  and  of  the  various  intrigues  carried 
on  by  the  French,  English,  and  Dutch  traders,  and  the  Indian 
chiefs  who  were  the  leading  politicians  in  their  respective  tribes. 

It  soon  became  evident  to  the  French  government  that  Cana- 
dian affairs  required  a  more  capable  and  experienced  head; 
and  in  1689  Denonville  was  superseded  by  Count  de  Frontenac, 
the  only  man  who  seemed  available  for  that  post  at  this  critical 
juncture. — Ed.] 


134  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

1688-90:    DISTURBANCES  AMONG  THE  UPPER  TRIBES,  WHICH 

ARE  QUELLED  BY  PERROT. 

[From  La  Potherie.] 

La  Petite  Racine  ["Little  Root"],  who  had  come  on  behalf 
of  his  tribe  to  be  a  Witness  of  all  that  should  take  place  in  the 
general  Peace  Council,  found  an  altogether  extraordinary 
change  in  the  condition  of  affairs;^  he  traded  the  Peltries  that 
he  had  brought  down,  and  promptly  returned  home.  Monsieur 
Denonville  despatched  with  him  a  canoe,  by  which  he  sent  his 
orders  to  Monsieur  de  la  Durantaye,  Commandant  at  Michili- 
makinak.  This  Chief,  on  his  return,  caused  universal  alarm. 
The  Outaouaks  informed  all  the  tribes  of  the  devastation  that 
had  been  inflicted  upon  the  French,  and  entreated  all  the 
Chiefs  to  come  to  Michilimakinak,  that  they  might  consult  to- 
gether upon  the  measures  that  ought  to  be  taken  regarding  the 
wretched  condition  into  which  they  were  going  to  be  plunged. 
They  resolved  in  their  general  Council  to  send  two  Tsonnon- 
touan  Deputies,  with  two  of  those  Iroquois  old  men  whom 
they  had  set  free,  in  order  to  assure  the  Iroquois  that  they 
would  have  no  further  connection  with  the  French,  and  that 
they  desired  to  maintain  with  the  Iroquois  a  close  alliance. 

The  Hurons  feigned  not  to  join  in  the  Revolt  of  the  Outa- 
ouaks ;  the  policy  of  those  peoples  is  so  shrewd  that  it  is  difiicult 
to  penetrate  its  secrets.  When  they  undertake  any  enterprise 
of  importance  against  a  nation  whom  they  fear,  especially 
against  the  French,  they  seem  to  form  two  parties — one  con- 
spiring for  and  the  other  opposing  it ;  if  the  former  succeed  in 
their  projects,  the  latter  approve  and  sustain  what  has  been 
done;  if  their  designs  are  thwarted,  they  retire  to  the  other 
side.  Accordingly,  they  always  attain  their  objects.  But  such 
was  not  the  case  in  this  emergency;  they  were  so  terrified  by 
La  Petite  Racine's  report  that  neither  the  Jesuits  nor  the  Com- 
mandant could  pacify  those  people — ^who  reproached  them,  with 
the  most  atrocious  insults,  saying  that  the  French  had  abused 
them.     Matters  reached  so  pitiable  a  condition  that  Monsieur 


1 A  reference  to  the  Iroquois  raids  on  the  St  Lawrence,  and  the  conse- 
quent fear  of  them  prevalent  among  the  French. — Ed. 


1688-90]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  1 35 

de  la  Durantaye  had  need  of  all  his  experience  and  good  man- 
agement to  keep  his  Fort  and  maintain  the  interests  of  the  Col- 
ony— an  undertaking  that  any  other  man  would  have  aban- 
doned; for  the  Savages  are  fickle,  take  umbrage  at  anything, 
are  time-serving,  and  are  seldom  friends  except  as  caprice  and 
self-interest  induce  them  to  act  as  such ;  it  is  necessary  to  take 
them  on  their  weak  side,  and  to  profit  by  certain  momenta 
when  one  can  get  the  better  of  their  schemes. 

Soon  afterward,  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Denonville  was 
recalled  to  Court,  His  Majesly  having  appointed  him  Sub- 
Gk)vemor  to  Monsieur  the  Duke  of  Burgimdy.  Monsieur  the 
Count  de  Frontenac  succeeded  him,  and  arrived  in  Canada  at 
the  end  of  October,  1689.  Monsieur  de  la  Durantaye,  who  had 
remained  at  Michilimakinak,  despatched  a  canoe  to  the  new 
Governor,  to  acquaint  him  with  all  the  movements  of  the  Out- 
aouaks  ;^  and,  as  he  held  only  a  temporary  command  in  the 
post  wMch  he  was  occupying,  MonsiVur  de  Frontenac  sent 
Monsieur  de  Louvigni  to  relieve  him.  That  General  was  of 
opinion,  at  the  outset,  that  it  was  desirable  to  make  known  his 
arrival  to  all  the  Tribes ;  Perrot  was  the  man  whom  he  selected 
for  that  purpose;  he  ordered  him,  at  the  same  time,  to  make 
every  effort  to  pacify  the  troubles  that  the  Outaouaks  might 
have  occasioned  in  those  regions.  He  was  accordingly  des- 
patched with  Monsieur  de  Louvigni,  who  cut  to  pieces,  at  fifty 
leagues  from  Montreal,  a  party  of  sixty  Iroquois;  three  of 
these  he  sent  as  prisoners  to  Monsieur  de  Frontenac,  and  an- 
other he  took  with  him.  He  also  carried  away  many  scalps,  in 
order  to  show  them  to  the  Outaouaks,  in  the  hope  of  bringing 
about  a  reconciliation  with  them ;  but  those  peoples  had  already 
secured  the  start  of  him,  lest  they  should  draw  upon  themselves 
the   indignation  of   the  Iroquois.     On  the   route   the  French 

iThe  courier  sent  by  La  Durantaye  on  this  occasion  was  Zacharie 
Joliet,  a  younger  brother  of  the  noted  explorer.  By  the  same  post  was 
sent  Carheil's  letter  to  Frontenac  (the  document  immediately  following 
this).  Both  the  soldier  and  the  priest  were  alarmed  at  the  disposition 
manifested  by  the  upper  tribes,  and  appealed  to  the  governor  for  snch 
vigorous  action  as  would  restrain  from  hostilities  the  turbulent  savages 
under  their  care. — Ed. 


136  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

learned,  through   the   Missisakis,  that  La   Petite   Racine  had 
gone   as  Ambassador   to  the   Iroquois  with   two  Chiefs;  that 
nothing  had  been  heard  from  them  since,  except  that  one  man 
had  said  that  they  were  yet  to  depart.     This  news  induced  Mon- 
sieur de  Louvigni  to  send  Perrot  with  two  canoes  to  Michili- 
makinak,  to  inform  the  French  of  his  arrival.     As  soon  as  he 
came  in  sight  of  the  place,  he  displayed  the  white  Flag,  and 
his  men  uttered  loud  shouts  of  "Vive  le  Roi!"     The  French 
judged,  by  that,  that  some  good  news  had  oome  from  Montreal. 
The  Outaouaks  ran  to  the  edge  of  the  shore,  not  in  the  least  un- 
derstanding all   these  outcries;  as   they  were   thoroughly  per- 
suaded that  our  affairs  were  in  very  bad  condition,  they  were 
so  politic  as  to  say  that  they  would  receive  in  warlike  fashion 
the  French  who  were  on  the  way.     They  were  warned  that  our 
usages  were  different  from  theirs ;  we  were  unwilling  that  they 
should  swarm  into  our  canoes  to  pillage  them,  as  is  their  custom 
in  regard  to  nations  who  come  back  victorious  from  any  military 
expedition,   abandoning  whatever   is   in  their  canoes;  we  pre- 
ferred that   they  should   be   content  with   receiving   presents. 
Warning  was  sent  to  Monsieur  de  Louvigni  that  he  would  be 
received  in  military  array,  with  all  the  Frenchmen  whom  he 
was  bringing ;  all  sorts  of  precautions  were  taken  lest  we  should 
be  duped  by  those  peoples,  who  were  capable  of  laying  violent 
hands  on  us  when  we  were  least  expecting  such  action.     The 
canoes  came  into  view,  at  their  head  the  one  in  which  was  the 
Iroquois  slave ;  according  to  custom,  he  was  made  to  sing,  all 
the  time  standing  upright.     The  Nepiciriniens,  who  had  accom- 
panied the  Frenchmen  responded  with  them,  keeping  time,  by 
loud  shouts  of  "Sassakoue!"  followed  by  volleys  of  musketry. 
A  hundred  Frenchmen  of  Michilimakinak  were  stationed,  un- 
der arms,  on  the  water's  edge  at  the  foot  of  their  village;  they 
had  only  powder  in  their  guns,  but  had  taken  the  precaution  to 
place  bullets  in  their  mouths.     The  fleet,  which  proceeded  in 
regular  array,  as  if  it  were  going  to  make  a  desoent  on  an 
enemy's   country,    gradually   came   near.      When   the   canoes 
neared  the  Village  of  the  Outaouaks,*  they  halted,  and  the  .Iro- 

lAt  Michilimackinac  (the  present  St  Igoace)  were  three  separate 
Tillages— those  of  the  French,  the  Hurons,  and  th^  Ottawas.    See  the 


I' 

»  a 

o     § 
S     H 

2    o 

>  i 

B    S 

li 


Bi''  r 

^■■i 

^^Hk^.  ^ 

'^i!^^a 

^^!«^|J 

1^^^  j^ 

i*!^^'  -  '^M 

Elf^l     s.^^V^ 

^^H 

^By--  J//  y 

^tt^^J/^^ 

^^^H 

^^^Hv^^ 

'^^S 

^^I^Bk" 

?     1 

ItaM 

1688-90]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  1 37 

quois  was  made  to  sing;  a  volley  of  musket-shots,  to  which  the 
Outaoiiaks  responded,  accompanied  his  song.  The  fleet  crossed, 
in  nearly  a  straight  line,  to  the  French  village,  but  did  not  at 
once  come  to  land.  The  Outaouaks  hastened,  all  in  battle  ar- 
ray, to  the  landing-place,  while  the  men  in  the  canoes  replied 
to  the  prisoner's  songs  with  loud  yells  and  firing  of  guns,  as  also 
did  the  French  of  Michilimakinak.  At  last,  when  it  was  neces- 
sary to  go  on  shore.  Monsieur  de  Louvigni  had  his  men  load 
their  guns  with  ball,  and  disembark  with  weapons  ready ;  the 
Outaouaks  stood  at  a  little  distance  on  the  shore,  without  mak- 
ing any  further  demonstration. 

The  Hurons — who,  although  they  had  been  at  all  times  very 
unreliable,  had  seemed  greatly  attached  to  our  interests  amid 
the  General  Conspiracy  of  the  Outaouaks — demanded  the 
Slave,  in  order  to  have  him  burned ;  the  other  tribes  were  jeal- 
ous of  that  preference.  The  Huron  chiefs,  who  were  very  poli- 
tic, after  many  deliberations  warned  their  people  not  to  put 
him  in  the  kettle ;  their  object  in  this  was  to  render  themselves 
acceptable  to  the  Iroquois,  in  case  Peace  should  be  made  with 
that  people,  by  the  distinguished  service  which  they  would  have 
rendered  to  one  of  their  chiefs  by  saving  him  from  the  fire ;  but 
we  very  plainly  saw  their  design.  The  Outaouaks,  who  were 
greatly  offended,  could  not  refrain  from  saying  that  it  would 
be  necessary  to  eat  him.  That  Iroquois  was  surprised  that  a 
mere  handful  of  Hurons,  whom  his  own  people  had  Enslaved, 
should  have  prevailed  on  an  occasion  of  such  importance. 

The  Father  who  was  Missionary  to  the  Hurons,  foreseeing 
that  this  affair  might  have  results  which  would  be  prejudicial 
to  his  cares  for  their  instruction,  demanded  permission  to  go  to 
their  village  that  he  might  constrain  them  to  find  some  way  by 
which  the  resentment  of  the  French  might  be  appeased.  He 
told  them  that  the  latter  peremptorily  ordered  them  to  put  the 
Iroquois  in  the  kettle  and  that,  if  they  did  not  do  so,  the  French 
must  come  to  take  him  away  from  them  and  place  him  in  their 
own  Fort  Some  Outaouaks  who  happened  to  be  present  at  the 
Council  said  that  the  French  were  right.     The  Hurons  then 

map  of  that  locality  which  we  here  reproduce  from  La  Hontan's  Toy- 
a^e«  (ed.  1741,  Amsterdam,  1 1,  p.  156).— Ed. 


138  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

saw  themselves  constrained  to  beg  the  Father  to  tell  the  French, 
on  their  behalf,  that  they  asked  for  a  little  delay,  in  order  that 
they  might  bind  him  to  the  Stake.  They  did  this,  and  began  to 
bum  his  fingers ;  but  that  Slave  displayed  so  great  lack  of  cour- 
age, by  the  tears  that  he  shed,  that  they  judged  him  unworthy 
to  die  a  warrior's  death,  and  despatched  him  with  their 
weapons. 

The  Chiefs  of  all  the  nations  at  Michilimakinak  were  assem- 
bled at  the  house  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers;  and  before  each  one 
was  placed  a  present  of  guns,  ammunition,  and  tobacco.  Our 
envoy  represented  to  them  their  shortrsightedness  in  abandon- 
ing the  interests  of  the  French  nation  to  embrace  those  of  the 
Iroquois,  whose  only  desire  was  for  such  a  rupture.  They  were 
told  that  Onontio,  who  had  every  reason  to  abandon  them,  was 
nevertheless  touched  with  compassion  for  his  children,  whom 
he  desired  to  return  to  him ;  and  that  he  had  sent  the  band  of 
Frenchmen  who  had  just  arrived  among  them,  in  order  to  re- 
store to  the  right  path  their  minds,  which  had  gone  astray. 
That  those  houses  burned  on  Montreal  Island  by  the  Iroquois, 
and  the  few  corpses  that  they  had  seen  in  the  unexpected  inva- 
sion which  the  latter  had  made  there,  ought  not  to  have  such  an 
effect  on  their  minds  as  to  persuade  them  that  all  was  lost  in  the 
Colony ;  that  the  Iroquois  would  not  derive  much  profit  from  a 
blow  which  would  far  more  redound  to  their  shame  than  to  the 
glory  of  true  warriors,  since  they  had  come  at  that  very  time 
to  ask  for  Peace.  That  the  French  nation  was  more  numerous 
than  they  imagined;  that  they  must  look  upon  it  ad  a  great 
river  which  never  ran  dry,  and  whose  course  could  not  be 
checked  by  any  barrier.  That  they  ought  to  regard  the  five 
Iroquois  nations  as  five  cabins  of  Muskrats  in  a  marsh  which 
the  French  would  soon  drain  off,  and  then  bum  them  there; 
that  they  could  be  satisfied  that  the  hundred  women  and  chil- 
<iren  who  had  been  treacherously  carried  away  would  be  re- 
placed by  many  soldiers,  whom  the  great  Onontio,.  the  King 
of  France,  would  send  to  avenge  them.  That  since  our  Onon- 
tio of  Canada,  the  Count  de  Frontenac,  had  arrived  at  Quebec, 
lie  had  made  the  English  feel  the  strength  of  his  arms,  by  the 
yarious  war-parties  that  he  had  sent  into  their  country;  that 


1688-90]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  139 

even  the  IsTepiciriniens  who  had  recently  come  up  to  Michili- 
makinak  with  Monsieur  de  Louvigni  had  given  us  no  little  aid 
in  putting  five  large  English  villages  to  fire  and  sword;  that 
Onontio  was  powerful  enough  to  destroy  the  Iroquois,  the  Eng- 
lish, and  their  Allies.  Finally,  if  any  one  of  these  tribes  under- 
took to  declare  themselves  in  favor  of  the  Iroquois,  he  gave  them 
liberty  to  do  so ;  but  that  he  would  not  consent  that  those  who 
turned  the  war-club  to  maintain  their  own  interests  should  here- 
after dwell  upon  his  lands;  that,  if  they  preferred  to  be  Iro- 
quois, we  would  become  their  enemies;  and  that  it  would  be 
seen,  without  any  further  explanations,  who  should  remain 
master  of  the  country. 

The  Chief  of  the  Cinagos,  rising  in  the  Council,  spoke  in 
these  terms:  "My  brother  the  Outaouak,  vomit  forth  thy 
hateful  feelings  and  all  thy  Plots.  Return  to  thy  Father, 
who  stretches  out  his  arms,  and  who  is,  moreover,  not  unable  to 
protect  thee."  Nothing  more  was  needed  to  overturn  all  the 
schemes  of  the  malcontents.  The  Chiefs  of  each  nation  pro- 
tested that  they  would  undertake  no  action  against  the  will  of 
their  Father.  But,  whatever  assurance  they  gave  of  their  fidel- 
ity, most  of  them,  seeing  their  designs  foiled,  sought  to  thwart 
us  by  other  subterfuges.  They  did  not  dare,  it  is  true,  to  carry 
out  their  resolution — either  because  they  were  unwilling  to 
risk  a  Combat  with  the  French,  who  were  only  waiting  for  a 
final  decision;  or  because  they  did  not  know  how  they  could 
transport  their  families  to  the  Iroquois  country — ^but  all  their 
desire  was  for  the  time  when  they  could  open  the  way  for  a 
large  troop  from  that  nation  who  could  carry  them  away.  They 
decided,  however,  in  a  secret  conclave  that  they  would  send  to 
the  Iroquois  the  same  Deputies  on  whom  they  had  previously 
agreed;  and  that,  if  their  departure  should  unfortunately  be 
discovered,  the  Old  Men  should  disown  them.  This  mystery 
was  not  kept  so  hidden  that  we  did  not  receive  warning  of  it. 
A  Sauteur  came  to  warn  Perrot  of  their  intention ;  one  of  their 
Deputies  entering  his  cabin  a  little  later,  he  reproached  him  for 
it.  But,  as  the  Savage  is  by  nature  an  enemy  of  deceit,  this 
man  could  not  long  disguise  his  sentiments;  and  he  admitted 
that  his  brother  was  at  the  Head  of  that  Embassy.  Monsieur 
de  Louvigni  did  not  hesitate  to  call  together  all  the  Chiefs, 


I40  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVt 

whom  he  sharply  rebuked  for  their  faithlessness.     The  Outa- 
ouaks  thought  that  they  could  exculpate  themselves  by  casting- 
all  the  blame  upon  the  man  who  was  to  go  away.     Messengers 
were  sent  for  him,  and  never  did  a  man  seem  more  ashamed 
than  he  when  he  saw  that  he  must  appear  before  the  Council; 
he  entered  the  place  with  the  utmost  mortification  in  his  face- 
His  brother  said  to  him:     "Our  Chiefs  are  throwing  the  stone 
at  thee,  and  tliey  say  that  they  know  nothing  about  thy  depart- 
ure for  the  Iroquois."     Perrot  took  up  the  word,  saying:     "My 
brother,  how  is  this?     I  thought  that  thou  wast  the  supporter 
of  the  French  who  are  at  Michilimakinak.     When  the  attack 
was  made  at  Tsonnontouan,  all  the  Outaouaks  gave  way;  thou 
alone,  with  two  others,  didst  second  the  French.     At  all  times 
thou  hast  kept  nothing  for  thyself;  when  thou  hadst  anything 
thou  gavest  it  to  the  French,  whom  thou  didst  love  as  thine  ovm 
brothers ;  yet  now  thou  wouldst,  against  the  wishes  of  thy  tribe, 
betray  us.     Onontio,  who  remembers  thee,  has  told  me  to  reward 
thee;  I  do  not  think  that  thou  art  capable  of  opposing  hia 
wishes."     He  gave  the  man  a  brasse  of  tobacco  and  a  shirt,  and 
continued:     "See  what  he  has  given  me  to  show  thee  that  he 
remembers  thee.     Although  thou  hast  done  wrong,  I  will  give 
thee  something  to  smoke,  so  that  thou  mayest  vomit  up  or 
swallow  whatever  thou  hast  intended  to  do  against  him;  and 
thy  body,  which  is  soiled  by  treason,  shall  be  made  clean  by  this 
shirt,  which  will  make  it  white."     That  Chief  was  so  overcome 
with  sorrow  that  it  was  a  long  time  before  he  could  speak ;  he 
recovered  himself  somewhat,   and,  addressing  the  Old  Men, 
with  an  air  full  of  pride  and  contempt,  said  to  them :     "Employ 
me  in  future.  Old  Men,  when  you  undertake  to  plot  anything 
against  my  Father — he  who  remembers  me,  and  against  whom 
I  have  taken  sides.     I  belong  wholly  to  him ;  and  never  will  I 
take  part  against  the  French."     Then  turning  toward  Perrot, 
he  said  to  him:     "I  will  not  lift  to  thee.     When  thou  didst 
arrive,  I  went  near  thee,  intending  to  embrace  thee;  but  thou 
didst  regard  me  unkindly.     I  thought  that  thou  hadst  aban- 
doned me,  because  I  had  been  to  the  Iroquois  with  La  Petite 
Racine.     W^hen  thou  didst  speak  to  the  tribes,  I  withdrew,  in 
order  to  divert  them  from  the  design  that  we  all  had  of  giving 
ourselves  to  the  Iroquois.     They  did  not  dare  to  oppose  thee; 


»688-90]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  I4I 

but  at  night  they  held  a  Council  in  a  cabin  (from  which  they 
turned  out  all  the  Women  and  Children),  to  which  I  was  sum- 
moned. They  Deputed  me  to  return  to  the  Iroquois,  and  I 
believed  that  thou  hadst  a  grudge  against  me;  those  reasons 
constrained  me  to  yield  to  what  they  demanded  from  me." 

Those  peoples  could  no  longer  maintain  their  evil  design; 
the  explanations  that  had  just  been  made  checked  its  progress ; 
but  they  always  kept  up  a  very  surly  feeling  against  the  French 
nation,  and,  although  they  saw  that  they  were  unable  to  com- 
pass their  object,  they  did  not  fail  again  to  stir  up  opposition 
against  us,  in  order  to  annoy  us.  The  jealousy  that  they  felt 
because  we  made  presents  of  a  few  gold-trimmed  jackets  to  some 
Hurons,  who  had  appeared  to  be  our  friends  in  this  affair,  in- 
spired in  them  a  new  stratagem.  They  knew  that  the  Miamis, 
our  Allies,  were  at  war  with  the  Iroquois ;  and  they  resolved  to 
attack  the  former,  who  did  not  mistrust  their  design,  that  they 
might  force  the  Miamis  themselves  to  make  a  peace  with  the 
Iroquois.  The  Sauteur  who  had  already  ascertained  that  the 
Outaouaks  had  intended  to  send  Deputies  to  the  Iroquois  also 
learned  that  two  canoes  were  to  go  to  break  heads  among  the 
Miamis ;  but  we  again  broke  up  their  plans,  and  prevented  this 
act. 

The  Outagamis  and  the  Maskoutechs,  wishing  to  second  the 
Outaouaks  at  the  time  when  they  took  sides  with  the  Iroquois — 
who  had  sent  them  a  large  Collar,  in  order  to  thank  them  for 
having  restored  to  them  five  Chiefs  whom  they  had  captured 
when  on  a  hostile  expedition  against  the  Islinois — resolved,  to 
do  the  Iroquois  a  pleasure,  to  massacre  all  the  French  who  were 
coming  down  from  the  country  of  the  Nadouaissioux.  They 
persuaded  themselves  that  they  would,  by  such  a  massacre, 
attract  to  themselves  the  friendship  of  that  haughty  nation,  who 
had  appeared  greatly  pleased  when  the  Outagamis  had  sent 
back  to  them  five  slaves  of  their  nation,  whom  the  Miamis  had 
given  to  them  to  eat,^ — La  Potherie's  Amer.  SepterUrionale,  ii, 
pp.  231-244. 

ipart  of  a  letter  from  Frontenac  to  the  French  minister,  relating 
(under  date  of  Nov.  12,  1690)  the  results  of  this  expedition  by  Louvigny 
and  Perrot,  is  given  in  Wis.  Hist,  Colls,,  v,  pp.  65-67. — Ed. 


142  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

1689 :     ALOONKIN,  HURON.  AND  IROQUOIS  POLITICS. 

[Letter  of  £tienne  de  Carheil,  a  Jesuit  missionary,  to  Count  Fronte- 

nac;  written  from  Mackinac,  probably  in  November,  1689.] 

• 

[Synopsis:  Carheil^  \vrite8  to  the  governor  warning  him  of 
the  dissatisfaction  prevalent  among  the  Ottawas,  vrho  are  in- 
clined to  form  an  alliance  vrith  the  Iroquois.  Carheil  vigor- 
ously denounces  the  inaction  and  timidity  of  recent  French 
policy  toward  the  Iroquois,  and  says  that  there  is  nothing  left 
for  the  Algonkins  save  to  secure  peace  as  best  they  can^  for  the 
French  no  longer  protect  them.  The  Hurons  at  Mackinac  are 
really  taking  the  same  course  as  the  Ottawas,  but  are  more 
politic  and  crafty  in  their  methods.  If  these  tribes  are  allowed 
to  make  peace  for  themselves,  the  Iroquois  and  the  Dutch  will 
monopolize  the  fur  trade,  to  the  exclusion  of  Canada.  Carheil 
warns  the  governor  that  he  cannot  count  upon  the  aid  of  the 
upper  tribes,  if  he  shall  decide  to  make  war  upon  the  Iroquois^ 
They  have  released  the  prisoners  from  that  nation,  and  have 
forcibly  indicated  their  contempt  for  the  French  alliance ;  their 
reasons  for  this  are  given  at  length.  They  reproach  the  French 
with  weakness  and  cowardice,  and  taunt  them  with  having 
accomplished  so  little  in  the  Seneca  campaigns.  They  regard 
the  French  alliance  as  also  injurious  to  their  trade,  in  which 
they  get  more  advantage  from  the  English.  Carheil,  after 
summarizing  the  case,  adds:  "From  this  it  will  be  seen  that 
our  savages  are  much  more  enlightened  than  one  thinks;  and 
that  it  is  difficult  to  conceal  from  their  penetration  anything 
in  the  course  of  affairs  that  may  injure  or  serve  their  interests.'* 
He  urges,  accordingly,  vigorous  measures  by  the  governor 
against  either  the  Iroquois  or  their  inciters,  the  Dutch.] — Jea. 
Relations,  Ixiv,  pp.  11,  12,  23-39. 

1  Etienne  de  Carheil  came  to  Canada  in  1666,  and  two  years  later  was- 
assigned  to  the  Iroquois  mission,  where  he  labored  until  1683.  In  1686 
he  was  sent  to  the  Huron-Ottawa  mission  at  Michillimackinac,  in  which 
he  continued  until  about  1704,  by  which  time  the  Hurons  had  deserted 
that  post  for  the  new  settlement  at  Detroit  Carheil  then  returned  to- 
Quebec,  and  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  the  French  towns  on  the  St. 
Lawrence.    He  died  in  1726,  at  the  age  of  ninety-three  years. — BSd. 


i'i;KROT'SO»TENSORH'M,  1606 
II  ostensoriuiiK  given  by  N'icolas  Pcrrot.  French 
n(  the  West.lo  SI.  Francois  XavieTmiHsion  a(  De 
^.    Now  in  museum  of  Wisconsin  Histoiical  So- 
adiMin.    The  translation  of  theeoBravedbaw 
"Ttiissoliel  was  given  by  Mi.N\i:o\aii¥eT- 
f)  (he  roisnion  of  Si.  Francois  XavVet  ax. 
llie  Baye  des  Puanln.  \hHh" 


1690-91]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  I43 


1690-91:     PERROT'S   DEALINGS  WITH  WISCONSIN  TRIBES;   HB 
ESTABLISHES  A  PORT  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI,  NEAR 

THE  WISCONSIN. 

[From  La  Potherle.] 

The  arrival  of  the  French  at  Michilimakinak  was  heard  of  at 
La  Baye.  The  Chief  of  the  Puans,  a  man  of  sense,  who  greatly 
loved  our  nation,  resolved  to  thwart  the  design  of  the  Outagamis 
to  kill  our  people.  He  went  to  find  them,  and  made  them  be- 
lieve that  Onontio  had  sent  Le  Petit  Bled  d'Inde  [Perrot]  with 
three  hundred  Iroquois  from  the  Sault,  as  many  more  Abena- 
quis,  all  the  Ifepiciriniens,  and  six  hundred  Frenchmen,  to 
revenge  himself  for  their  evil  project.  The  Outagamis  pre- 
cipitately quitted  their  ambuscade,  and  went  back  to  their 
Village.  This  Chief,  who  was  afraid  that  they  would  learn 
of  his  ruse,  went  to  meet  Perrot  at  the  entrance  of  the  Bay ;  the 
latter  promised  to  keep  his  secret,  and  presented  to  him  a  gold- 
trimmed  jacket.  A  contrary  wind  compelled  them  to  halt 
there  for  a  time,  and  Perrot  had  an  opportunity  to  become 
acquainted  with  all  that  had  occurred  at  La  Baye.  The  Outa- 
gamis had  taken  thither  their  hatchets,  which  were  dulled  and 
broken,  and  had  compelled  a  Jesuit  brother  to  repair  them; 
their  Chief  held  a  naked  sword,  ready  to  kill  him,  while  he 
worked.  The  brother  tried  to  represent  to  them  their  folly, 
but  was  so  maltreated  that  he  had  to  take  to  his  bed.  The  Chief 
then  prepared  ambuscades,  in  order  to  await  the  French  who 
were  to  return  from  the  country  of  the  Nadouaissioux.  All  the 
peoples  of  the  Bay  had,  it  is  true,  good  reason  to  complain,  be- 
cause our  people  had  gone  to  carry  to  their  enemies  all  kinds 
of  munitions  of  war ;  and  one  could  not  be  astonished  that  we 
had  so  much  difficulty  in  managing  all  those  people.  Perrot 
sent  back  the  Puan  Chief  to  the  Outagamis,  to  tell  them  on  his 
behalf  that  he  had  learned  of  their  design  against  his  young 
men,  and  would  punish  them  for  it ;  and,  to  let  them  know  that 
he  was  not  disturbed  by  all  their  threats,  that  he  had  sent  back 
all  his  men,  e:!^cept  fifty  Frenchmen ;  that  he  had  three  hundred 
musket-shots  to  fire,  and  enough  provisions  with  which  to  receive 
them;  that  if  he  should  by  chance  encounter  any  one  of  their 


144  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

nation,  he  could  not  answer  for  the  consequences;  and  that  it 
would  be  useless  for  them  to  ask  him  to  land  at  their  village. 

The  Puan  chief  returned  to  La  Baye,  where  he  exaggerated 
still  further  what  Perrot  had  said  to  him.  The  Renard  Chief 
visited  him  expressly  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  the  matter,  and 
dared  not  wait  for  Perrot.  He  departed  with  eighty  of  his 
warriors  to  march  against  the  JSTadouaissioux,  after  he  had 
given  orders  to  the  people  of  his  village  to  assure  Perrot  in  his 
behalf  that  he  loved  him,  and  to  take  great  pains  to  entertain 
him  well.  He  proceeded  to  the  post  of  the  Frenchmen  who 
were  sojourning  in  the  country  of  the  Nadouaissioux ;  as  they 
were  afraid  of  him,  they  gave  him  presents — a  gun,  a  shirt,  a 
kettle,  and  various  munitions  of  war;  and  he  told  them  that 
Le  Petit  Bled  d'Inde  had  resolved  to  recall  them  to  La  Baye. 
This  news,  which  was  not  very  agreeable  to  them,  induced 
them  to  quit  that  establishment;  and  they  retired  to  a  place 
eighty  leagues  farther  inland,  where  they  engaged  the  Nadou- 
aissioux  to  go  hunting,  and  to  return  to  them  in  the  Winter. 
The  Outagamis  profited  by  this  opportunity  to  attack  the 
KTadouaissioux,  of  whom  they  slew  many,  and  took  several  cap- 
tives. The  alarm  was  immediately  given  among  the  villages; 
the  warriors  fell  upon  them,  and  likewise  slew  many  of  the 
Outagamis,  and  took  some  captives.  The  Chief  fought  on  the 
retreat  with  extraordinary  courage,  and  would  have  lost  many 
more  of  his  people  if  he  himself  had  not  made  so  firm  a  stand 
at  the  head  of  his  band. 

The  Miamis,  who  had  heard  the  report  that  Perrot  would  soon 
arrive  at  La  Baye,  set  out  to  visit  him,  to  the  number  of  forty, 
loaded  with  Beaver-skins;  when  they  came  near  the  house  of 
the  Jesuits,  canoes  were  sent  to  them  that  they  might  cross  a 
little  stream.  The  Chief  sent  his  young  warriors  to  erect  some 
cabins;  when  these  had  been  made,  they  all  resorted  thither, 
in  order  to  consult  about  the  interview  that  they  expected  to 
hold  with  Sieur  Perrot.  An  incident  happened  to  a  Saki  who 
was  at  the  time  in  his  cabin ;  while  he  was  sitting  on  the  floor,  a 
kettle  which  hung  over  the  fire  fell  over  him,  and  part  of  his 
body  was  burned,  as  he  wore  only  an  old  raoooon-skuL  He 
uttered  a  yell,  with  contortions  that  made  those  who  were  prea- 


1690-91]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  1 45 

ent  laugh,  despite  the  compassion  which  they  could  not  help 
feeling  for  him.  A  Frenchman  said  to  him,  jestingly,  that  a 
man  as  courageous  as  he  was  ought  not  to  fear  the  fire ;  that  it 
was  the  proper  thing  for  a  warrior  such  as  he  to  sing ;  but  that, 
to  show  him  that  he  felt  grieved  at  the  accident,  he  would  lay 
over  the  scalded  part  a  plaster,  consisting  of  a  brasse  of  tobacco. 
The  Saki  replied  that  such  an  act  showed  good  sense;  and  that 
the  tobacco  had  entirely  healed  him.  The  Miamis  sent  to  beg 
Perrot  to  visit  them  in  their  cabins,  that  he  might  point  out  to 
them  a  place  where  he  desired  them  to  assemble.  The  place 
of  rendezvous  was  the  house  of  the  Jesuits,  to  which  they 
brought  one  hundred  and  sixty  Beaver-skins,  which  they  piled 
in  two  heaps.  The  Miami  Chief,  standing  by  one  of  them, 
spoke  after  this  fashion:  "My  Father,  I  come  tell  thee  that 
thy  dead  men  and  mine  are  in  the  same  grave;  and  that  the 
Maskoutechs  have  killed  us,  and  have  made  us  eat  our  own 
flesh.  My  three  Sisters,  who  were  made  prisoners  in  the  year 
of  the  Battle  with  the  Tsonnontouans,  seeing  that  the  Iroquois 
were  routed  by  Onontio,  escaped  from  their  hands.  Some  Mas- 
koutechs, whom  they  encountered  at  the  river  of  Chikagon,  found 
on  their  way  two  Frenchmen  who  were  returning  from  the  Isli- 
nois,  and  assassinated  them.  Their  dread  that  the  women 
would  make  known  this  murder  led  the  assassins  to  break  their 
heads ;  but  they  carried  away  the  scalps,  which  they  have  given 
us  to  eat,  saying  that  they  were  those  of  some  Iroquois.  The 
Spirit  has  punished  those  assassins  by  a  malady  which  has 
caused  them  and  all  their  children  to  die;  at  last  one  of  them 
confessed  his  crime  when  he  was  dying.  Those  Beaver-skins 
which  thou  seest  on  the  other  side  tell  thee  that  we  have  no  wiU 
but  thine ;  that,  if  thou  tellest  us  to  weep  in  silence,  we  will  not 
move." 

Perrot  made  them  several  presents,  and  spoke  to  them  in 
nearly  the  following  words :  "My  brothers,  I  delight  in  your 
repose,  and  war  is  odious  when  you  fight  against  the  Maskou** 
tech;  he  is  brave,  and  will  slay  your  young  men.  I  do  not 
doubt  that  you  could  destroy  him,  for  you  are  more  numerous 
and  more  warlike  than  he ;  but  desperation  will  drive  him  to  ex- 
tremity, and  he  has  arrows  and  war-clubs,  which  he  can  handle 
11 


146  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

with  skill.  Besides,  the  war-fire  has  been  lighted  against  the 
Iroquois,  and  will  be  extinguished  only  when  he  ceases  to  exist. 
War  was  declared  on  your  account  when  he  swept  away  your 
families  at  Chikagon;  those  dead  persons  are  seen  no  longer, 
for  they  are  covered  by  those  of  the  Frenchmen  whom  the  Iro- 
quois have  betrayed  through  the  agency  of  the  Englishman — 
who  was  our  Ally,  and  upon  whom  we  have  undertaken  to 
avenge  ourselves  for  his  treacherous  conduct.  We  have  also 
for  an  enemy  the  Loup,  who  is  his  son.  Accordingly,  we  shall 
not  be  able  to  assist  you  if  you  undertake  war  against  the  Mas- 
koutechs." 

After  he  had  delivered  this  speech  to  them  he  also  made  two 
heaps  of  merchandise;  and,  displaying  these,  continued  thus: 
*T[  place  a  mat  under  your  dead  and  ours,  that  they  may  sleep 
in  peace ;  and  this  other  present  is  to  cover  them  with  a  piece 
of  bark,  in  order  that  bad  weather  and  rain  may  not  disturb 
them.  Onontio,  to  whom  I  will  make  known  this  assassination, 
will  consider  and  decide  what  is  best  to  do."  The  Miamis, 
then,  had  reason  to  be  satisfied ;  since  they  b^ged  him  to  locate 
his  establishment  upon  the  Missisipi,  near  Ouiskensing  [Wis- 
consin], so  that  they  could  trade  with  him  for  their  Peltries. 
The  Chief  made  him  a  present  of  a  piece  of  ore  which  came 
from  a  very  rich  Lead  Mine,  which  he  had  found  on  the  bank 
of  a  stream  which  empties  into  the  Missisipi  ;^  and  Perrot  prom- 
ised them  that  he  would  within  twenty  days  establish  a  post 
below  the  Ouiskonohe  [Wisconsin]  river.  The  Chief  then  re- 
turned to  his  Village. 

All  the  Saki  Chiefs  and  the  Pouteouatemis  assembled  near 
the  Jesuit  house.  Perrot  gave  them  presents  of  guns,  tobacco, 
and  ammunition,  and  encouraged  them  to  deal  harder  blows 
than  ever  at  the  Iroquois,  to  whom  no  one  was  a  friend ;  and  he 
told  them  how  utterly  knavish  the  Iroquois  were.  He  said  that 
the  Miamis  should  distrust  their  artful  words  and  their  fine 
Collars,  which  were  only  so  many  baits  to  lure  them  into  their 
nets;  and  that,  if  they  should  unfortunately  fall  into  those 
snares,  Onontio  could  not  draw  them  out.     He  told  them  that 


1  Probably  the  Galena  river. — EId. 


1690-91]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  I47 

they  had  cause  to  be  glad  that  they  had  continued  in  their  fidel- 
ity notwithstanding  all  the  foolish  proceedings  of  the  Outaouaks, 
who  had  tried  to  induce  the  Miamis  to  espouse  their  interests 
instead  of  his.  He  repeated  to  them  the  details  of  all  that  he 
had  said  to  the  nations  on  Lake  Huron;  and  also  made  them 
understand  that,  if  they  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  the 
Iroquois,  they  could  go  to  live  among  them,  since  he  would 
not  suffer  them  to  remain  upon  our  lands.  They  protested  that 
they  would  never  stray  from  their  duty ;  and  that,  although  the 
Outaouaks  had  always  been  their  friends,  they  were  resolved  to 
perish  rather  than  to  abandon  the  cause  of  the  French. 

When  Perrot  had  reached  a  small  Puan  village  which  was 
near  the  Outagamis,  the  Chief  of  the  Maskoutechs  and  two  of 
his  Lieutenants  arrived  there.  They  entered  Perrot's  cabin, 
excusing  themselves  for  not  having  brought  any  present  by 
which  they  could  talk  to  him,  as  their  village  was  upon  his 
route;  the  Chief  entreated  him  to  sojourn  there,  as  he  had 
something  of  importance  to  communicate  to  him.  Although  we 
were  greatly  offended  with  both  them  and  the  Outagamis,  who 
had  sworn  the  ruin  of  the  French  who  were  among  the  Nadou- 
aissioux,  Perrot  promised  to  stop  at  their  village  in  order  to 
forget  the  resentment  that  he  felt  toward  them  and  to  pardon 
them  their  error,  which  had  been  made  only  through  the  fault 
of  the  Eenards. 

The  Sakis  returned  by  way  of  the  Outagamis,  to  whom  they 
reported  all  that  had  been  said  to  them.  Perrot  encountered 
two  Outagami  Chiefs,  who  came  to  meet  him ;  they  approached 
him  trembling,  and  begged  him,  in  the  most  submissive  terms, 
to  land,  in  order  to  hear  them  for  a  little  while.  After  he  had 
landed,  they  lit  a  fire,  and  laid  on  the  ground  a  Beaver  robe  to 
serve  him  as  a  carpet,  on  which  he  seated  himself;  they  were 
so  beside  themselves  that  for  a  time  they  could  not  speak. 
Finally  one  of  them  began  to  talk,  saying:  "The  Outagamis 
have  done  wrong  not  to  remember  what  thou  didst  formerly 
tell  them.  Since  they  became  acquainted  with  thee  thou  hast 
never  deceived  them ;  and  when  they  do  not  see  thee  they  let 
themselves  be  carried  away  by  the  solicitations  of  the  Outaouaks 
and  others  who  try  to  induce  them  to  abandon  the  French.     I 


148  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

have  tried  to  prevent  our  people  from  undertaking  anything 
against  thy  young  men;  but  they  would  not  believe  ine,  and 
I  have  been  alone  in  my  opinion.  When  they  learned  that  thou 
wert  coming,  they  were  afraid  of  thee,  and  have  begged  me  to 
tell  thee  on  their  behalf  that  they  wish  to  see  thee  in  their  vil- 
lage, in  order  to  reunite  themselves  to  thy  person — ^which  they 
have  not  altogether  abandoned,  since  if  they  had  carried  out  the 
scheme  with  which  the  Outaouaks  inspired  them  against  the 
French,  they  would  have  taken  care  of  thy  children.  As  for 
me,  I  have  taken  no  part  in  their  Conspiracy;  and  on  that 
account  I  have  come  to  meet  thee,  to  entreat  that,  if  thou  wilt 
not  grant  me  anything  for  them,  thou  wilt  at  least  not  refuse  to 
come  and  listen  to  them,  out  of  consideration  for  me." 

It  was  very  difficult  to  obtain  from  those  peoples  all  the  sat- 
isfaction which  we  had  desired.     Their  great  distance  from  us 
prevents  us  from  reducing  them  to  obedience ;  and  the  bluster- 
ing manner  which  must  be  assumed  with  them  was  the  best 
policy  that  could  be  adopted  to  make  them  fear  us.     Perrot, 
who  understood  their  character,  yielded  the  point  out  of  consid- 
eration for  this  Chief,  and  promised  to  remain  with  them  half 
a  day,  in  order  to  listen  to  their  words.     The  Chief  went  away 
to  console  his  people ;  he  came  back  alone  to  meet  Perrot,  to  ask 
him  that  he  would  land  at  the  village.     Another  Chief,  seeing 
that  the  French  did  not  leave  their  canoes,  said  that  they  were 
afraid.     Our  men  answered  that  we  did  not  fear  them,  and  that 
the  weapons  of  the  French  were  able  to  make  them  repent,  if 
they  had  the  temerity  to  offer  us  any  affront.     The  first-named 
Chief  was  greatly  incensed  against  this  one,  and  said  to  his 
countrymen :     "O  Outagamis,  will  you  always  be  fools  ?     You 
will  make  the  Frenchman  embark,  and  he  will  abandon  us. 
What  will  become  of  us  ?  can  we  plant  our  fields  if  he  will  not 
allow  it?"     Throughout  the  Village  there  were  endless  Ha- 
rangues, to  quiet  those  who  were  seditious,  and  to  induce  the 
others  to  give  sieur  Perrot  a  good  reception.     The  head  Chief 
conducted  him  to  his  own  cabin,  where  were  present  the  most 
influential  men  of  the  tribe,  who  said  to  him  "Welcome !"  while 
offering  him  every  token  of  kind  feeling.     Two  young  men 
entirely  naked,  armed  as  warriors,  laid  at  his  feet  two  packages 


1690-90  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  I49 

of  Beaver-skins ;  and,  sitting  down,  cried  out  to  him,  ^We  sub- 
mit to  thy  wishes,  and  entreat  thee  by  this  Beaver  to  forget  our 
foolish  acts.  If  thou  art  not  content  with  this  atonement,  attack 
us ;  we  will  suffer  death,  for  we  are  willing  to  atone  with  our 
blood  for  the  fault  that  our  nation  has  committed."  All  these 
acts  of  submission  had  no  other  object  than  to  procure  ammuni- 
tion and  weapons  for  the  Peltries,  foreseeing  that  he  would  re- 
fuse these  supplies  to  them.  Perrot  made  them  understand  that 
he  had  come  to  their  village  only  to  hear  them;  that,  if  they 
repented  of  their  inconsiderate  demands,  he  would  pardon  them ; 
that,  although  they  might  escape  from  one  hand,  he  would  hold 
them  tightly  with  the  other;  that  he  was  holding  them  by  no 
more  than  one  finger,  but  that,  if  they  would  bestir  themselves 
a  little,  he  would  take  them  by  the  arms  and  gradually  bring 
them  into  a  safe  place  where  they  could  dwell  in  peace. 

All  the  Chiefs  begged  him,  one  after  another,  to  receive  them 
under  his  protection,  imploring  him  to  give  them  ammunition 
for  their  Peltries  so  that  they  could  kill  game  to  make  soup  for 
their  children.  He  would  not  grant  them  more  than  a  small 
amount.  A  war-Chief,  who  carried  in  his  hand  a  dagger^ 
thought  that  Perrot's  Clerk  had  not  given  him  enough  powder, 
and  spoke  so  fiercely  to  him  that  the  clerk  yielded  all  he  asked. 
Perrot  was  greatly  irritated  against  them,  and  undertook  to 
have  everything  taken  back  to  the  canoes;  but  after  some  ex- 
planation he  recognized  that  the  Chief  had  no  bad  intention. 
Those  peoples  are  so  brutal  that  persons  who  do  not  imderstand 
them  suppose  that  they  are  always  full  of  anger  when  they  are 
speaking.  ^ 

Their  trading  being  ended,  the  Frenchmen  reembarked ;  they 
did  so  very  opportunely,  for  the  desperate  frame  of  mind  in 
which  the  Outagamis  found  themselves  the  next  day,  at  tidings 
of  the  defeat  of  their  people  by  the  Nadouaissioux,  would  have 
made  them  forget  the  alliance  which  they  had  just  renewed ;  in 
the  sequel,  they  made  that  feeling  sufficiently  evident.  The 
French  arrived  at  a  place  a  little  below  the  village  of  the  Mas- 
koutechs,  where  they  encamped.  The  Chiefs,  accompanied  by 
their  families,  came  to  receive  Perrot  on  the  bank  of  their  river; 
they  entreated  him  to  enter  a  cabin ;  and  by  a  package  of  Beaver- 


150  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

skins  they  told  him  that  they  covered  the  dead  whom  their 
people  had  assassinated,  including  three  Miami  Slaves  who  had 
©scaped  from  the  Iroquois.  By  another  present^  they  begged  that 
he  would  allow  them  to  establish  their  village  at  the  same  place 
where  the  French  were  going  to  settle ;  that  they  would  demon- 
strate to  him  their  fidelity,  and  would  trade  with  him  for  their 
Peltries.  Perrot  told  them  that  they  had  a  right  to  settle  wher- 
ever they  pleased ;  but  that,  if  he  permitted  them  to  come  near 
the  French,  they  must  turn  their  war-clubs  against  the  Iroquois 
only;  that  they  must  hang  up  the  hatchet  against  the  Nadou- 
aissioux  until  the  fire  of  the  Iroquois  should  be  wholly  extin- 
guished. He  told  them  that  since  Onontio  had  undertaken  wai: 
against  tho  Iroquois  (who  was  his  son) — on  account  of  the 
Miamis  who  had  been  slain  at  Chikagon,  and  for  the  sake  of  the 
Maskoutechs  themselves,  who  had  lost  their  families — ^h©  could 
chastise  the  Nadouaissioux  more  easily  than  they  were  aware, 
when  he  saw  that  all  his  children  were  uniting  their  forces  with 
his  to  destroy  the  common  foe.  On  the  next  day  they  presented 
to  the  Frenchmen  a  buffalo  and  scnne  Indian  com,  which  was  of 
great  assistance  to  them  during  the  rest  of  their  journey.  He 
disclosed  to  them  the  project  formed  by  all  the  nations — ^the 
Miamis,  the  Outagamis,  the  Kikabous,  and  many  of  the  Islinois. 
All  these  tribes  were  to  assemble  at  the  Missisipi,  to  march 
against  the  N'adouaissioux.  The  Miamis  were  to  command  the 
army;  the  Maskoutechs  also  were  under  obligation  to  join 
them,  in  order  to  avenge  the  assassination  of  the  Miami  Slaves. 
At  that  moment  some  Outagamis  brought  the  news  of  the  defeat 
of  their  people  by  the  Nadouaissioux ;  and  they  secretly  tried 
to  induce  the  Maskoutechs  to  unite  with  them  against  the 
French,  who  had  furnished  weapons  to  their  enemies.  The 
Maskoutechs  were  careful  not  to  embroil  themselves  with  the 
French;  and  the  diflSculty  which  they  had  already  experienced 
in  reinstating  themselves  in  the  good  graces  of  the  latter  hin- 
dered them  from  undertaking  any  enterprise  which  would  dis- 
please the  French.  These  Outagamis,  who  had  got  wind  o£ 
Perrot's  sending  to  La  Baye  a  canoe  loaded  with  Peltries,  went  • 
to  inform  their  Chief  of  it;  he  sent  out  some  men  to  carry  it 
away.     The  Frenchmen  in  the  canoe,  hearing  at  night  the  noise 


1690-91 J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN    WISCONSIN.  15I 

of  paddles,  and  suspecting  that  the  savages  were  going  to  capture 
them,  hastily  slipped  among  the  tall  reeds,  which  they  traversed 
without  being  perceived. 

Perrot  reembarked,  with  all  his  men,  in  good  order;  he  en- 
countered at  the  [Fox-Wisconsin]  portage  a  canoe  of  French- 
men who  were  coming  from  the  country  of  the  Nadouaissioux. 
He  warned  them  not  to  trust  the  Maskoutechs,  who  would  plun- 
der them ;  but  his  warning  was  in  vain.  Some  of  that  nation, 
discovering  them,  bestowed  upon  them  every  kindness,  entreat- 
ing them  to  stop  and  rest  themselves,  on  their  way,  at  their 
village;  but  the  Frenchmen  had  no  sooner  arrived  there  than 
they  were  pillaged.  The  other  Frenchmen  reached  the  Mis- 
sisipi ;  Perrot  detached  ten  men  to  warn,  in  behalf  of  Monsieur 
de  Frontenac,  the  Frenchmen  who  were  among  the  Nadouais- 
sioux  to  proceed  to  Michilimakinak.  Perrot's  establishment 
was  located  below  the  Ouiskonche,  in  a  place  very  advanta- 
geously situated  for  security  from  attacks  by  the  neighboring 
tribes.^  The  great  Chief  of  The  Miamis,  having  learned  that 
Perrot  was  there,  sent  to  him  a  war-Chief  and  ten  young  war- 
riors, to  tell  him  that,  as  his  village  was  four  leagues  farther 
down,  he  was  anxious  to  sit  down  with  Perrot  at  the  latter's 
fire.  That  Chief  proceeded  thither  two  days  later,  accompanied 
by  twenty  men  and  his  women,  and  presented  to  the  Frenchman 
a  piece  of  ore  from  a  lead  Mine.  Perrot  pretended  not  to  be 
aware  of  the  usefulness  of  that  mineral;  he  even  reproached 
the  Miami  for  a  similar  present  by  which  he  pretended  to  cover 
the  death  of  the  two  Frenchmen  whom  the  Maskoutechs  had 
assassinated  with  the  three  Miami  women  who  had  escaped  from 
an  Iroquois  village.  The  Chief  was  utterly  astonished  at  such 
discourse,  imagining  that  Perrot  was  ignorant  of  their  deed; 
and  told  him  that,  since  he  knew  of  that  affair,  he  would  do 
whatever  Perrot  wished  in  the  matter.  The  Chief  also  assured 
him  that,  when  the  Allies  were  assembled,  he  would  make  them 


1  There  are  no  data  sufficient  for  the  exact  location  of  this  post;  it  was 
probably  not  far  from  the  present  Dubuque,  Iowa — at  which  place,  and 
at  Galena,  111.,  were  located  the  lead  mines  often  mentioned  by  La 
Potherie;  and  later,  by  Charlevoix,  as  "Perrot's  mines."  See  Wia.  HUt. 
OolU.,  X,  pp.  301-333. — Eo. 


152  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

turn  the  hatchet  against  the  Iroquois ;  but  that  until  they  came 
to  the  general  Bendezvous  it  was  necessary  that  he  himself 
should  be  ignorant  of  their  design,  in  order  that  he  might  be 
there  with  his  tribe  and  be  able  to  raise  a  large  troop  against 
the  Iroquois.  The  ice  was  now  strong  enough  to  support  a 
man ;  and  the  Maskoutech  Chiefs  had  sent  to  him  a  warrior  to 
inform  him  that  the  Outagamis  were  far  advanced  into  the  coun- 
try of  the  Nadouaissioux,  and  prayed  the  Miamis  to  hasten  to 
join  them ;  but  the  latter  had  replied  that  they  would  do  nothing 
without  the  Frenchman's  consent. 

The  Tchiduakouingoues,  the  Ouaouiartanons,^  the  Pepikokis, 
the  Mangakekis,  the  Pouankikias,  and  the  Kilataks,  all  Miami 
tribes,  coming  from  all  directions,  marched  by  long  stages  to 
reach  that  Rendezvous.  The  first  five  of  these  tribes  were  the 
first  to  arrive,  with  their  families,  at  the  French  post ;  the  other 
bands  would  have  perished  from  hunger  if  the  Tchiduakouin- 
goues had  not  been  at  hand  with  a  good  supply  of  provisions. 
Perrot  made  them  many  presents,  to  induce  them  to  turn  their 
war-club  against  the  Iroquois,  the  common  enemy.  They  ex- 
cused themselves  from  a  general  advance,  asserting,  nevertheless, 
that  all  their  young  men  would  go  in  various  detachments  to 
harass  the  Iroquois  youth  and  carry  away  some  of  their  heads. 
But,  far  from  keeping  their  promise,  they  amused  themselves 
for  an  entire  month  with  hunting  cattle;  meanwhile,  all  the 
warriors  who  had  joined  the  Outagamis  and  Maskoutechs  were 
intending  to  march  against  the  Nadouaissioux,  while  the  old 
men,  women,  and  children  would  remain  with  the  French. 

The  Savage's  mind  is  difficult  to  understand;  he  speaks  in 
one  way  and  thinks  in  another.  If  his  friend's  interests  accord 
with  his  own,  he  is  ready  to  render  him  a  service;  if  not,  he 
always  takes  the  path  by  which  he  can  most  easily  attain  his 
own  ends ;  and  he  makes  all  his  courage  consist  in  deceiving  the 
enemy  by  a  thousand  artifices  and  knaveries.  The  French  were 
warned  of  all  the  Savages'  intrigues  by  a  Miami  woman;  all 
these  hostile  actions  would  have  greatly  injured  Perrot's  scheme 

iQuiatanons  (Wawaiation;  called  Weas  by  the  Bnglish) :  a  tribe  allied 
to  the  Miamis;  in  the  eighteenth  century  they  were  residing  along  the 
Wabash  river. — Bd. 


1690-91]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  153 

that  they  should  turn  their  weapons  against  the  Iroquois — who, 
moreover,  were  delighted  that  these  peoples  should  be  thus 
divided  among  themselves,  for  whatever  discord  could  be  aroused 
among  them  was  the  only  way  by  which  their  plans  could  be 
made  to  fail.  Perrot  sent  for  the  Chief  of  the  Miamis;  he 
made  him  believe  that  he  had  just  received  a  letter  which  in- 
formed him  that  the  Maskoutechs — ^jealous  at  seeing  themselves 
obliged,  by  way  of  satisfaction,  to  join  their  war-club  to  that  of 
their  Allies — had  won  over  the  Outagamis,  and  that  they  would 
by  common  consent  attack  the  Miamis  while  on  the  general 
march  against  the  Nadouaissioux.  The  Chief,  believing 
Perrot's  statement,  did  not  fail  to  break  up  the  band  of  his 
warriors,  and  sent  them  the  next  day  to  hunt  buffalo;  they  also 
held  a  wai^feast,  at  which  they  swore  the  ruin  of  the  Maskou- 
techs. The  Outagamis,  who  had  displayed  more  steadfast  cour- 
age than  did  the  other  Allies,  finding  that  they  were  advanced 
into  the  enemy^s  country,  consulted  the  medicine-men  to  ascer- 
tain whether  they  were  secure.  Those  Jugglers  delivered  their 
Oracles,  which  were  that  the  Spirits  had  showed  them  that  the 
Sauteurs  and  the  Nadouaissioux  were  assembling  to  march 
against  them.  Whether  the  devil  had  really  spoken  to  them 
(as  is  believed  in  all  Canada),  or  they  were  seized  with  fear  at 
finding  themselves  alone — ^without  assistance — ^however  that 
might  be,  they  built  a  Fort^  and  sent  their  Chiefs  and  two  war- 
riors to  Perrot,  begging  that  he  would  go  among  the  Nadouais- 
sioux  to  check  their  advance,  and  thus  enable  the  Outagamis, 
with  their  families,  to  take  refuge  in  their  own  village. 

The  Miamis  would  actually  have  engaged  in  battle  with  the 
Maskoutechs,  if  the  Frenchman  had  not  dissuaded  their  Chief 
from  doing  so.  They  received  the  Outagami  Chief  with  all 
possible  honors;  he  told  them  that  their  people  were  dead. 
Perrot  asked  him  how  many  the  dead  were.  He  replied :  "I 
do  not  know  anything  positively ;  but  I  believe  that  they  all  are 
dead,  for  our  Diviners  saw  the  Nadouaissioux  assemble  together 
in  order  to  come  against  us ;  they  are  very  numerous,  and  we 
are  greatly  troubled  on  account  of  our  women  and  children, 
who  are  with  us.  The  old  men  have  sent  me  to  thee,  to  beg  thee 
to  deliver  us  from  the  danger  into  which  we  hav^  "^Xio  V^Yoiiizj 


154  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [voLxVl 

rushed ;  they  hope  that  thou  wilt  go  among  the  Nadouaisaioox 
to  stop  their  advance."  Perrot  told  him  that  they  ought  not  to 
place  any  confidence  in  their  Jugglers,  who  are  liars ;  and  that 
it  was  only  the  Spirit  who  could  see  so  far.  "Not  at  all,"  re- 
plied the  Outagami ;  ^^the  Spirit  has  enabled  them  to  see  what 
they  have  divined,  and  that  is  sure  to  happen."  The  Miamis 
were  strongly  in  favor  of  advancing.  The  Frenchman,  who 
felt  obliged  by  the  orders  that  he  had  received  from  Monsieur 
de  Frontenac  to  keep  everything  quiet  among  the  Allies,  ocm- 
cluded  that  it  would  be  best  to  avert  an  attack  so  fatal  to  the 
Outagamis ;  their  destruction  would  have  been  very  detrimental 
to  the  Frenchmen  who  happened  to  be  in  those  regions,  because 
the  Savages,  who  are  naturally  unruly,  would  have  taken  the 
opportunity  to  vent  their  resentment  against  them.  He  made 
them  understand,  however,  that  since  the  safety  of  a  band  of 
their  nation  was  concerned,  he  would  go  to  make  some  attempt 
at  ameliorating  their  situation.  He  encountered  on  the  voyage 
five  cabins  of  Maskoutechs,  a  village  which  was  preparing  to  go 
to  the  French  establishment  to  trade  there  for  ammunition. 
Ho  told  them  the  reason  for  his  departure,  and  warned  them  not 
to  trust  themselves  w^ith  the  Nadouaissioux. 

Perrot  finally  arrived  at  the  French  Fort,*  where  he  learned 
that  the  Xadouaissioux  were  forming  a  large  war-party  to  seek 
out  the  Outagamis  or  some  of  their  Allies.  As  he  was  then  in 
a  place  under  his  own  authority,  he  made  known  his  arrival  to 
the  Nadouaissioux,  whom  he  found,  to  the  number  of  four  hun- 
dred, ranging  along  the  Missisipi  in  order  to  carry  on  some 
warlike  enterprise.  They  would  not  allow  his  men  to  return 
to  him,  and  themselves  came  to  the  Fort,  to  which  they  flocked 
from  all  sides  in  order  to  pillage  it  The  Commandant  de- 
manded why  their  young  men  appeared  so  frightened  at  the  very 
time  when  he  came  to  visit  his  brothers  in  order  to  give  them 
life.     A  Chief,  arising,  made  the  warriors  retire,  and  ordered 

1  Apparently  referring  to  a  fort  previously  erected  by  Perrot  on  the 
upper  Mississippi;  it  may  have  been  his  supposed  winter^iuarters  (1683- 
86)  near  Trempealeau,  Wis.,  or  else  one  of  the  two  forts  that  he  built  on 
Lake  Pepin.  Regarding  the  locations  of  early  French  forts  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi, see  WiM,  Hist.  ColU.,  x,  pp.  299-872. — Bd. 


1690-91]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  1 55 

them  to  encamp.  When  their  camp  was  made,  Perrot  sum- 
moned their  leading  men,  and  told  them  that  he  had  come  to 
inform  them  that  the  Miamis,  the  Outagamis,  the  Islinois,  the 
Maskontechs,  and  the  Kikabous  had  formed  an  army  of  four 
thousand  men  to  fight  with  them;  that  they  were  to  march  in 
three  parties — one  along  the  Missisipi,  another  at  a  day's  jour- 
ney farther  inland,  but  following  the  river,  and  a  third  at  a 
similar  distance  from  the  second.  He  told  them  that  he  had 
«tayed  this  torrent  that  was  going  to  carry  them  away ;  but  find- 
ing them  by  chance  in  this  locality,  he  exhorted  them  to  return 
to  their  families  and  hunt  Beavers.  They  replied  with  much 
haughtiness  that  they  had  left  home  in  order  to  seek  death ;  and, 
:8ince  there  were  men,  they  were  going  to  fight  against  them, 
and  would  not  have  to  go  far  to  find  them.  They  exchanged 
some  Peltries ;  when  that  was  done,  they  sent  to  ask  Perrot  to 
visit  their  camp,  and  there  manifested  to  him  the  joy  that  they 
felt  at  his  saying  that  they  would  find  their  enemies,  entreating 
him  to  allow  them  to  continue  their  route.  He  tried  all  sorts 
of  means  to  dissuade  them  from  this  purpose ;  but  they  still  re- 
plied that  they  had  gone  away  to  die ;  that  the  Spirit  had  given 
them  men  to  eat,  at  three  days'  journey  from  the  French ;  and 
that  Perrot  had  invented  a  falsehood  to  them,  since  their  Jug- 
glers had  seen  great  fires  far  away.  They  even  pointed  out  the 
places  where  these  fires  were :  one  was  on  this  side,  and  at  some 
•distance  inland ;  another  somewhat  farther,  and  deeper  inland ; 
and  a  third  they  believed  to  be  the  fire  of  the  Outagamis.  All 
these  statements  were  true,  for  the  five  cabins  of  the  Maskoutechs 
^ere  at  three  days'  journey  from  the  French  establishment; 
their  village  was  on  one  side,  the  Fort  of  the  Outagamis  oppo- 
site, and  the  Miamis  and  Islinois  at  a  considerable  distance 
farther.  It  is  believed  that  the  demon  often  speaks  to  the  Sav- 
ages ;  our  Missionaries  even  claim  to  have  recognized  him  on  sev- 
eral occasions.  There  was  much  truth  in  what  the  evil  spirit 
had  communicated  to  their  Jugglers.  Other  expedients  must 
be  employed  to  stop  them ;  to  gain  their  attention,  Perrot  gave 
them  two  kettles  and  some  other  wares,  saying  to  them  with 
these:  ^T.  desire  you  to  live;  but  I  am  sure  that  you  will  be 
defeated,  for  your  devil  has  deceived  you.     What  I  have  told 


156  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

you  IS  true,  for  I  really  have  kept  back  the  Nations,  who  have 
obeyed  me.  But  you  are  now  intending  to  advance  against 
them ;  the  road  that  you  would  take  I  doee  to  you,  my  brothers, 
for  I  am  not  willing  that  it  should  be  stained  with  blood.  If 
you  kill  the  Outagamis  or  their  allies,  you  cannot  do  so  without 
first  striking  me;  if  they  slay  you,  they  likewise  slay  me;  for 
I  hold  them  under  one  of  my  arms,  and  you  under  the  other. 
Can  you  then  do  them  any  wrong  without  doing  it  ( 0  me  ?"  He 
was  holding  the  Calumet  which  they  had  suLg  to  him  when  he 
first  made  discovery  of  their  Nation;  he  presented  it  to  them 
to  smoke,  but  they  refused  it  The  insult  which  they  thus 
offered  was  so  great  that  he  flung  the  Calumet  at  their  feet,  say- 
ing to  them :  "It  must  be  that  I  have  accepted  a  Calumet  which 
dogs  have  sung  to  me,  and  that  they  no  longer  remember  what 
they  said  to  me.  In  singing  it  to  me,  they  chose  me  as  their 
Chief,  and  promised  me  that  they  would  never  make  any  ad- 
vance against  their  enemies  when  I  presented  it  to  them ;  and 
yet  today  they  are  trying  to  kill  me.'^  Immediately  a  war- 
Chief  arose,  and  told  Perrot  that  he  was  in  the  right ;  he  then 
extended  it  toward  the  Sun,  uttering  invocations,  and  tried  to 
return  it  to  Perrot's  hands.  The  latter  replied  that  he  would 
not  receive  it  unless  they  assured  him  that  they  would  lay  down 
their  weapons.  The  Chief  hung  it  on  a  pole  in  the  open  place 
within  the  Fort,  turning  it  toward  the  Sun ;  then  he  assembled 
all  the  leading  men  in  his  tent,  and  obtained  their  consent  that 
no  hostile  advance  should  be  made.  He  then  called  Perrot 
thither,  and  sent  for  the  Calumet ;  he  placed  it  before  him,  one 
end  in  the  earth  and  the  other  held  upright  by  a  small  forked 
stick.  He  drew  from  his  war-pouch  a  pair  of  moccasins,  beau- 
tifully made ;  then  he  took  off  Perrot^s  shoes,  and  with  his  own 
hands  put  the  moccasins  on  the  Frenchman's  feet.  Finally  he 
presented  to  him  a  dish  of  dried  grapes,  and  three  times  put 
some  of  the  fruit  in  Perrot's  mouth.  After  he  had  eaten  these^ 
the  Chief  took  the  Calumet  and  said  to  him :  'T.  remember  all 
that  these  men  promised  to  thee  when  they  presented  to  thee  this 
Calumet ;  and  now  we  listen  to  thee.  Thou  art  depriving  us  of 
the  prey  that  the  Spirit  had  given  us,  and  thou  art  giving  life 
to  our  enemies.     Now  do  for  us  what  thou  hast  done  for  them. 


1690-91]  FRENCH   REGIME    IN   WISCONSIN.  1 57 

and  prevent  them  from  slaying  ns  when  we  are  dispersed  to  hunt 
for  Beaver,  which  we  are  going  to  do.  The  Sun  is  our  witness 
that  we  obey  thee/^ 

Quiet  was  restored  by  the  good  management  of  Sieur  Perrot, 
who  returned  to  his  establishment.  He  related  to  the  Maskou- 
techs,  who  came  to  meet  him,  all  that  he  had  accomplished 
among  the  Nadouaissioux  in  favor  of  them  and  their  Allies; 
and  compelled  them  to  settle,  with  the  Kikabous,  at  a  place  two 
days'  journey  from  him  near  a  Miami  village — in  order  that, 
if  the  Nadouaissioux  should  happen  to  break  their  promise, 
these  tribes  might  be  able  to  resist  them.  They  sent  a  band  of 
forty  warriors  against  the  Iroquois,  and  brought  back  some  of 
their  scalps. 

The  French  discovered  the  Mine  of  lead,  which  they  found 
in  great  abundance ;  but  it  was  difficult  to  obtain  the  ore,  since 
the  mine  lies  between  two  masses  of  rock — ^which  can,  however, 
be  cut  away.  The  ore  is  almost  free  from  impurities,  and  melts 
easily ;  it  diminishes  by  a  half,  when  placed  over  the  fire,  but, 
if  put  into  a  furnace,  the  slag  would  be  only  one-fourth. 

The  Outaouaks,  seeing  that  all  was  quiet  among  the  tribes  of 
the  South,  rightly  judged  that  now  they  could  easily  carry  fire 
and  sword  among  those  peoples.  The  Alliance  which  they  de- 
sired to  contract  with  the  Iroquois  continually  possessed  their 
minds;  and  however  great  the  ascendancy  that  the  Jesuits  had 
gained  over  them,  or  the  skill  with  which  Monsieur  de  Louvigni 
managed  them,  in  order  to  keep  them  in  submission  to  Monsieur 
de  Frontenac's  orders,  nothing  could  prevail  over  their  caprice. 
They  left  Michilimakinak,  to  the  number  of  three  hundred, 
and  formed  two  war-Parties ;  one  was  to  join  the  Islinois  against 
the  Ozages  and  the  Kangas,^  and  the  other  was  to  disperse  into 
the  country  of  the  Nadouaissioux.  Their  course  of  conduct 
could  only  be  very  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the  French 
Colony,  which  would  thus  be  prevented  from  receiving  general 
aid  from  all  the  Southern  tribes  against  the  Iroquois.  When 
they  had  arrived  at  the  Bay  des  Puans,  they  could  not  refrain 


1  The  Osages  and  Kansas,  Siouan  tribes,  formerly  located  on  the  rivers 
thus  named.  See  Dorsey's  "Migrations  of  Siouan  Tribes "  in  Amer. 
Naturaliat,  zx,  pp.  211-222. — Eo. 


158  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

from  shouting  that  they  found  in  their  road  a  very  precipitous 
place,  which  they  did  not  believe  they  could  scale  or  overturn. 
"There  is  Metaminens,"  they  said,  "who  is  going  to  stretch  out 
legs  of  iron,  and  will  compel  us  to  retrace  our  steps ;  but  let  us- 
make  an  effort,  and  perhaps  we  shall  get  over  them."  They 
remembered  that  he  had  restrained  them  at  Michilimakinak^ 
after  the  raid  of  the  Iroquois  upon  the  island  of  Montreal. 
Their  fear  that  we  would  exasperate  the  minds  of  certain  tribes 
in  that  region  made  them  speak  thus.  Monsieur  de  Louvigni 
had  taken  the  precaution  to  inform  them  that  Perrot  had  pledged 
the  Outagamis  to  our  cause,  and  knew  that  he  could  accomplish 
a  great  deal  in  circumstances  of  such  importance.  Perrot  was 
prudent  enough  to  say  nothing  to  the  Outaouaks  about  their 
enterprise;  he  only  inquired  from  some  of  the  war-Chiefs  if 
they  had  not  some  letters  from  Michilimakinak  to  give  him. 
They  told  him  that  they  had  none,  and  that  they  were  going  to 
seek  for  the  bones  of  their  dead  among  the  Nadouaissioux,  hop- 
ing that  he  would  consent  to  their  project,  as  the  Jesuit  Fathers 
and  Monsieur  de  Louvigni  had  done.  He  treated  them  very 
affably,  and  had  them  smoke  a  pipe,  without  saying  anything  to 
them  of  other  matters.  Some  one  privately  gave  him  the  name 
of  the  Chief  who  had  hidden  one  of  his  letters ;  Perrot  went  to 
see  this  Chief  at  night,  and  demanded  why  he  had  not  given 
him  the  letter.  "Dost  thou  not  suppose,"  he  said  to  him,  "that 
the  Spirit  who  has  made  Writing  will  be  angry  with  thee  for 
having  robbed  me?  Thou  art  going  to  war;  art  thou  im- 
mortal ?"  The  Chief  was,  of  course,  somewhat  surprised,  imag- 
ining that  the  other  had  had  some  revelation  in  r^ard  to  the  let- 
ter ;  he  restored  it  to  Perrot,  and  on  the  next  day  asked  him  to 
tell  what  he  had  read  therein.  The  substance  of  it  was,  that  he 
positively  must  restrain  the  Outaouaks;  or,  if  he  could  not  da 
that,  he  must  render  them  objects  of  suspicion  to  the  Outagamis. 
The  Chief  of  the  Puans  was  extremely  friendly  to  the  French, 
to  whom  he  offered  any  service  that  he  could  render;  he  was 
thoroughly  convinced  that,  if  the  Outaouaks  should  advance,  all 
the  other  nations  would  undoubtedly  follow  them,  and  that  an 
army  of  two  thousand  warriors  would  be  formed.  All  the 
prominent  men  of  that  nation  desired  to  hear  the  speech  that 


1690-91]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  1 59 

Perrot  was  going  to  deliver  to  them ;  and  it  was  in  the  following 
manner  that  he  addressed  them,  holding  his  Calumet  in  his 
hand,  and  having  at  his  feet  twelve  brasses  of  tobacco:  "Cina- 
gots,  Ontaouaks,  and  you  other  warriors,  I  am  astonished  that, 
after  having  promised  me  last  year  that  you  would  have  no  other 
will  than  Onontio's,  you  should  tarnish  his  glory  by  depriving 
him  of  the  forces  that  I  have  with  much  labor  obtained  for  him. 
How  is  this?  you  who  are  his  children  are  the  first  to  revolt 
against  him.  I  oome  from  a  country  where  I  have  hung  up  a 
bright  Sun,  to  give  light  to  all  the  nations  that  I  have  seen — 
Tvho  now  can  leave  their  families  in  quiet,  without  fearing  any 
storms,  while  warriors  are  seeking  to  avenge  the  bones  of  their 
dead  among  the  Iroquois;  but  you  are  trying  to  cause  clouds 
there  which  will  give  birth  to  thunderbolts  and  lightnings,  in 
order  to  strike  them,  and  perhaps  to  destroy  even  us.  I  love 
Peace  in  my  country ;  I  have  discovered  this  land,  and  Onontio 
has  given  the  charge  of  it  to  me ;  and  he  has  promised  me  all  his 
young  men  to  punish  those  who  undertake  to  stain  it  with  blood. 
You  are  my  brothers ;  I  ask  peace  from  you.  If  you  are  going 
to  war  with  the  Nadouaissioux,  go  by  way  of  Chagouamigon,  on 
lake  Superior,  where  you  have  already  begun  war  with  them. 
What  will  Onontio  say  when  he  learns  of  the  measures  that  you 
are  taking  to  deprive  him  of  the  aid  that  he  is  expecting  from 
you,  and  from  his  other  children,  whom  you  are  trying  to  seduce  ? 
You  have  forgotten  that  your  Ancestors  in  former  days  used 
earthen  Pots,  stone  Hatchets  and  Knives,  and  Bows;  and  you 
will  be  obliged  to  use  them  again,  if  Onontio  abandons  you. 
What  will  become  of  you  if  he  becomes  angry  ?  He  has  under- 
taken war  to  avenge  you,  and  he  has  maintained  it  against  na- 
tions far  stronger  than  you.  Know  that  he  is  the  master  of 
Peace,  when  he  so  wills ;  the  Iroquois  are  asking  it  from  him,  and 
it  would  be  made  if  he  did  not  fear  that  you  would  be  made  its 
victims,  and  that  the  enemy  would  pour  out  upon  you  his  ven- 
geance, to  satisfy  the  shades  of  the  many  families  that  he  has 
sacrificed  on  your  account  With  what  excuses  will  you  de- 
fend yourselves  before  him  from  all  the  charges  that  will  be 
made  against  you  ?  Cease  this  hostile  advance  which  he  for- 
bids to  you.     I  do  not  wash  the  blackened  countenances  of  your 


l6o  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

warriors;  I  do  not  take  away  the  War-club  or  the  Bow  that  I 
gave  you  on  Onontio's  behalf ;  but  I  recommend  to  you  to  em- 
ploy them  against  the  Iroquois,  and  not  against  other  nations. 
If  you  transgress  his  orders,  you  may  be  sure  that  the  Spirit 
who  made  all,  who  is  master  of  life  and  of  death,  is  for  him ; 
and  that  he  knows  well  how  to  punish  your  disobedience  if  you 
do  not  agree  to  my  demands."  He  lighted  his  Calumet,  and, 
throwing  to  them  the  twelve  brasses  of  tobacco,  continued :  "Let 
us  smoke  together ;  if  you  wish  to  be  children  of  Onontio,  here 
is  his  Calumet  I  shall  not  fail  to  inform  him  of  those  who 
choose  to  set  him  at  naught." 

He  presented  it  to  them,  but  there  was  one  war-Chief  who  re- 
fused it ;  the  result,  however,  was  more  propitious  than  Perrot 
expected.  The  Puans,  seeing  that  the  only  question  now  at  is- 
sue was  to  appease  this  man,  offered  to  him  the  Calumet,  and 
made  him  a  present  of  six  kettles,  with  two  Porcelain  Collars. 
The  next  day,  they  made  a  solemn  Feast  for  the  Outaouaks,  and 
sang  the  Calumet  to  them.  At  the  time  when  these  three  hun- 
dred warriors  set  out  to  return  to  Michilimakinak,  a  young  war- 
rior, with  several  of  his  comrades,  left  the  troop,  in  order  to  con- 
tinue their  march  against  the  Nadouaissioux.  The  Outaouaks, 
who  had  fully  decided  to  forget  all  their  resentment,  were  so  of- 
fended at  this  proceeding  that  they  threw  all  the  baggage  of 
these  men  into  the  river,  and  dragged  their  canoe  more  than  a 
hundred  paces  up  on  the  land. — La  Potherie's  Amer.  Septentri* 
onale,  ii,  pp.  244-276. 


1695:    NORTHWESTERN  INDIANS  AT  QUEBEC;  HURON 

INTRIGUES. 

This  fortunate  return  of  the  convoy  from  Fort  Frontenac  was 
not  the  sole  pleasure  of  so  fine  a  day.  It  had  been  preceded, 
^ome  hours,  by  the  arrival  of  Sieur  Nicolas  Perrot  from  the 
Outawais  and  Farthest  Nations,  with  ten  or  twelve  Canoes  of 
Poutewatamis,  Sacs,  FoUes  Avoines  [Menomonees],  Outagamis, 


1695]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  161 

and  Miamis  of  Maramek.^  This  was  on  the  14th  of  August, 
and  the  following  is  the  substance  of  the  news  the  Count  [Fron- 
tenac]  received  by  them  in  a  letter  from  Sieur  Delamotte,  and 
from  the  reports  of  Perrot  and  the  Frenchmen  who  came  down 
with  him. 

News  from  the  Outawais. 

The  Outagamis  have  spared  the  lives  of  the  Iroquois  prisoners 
that  had  been  presented  by  the  Wawaiation*  of  Chegagou  [Chi- 
cago] in  the  Spring,  with  the  intention  of  employing  them,  in 
return,  in  negotiating  with  the  enemy.  The  apprehension  that 
the  Cioux,  who  have  mustered  some  two  or  three  thousand  war- 
riors for  the  purpose,  would  come  in  large  numbers  to  seize  their 
Village,  has  caused  the  Outagamis  to  quit  their  country  and  to 
disperse  themselves  for  a  season,  and  afterwards  to  return  to 
save  their  harvest.  They  are,  then,  to  retire  towards  the  river 
Wabache,  to  form  a  settlement  there — so  much  the  more  per- 
manent as  they  will  be  removed  from  the  incursions  of  the  Ciou, 
and  in  a  position  to  effect  a  junction  easily  with  the  Iroquois 
and  the  English,  without  the  French  being  able  to  prevent  it. 
Should  this  project  be  realized,  it  is  very  apparent  that  the  Ma*- 
coutin  and  the  Kekapou  would  be  of  the  party,  and  that  the 
three  Tribes,  forming  a  new  village  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  hun- 
dred men,  would  experience  no  difficulty  in  considerably  increas- 
ing it,  by  attracting  other  nations  thither,  which  would  be  of 
most  pernicious  consequence.  But  we  have  every  reason  to  hope 
that  the  efficient  orders  issued  bv  the  Count,  and  the  care  that 
Sieur  Delamotte  will  take  to  execute  them,  will  dispel  all  these 
fogs.  He  will  not  possibly  effect  this  object  with  as  much  fa- 
cility as  he  broke  up  a  party  of  Hurons  who  were  on  the  point 
of  embarking  on  a  war  expedition  against  the  Cioux ;  for  with  a 
Belt'  and  a  few  words,  full  indeed  of  energy,  he  had  the  good 
fortune  to  dispel  this  storm  at  the  first  conference. 

iMarameg  (Maramek) :  the  early  name  of  the  Kalamazoo  river,  which 
discharges  its  waters  into  Lake  Michigan,  in  Allegan  county,  Mich. — Ed. 

sOuiantanons:  see  p,  152,  ante,  note. — Ed. 

*0f  wampum  beads — the  English  phrase  which  corresponds  to  the 
French  "collar  of  porcelain." — EId. 
12 


l62  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

All  Sieur  DelaMotte's^  penetration,  however,  did  not  prevent 
Borne  Hurons,  among  whom  was  the  Barents  son,  proceeding, 
unknown  to  him,  with  the  consent  of  all  the  Nations,  both  of 
Michilimakina  and  its  vicinity,  to  the  Village  of  the  Senecas, 
to  make  their  peace,  independent  of  Onontio.  They  carried,  for 
this  purpose,  fourteen  Belts,  of  which  some  of  the  better-dis- 
posed Hurons  secretly  and  mysteriously  furnished  him,  eight 
days  after  their  departure,  with  the  explanation,  the  substance 
whereof  is  briefly  as  follows:  ^'Our  Father  has  vexed  us;  he 
has  long  since  deceived  us.  We  now  cast  away  his  voice;  we 
will  not  hear  it  any  more.  We  come  without  his  participation 
to  make  peace  with  you,  and  to  join  our  arms.  The  Chief  at 
Michilimakina  has  told  us  lies ;  he  has  made  us  kill  one  another ; 
Our  Father  has  betrayed  us.     We  listen  to  him  no  more." 

These  deputies  have  carried  back  to  the  Senecas  three  of  their 
men,  in  order  to  give  them  up.  Two  of  these  are  to  remain  at 
the  village,  and  the  other  is  to  return  with  some  influential  Iro- 
quois for  the  purpose  of  having  an  interview,  in  the  latter  part 
of  August,  with  all  the  Lake  Tribes,  and  causing  the  existing 
war  to  be  succeeded  by  a  durable  peace  and  close  alliance. 

It  is  a  misfortune  that  it  was  impossible  to  anticipate  the 
Embassy  of  those  Indians,  as  this  blow  could  have  been  certainly 
averted.  But  it  must  be  understood  that  when  they  are  deter- 
mined to  keep  a  secret,  the  policy  of  the  most  expert  Machiave- 
lian  would  fail  against  their  finesse  and  deception,  daubed  over 
with  the  whitewash  of  sincerity  and  the  fairest  appearances  in 
the  world. 

Whilst  the  Baron  was  at  Montreal,  as  I  have  already  stated^ 
acting  the  part  of  the  couchant  dog  and  listening  with  apparent 
submission  to  Onontio^s  voice,  all  this  fine  scheme  was  concoct- 
ing in  the  Upper  Country ;  and  what  was  wonderful  is,  that  the 
resolution  of  the  Council  was  taken  and  concluded  before  he 


1 A  reference  to  Antoine  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac,  who  came  to  America 
when  a  young  man,  and  settled  in  Acadia.  Losing  all  his  property  there 
by  English  incursions  (1690-91),  he  removed  to  Quebec,  and  Frontenao 
gave  him  an  appointment  in  the  colonial  troops.  From  1694  to  1697,  he 
was  commandant  at  Michillimackinac;  in  1701  he  established  the  post  of 
Detroit,  which  he  governed  during  ten  years,  and  from  1712  to  1715  he 
was  governor  of  Louisiana.    He  died  in  France,  Oct  18, 1730. — Ed. 


1695J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  163 

started  to  come  down,  although  the  Traitor  gave  no  other  excuse 
for  his  voyage  than  an  ardent  desire  which  consumed  him  to 
oome  and  hear  his  Father's  will  in  order  blindly  to  obey  it. 

But  this  is  pretty  tedious.  Learn  what  is  passing  among  the 
Outawais  to  be  persuaded  how  much  they  would  be  disposed  to 
make  their  peace  with  the  Iroquois,  independent  of  the  Count, 
were  they  not  vigorously  opposed.  Let  us  enter  now  into  the 
Council  with  those  recently-arrived  Nations  and  witness  the  au- 
dience Onontio  is  giving  them. 

Being  assembled  on  the  sixteenth  of  August,  in  the  presence 
of  the  (lovemor,  Intendant,  and  several  officers,  Onanguissfi; 
Chief  of  the  Poutouatamis,  opened  the  meeting  with  the  follow- 
ing speech: 

"Father,  I  come  here^  seeing  all  my  Nation  deranged,  in  or- 
der that  you  may  restore  them  to  their  senses.  This  it  is  that 
brings  me  hither  without  a  present,  and  makes  me  look  upon 
you  with  my  eyes.  I  wish  the  Cioux,  the  Sacs,  the  Miamis,  and 
the  Outagamis  may  listen  to  your  voice.  As  for  me,  half  your 
heart  is  in  mine,  and  I  have  no  will  but  yours.  I  have  been  sur- 
prised that  the  Eikakons,  the  Outawais  of  Sable,  Hurons,  and 
others  of  Michilimakina  whom  you  call  your  children,  are  not 
hearkening  to  your  voice  today,  and  that  on  the  contrary  they 
seem  to  wish  to  upset  the  earth  and  deceive  you ;  whilst  I,  who 
have  not  seen  you  for  a  long  time,  am  always  inclined  to  obey 
your  wishes,  as  I  have  done  since  my  infancy.  Up  there  at 
Michilimakina  I  have  respected  your  word ;  I  have  adhered  to 
it,  and,  not  being  able  to  resist  all  those  other  nations,  have 
adopted  the  resolution  to  come  down  to  acquaint  you,  that  you 
may  apply  the  remedies  you  will  consider  necessary.  When 
the  Indians  I  have  named  to  you  come  here  to  see  you  and  call 
you  Father,  I  feel  sorry  that,  immediately  after  they  are  out  of 
your  presence,  they  alter  their  language  and  act  contrary  to  what 
they  promised ;  whilst  I,  no  matter  what  injury  the  other  na- 
tions may  inflict  on  me,  do  exactly  what  you  desire  me.  I  have 
even  been  killed  by  the  Ciou ;  you  forbad  me  to  avenge  myself, 
and  I  have  obeyed  your  word.  The  memory  I  have  cherished  of 
your  former  words  alone  hath  kept  my  feet  within  the  paths  of 
duty,  for  we  have  not  had  any  one,  for  a  long  time,  with  us  to 


l64  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

oommunicate  your  wishes  to  us,  and  have  almost  been — ^I,  Pou- 
touatami,  and  the  Sacs,  and  the  Puans,  and  the  FoUes  Avoines — 
as  if  we  had  no  Father,  being  at  a  distance  the  one  from  the 
other.  Those  of  Michilimakina  are  incessantly  telling  you  that 
it  is  they  alone  who  wage  war  against  the  Iroquois,  though  we 
wage  it  more  than  they ;  and  they  tell  you  that  sort  of  stories 
only  in  order  to  stand  better  with  you.  I  would  wish  that  the 
Cioux,  the  Miamis,  and  the  Outagamis  wage  war  no  more 
against  each  other." 

Colubi,  Chief  of  the  Sacs,  took  up  the  word  and  said :  "The 
French  exhorted  him  to  come  here,  and  he  accordingly  came 
down  in  his  present  poor  condition.  He  retained  in  his  recol- 
lection, since  last  year,  the  Word  of  his  Father,  who  commanded 
him  to  keep  his  tomahawk  always  in  his  hand,  and  to  turn  it 
only  against  the  Iroquois;  and  this  is  what  he  has  done.  Al- 
though he  formerly  made  war  against  the  Cioux,  he  had  resisted 
the  entreaties  of  the  Outagamis  and  Maskoutins  to  attack  them, 
regarding  them  now  as  brothers."  "Father,"  he  added,  "I 
come  to  tell  you,  that  although  the  Outagami,  or  the  Fox,  is  my 
relative,  yet  I  could  not  dissuade  nor  prevent  him  last  winter 
going  to  war  against  the  Cioux." 

Kioulous-Koio,  Chief  of  the  FoUes  Avoines,  said  that  he  had 
nothing  to  add  to  the  speech  of  Onanguisse;  like  him,  he  ob- 
served his  Father's  word. 

Onanguisse  resumed,  and  spoke  for  Makatemangwas,  an 
Outagami  or  Fox,  saying  in  his  behalf  what  follows :  "Father, 
though  killed  by  the  Ciou  neither  I,  nor  any  of  my  family  have 
desired  to  make  war  on  him  as  half  my  Tribe  hath  done,  recol* 
lecting  that  Onontio  my  father  hath  forbad  me  so  to  do.  I  do 
not  approve  of  my  Nation  wishing  to  make  an  alliance  and  peace 
with  the  Iroquois,  and  I  come  to  advise  you  of  it,  and  to  tell  you 
that  I  have  not  changed  my  mind,  and  am  always  obedient  to 
you." 

Messitonga,  or  Le  Barbu  ["the  bearded  man"],  a  Miami  of 
Maramek,  said:  "Though  at  a  great  distance,  I  heard  my 
Father's  voice,  and  have  no  other  opinion  but  that  of  Onan- 
guisse and  of  the  others  who  come  to  speak,  and  no  other  thought 
than  to  make  war  against  the  Iroquois.  When  the  Ciou  kills 
me,  I  bow  my  head,  and  recollect  that  my  Father  has  forbad  me 


^695]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  165 

to  turn  my  tomahawk  against  him.  I  have  not  yet  heard  you. 
I  complain  that  the  Miamis  of  the  river  Saint  Joseph  rescue  by 
force  from  us,  and  spare  the  lives  of,  the  Iroquois  prisoners  we 
are  bringing  home.  I  am  come  here  to  ascertain  whether  it  be 
by  your  order  that  these  sorts  of  violences  are  conmiitted,  as  I 
have  not  heretofore  understood  your  thoughts,  except  by  Perrot, 
in  whom  we  hesitate  to  place  confidence,  the  French  and  the  In- 
dians saying  that  he  is  but  a  pitiful  fellow.  I  come  here  to 
hearken  to  you,  and  to  offer  you,  as  I  did  laat  year,  my  body, 
covering  up  your  dead  who  were  killed  by  the  Iroquois,  and  to 
tell  you  that  you  are  Master  of  my  Tribe,  which  is  that  of  the 
Crane."  He  then  presented  a  Beaver  robe,  and  added :  "I 
have  not  yet  been  able  to  learn  your  thought  from  your  own  lips, 
and  have  heard  your  word  only  as  Perrot  repeated  it  to  me  from 
you.     This  has  brought  me  down  here." 

Onanguisse  demanded  if  it  were  true  that  Onontio  had  per- 
mitted Nassawakwet,  as  he  had  told  him,  and  Sieur  de  Tonty,^ 
to  go  to  war  against  the  Kanzas  and  other  Mississippi  tribes. 

Sieur  Perrot  presented  a  robe  on  the  part  of  the  Pepicoquis, 
who  also  are  Miamis  of  Maramek,  whereby  they  said  that  they 
covered  the  French  dead,  and  the  Miamis  slain  in  the  Iroquois 
country.  This  robe  was  stained  red,  to  show  that  they  remem- 
bered the  French  who  died  for  them,  and  whom  they  were  de- 
sirous of  revenging. 

Onanguisse  told  Onontio,  individually  and  in  private,  that 
it  was  not  he  but  Perrot  that  had  brought  the  Outagami  or  the 
Fox — ^whose  heart  he  believed  was  false ;  who  despised  not  only 
the  French,  but  all  other  Ifations  also ;  the  Outagami,  however, 
was  not  the  only  one  that  had  conceived  bad  thoughts,  inasmuch 
as  the  Mascoutin  had  a  still  worse  heart  than  he. — N.  Y.  Colon. 
D0C8.J  ix,  pp.  619-621. 

1  Henri  de  Tonty,  a  young  French  officer,  came  to  Canada  in  1678  with 
La  Salle,  and  shared  his  fortunes  until  the  latter's  death.  Tonty  re- 
mained at  his  fort  on  the  Illinois  river  until  1700 — striving,  against 
many  hindrances,  to  maintain  the  fidelity  of  the  Wc^Btem  tribes  to  the 
French,  and  to  secure  the  ascendency  of  France  in  the  Mississippi 
region.  Deprived,  by  a  royal  decree,  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  Tonty  went  in 
1700  to  Join  Iberville's  colony  at  Biloxi,  Miss.;  four  years  later,  he  died 
at  Mobile  from  yellow  fever.  See  Legler's  "  Henry  de  Tonty,"  In  Park- 
man  Club  Publications,  No  3,  (Milwaukee,  1896). — ^Bd. 


l66  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 


1697:    NORTHWESTERN  INDIANS  AT  QUEBEC;   FRONTENAC'S 

POLICY  TOWARD  THEM. 

Mr.  de  Lamotte-Cadillax?  arrived  at  Montreal  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  August,  with  a  number  of  Indians  belonging  to  the  Up- 
per Nations  and  several  canoes  of  Frenchmen;  he  repaired  to 
Quebec  four  or  five  days  after,  with  the  principal  Chiefs.  Af- 
fairs were  in  great  confusion  throughout  all  those  countries,  and 
the  different  Nations  allied  to  us  seemed  disposed  to  wage  war 
among  themselves.  The  Scioux  had  made  two  attacks  on  the 
Miamis ;  these  same  Miamis  had  been  attacked  by  tiie  Sauteurs, 
and  it  appeared  that  the  four  Outaouais  Nations  wished  to  take 
the  part  of  these  latter. 

The  Baron,  a  Huron  of  Missilimakinac, — ^but  who  is  not,  how- 
ever, of  the  family  of  Sataretsy,^  which  gives  the  name  to  the 
Nation, — had  gone  with  three  or  four  families  to  settle  among 
the  Miamis,  and  continued  his  negotiations  with  the  Iroquois 
for  the  introduction  of  the  English  into  those  countries;  and 
those  Hurons  who,  we  said,  had  made  application  to  form  a  vil- 
lage near  Orange,  were  of  his  family. 

Nicolas  Perrot,  a  French  voyageur,  well  known  to  all  those 
nations,  had  been  plundered  by  the  Miamis,  who  would  have 
burnt  him  had  not  the  Outagamis  and  the  Foxes  opposed  such  a 
proceeding. 

The  four  Outaouais  Nations,  the  Poutouatamis,  the  Sacs,  and 
the  Hurons  had,  at  the  request  of  Mr.  de  Lamotte,  organized  dif- 
ferent parties  against  the  Iroquois,  and  more  than  one  hundred 
Seneca  Warriors  were  computed  to  have  been  killed  or  captured 
in  the  course  of  the  Spring.  Mr.  de  Lamotte  had  received  intel- 
ligence of  the  last  blow  struck  on  Lake  Erie,  where  fifty-five 

iSataretsy  (Sasteratsi)  was  the  name  of  a  Une  of  Huron  chiefs. 
Charlevoix  says  (Joum.  Historique,  p.  258) :  "The  Commandant  desired 
that  I  should  attend  this  Council,  with  the  Officers  of  the  Garrison.  Sas- 
teratsi, whom  our  French  call  'King  of  the  Hurons/  and  who  is  in  real- 
ity the  Hereditary  Chief  of  the  Tionnontatez  [the  Petun,  or  Tobacco 
Hurons],  who  are  the  true  Hurons,  was  present  there;  but  as  he  is  still 
a  Minor,  he  attended  only  for  form's  sake."    This  was  in  1721. — Bd. 


1697]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  167 

Iroquois  were  killed  after  a  fight  on  the  water  of  more  than  two 
hours'  duration.     Our  allies  lost  four  men  on  that  occasion. 

This  defeat  is  the  more  important  as  it  broke  up  the  measures 
the  Baron  had  adopted  with  these  same  Iroquois  for  the  vittet 
destruction  of  the  Miamis,  under  cover  of  negotiating  peace  with 
them.  After  the  engagement,  the  Huron  chief,  the  Rat,^  who 
commanded  on  the  occasion,  notified  the  Miamis  to  be  on  their 
guard,  and  not  to  trust  the  Baron. 

The  following  are  the  speeches  of  the  Outaouacs  and  other  In- 
dians whom  we  have  named.  Longuant,*  Chief  of  the  Easka- 
kons,  the  first  Tribe,  spoke  for  all.  "Father !  We  are  come  to 
pay  you  a  visit.  We  are  rejoiced  to  see  you  in  good  health  at 
your  time  of  life.  What  did  the  inland  Nations  (Gens  des 
Torres)  pretend  to  do  when  they  killed  us  ?  They  were  mis- 
taken in  attacking  us.  I  am  selected  by  our  four  Tribes  to  rep- 
resent the  matter  to  you.  Father !  I  pass  over  this  affair  in  si- 
lence, in  order  to  tell  you  that  the  Miami  hath  robbed  Perrot, 
and  hath  despised  you.  I  participate  in  the  resentment  you 
may  feel  on  the  subject,  and,  as  the  Miami  behaves  insolently, 
our  Village  will  possibly  embroil  the  earth.  As  for  the  Fox,  he 
acted  well  toward  him.  Children  present  themselves  before  their 
father,  to  learn  his  will.  We  are  today  apprehensive  that  the 
Miamis,  who  boast  that  they  Know  how  to  manufacture  powder 
and  arms,  will  come  to  throw  down  our  cabins  by  introducing 

1 A  French  appeUation,  conferred  upon  two  Huron  chiefs  in  the  upper 
country,  whence  has  arisen  a  confusion  of  their  identity  by  some  his- 
torical writers.  One  of  these  chiefs  was  Souoias,  who  in  1682  was  an 
envoy  from  his  tribe  (the  Tionnontates ;  see  p.  77,  ante)  to  Count 
Frontenac;  he  was  then  their  orator  (see  N.  Y,  Colon,  Docs.,  ix,  p.  178). 
The  other  was  Kondiaronk,  one  of  the  most  able  and  Influential  savages 
of  his  time.  In  1688  he  treacherously  slew  certain  Iroquois  envoys  who 
were  going  to  Quebec,  and  thus  was  rekindled  the  war  between  that 
tribe  and  the  French.  But  he  was  afterward  converted  to  the  Christian 
faith  by  the  Jesuit  de  Carheil,  and  during  his  last  years  was  a  friend  of 
the  French.  In  July,  1701,  he  died  at  Montreal,  while  negotiating  for  a 
peace  between  the  upper  tribes  and  the  Iroquois,  and  was  burled  with 
much  ceremony  by  the  French.  See  Charlevoix's  Nouv.  France,  ii,  214, 
215,  273-279;  and  Parkman's  Frontenac. — Ed. 

sThis  name  is  given  as  Longecamp  by  La  Potherie. — Eo. 


l68  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

the  English  into  their  country — as  some  had  already  attempted 
to  do  had  we  not  spoiled  their  game  by  the  blow  that  your  chil- 
dren have  just  inflicted  at  Lake  Erie  on  the  Iroquois.  It  is  for 
you  to  deliberate,  and  to  communicate  your  thought  to  us  on 
what  I  now  submit  to  you.  Father !  Formerly  you  furnished  us 
powder  and  iron  to  conquer  our  enemies,  but  now  we  are  in  want 
of  everything,  and  have  been  constrained  to  sacrifice  ourselves^ 
in  order  to  fight  those  whom  we  have  just  destroyed.  They  have 
powder  and  iron.  How  can  we  sustain  [ourselves]  ?  Have 
compassion  then  on  us,  and  consider  that  it  is  no  easy  matter  to 
kill  men  with  clubs.  Father!  You  have  rebellious  children; 
there's  the  Sauteur,  who  has  raised  his  tomahawk  against  the 
Miami,  and  is  going  to  kill  him.  If  he  be  revenging  himself, 
can  we  avoid  taking  a  part  in  his  vengeance  ?  Tell  us  what  we 
ought  to  do.  We  are  not  come  here  to  trade,  but  to  hear  your 
word.  We  have  no  beaver;  you  see  us  entirely  naked;  have 
compassion  on  us ;  it  is  late ;  the  season  is  advanced ;  our  wives 
and  little  ones  may  be  in  trouble  if  we  delay  longer;  therefore 
tell  us  your  mind,  in  order  that  we  may  take  our  departure  to- 
morrow." 

Onanguisset,  Chief  of  the  Potouatamis,  observing  that  Lon- 
guant  had  not  thoroughly  explained  what  they  had  agreed  upon 
among  themselves,  took  up  the  Word  and  said:  "Father! 
Since  we  want  powder,  iron,  and  every  other  necessary  which 
you  were  formerly  in  the  habit  of  sending  us,  what  do  you  ex- 
pect us  to  do  ?  Are  the  majority  of  our  women,  who  have  but 
one  or  two  beavers  to  send  to  Montreal  to  procure  their  little  sup- 
plies,— are  they  to  intrust  them  to  drunken  fellows  who  will 
drink  them,  and  bring  nothing  back  ?  Thus,  having  in  our 
country  none  of  the  articles  we  require  and  which  you,  last  year, 
promised  we  should  be  furnished  with,  and  not  want ;  and  per- 
ceiving only  this — ^that  nothing  whatsoever  is  yet  brought  to  us, 
and  that  the  French  come  to  visit  us  no  more — ^you  shall  never 
see  us  again,  I  promise  you,  if  the  French  quit  us ;  this,  Father, 
is  the  last  time  we  shall  come  to  talk  with  you.     Father!  We 

1  French,  abandonner  nos  corps,  "to  throw  away  our  bodies" — an 
Indian  form  of  expression. — E.  B.'  O'Caixaghan. 


1697]  FRENXH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  169 

forgot  to  ask  you  what  you  wish  us  to  do  in  regard  to  the  death 
of  Lafourche"  (meaning  a  Chief  killed  by  the  Canceas,  a  very 
distant  Nation).  "We  shall  not  adopt  any  resolution  without 
knowing  your  will." 

The  speech  of  this  Indian,  and  the  boldness  with  which  he 
spoke,  closed  every  one's  lips;  and  the  strongest  opponents  of 
the  Beaver,  the  sole  staple  of  this  country,  were  unable  to  con- 
ceal their  astonishment,  notwithstanding  the  dissimulation  so 
natural  to-them.  The  country  ought  to  pray  that  the  threat  of 
this  Indian  may  not  be  soon  fulfilled.  But  it  will  be  absolutely 
impossible  to  prevent  it,  if  the  King  himself  in  that  extreme 
benevolence  which  he  feels  for  all  his  subjects,  apply  not  a 
prompt  and  effectual  remedy  in  the  premises.  The  entire  loss 
of  the  trade  is  not  the  sole  evil  we  have  to  apprehend.  The  gar- 
risons which  might  be  stationed  in  the  respective  posts  in  the 
Upper  Country  will  run  daily  risk  of  being  slaughtered  by  those 
brutal  Tribes,  who  are  so  difficult  of  management.  It  will  be 
impossible  for  them  to  live  there;  the  Commandants  will  be 
without  authority,  having  no  means  to  enforce  it,  as  formerly, 
by  the  occasional  muster  of  the  Voyageurs — who,  conjoined  with 
the  Kegular  troops,  would  impress  the  Indians  with  fear  and 
respect.  The  enemy  will  take  advantage  of  the  coolness  of  our 
allies,  who,  in  consequence  of  this  abandonment,  will  lose  all 
the  confidence  they  once  reposed  in  us ;  the  latter  will  not  fail 
[to  go  over  to]  the  English ;  they  will  soon  become  friends,  and 
those  same  Indians,  who  were  the  main  stay  of  Canada,  will  be 
seen  coming  hither  to  procure  scalps,  and  to  compass  its  de- 
struction. 

Will  it  be  possible  to  prevent  the  disbanding  of  our  Coureurs 
de  bois  ? — who,  being  themselves  deprived  of  a  trade  to  which 
they  have  been  accustomed  from  their  infancy,  will,  most  as- 
suredly, leave  without  permission,  despite  the  orders  of  King 
and  Governor.  If  any  escape,  notwithstanding  all  the  care 
taken  to  prevent  them,  who  will  be  able  to  arrest  them  in  the 
woods  when  they  will  be  determined  to  defend  themselves  [and] 
to  carry  their  peltries  to  the  English  ? 

The  Chief  of  the  Foxes  had  only  one  word :  ^ What  shall  I 
say  to  ray  father  ?     I  have  come  all  naked  to  see  him ;  I  can  give 


I70  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

him  no  assistance.  The  Sciou  ties  my  arms;  I  killed  him  be- 
cause he  began ;  Father,  be  not  angry  with  me  for  so  doing.  I 
am  come  here  only  to  hear  you  and  execute  your  will." 

Count  de  Frontenac  had  them  all  assembled  again  on  the 
tenth  of  September,  and  spoke  to  them  in  this  wise :  "A  Father 
loveth  his  children,  and  is  very  glad  to  see  them.  You  afford 
me  pleasure  in  being  rejoiced  at  my  health  in  my  time  of  life. 
You  see  I  love  war ;  the  campaign  I  made  last  year  against  the 
Iroquois  is  a  proof  of  it ;  I  am  glad  to  repeat  to  you  that  I  love 
my  children,  and  that  I  am  pleased  to  see  them  again  today. 
The  tribes  of  the  interior  (gens  de  terre)  had  no  sense  in  Ealling 
those  of  your  Village;  but  you  do  not  tell  me  precisely  what 
nation  it  was  that  struck  that  wicked  blow.  Whilst  waiting  for 
that  information,  do  not  spoil  the  road  between  Missilimakinac 
and  Montreal ;  the  river  is  beautiful ;  leave  it  in  that  condition 
and  do  not  turn  it  black. 

"I  am  aware  that  the  Miami  has  been  kiUed  by  the  Sioux, 
and  that  the  former  afterward  lost  his  wits ;  he  has  not  heark- 
ened to  the  advice  of  Mr.  de  Lamotte ;  he  would  have  done  well 
had  he  listened  to  it ;  he  would  not  have  been  killed  as  he  has 
been.  He  has  robbed  Perrot,  'tis  true ;  I  shall  obtain  satisfac- 
tion for  that;  but  you  of  Missilimackinac,  who  have  but  one 
and  the  same  fire,  do  not  think  of  creating  confusion  in  the 
country ;  turn  your  Tomahawk  only  toward  the  land  of  the  Iro- 
quois. You  perceive  that  there  are  French  chiefs  and  warriors 
among  the  Miamis;  it  may  have  evil  consequences.  You  live 
in  peace  in  your  wigwams;  your  wives  and  children  ramble 
fearlessly  and  without  danger  through  your  prairies.^  If  you 
redden  the  earth  of  the  Miami,  you  will  run  the  risk  of  fre- 
quently seeing  your  wives  and  little  ones  scalped.  Pay  atten- 
tion, then,  to  my  word.  The  Miamis  are,  also,  my  children. 
I  order  the  Resident  Chief  among  them  to  get  the  principal  men 

iThe  French  word  is  deserts,  which  should  be  translated  "clearings/' 
since  there  were  no  prairies  at  Michillimackinac,  and  allusion  is  made 
to  the  spaces  cleared  by  the  Indians  in  a  forested  country,  wherein  they 
planted  their  com.  The  term  is  also  applied  by  the  French  Canadians  to 
"an  open  piece  of  arable  land,  on  which  no  trees  are  growing,  to  distin- 
guish it  from  timbered  land"  (Crawford  Lindsay,  in  Jea.  Relations,  xvi, 
p.  258).— Ed. 


1697]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  17I 

of  the  Miamis  to  come  and  see  me  next  year.  I  do  not  block 
up  the  road  on  them  when  coming  to  visit  me ;  and,  if  they  have 
done  you  any  injury,  I  shall  see  that  satisfaction  be  made  you. 
Communicate  my  words  to  the  Sauteurs;  and  as  they  and  you 
form  but  one  fire,  prevent  their  making  disturbances  in  that 
direction. 

"You  four  Outaouais  Nations,  and  you,  too,  Poutouatamis 
and  Hurons — I  am  pleased  with  the  blow  you  have  inflicted  on 
the  Iroquois ;  to  strike  the  Iroquois  in  that  way  is  what  is  good ; 
that's  the  direction  in  which  all  the  Tribes  should  throw  their 
forces.  I  will  effectively  prevent  the  English  supplying  the 
Miami  with  aid,  even  were  the  latter  disposed  to  invite  them 
thither.  But  I  know  the  Miami  was  not  informed  of  it.  It 
was  the  Baron  and  Quarante  sols^  who  invited  the  Iroquois  to 
go  and  devour  the  Miami,  and  then  to  promenade  in  your 
prairies  [clearings].  I  shall  soon  be  informed  of  this  affair. 
I  always  had  you  supplied  with  powder  and  iron.  I  continue 
still  disposed  to  supply  you;  but  imperative  reasons  prevent 
me  sending  this  year  my  young  men  to  your  Coimtry  in  such 
large  numbers  as  I  would  do  were  it  not  for  the  vast  designs  I 
have  formed  against  my  enemies  and  yours.  I  cannot  now  open 
my  mind  to  you  respecting  the  operations  I  have  concluded. 
When  the  leaves  are  red,  you  will  probably  learn  what  my 
plans  are.  I  am  always  laboring  to  annihilate  the  Iroquois, 
and  am  meditating  his  destruction ;  and  you  shall  soon  see  the 
earth  united  in  that  direction. 

"In  regard  to  the  articles  you  require  for  yourselves,  your 
wives,  and  your  little  ones,  I  shall  have  them  soon  conveyed  to 
you;  but  as  I  am  resolved  to  think  only  of  war  with  the  Iro- 
quois, I  retain  my  young  men  because  I  want  them.  When 
they  will  have  returned,  they  will  visit  your  Village,  and  I  shall 
send  thither  whatever  you  will  require.  La  fourche  must  still 
be  left  undisturbed.  I  have  already  told  you  that  it  was  I  who 
should  avenge  him.     I  close  the  road  on  you,  because  it  is  I  and 

1  Quarante  sols  ("Forty  sous"):  the  French  appellation  of  a  Huron 
chief;  he  was  a  prisoner  among  the  Iroquois  in  1695,  and  later  intrigued 
with  the  Miamis  to  give  up  their  trade  and  alliance  with  the  French  for 
that  of  the  Bnglish. — Ed. 


172  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVi 

my  young  men  who  will  visit  his  bones.     Revenge   his  death, 
meanwhile,  on  the  Iroquois." 

To  the  Foxes :  "Fox  I  I  now  speak  to  you ;  your  young  men 
have  no  sense ;  you  have  a  bad  heart,  but  mine  was  beginning 
to  be  worse  disposed  than  yours,  had  you  not  come  to  hear  my 
word  and  do  my  will.  I  was  resolved  to  send  Mr.  de  Lamotte 
with  a  party  of  my  young  men  on  a  visit  to  your  village ;  that 
would  have  been  unfortunate,  for,  no  doubt,  your  women  and 
children  would  have  been  frightened  by  them.  I  hope  you  have 
sense  now,  and  that  you  will  smoke  in  pc  ice  out  of  the  same 
Calumet  as  the  French  who  are  about  to  go  and  see  you." 

"I  am  pleased  with  you  of  Missilimackinac ;  Mr.  de  Lamotte 
is  well  disposed  towards  you ;  I  am  very  glad  of  it ;  act  fairly 
toward  him  who  is  about  to  fill  his  place ;  he  it  is  who  will  com- 
municate  my  thoughts  to  you;  he  knows  them;  do  as  he  will 
desire  you.  I  am  not  willing  that  you  should  all  return  home 
naked,  as  you  would  have  probably  done,  had  you  not  come  ta 
see  me.  I  shall  be  in  Montreal  next  year  when  you  will  come 
down,  and  you  will  not  be  at  the  trouble  of  traveling  so  far. 
Here  are  some  guns,  and  some  powder  and  ball,  that  I  give  you. 
Make  good  use  of  them^ — ^not  in  killing  your  allies;  not  in  kill- 
ing buffalo  or  deer,  but  in  killing  the  Iroquois  who  is  in  much 
greater  want  of  powder  and  iron  than  you.  Remember  that  it 
is  war  alone  that  makes  true  men  to  be  distinguished,  and  it  ia 
owing  to  the  war  that  I,  this  day,  know  you  by  your  name. 
Nothing  affords  me  greater  joy  than  to  behold  the  face  of  a 
warrior.  Here's  what  I  give  you.  You  can  depart  when  yon 
please." 

After  the  distribution  of  these  presents  among  them,  he 
added:  "No  more  powder  and  iron  will  be  conveyed  to  the 
Scioux,  and  if  my  young  men  carry  any  thither,  I  will  chastise 
them  severely."  He  then  caused  to  be  brought  two  blankets^ 
two  belts,  and  some  other  presents  for  the  relatives  of  the  two 
Chiefs  who  were  killed  by  the  Iroquois,  and  said:  "Couta- 
kilmy,  I  collect  thy  bones  in  this  blanket  in  order  that  they  may 
keep  warm  until  thy  Nation  hath  avenged  thee.  Pemaou,  I 
mourn  thy  death ;  here's  what  I  give  to  dry  the  tears  of  thy  rela- 
tives, so  that  they  may  be  careful  to  avenge  thee.     The  two 


1697]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  173 

Belts  are  to  hang  in  the  Cabin  of  the  Dead  and  to  remain  there 
until  this  vengeance  be  consummated." 

It  will  be  seen,  by  these  answers,  that  the  Governor  was  de- 
sirous of  gaining  time,  in  order  to  withdraw  the  Voyageurs  and 
garrisons  next  year,  without  allowing  the  Indians  to  discover 
the  King's  intention  not  to  send  any  more  Frenchmen  or  goods 
to  their  country. — N.  Y.  Colon,  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  671-675. 


1697:     LE  bUEUR'S  MINES  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

[Extract  from  a  letter  of  Frontenac  and  Champigny  (intendant  of 
New  France)'  to  the  French  Minister,  dated  October  19,  1697.  MS.  in 
Miniature  des  Colonies,  Paris;  press-mark,  "Canada,  Corres.  g^n.,  vol.  15, 
c.  11.  fol.  39."] 

Answering,  Monseigneur,  the  letter  in  which  you  did  me  tie 
honor  to  inform  us  of  the  proposition  of  one  Le  Sueur^  to  make 
an  establishment  on  the  Mississipy,  we  will  tell  you  that  discov- 
eries have  indeed  been  made  there  of  lead  mines,  and  of  pieces 
of  copper  large  enough  to  induce  the  belief  that  a  mine  of  it 
can  be  found.  But  we  do  not  consider  that  they  can  be  of  any 
use  for  this  country,  on  account  of  the  great  distance  and  the 
almost  insuperable  difficulties  of  such  journeys.  Consequently 
we  believe  that,  if  regard  were  paid  to  his  demand,  the  execu- 
tion of  his  plans  would  be  ruinous  to  him,  if  he  were  secured 
only  the  permission  to  deal  in  all  kinds  of  peltries  except  beaver, 

1  Pierre  Charles  le  Sueur  came  to  Canada  when  a  young  man,  and 
soon  became  a  fur  trader.  He  was  commandant  at  Chequamegon  as 
early  as  1693,  and  for  several  years  thereafter.  In  that  year  Le  Sueur 
erected  two  forts, — one  on  Madelaine  Island,  and  another  near  the  pres- 
ent Red  Wing,  Minn., — in  order  to  keep  open  the  Bois  BrulS  and  St 
Croix  trading  route.  Discovering  lead  mines  on  the  upper  Mississippi, 
he  made  strenuous  but  unsuccessful  eflTorts  to  secure  permission  to  work 
them.  Returning  from  France  in  1699,  he  went  to  Louisiana,  and  in  the 
following  year  was  sent  by  Iberville  to  search  for  copper  mines  in  the 
Sioux  country;  finding  some,  he  sent  to  France  a  quantity  of  blue  and 
green  earth  taken  from  the  mines.  Little  is  known  about  his  subse- 
quent careeer;  he  died  while  on  the  ocean,  probably  before  1710. — Ed. 


174  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

in  which  you  are  not  willing  to  allow  trade.  To  grant  his  re- 
quest would  be  to  give  him  the  opportunity  to  carry  on  the 
beaver  trade,  to  the  exclusion  of  other  persons  in  the  Colony.^ 


1698:     ILLICIT    FUR    TRADE;     PARTICIPATION     THEREIN    OF 
FRENCH  SOLDIERS;   COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  LE  SUEUR. 

[Extracts  from  a  letter  of  Champigny  to  the  French  Minister,  Oct.  14, 
1698.  MS.  in  Mlnistdre  des  Colonies,  Paris;  press-mark,  "Canada,  Cor- 
res.  g^n.,  vol.  16,  c.  11,  fol.  102."] 

The  commanders  of  the  (Companies,  with  a  few  exceptions, 
shpw  such  ardor  in  getting  for  themselves  the  pay  of  their  sol- 
diers, that  I  cannot  describe  to  you  how  far  this  extends,  and 
what  obstacles  and  hindrances  result  to  the  service  from  letting- 
them  leave  their  companies.  There  is  no  discipline;  the  ma- 
jority of  the  soldiers,  who  are  in  quarters  distant  from  the  Com- 
mandant and  myself,  are  rovers  exempted  from  the  service — 
at  least  those  who  abandon  their  pay  to  their  captains;  while 
those  who  are  incapable  of  working  (whose  number  is  slight),, 
are  charged  with  keeping  guard  and  going  through  the  exer- 
cises. But,  as  I  do  not  receive  any  complaints  from  either  side, 
although  I  ask  for  them  and  have  them  asked  for  by  the  com-^ 
mander  at  the  head  of  the  companies  at  the  time  of  the  re- 
views,— the  soldiers,  on  the  contrary,  all  seeming  satisfied, — I 
know  the  evil  without  being  able  to  remedy  it.  I  even  know 
from  several  soldiers  that,  even  if  I  were  to  do  them  justice, 
they  would  at  once  return  their  pay  in  order  not  to  be  annoyed,. 
and  to  have  liberty  to  go  to  work;  the  remedy  therefore,  can 
be  found  only  in  the  perfect  uprightness  of  the  captains.  Those 
who  are  not  actually  guilty  of  this  cupidity,  and  who  are  of  in- 
violable fidelity,  are  Messieurs  de  la  Durantaye,  de  Longueuil, 
and  Dulhut,  and  after  them  de  Maricourt — who  merit  by  these 
extraordinary  marks  of  honesty,  and  by  their  other  good  quali- 

1  In  another  letter  to  the  Minister,  dated  six  days  earlier,  Champigny 
says:  "I  think  that  the  only  mines  that  he  [Le  Sueur]  seeks  in  those 
regions  are  mines  of  heaver-skins." — Ed. 


1698]  FRENCH    REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  1 75 

ties,  to  be  retained  in  preference  to  all  the  rest,  and  to  be  suit- 
ably accredited  therefor  in  the  royal  memoir,  to  show  in  what 

esteem  the  King  holds  virtue. 

*  *  *  *  *•*  *  * 

I  repeat  to  you,  Monseigneur,  all  that  I  had  the  honor  of  say- 
ing to  you  last  year  about  the  necessity  of  leaving  no  French- 
men, garrisons  of  troops,  or  other  men  at  Missillimakinac, 
among  the  Illinois  or  the  Miamis,  or  at  fort  Frontenac  or  the 
other  distant  places,  if  you  wish  absolutely  to  put  an  end  to 
the  beaver-trade  there.  For  it  is  indubitable  that  as  long  as 
there  are  any  Frenchmen  present,  except  only  the  missionaries, 
this  trade  will  be  continued  by  means  of  the  savages,  who  are 
now  trained  to  go  down  to  the  colony  with  the  beavers  of  the 
Frenchmen,  and  to  bring  back  to  them  merchandise — which 
they  do  very  cleverly,  appearing  to  be  acting  for  themselves. 
This  has  led,  of  late  years,  to  the  continuation  of  the  licenses 
of  several  Frenchmen ;  and,  as  long  as  there  are  any  who  have 
the  liberty  of  going  there,  or  of  remaining  there  on  any  pretext 
whatever,  they  will  never  fail  to  follow  this  custom.  iBesides, 
the  colony  being  open  on  all  sides,  nothing  is  easier  than  to  carry 
out  merchandise  and  to  bring  in  beavers  without  any  risk ;  that 
will  be  done  alike  by  the  man  named  Le  Sueur,  with  his  fifty 
men,  and  by  the  men  of  Monsieur  de  la  Forest,^  who  are  the 
only  ones  who  have  permission  from  the  king  to  go  to  these  dis- 
tant places.  They  will  also,  under  other  pretexts,  indirectly 
enjoy  alone  the  favor  of  the  25  licenses,  which  were  worth 
25,000  livres  of  income  to  the  poor  families  of  Canada,  for 
whom  they  were  designed ;  those  permits  will  be  worth  infinitely 
more  in  their  hands,  as  they  have  no  competitors  who  can  form 
an  obstacle  to  their  trade,  upon  whatever  footing  they  may  wish 
to  put  it — even  including  brandy. 

Is  it  probable  that  le  Sueur,  who  is  a  mere  voyageur,  should 
xmdertake  to  lead  50  men  at  his  own  expense  700  or  800  leagues 

iLa  Forest  was  a  lieutenant  of  La  Salle,  and  held  command  for  him 
at  Fort  Frontenac  until  1685,  when  he  Joined  Tonty  in  lUinois.  In  1690 
these  two  offieers  secured  the  grant  of  Fort  St  Louis,  and  a  limited  per- 
mission to  engage  in  the  fur  trade.  These  favors  were  revoked  in 
1702,  and  La  Forest  was  ordered  to  return  to  Canada.  In  1710  he  re- 
placed Cadillar  as  commandant  at  Detroit,  where  he  died  in  1714. — Ed. 


176  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

from  Quebec,  by  almost  impassable  rivers,  to  look  for  mines  of 
which  he  has  no  certainty  (except  as  regards  the  lead-mines), 
and  which  can  not  be  of  any  use  to  him,  with  the  sole  resource 
of  trading  in  small  peltry?  That  cannot  be  the  case,  for  he 
knows  that,  according  to  the  report  of  those  who  have  been  there, 
there  is  no  small  game  in  the  places  where  he  locates  those 
mines.  I  know  already  that  it  is  his  intention  to  trade  in  other 
places;  and  as  those  regions,  as  far  as  known,  are  of  limitless 
extent,  he  may,  even  if  he  has  the  fidelity  not  to  trade  in  beaver, 
be  able  to  make  very  considerable  profits  on  small  peltry  by  se- 
curing all  that  comes  out  thence ;  but  he  would  be  very  far  from 
fulfilling  the  intentions  of  the  king,  and  would  aim  only  at 
profiting  alone  and  to  the  exclusion  of  all  the  colony,  by  the  ad- 
vantage of  this  entire  trade.  Besides,  his  enterprise^  in  the 
present  state  of  affairs,  can  only  lead  to  a  considerable  increase 
of  our  trouble,  by  contributing  to  maintain  in  distant  territories 
the  French  who  have  just  revolted,  of  which  I  shall  inform  you 
in  continuing  my  letter;  and  it  is  to  give  them  an  opportunity 
to  trade  in  beaver  by  furnishing  them  with  his  merchandise, 
since  he  has  the  liberty  of  carrying  as  much  of  it  as  he  pleases. 
He  has  already  sent  along  two  loaded  boats,  which,  he  says,  are 
going  to  pass  the  winter  at  Missillimakinac  to  prepare  provi- 
sions for  their  voyage ;  and  Sieur  de  la  Forest  has  sent  one  like- 
wise, in  which  he  told  me  that  he  did  not  intend  to  put  any- 
thing but  powder,  balls,  and  other  supplies  for  his  fort  St.  Louis 
of  the  Illinois. 

It  is  certain,  Monseigneur,  that  six  men  in  two  boats,  would 
sufiice  for  le  Sueur  to  make  the  discovery  of  these  pretended 
mines.  And  if  one  opens  his  eyes  a  little,  to  penetrate  into  hia 
motives  for  asking  permission  to  take  along  fifty  men,  it  will 
appear  very  well  founded  that  his  purpose  has  been,  after  the 
suppression  of  the  licenses  (for  this  is  just  the  time  he  chose 
for  obtaining  this  permission)  to  be  able  to  carry  on  alone  and 
expeditiously  all  the  trade  of  the  upper  country,  and  to  find 
himself  enriched  by  the  profits  resulting  therefrom.  When  his 
intention  is  perceived,  a  remedy  for  it  will  be  applied. 

One  may  also  regard  le  Sueur  as  the  author  of  the  troubles 
and  warfare  which  have  arisen  between  the  Scioux  and  the 
other  nations,  who  were  living  in  peace  before  he  had  brought 


1700]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  \^^ 

them  amis  and  munitions — ^which  he  did  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  trading  more  advantageously.  And  from  the  moment  that 
those  Scioux  savages  and  other  far  distant  nations  shall  obtain 
what  they  need  from  the  Outaouacs,  or  shall  be  obliged  to  go 
among  them  to  get  these  articles  in  the  colony,  they  will  take 
care  not  to  wage  war  against  them. 


1700:     LE  SUEUR'S  VOYAGE  UP  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

[BSnard  de  la  Harpe,  an  officer  in  Iberville's  expedition  to  Louis- 
iana (1698-99)  left  a  MS.  work  entitled,  /oumoJ  hiztorique  de  Vitiib' 
liaaement  des  Francais  a  la  LouUiane;  this  was  published  at  New 
Orleans  and  Paris  in  1831.  La  Harpe  compiled  therein  (pp.  22-25, 
88-70),  from  Le  Sueur's  Journal,  an  account  of  the  latter's  voyage. 
The  concluding  portion  is  given  by  P^nicaut  in  his  Relation;  see  Mar- 
gry's  D6COUV,  et  6tahl.,  v,  pp.  416-420.  The  portion  given  by  La  Harpe 
is  translated  by  J.  O.  Shea,  in  his  Early  Mississippi  Voyages;  we  reprint 
this,  adding  our  own  translation  of  P^nicaut's  account] 

Mr.  Le  Sueur  arrived,^  with  thirty  workmen,  in  the  Renom- 
mee  and  Gironde,  Dec'.  7,  1699.  He  had  acquired  renown  by 
his  voyages  in  Canada ;  he  was  sent  on  behalf  of  Mr.  L'Huillier, 
Farmer-general,*  to  form  an  establishment  at  the  source  of  the 
Mississippi.  The  object  of  this  enterprise  was  to  work  a  mine 
of  green  earth  that  Mr.  Le  Sueur  had  discovered.  What  gave 
rise  to  this  enterprise  so  far  back  as  the  year  1695,  was  this. 
Mr.  Le  Sueur  by  order  of  the  Count  de  Frontenac,  Gbvemor 
General  of  Canada,  built  a  fort  on  an  island  in  the  Mississippi, 

iHe  came  to  Iberville's  recently-formed  colony  at  Biloxi  (now  in  the 
state  of  Mississippi) — because,  as  preceding  documents  show,  the  Cana- 
dian officials  were  opposed  to  his  plans  for  exploring  the  upper  Mis- 
sissippi region;  also  because  Iberville  was  his  friend,  and  even  a  rela- 
tive by  marriage. — Ed. 

3 Reference  is  here  made  to  the  officials  known  as  "farmers"  (or 
collectors)  of  the  revenues  of  France.  Sometimes  they  were  private 
persons,  sometimes  organized  corporations  like  that  of  the  "Company  of 
the  Indies,"  to  whom  the  privilege  of  collecting  the  revenues  was  let 
("farmed").— Ed. 

13 


178  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

more  than  200  leagues  above  the  Illinois,^  in  order  to  effect  a 
peace  between  the  Sauteurs  (nations  who  dwell  on  the  shores  of 
a  lake  of  five  hundred  leagues  circumference,  one  hundred 
leagues  cast  of  the  river)  and  the  Scioux,  posted  on  the  Upper 
Mississippi.  The  same  year,  according  to  his  orders,  he  went 
down  to  Montreal  in  Canada,  with  a  Sauteur  chief  named 
Chingouabe  and  a  Sciou  named  Tioscate,^  who  was  the  first  of 
his  nation  who  had  seen  Canada ;  and  as  they  hoped  to  derive 
from  his  country  many  articles  of  value  in  commerce,  the  Count 
de  Frontenac,  the  Chevaliere  de  la  Calliere,  and  M.  de  Cham- 
pigny,  received  him  quite  well.  Two  days  after  their  arrival 
they  presented  to  the  Count  de  Frontenac  in  a  public  assem- 
bly as  many  arrows  as  there  were  Scioux  villages ;  and  they  told 
him  that  all  these  villages  begged  him  to  receive  them  among 
his  children,  as  he  had  done  the  other  nations  whom  they 
named  in  succession,  which  was  granted.  M.  Le  Sueur  was  to 
go  up  to  the  Mississippi  in  1696,  with  this  Sciou  chief,  who 
had  come  down  solely  on  a  promise  that  he  should  be  taken  home 
again,  but  he  fell  sick  during  the  winter  and  died  at  Montreal, 
after  thirty-three  days  suffering.  As  M.  Le  Sueur  was  dis- 
pensed by  this  man's  death  from  returning  to  that  country, 
where  he  had  discovered  mines  of  lead,  copper,  and  blue  and 
green  earth,'  he  resolved  to  go  to  Franco,  and  to  solicit  at  court 
permission  to  work  them.  This  he  obtained  in  1697.  He  em- 
barked at  Rochelle,  in  the  latter  part  of  June  in  that  year,  to 
go  to  Canada.  Off  the  banks  of  Newfoundland  he  was  taken 
by  an  English  fleet  of  sixteen  vessels,  and  carried  prisoner  to 
Portsmouth ;  but  peace  being  declared,  he  returned  to  Paris  to 
get  a  new  commission,  for  he  had  thrown  his  old  one  overboard, 
for  fear  of  giving  the  English  any  information  as  to  his  plan. 


iNeill  says  (Hist,  Minnesota,  4th  ed.,  p.  148)  that  this  fort  was  built 
on  the  largest  of  the  islands  above  Lake  Pepin,  below  the  mouth  of  the 
St.  Croix;  for  this  statement  he  cites  Benin's  description  of  the  chart 
of  North  America.    Cf.  p.  16,  note  2,  ante, — ^Bd. 

2Neill  phonetically  spells  it  (Hist.  Minn.,  p.  844)  Teeoskahtay. — Bd. 

s  These  colored  marls,  blue,  green,  and  yellow,  owing  their  color  to 
silicate  of  iron,  were,  when  free  from  sand,  highly  esteemed  and  used 
as  paint  by  the  Indians,  and  were  consequently  a  good  article  of  trade. — 
J.  O.  Shea.  ! 


1700]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  179 

The  Court  ordered  a  new  commission  to  issue  in  1698.  He  then 
went  to  Canada,  where  he  met  obstacles  which  compelled  him 
to  return  to  France.^  During  all  these  contradictions,  a  part 
of  the  people  whom  he  had  left  in  charge  of  the  fort  which  he 
had  built  in  1695,  hearing  nothing  of  him,  descended  to  Mon- 
treal. 

We  have  seen  above  that  he  arrived  in  the  colony  [of  Louis- 
iana] in  the  month  of  December,  1699,  with  a  party  of  thirty 
workmen.  On  the  10th  of  February,  1702,  he  arrived^  with 
two  thousand  quintals  of  blue  and  green  earth,  having  come 
from  the  Scioux.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  rela- 
tion of  his  voyage: 

He  could  not  reach  the  Tamarois  till  the  month  of  June, 
1700,  having  made  a  considerable  distance  from  the  mouth  of 
the  river  to  that  point.  He  left  there  July  12th,  1700.  with  a 
felucca  and  two  canoes  manned  by  nineteen  persons.' 

On  the  13th,  having  advanced  six  leagues  and  a  quarter,  ho 
halted  at  the  mouth  of  the  Missoury  river,  and  six  leagues 
above  he  left,  on  the  east  of  the  river,  the  river  of  the  Illinois. 
He  there  met  three  Canadian  voyageurs  who  were  coming  to 
join  his  party;  he  received  by  them  a  letter  from  the  Jesuit 
Father  Marest,*  dated  July  10,  1700,  at  the  Mission  of  the  Im- 
maculate Conception  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  at  the  Illinois,  to 
this  effect  # 


iFrontenac  prevented  his  going  west,  and  the  Court  approved  the 
governor's  action  in  the  matter^ — J.  G.  Shea. 

2  Probably  at  Fort  Biloxi,  which  was  still  held  at  that  date  by  a 
small  French  garrison,  although  Bienville  had  departed  thence  on  Jan. 
6,  1702,  to  transfer  his  colony  to  Mobile. — Ed. 

3 Tamarois:  one  of  the  Illinois  tribes,  located  near  Kaskaskia,  111.,  at 
a  place  afterward,  known  as  Cahokia,  in  the  present  St.  Clair  county. 
Felucca:  a  boat  with  oars  and  lateen  sails,  used  on  the  Mediterranean; 
its  helm  may  be  applied  to  either  the  head  or  the  stern,  as  occasion  re- 
quires. P^nicaut  (a  carpenter  by  trade),  who  accompanied  Le  Sueur, 
states  that  his  party  numbered  twenty-nine,  instead  of  nineteen. — Ed. 

4  Gabriel  Marest  came  to  Canada  in  1694;  four  years  later,  he  began 
work  among  the  Kaskaskias  of  Illinois,  with  whom  he  spent  the  rest 
of  his  life — dying  in  that  mission  on  Sept  15,  1714.  He  accompanied 
those  savages  when  they  removed  from  Peoria  to  Kaskaskia  (in  the 
summer  of  1700),  teaching  them  to  cultivate  the  soil  and  raise  do- 
mestic animals. — Ed. 


l8o  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

"I  have  the  honour  to  write  you  to  inform  you  that  .the  San- 
giestas*  have  been  defeated  by  the  Scioux  and  the  Ayavois 
[lowas].  These  people  have  combined  with  the  Quincapoux, 
and  a  part  of  the  Mascoutins,  Kenards,  and  Metesigamias,  and 
are  going  to  avenge  tliemselves — not  on  the  Scioux,  of  whom 
they  are  too  much  afraid ;  but  on  the  Ayavois,  or  else  on  the 
Paoutees,*  or  rather  on  the  Osages,  for  these  last  suspect  noth- 

• 

ing  and  the  others  are  on  their  guard.  As  you  may  meet  the 
allied  nations,  you  must  guard  against  their  enterprises,  and 
prevent  their  getting  in  your  boats,  being  traitors,  and  unfaith- 
ful to  their  word.    I  beg  Gk)d  to  attend  you  in  all  your  designs.*' 

Twenty-two  leagues  above  the  river  of  the  Illinois  he  passed 
a  small  river  which  he  named  Riviere  aux  Boeufs  [Buffalo 
river].'  Nine  leagues  farther,  he  passed  on  the  left  a  small 
river,  aiid  met  four  Canadians  going  down  the  Mississippi  to 
reach  the  Illinois. 

On  the  30th  of  July,  nine  leagues  above  the  last  river,  he  met 
seventeen  Scioux  in  seven  canoes,  who  were  going  to  avenge  the 
death  of  three  Scioux,  one  of  whom  had  been  burnt  and  the 
others  killed  at  the  Tamarois,  a  short  time  before  his  arrival  at 
that  village.  As  he  had  promised  the  chief  of  the  Illinois  to 
appease  the  Scioux,  who  might  be  coming  in  war  against  his 
nation,  he  made  the  chief  of  this  party  a  present  of  some  goods 
to  induce  him  to  return.  He  told  him  that  the  King  of  France 
did  not  wish  this  river  to  be  any  more  sullied  with  blood ;  and 
that  he  had  sent  him  to  tell  them  that,  if  they  obeyed  his  word, 
whatever  was  necessary  to  them  should  hereafter  be  given  to 

iThis  name  should  be  Peaneguichas,  usually  spelled  Plankeshaws  by 
English  writers.  The  printed  text  translated  by  Shea  has  several  blun- 
ders of  this  sort,  as  we  find  by  Margry's  version  (apparently  taken  from 
the  original  MS.),  given  in  his  D6couv.  et  itahh,  vi»  pp.  69-87.  We  have 
corrected  these  in  the  translation,  whenever  necessary;  and  have  also 
made  occasional  changes,  when  needed,  in  Shea's  punctuation — ^some- 
times, also,  in  his  rendering  of  certain  phrases. — Ed. 

2  Also  called  Padoukas;  now  known  as  Pai  Utes;  of  the  Shoshoneaa 
family.  They  probably  lived,  in  Le  Sueur's  time,  in  the  present  state 
of  Kansas.  At  the  present  time,  they  are  scattered  through  southeast- 
em  California  and  southwestern  Nevada. — Ed. 

•  Probably  Salt  river,  which  falls  into  the  Mississippi  at  some  dis- 
tance below  Hannibal,  Mo. — £Sd. 


I700]  FRE^XH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  l8l 

them.  The  chief  replied  that  he  accepted  the  present — that  is 
to  say,  that  he  would  do  what  they  told  him. 

From  the  30th  of  July  to  the  25th  of  August,  Mr.  Le  Sueur 
made  52^/4  leagues  to  a  little  river  which  he  called  Riviere  a  la 
Mine;  it  comes  from  the  north  to  its  mouth,  and  from  the 
northeast  Seven  leagues  on,  at  the  right,  there  is  a  lead-mine 
in  a  prairie,  a  league  and  a  half  inland ;  this  river,  except  the 
first  three  leagues,  is  navigable  only  when  the  water  is  high — 
that  is  to  say,  from  early  spring  to  the  month  of  June.^ 

From  the  25th  to  the  27th,  he  made  ten  leagues,  passed  two 
small  rivers,  and  made  examination  of  a  lead-mine,  from  which 
he  took  a  supply. 

From  the  27th  to  the  30th,  he  made  eleven  leagues  and  a  half, 
and  met  five  Canadians,  one  of  whom  was  dangerously  wounded 
in  the  head;  they  were  naked,  and  had  no  arms  except  a 
wretched  gun,  with  five  or  six  charges  of  powder  and  ball.  They 
said  that  they  were  descending  from  the  Scioux  to  go  to  the 
Tamarois,  and  that  forty  leagues  above  they  had  perceived  on 
the  Mississippi  nine  canoes,  carrying  ninety  Indians,  who  had 
plundered  and  cruelly  beaten  them;  this  party  were  going  to 
war  against  the  Scioux.  It  was  made  up  of  four  different  na- 
tions, Outagamis,  Saquis,  Poutouatamis,  and  Puans,  who  in- 
habit a  country  eighty  leagues  east  of  the  river  and  of  the  point 
where  Mr.  Le  Sueur  then  was.  These  Canadians  resolved  to 
follow  the  detachment,  which  was  thus  composed  of  28  men. 
That  day  he  made  four  leagues  and  a  half. 

On  the  1st  of  September  he  passed  the  river  of  the  Ouiscon- 
sins ;  it  comes  from  the  northeast  to  its  mouth  and  from  the 
east.  It  is  almost  everywhere  half  a  league  wide.  About 
forty-five  leagues  up  this  river,  on  the  right,  is  a  portage  of 
more  than  a  league  in  length.  The  half  of  this  portage  is  a 
bog ;  at  the  end  of  this  portage  there  is  a  little  river  that  falls 

iThis  was  the  Galena  (or  Fever)  river,  which  faHs  into  the  Missis- 
sippi  six  miles  below  the  city  of  Galena — long  the  centre  for  the  mining 
interests  of  that  region.  The  distances  here  given  in  leagues  were  evl- 
dently  but  roughly  estimated;  it  is  therefore  difllcult  to  verify  them» 
especially  as  the  term  "league"  was  exceedingly  elastic,  varying  from 
2%  to  nearly  4  English  miles  in  value,  as  used  by  different  travelers  and 
explorers. — Ed. 


1 82  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

into  a  bay  called  Bay  of  the  Puans,  inhabited  by  a  great  num- 
ber of  nations  who  carry  their  furs  to  Canada*  It  was  by  the 
river  of  the  Ouisconsins  that  Mr.  Le  Sueur  came  into  the  Mi»- 
sissippi  for  the  first  time,  in  1683,*  to  go  to  the  country  of  the 
Scioux,  where  he  had  at  various  times  spent  seven  years.  The 
[Mississippi]  river  opposite  the  mouth  of  this  river  is  only 
about  an  eighth  of  a  league  wide. 

From  the  first  to  the  fifth  of  September,  our  traveller  ad- 
vanced fourteen  leagues;  he  passed  the  Riviere  aux  Canots, 
which  comes  from  the  northeast^  then  that  of  the  Quincapous, 
so  called  from  the  name  of  a  nation  which  formerly  dwelt  on 
its  bank. 

From  the  5th  to  the  9th,  he  made  ten  leagues  and  a  half,  and 
passed  the  Riviere  Cachee  and  the  Riviere  aux  Ailes;*  on  the 
same  day,  he  perceived  canoes  full  of  Indians  descending  the 
river.  The  five  Canadians  recognized  those  who  had  plundered 
them ;  sentinels  were  placed  in  the  woods,  for  fear  of  a  surprise 
from  the  land,  and  when  they  were  within  hailing  distance  the 
party  called  out  to  them,  that  if  they  came  any  nearer  they 
would  fire  on  them.  They  ranged  themselves  along  the  island, 
within  half  a  gunshot.  Soon  after,  four  of  the  most  distin- 
guished in  the  band  advanced  in  a  canoe,  and  asked  whether  we 
had  forgotten  that  they  were  our  brethren,  and  why  we  had 
taken  up  anns  when  we  perceived  them.  Mr.  Le  Sueur  told 
them  in  reply  that  after  what  they  had  done  to  the  five  French- 
men who  were  present,  he  had  reason  to  distrust  them ;  yet  for 
the  security  of  his  trade,  being  under  the  absolute  necessity  of 


iMargry  thinks  that  this  date  is  a  copyist's  error.  Le  Bueur  was 
commandant  at  Chequamegon  in  1693,  but  had  been  trading  among  the 
savages  for  a  considerable  time  before  that. — Ed. 

2  It  is  difficult  to  identify  satisfactorily  the  rivers  thus  designated. 
Rividre  aux  Canots  ("Canoe  river")  is  probably  the  stream  now  called 
Bad  Axe  river;  Rivere  aux  Ailes  ("Wing  river" — but  thought  by 
Shea  to  mean  "Onion  river"),  the  La  Crosse  river;  Riviere  Cach6e 
("hidden  river"),  Root  river  in  Minnesota,  emptying  into  the  Missis- 
sippi a  little  below  La  Crosse.  The  Quincapous  river  is  placed,  on  early 
maps,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi ;  the  only  considerable  stream 
which  might  answer  to  it  is  the  Upper  Iowa  river,  which  falls  into  the 
Mississippi  about  three  miles  south  of  the  Iowa  boundary  line;  but  it  is 
below,  instead  of  above,  the  Bad  Axe  river. — Ed. 


1700]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  1 83 

being  in  peace  with  all  the  nations,  he  would  not  make  reprisals 
for  the  robbery  which  they  had  committed.  He  only  added 
that  the  King,  their  master  and  his,  wished  all  his  subjects  to 
travel  on  that  river  without  receiving  any  insult ;  that  therefore 
they  should  take  care  of  what  they  were  doing.  The  Indian 
who  had  been  spokesman  seemed  confounded,  and  made  no  re- 
ply; another  merely  said  that  they  had  been  attacked  by  the 
Scioux,  who  had  forced  them  to  abandon  all  their  baggage ;  and 
that  if  he  did  not  take  pity  on  them  by  giving  them  a  litde 
powder,  they  could  not  reach  their  village.  Consideration  for 
[the  safety  of]  a  missionary  who  was  to  go  up  to  the  Scioux, 
and  whom  these  Indians  might  meet,  made  him  give  them  two 
pounds  of  powder.  Mr.  Le  Sueur  made  the  same  day  three 
leagues,  and  passed  a  little  river  west  of  the  great  river,  then 
a  large  one  on  the  east  of  the  Mississipi,  which  is  navigable  at 
all  times.    The  Indian  nations  that  know  it  called  it  Red  river.^ 

On  the  10th,  at  daybreak,  they  heard  a  stag  whistle  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river;  a  Canadian  crossed  in  a  little  Sciou 
canoe  that  he  had  found.  He  soon  after  returned  with  the  body 
of  the  animal,  which  it  is  easy  to  kill  in  the  rutting  season,  that 
is  from  the  beginning  of  September  to  the  end  of  August.* 
During  that  season  the  hunters  make  a  little  whistle  of  the  first 
bit  of  wood  or  cane,  and  when  they  hear  a  stag  whistle,  they 
answer;  the  animal,  supposing  it  to  be  another  stag  that 
whistles,  comes  to  them,  and  they  kill  it  without  any  diflBculty. 

From  the  10th  to  the  14th,  Mr.  Le  Sueur  made  seventeen 
leagues  and  a  half,  passed  Riviere  des  Raisins  ["Grape 
river"]  and  that  of  the  Paquitanettes  ;**  the  same  day  he  left  on 
the  east  of  the  river  a  large  and  beautiful  river,  which  comes  a 
great  distance  from  the  north,  and  called  Bon  Secours,  from 
the  great  number  of  Buffalo,  stags,  bears  and  deer  found  there. 
Three  leagues  up  this  river  there  is  a  lead  mine;  and  seven 


iThe  stream  now  known  as  Black  river. — Ed. 

sin  La  Harpe,  the  French  word  is  aout;  this  is  probably  a  misprint 
for  oct,  •'October."— Ed. 

sNeiU  thinks  (Minnesota  Explorers,  1881   p.  41)  that  these  may  be 
the  Wazi  Ozu  and  Buffalo  rivers — the  latter  flowing  through  Buffalo 
ooonty.  Wis.;   the  former  probably  the  Zumbro  rivet.  Vol  '^tX»sfitt%b 
ooonty,  BCinn.    Bon  Secours  Is  the  present  Cli\i>i^«^«i  T\x«t.— IGa. 


184  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

leagues  higher,  on  the  same  side,  you  meet  another  river  of 
great  length,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  which  there  is  a  copper 
mine  from  which  he  [Le  Sueur]  took  a  mass  of  sixty  pounds 
in  his  previous  voyages.  To  render  it  profitable  a  peace  would 
have  to  be  made  between  the  Scioux  and  the  Outagamis,  because 
the  latter,  who  live  on  the  lands  east  of  the  Mississippy,  pass  by 
this  road  constantly  when  going  out  to  war  against  the  Scioux. 
In  these  quarters,  a  league  and  half  from  the  northwest  side, 
begins  a  lake  six  leagues  long,  and  more  than  one  broad.  It  is 
called  Lake  Pepin.^  It  is  skirted  on  the  west  by  a  chain  of 
moimtains ;  on  the  other  side,  on  the  east,  you  see  a  prairie,  and 
on  the  northwest  of  the  lake  a  second  prairie,  two  leagues  long 
and  wide;  near  it  is  a  chain  of  mountains,  which  are  at  least 
two  hundred  feet  high,  and  extend  more  than  a  league.  Here 
are  found  many  caverns  to  which  the  bears  retreat  in  Avinter  ;* 
most  of  these  caves  are  over  forty  feet  deep,  and  about  three  or 
four  feet  high.  Some  have  a  very  narrow  entrance,  and  all  con- 
tain saltpetre.  It  would  be  dangerous  to  enter  them  in  sum- 
mer, because  they  are  full  of  rattlesnakes  the  bite  of  which  is 
very  dangerous.  Le  Sueur  saw  some  of  these  snakes  which 
were  six  feet  long,  but  they  do  not  generally  exceed  four ;  they 
have  teetli  like  those  of  a  pike,  and  the  gums  full  of  little  blad- 
ders which  contain  their  venom.  The  Scioux  say  that  they 
take  it  every  morning,  and  reject  it  at  night;  ihey  have  on  the 
tail  a  kind  of  scale  which  makes  a  noise;  this  is  what  is  called 
their  rattle.  Le  Sueur  made  that  day  seven  leagues  and  a  half, 
and  passed  another  river  called  Hihanbouxeate  Ouataba,  which 
means  "river  of  the  flat  rocks."' 

On  the  15th,  he  crossed  a  small  river;  and  perceived  in  the 
neighborhood  several  canoes  full  of  Indians  coming  down  the 
river.  He  at  first  took  them  for  Scioux,  because  he  could  not 
distinguish  whether  the  canoes  were  large  or  small.  He  made 
his  men  get  their  arms  ready ;  he  soon  after  heard  the  Indians 

1  Du  Lhut,  in  a  letter  written  upon  April  5,  1679,  mentions  the  P6pin 
brothers. — Mabobt. 

sj.  N.  Nicollet  and  Jonathan  Carver  have  also  described  these 
caves. — Shka. 

3  The  Sioux  caU  the  Cannon  river  Inyanbosndata. — ^Nedll  (Minn,  B»r 

plorers,  p,  41). 


I700J  FRENCH   REGIME  IN   WISCONSIN.  1 85 

giving  the  yells  they  usually  give  when  they  rush  on  their  ene- 
mies. He  replied  in  the  same  manner,  and  after  posting  all  his 
men  behind  trees,  he  forbade  them  to  fire  till  he  gave  the  word. 
He  remained  on  the  water's  edge  to  see  what  step  they  would 
take ;  and,  perceiving  that  they  put  two  men  ashore,  to  observe 
from  an  eminence  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  the  number  of 
his  people  and  his  forces,  he  made  his  party  march  in  and  out 
of  the  wood  continually,  so  that  they  should  take  them  to  be 
more  numerous.  This  succeeded,  for  as  soon  as  the  two  Indians 
came  down  the  hill,  the  chiefs  of  the  party  came  forward  bear- 
ing the  calumet,  which  is  a  signal  of  peace  among  the  Indians. 
They  said  that  having  never  seen  the  French  sailing  on  the  Mis-, 
sissippy  in  boats  like  the  felucca,  they  had  mistaken  them  for 
English,  and  had  accordingly  given  the  war-cry  and  ranged 
themselves  on  the  other  side  of  the  river ;  but,  seeing  their  mis- 
take by  our  flag,  they  had  come  without  fear  to  inform  them 
that  one  of  their  people  who  was  crazy  had  accidentally  killed  a 
Frenchman  with  a  ball  from  a  gun ;  and  that  they  were  going 
to  bring  his  comrade,  who  would  tell  in  what  way  the  accident 
happened.  They  made  this  Frenchman,  who  was  a  Canadian 
named  Denis,  come :  he  stated  that  his  comrade  had  been  acci- 
dentally killed ;  his  name  was  Laplace ;  he  was  a  soldier  who  had 
deserted  from  Canada,  and  fled  to  this  country.  Mr.  Le  Sueur 
replied  to  these  Indians  that^  Onontio  (a  name  they  give  to  all 
the  governors  of  Canada)  being  their  father  and  his,  they  should 
not  seek  their  justification  anywhere  but  before  him;  that  he 
advised  them  to  go  and  see  him  as  soon  as  possible,  to  beg  him 
to  wash  the  blood  of  that  Frenchman  from  their  faces.  This 
party  was  composed  of  47  men  of  different  nations,  wEo  live  far 
to  the  east  of  the  Mississippi,  about  the  forty-fourth  degree  of 
latitude.  Mr.  Le  Sueur  knew  the  chiefs  particularly ;  he  told 
them  that  the  king  of  whom  they  had  so  often  heard  in  Canada^ 
had  sent  to  settle  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  he  wished  the  na* 
tions  dwelling  on  it,  as  well  as  those  which  are  under  his  pro* 
tection,  to  live  generally  in  peace.  He  made  that  day  three  and 
three-quarters  leagues. 

On  the  16th  he  left  on  the  east  of  the  Mississippi  a  great  river, 
eaUed  St.  Croix,  because  a  Frenchman  of  that  name  wa«  ^9ni%jc3Rft&. 


l86  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 

at  its  mouth ;  it  comes  from  the  north-northwest  Four  leagues 
higher  up,  ascending,  you  come  to  a  small  lake,  at  the  entrance 
of  which  there  is  a  very  large  mass  of  copper ;  it  is  on  the  water's 
edge,  in  a  little  bluff  of  sandy  earth,  west  of  this  lake. 

From  the  16tli  to  the  19th,  he  advanced  thirteen  and  three- 
quarters  leagues.  After  having  made  from  the  Tamarois  two 
hundred  and  seven  and  a  half  leagues,  he  left  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  at  this  point,  to  enter  St^  Peter's  river,  on 
the  west  of  the  Mississippi,  on  which  he  made  till  the  1st  of 
October  forty-four  and  a  quarter  leagues — after  which  he 
entered  Blue  river,  so  called  by  reason  of  the  mines  of  blue 
earth  found  there.  At  the  entrance  of  this  river  he  made  his 
settlement,  situated  at  forty-four  degrees  thirteen  minutes  north 
latitude.* 

At  this  spot  he  met  nine  Scioux  who  told  him  that  this  river 
was  the  country  of  tlie  Scioux  of  the  West,  and  of  the  Ayavois 
[lowas]  and  the  Otoctatas  [Otoes]  a  little  further ;  that  it  was 
not  their  custom  to  hunt  on  the  grounds  of  others  without  being 
invited  by  those  to  whom  they  belonged ;  that  when  they  should 
wish  to  come  to  the  fort  to  get  supplies,  they  would  be  exposed 
to  be  cut  off  by  their  enemies  coming  up  or  going  down  these 
rivers,  which  are  narrow ;  and  that  if  he  intended  to  take  pity 
on  them,  he  must  settle  on  the  Mississippi,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  mouth  of  St.  Peter's  river,  where  the  Ayavois,  the 
Otoctatas,  and  the  Scioux  could  come  as  well  as  they.  Having 
made  their  speech,  they  began,  according  to  their  custom,  to  weep 
over  Mr.  Le  Sueur's  head,  saying,  "Oueachissou  ouaepanimanr 
abo" — which  means,  '^Take  pity  on  us." 

Mr.  Le  Sueur  had  foreseen  that  his  establishment  on  the  Blue 
river  would  not  be  relished  by  the  Scioux  of  the  East,  who  are, 
80  to  8peak,  the  masters  of  the  other  Scioux  and  of  the  nations 


iP^nicaut  says  (Margry.  vi,  p.  414)  that  Le  Sueur's  party  went  to  the 
Fftlls  of  St.  Anthony,  where  they  could  proceed  no  farther  except  by 
making  a  long  portage.  Returning  to  the  Minnesota  river,  they  as- 
cended it  as  far  as  the  Blue  Earth  river  (at  the  mouth  of  which  stands 
the  present  city  of  Mankato,  Minn.),  and  built  their  fort  on  a  point  of 
land  about  a  league  from  the  entrance  of  that  river.  The  name  St. 
Peter's  was  applied  to  the  Minnesota  river  until  1852,  when  the  latter 
nmme  was  adopted  by  legislative  act — Bd. 


1700]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  1 87 

just  named,  because  they  are  the  first  with  whom  we  traded, 
which  has  given  them  a  good  supply  of  guns.  As  he  had  not 
undertaken  the  enterprise  in  the  sole  view  of  the  beaver  trade, 
but  to  learn  thoroughly  the  quality  of  the  different  mines  which 
he  had  formerly  discovered,  he  told  them  that  he  was  sorry 
he  had  not  known  their  ideas  sooner ;  that  it  was  clearly  just, 
as  he  had  come  expressly  for  them,  for  him  to  settle  on  their 
land ;  but  the  season  was  too  far  spent  to  retrace  his  steps.  He 
then  made  them  a  present  of  powder,  balls,  knives,  and  a  fathom 
of  tobacco,  to  invite  them  to  come  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  fort 
that  he  was  going  to  erect ;  that  there,  when  they  were  all  assem- 
bled, he  would  tell  them  the  intentions  of  the  King,  their  master 
and  his. 

The  Scioux  of  the  West  have,  according  to  the  reports  of  those 
of  the  East,  more  than  a  thousand  cabins.  They  do  not  use 
canoes,  cultivate  the  earth,  or  gather  wild  oats ;  they  generally 
keep  to  the  prairies  between  the  Upper  Mississippi  and  the  River 
of  the  Missouris,  and  live  solely  by  hunting. 

All  the  Scioux  in  general  say  that  they  have  three  souls,  and 
that  after  death,  that  which  has  done  good  goes  to  the  warm 
countries,  that  which  has  done  evil  to  the  cold  countries,  and 
the  other  keeps  the  body.  Polygamy  is  in  use  among  them ;  they 
are  very  jealous,  and  sometimes  fight  duels  for  tlieir  women. 
They  handle  the  bow  very  expertly  and  were  several  times  seen 
to  shoot  ducks  on  the  wing.  They  make  their  cabins  of  several 
buffalo-skins,  laced  and  sewed  together ;  they  carry  them  every- 
where with  them ;  in  each  cabin  there  are  ordinarily  two  or  three 
men  with  their  families.  They  are  all  great  smokers,  but  their 
mode  of  smoking  differs  from  that  of  the  other  Indians ;  there 
are  some  Scioux  who  swallow  all  the  tobacco  smoke,  and  others 
who,  after  having  swallowed  and  kept  it  for  some  time  in  the 
stomach,  eject  it  through  the  nose. 

On  the  third  of  the  same  month,  he  received  at  the  fort  several 
Scioux,  among  whom  was  Ouacantapai,*  chief  of  the  village. 


iThis  name  (also  speHed  Wakandapl  and  Wahkantape)  means  "es- 
teemed sacred."  It  was  evidently  a  name  of  distinction,  and  handed 
down  for  many  generations;  for  Neill  mentions  it  (Hist,  Minnesota, 
p.  166,  note)  as  borne  by  one  of  the  head  men  at  Red  Wing  Iil  \&^^.— ^^> 


l88  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVI 

Soon  after  two  Canadians,  who  had  gone  hunting,  arrived ;  they 
had  been  robbed  by  the  Seioux  of  the  East,  who  had  taken  away 
their  guns  in  revenge  for  Mr.  Le  Sueur's  settling  on  Blue  river. 
On  the  14th,  the  fort  was  finished ;  the  name  of  Fort  L'Huillier 
was  conferred  upon  it.* 

On  the  22nd  two  Canadians  were  sent  out  to  invite  the 
Ayavois  and  the  Otoctatas  to  come  and  make  a  village  near  the 
fort,  because  these  Indians  are  laborious  and  accustomed  to  cul- 
tivate the  ground ;  and  he  hoped  to  obtain  provisions  from  them 
and  make  them  work  the  mines. 

On  the  24th  arrived  six  Oujalespoitons  Seioux;  they  wished 
to  enter  the  fort,  but  they  were  prevented,  and  told  that  men 
who  had  killed  Frenchmen  could  not  be  received;  this  is  the 
term  employed  when  they  have  offered  any  insult  The  next 
day  they  came  to  Mr.  Le  Sueur's  cabin  to  beg  him  to  take  pity 
on  them.  They  wished  to  weep  over  his  head,  according  to 
their  custom,  and  to  make  him  a  present  of  some  packages  of 
beaver,  which  he  refused ;  he  said  that  he  was  astonished  that 
men  who  had  robbed  him  should  have  the  temerity  to  come  to 
him;  to  which  they  replied  that  they  had  indeed  heard  that 
the  French  had  been  plundered,  but  that  none  from  their  village 
had  been  present  at  this  wicked  act.  Mr.  Le  Sueur  told  them 
that  he  knew  that  it  was  the  Mendeouacantons  who  had  killed 
him  and  not  the  Oujalespoitons.  "But  you  are  Seioux,"  he  con- 
tinued; "they  were  Seioux  who  robbed  me,  and  if  T  followed 
your  manner  of  acting  I  would  break  your  heads ;  for  is  it  not 
true  that  when  any  strangers"  (so  they  call  the  Indians  who 
are  not  Seioux)  "have  done  any  wrong  to  a  Mendeouacanton, 
Oujalespoiton,  or  other  Seioux,  all  the  villages  avenge  it  on  the 
first  whom  they  meet  ?"  As  they  could  make  no  reply  to  what 
he  said  to  them,  they  resorted  to  tears,  and  repeatedly  said  to 
him  according  to  their  custoon,  ^^  Ouaechissau  oiuiepanimanr 
aho!"  Thereupon  Mr.  Le  Sueur  told  them  to  cease  weeping; 
he  added  that  the  French  were  kind-hearted,  and  that  he  had 
come  to  their  country  only  to  have  pity  on  them.  At  the  same 
time,  he  made  them  a  present,  saying  to  them:     "Carry  back 

iln  honor  of  Le  Sueur's  patron  in  France,  mentioned  at  the  begin- 
ning of  this  document. — Bd. 


I700]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  1 89 

your  beaver-skins,  and  tell  all  the  Scioux  that  they  shall  have 
no  more  powder  or  bullets  from  me,  and  shall  not  again  smoke 
with  my  calumet"  (that  is,  "we  shall  no  longer  be  good 
friends"),  "imtil  they  have  given  me  satisfaction  for  the  plun- 
der of  the  Frenchmen." 

The  same  day  the  two  Canadians  who  had  been  sent  out  on 
the  22nd  arrived,  without  having  succeeded  in  finding  the  road 
leading  to  the  Ayavois  and  Otoctatas.  On  the  26th  Mr.  Le 
Sueur  proceeded  to  the  mine,^  with  three  canoes,  which  he  had 
loaded  with  blue  and  green  earth.  It  is  drawn  from  mountains 
near  which  are  the  very  abimdant  copper  mines,  of  which  Mr. 
L'Huillier,  one  of  the  king's  farmers-general,  made  an  assay 
at  Paris,  in  1696.  Green  stones  also  are  found  there,  of  which 
it  might  be  worth  while  to  make  some  use. 

On  the  9th  of  November,  eight  Mantanton  Scioux  presented 
themselves  at  the  fort,  having  been  sent  by  the  chiefs  of  their 
villages  to  say  that  the  Mendeouacantons  were  still  at  their 
lake  on  the  lands  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  that  they  could  not 
come  for  a  long  time ;  that  all  the  rest  ought  not  to  bear  the 
penalty  for  one  single  village  that  had  not  had  sense ;  that  if 
he  would  tell  them  in  what  way  he  wished  to  have  satisfaction, 
they  would  come  and  make  it.  Mr.  Le  Sueur  told  them  that 
he  was  very  glad  that  they  had  sense,  and  that  it  was  for  them 
to  see  what  they  should  do.  On  the  15ih  they  saw  two 
Mantanton  Scioux  arrive;  these  Indians  had  been  sent  expressly 
to  announce  that  all  the  Scioux  of  the  East  and  a  part  of  those 
of  the  West  had  joined  together  to  come  to  the  French,  because 
they  had  learned  that  the  Christinaux  and  the  Assinipoils* 
were  about  to  make  war  on  them.  These  two  nations  live  above 
the  fort  on  tho  east,  more  than  eighty  leagues  up  the  Mississipi. 

1  The  locality  was  a  branch  of  the  Blue  Earth,  about  a  mile  above  the 
fort,  called  by  J.  N.  Nicollet  Le  Sueur  river,  and,  on  a  map  published  in 
1778,  the  river  St  Remis. — Neill  (Hist  Minnesota,  p.  165,  note). 

3 Christinaux:  the  Creee,  Algonquian  tribes  who  have  always  roamed 
through  the  wilderness  between  Lake  Superior  and  Hudson  Bay.  As- 
sinipoils:  the  Assiniboins,  a  Siouan  tribe  who  were  originally  a  brandh 
of  the  Tankton  Dakotas.  They  were  located  successively  along  the  Red 
river  of  the  North,  about  Lake  Winnepeg,  and  (in  more  recent  times) 
on  the  Assiniboine  and  Saskatchewan  rivers. — Bd. 


IQO  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

The  Assinipoils  speak  the  Scioux  language,  and  are  really 
of  that  nation ;  and  it  is  only  within  a  few  years  that  they  have 
been  at  enmity  with  that  people.  The  origin  of  that  war  was 
this:  The  Christinaux,  having  obtained  the  use  of  firearms 
before  the  Scioux  did,  by  means  of  the  English  of  Hudson^s 
Bay,  continually  waged  war  against  the  Assinipoils,  who  were 
their  nearest  neighbors.  The  latter  finding  themselves  weak 
asked  for  peace ;  and,  to  render  it  more  firm,  allied  themselves 
to  the  Christinaux,  taking  their  women  to  wife.  The  other 
Scioux,  who  had  not  entered  this  alliance,  and  who  from  all  time 
had  l)een  at  war  with  them,  continued  it ;  so  that  one  day,  find- 
ing some  Christinaux  among  the  Assinipoils,  they  broke  their 
heads.  It  was  the  Christinaux  who  supplied  the  Assinipoils 
with  arms  and  goods. 

On  the  16th,  the  two  Scioux  returned  to  their  village,  and  it 
was  ascertained  that  the  Ayavois  and  the  Otoctatas  had  gone 
to  station  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  river  of  Missoury,  in 
the  neigliborhood  of  the  Maha,  a  nation  dwelling  in  those 
quarters.* 

On  the  26th,  the  Mantantons  and  the  Oujalespoitons  arrived 
at  the  fort.  After  pitching  their  cabins  in  the  wood,  Ouacan- 
tapai  came  to  beg  Mr.  Le  Sueur  to  come  to  him.  He  there 
found  sixteen  men,  with  several  women  and  children,  who  had 
their  faces  daubed  with  black.  In  the  middle  of  this  cabin  were 
several  buflFalo-skins  that  served  as  a  carpet.  They  made  signs 
to  him  to  sit  down,  and  at  the  same  time  all  these  persons  began 
to  weep ;  this  lasted  during  some  ten  minutes.  Then  the  chief 
offered  him  wild  rice  to  eat,  and,  according  to  their  custom, 
put  tlie  first  three  spoonfuls  into  his  mouth.  After  that,  he 
told  him  that  all  those  whom  he  saw  present  were,  like  him- 
self, the  relatives  of  Tioscate  (this  was  the  name  of  the  Sciou 
whom  Mr.  Le  Sueur  took  to  Canada  in  1605,  and  who  died  there 
in  1606).  At  this  name  of  Tioscate  they  began  to  weep  again, 
and  to  wipe  their  tears  on  Mr.  I^e  Sueur's  head  and  shoulders ; 
after  which  Ouacantapai,  resuming  his  discourse,  told  him  that 
Tioscate  begged  him  to  forget  the  insult  offered  to  the  French 

iMaha:  the  Omahas,  a  Siouan  tribe  of  eastern  Nebraska,  allied  to  the 
Kansas. — Ed. 


1700]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  IQI 

by  the  Mendeouacantons ;  and  to  have  pity  on  his  brethren, 
by  giving  them  powder  and  ball  to  defend  themselves  against 
their  enemies,  and  to  give  life  to  his  wives  and  children  who 
were  wasting  with  hunger  in  the  midst  of  a  country  full  of 
all  kinds  of  beasts,  having  nothing  to  kill  them  with.  "  Behold  1" 
added  this  chief,  pointing  to  the  dead  chief's  wives  and  chil- 
dren, "Behold  thy  children,  thy  brethren,  thy  sisters;  it  is  for 
thee  to  see  whether  thou  wishest  them  to  live  or  die.  They  will 
live  if  thou  givest  them  powder  and  ball ;  on  the  contrary,  they 
will  die  if  thou  refuse  it"  All  these  reasons  were  not  needed 
to  induce  Mr.  Le  Sueur  to  yield  to  their  request;  but  as  the 
Scioux  never  answer  on  the  spot,  especially  in  important  mat- 
ters, and  as  he  had  to  speak  to  them  about  his  establishment, 
he  left  the  cabin  without  saying  anything.  The  chief  and  all 
those  who  were  within  followed  him  to  the  gate  of  the  fort, 
and  after  he  went  in  they  made  the  circuit  of  the  fort  three 
times,  weeping  and  crying  at  the  top  of  their  voices  ''Athe- 
ouaruin  " — which  means,  "My  father,  take  pity  on  us.'' 

The  next  day  he  assembled  in  the  fort  the  most  eminent  men 
of  both  villages ;  and,  as  it  is  impossible  to  subdue  the  Scioux 
or  to  prevent  their  going  to  war,  except  by  inducing  them  to 
cultivate  the  ground,  he  told  them  that  if  they  wished  to  ren- 
der themselves  worthy  of  the  king's  protection,  they  must  aban- 
don their  errant  life  and  come  and  form  a  village  around  his 
settlement,  where  they  would  be  sheltered  from  the  attacks  of 
their  enemies.  He  said  that,  to  facilitate  their  means  of  lead- 
ing a  happy  life  there,  and  to  save  them  from  the  pangs  of 
hunger,  he  would  give  them  all  the  com  necessary  to  plant  a 
good  deal  of  ground ;  that  the  king,  their  chief  and  his,  when 
sending  him,  had  forbidden  him  to  trade  in  beaver-skins,  know- 
ing that  this  hunt  obliged  them  to  scatter,  and  exposed  them 
to  be  killed  by  their  enemies ;  that  in  consequence  he  had  come 
to  settle  on  Blue  river,  the  neighborhood  of  which,  as  they  had 
several  times  assured  him,  was  full  of  all  kinds  of  beasts,  for 
the  skins  of  which  the  French  would  supply  all  their  wants. 
He  told  them  that  tbey  should  reflect  that  they  could  not  do 
without  the  goods  of  the  French,  and  that  the  only  means  not 
to  be  deprived  of  them  was  not  to  make  war  on  nations  allied 


IQ2  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

to  US ;  and  as  it  is  the  Indian  custom  to  accompany  their  words 
with  a  present  proportioned  to  the  affair  discussed,  he  gave  them 
fifty  poimds  of  powder  and  as  many  of  bullets,  six  guns,  ten 
hatchets,  twelve  brasses  of  tobacco,  and  a  steel  calumet. 

On  the  Ist  of  December,  the  Mantantons  invited  Mr.  Le 
Sueur  to  a  great  feast;  four  of  their  cabins  had  been  thrown 
into  one,  in  which  there  were  a  hundred  men  seated  around, 
each  with  his  platter  before  him.  After  the  repast  Oucantapai, 
their  chief,  made  them  all  smoke  successively  the  steel  calumet 
which  had  been  presented  to  them.  Then  he  made  a  present  to 
Mr.  Le  Sueur  of  a  slave  and  a  sack  of  wild  rice ;  and,  pointing 
to  his  people,  said :  "Behold  the  renmants  of  that  great  village 
which  thou  didst  formerly  behold  so  numerous ;  all  the  others 
have  been  slain  in  war,  and  the  few  men  thou  seest  in  this 
cabin  accept  the  present  that  thou  makest  them,  and  are  resolved 
to  obey  that  great  chief  of  all  the  nations  of  whom  thou  hast 
spoken  to  us.  Thou  must  therefore  no  longer  p^ard  us  as 
Scioux,  but  as  Frenchmen;  and,  instead  of  saying  that  the 
Scioux  are  wretches  who  have  no  sense  and  are  fit  only  to  plun- 
der and  rob  the  French,  thou  wilt  say :  *My  brothers  are  unhappy 
men  who  have  no  sense ;  we  must  try  and  get  them  soma  They 
rob  us,  but  to  prevent  them  I  will  take  care  that  they  do  not 
lack  iron — that  is  to  say  all  kinds  of  goods.*  If  thou  dost  this, 
I  assure  thee  that  in  a  short  time  the  Mantantons  will  become 
French  and  will  no  longer  have  the  vices  with  which  thou  re- 
proachest  them."  Having  finished  this  harangue  he  covered 
his  head  with  his  robe,  the  others  imitated  him ;  they  wept  for 
their  comrades  slain  in  war,  and  chanted  a  farewell  to  their 
country,  in  so  mournful  a  tone  that  one  could  scarcely  help 
sharing  their  grief.  Then  Oucantapai  made  them  smoke  again, 
and  distributed  among  them  presents  that  had  been  given  to 
them,  and  said  that  he  was  going  to  the  Mendeouacantons  to  in- 
form them  of  the  resolution  and  to  invite  them  to  do  the  same. 

On  the  12th  three  Mendeouacanton  chiefs  and  a  number  of 
Indians  of  the  same  village  arrived  at  the  fort>  and  the  next 
day  made  a  kind  of  satisfaction,  to  the  value  of  a  thousand 
livres,  for  the  plunder  that  they  had  committed  on  the  French. 
They  brought  400  pounds  of  beaver-skins ;  and  promised  that  in 


1700]  FRENCH   REGIME    IN   WISCONSIN.  IQ3 

the  following  summer,  after  they  had  made  canoes  and  gathered 
in  their  harvest  of  wild  rice,  they  would  come  to  settle  near  the 
French.  On  the  same  day  they  departed,  to  return  to  their 
village  east  of  the  Mississipi. 

Names  of  the  tribes  of  Sioux  of  the  East,  and  their  signification. 

The  Mantantons — which  means,  "Village  of  the  great  lake 
which  discharges  into  a  small  one."  The  Mendeouacantons — 
"Village  of  the  lake  of  the  spirit"  The  Quioepetons — "Vil- 
lage of  a  lake  in  a  river."  The  Psinoumanitons — "Village  of 
those  who  search  for  wild  rice."  The  Ouadebatons — "Village 
of  the  river."  The  Ocatamenetons — "Village  of  people  who 
are  on  the  headland  of  a  lake."  The  Songasquitons — "Village 
of  the  fort" 

Sioux  Of  the  West,  of  whom  we  have  knowledge. 

The  Touchouaesintons — which  means  "Village  of  the  pola" 
The  Psinchatons — "Village  of  the  i-ed  wild  rice."  The  Oujal- 
espoitons — "Village  scattered  in  several  small  bands."  The 
Psinoutanhinhintons — "Village  of  the  great  wild  rice."  The 
Tintanaoughiatons — "Village  of  the  great  cabin."  The  Ouae- 
petons — "Village  of  the  leaf."  The  Onghetgeodatons — "Vil- 
lage of  the  dung."  The  Ouasicoutetons — "Village  of  those 
who  shoot  into  a  great  pine."  The  Hinhanetons — "Village  of 
the  red-stone  quarry."^ 

iThe  name  Sioux  is  an  abbreviation  of  that  by  which  those  tribes 
were  commonly  known  among  the  Algonquian  peoples  east  of  them — 
Nadouessioux,  meaning  ''the  snake-like  ones/'  hence  "the  enemies/'  as 
the  Sioux  were  continually  at  war  with  their  eastern  neighbors.  Their 
own  name,  however,  is  Dakotan,  meaning  "allies"  or  "league."  At 
present  the  best  ethnological  authorities  use  the  term  "Siouan"  to 
designate  the  stock  or  family  speaking  kindred  dialects  of  one  language; 
while  "Dakota"  is  used  in  a  tribal  sense,  referring  to  one  branch  of 
that  family.  The  Dakotas  call  themselves  Otceti-ca-kowin,  "the  seven 
council-fires/'  referring  to  their  original  clans  or  gentes;  several  of 
these  are  given  in  Le  Sueur's  list  above.  The  Mdewakantonwan  ( Men- 
deouacantons) were  so  called  from  the  place  of  their  early  residence. 
Spirit  Lake,  one  of  the  Mille  Lacs  of  Minnesota*  A  part  of  this  same 
band  were  called  Mantantons,  a  contraction  of  the  former  name.    An- 

14 


IQ4  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

1700:     LOUVIGNY  PUNISHED  FOR  ILLICIT  TRADING  WITH 

IROQUOIS. 

[Documents  relating  this  affair  are  given  in  Wis.  Hist.  Colls.,  y,  pp. 

67-77.] 


1700-02:     LE  SUEUR'S  FORT  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

[P^nicaut'si  Relation  in  Margry's  D^couv.  et  itahl.,  y,  pp.  414-421,  425, 

426.] 

Advancing  a  league  on  that  river  [Blue  Earth],  we  found  a 
point  of  land  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  woods ;  and  upon 
this  point  Monsieur  Leeueur  resolved  to  have  his  fort  buill^ 
since  we  could  not  ascend  farther  on  account  of  the  ice,  and  as 


•ther  Dakota  band  were  the  Chonkasketons  (Songasquitons),  "the 
fortified  villages" — also  supposed  by  some  to  mean  "of  the  strong,  or 
brave."  Before  the  Siouan  people  obtained  firearms,  they  used  arrow- 
heads and  knives  of  sharp-edged  fiint,  which  they  found  on  the  banks  of 
the  Thousand  Lakes — called  by  them  Isan-ta-mde,  "Lake  of  Knives." 
From  their  residence  there,  the  Eastern  Sioux  were  called  Isan-ya-tl, 
now  modified  to  Santee.  Included  under  this  name  are  the  Wahpetons 
(Ouaepetons),  and  Wazi-kute  (Ouasicoutetons).  The  Ihaftktonwan,  or 
Tankton,  are  the  division  from  which  the  Assiniboin  separated;  they 
claim  to  have  been  divinely  appointed  as  guardians  of  the  great  Red 
Stone  quarry,  and  are  probably  the  same  as  the  Hinhanetons  of  Le 
Sueur.  The  other  tribal  appellations  in  his  list  cannot  be  identified,  or 
have  disappeared  in  the  course  of  time.  Valuable  information  regard- 
ing the  history,  organization,  customs,  and  present  status  of  the  Siouan 
tribes,  is  given  in  the  annual  Reports  at  the  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Ethnology — 
especially  in  that  for  1885-86,  J.  W.  Powell's  "Indian  Linguistic  Fam- 
ilies," pp.  111-118;  and  in  that  for  1893-94,  W.  J.  McGee's  "Siouan  In- 
dians," pp.  157-204,  and  J.  O.  Dorsey's  "Siouan  Sociology,"  pp.  21S-244. 
See  also  S.  R.  Rigg's  "Dakota  Grammar,  Texts,  and  Ethnography" 
(edited  by  Dorsey),  vol.  ix  of  U.  8.  Geog.  and  Geol.  Survey  of  Rocky 
Mountain  Region  (Washington,  1898);  and  Neill's  Ddhkotah  Land 
(Phila.,  1859),  and  Hist.  Minnesota. — Ed. 

1  P^nicaut  came  to  Louisiana  with  Iberville  in  1699,  when  he  was  not 
more  than  twenty  years  old.  His  "Relation  de  la  Loulslane"  covers 
the  history  of  that  colony,  and  the  explorations  made  by  its  pioneers, 
from  1699  until  1721,  when  P^nicaut,  having  lost  his  sight,  was  oom- 
pelled  to  return  to  France.  The  "Relation"  was  first  published  by  Mar- 
gry.— Ed. 


1700-02]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  IQ5 

it  was  the  last  day  of  September,  when  the  winter  has  already 
begun,  which  is  very  severe  in  that  region.  Half  of  our  men 
went  hunting,  while  the  others  worked  at  building  the  fort  We 
killed  four  hundred  wild  cattle  [buffaloes],  which  made  our 
provision  for  the  winter ;  after  having  skinned  and  cleaned  the 
carcasses,  and  cut  them  into  quarters,  we  placed  the  meat  on 
scaffolds  in  our  fort.  We  also  erected  within  the  fort  some 
cabins,  and  a  building  for  storing  our  merchandise.  After  hav- 
ing dragged  our  shallop  wiAin  the  enclosure  of  the  fort,  we 
spent  the  winter  there,  in  our  cabins.  When  we  were  begin- 
ning to  build  our  fort,  seven  French  traders  from  Canada  came 
to  us  there.  They  had  been  plundered  and  stripped  naked  by 
the  Sioux,  a  wandering  people  who  live  wholly  by  hunting  and 
pillage.  Among  these  seven  persons  was  a  Canadian  gentle- 
man known  to  Monsieur  Lesueur,  who  had  at  once  recognized 
him,  and  supplied  him,  as  well  as  all  the  other  traders,  wiHi 
clothing  and  other  necessary  articles.  In  fine,  they  remained 
with  us  throughout  the  winter  at  our  fort,  where  our  sole  food 
was  the  meat  of  our  buffaloes,  and  we  had  not  even  salt  to  eat 
with  it  At  the  beginning,  during  the  first  fortnight,  we  had  con- 
siderable difficulty  in  accustoming  ourselves  to  this  diet;  we 
had  diarrhoea  and  fever,  and  felt  such  disgust  for  this  food  that 
we  could  not  endure  the  taste  of  it  But  gradually  our  systems 
so  adapted  themselves  that  at  the  end  of  six  weeks  there  was  not 
one  of  us  who  did  not  daily  eat  more  than  ten  livres  of  meat* 
and  drink  four  bowlf uls  of  soup.  When  we  had  become  aocusr 
tomed  to  this  manner  of  life,  it  rendered  us  very  fleshy,  and 
there  were  no  longer  any  sick  persons  among  us. 

When  spring  came,  we  proceeded  to  work  the  copper  mina 
This  was  at  the  beginning  of  April  of  that  year  [1701]  ;  we  took 
with  us  twelve  laborers  and  four  hunters.  The  location  of  this 
mine  was  about  three-fourths  of  a  league  distant  from  our  fort 
In  twenty-two  days  we  took  out  from  that  mine  more  than  thirty 
thousand  livres'  weight  of  ore;  of  this  we  selected  only  four 
thousand  of  the  richest  quality,  which  Monsieur  Le  Sueur,  who 
had  very  good  knowledge  of  ores,  had  conveyed  to  the  fort; 

iThe  French  livre  of  weight  is  equivalent  to  about  1.1  Bnglish 
pounds,  avoirdupois. — Ed. 


196  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

it  has  since  been  shipped  to  France.  I  have  not  learned  the 
result  of  this  experiment.  That  mine  is  located  at  the  begin- 
ning of  a  long  range  of  hills  which  border  the  river.  Boats 
could  go  up  to  the  edge  of  the  mine;  the  place  where  the  ore 
is  obtained  is  a  green  earth,  a  foot  and  a  half  in  thickness.  The 
soil  above  it  is  stiff  and  hard  as  a  rock,  and  blackened  and 
scorched  like  coal  by  the  vapor  that  issues  from  the  mine.  We 
could  scratch  the  copper  with  a  knife.  Upon  those  hills  there 
are  no  trees.  If  that  mine  is  a  good  one,  a  great  traffic  in  the 
ore  could  be  carried  on,  since  the  hills  contain  that  same 
soil  for  more  than  ten  leagues.  According  to  the  observations 
that  we  made  there,  there  seems  to  be  a  continual  fog  over 
those  hills,  even  in  the  finest  weather.  After  twenty-two  days 
of  toil,  we  returned  to  our  fort,  to  which  the  Sioux  (from  that 
tribe  of  Savages  who  had  pillaged  the  Canadians  who  came 
to  our  fort)  brought  to  us  their  merchandise  of  peltries;  they 
had  more  than  four  hundred  beaver  robes.  These  robes  are 
made  of  nine  skins  sewed  together ;  Monsieur  Le  Sueur  bought 
these,  as  well  as  many  other  peltS;  for  which  he  traded  with 
them  during  a  week.  He  obliged  their  chiefs  to  come  to  lodge 
with  the  Savages  near  the  fort.  It  was  with  difficulty  that 
they  could  agree  to  this,  because  that  tribe,  who  are  very  numer- 
ous, are  always  wandering,  and  live  only  by  him  ting ;  and  when 
they  have  remained  a  week  in  one  place,  it  becomes  necessary 
for  them  to  go  more  than  ten  leagues  thence  in  order  to  find 
game  enough  to  live  upon.  They  have,  however,  a  place  of 
residence  where  they  gather  fruits,  which  are  very  different 
from  those  on  the  lower  part  of  the  Mississipy  river — such  as 
cherries,  which  grow  in  clusters,  as  do  our  grapes  in  France; 
atoquas,  a  fruit  which  resembles  our  strawberries,  but  is  larger, 
and  square  in  shape;  and  artichokes,^  which  resemble  our 
truffles.  There  are  also  more  different  species  of  trees  than 
are  found  on  the  lower  river — for  instance,  of  the  wild  cherry, 

1  Atoka  (atoqua) :  the  Algonquian  name  of  the  cranberry  {Vaccinium 
macrocarpon) ,  "Artichokes"  probably  referes  to  the  tuberous  roots  of 
a  species  of  sunflower  (Helianthu8  tuberoaus),  indigenous  to  North 
America,  and  often  used  as  food  by  the  aborigines;  it  is  popularly 
known  as  "Jerusalem  artichoke." — Ed. 


1700-02]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  IQ? 

maple,  and  plainer  and  of  the  poplar,  a  tree  whicE  gi^OWs  M 
large  that  some  specimens  of  it  are  five  brasses  in  circumfer- 
ence.^ As  for  the  trees  called  "maple"  and  plaine,  incisions 
are  made  in  them  early  in  March,  and  a  tube  is  placed  in  each 
incision  to  catch  the  sap ;  this  passes  through  the  tube  and  f  allfl 
into  a  vessel,  which  is  placed  underneath  to  receive  it.  These 
trees  flow  abundantly  during  three  months,  from  the  first  of 
March  to  the  end  of  May ;  the  water  which  they  distill  is  very 
sweet ;  to  preserve  it,  this  is  boiled  until  it  becomes  a  sirup,  and 
if  it  is  boiled  longer  it  turns  to  sugar. 

The  cold  weatlier  is  even  more  severe  in  those  countries  than 
it  is  in  Canada.  During  the  wdnter  that  we  spent  in  our  fort, 
we  heard  the  loud  noise,  like  the  sound  of  a  gunshot,  made 
by  the  trees  when  they  were  split  by  the  intense  cold.  Where 
the  water  in  the  river  was  still,  it  was  frozen  solid;  and  on 
the  land  the  snow  fell  to  the  depth  of  five  feet.  All  this  snow 
and  ice  melts  usually  at  the  beginning  of  April,  which  causes 
the  Mississipy  to  overflow  its  banks  in  the  spring. 

As  soon  as  winter  begins  in  that  country, — that  is,  in  the 
month  of  September, — the  bears  climb  up  hollow  trees,  and 
wedge  their  bodies  into  the  hollow  places  of  the  trees ;  they 
remain  there  six  or  seven  months,  without  leaving  their  refuge, 
and  nourish  themselves  only  by  licking  their  paws.  When  they 
enter  those  holes,  they  are  very  poor  in  flesh ;  but  when  they 
leave  them,  after  winter  has  ended,  they  are  so  fat  that  they 
have  a  layer  of  tallow  half  a  foot  thick.  It  is  almost  always 
in  the  poplar  or  cypress  that  the  bear  hides,  because  those  trees 
are  usually  hollow.  When  men  undertake  to  kill  them,  they 
place  against  the  tree  in  which  the  bear  is,  another  tree,  which 
extends  to  the  hole  by  which  the  bear  entered.  A  man  ascends 
by  this  latter  tree,  and  through  the  hole  flings  into  the  hollow 
of  the  tree  where  the  bear  lies  some  pieces  of  burning  dry  wood, 
which  compels  the  animal  to  come  out,  in  order  to  escape  being 
burned  there.     When  it  has  emerged  from  the  hollow  of  the 

1  Probably  the  cotton  wood  (Populns),  which  often  grows  to  an  enor- 
mous size.  The  plaine  (a  term  used  to  this  day  in  Canada)  is  the  red 
or  swamp  maple  (Acer  rubrum),  which  also  produces  sugar,  although 
somewhat  inferior  to  that  of  the  sugar  maple  (A,  «acc?iar<num\  .--^Cb^ 


1 98  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

tree^  it  descends  backward,  as  a  man  would;  and  while  it  de- 
scends the  hunters  fire  their  guns  at  the  beast  This  is  very 
dangerous  hunting,  for  although  the  animal  may  be  wounded, 
sometimes  with  three  or  four  gunshots,  it  will  still  hasten  to 
attack  the  first  persons  whom  it  encounters,  and  in  an  instant 
rends  them,  with  a  single  blow  of  teeth  and  claws.  There  are 
bears  as  large  as  a  coach-horse,  and  so  strong  that  they  can  easily 
break  a  tree  as  large  as  a  man's  thigh.  The  Sioux  tribes  carry 
on  bear-hunting  extensively ;  they  use  the  flesh  for  their  food, 
and  trade  the  skins  to  the  Canadian  French.  In  exchange  for 
these,  we  sell  to  them  at  high  prices  the  wares  that  we  carry 
thither.  Tobacco  especially  (that  is,  Brazilian  tobacco)  was 
advanced  to  the  rate  of  a  hundred  ecus  the  livre ;  two  small  horn- 
handled  knives,  or  four  lead  bullets,  were  then  on  the  scale  of 
ten  ecus  in  exchange  for  their  merchandise  of  pelts ;  and  other 
articles  on  like  terms. 

At  the  beginning  of  May,  we  launched  our  shallop  on  the 
water,  and  loaded  it  with  that  green  earth  that  we  had  taken 
from  the  mines,  and  with  pelts  from  our  trading,  nf  which  YHd 
brought  away  three  canoe-loads.  Monsieur  Le  Sueur,  before 
departing,  held  coimcil  with  Monsieur  d'Eraque,  a  Canadian 
gentleman,  and  the  three  chiefs  of  the  Sioux,  who  were  brothers ; 
to  those  chiefs  Monsieur  Le  Sueur  said  that,  since  he  was  obliged 
to  go  down  the  river  to  the  sea,  he  would  beg  them  to  remain 
on  peaceable  terms  with  Monsieur  d'Eraque,  whom  he  left  as 
governor  of  Fort  L'Huillier,  with  twelve  Frenchmen.  Monsieur 
Le  Sueur  then  made  the  Savages  a  considerable  present,  ask- 
ing them  not  to  abandon  the  Frenchmen;  after  that,  we 
embarked,  he  and  the  twelve  men  whom  he  had  chosen  to  go 
down  the  river  with  him  to  the  sea.  At  his  departure  Monsieur 
Le  Sueur  promised  Monsieur  d'Eraque  and  the  twelve  French- 
men who  remained  with  him  to  guard  the  fort  to  send  them 
ammunition  from  the  Illinois,^  as  soon  as  he  arrived  there. 
This  he  did ;  for  when  he  arrived  there  he  despatched  a  canoe, 


1  Apparently  a  reference  to  the  settlement  of  the  Kaskaskias  (an 
Illinois  tribe),  who  had  removed  their  village  to  the  Mississippi  river  In 
the  summer  of  1700;  a  French  trading-post  also  was  soon  established 
there. — ^Bd. 


1700-02]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  1 99 

laden  with  two  thousand  livres  of  lead  and  powder,  with  three 
of  our  men  to  manage  it.  We  remained  a  few  days  at  the  Illi- 
nois, departing  thence  after  we  had  obtained  the  supplies  neces- 
sary for  the  voyage  down  to  the  sea.  While  going  down,  we 
spent  the  nights  at  the  various  villages  which  we  have  already 
mentioned  on  the  journey  up ;  we  landed  at  the  post  where  Mes- 
sieurs de  St  Denis  and  de  Bienville  were  in  command;^  and 
they  informed  us   that  Monsieur  d'Iberville*  had   arrived   at 

Biloxi  more  than  a  month  before. 

******** 

The  three  men  with  whom  Monsieur  Le  Sueur  had  left  orders,  * 
when  he  was  at  the  Illinois,  to  take  a  canoe  loaded  with  ammu- 
nition to  Monsieur  d'Eraque  at  Fort  L'Huillier  arrived  at  the 
fort  of  Monsieur  de  St.  Denis ;  they  greatly  surprised  Monsieur 
Le  Sueur  by  informing  him  that,  the  canoe  which  they  used  hav- 
ing split,  they  had  lost  it,  with  all  the  ammunition,  opposite  Nic- 
olas Perrot's  mine.  Messieurs  de  St.  Denis  and  de  Bienville 
immediately  gave  orders  that  they  should  load  a  canoe  with  more 
ammunition  and  food,  commanding  them  to  use  all  possible  dil- 
igence to  arrive  quickly  at  Fort  L'Huillier.  As  for  us,  after  we 
had  unloaded  from  our  shallop  and  canoes  the  peltries  which  we 
had  obtained  in  trade  with  the  Sioux,  we  went  down  the  river  in 
a  shallop  with  Monsieur  Le  Sueur,  a  few  days  later,  to  the  fort 
of  Biloxy,  where  we  found  Monsieur  d'Iberville  had  arrived ;  he 

was  still  occuped  with  getting  his  ships  unloaded. 

******** 

At  the  same  time  [in  the  spring  of  1702],  Monsieur  d'Iber- 
viUe  had  sent  a  transport  loaded  with  military  supplies  and  pro- 

iln  February,  1700,  Iberville  established  a  fortified  post  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi, about  half-way  between  the  present  New  Orleans  and  the  be- 
ginning of  the  delta;  it  Is  designated  on  early  maps  as  Fort  La 
Boulaye.  In  the  autumn  of  1705,  this  fort  was  abandoned,  and  its  gar- 
rison and  stores  transferred  to  Mobile. — Ed. 

2  Pierre  le  Moyne,  sieur  d'lberviUe,  was  one  of  the  most  noted  among 
Canadian  naval  officers  of  his  time,  and  gained  especial  renown  by 
his  expeditions  against  the  English  at  Hudson  Bay  (in  1686,  1694,  and 
1697),  and  by  his  settlement  of  Louisiana  (1699-1702),  thus  confirming 
the  claim  of  France  to  that  vast  territory.  Obliged  to  return  to  France 
(1702)  in  ill  health,  he  led  an  expedition  against  the  Bnglish  In  the 
West  Indies  in  1706,  and  on  July  9  of  that  year  died  at  Havana.— Bd« 


200  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

visions  to  Monsieur  de  St.  Denis,  commandant  at  the  fort  of 
Mississipy;  they  foimd  there  Monsieur  d'Eraque,  with  the 
twelve  Frenchmen  who  had  remained  with  him  at  Fort  L'Huil- 
lier.  He  came  a  few  days  later  in  the  transport  to  Mobile, 
where  was  Monsieur  d'lberville ;  having  saluted  him,  Monsieur 
d'Eraque  reported  that  Monsieur  Le  Sueur,  having  left  him  at 
Fort  L'Huillier,  had  when  leaving  promised  him  to  send  them 
from  the  Illinois  ammunition  and  provisions;  that,  having 
waited  a  long  time  without  receiving  any  news  from  him,  he  had 
been  attacked  by  the  Mascoustin  and  Renard  tribes.  They  had 
slain  three  of  our  Frenchmen,  who  were  at  work  in  the  woods, 
at  two  gunshots'  distance  from  the  fort ;  and  after  these  Savages 
withdrew  he  had  been  compelled,  since  he  had  no  lead  and  pow- 
der, to  abandon  the  fort,  after  burying  the  goods  that  still  re- 
mained to  him,  in  order  to  go  down  with  his  men  to  the  sea. 


1700:     TREATY  WITH   INDIAN  TRIBES;    ILLICIT  TRADING. 

[Extract  from  letter  of  Governor  Calli^res  to  Count  de  Pontchartraln, 

Oct  16,  1700.] 

To  the  joint  letter  of  the  Intendant  and  myself,^  I  annex. 
My  Lord,  the  words  of  the  Iroquois  and  my  answers  to  them ; 
you  will  be  informed  by  that,  of  the  manner  I  have  concluded 
the  Peace,  which  I  made  them  sign  according  to  their  custom, 
together  with  the  Deputies  of  our  Indian  allies,  whom  I  in- 
vited to  attend  on  that  occasion.' 

I  afterwards  sent  Father   Anjalran   and  Sieur   de  Court©» 


iThe  governor  of  New  France  at  that  time  was  Louis  Hector  de 
Calli^res  (from  Frontenac's  death,  December,  1698,  until  his  own  death, 
May  26,  1703).  Frontenac'B  Intendant,  Jean  Bochart  de  Champigny, 
held  that  office  until  August,  1702. — Ed. 

sPor  detailed  account  of  this  treaty  of  peace  between  the  French  and 
their  allies  and  the  Iroquois  (ratified  in  September,  1701),  see  N.  T. 
Colon,  Does.,  ix,  708-711,  715-720,  722-732.— Ed. 


I700J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  20I 

manche,  Lieutenant  of  the  troops  and  Captain  of  my  Guards, 
to  the  Outaouas  to  get  them  to  accept  and  sign  it,  as  well  as  all 
the  Upper  Nations.  I  ordered  them  to  enjoin  on  the  Chiefs  to 
bring  me  down  all  the  Iroquois  prisoners  in  their  Country  at 
the  beginning  of  next  August,  which  is  the  term  I  have  like- 
wise fixed  for  the  Iroquois  Deputies  to  bring  me  down  those 
of  our  Indians  in  their  custody,  so  as  to  make  them  exchange 
them  in  my  presence,  and  thereby  confirm  that  peace,  which  I 
hope  will  put  a  termination  to  all  acts  of  hostility  in  these 
countries.  I  hope  it  may  be  agreeable  to  his  Majesty,  having 
nothing  more  at  heart  than  to  furnish  him  with  proofs  of  my 
zeal  for  his  service,  and  to  render  you  satisfied  with  my  entire 
conduct. 

You  will  also  see  by  the  same  joint  letter  that  I  have  dis- 
patched Sieur  de  Tonty,^  Captain  of  the  Troops,  to  Missili- 
makinac  to  convey  my  orders,  agreeably  to  those  of  the  King, 
to  cause  the  Frenchmen  who  remained  there  to  come  down. 
He  brought  me  only  20  of  them.  The  others,  to  the  number 
of  84,  adopted,  for  the  most  part,  the  resolution  to  proceed  to 
the  establishment  on  the  Mississippy,  whither  30  of  them  had 
already  descended  in  ten  canoes,  loaded  with  beaver  which  they 
owe  to  the  merchants  of  this  country.  Sieur  d'lberville  put 
this  beaver  on  board  his  ship  and  gave  them  12  @  1500'^*  of 
powder,  and  some  of  his  people  have  also  given  them  other  goods 
in  trade. 

I  have  learned  that,  since  he  set  sail,  ten  other  canoes  loaded 
with  beaver  have  gone  thither,  and  thft.t  other  Coureurs  de  Ixna 
are  preparing  to  do  in  like  manner.  Had  Sieur  d'lberville 
thought  proper  to  write  me  an  account  of  what  passed  in  those 
parts,  as  he  had  done  to  some  of  his  relatives  in  Montreal,  I 


1  Reference  is  here  made  to  Alphonse  de  Tonty,  a  younger  brother  of 
La  Salle's  companion.  In  1701  he  aided  Cadillac  in  the  formation  of 
the  Detroit  settlement;  and,  five  years  later,  was  sent  to  take  charge  of 
Fort  Frontenac.  In  1708  he  was  removed  from  that  post,  on  charges  of 
illicit  trading  and  extortion  from  the  Indians,  and  was  for  some  time 
in  disgrace  with  his  superiors.  E^rentually  he  appears  to  have  recov- 
ered their  confidence;  and  in  1746  was  again  commandant  at  Fort 
Frontenac.— Ed. 


202  WISCONSIN   HISTOiUCAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

would  have  advised  him,  or  those  who  are  in  command  there,  of 
my  opinion,  so  as  to  apply  a  remedy  to  this  wholesale  robbery. 
I  have  been  greatly  surprised  that  he  did  not  inform  me  of  it, 
since  you  have  not  let  me  know.  My  Lord,  that  the  King  had 
detached  that  country,  which  was  discovered  by  this,  from  the 
general  government  of  this  Colony.  In  whatsoever  manner  his 
Majesty  disposes  of  it,  it  would  be  necessary  that  he  should  send 
his  orders  to  the  Commander  of  that  post,  to  arrest  these  rebels, 
so  that  they  may  be  sent  to  the  galleys,  agreeably  to  the  King's 
declaration  of  the  21"^  May,  1696;  and  that  he  address  like  in^ 
structions  to  me  by  the  earliest  vessels,  in  order  that  they  be 
informed  thereof  by  the  coast  of  the  Mississippy  and  by  this 
way,  so  as  to  constrain  them  to  profit  by  the  longest  delay  I  have 
given  them — until  the  month  x)f  July  next  year — to  retom  to 
this  country.  This  would  obviate  the  necessity  of  his  Majesty 
having  to  chastise  them  according  to  the  rigor  of  his  orders.^ 

lA  letter  of  Louis  XIV  to  Callidres,  dated  May  31,  1701,  says  on  this 
point:  "In  regard  to  the  84,  who  had  not  yet  rejoined  last  year,  and  the 
greater  portion  of  whom  had  proceeded  to  the  Mississippi,  his  Majesty 
has  been  informed  of  the  reasons  that  have  detained  them  In  the 
woods,  and  has  been  pleased  to  take  it  into  favorable  consideration,  be- 
ing strongly  persuaded  that  the  clemency  he  is  pleased  to  extend  to 
them  will  engage  them  to  a  more  prompt  obedience  in  future.  What 
has  induced  his  Majesty  the  more  to  listen  to  their  excuses  has  been  the 
resolution  he  has  adopted  to  form  a  settlement  at  the  lower  end  of  the 
Mississippi.  He  proposes  to  place  those  people  there,  and  in  that  way 
to  lay  the  foundations  of  that  Colony,  which  has  become  to  him  an  in- 
dispensable necessity,  in  order  to  prevent  the  progress  which  the  Eng- 
lish of  Carolina  and  New  York  have  begun  to  make  in  the  territories 
intervening  between  them  and  that  River.  But  as  he  is  desirous  of  pre- 
venting that  Colony  being  injurious  to  Canada,  his  Majesty  will  issue 
orders  to  oblige  the  Canadians  who  have  repaired  thither  to  pay  their 
debts.  He  will  prohibit  them  also  from  hunting  Beaver;  and  as  they 
actually  have  some  of  that  article,  and  have  not  been  informed  of  the 
prohibition  his  Majesty  has  concluded  on,  he  has  permitted  the  Deputies 
of  the  Quebec  company,  at  present  in  France,  to  send  a  clerk  to  the 
Mississippi  to  receive  and  pay  for  all  the  Beaver  that  will  be  brought 
thither  pending  this  and  next  year,  to  prevent  its  being  conveyed  to  the 
Bnglish,  and  in  order  that  such  trade  remain  In  the  same  hands." 
The  king  also  writes,  a  year  later:  "Being  desirous  to  employ  usefully 
the  means  which  could  be  put  in  operation  to  prevent  their  being  lost 
and  going  over  to  the  Bnglish,  his  Majesty  had  permitted  them  to  re- 


lyOOj  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  203 

It  would  further  be  necessary  to  forbid  those  who  will  settle 
in  that  country  receiving  any  beaver  either  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, or  going  to  trade  for  any  to  the  Indian  nations,  permit- 
ting them  only  to  trade  in  Buffalo  skins  and  other  articles  that 
can  be  procured  on  that  continent  This,  in  my  opinion,  is  the 
means  to  prevent  the  lawless  people  of  this  country  disbanding 
themselves,  and  to  maintain  it  by  the  fur  trade  of  which  it  has 
'been  in  possession  since  its  first  foundation. 

Since  the  King  has  had  reason  for  endeavoring  to  settle  the 
Mississippi,  though  the  mouth  of  that  river  be  completely  ob- 
structed by  a  bar  which  prevents  the  entrance  of  vessels,  there 
being  only  8  or  10  feet  of  water  on  it,  I  consider  for  the  advan- 
tage of  his  service  that  it  is  highly  important  to  maintain  that 
post,  because  the  neighboring  Spaniards  and  English  would  not 
fail,  were  it  abandoned,  to  seize  it  by  means  of  small  craft,  one 

^exertions  and  those  of  the  Coureurs  de  hois  draw  to  themselves 
the  trade  of  that  country,  without  our  being  able  to  prevent  it, 
which  would  be  attended  with  an  inevitable  loss. 

I  have  reprimanded  the  Outaouacs  Chiefs  who  have  been 
•down  here,  for  having  been  to  war  against  the  Sioux,  notwith- 
standing my  having  forbid  them  last  year;  and  I  recommended 
to  them,  as  well  as  to  Father  Anjalran  and  Sieur  de  Courte- 
manche,  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  continuance  of 
those  hostilities  betweoi  them,  which  appear  to  me  to  have 
reached  a  great  height,  the  Sioux  having  swept  off,  last  springy 
a  Village  of  the  Miamis.  It  will  be  very  difficult  to  arrange 
this>  in  consequence  of  the  distance  of  those  nations,  who  have 
no  longer  a  Commandant  to  speak  to  them  in  my  nama — N,  T. 
Colon.  Doc8.y  ix,  pp.  712,  713. 

move  to  and  settle  in  the  Colony  which  has  been  begun  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Mlssissipy,  with  permission  to  vend  their  Beaver  to  the  Company, 
with  the  express  understanding  that  they  would  be  prohibited  pursuing 
that  trade  in  future  under  severe  penalties.  His  Majesty  will  not  per- 
mit them  even  that  of  small  peltry,  but  only  that  of  hides  of  buflit- 
loes  and  of  other  animals  from  which  they  can  be  procured."  See  2^.  7. 
Colon.  Does.,  iz,  pp.  721,  735.— Ed. 


204  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 


1701:     CADILLAC'S  DETROIT  COLONY;  APPROVED  BY  JESUITS. 

[Letters  of  missionaries  to  Cadillac.  MSS.  (copies)  in  the  archiyes 
of  Province  of  Quebec;  and  In  those  of  St.  Mary's  College,  Montreal. 
The  French  text  of  most  of  these  documents  was  published  by  Margry» 
in  Tol.  T  of  D^ouv.  et  ^adl.] 

At  Missilimakinak,  July  25,  1701. 
Monsieur — After  having  in  fact  desired  for  so  many  years 
the  settlement  of  Detroit,  as  yon  write,  the  letter  that  you  have 
done  me  the  honor  of  writing  to  convey  the  happy  news  to  me 
could  only  be  very  agreeable.  I  would  deem  it  a  pleasure  to 
proceed  at  once  to  render  you  all  the  services  in  my  power,  did 
the  state  of  this  mission  permit  of  it.  But  you  know  that  every- 
body here  has  gone  down  to  Montreal  for  the  general  meeting 
to  be  held  there.  It  is  necessary  to  await  their  return  before 
anything  can  be  done ;  for  no  other  steps  can  be  taken  than  those 
they  would  themselves  have  taken  with  Monsieur  the  Governor, 
in  connection  with  ihe  design  of  their  approaching  migration, 
of  which  they  did  not  fail  to  tell  him,  in  order  to  ascertain  his 
wishes  on  the  subject  Meanwhile,  I  can  assure  you  that  wher- 
ever I  may  go,  whether  directly  to  Detroit  or  to  the  neighbor- 
hood, I  shall  always  be  fully  disposed  to  show  you  effectively  by 
everything  in  my  power  that  I  remain  with  respect,^  Monsieur, 

Your  very  Obedient  Servant, 

Etienne  de  Cabheel, 

of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 


At  Missilimakinak,  July  28, 1701. 
Monsieur — You  do  me  the  justice  of  believing  that  I  will 
contribute  as  far  as  lies  in  my  power  to  the  settlement  at  De- 
troit ;  and  that,  if  I  cannot  do  it  otherwise,  I  will  do  so  at  least 
by  the  feeble  aid  of  my  prayers  to  the  Lord.     In  addition  to 

iNote  on  margin,  by  La  Mothe-Cadillac:  "By  this  letter  Father  de 
Carheil,  the  missionary  of  the  Hurons  at  Missilimakinak,  proves  the 
necessity,  in  his  own  opinion,  of  the  settlement  at  Detroit;  for  he  ad- 
mits that  he  has  desired  it  for  many  years,  and  learns  the  news  with 
pleasure." 


1701]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  205 

my  natural  inclination  and  to  the  will  of  our  superiors,  your 
letter  will  be  a  still  further  encouragement,  considering  the  sen- 
timents that  you  express.  There  is  not  a  missionary  who  should 
not  deem  it  a  pleasure  to  go  there. 

You  cannot  do  better  than  carry  out  the  design  you  speak  of 
with  reference  to  brandy.  That  is  the  way  to  make  the  settle- 
ment a  success.  Nisi  Dominus  edificaverit  domum  in  vanum 
laboraverunt  qui  edificant  earn  ["Unless  the  Lord  have  built 
the  city,  they  who  build  it  have  labored  in  vain"].  You  can- 
not better  second  the  intentions  of  the  King,  whose  chief  object 
in  settlements  of  this  kind,  which  likewise  concern  the  savages, 
is  the  salvation  of  those  poor  souls,  of  w^hich  the  trade  in  brandy 
makes  them  incapable. 

We  expect  our  savages  to  return  forthwith.  Then  we  shall 
know  their  true  resolution,  and  the  intentions  of  Monsieur  de 
Callieres  and  of  our  Superiors.  For  my  part,  I  am  quite  ready 
to  start  this  autumn,  if  it  be  desired.  Whether  it  be  the 
autumn  or  the  spring,  or  even  whether  I  be  sent  to  another  place 
(for  you  know  that  we  are  children  of  obedience),  I  shall  ever 
remain  with  great  respect,  Monsieur, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

Joseph  Maeest,  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.^ 


iJean  Joseph  Marest  was  a  brother  of  Gabriel;  soon  after  he  came 
to  the  Canada  missions,  he  was  sent  to  the  Sioux,  and  his  name  ap- 
pears in  Perrot's  prise  de  possession  (1689).  He  was  afterward  superior 
of  the  Ottawa  missions,  and  resided  at  Mackinac  at  least  during  1700-14. 
He  died  at  Montreal  in  October,  1725. — Ed. 

Note  of  Cadillac  on  this  document:  "In  the  second  paragraph  of  the 
letter  written  by  Monsieur  de  Callidres  to  Monsieur  Lamothe  at  De- 
troit, dated  Aug.  24,  1701,  he  says:  'I  hope  that  the  Hurons  and  most 
of  the  Ottawas  will  go  to  Join  you  at  Detroit  early  in  the  autumn;  and 
I  am  writing  to  the  Reverend  Fathers  Marest  and  de  Carheil  asking 
them  to  accompany  the  Savages,  in  order  to  agree  with  you  on  the  place 
where  it  will  be  most  suitable  that  they  shall  establish  themselves.' 
Those  two  missionaries,  very  far  from  conforming  to  the  intention  of 
that  letter,  are  employing  every  means  to  prevent  the  Savages  from 
coming  here.  That  is  plain  from  the  councils  which  were  held  at  fort 
Pontchartrain  on  Oct.  30  and  Dec.  4,  1701." 


206  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

At  Fort  Fbontenac,  September  23,  1701. 

Monsieur — Our  good  fortune  in  meeting  Madame  de  La 
Mothe  at  fort  Frontenac  gives  me  a  fine  opportunity  of  express- 
ing my  very  humble  thanks  to  you  for  all  your  kindness  to  me 
last  summer,  both  on  the  journey  and  at  Detroit  I  beg  you  to 
be  pleased  to  continue  the  same  to  him  among  our  fathers  wha 
shall  come  down  from  Missilimakinac  to  Detroit ;  for  I  have  no 
doubt  that  you  will  soon  have  one  there,  because,  on  Lake  Erie^ 
I  met  Quarante-sous,  the  Huron,  who  assured  me  that  the  Hu- 
rons  would  certainly  go  and  settle  near  you  this  autumn. 

As  to  the  Iroquois  whom  we  met  on  the  way,  we  did  not  find 
them  greatly  opposed  to  your  settlement  Some  even  told  me 
that  they  were  pleased  that,  when  hunting  near  Lake  Erie,  they 
would  find  everything  they  needed  at  Detroit  in  exchange  for 
their  elk,  deer,  and  doe  skins.  Thus  you  have  only  to  consider 
the  means  of  getting  a  quantity  of  cheap  goods. 

I  do  not  give  you  the  news  we  have  learned  here,  because  it 
has  been  told  us  by  Madame  de  la  Mothe,  who  will  relate  it  to- 
you  as  well  as  I  could  write  it.  I  beg  you  to  accept  my  very 
humble  services,  and  to  believe  me.  Monsieur, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

FfiANfois   Vaillant, 

Jesuit 


1701:     MICHILLIMAKINAC  AND  DETROIT. 

[Extracts  from  letters  by  the  Jesuit  missionary  Joseph  Marest  to 
La  Mothe  CadiUac;  dated  at  Michillimakinac,  Oct  8  and  20,  1701.  MSS. 
(copies)  in  archives  of  Province  of  Quebec;  press-mark  "Mss.  relat. 
N.  France,  series  2.  vol.  9,  pp.  5117-6120."] 

Monsieur  De  La  forest  has  just  started  from  here.  Our 
canoes  left  nearly  15  days  ago  for  la  baie.     Father  Chardon* 


1  Jean  B.  Chardon  came  to  Canada  in  1699,  and  after  two  years  Joined 
the  Western  missions,  soon  coming  to  Green  Bay  (De  Pere).  He  prob- 
ably remained  there  until  that  post  was  abandoned;  in  May,  1705  (and 
for  several  years  thereafter),  he  was  with  the  Miamis  on  St^  Joseph 
river.  Charlevoix  found  him  (1721)  at  Green  Bay,  ministering  to  the 
Indians;  but  no  further  information  regarding  him  is  available,  save 
that  he  died  in  1748.— Ed. 


I701]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  207 

embarked  with  the  last  ones  to  proceed  also  to  la  baie,  to  the 

assistance  of  Father  Nouvel,  who  is  borne  down  by  the  weight 

of  nearly  80  years  and  by  many  ailments.     That  father  brought 

lis  letters  from  below  addressed  to  you.     There  are  two  packets 

and  a  single  letter  which  I  have  charged  Mikinak  (who  is  not 

unknown  to  you)  to  deliver  into  your  hands.    His  conduct 

toward  the  French  is  always  good.     I  cannot  tell  you  what  otir 

Outaouas  think  about  the  Detroit  settlement^  and  I  believe  that 

they  themselves  will  be  somewhat  embarrassed  about  telling  you 

their  thoughts,  for  they  do  not  agree.*     Many  fear  that,  as  the 

Iroquois  has  not  given  them  back  their  slaves,  which  was  the 

most  essential  article  of  the  peace,  he  may  seek  to  deceive  them. 

But  if  the  slaves  are  brought  to  them  this  autumn,  as  they  have 

been  led  to  hope,  that  will  soothe  their  minds  to  some  extent. 

For  my  part  I  expect  every  day  the  orders  of  our  Beverend 

Father  Superior,  and  I  do  not  think  that  I  shall  be  able  to  move 

from  here  at  all  before  the  spring.     Neither  could  I  be  of  any 

use  to  the  Savages  who  are  fully  resolved  to  scatter,  each  in  his 

own  direction,  in  the  woods  as  far  as  they  can.     I  recommend 

to  you  those  who  go  to  visit  you. 

******** 

I  have  already  written  you  by  Koutaouiliboua  that  I  had 
entrusted  Mikinak  with  the  letters  that  Brother  Louis*  had 
brought  me  here  for  you.  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  has  faith- 
fully delivered  them  to  you.  He,  as  well  as  the  other  Outaouas 
who  are  in  your  quarter,  may  have  told  you  what  resolution 
they  have  come  to  (if  indeed  they  have  any  fixed  one) ;  there* 
fore  it  is  necessary  that  I  should  write  to  you  about  it  Mon- 
sieur Amaud,  who  came  here  from  la  Baie  the  evening  before 
that,  will  tell  you  that  since  he  has  resided  at  Missilimakinak 


iNote  by  CadiUac:  "This  Father  says  correctly  that  the  Savages  ar« 
not  agreed  about  the  Detroit  settlement  Their  speeches  in  open  councU 
disclose  that  it  is  the  missionaries  who  have  divided  them,  by  the  wrong 
impressions  that  they  have  given  them,  and  by  the  threats  that  they 
have  uttered  if  the  Savages  proceed  to  establish  themselves  at  this  post" 

2  A  Jesuit  lay  brother,  Louis  le  Boesme,  connected  with  the  missions; 
he  came  to  Canada  when  a  mere  boy,  about  1648,  and  two  years  later 
returned  to  France,  in  order  to  enter  the  order.  In  1656  he  came  badk 
to  Canada,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  life,  dying  in  1709. — Ed. 


208  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

never  has  it  been  in  greater  solitude  than  we  are  in  at  present. 
He  has  brought  us  no  letters  from  la  Baie ;  he  has  merely  told 
ns  that  Father  Xouvel  was  holding  a  mission  two  leagues  from 
the  place  where  your  people  were  trading  their  wheat  He  will 
himself  give  you  verbally  whatever  news  there  may  ba  Amai- 
oue,  who  arrived  yesterday  from  below  with  various  letters,  does 
not  yet  inform  us  of  the  arrival  of  the  expected  ships.  The 
articles  that  persons  left  here  on  deposit  had  already  been  taken 
to  the  Miamis.  Everything  will  be  faithfully  delivered  to  them 
with  the  exception  of  your  note,  which  I  have  not  been  able  to 
Bend  to  Father  Aveneau.^  The  fort  that  you  have  already  com- 
pleted, and  the  fine  buildings  of  which  you  tell  me,  will  greatly 
please  our  savages ;  but  they  will  be  still  more  pleased  with  the 
cheapness  of  the  goods  that  you  intend  to  procure  for  them, 
especially  if  it  continue  permanently.  I  have  already  written 
to  you  that,  from  all  appearances,  I  should  make  no  move  this 
autumn ;  I  am  not  even  able  to  do  so.  I  may  say  the  same  of 
Father  de  Carheil. 


1701:     NEW  TRADING  POSTS  TO  BE  ESTABLISHED  IN  THE 

WEST. 

[Extract  from  a  letter  of  the  directors  of  the  Company  of  the  Colony 
of  Canada:  published  in  Margry's  D€couv.  et  €tabl„  y,  pp.  360-362.] 

The  Company^  having  been  informed,  in  the  month  of  July 
last,  that  the  coureurs  de  bois  and  even  the  Savages  had  under- 


1  Claude  Aveneau  Joined  the  Ottawa  mission  in  1686;  he  was  sent,  ap- 
parently scon  after  Allouez's  death  (August,  1689),  to  succeed  that  mis- 
sionary in  the  charge  of  the  Miamis  on  St  Joseph  river.  Nearly  all 
his  remaining  years  were  spent  with  that  tribe;  Charlevoix  states 
{Nouv,  France,  ii,  pp.  322, 323)  that  in  1707  Aveneau  was  superseded  by 
a  RScoUet  priest,  but  that  the  Miamis  became  so  unruly,  when  deprived 
of  Aveneau's  advice  and  influence,  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  send 
him  back  to  them.    He  died  at  Quebec,  Sept.  11,  1711. — ^Ed. 

2  The  Company  of  the  Colony  was  an  association  formed  in  Canada,  in 
1700,  to  secure  the  monopoly  of  the  Western  fur  trade.  Within  five 
years  the  company  became  insolvent;  and  on  Oct.  25,  1706,  they  sur- 
rendered, by  royal  command,  the  trade  to  Cadillac  (who  was  one  of 
the  associates).    For  list  of  shareholders  and  documents  relating  to 


I7O1]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  209 

taken  to  open  up  commerce  among  the  English  of  Carolina,  and 
on  the  lower  Mississippy,  that  they  might  carry  thither  their 
peltries,  deputed  Messieurs  d'Auteuil  and  P6re  to  go  to  Mont- 
real, to  propose  to  Messieurs  de  Callieres  and  de  Champigny 
8uch  measures  as  they  should  deem  most  suitable  to  remedy  the 
eviL  For  this  purpose,  it  is  proposed  to  establish  some  posts 
on  the  routes  of  travel :  one  at  the  Miamis ;  one  at  the  Ouabache 
river,  at  the  place  where  it  empties  into  the  Mississippy  (which 
will  serve  as  a  boundary  between  the  Colony  of  Canada  and  the 
one  that  has  been  established  on  the  Mississippy — all  the  more 
as  by  that  route  access  is  gained  to  the  English  of  Carolina,  and 
they  can  by  the  same  road  come  upon  our  territories)  ;  another 
at  Ouisconsing ;  and  the  last  among  the  Sioux.  The  last-named 
are  necessary  because  the  trade  of  those  nations  has  always  been 
carried  on  through  Canada ;  and  in  order  that  the  Savages,  find- 
ing at  these  places  the  French,  of  whom  they  are  fond,  and  such 
wares  as  they  need,  may  abandon  the  idea  of  going  among 
strangers — and,  finally,  to  prevent  sieur  Le  Sueur  from  con- 
tinuing to  trade  with  the  Sioux. 

By  means  of  these  establishments  the  fort  at  Detroit  can 
serve  as  a  warehouse  for  all  the  goods ;  and  the  French  who  will 
be  at  the  posts  will  induce  the  Savages  who  do  not  come  down 
to  Montreal  to  carry  their  peltries  to  Detroit  They  will  be 
sure  to  do  that,  all  the  more  readily  because  the  journey  thither 
is  as  easy  (and  much  shorter)  as  that  to  Carolina  or  to  the  lower 
Mississippi ;  and  in  this  way  we  shall  gather  up  all  the  trade  in 
peltries,  which  belongs  to  the  Colony. 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  the  directors  to  make  beaver-skina 
more  abundant,  for  they  are  overstocked  with  them  in  both 
quantity  and  quality;  but  they  intend  that  the  agents  of  the 
Company  shall  instruct  the  Savages  regarding  the  best  sorts  of 
peltries  and  the  method  of  preparing  them.  They  even  hope 
to  check  for  some  time  the  supply  of  beaver-skins,  which  is  so 


this  company,  see  Bupp,  Canad.  Archives,  1899,  pp.  101-110.  112,  116; 
Margry's  D6couv,  et  6tal>l.,  y,  pp.  172-203,  301-336,  360-367;  and  C.  M. 
Barton's  Cadillac,  pp.  17-20.--/C5.  Relations,  Ixv,  pp.  272-273. 

15 


2IO  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.      [vol.  Xvi 

great  as  to  be  burdensome;  the  [qualitez]  will  be  done  away 
with^  and  the  sale  of  the  pelts  hoarded  in  France^  in  the  store- 
houses of  the  Company,  will  be  facilitated. 

Messieurs  de  Callieres  and  de  Champigny  have  been  per- 
suaded of  the  necessity  and  usefulness  of  these  establishments ; 
but  they  have  not  thought  best  to  promise  them,  lest  they  might 
eontravene  the  prohibition  of  the  conges.  They  see,  however, 
that  this  disadvantageous  state  of  affairs  demands  prompt  relief, 
lest,  if  the  Savages  once  make  up  their  minds  to  resort  to  the 
English,  we  can  not  make  them  return  to  us.  In  that  case,  all 
the  beaver-skins  that  are  in  France  would  become  a  dead  loss 
for  the  Company  of  the  Colony ;  for  the  English  could,  by  trad- 
ing in  that  way,  send  the  pelts  to  Europe  and  supply  them  at 
much  cheaper  rates,  since  they  would  not  have  to  pay  the  tax 
of  one-fourth.^ 


1  Throughout  the  history  of  New  France,  the  fur  trade  was  in  the 
hands  of  monopolists,  usually  associations  of  merchants.  For  the  priv- 
ilege of  engaging  in  the  trade,  the  monopolist  levied  on  every  outsider 
a  tax  or  duty,  in  the  shape  of  part  of  his  proceeds;  in  the  earliest  pe- 
riod of  the  trade,  this  duty  was  one-fifth  {Jes.  ReUUions,  ill,  pp.  199, 
211).  Edouard  Richard,  in  his  Supplernent  to  Canadian  Archives^ 
1899  (p.  105),  gives  the  following  synopsis  of  a  document  dated  April 
18,  1703:  "Decree  of  the  council  of  State  which  establishes  new  duties 
In  Canada,  instead  of  the  duty  of  one-quarter,  in  kind,  on  beaver. 
(This  decree  was  passed  at  the  request  of  Sr.  de  Lino,  agent  in  France 
of  the  Company  of  the  Colony.  He  alleged  that  the  price  of  beaver  had 
been  reduced  in  order  to  increase  the  use  of  the  fur,  and  to  replace 
the  use  of  hare  fur  by  that  of  the  beaver,  in  the  manufacture  of  hats. 
That  it  had  not  been  possible  to  reduce  the  price  of  beaver  in  America, 
as  such  a  reduction  would  oblige  the  Indians  to  sell  to  the  English. 
That  the  prices  paid  and  the  selling  prices  were  such  as  to  leave  no 
profit.  He  considered,  therefore,  that  the  duty  of  one-fourth,  in  kind» 
equivalent  to  six  sols  a  pound,  should  be  abolished  and  replaced  by  a 
duty  on  drapers'  goods,  merceries,  groceries,  and  millinery.  Which  was 
granted;  and  hence  the  present  decree.)" — Ed. 


1702]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  2U 

1702:     MI  AMIS  INTRIGUE  WITH  ENGLISH  TRADERS. 

[Letter  of  Father  Jean  Mermeti  to  Cadillac.    From  Margry'e  D^couv, 

et  itabh,  v.,  pp.  219-21.] 

At  Riviebb  St.  Joseph,  April  19,  1702. 

Monsieur — Although  I  have  not  the  honor  of  being  known 
to  you,  I  nevertheless  write  to  you  about  an  important  matter 
regarding  the  welfare  of  both  the  Colony  and  Religion;  and 
thereby  you  will  see,  Monsieur,  that  the  Jesuits  are  better 
friends  of  yours  than  you  think,  unless  you  yourself  will  not 
honor  them  with  your  kind  remembrance,  and,  if  I  may  ven- 
ture to  say,  with  your  friendship. 

Five  of  our  Miamis  are  going  to  the  English  to  obtain  some 
goods  which  they  will  bring  here  this  summer.  Xever  have  we 
seen  them  so  eager  for  hunting  Beaver  as  since  they  have  re- 
ceived fine  collars  brought  on  behalf  of  the  English  by  the  Iro- 
quois who  have  come  here.  This  is  for  the  purpose  of  obtain- 
ing from  our  Miamis  permission  to  establish  freely  a  post  3 
days'  journey  from  here,  near  a  river  which  is  the  source  of  the 
Ouabache,  where  there  is  only  a  portage  of  half  a  league  to  be 
crossed  to  reach  this  river,  and  a  similar  one  to  reach  another 
river  which  flows  to  the  Detroit.  From  that  place  the  English 
might  go  and  bring  in  all  the  Savages  of  our  lakes  from  all 
sides.* 

At  this  last  River  [Maumee],  which  flows  to  the  Detroit^ 
Quarante-sous'  (who  will  not  fail  to  inveigh  against  Father  de 
Carheil,  and  who  is  the  soul  of  all  the  intrigues  of  our  Miamis) 
is  to  establish  himself,  20  or  30  leagues  from  Detroit,  and  he 
has  also  given  very  considerable  presents  in  token  of  the  alliance 

1  Jean  Mermet,  coming  to  Canada  in  1698,  was  sent  to  aid  Aveneau  in 
the  Miami  mission  where  he  spent  some  three  years.  In  1702,  he  went 
With  Juchereau  to  his  new  post  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio;  after  that 
officer's  death  (1704),  Mermet  went  to  Kaskaskia,  and  passed  the  rest 
of  his  life  in  the  Illinois  mission,  where  he  died  Sept  15, 1716. — ^Bd. 

sThe  place  thus  designated  must  have  been  in  the  southern  part  of 
Noble  county,  Ind.— a  district  whence  flow  streams  tributary  to  the  St 
Joseph,  Maumee,  and  Wabash  rivers.— Ed. 

sA  marginal  note  by  Cadillac,  written  on  this  document,  claims  that 
Mermet  confounds  the  identity  of  the  Huron  chief  here  mentioned  wltb 
that  of  another  chief  bearing  the  same  French  nlctaainA.— "Qd. 


212  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

that  the  Hurons  and  the  Miamis  of  this  [St  Joseph]  river 
wish  to  conclude  together.  The  said  Quarante-sons  will  have 
the  choice  of  trading  with  the  English  or  the  French.  To  do 
this  more  freely,  it  is  reported  that  he  intends  to  go  to  ask  Mon- 
sieur de  Callieres  for  permission  to  carry  on  trade  alone,  and 
to  say  that  the  reason  why  he  does  not  settle  closer  to  Detroit  is 
that  he  may  not  deprive  the  French  of  the  advantage  of  hunt- 
ing, or  for  fear  that  he  may  cause  inconvenience  to  the  French, 
who  have  sheep,  cows,  and  other  domestic  animals  which  his 
children  would  be  unable  to  refrain  from  killing,  if  they  were 
nearer;  but  he  does  not  intend  to  reveal  the  alliance  that  he 
meditates  with  the  English,  or  the  anger  to  which  he  proposes 
to  give  vent  some  day  against  the  Outaouas.  He  has  not  even 
been  able  to  avoid  saying  to  some  of  his  confidants  that  the 
French  prevented  him  from  revenging  himself  upon  the  Outa- 
ouas, but  that  the  English  might  help  him.  You  may  judge  by 
this,  Monsieur,  what  reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  reports  of 
Savages.  You  might  however.  Monsieur,  not  let  it  be  known 
that  the  report  I  send  you  comes  from  us,  for  it  might  induce 
him  to  do  us  harm. 

But  in  writing  you  this.  Monsieur,  I  thought  I  should  do  you 
a  service.  You  may  be  sure  that  he  will  not  fail  to  deny  so 
villainous  a  plot;  but,  if  you  think  that  I  am  interested,  and  if 
you  cannot  wholly  trust  me,  obtain  information  elsewhere,  and 
be  on  your  guard  against  the  Hurons; 

I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you  some  letters  on  the  same  sub- 
ject for  Monsieur  the  Governor,  and  Monsieur  the  Intendant, 
and  our  Superior.  I  beg  you  to  send  them  as  soon  as  possible. 
Should  I  have  the  opportunity,  you  will  see  very  well  how  much 
I  am.  Monsieur 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

Jean  Mebmet. 

In  order  to  succeed,  I  beg  you.  Monsieur,  to  be  as  diligent  as 
possible,  either  in  yourself  writing  or  in  sending  our  letters  to 
the  authorities.  I  consider  the  matter  so  certain  and  so  impor- 
tant that,  if  your  man  had  not  left  for  Detroit,  I  would  have 
started  expressly  to  go  down  to  Missilimakinac,  and  thence  per- 
haps to  Quebec,  lest  your  man  might  have  been  stopped  by  the 


1702]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  213 

savages.  I  am  writing  the  same  thing  via  MichiHiTnakinak, 
but  that  way  will  be  much  longer.  Therefore  be  diligent^  I 
beg  of  you.^ 


1702:     MIAMIS  UNWILLING  TO  GO  TO  DETROIT. 


»  V 


[Letter  from  Avenean  to  Cadillac.    From  Margry's  Dicouv.  et  Hahh,  y, 

pp.  239,  240.] 

Fbom  the  Riteb  St.  Joseph,  June  4,  1702. 

MoNsiEUB — No  sooner  had  I  received  last  year  the  letter  that 
Monsieur  the  Governor  did  me  the  honor  of  writing  to  me  re- 
specting the  French  establishment  at  Detroit  (in  which  he  in- 
vites the  Savages^  including  the  Miamis,  to  go  and  settle  near 
the  French  at  the  post  of  Detroit),  than  I  read  it  to  them  in 
their  own  language,  without  concealing  any  of  the  contents  of 
the  letter  from  them.  And  now,  when  I  remind  them  of  it^ 
they  tell  me  that  it  is  true  that  I  read  it  to  them;  and  that  I 
added  that,  if  they  went  to  settle  at  Detroit,  I  also  would  ceir- 
tainly  go  thither,  as  I  would  not  consent  to  abandon  tiiem.  They 
replied  that  th^  were  afraid,  amid  so  large  a  concourse  of  peo- 
ple, of  being  reduced  to  starvation  in  a  short  time,  although  the 
prospect  of  obtaining  cheap  goods  there  did  not  fail  to  produce 
a  great  impression  on  them. 

The  news  that  100  or  200  Iroquois  are  to  come  here  next  sum- 
mer to  speak  to  them — which  St  Michel  told  me  to  tell  them 

iNote  by  Cadillac:  "Behold  the  Gordian  knot  of  this  important  mat- 
ter, of  which  Monsieur  de  Lamothe  was  already  informed.  Two  cap- 
tains,  who  are  Sieurs  de  la  Forest  and  Tonty,  made  a  rendezvous  at 
Missilimakina,  in  the  month  of  July,  1701,  and  there  they  formed, 
with  the  Jesuits,  the  project  of  establishing  a  post  on  the  river  where 
the  Miamis  are  located,  with  the  view  of  causing  the  ruin  of  the  De- 
troit post  That  is  why  the  Missilimakinak  missionaries  invited  the 
Savages  to  go  to  settle  there;  and  it  was  resolved  that  this  Father 
Mermet,  with  Father  Davenaut,  [d'Aveneau],  should  give  this  alarm 
to  Monsieur  de  Lamothe.  The  Jesuits  secured  an  influence  over  Mon- 
sieur de  Champigny  and  the  two  officers  of  Monsieur  de  Callidres,  all 
with  the  intention  of  obliging  Monsieur  the  Governor-general  to  send  a 
strong  garrison  to  the  Miamis  to  begin  that  post,  under  the  pretext  that 
the  English  would  come  there." 


214  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

from  you — considerably  surprised  them,  and  gave  them  occa- 
sion to  doubt  the  truth  of  the  peace;  for  they  imagined  that  they 
were  not  included  in  it,  especially  when  they  were  told  again 
on  your  behalf  that  they  were  to  keep  on  their  guard.  This, 
however,  has  not  prevented  some  young  men  from  starting,  a 
few  days  ago,  on  the  war-path  against  the  Sioux,  notwithstand- 
ing all  that  the  old  men  and  myself  could  say  to  induce  them 
at  least  to  postpone  their  march  for  some  time  until  they  should 
obtain  news  from  Onontio.  You  know  the  minds  of  the  sav- 
ages, I  mean  their  manner  of  acting,  still  better  than  I  do.  They 
always  pursue  their  point,  so  that,  if  they  really  wish  to  go  to 
Detroit,  they  will  assuredly  do  so ;  otherwise,  they  will  remain 
where  they  are,  or  at  least  they  will  not  exert  themselves  very 
much  to  change  their  residence.  I  pray  God  to  grant  us  and 
them  the  grace  to  do  his  holy  will  in  all  tilings  and  always.  I 
again  present  my  respects  to  Madame  your  wife  and  ask  her  for 
a  share  in  her  prayers,  I  who  remain  with  respect,  Monsieur, 
your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

C.  B.  AVENEAU. 


1702:     EVILS  ATTENDANT  UPON  THE  FUR  TRADE;  DEMORALI- 
ZATION OF  BOTH  FRENCH  AND  INDIANS. 

[Letter  of  Father  de  Carheil  to  the  intendant  of  Canada,  J.  B.  de  Cham- 

pigny;  dated  Aug.  30,  1702.] 

[Synopsis:  Carheil,  wlio  has  been  long  stationed  at  Mack- 
inac, writes  a  detailed  account  and  vigorous  denunciation  of  the 
lawless  conduct  and  licentiousness  that  prevail  among  both  the 
savages  and  the  French  in  that  region.  This  wretched  state  of 
affairs  is  mainly  due  to  the  traffic  in  brandy,  permission  for 
which  "has  been  obtained  from  his  majesty  only  by  means  of  a 
pretext  apparently  Keasonable,  but  known  to  be  false."  Car- 
heil states  that)  as  this  civil  traffic  renders  useless  the  labors  of 
the  missionaries,  they  will  request  their  superior  to  recall  them 
from  the  Ottawa  missions. 

The  writer  arraigns  in  scathing  terms  "the  two  Infamous 
sorts  of  Commerce  which  have  brought  the  missions  to  the  brink 


1702]  FRENCH    REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  215 

of  destruction:  *  *  *  the  Commerce  in  brandy,  and  the 
Commerce  of  the  savage  women  with  the  French.  Both  are 
carried  on  in  an  equally  public  manner,  without  our  being  able 
to  remedy  the  evil,  because  we  are  not  supported  by  the  Com- 
mandants. *  *  *  AH  the  villages  of  our  savages  are  now 
only  Taverns,  as  regards  drunkenness ;  and  Sodoms,  as  regards 
immorality — from  which  we  must  withdraw,  and  which  we 
must  abandon  to  the  just  Anger  and  vengeance  of  God." 

Carheil  regards  the  commandants  and  garrisons  as  enemies  of 
the  missions.  "All  the  pretended  service  which  it  is  sought  to 
make  people  believe  that  they  Render  to  the  King  is  reduced 
to  4  chief  occupations."  These  are:  "Keeping  a  public  Tav- 
ern for  the  sale  of  brandy,"  extending  this  traffic  from  one  post 
to  another,  "keeping  open  house  in  their  dwellings  for  all  the 
women  of  their  acquaintance,"  and  gambling.  As  a  result,  the 
entire  time  of  the  soldiers  is  spent  in  drinking,  gambling,  quar- 
reling, and  licentiousness ;  the  savages  are  scandalized  thereby, 
and  the  influence  of  the  missionaries  upon  them  is  weakened 
when  they  see  that  the  latter  are  jx^wcrless  to  remedy  these  evils. 
The  above-mentioned  occupations  are  the  only  ones  pursued  by 
the  soldiers,  who  are  therefore  utterly  useless  and  even  perni- 
cious to  the  country ;  and  without  them  there  would  be  no  com- 
mandants— officials  who  come  to  Mackinac  "solely  for  trading, 
without  troubling  themselves  about  anything  else."  They  care 
nothing  for  the  missionaries,  save  when  they  can  use  the  latter 
for  their  own  selfish  purposes ;  and  they  arrogate  to  themselves 
all  authority  over  both  French  and  savages,  which  leaves  the 
missionaries  without  aid.  "Before  there  were  any  Conmiand- 
ants  here,  the  missionaries  were  always  listened  to  by  the 
traders,"  who  were  afraid  of  the  Fathers.  Now,  the  traders 
know  that  their  evil  acts  will  be  condoned  or  connived  at  by  the 
commandants,  and  they  have  no  fear  of  the  missionaries. 

Another  grievance  of  the  missionaries  is  that  the  command- 
ants  secure  from  the  home  government  allowances  for  making 
gifts  to  the  savages.  The  natural  result  is,  that  the  latter  will 
now  do  nothing  except  in  return  for  presents;  and  that  they 
learn  to  employ  all  sorts  of  stratagems  and  intrigues  in  order 
to  secure  these  presents,  and  to  cheat  the  commandants  in  every 


2l6  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

possible  manner.  Carheil  hints  that  the  greater  part  of  the 
fund  supplied  for  this  purpose  is  appropriated  by  the  officials 
for  their  own  use. 

Carheil  urges  that  the  garrisons  be  abolished,  as  being  entirely 
unnecessary — a  statement  which  he  elaborates  at  length.  To 
them  and  to  their  commandants  ^^are  due  all  the  misfortunes  of 
our  missions."  He  accordingly  urges  the  governor  to  inform 
the  king  of  the  present  state  of  affairs,  and  to  ask  that  no  more 
garrisons  be  sent  to  the  mission  posts.  He  considers  it  expedi- 
ent that  the  present  system  of  trade  be  abolished,  preferring 
that  the  savages  should  take  their  peltries  down  to  the  French 
settlements,  as  in  the  early  days  of  the  fur  trade.  Carheil  also 
adduces  various  reasons  why  this  would  be  for  the  best  intereflts 
of  the  French,  who  are  rendered  idle,  vagrant,  and  immoral  by 
the  present  system.  At  the  same  time,  "The  Iroquois  must  be 
completely  tamed  and  reduced  to  subjection ;  and  we  must  take 
possession  of  his  country,  which  is  much  better  than  That  of  all 
the  nations  up  here.  *  *  ♦  His  destruction  and  the  pos- 
session of  his  country  would  secure  for  us  the  Trade  of  all  the 
savage  nations  up  here." 

The  governor,  having  asked  Carheil  for  advice,  is  informed 
by  the  latter  that  he  does  not  approve  the  proposal  to  restore  to 
certain  private  persons  the  permissions  to  engage  in  the  fur 
trade,  which  were  recently  abrogated  by  the  king.  The  very 
persons  whose  conduct  has  already  been  so  scandalous  will  be 
the  ones  who  will  secure  those  permissions ;  and  Carheil  can  see 
no  adequate  method  of  preventing  their  drunken  and  licentious 
acts.  He  forcibly  depicts  the  various  phajses  of  their  present 
inmioral  mode  of  life ;  and  urges  the  governor  to  use  all  his  in- 
fluence to  check  these  scandals.  He  advises  that  the  Canadian 
company  who  have  secured  the  right  to  ibe  fur  trade  of  the 
Northwest  should  establish  certain  trading  posts,  to  be  con- 
ducted by  competent  persons,  honest  and  exemplary  in  morals. 
He  complains  that  the  governor  has  not  forwarded  to  the  court 
the  complaint  formulated  by  the  missionaries  at  Mackinac 
against  Cadillac.  A  postscript  to  CarheiPs  letter  states  that  the 
Mackinac  savages  had  favored  the  establishment  of  the  Detroit 
post,  supposing  that  it  would  aid  them  to  destroy  the  Iroquois 


1703]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  2X7 

nation  and  take  possession  of  iheir  country;  but  now,  seeing 
that  the  French  are  befriending  and  aiding  ihe  Iroquois,  the 
Ottawas  and  Hurons  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  Cadillac's  set- 
tlement]— Jes.  BelationSy  Ixv,  pp.  18-21,  189-253;  Ixxi,  SSL 


1703:    HURONS  REFUSE  TO  GO  TO  DETROIT. 

[Extracts  from  letter  of  Father  Joseph  Marest  to  Cadillac.    From  Mar- 

gry's  Dicouv.  et  6tahU  ▼,  PP.  247-250.] 

At  Missilhiakinak,  May  12, 1708. 

MoNsiEUE— As  I  have  pressing  reasons  which  compel  me 
unavoidably  to  go  down  to  Quebec  on  leaving  Missilimakinaky 
I  find  myself  unable  to  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  offered 
me^  by  the  canoe  and  the  man  sent  me,  to  satisfy  the  desire  of 
those  who  urge  me  to  go  to  Detroit 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  kindness  in  placing  your 
house  at  my  disposal  until  such  time  as  I  can  lodge  myself,  and 
also  for  the  consolation  your  letter  has  caused  me  through  the 
hope  it  leads  me  to  feel,  and  the  foretaste  it  gives  me,  of  the 
perfect  accord  in  which  we  shall  live  together. 

As  soon  as  I  learned  from  my  Superior's  letter  that  he  called 
me  to  Detroit,  I  made  it  my  duly,  the  very  next  day,  to  inform 
the  Savages  of  it  and  that  I  was  preparing  to  obey  him;  that 
they  knew  well  enough  that  it  was  Onontio's  will  that  they 
should  follow  me  Acre;  that  ibety  should  therefore  give  me  a 
positive  and  certain  answer  on  that  point ;  that  I  was  obliged  to 
go  to  Quebec  first  of  all  and  that  I  should  bear  their  word  to 
Onontio.  They  asked  me  for  three  days  in  which  to  deliberate ; 
this  led  me  to  believe  that  they  wished  to  gather  at  Detroit  But 
I  was  greatly  surprised  when,  on  the  third  day,  the  councillors 
who  were  assembled  among  ibe  Kiskakons  told  me  with  one 
voice  that  they  had  resolved  to  die  at  Missilimakinak,  and  that 
even  if  they  left  there  they  would  never  go  to  Detroit;  that  such 
was  their  final  resolution ;  that  I  was  to  assure  Onontio  of  this 


2l8  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 

on  their  behalf,  and  that  they  themselves  had  said  this  to  him 
last  year  when  they  went  down  to  MontreaL  I  have  no  doubt 
that  your  surprise  on  hearing  such  a  decision  will  equal  mine. 

With  regard  to  the  Hurons,  Quarante  Sous  must  inform  you 
of  what  conclusion  he  has  come  to  with  ihem.  Although  Father 
de  Carheil  went  to  see  him  as  soon  as  he  arrived,  he  would  deign 
neither  to  call  him  to  his  council  nor  to  come  and  see  him^  except 
for  form's  sake,  on  the  eve  of  his  departure — that  is  to  say, 
about  eight  days  after  his  arrival,  during  which  time  the  Father 
deemed  it  necessary  to  ignore  everything,  and  to  know  nothing 
until  after  his  departure  in  orderTgive  rise  to  no  suspicio^ 
This  is  what  he  is  reduced  to  in  his  own  mission.  He  has  no 
other  consolation  than  that  which  comes  from  God,  the  true 
Judge  of  his  innocence.  I  hope  to  show  you  by  deeds  that  I 
remain,  with  respect  and  siiicerity.  Monsieur, 

Your  very  hiunble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

Joseph  J.  Mabest.^ 


1703:    IMPORTANCE  OF  POST  AT  DETROIT. 

[Extract  from  letter  of  Louis  XIV  to  Canadian  officials;  dated  May  30, 

1703.] 

He  has  seen  what  they  have  written  respecting  the  expense 
incurred  by  the  Company  of  the  CJolony  for  Detroit  He  is 
very  glad  to  learn  that  it  has  not  been  a  charge  to  him  during 
the  last  year.     The  information  laid  before  his  Majesty  r^ard- 


iNote  by  Cadillac:  "As  regards  the  Savages  of  Missilimaklnak,  these 
are  8upiK>8itions  of  the  Father,  since  the  Outaonois  Sinago  tribe  have 
secretly  sent  a  collar  to  Monsieur  de  Lamothe,  to  tell  him  that  they  will 
eome,  after  they  have  harvested  their  Indian  com,  to  settle  at  Detroit 
Moreover,  since  Father  Marest's  letter  a  Huron  chief  has  come,  with 
thirty  men,  to  Join  those  who  are  at  Detroit;  so  there  remain  at  Mlssil- 
Imakinak  only  about  twenty-five  of  that  tribe,  besides  iK>or  Father 
Carheil — and  he  wishes  to  die  as  a  missionary  to  the  Hurons  at  Missili- 
makinak,  at  whatever  price,  even  if  there  were  no  other  person  remain- 
ing with  him.  If  Monsieur  de  Lamothe  be  left  to  act  according  to  the 
customs  of  the  Savages — that  Is,  through  presents  and  collars — he  will 
bring  them  all  to  Detroit' 


»» 


I7O3J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  219 

ing  that  establishment  of  Detroit  is  so  very  conflicting,  that  he 
is  very  glad,  once  for  all,  to  know  what  he  is  to  rely  on.  His 
Majesty  will  not  repeat  to  them  here  the  reasons  which  have 
prompted  him  to  order  this  report  to  be  made.  Sieur  de  la  Motte 
Cadillac  continues  to  be  persuaded  that  these  reasons  exists  and 
that  this  establishment  will  have  all  the  effect  expected  from  it. 
Others  pretend  that  the  land  there  is  good  for  nothing;  that  it 
will  never  produce  anything  to  feed  its  inhabitants;  that  the 
only  thing  there  is  the  very  poor  fishing,  and  that  the  hunting  is 
between  thirty  and  forty  leagues  off ;  and,  finally,  that  it  is  to  be 
feared  that  the  Iroquois  wiU  attack  that  post  without  its  being 
in  our  power  to  assist  it,  and  that  war  will  recommence  in  con- 
sequence. The  Company  of  the  Colony  complains  likewise  that 
it  involves  them  in  an  exorbitant  expense  which  it  is  out  of  their 
power  to  sustain,  if  it  be  continually  required  to  convey  to  that 
post  the  supplies  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  people  there. 
His  Majesty's  pleasure  is  that  the  Mess"  de  Callieres  and  de 
Beauhamais  assemble  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Motte  Cadillac  and 
the  most  respectable  of  the  inhabitants,  whether  oflScers  or  set- 
tlers, for  the  purpose  of  discussing  with  great  attention  and  care 
the  reasons  for  and  against  that  establishment,  and  that  they 
afterwards  draw  up  an  exact  Report  thereon,  which  they  will 
cause  to  be  signed  by  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Motte  Cadillac,  and 
the  most  respectable  of  those  who  will  have  attended  the  Meet- 
ing, and  that  they  will  sign  it  themselves,  so  that  his  Majesty 
may  issue  orders  on  its  contents,  either  to  consent  to  the  preser- 
vation and  augmentation  of  that  post,  or  to  abandon  it  alto- 
gether, or  to  allow  it  to  remain  as  a  mere  trading  post  His 
Majesty  is  persuaded  that  they  will  act  herein  without  preju- 
dice, and  with  a  view  solely  to  the  public  good  and  service.  The 
Colony  must,  without  any  difiiculty,  support  the  Chaplain  of 
that  fort,  as  well  as  of  Fort  Frontenac  and  other  places  where  it 
carries  on  its  trade. — N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  p.  742. 


220  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 


1703:    INDIAN  INTRIGUES;  DETROIT  SHOULD  BE  ABANDONED^ 

[Extract  from  letter  of  Qovernor  de  Vaudreuil  to  Count  Pontchartrain; 

dated  at  Quebec,  Nov.  14,  1703.] 

The  sickness  which  has  ravaged  this  colony  since  last  antumn, 
and  some  dregs  of  which  still  remain,  having  prevented  the 
Upper  Nations  coming  down  to  Montreal  according  to  their  cus- 
tom, some  twenty  canoes  of  Outaois,  Hnrons,  and  Mi  amis  arrived 
on  the  14^^  July.  They  came  by  Detroit  and  formed  a  junc- 
tion on  Lake  Ontario.  You  will  learn  the  sentiments  of  the 
one  and  the  other,  My  Lord,  from  their  Speeches. 

It  would  appear  from  that  of  Quarante  sols,  the  Huron  CJhief ^ 
that  he  is  strongly  attached  to  the  French ;  nevertheless  I  am 
advised  to  the  contrary,  and  even  that  he  has  been  negotiating 
with  the  Miamis  to  get  up  a  sort  of  trade  between  them  and  the 
English.  As  I  am  aware.  My  Lord,  that  among  these  Nations 
a  design  discovered  is  half  broken  up,  I  have  been  very  glad  to 
let  them  see  by  my  answers,  without  however  giving  them  too 
much  pain,  that  I  was  not  unacquainted  with  their  proceedings. 
Could  I,  My  Lord,  express  to  you  my  opinion,  without  departr 
ing  from  my  subject,  I  might  with  some  show  of  reason  assure 
you  here  that  if  the  English  ever  establish  a  considerable  trade 
with  our  allies,  it  will  be  owing  to  Detroit  I  doubt  not  but 
M.  de  la  Motte  reports  to  you  the  occurrences  at  that  post,  but 
1  strongly  doubt,  from  what  he  writes  me,  that  his  views  are  as 
just  as  they  seem  to  be ;  the  general  opinion  of  everybody  being 
that  that  post  is  untenable  and  burthensome  to  the  Colony ;  as 
you  will  be  able  to  see  by  the  unanimous  declaration  of  the  Gen- 
eral Meeting  which  M.  de  Beauhamois  and  I^  convoked  at 
Quebec,  a  report  whereof  we  transmit  to  you  in  the  joint  des- 
patch. In  regard  to  the  number  of  Indians  Sieur  de  la  Motte 
expects  to  attract  to  Detroit,  I  do  not  think  them  so  much  in- 
clined to  repair  thither  as  he  calculates ;  which  you  likewise  will 
be  able  to  understand.  My  Lord,  from  the  Speeches  of  the  Outta- 


1  Philippe  de  Rigault,  marquis  de  Vandreuil,  was  governor  of  New 
France  from  June,  1703,  until  his  death,  Oct  10,  1725  (except  from  1714 
to  1716,  during  which  time  he  was  absent  in  France).  Francois  de  Beau- 
hamais  (sometimes  spelled  Beauharnois)  was  Intendant  from  Septem- 
ber, 1702,  to  September,  1705.— Ed. 


1703]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  221 

ois  of  Missilimaquina  here  on  the  second  of  September.  This 
has  obliged  M.  de  Beauhamois  and  me,  in  view  of  the  antipathy 
of  those  Indians  to  that  post,  to  consent  to  the  return  of  Father 
Marest  to  his  mission.  The  same  reasons  hare  induced  us  also 
to  send  Sieur  de  Menthet  thither,  and  I  can  assure  you  that  in 
the  present  conjuncture  there  is  scarcely  any  one  in  that  country 
possessing  more  influence  than  he  over  the  Indians  and  French 
above  thera  We  shall  transmit  him,  next  spring,  the  amnesty 
his  Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  accord  to  the  French  inhabiting 
the  Outtaois  country,  who  are  only  awaiting  that,  to  return. 
Some  of  them  even  came  down  this  summer  to  the  first  Frendi 
settlements  of  this  country,  but  seeing  that  there  was  yet  no  secu- 
rity for  them,  they  adopted  the  resolution  to  go  back. — N.  T. 
Colon.  D0C8.J  ix,  pp.  743,  744. 


1703:    CONFERENCE  OF  INDIAN  ENVOYS  WITH  GOVERNOR 

DE  VAUDRBUIL. 

Speeches  of  the  Outaouaes  of  Misilimahinac,  27  September, 

1.  They  are  come  to  bewail  Sieur  de  Callidres'  death  and  to 
cover  his  corpse,  though  they  be  poor. 

[A  token  of  good  friendship.] 

2.  They  are  instructed  by  their  chiefs  to  say  to  the  Governor 
that  they  wish  to  die  in  their  villages ;  notwithstanding  all  that 
can  be  said  to  engage  them  to  remove,  they  will  not  quit  their 
village  which  they  have  just  put  up  anew;  therefore,  whatever 

1  These  are  the  speeches  referred  to  in  the  preceding  document,  which 
was  accompanied  by  a  report  of  the  conference  between  De  Vaudreuil 
and  the  Indian  envoys.  From  that  report  we  select  such  part  as  relates 
to  the  Northwestern  tribes.  The  matter  in  bracketed  Roman  small  type 
comprises  the  notes  made  on  the  original  document,  before  dispatching 
it  to  France,  probably  by  the  intendant;  that  in  Italic  type,  memoranda 
written  on  the  margin  by  the  French  Minister. — Bd. 


222  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

Sieur  de  la  Motte  may  do  to  engage  them  to  go  to  Detroit,  they 
will  not  remove  thither.  This  is  their  sentiment  and  that  of 
all  their  chiefs^  who  have  sent  them  to  communicate  it  to  the 
Gtovemor. 

[Nothing  more  strongly  indicates  the  determination  of  those  Outaouas 
never  to  leave  their  village  of  Misilimakinac,  and  not  remove  to  Detroit, 
though  Sieur  de  la  Motte  do  all  he  can  to  draw  them  thither;  these 
words  expressed  to  the  Governor-general,  in  presence  of  the  Intendant. 
the  clergy,  officers,  and  principal  men  of  the  country,  cannot  be  called  in 
doubt;  whilst  those  of  Sieur  de  la  Motte,  who  is  alone,  can  be  ques- 
tioned. My  advice  would  be  to  station  a  Jesuit  at  Detroit,  to  let  those  of 
Misilimakinac  alone,  and  to  permit  the  Indians  to  do  as  they  like  in  this 
matter.    Constraint  may  do  more  harm  than  good  in  these  cases.] 

[Conch    To  he  added  to  the  Detroit  husiness.l 

3.  They  are  also  instructed  to  ask  the  Governor  for  a  French 
(commandant;  they  know  not  what  they  are  doing  since  they 
have  none. 

[I  do  not  believe  any  is  necessary  for  them;  it  would  be  the  means 
of  absolutely  destroying  Detroit,  which  has  no  more  need  of  one  than 
Missillimakinac.  Let  us  learn  by  experience  that  these  commandants 
apply  for  these  posts  merely  for  the  purpose  of  trade,  and  to  promote 
their  own  interests,  and  they  encoursge  the  Indians  to  demand  them.] 

IConcl.    Embarrassing.'] 

4.  They  are  surprised  to  see  the  Sauteurs,  the  Sacs  and 
Outagamie  at  War ;  they  have  sent  them  some  presents  to  allay 
this  disorder.  As  they  are  in  their  midst,  they  fear  somebody 
will  be  killed  in  their  village,  and  that  they  will  be  thus  drawn 
into  the  War. 

[They  act  wisely  in  making  presents  to  avert  the  consequences  of  this 
war.] 
[Good.] 

M.  de  Vaudreuil's  Answer. 

He  thanks  them  for  coming  to  bewail  Sieur  de  Callieres^ 

death :  assures  them  that  they  will  find  in  him  the  same  fatherly 

heart. 

[He  answers  well.] 
lOood."} 


1703]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  223 

Though  the  chiefs  of  Misillimakinac  be  resolved  not  to  abanr 
don  their  fort,  notwithstanding  they  led  Sieur  de  Calliferes  to 
expect  that  they  would  remove  to  Detroit,  it  is  a  matter  worthy 
consideration;  he  will  communicate  to  them  his  resolution  00. 
this  subject  by  the  person  he  intends  to  send  to  Misillimakinac 
in  the  fall. 

[Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  does  weU  not  to  give  them  a  decisive  answer  on 
their  resolution  not  to  go  to  Detroit,  and  to  postpome  to  another  occa- 
sion the  communication  of  his  opinion  thereupon,  because  he  will,  mean- 
while, have  my  Lord's  orders.] 

As  Sieur  de  Callieres,  to  whom  they  had  already  applied  for 
a  Commandant,  has  written  on  the  subj^t  to  the  King,  he  will 
let  them  know  his  Majesty's  pleasure  on  the  arrival  of  the  ships. 

[It  is  important  that  my  Lord  communicate  his  pleasure  in  this  re- 
gard. A  commandant  at  Misillimakinac  is  unnecessary;  he  is  on  tha 
contrary  prejudicial.  It  has  ever  been  the  policy  of  Governors  and  offi- 
cers to  have  commanders  at  Misillimakinac  and  everywhere  else,  in 
order  to  increase  their  powers.] 

[Oood.    To  send  positive  instructiona.l 

He  will  give  orders  to  the  person  he  intends  to  send  to  Misil- 
limakinac to  put  a  stop  to  the  War  between  their  neighbors, 
and  to  oblige  them  to  execute  the  general  treaty  of  peace;  he, 
meanwhile,  expects  them  to  contribute  thereunto  on  their  side. 

[Well  answered  and  well  done  to  expect  them  to  maintain  peace.  His 
orders  to  that  effect  can  be  sent  to  the  Missionaries  to  be  communicated 
to  the  Indians,  instead  of  sending  private  persons  thither  who  go  there 
only  for  the  purpose  of  trading.] 

[Conch — Appears  good.^ 

Speeches  of  the  Hurons  to  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  Hth  July. 

That  it  is  their  custom  to  speak  of  news  before  business. 
[Such  is  their  custom.] 

The  Mohawks  have  come  on  the  part  of  the  English  to  invite 

the  Hurons  to  Orange. 

[This  is  the  work  of  Quarante  Sols,  already  mentioned,  which  shows 
that  it  is  not  proper  to  have  the  Outaouaa,  Hurons,  and  other  Indiana 
friendly  with  the  Iroquois.  Some  adroit  effort  must  be  made  to  prevent 
them  becoming  good  friends.] 

IGood.   With  address;  to  lorite  it  to  Vaudreuill 


224  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [voL  XVi 

They  [the  Mohawks]  told  the  Miamis  whom  they  found 
with  the  French  of  Detroit  that,  if  they  would  remove,  they 
will  furnish  them  goods  at  a  cheap  rate,  and  do  them  every  sort 
of  kindness. 

[This  is  a  proof  of  it] 

Sieur  Vaudreuil  bdiolds  in  them  his  children  who  are  com- 
ing to  speak  to  him  with  the  Miamis,  who  are  united  together; 
they  have  understood  that  he  was  desirous  they  should  settle  at 
Detroit. 

[A  sign  that  these  wish  to  settle  at  Detroit   They  must  be  encouraged 

to  do  80.] 

iOood,    Strongly.    Condi 

That  the  late  Sieur  de  Callieres  having  invited  them  to  settle 
at  the  Miamis,  they  request  him  to  tell  them  whence  arises  the 
unwillingnees  to  their  residing  there.  He  had  exhorted  [them] 
to  draw  the  Tionontat6  to  Detroit,  but  the  latter  would  not  oon- 
sent  to  it,  affairs  being  in  confusion. 

['Tis  true,  Sieur  de  Callidres  invited  those  Indians  to  the  River  St 
Joseph,  but  it  was  only  with  a  view  to  reunite  the  farther  Miamis  to- 
gether, in  order  eventually  to  draw  them  to  Detroit;  therefore  they 
must  now  be  encouraged  to  return  thither,  under  the  (care  of  a  mis- 
sionary).] 

{To  encourage  them  to  it,  dependent  however  on  the  decision  respect' 
ing  Detroit  J] 

They  would  greatly  desire  a  cordial  union  between  themselves 
and  the  French,  and  request  him  to  communicate  it  to  those  of 
Misillimakinac  and  to  Sataresky,  and  that  they  make  him  mas- 
ter of  their  wigwams. 

[Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  is  to  act  according  to  this  request] 

IGood-l 

The  late  Sieur  de  Callieres  loved  them ;  he  settled  them  where 
they  were,  and  promised  to  protect  thenu  They  request  Sieur 
de  Vaudreuil  to  do  the  same,  and  to  permit  them  to  make  war 
against  the  Scioux,  as  the  French  were  waging  it  against  the 
English. 

[This  shows  that  these  Indians,  though  afar  oU,  are  aware  that  we 
have  operated  against  the  BngHsh,  and  regard  this  act  as  an  infraction 
of  the  general  peace.] 

[Concl.] 


1703]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  225 


M.  de  VavdreuU's  Answer. 

He  tells  Quarante  Sols  and  his  tribe  what  Sieur  de  la  Matte 
ought  to  have  told  him — that  he  was  informed  he  wished  to  go 
to  the  English  to  learn  if  they,  as  well  as  the  Miamis,  would  be 
well  received;  that  the  English  had  assured  them  of  a  good 
reception,  and  requested  him  to  remove  his  village  to  a  distance 
from  the  French  forts,  so  as  to  be  able  to  settle  near  them  at 
Lake  Erie,  offering  physical  aid  in  case  the  French  would  offer 

any  opposition. 

[This  is  the  intriffue  of  Quarante  Sols,  which  seems  but  too  well 
founded,  although  Sieur  de  la  Motte  ridiculed  the  Jesuits  when  they 
notified  him  of  it,  saying  it  was  a  game  arranged  among  themselves  to 
prevent  the  Indians  coming  to  Detroit] 

[Detroit  affair.l 

To-day  he  tells  them  that  he  did  not  wish  to  answer  their 

belts  without  hearing  their  speech. 
[That's  right] 

He  must  be  aware  that  the  Frencli  are  now  at  war  with  the 
English,  and  he  cannot  go  to  them  without  giving  displeasure. 
His  tribe  is  forbidden  to  do  it,  and,  if  any  one  contravene  this 
prohibition,  he  believes  that  it  will  be  himself,  being  sorry  for 

his  young  men. 

[Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  does  well  to  intimidate  Quarante  Sols,  and  to  tell 
him  that  he  does  not  wish  him  to  go  to  the  English.] 

iOood,    Keep  the  hand  on  him.l 

He  is  glad  to  see  the  Hurons  and  Miamis  united,  and  exhorts 

them  to  continue  so.     The  late  Sieur  de  CalliSres  had  invited 

him  to  settle  at  Detroit;  he  does  the  same,  and  would  permit 

Sastaretsy  to  go  and  join  him  there. 
[Well  answered.] 
[Good,'] 

He  declares  to  him  and  to  all  the  nations  that  he  [the  Qover- 
nor]  does  not  pretend  thereby  that  any  person  should  settle  at 
Detroit,  or  at  Lake  Erie,  without  his  permission,  or  that  of 
Sieur  de  la  Motte;  that  he  understands  that,  after  Sieur  de  la 
Motte  had  marked  a  place  for  him,  he  had  passed  the  bounds, 
and  had  extended  himself  towards  the  French  f ort^  and  that  this 
16 


226  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.Xvi 

had  been  done  on  hearing  that  Sieur  de  la  Motte  had  been  or- 
dered not  to  grant  any  lands  in  the  rear  of  his  village,  intend- 
ing that  part  for  fields. 

[That's  well  done.] 

IGood.'l 

He  has  reason  to  say  that  Sienr  de  Callieres  loved  him ;  he 
[M.  de  v.]  doee  not  love  him  lees.  If  he  wage  war  against  the 
English,  it  is  because  their  Kings  are  at  war;  as  regards  the 
Scioux,  they  were  included  in  the  peace  like  the  rest,  but  if  thery 
attacked  his  nation,  they  would  promise  to  defend  [him]. 

[Well  answered.] 

[Gk)od.] 

Speeches  of  the  Miamis,  on  the  IJ/^^  July. 

He  beholds  his  children  the  Miamis,  who  come  to  tell  him 

that  their  fathers  are  dead,  that  the  Scioux  had  killed  them.; 

that  they,  however,  did  not  wish  to  revenge  themselves,  but  had 

allowed  themselves  to  be  directed  by  Sieur  de  Callieres,  whose 

death  they  bewail,  assuring  M.  de  Vaudreuil  moreover  that  thery 

will  do  only  what  he  pleases. 
[That's  well.] 
IGood.'] 

They  have  come  to  see  him,  and  to  behold  the  face  of  the  late 

Sieur  de  Callieres. 
[A  token  of  friendship.] 

M.  de  VaudreuiVs  Answer. 

He  is  pleased  that  they  have  come  so  far  to  see  him ;  they 

know  that  all  differences  were  terminated  by  the  Gteneral  peace; 

if  the  Scioux  wage  war  against  them,  he  does  not  prevent  them 

defending  themselves. 
[That  is  well  and  regularly  answered.] 
[Good.l 

He  is  glad  they  have  mentioned  their  chiefs*  names;  exhorts 
them  to  invite  them  to  [continue]  in  the  obedience,  they  owOv 
the  government;  he  understands,  however,  that  they  are  invited 
to  go  to  the  English,  whom  one  of  their  chiefs  went  to  visit;  if 


1703]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  227 

they  continiie  the  same  course,  they  will  not  please  him ;  as  he  is 
at  war  with  the  English  he  would  be  sorry  to  meet  any  of  them 
there;  he  forbids  them  that  road ;  and  let  them  tell  their  young 
men  that,  should  they  go  to  the  English,  he  will  no  longer  look 
on  them  as  his  children. 

[Perfectly  weU.] 

lOood.    Keep  a  check  on  them,'] 

Speech  of  Le  Pesant  (''the  Heavy  man''),  an  Outaois,  1^** 

Jvly. 

In  the  name  of  the  Kiscacons,  the  Outaois  of  Sinago,  and 
Outaois  of  the  Sable,  he  bewails  Sieur  de  Callidres.  They  po- 
joice  that  he  has  succeeded ;  they  hope  he  will  love  them ;  the 
Scioux  wage  war  against  them,  but  they  will  not  defend  them- 
selves till  they  know  his  will. 

[This  disposition  of  these  Indians  is  very  good.  It  would  be  better  to 
give  them  audience  and  to  govern  them  by  the  councils  they  hold  at 
Montreal,  than  to  send  them  so  many  commandants,  who  make  them  say 
what  they  like,  and  distribute  the  King's  presents  among  them  only  as 
they  please;  whilst  they  receive  at  Montreal  all  that  the  King  orders 
them.] 

[Concl,    Appears  good,] 

It  would  have  afforded  them  much  pleasure  to  see  the  Intend- 
ant;  they  had  come  in  that  expectation;  they  would  greatly 

wish  him  to  love  them  as  much  as  he  who  is  gone  away. 

[I  am  very  certain  that  they  will  like  Sieur  de  Beauhamois  when 
they  will  see  him.] 

[Qood.] 

M.  de  VaudreuU's  Answer. 

They  may  rely  on  it,  that  he  will  love  them  as  much  as  the 

late  Sieur  de  Callieres,  if  they  continue  obedient     Sieur  de  la 

Motte  writes  him  that  he  is  satisfied  with  them.     He  exhorts 

them  and  the  tribe  to  be  always  attached  to  him;  he  does  not 

wish  them  to  make  war  on  the  Scioux,  but  if  these  commence 

they  can  defend  themselves;  that  he  had  greatly  wished  the 

Intendant  had  attended  the  Meeting,  so  that  they  might  see  that 

he  was  as  good  a  father  as  he  who  had  gone  away. 
[Very  well  answered.] 
[Good.] 
Appbovcd. 


228  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.XVi 

1706:    ILLICIT  TRADE;  FRENCH  POLICY  TOWARD  INDIAN 

TRIBES. 

[Letter  of  Count  de  Pontchartrain  to  Governor  de  Vaudreall.] 

Vebsailles,  9th  June,  1706. 

SiK — I  have  received  your  despatches  of  the  3*  and  5"*  of 
May  and  of  the  16^**  and  19***  of  October  of  last  year,  with  the 
papers  thereunto  annexed. 

I  am  fully  persuaded  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  entertain  for 
Messieurs  de  Raudot^  the  consideration  and  friendship  I  re- 
quested for  them;  and  that  they,  on  their  part,  will  not  omit 
any  thing  to  deserve  the  same. 

It  is  certain  that  you  have  nothing  so  important  in  the  pres- 
ent state  of  affairs  as  the  maintenance  of  peace  with  the  Iro- 
quois and  other  Indian  nations,  and  his  Majesty  will  approve 
all  the  measures  you  will  adopt  to  that  end ;  but  it  will  be  al- 
ways necessary  that  you  effect  it  with  the  dignity  suitable^  to 
yourself  and  without  evincing  any  fear  to  them.  His  Majesty 
approves  your  sending  Sieur  Jonqueres  to  the  Iroquois,  because 
he  is  esteemed  by  them,  and  has  not  the  reputation  of  a  Trader; 
but,  you  ought  not  to  have  sent  Sieur  Vincennes*  to  the  Miamia, 
nor  Sieur  de  Louvigny,*  to  Missilimaquina,  as  they  are  accused 
of  carrying  on  contraband  trade.     You  are  aware  that  the  said 


iThe  intendant  Beauhamais  was  8ui>er8eded  by  two  men  named  Ran- 
dot — Jacques  the  father,  and  Antoine  Denis  the  son;  their  joint  term  of 
office  lasted  from  September,  1705,  to  the  summer  of  1710.  Antoine  then 
returned  to  France,  and  Jacques  remained  in  Canada  another  year. — Bo. 

2 Louis  Thomas  de  Joncaire  (Jonqueres)  came  to  Canada  when  a  mere 
boy,  and  served  first  as  an  Indian  interpreter,  then  as  a  lieutenant  in  the 
army;  as  such,  he  was  especially  employed  among  the  Seneca  Indiana, 
who  adopted  him,  and  regarded  him  as  one  of  their  chiefs.  He  died 
probably  about  1737. 

Jean  Baptiste  Bissot,  sieur  de  Vincennes,  an  officer  in  the  army  of 
Canada,  was  prominent  in  Detroit  and  Illinois  affairs,  and  possessed 
great  influence  with  the  savages.  He  was  commandant  among  the  Mi- 
amis  in  1697,  and  for  several  years  thereafter,  and  was  often  sent  on 
special  missions  to  that  tribe.    His  death  occurred  in  1719. — Ed. 

s  Documents  recounting  this  episode  in  Louvlgny'g  career  are  given 
in  Wis,  Hist,  Colls.,  v,  pp.  67-77. — ^Ed. 


1706]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  229 

Sieur  de  Louvigny  has  been  punished  for  that,  and  his  Ma- 
jesty desires  that  you  cause  Sieur  Vincennes  to  be  severely  pun- 
ished, he  having  carried  on  an  open  and  undisguised  trade.  It 
is  averred  that,  in  place  of  having  had  him  punished,  the  man 
named  Neveu  has  been  confined  in  a  dungeon  six  months  for 
having  given  information  regarding  this  trade. 

It  is,  also,  alleged  that  Amauld,  Sieur  de  Lobiniere's  son-in- 
law,  has  been  sent  to  the  Outaouacs  with  other  Frenchmen  and 
three  canoes ;  and  that  the  impunity  of  this  man  excites  consid- 
erable murmurs,  and  authorizes  the  licentiousness  of  those  who 
are  inclined  to  range  the  woods.  I  will  believe  that  all  this  is 
done  without  your  participation,  but  it  is  not  allowable  in  you, 
occupying  the  post  you  do,  to  be  ignorant  of  it ;  still  less,  not  to 
punish  it  when  you  are  cognizant  of  it.  I  will  tell  you  plainly, 
that  if  you  are  not  more  absolute  in  the  execution  of  the  King^s 
orders,  and  more  severe  in  the  punishment  of  acts  of  dis- 
obedience, I  shall  not  guarantee  to  you  that  his  Majesty  would 
be  willing  to  allow  you  to  occupy  for  any  length  of  time  your 
present  post 

I  must  tell  you  likewise,  that  a  species  of  weakness  has  been 
apparent  in  your  conduct  at  Montreal,  at  the  time  of  the  riota 
which  broke  out  there.  Yon  ought  to  have  made  severe  exam- 
ples on  the  spot  of  some  of  the  most  mutinous,  and  you  would 
have  thereby  avoided  the  second  difficulty  and  perhaps  those 
which  possibly  will  hereafter  occur.  I  am  persuaded  that  you 
thought  it  better  to  employ  mildness  on  such  an  occasion  when 
a  severe  beginning  is  nevertheless  always  necessary  as  an  exam- 
ple, reserving  measures  of  mildness  for  subsequent  events,  and 
you  ought  to  be  very  careful  lest  your  mild  proceedings  be  not 
attributed  to  weakness  by  the  mutinous,  and  they  be  thereby 
encouraged  to  new  movements. 

I  have  no  doubt  of  the  truth  of  the  information  Sieur  Jon- 
quieres  has  given  you  respecting  the  intrigues  of  the  English 
among  the  Iroquois.  Continue  to  order  him  to  occupy  him- 
self with  breaking  them  up,  and  on  your  part,  give  the  subject 
all  the  attention  it  deserves.  It  behooves  you  to  pay  the  same 
attention  to  preventing  the  English  seducing  the  Abenakis,  the 
Indians  of  the  Sault  [St  Louis],  those  of  the  Mountain,  those 


230  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

of  the  Sault  au  Recolet,^  and  those  of  Detroit;  and  that  you  so 
manage  as  to  break  up  all  the  intrigues  that  may  be  afoot  in 
these  places. 

You  did  very  well  to  dissuade  the  Chief  of  the  Outaouacs 
from  the  design  he  entertained  of  going  to  trade  with  the  Eng- 
lish. His  Majesty  approves  your  having  employed  mild  meana 
for  that  purpose^  and  even  that  you  had  caused  him  to  be  fur* 
nished  with  a  little  Brandy  in  order  to  restrain  him,  when  that 
alone  will  effectually  prevent  them  resorting  to  the  English  for 
purposes  of  trade.  You  can  very  well  suffer  them  to  purchase 
a  little  of  it,  and  provided  moderation  and  propriety  be  ob- 
served, the  inconveniences  will  be  avoided  which  necessitated 
the  prohibiting  of  the  sale  of  Brandy;  but  this  requires  great 
caution  on  your  part 

It  would  be  desirable,  if  possible,  to  retain  the  Miamis  at  De- 
troit Xevertlieless,  shculd  they  persist  and  their  reasons  ap- 
pear valid,  you  can  permit  them  to  return  home ;  but  I  request 
you  to  confer  with  Sieur  de  la  Motte  Cadillac,  so  as  not  to  in- 
terfere with  the  measures  he  may  have  taken  for  the  establish- 
ment of  that  post,  and  in  that  case  you  need  not  furnish  them 
with  a  French  Chief. 

It  is  also  unnecessary  for  you  to  supply  the  Poutouatamia 
with  one,*  and  it  would  be  well  even  to  prevent  them  waging 
war  against  the  Sioux,  who  are  not  our  enemies.  Should  the 
Iroquois  declare  against  them  at  the  same  time,  they  would  be 
ovenv'helmed ;  and  we  have  an  interest  in  preserving  them. 

His  Majesty  has  approved  the  measures  you  have  adopted  to 
prevent  the  war  between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Outaouacs,  and  I 
doubt  not  but  the  arrangement  you  caused  them  to  enter  into 


1  Reference  is  here  made  to  various  mission  colonies  of  Indians,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Montreal,  formed  by  Jesuit  and  Sulpitian  missionaries 
among  their  converts  in  order  to  keep  them  from  relaiMsing  into  heathen- 
ism.— Ed. 

2  At  this  time,  the  garrisons  and  commandants  had  been  withdrawn 
from  most  of  the  French  posts  on  the  Upper  Liakes.  The  king's  Instruc* 
tions  to  Vaudreuil  and  Beauhamais  dated  June  10, 1704,  warn  them  that 
they  "must  not  appoint  a  commandant  at  Michilimakinak,  so  that  the 
Indians  may  be  compelled  to  go  to  Detroit"  (Buppl.  Canad.  ArchiveM^ 
1899,  p.  207).— Bo. 


1706  J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  23 1 

will  continue.  It  is  well,  however,  that  you  pay  attention  to  it, 
and  that  the  Iroquois  be  persuaded  of  your  good  intentions  in 
this  regard,  and,  if  you  could  succeed  in  driving  ofF  those  Outr 
aouacs  who  have  illtreated  the  Iroquois,  it  must  be  done,  in  or- 
der to  convince  them  of  your  sincerity.  But  this  demands  great 
circumspection  and  prudence  on  your  part 

His  Majesty  has  approved  your  having  confirmed  to  the  Iro- 
quois the  former  promises  which  had  been  made  them  in  regard 
to  the  governments  of  Orange  and  Manathe,^  and  your  not  hav- 
ing included  Boston  therein,  which  is  at  too  great  a  distance 
from  them  to  trouble  themselves  about  it 

Be  persuaded  that  his  Majesty  will  eventually  grant  you 
whatever  favors  you  may  desire,  and  that  I  shall  most  readily 
use  my  endeavors  to  render  you  any  service  near  him ;  but  you 
cannot  too  carefully  avoid  becoming  mixed  up  with  the  parties 
of  the  Colony  which,  from  all  time,  have  caused  the  greatest 
misfortunes  it  has  been  afflicted  with.  I  must  observe  to  you 
here  that  his  Majesty  felt  some  difficulty  in  resolving  to  confer 
on  you  the  Governor-generalship  of  New  France,  on  account  of 
your  wife's  family  which  is  in  that  country,  and  his  Majesty 
only  consented  on  the  assurances  I  have  given  him  that  you 
would  act  towards  your  wife's  relatives  as  if  they  were  no  con- 
nections of  yours.  Should  you  depart  from  these  principles, 
you  would  expose  me  to  his  Majesty's  reproaches,  and  you  ought 
even  be  apprehensive  for  the  consequences.  You  speak  to  me 
only  of  M.  de  Lotbiniere  and  his  family.  I  know  she  has 
others;  for  example,  her  brother's  widow,  his  daughter,  and 
Sieurs  d' Amours,  Deschaufont  [de  Chaufours],  and  de  Plaine. 
You  must  act  towards  them  in  the  same  manner  as  by  other  set* 
tiers,  without  laying  aside  your  character  in  their  regard. 

The  avowal  you  make  of  having  permitted  Sieurs  de  Mantez 
[Menthet] ,  de  la  Decouverte,  and  Vincennes  to  carry  some  mer- 
chandize with  them,  in  the  voyages  you  authorized  them  to 
make  to  the  Upper  country,  is  sufficient  to  create  the  belief  that 

iFort  Orange,  or  Albany;  and  New  York,  or  Manhattan  (Manathe). 
These  were  originally  Dutch  colonies,  but  were  seized  by  the  English  in 
1664,  and  the  name  New  York  was  substituted  for  that  of  New  Nether- 
land. — Ed. 


232  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi^ 

they  had  traded,  especially  Sieiir  de  la  DeoouvertS,  who  is  an 
arrant  trader.  Wherefore  I  enjoin  again  on  you  to  abstain  as 
much  as  possible  sending  into  those  countries;  and,  whenever 
the  service  absolutely  requires  it,  to  select  trustworthy  people 
on  whom  you  may  rely. 

I  did  not  attach  [any  credit]  to  the  information  I  received 
that  you  had  sold  eight  licenses  to  go  into  the  interior  of  the 
coimtiy ;  and  had  such  been  the  case,  it  would  have  been  out  of 
my  power  to  prevent  his  Majesty  visiting  you  with  tokens  of 
his  most  profound  displeasure  and  indignation. — N.  F.  Colon» 
Docs.,  ix,  pp.  776-778. 


1706:   DETROIT  ATTACKED  BY  OTTAWAS  AND  MI  AMIS;  JESUITS 

PACIFY  MICHILLIMACKINAC  SAVAGES. 

[Letter  from  Father  Joseph  Marest  to  Goyemor  Vaudreuil;  translated 
from  Cass  MSS.  (tranacribed  from  documents  In  Paris  archives),  and 
published  by  Mrs.  E.  M.  Sheldon  In  her  Early  HUtory  of  Michigan 
(N.  Y.,  1856),  pp.  206-17.] 

MiCHnJMACKIlTAG,  AUGUST  14,  1708. 

J.  M.  J. :— ^ 

MoNsiEUB — I  did  myself  the  honor  to  write  to  you,  by  Tou- 
pikanich,  concerning  the  bad  news  we  had  heard  from  Detroit^ 
that  a  war  had  broken  out  between  the  Hnrons,  Miamis,  and 
Outawas.  At  the  time  I  wrote,  we  were  ignorant  of  the  fate 
of  the  French  at  Detroit,  and  also  at  Michilimackinac.  The 
savages  whom  we  sent  to  Michilimackinae  returned  after  going 
almost  to  the  very  gates  of  the  fort,  without  bringing  us  any 
assurance  of  the  safety  of  the  French.* 

M.  Chartier,  though  he  had  cause  to  fear  the  savages  at, 
Michilimackinac,  on  account  of  some  captives  who  were  there, 
was  the  first  to  offer  to  go  on  this  hazardous  mission,  saying  ^lie 
was  ashamed  to  remain,  and  rely  solely  on  the  reports  of  the 

iThe  Initials  of  the  names  "Jesus,  Mary,  Joseph" — often  used  hj 
Jesuit  writers,  as  here,  at  the  beginning  of  a  letter. — ^Bd. 

sAt  the  time  Indicated  In  these  opening  paragraphs,  Marest  was  prob- 
ably at  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie  mission.^  Bo. 


I706]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  233 

savageSy  for  every  one  knew  that  they  always  mix  the  false  with 
the  true  in  any  news  they  nndertook  to  report" 

But  an  opportunity  was  providentially  afforded  us  of  learn- 
ing all  we  wished  to  know,  without  incurring  any  risk.  Mera- 
silla,  an  Outawa-Sinago,  who  was  going  to  Detroit  with  the 
people  of  Toupikanich  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  brother,  who 
was  killed  the  day  after  he  was  made  chief,  and  by  this  means 
restore  the  name  of  Kischkouch,  when  he  heard  tEat  we  in- 
tended to  go  to  Michilimackinac,  begged  of  us  to  ask  the  say- 
ages  to  release  him,  that  he  might  accompany  us  thither.  The 
savages  granted  our  request,  but  reproached  him  with  having  no 
love  for  his  brother.  But,  nothing  daunted,  he  requested  an 
interview  with  M.  Menard  and  myself. 

The  parley  took  place  the  next  morning,  which  happened  to 
be  St  Ignace's  day,  after  mass  had  been  said  for  that  saint 
All  the  French  who  wished  were  permitted  to  be  present  No 
one  could  have  spoken  in  a  more  engaging,  sensible  manner, 
than  did  Merasilla.  He  said  there  really  was  cause  to  fear  for 
us,  and  for  the  French  at  Michilimackinac ;  but  he  hoped  to  be 
able  to  relieve  all  the  French  from  any  trouble  they  might  be 
in.  He  requested  us  to  give  him  a  flag,  and  a  letter  to  the 
French ;  these  would  be  sufficient  evidence  to  them  that  he  had 
not  come  to  imbrue  his  hands  in  their  blood.  He  said,  if  he 
found  the  French  at  Michilimackinac  still  alive,  and  desirous 
to  revenge  themselves  upon  their  enemies,  if  all  things  were  fav- 
orable to  such  an  attempt,  he  would  return  immediately  with 
the  letter  which  the  French  would  undoubtedly  send  in  answer 
to  ours.  If  he  found  that  the  French  had  already  been  massa- 
cred, without  allowing  the  savages  there  to  suspect  that  he  had 
seen  us,  he  would  come  with  the  utmost  dispatch  and  warn  us, 
that  we  might  retire  to  a  place  of  safety ;  and  if  there  were  any 
immediate  danger  of  an  attack  upon  us,  he  would  aid  us  in  de- 
fending ourselves. 

You  may  judge  how  gladly  his  proposition  was  received, 
though  it  is  always  said  that  a  man  risks  his  life,  if  he  trusts  to 
the  fidelity  of  a  savage.  But  we  made  him  such  promises,  in 
our  own  name  and  in  yours,  that  the  hope  of  reward  was  to  him 
a  very  strong  inducement  to  keep  his  word.     We  told  h\m  that^ 


234  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

as  soon  as  he  returned,  we  would  recompense  him  abundantly, 
whether  the  condition  of  things  were  good  or  bad,  and  that  we 
would  inform  you  of  the  essential  service  he  had  rendered  us, 
and  you  would  never  foi^t  it. 

To  give  us  every  possible  assurance  of  his  fidelity,  Merasilla 
left  his  whole  family  with  us  as  hostages ;  and,  with  only  three 
savages,  departed  in  a  canoe  for  Michilimackinac.  He  exe- 
cuted his  commission  with  the  utmost  secrecy.  He  said  noth- 
ing to  the  savages,  nor  to  the  French,  except  to  the  one  to  whom 
he  gave  the  letter,  until  after  he  was  fully  informed  of  the 
state  of  affairs.  All  the  French  at  Michilimackinac  greatly  ad- 
mired his  judicious  conduct.  On  his  return  to  the  mission, 
each  of  the  Frenchmen  there  made  him  a  present  to  the  value 
of  four  beavers ;  for  which  it  is  but  just  that  the  king  should  re- 
munerate us,  as  it  is  in  his  service  that  we  are  exposed  to  so 
many  dangers.  You  will  greatly  oblige  all  of  us,  myself  in  par- 
ticular, if  you  will  also  recompense  him  liberally.  He  will 
then  feel,  that  to  render  good  service  to  the  French  who  are  un- 
der your  orders,  and  especially  to  a  missionary,  is  a  matter  of 
some  importance. 

Three  Frenchmen  returned  with  Merasilla  from  Michili- 
mackinac, who  informed  us  it  was  not  without  reason  that  we 
had  been  told  that  we  risked  much  in  attempting  to  go  to 
Michilimackinac.  For  eight  days  the  occupants  of  that  post 
had  been  as  if  the  tomahawk  were  suspended  over  their  heads. 
Two  of  the  principal  women  in  the  village,  who  had  always  un- 
til then  appeared  very  friendly  to  the  French,  went  weeping 
from  hut  to  hut,  demanding  the  death  of  the  French  who  had 
killed  their  brother.  Three  or  four  times  the  French  had  been 
obliged  to  make  presents  to  the  Indians,  who  considered  these 
gifts  as  a  kind  of  contribution,  or  honest  plunder.  They  had 
also  been  obliged  to  sell  goods  to  the  savages  at  their  own  price. 
But,  since  the  last  news  from  Detroit,  by  which  it  appeared  that 
the  French  there  had  not  shared  in  the  second  attack  made  on 
the  Outawas,  affairs  at  Michilimackinac  had  been  more  quiet. 

The  day  before  the  Frenchmen  left  Michilimackinac  to  come 
to  us,  all  the  Outawas  in  the  village,  about  one  hundred  and 
sixty  in  number,   including  those  who  came   to  invite   them, 


I706]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  235 

started  for  Detroit  If  the  French  there  should  take  any  part 
in  the  difficulties  between  the  different  tribes,  there  would  be 
more  reason  than  ever  to  fear  for  the  safety  of  the  French  at 
Michilimackinac. 

Notwithstanding  this  news,  we  all  resolved  to  proceed  to- 
gether td  Michilimackinac  For  my  own  part,  I  considered  it 
quite  as  safe  to  risk  being  detained  as  a  hostage  by  the  savages, 
as  to  incur  their  displeasure,  which  I  should  most  certainly  do 
if  I  attempted  to  go  to  Montreal.  Besides,  I  believed  that  my 
presence  would  serve  as  a  restraint  upon  the  savages,  and  thus 
be  some  security  to  the  French. 

On  our  arrival  at  Michilimackinac,  on  the  9th  of  August, 
every  one  seemed  rejoiced.  The  savages  declared  that  they 
were  now  convinced  that  their  father  Onontio  would  not  aban- 
don them ;  that,  whatever  might  happen  at  Detroit,  the  French 
would  always  be  secure  here.  Indeed,  they  said  they  did  not 
believe  Onontio  had  anything  to  do  with  the  affair  at  Detroit^ 
since,  though  he  had  knowledge  of  it,  he  had  sent  them  good 
promises,  and  the  missionary  had  returned  to  them,  in  spite  of 
all  the  dangers  of  the  way. 

The  French  have  been  actively  engaged  in  fortifying  this  es- 
tablishment for  the  safety  of  themselves  and  their  effects,  as  no 
one  can  depend  on  the  word  of  the  savages,  since  the  chiefs, 
however  good  their  intentions,  are  not  masters.  For  our  better 
security,  M.  Amaud  has  found  it  necessary  to  make  presents 
to  all  the  savages.  In  this  he  has  acted  for  the  public  good, 
and  deserves  to  be  repaid.  He  will  present  his  bill  to  yourself 
and  the  intendant  You  are  not  ignorant  how  zealous  M. 
Amaud  is  for  the  public  good,  especially  when  he  knows  that 
his  services  will  meet  your  approval.  His  generosity  ought  not 
to  go  unrewarded.  M.  Menard,  who  came  up  with  me  from 
Montreal,  will  also  present  you  with  his  bill  of  expenditures  in 
the  service  of  the  king. 

It  is  not  just  that  these  two  men  should  be  obliged  to  defray 
the  expense  of  presents  to  the  savages;  especially  as  the  King 
in  these  troublous  times  has  provided  no  presents  with  which  to 
settle  difficulties.  I  have  myself  paid  the  value  of  a  score  of 
beavers,  for  services.     You  will  permit  me  to  say  that^  as  I 


236  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

came  here  by  your  orders,  in  the  midst  of  so  many  dangers,  it 
seems  only  right  that  some  provision  should  have  been  made  for 
my  journey,  and  I  hope  hereafter  this  subject  may  receive  your 
attention.  Still,  I  am  very  glad  to  be  here,  and  hope  my  pres- 
ence will  be  of  service  to  the  French. 

I  believe,  if  M.  Menard  and  myself  had  arrived  here  before 
the  departure  of  the  Indians  for  Detroit^  we  might  have  pre- 
vented their  going,  by  informing  them  of  some  things  we  heard 
by  the  way ;  but  this  was  not  permitted.  The  old  men  in  coun- 
cil have  condemned  the  departure  of  their  tribe,  but  say  they 
could  not  restrain  the  young  men,  after  they  had  learned  the 
treason  of  the  Hurons.^  Besides,  they  went  to  aid  their  relar 
tives,  by  their  tomahawks  and  with  provisions.  Before  we  left 
St.  Ignace,  Toupikanich  informed  us  that  a  party  of  a  hundred 
men  would  soon  arrive,  on  their  way  to  Detroit;  but  they  did 
not  appear  while  we  remained  there.  Therefore  M.  la  Motte 
ought  not  to  find  fault  because  we  did  not  stop  them. 

About  that  time,  a  party  of  warriors  were  to  leave  Michili- 
mackinac,  and,  having  engaged  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  to  join  them^ 
intended  to  attack  the  Miamis  on  the  river  St  Joseph.  M. 
Amaud  induced  them  to  wait  until  our  arrival;  and  we  were 
enabled  entirely  to  divert  them  from  their  object.  To  effect 
this,  we  gave  them  the  necklace*  you  had  sent  to  settle  their  dif- 
ficulty with  Detroit,  and  to  prevent  their  going  thither.  This 
necklace,  with  tobacco,  had  the  effect  to  stop  Onask6  and  Kou- 
taouiliboe,  who  were  living  beyond  the  precincts  of  the  village — 
and  through  their  influence  the  whole  project  was  easily  over- 
thrown. Several  canoes  have  indeed  departed  since,  but  there 
was  not  a  sufficiently  large  number  of  savages  to  make  a  success- 
ful attack. 

I  asked  the  savages  if  I  could  send  a  canoe  manned  with 
Frenchmen  to  the  river  St  Joseph,  with  any  d^ree  of  safety  ? 


1  Probably  a  reference  to  the  same  treacherous  plot  of  the  Hurons 
which  Perrot  thus  mentions  (M&moire,  p.  146) :  "Since  the  Detroit  post 
was  established,  have  not  the  Hurons  conspired  to  cut  the  throats  of  the 
Frenchmen  who  were  keeping  garrison  there,  under  command  of  Mon- 
sieur de  la  Motte  ?  and,  if  their  design  was  foiled,  It  was  only  by  vigilant 
guard  on  the  part  of  the  French." — Ed, 

3 Or  collar,  of  "porcelain"  (wampum). — ^Ed. 


1706]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  237 

They  replied  that  I  could,  and  uiged  me  to  do  so,  seeming  to 
take  an  interest  in  the  Fathers  who  are  there.  The  truth  is, 
they  do  not  feel  at  liberty  to  make  war  upon  the  Miamis  while 
the  missionaries  remain  there,  and  for  that  reason  would  prefer 
that  they  should  oome  to  us.  I  had  previously  engaged  some 
Frenchmen  to  carry  the  news  to  the  river  St  Joseph,  and  to 
relieve  our  Fathers  if  they  were  in  any  difficulty;  but  one  of 
them  has  been  so  much  intimidated  by  the  representations  of 
his  friends,  that  he  dare  not  trust  himself  among  the  savages. 
As  affairs  are  at  present^  I  do  not  think  the  removal  of  the 
Fathers  is  advisable,  for  that  is  the  most  important  post  in  all 
this  region  except  Michilimackinac ;  and  if  the  Outawas  were 
relieved  from  the  restraint  imposed  upon  them  by  the  existence 
of  the  mission,  they  would  unite  so  many  tribes  against  the 
Miamis,  that  in  a  short  time  they  would  drive  them  from  tliis 
fine  country. 

All  the  old  men  of  this  village  who  are  friendly  to  the  French, 
among  whom  is  Koutaouiliboe,  have  behaved  so  well  during  all 
the  trouble  at  Detroit,  that  they  deserve  to  be  rewarded  for 
their  zeal.  Koutaouiliboe  has  long  been  our  friend.  He  pos- 
sesses sound  sense  and  a  good  reputation,  and  has  affection 
enough  for  us  to  deserve  our  consideration.  He  desires  me  to 
say,  to  you  in  particular,  that  he  cannot  settle  all  these  bad  af- 
fairs alone;  and  he  wishes  you,  next  autumn,  to  send  the 
French  chief  you  intend  for  them,  and  they  will  pay  the  amount 
in  beaver.  They  no  longer  know  where  to  find  martens  and 
wild-cats.^  He  says,  they  all  wish  to  have  no  more  difficulties 
here. 

Onaske  wishes  me  to  inform  you  that  "the  reason  he  has  ap- 
peared to  grow  remiss,  was  from  the  fear  that  some  trouble 
might  occur  in  his  absence,  and  there  would  be  no  one  to  settle 
it."  He  says,  that  "while  he  was  at  the  Isle  en  Huronne,  the 
small-pox  desolated  his  village  and  he  invited  the  Kickapoos  of 
Detroit  to  return  her(^;  but  they  did  not  obey  him,  and  now 
they  have  been  killed  by  the  Hurons.  He  took  the  French  in 
his  arms,  when  the  people  who  came  from  Detroit  had  a  bit- 
ter heart  toward  them ;  for  that  reason  I  found  them  in  good 

^Chat  aauvage,  the  raccoon;  a  valued  and  staple  pelt. — ^Eo. 


238  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

condition.  He  was  very  glad  to  see  me,  and  hoped  I  would  re- 
main. He  was  glad  that  the  French  had  made  a  fort  for  me, 
and  for  themselves.  It  would  strike  fear  into  the  hearts  of 
their  enemies,  and  cause  jealousy  among  the  tribes  at  Detroit 
He  had  done  all  he  could  to  prevent  the  young  men  from  de- 
scending to  Detroit ;  and  since  I  was  here  he  had  nothing  to  fear 
from  those  who  should  come  from  there,  and  he  would  not  allow 
any  trouble  to  originate  here.  If  Le  Pesant  left  Detroit,  he 
did  not  believe  he  would  come  here,  but  would  probably  go  to 
Manitoulin/'  Onask6  begs  you  "always  to  love  his  village,  and 
not  to  believe  the  representations  of  Le  Pesant,  who  gave  six 
packs  of  beaver  to  the  Iroquois  to  induce  them  to  come  with  him 
and  destroy  Michilimackinac.  He  hopes  you  will  continue  to 
hinder  the  Iroquois  from  coming  here,  and  instruct  them  not  to 
receive  the  Huron,  if  he  wishes  to  return  to  his  wigwam.'^ 
You  will,  of  course,  manage  these  things  as  you  think  proper. 

I  have,  at  last,  found  another  Frenchman  who  is  willing  to 
go  to  the  river  St.  Joseph,  and  I  hope  the  four  will  now  depart 
immediately.  We  have  reason  to  feel  anxious  concerning  the 
safety  of  the  Fathers,  on  account  of  so  many  war-parties  going- 
down  on  that  side.  At  least,  we  shall  have  news  from  St. 
Joseph,  unless  our  men  find  too  many  dangers  in  the  way. 


MiCIirLIMACKINAC,  AuGUST  27,  1706. 

A  few  canoes  of  the  savages  of  this  place,  who  went  to  De-^ 
troit,  having  returned,  I  am  permitted  to  give  you  their  report; 
they  arrived  here  on  Monday,  August  23*^.  The  chiefs  of 
Michilimackinac,  who  remained  at  home,  have  always  main- 
tained that  their  men  had  not  gone  to  fight,  but  to  withdraw 
their  brothers,  the  yoimg  men,  from  Detroit  Those  who  went 
IsLSty  report  that  they  met  these  young  men  on  their  way  home. 
Five  or  six  days  had  already  elapsed  since  they  left  Detroit,  and 
they  were  nearly  exhausted  with  hunger.  Ten  canoes  have 
gone  to  Saginaw  for  provisions.  Le  Pesant  and  Jean  la  Blanc, 
with  many  others  are  still  delayed  by  the  wind.  Those  who 
have  arrived,  say  that  a  great  battle  was  fought  at  Detroit^  and 


I706]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  239 

that  the  French  were  going  out  with  the  Miami  a  and  Hnrons  to 
attack  the  Oiitawas  in  their  fort.  Two  Frenchmen  had  been 
killed  in  the  combat,  by  a  Miami.  The  Outawas  feared  that 
they  had  killed  some  of  the  Iroquois  of  the  Saut,^  if  any  were 
with  the  Hurons. 

The  savages  all  say  that  the  Miamis  were  masters  in  the  fort 
of  the  French,  stealing  their  com  and  other  previsions,  and 
committing  all  manner  of  depredations.  It  was  also  reported 
that  they  had  burnt  an  Outawa.  The  Hurens  burned  a  young 
Outawa  woman  in  their  fort  They  sent  four  Outawas  cap- 
tive to  the  Miamis  of  St  Joseph;  two  of  them  escaped;  but 
they  said  the  Miamis  had  not  ill-treated  them,  and  the  blame 
of  the  whole  affair  must  rest  on  Quarante  Sous.  The  same 
Hurons  had  two  other  Outawa  prisoners,  whom  they  wished  to 
give  either  to  the  Miamis,  who  were  soon  to  return  from  De- 
troit, or  to  M.  la  Motto. 

The  greater  part  of  the  fields  at  Detroit  had  been  ravaged. 
Only  a  few  of  the  Miamis  remained  at  Detroit^  and  the  Loups 
had  withdrawn,  ^o  news  had  yet  been  received  from  M.  la 
Motto.  M.  Menard  will  give  all  the  circumstances  at  length ; 
you  may  depend  upon  his  report.  We  are  impatiently  await- 
ing the  return  of  M.  Boudor  and  the  Outawa  chiefs.  I  have 
not  yet  sent  to  the  river  St  Joseph,  but  hope  to  very  soon. 

I  hasten  to  close  this  long  letter,  by  assuring  you  that  I  am 
with  respect,  sir 

Your  very  humble  and 

Very  obedient  servant, 

Jos.  J.  Mabest. 


lA  reference  to  the  Iroquois  mission  village  at  Sault  St  Louis,  oppo- 
site Montreal;  it  is  now  known  as  Caughnawaga. — Ed. 


240  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS,      [vol.  Xvi 

1706:    INTERTRIBAL  RELATIONS;   FRENCH  POLICY. 

[Part  of  a  letter  from  Oovemor  de  Vaudreuil  to  Coant  de  Pontdiartraln, 

dated  Nov.  4, 1706.] 

I  have  had  the  honor  to  inform  you  this  springy  by  way  of 
Placentia,^  that,  in  order  to  maintain  the  union  between  the 
Outtauois  and  the  Iroquois,  I  sent  back  Sieur  de  Joncaire ;  also 
a  canoe  to  Michilimackina  in  which  I  abstained  from  placing 
an  Officer,  in  order  to  save  expense  and  to  remove,  at  the  same 
time,  all  cause  of  complaint  Mess"  Baudot  and  I  agreed  to 
put  on  board  only  an  Interpreter  and  three  hired  men,  with 
orders  not  to  carry  on  any  trade,  and  to  follow  the  advice  of 
Father  Marest^  who  by  the  same  occasion  accompanied  them 
up  to  his  mission,  agreeably  to  what  I  last  year  promised  the 
Indians  of  Michilimakina.  As  I  shall  have  the  honor  of  giving 
you  an  account,  hereafter,  of  the  success  of  that  voyage,  I  return 
to  the  Iroquois. 

I  am  persuaded,  My  Lord,  and  there  has  not  been  a  year  that 
I  have  not  had  the  honor  to  observe  it  to  you,  that  the  tranquil- 
lity of  this  Colony  depends  on  the  peace  with  these  Indians.  I 
neglect  nothing  to  insure  the  continuance  thereof  but  I  dare  as- 
sure you  at  the  same  time  that  I  do  so  honorably,  and  without 
disparagement  to  the  office  I  have  the  honor  to  fill.  I  cannot 
furnish  you  stronger  proofs  of  that  fact  than  by  trwismitting 
you  the  annexed  speeches  which  the  Senecas  and  other  villages 
came  to  address  to  me  regarding  affairs  that  occurred  at  Detroit 
this  year.     You  will  find  my  answer  there  also. 

Had  I  followed.  My  Lord,  the  first  impulse  of  vengeance,  I 
would  not  have  hesitated  to  accept  the  proposal  of  the  Iroquois, 
but  when  I  reflect  that  the  Outtauois  of  Michilimakina  had  no 
hand  in  the  occurrences  at  Detroit,  and  that  they  would  not 
even  go  in  there — as  you  will  see,  My  Lord,  by  what  they  told 
me  by  Sieur  Boudor,  and  by  my  answers  to  CompanistS  and 
Le  Brochet,  the  Chiefs  who  came  down  with  him  to  place  in  my 
hands  four  prisoners  to  be  restored  to  the  Iroquois — ^I  cannot^ 

iThen  the  leading  settlement  in  Newfoundland,  and  a  resort  for  the 
French  fishing-vessels,  by  which  late  or  special  mails  were  often  sent  to 
France. — Ed. 


I706]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  24I 

My  Lord,  consent  to  give  over  to  destruction  a  Nation  that  has 
been  faithful  to  us  in  the  last  war,  and  has,  in  this  affair  at 
Detroit,  perhaps,  more  bad  luck  than  bad  disposition/  I  send 
you  hereunto  annexed  the  statement  of  Miscoualzy,  one  of  the 
Outtauois  Chiefs,  resident  at  Detroit,  whom,  however,  I  would 
not  receive  here  as  an  envoy ;  also  my  answer  to  him  as  well  as 
to  Companiste,  which  appears  to  me  siiflBciently  firm  to  protect 
me  from  the  accusation  of  weakness.  The  difference  oonsistSy 
My  Lord,  in  this — I  speak  in  public,  and  have  several  inter- 
preters, and  cannot  alter  the  truth  nor  shape  words  adapted  to 
my  subject  in  order  to  impose  on  you.  I  was  not  willing  to 
adopt  the  course  the  Iroquois  proposed  to  me  at  first,  because 
having  no  news  from  Sieur  de  la  Mothe  since  his  departure,  I 
could  not  determine  what  course  he  would  adopt  on  arriving 
at  his  post ;  and  as  war  has  never  been  favorable  to  a  new  estab- 
lishment, I  did  not  wish  that  he  should  impute  to  me  that  I  had 
destroyed  him  by  letting  loose  the  Iroquois.  Secondly,  as  the 
latter  assured  me  that  their  resolution  was  taken  and  that  they 
had  been  to  the  English  to  advise  them  thereof  at  the  same  time 
they  had  come  to  Montreal,  I  was  very  glad  to  let  the  English 
know  the  extent  of  my  influence  over  the  minds  of  the  Iroquois. 
I  possessed  still  more  than  they^  inasmuch  as  I  had  enough  to 
make  the  Iroquois  let  go  the  hatchet,  notwithstanding  the  reso- 
lution they  had  taken  to  attack  the  Outtauois.  But,  My  Lord, 
the  real  reason  I  had  for  answering  the  Iroquois  as  I  had  done, 
is  that  I  reflect,  if  the  Huron,  the  Miamis,  and  the  Iroquois  be 

iSome  information  regarding  this  affair  may  be  gleaned  from  Rich- 
ard's synopsis  of  documents  in  Supph  Canad.  Archives,  1899  (pp.  208, 
210,  212),  "De  la  Mothe  would  not  go  to  Detroit  before  the  spring,  nor 
would  La  Forest;  sent  Sr.  de  Bourgmont"  (Vaudreuil,  1705).  "De 
Bourgmont  cannot  be  blamed;  but  had  Lamothe,  La  Forest,  or  de  Tonty 
been  at  Detroit,  the  Outaouais  would  not  have  made  their  attack" 
(Vaudreuil,  1706).  "Must  make  the  Outaouais  give  satisfaction  for  hav- 
ing attacked  the  fort  of  Detroit  and  killed  three  Frenchmen;  M.  de 
Bourgmont,  who  was  in  command  there,  was  incompetent"  (Louis  XIV, 
1707).  "The  Outaouais  who  made  the  attack  at  Detroit  have  come  to 
Montreal  to  sue  for  pardon.  Refused  to  grant  It  to  them  unlecs  they 
brought  in  the  head  of  '  Pesant'  The  affair  has  been  finally  placed  in  the 
hands  of  Sieur  Lamothe,  who  will  find  some  means  of  conciliating  all 
parties"  (Vaudreuil,  1707).— Ed. 

17 


242  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [voLxVl 

united^  they  will  accomplish  the  destruction  of  the  Oiittauois, 
or  at  least  force  him  to  abandon  Michilimakina.  The  English 
are  too  acute  not  to  profit  by  this  opportunity,  and  will  not  fail 
to  remind  the  Iroquois  of  his  Dead.  I  speak  Indian.  The 
Iroquois  having  then  nothing  more  to  oppose  him  above,  wiQ 
wage  a  bloodier  war  than  ever  against  us.  Sudi,  My  Lord, 
are  the  reasons  I  had  for  temporizing.  I  do  not  say  that  satia- 
f action  must  not  be  exacted  from  the  Outtauois,  but  as  those  of 
Michilimakina  have  not  meddled  in  this  affair  at  Detroit  and 
as,  meanwhile,  the  course  of  events  reunited  them  all  at  Michili- 
makina, it  is  dangerous  to  begin  a  War  which  can  cause  us  only 
considerable  expense,  the  loss  of  a  nation  that  has  served  VB 
faithfully,  and,  in  addition  to  that,  a  considerable  loss  of  trade 
every  year.  War  to  oblige  the  Outtauois  to  abandon  Michili- 
makina is  a  mistake ;  it  will  not  end  there ;  they  will  take  refuge 
in  Lake  Superior,  and,  deriving  supplies  from  the  English 
through  the  head  of  Hudson's  bay,  will  continue  the  war  as 
long  as  the  memory  of  what  they  will  have  suffered  dwells 
among  them. — N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  779-781. 


1707:    LOUIS  XIV  ORDERS  INSPECTION  OF  WESTERN  POSTS. 

["Instructions  to  Sieur  Daigremont,  subdelegate  of  Sieur  Raudot.  In- 
tendant  of  New  France,  whom  the  King  has  selected  to  go  to  Fort  Cata- 
racouy,  Niagara,  Fort  Detroit  de  Ponchartrain,  and  Mlssilimakinac."] 

VERSAnucs,  30tb  June,  1707. 

His  Majesty,  intending  to  maintain  these  posts,  has  been 
pleased  to  send  thither  a  confidential  person  to  verify  their 
present  condition,  the  trade  carried  on  there,  and  the  utility 
they  may  be  of  to  the  Colony  of  Canada.  He  has  selected 
him,  being  well  persuaded  that  he  will  punctually  execute  what 
is  contained  in  this  Memoir,  and  render  a  satisfactory  report 
thereof  on  his  return. 

His  Majesty  desires  that  he  leave  Quebec  as  soon  as  the  sea- 
son will  admit  of  the  commencement  of  the  voyage.  He  fur- 
nishes an  order  on   the  Marquis   de  Vaudreuil,   Governor- 


1707]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  243 

General  of  Canada,  and  Sieur  Eaudot  to  have  him  supplied 
with  a  canoe  and  men  necessary  for  its  navigation,  with  what- 
ever provisions  he  shall  require  for  subsistence  during  the 
voyage,  without,  however,  any  merchandise  for  trade. 

The  principal  reason  which  has  induced  his  Majesty  to  make 
him  undertake  this  voyage  is  that  Sieur  de  la  Motte  Cadillax^ 
who  has  charge  of  the  establishment  of  Detroit  de  Pontchar- 
train,  writes  in  all  his  letters  that  he  does  not  receive  from 
said  Sieurs  de  Vaudreuil  and  Eaudot  the  aid  which  they  have 
been  ordered  to  furnish  him,  and  that  he  found  that  post  on 
his  arrival  in  very  bad  condition.  He  pretends  that  the  fort 
was  without  powder,  Sieur  de  Tonty,  who  commanded  there, 
having  disposed  of  all  that  was  there  before  leaving  it;  that 
the  lands  of  the  Colonial  Company  ["of  the  Colony"],  who 
held  that  post  before  him,  lay  fallow  or  in  the  occupancy  of 
the  Indians,  the  houses  being  all  uncovered;  no  grain,  the 
greatest  portion  of  the  peltries  rotten  and  spoiled,  and  the  Com- 
pany's store  pillaged:  and  that  he  is  able  to  prove  these  facts 
by  several  witnesses.  His  Majesty  is  desirous  that  he  him- 
self verify  all  that  is  alleged,  and  that  he  endeavor  to  discover 
the  truth  by  unquestionable  evidence. 

He  will,  also,  take  information  regarding  what  occurred  in 
the  action  of  the  Outaouaks,  and  what  occasioned  them  to 
attack  Fort  Detroit  and  kill  three  Frenchmen,  the  said  Sieur 
De  la  Motte  wishing  to  insinuate  that  they  were  stimulated  to 
this  act  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  about  the  failure  of  that 
establishment;  finally,  to  report  all  he  shall  learn,  and  espe- 
cially the  conduct  of  Sieur  de  Bourgmont,  the  Commander  of 
the  fort  on  that  occasion. 

It  appears  by  the  letters  of  all  the  oflScers  in  garrison  at 
Detroit,  that  there  is  not  a  finer  nor  a  better  country,  and 
that  all  the  favorable  reports  of  it  are  true.  Sieur  de  la  Motte 
adds  that  there  is  no  doubt  but  it  is  constantly  the  retreat 
of  all  the  [Nations  in  those  parts;  that  it  is  very  conveniently 
situated ;  that  the  Xations  who  inhabit  the  banks  of  the  Lakes 
can  reach  it  without  passing  any  rapid  or  waterfall;  and  that 
the  Indians  in  the  interior  come  thither  over  very  level  roads. 
He  will  take  equal  care  to  inform  himself  if  that  fort  com- 
bine all  these  advantages. 


a 

244  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

Sieur  de  la  Motte  writes,  also,  that  he  caused  two  canoes  full 
of  French  wheat  to  be  brought^  in  order  to  sow  the  lands 
belonging  to  that  post;  likewise  all  sorts  of  other  grain,  and 
materials  to  build  a  large  Mill.  He  will  see  if  all  these  grains 
have  succeeded,  and  if  this  Mill  be  in  existence. 

Sieur  de  la  Motte  reports  that  there  is  no  one  at  that  poet 
to  take  charge  of  the  sick,  and  that  it  is  his  wife  and  daugh- 
ter who  take  care  of  them.  He  says  that  the  Superior  of  the 
Grey  Xuns^  of  Montreal  ^vill  readily  take  charge  of  those  sick; 
and  that  they  are  well  adapted  for  a  new  colony,  because  they 
teach  how  to  work,  and  are  qualified  for  manufactures. 
He  will  be  careful,  in  passing  through  Montreal,  to  see  and 
engage  this  Superior  to  adopt  Sieur  de  la  Motte's  proposals, 
and  \vill  report  tlie  answer. 

He  will  find  hereunto  annexed  a  copy  of  the  Treaty  Sieur 
de  la  Motte  concluded  for  the  establishment  of  the  Post  of 
Detroit.  He  will  verify  whether  it  be  faithfully  executed, 
especially  whether  the  soldiers  who  have  been  given  him  by 
his  Majesty's  order  have  due  justice  as  regards  food  and  pay. 

It  appears  from  Sieur  de  la  Motte's  last  letters  that  Arnold, 
Sieur  de  Lobiniere's  son-in-law,  was  still  actually  at  Missili- 
makinac  carrying  on  trade  along  with  a  man  named  Boudor, 
a  merchant  of  Montreal.  Mess"  de  Vaudreuil  and  Baudot 
had  orders  to  recall  these  two  men;  and,  if  they  be  still  in 
the  place,  his  Majesty  wishes  that  he  order  them  to  return 
promptly,  the  latter  to  his  home  and  the  other  to  Quebec,  on 
pain  of  disobedience.  He  will  take  exact  information  of  the 
trade  these  two  men  have  carried  on  during  their  sojourn  at 
Missilimakina  and  report  thereupon. 

Sieur  de  la  Motte  pretends  that  the  said  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil 
has  sent  away  from  Detroit  the  interpreter  of  the  Outaouacks 
who  had  always  been  paid  by  his  Majesty  and  the  Company, 
in  order  to  have  his  Secretary's  brother  put  in  his  place,  because 


iThe  phrase  "Grey  Nuns"  in  this  translation  is  miideading;  for  the 
order  of  Grey  Nuns  at  Montreal  (who  now  conduct  the  General  Hospital 
there)  was  not  founded  until  1747.  Reference  Is  made  In  the  text  to  the 
Hospital  Nuns  of  St  Joseph,  who  came  to  Montreal  in  1659,  and  con- 
ducted the  Hotel-Dieu. — ^Ed. 


1707]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  245 

said  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  has  been  desirous  of  having  a  man 
at  that  post  entirely  devoted  to  himseK.  He  will  inform  him- 
self of  what  has  been  done  in  that  regard,  and  report  whether 
the  man  removed  from  that  oflSee  was  as  faithful  as  the  said 
Sieur  de  la  Motte  pretends. 

Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  complains,  on  his  side,  that  the  said  Sieur 
de  la  Motte,  from  interested  motives,  wishes  it  to  be  under- 
stood that  he  thwarts  him  in  his  establishment,  in  order  to 
render  him  suspected ;  but  that  Sieur  de  la  Motte^s  only  aim 
is  to  carry  on  a  trade  with  the  English,  and  to  realize  the 
largest  profit  possible  from  his  post  for  his  own  interest  exclu- 
sively. 

Mess"  Vaudreuil  and  Eaudot  write  conjointly  that,  if  there 
be  any  abuse  in  the  sale  of  Brandy  among  the  Indians,  it  can 
only  proceed  from  Sieur  de  la  Motte  who  carried  with  him 
some  15  barrels  of  it,  and  a  large  quantity  of  powder.  They 
likewise  observe  to  me  that  his  agent  at  Quebec  has  written 
to  him  who  is  at  Montreal,  to  give  clearances  to  all  the  canoes 
who  would  go  up  to  Detroit  on  condition  of  carrying  thither 
300  livres'  weight  in  Brandy  to  Sieur  de  la  Motte ;  and  that, 
finally,  it  appeared  to  them  that  said  Sieur  de  la  Motte  had 
a  desire  to  trade,  because  he  carried  only  Brandy  and  powder. 
As  his  Majesty  wishes  absolutely  to  enforce  the  prohibitions 
he  has  issued  against  carrying  on  any  trade  in  Brandy  with 
the  Indians,  he  orders  Sieur  d'Aigremont  to  verify  very  pre- 
cisely the  quantity  of  liquor  Sieur  de  la  Motte  has  carried 
up,  and  inform  himself  what  use  he  made  of  it  This  is  the 
principal  motive  that  induced  his  Majesty  to  send  to  Detroit. 
Therefore,  he  must  direct  all  his  attention  to  thoroughly  clear 
up  the  fact,  and  to  report  fully  thereupon. 

He  will  proceed  from  fort  Detroit  to  Missilimackinac  in 
order  to  visit  that  quarter,  and  will  inform  himself  of  the 
number  of  French  there,  and  the  trade  they  carry  on  with  the 
merchants  of  Montreal  and  Quebec;  and  finally,  of  all  those 
who  are  interested  in  their  trade.  He  will  act  in  concert  with 
the  Missionaries  on  the  spot  respecting  the  conduct  to  be  ob- 
served with  the  Outaouaks,  and  will  take  information  of  them 
as   to   the  dispositions   these  Indians   entertain   towards  the 


246  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

French.  He  will  likewise  acquire  every  information  possible 
respecting  the  advantages  of  that  post,  so  as  to  render  an  exact 
report  thereupon  when  he  returns. 

His  Majesty  is  informed  that  the  English  are  endeavoring 
to  seize  the  post  at  Niagara,  and  that  it  is  of  very  great  impor- 
tance for  the  preservation  of  Canada  to  prevent  them  so 
doing,  because,  were  they  masters  of  it,  they  would  bar  the 
passage  and  obstruct  the  communication  with  the  Indian  allies 
of  the  French — whom,  as  well  as  the  Iroquois,  they  would 
attract  to  them  by  their  trade,  and  dispose,  whenever  they 
pleased,  to  wage  war  on  the  French.  This  would  desolate 
Canada,  and  oblige  us  to  abandon  it. 

It  is  alleged  that  this  post  of  Niagara  could  serve  as  an 
entrepot  to  the  establishment  at  Detroit,  and  facilitate  inter- 
oourse  with  it  by  means  of  a  bark  on  lake  Ontario ;  that,  in  fine, 
such  a  post  is  of  infinite  importance  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
Colony  of  Canada,  and  that  it  can  be  accomplished  by  means 
of  Sieur  de  Joncaire,  whom  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  keeps 
among  the  Iroquois.  His  Majesty  desires  Sieur  d'Aigremont 
to  examine  on  the  spot  whether  the  project  be  of  as  great  im- 
portance for  that  Colony  as  is  pretended ;  and  in  such  case,  to 
inquire  with  said  Sieur  de  Joncaire,  whether  it  would  be  possi- 
ble to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  Iroquois  to  have  a  fort  and  gar- 
rison there,  and,  conjointly,  make  a  very  detailed  report  of  the 
means  which  would  be  necessary  to  be  used  to  effect  it,  and  of 
the  expense  it  would  require;  finally  to  ascertain  whether  it 
would  be  desirable  that  he  should  have  an  interview  with  said 
Sieur  Joncaire,  and  that  they  should  have  a  meeting  at  Niagara. 

It  has  been  attempted  to  give  his  Majesty  to  understand  that 
Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  keeps  the  said  Sieur  de  Joncaire  among 
the  Iroquois  for  the  purpose  of  trading  there,  and  of  destroying 
the  establishment  at  Detroit  His  Majesty  appears  to  be  of  a 
contrary  opinion.  Nevertheless  he  will  not  fail  to  inform  him- 
self of  the  conduct  of  said  Sieur  de  Joncaire  so  as  to  be  able  to 
report  thereupon. 

Mess"  de  Vaudreuil  and  Raudot  have  informed  his  Majesty 
that  they  have  thought  proper  not  to  farm  fort  Frontenac,  and 
to  retain  it  for  his  Majesty's  account,  being  persuaded  it  will 


1 707 J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  247 

not  be  any  charge.  They  state  that  they  have  given  the  com- 
mand of  it  to  Sienr  de  Tonty ;  as  his  Majesty  has  not  been  satis- 
fied with  the  conduct  of  the  latter  whilst  in  command  at  De« 
troit,  on  account  of  the  considerable  trade,  it  is  alleged,  he 
carried  on  there,  Sieur  Daigremont  will,  when  passing  through 
that  place,  inform  himself  very  exactly  whether  said  Sieur  de 
Tonty  continues  to  carry  on  trade  on  his  own  account,  because 
in  such  case  it  would  be  necessary  to  withdraw  him  from  that 
post  A  return  will  be  rendered  of  the  merchandise  the  said 
Sieur  Baudot  will  have  sent  to  that  place  for  purposes  of  trade, 
and  what  it  produced ;  and  he  will  enter  into  the  minutest  de- 
tail possible  thereupon,  in  order  to  determine  from  the  profit 
derivable  from  that  merchandise,  whether  it  will  be  proper  to 
maintain  that  post  on  the  footing  the  said  ^eurs  de  Yaudreuil 
and  Baudot  have  established  it  on,  or  whether  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  farm  it 

He  will  be  careful,  likewise,  to  inform  himself  of  the  con- 
duct, in  respect  of  Trade,  of  all  those  who  will  be  at  that  post; 
because  it  is  not  proper  that  any  one  pursue  commerce  there ; 
and  render  an  exact  account  to  his  Majesty  of  every  thing  he 
has  learned. — N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  805-808. 


1707:     POLICY  TOWARD  INDIANS;    ILLICIT  TRADE. 

[Memoir  of  the  King  to  the  Marquis  de  Yaudreuil,  Governor  and 
Lieutenant-General,  and  Sieur  Raudot,  Intendant  of  New  France;  dated 
at  Versailles,  June  30, 1707.] 

His  Majesty  has  approved  their  determination  to  send  a 
canoe  to  Missilimakinac  in  quest  of  the  prisoners  the  Outaou- 
acks  had  promised  to  the  Iroquois,  so  as  to  prevent  the  latter  de- 
claring war.  He  desires  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  to  keep  up  a  good 
correspondence  with  all  the  Indian  Nations,  in  order  to  prevent 
them  declaring  against  the  French,  it  being  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance to  the  preservation  of  the  Colony.  He  empowers  him 
to  adopt  all  measures  he  will  consider  proper  for  that  purpose. 


248  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

and  if  he  be  absolutely  obliged  to  send  some  canoes  to  those 
Indian  I^ations,  he  recommends  him  in  an  especial  manner  to 
prevent  any  Brandy  being  conveyed  to  them.  The  best  and 
most  certain  means  of  effecting  that,  would  be  to  avoid  entirely 
these  sorts  of  voyages,  because  those  who  prosecute  them  apply 
themselves  exclusively  to  trade. 

His  Majesty  has  not  approved  their  proposal  to  permit  those 
who  navigate  the  canoes  they  are  obliged  to  send  to  the  Indians, 
to  carry  300  livres'  worth  of  Merchandise  each.  This  would 
be  authorizing  the  prohibited  trade,  which  His  Majesty  is  abso- 
lutely unwilling  should  be  carried  on.  He  has  therefore  dis- 
approved the  permission  granted  to  the  Frenchman  whom  they 
furnished  the  Indian  that  came  down  with  Maurice  Menard, 
to  assist  him  in  getting  back  to  Missilimakinac,  to  carry  300 
livres'  worth  of  goods ;  and  again  strongly  and  absolutely  recom- 
mends them  not  to  send  any  canoe  thither  except  under  a  neces- 
sity positively  indispensable.  In  which  case  they  must  forbid 
loading  these  canoes  with  merchandise  under  pain  of  punish* 
ment,  and  must  even  have  them  inspected,  in  order  that  an  ex- 
ample be  made  of  those  who  shall  contravene  their  prohibitions. 

His  Majesty  expects  that  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  will  oblige  the 
Outaouacks  of  Detroit  to  make  satisfaction  commensurate  with 
the  offence  they  have  been  guilty  of,  in  attacking  fort  Detroit 
and  killing  three  Frenchmen.  From  all  that  has  been  reported 
of  that  action  it  appears  that  Sieur  de  Bourgmont,  who  com- 
manded that  fort,  did  not  adopt  proper  measures  to  prevent  it. 
M.  de  Vaudreuil  ought  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  Sieur 
de  la  Motte  Cadillac,  who  is  at  Detroit,  as  to  what  will  have  to 
be  done  to  bring  these  Indians  to  reason  and  to  maintain  peace 
between  them  and  the  French,  as  that  comports  with  the  inter- 
ests of  the  Colony. — N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  808,  809. 


1707]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  249 


1707:     POLICY  TOWARD  INDIAN  TRIBES. 

[Letter  from  Governor  de  Vaudreuil  to  Count  de  Pontchartraln ;  dated 

July  24,  1707.] 

The  attack  on  the  Miamis  by  the  Outtauois  last  year,  back 
of  Detroit^  appeared  to  have  embroiled  the  affairs  of  the  Upper . 
Countries  so  much  the  more,  as  not  only  divers  Indian  Nations 
both  on  one  side  and  the  other  found  themselves  implicated, 
but  as  we  were  ourselves  interested  in  it,  having  lost  in  the 
action  a  Missionary  and  a  Soldier.  I  had  the  honor  to  report 
to  you  at  the  time  of  the  occurrence,  the  circumstances  which 
attended  it,  and  the  reasons  that  obliged  me,  not  to  manage 
the  Outtaouis,  but  to  endeavor  not  to  lose  them  altogether, 
under  the  apprehension  I  entertained  that  they  would  be  some 
day  necessary  to  us,  and  that  it  was  no  longer  time  to  delib- 
erate on  the  propriety  of  attaching  them  to  our  interests.  I 
had  the  honor.  My  Lord,  last  autumn  to  send  you  a  copy  of 
what  the  Outtauois  had  authorized  one  Miscouaky,  and  after- 
wards Sieur  Boudor,  to  say  to  me,  to  exonerate  themselves  in 
some  sort  from  the  deaths  of  the  Recollect  Father^  and  the 
Soldier. 

The  peace  of  this  Colony,  as  well  as  its  interest,  requiring 
tranquillity  rather  than  war  among  all  the  Indian  Nations,  I 
have  considered  it  for  the  King's  service  to  seek  for  means 
of  accommodating  this  affair,  without  it  appearing,  however, 
that  we  were  insensible  to  the  blow  received  from  the  Outtauois. 
You  have  been  able  to  perceive.  My  Lord,  from  my  answers 
to  Miscouaky  last  fall,  that  without  consenting  to  listen  to  the 
reasons  he  gave  me  on  the  part  of  Jean  le  Blanc  his  brother, 
one  of  the  principal  Outtauois  chiefs,  I  did  not  make  him 
despair,  either,  of  all  hope  of  pardon;  giving  him,  however, 
to  understand  that  after  the  insult  the  Outtaouais  had  offered 
me  in  killing  my  Missionary  and  my  Soldier,  it  is  not  an  easy 
matter  to  appease  me,  and  that  French  blood  is  not  paid  for 
by  Beavers  or  Belts.       Nothing  could  do  that,  but  an  entire 

iThis  was  Father  Nicolas  Constantin,  one  of  the  R^collet  priests 
whom  Cadillac,  not  liking  the  Jesuits,  had  brought  to  Detroit — Ed. 


250  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

resignation  to  mj  will,  and  an  abandonment,  as  it  were,  of 
one's  self  to  my  benevolence.  These  are  the  terms,  My  Lord, 
I  used  in  speaking  to  him. — N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  810, 
811. 


1708:     REJECTION  OF  PROPOSAL   TO   ENROLL  INDIANS    IN 

CANADIAN  MILITIA. 

(Part  of  Sieur  d'Algremont's  report  to  Count  de  Pontchartrain;  dated 

Nov.  14,  1708.] 

He  [Lamothe  Cadillac]  told  me  that  he  had  proposed  to  you. 
My  Lord,  to  organize  complete  companies  of  Indians.  To  this 
I  oould  not  help  observing  to  him,  that  I  considered  it  very  bold 
to  have  made  such  a  proposal  to  you,  and  that  it  did  appear  to 
me  extraordinary  to  wish  to  undertake  to  discipline  people  who 
possess  no  subordination  among  themselves,  and  whose  chiefs 
cannot  say  to  the  others,  "Do  thus  and  so,"  but  merely  "it  would 
be  proper  to  do  so  and  so,"  without  naming  any  person.  Other- 
wise, they  would  do  nothing,  being  opposed  to  all  constraint. 
Moreover,  these  people  having  no  idea  of  Royal  grandeur  nor 
Majesty,  nor  of  the  power  of  Superiors  over  inferiors,  will 
not  feel  among  themselves  any  emulation  or  ambition  to  reach 
those  national  honors^  and  consequently  no  desire  to  per- 
form their  duties.  2feither  would  they  be  influenced  there- 
unto by  fear  of  punishment,  for,  not  tolerating  any  among 
themselves,  they  would  suffer  still  less  that  others  should  inflict 
any  on  them. 

In  fine.  My  Lord,  men  are  not  esteemed  great  among  these 
people  except  in  so  far  as  they  are  skilled  in  killing  others 
by  surprise,  and  successful  in  hunting.  As  these  qualities  are 
not  foimd  among  the  old,  they  entertain  a  great  contempt  for 
them — to  such  a  degree  that  one  John  Le  Blanc,  an  Outaouis, 
had  one  day  the  insolence  to  say,  as  I  understand,  of  the  late 
Count  de  Frontenac  that  he  was  a  good-for-nothing  imbecile 
(malingre)  since  he  required  a  horse  to  carry  him. 

I  am  persuaded  that  if  any  of  these  pretended  Captains 
would  give  some  command  to  the  subaltern  officers  or  soldiers 


I708]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  25 1 

ft 

of  his  company  for  the  Song's  service,  they  would  tell  him 
curtly  that  they  should  not  do  it,  and  to  let  him  do  it  him- 
self. That  would,  verily,  be  a  fine  example  for  the  French 
troops. 

But,  My  Lord,  though  it  were  possible  to  teach  [these]  people 
subordination  the  one  to  the  other,  I  believe  soimd  policy  would 
forbid  it ;  and  it  appears  to  me  that  instructing  the  Indians  in 
discipline  would  be  procuring  for  that  Colony  the  greatest  mis- 
fortune that  can  possibly  overtake  it.  For,  their  weakness 
consists  in  the  trifling  amount  of  discipline  among  them ;  and 
of  what  would  they  not  be  capable  had  they  absolute  chiefs? 
As  these  people  have  no  other  profession  than  arms,  they  would 
soon  render  themselves  masters  of  this  country.  I  am  per- 
suaded, My  Lord,  that  when  Mr.  de  Lamothe  proposed  to  you 
the  formation  of  Indian  companies,  he  knew  very  well  that 
it  would  not  succeed,  and  his  motive  therein  was  only  to  de- 
rive some  benefit  by  the  funds  which  would  be  appropriated 
for  these  companies,  either  by  securing  the  whole,  or  at  least 
three-fourths,  thereof. — N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  823,  824. 


1708:    SUMMARY  OF  AN  INSPECTION  OF  THE  POSTS  OF  DETROIT 
AND  MICHILIMACKINAC.  BY  D'AIGRBMONT. 

[Dated  Quebec,  Nov.  14,  1708;  translated  from  Cass  transcripts  from 
Paris  arcliiyes,  and  publislied  in  Slieldon's  Early  Hist.  Mich.,  pp.  280- 
294.] 

M.  d'Aigremont  left  Niagara,  June  29,  1708.  He  sailed 
along  the  north  coast  of  Lake  Erie,  a  distance  of  ninety  leagues, 
and  arrived  at  Detroit  on  the  15^**  of  July.  He  remained  at 
Fort  Pontchartrain  of  Detroit  nineteen  days,*  and  became  con- 

iNote  on  original  MS.:  "La  Motte  contends  that  this  sojourn  was  not 
sufficient  to  gain  any  correct  knowledge  of  the  country.  He  says  that 
daring  his  stay,  they  did  not  have  two  hours'  conversation  together,  and 
that  M.  d'Aigremont  made  secret  inquiries  in  regard  to  him,  a  course 
well  calculated  to  call  forth  discreditable  remarks  from  the  French  and 
savages." 


252  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

vinced  during  his  stay  that  M.  la  Motte  Cadillac,  who  oom- 
mands  there,  is  generally  disliked  by  the  French  and  savages^ 
with  the  exception  of  three  or  four  of  the  former,  whom  he  em- 
ploys in  his  secret  trade,  and  whom  he  influences  more  than 
the  others.  This  hatred  is  in  consequence  of  the  tyranny  which 
he  exercises  over  the  entire  settlement.  Among  the  many  in- 
stances which  came  under  his  notice,  are  the  following: 

La  Motte  requires  of  a  blacksmith,  named  Parent,  for  per* 
mission  to  work  at  his  trade,  the  sum  of  six  hundred  francs  and 
two  hogs  heads  of  ale ;  and  the  obligation  to  shoe  all  the  horses 
of  M.  la  Motte,  whatever  number  he  may  have,  though  at  pres- 
ent he  keeps  but  one.  Of  a  gunsmith  named  Pinet,  he  requires 
three  hundred  francs  a  year,  and  the  repairinjr  of  twelve  guns 
per  month,  which  makes  one  hundred  and  forty-four  a  year. 
Estimating  this  work  at  one  pistole*  per  gun,  M.  la  Motte 
draws  from  the  work  of  these  men,  seventeen  hundred  and  forty 
francs.*  Evidently  this  state  of  things  cannot  last  long,  for 
they  will  be  obliged  to  leave  Detroit 

M.  la  Motte  has  caused  a  windmill  to  be  erected,  in  which  h& 
takes  the  eightli  minot*  as  toll,  while  others  take  only  the  four- 
teenth.    He  gives  for  liis  reason,  the  great  cost  of  the  mill.* 

M.  d'Aigremont  caused  the  valuable  lands  at  Fort  Pontchar- 
train  to  be  measured,  and  found  three  hundred  and  fifty-three 
roods"  of  it  in  all.  La  Motte  has  one  hundred  and  fifty-seven; 
the  French  inhabitants,  all  together,  have  forty-six;  and  the 

1  The  pistole  was  a  French  money  of  account,  having  the  value  of  ten 
livres. — Ed. 

2 Note  on  original  MS.:  ''M.  La  Motte  says  that  he  made  agreements 
with  these  workmen  at  Montreal,  when  they  were  in  no  wise  under  his 
control;  that  some  time  after  their  arrival  at  Detroit,  they  themselves 
desired  a  different  commission — the  very  one  of  which  they  now  com- 
plain. Besides,  the  taxes  that  he  requires  of  them  are  not  new,  the 
company  of  the  colony  having  used  the  same  prerogative." 

3  The  minot  is  an  old  French  measure  of  capacity,  equivalent  to  1.11 
Winchester  bushels.— EIo. 

«Note  on  original  MS.:    "This  reason  of  M.  la  Motte's  deserves  atten- 
tion;  yet  one  does  not  feel  quite  satisfied  with  it;   he  appears  Uh>  " 
covetous." 

6  The  context  would  indicate  that  "rood"  here  refers  to  the  usual 
French  unit  of  measure,  the  arpent  (see  p.  2,  ante). — Ed. 


I708J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  253 

Hurons  one  hundred  and  fifty.  The  one  hundred  and  fifty 
roods  of  La  Motte  have  been  broken  up  by  the  soldiers  and  sav- 
ages^ nineteen  roods  of  which  belonged  to  the  company — so  the 
cultivation  of  it  has  cost  La  Motte  nothing. 

There  are  but  twenty-nine  of  the  inhabitants  of  Detroit  who 
have  taken  ground-plots  within  the  fort,  where  they  have  built 
small  log-houses,  thatched  with  grass.  The  whple  number  of 
the  French  settlers  is  sixty-three,  thirty-four  being  traders.^  It 
is  certain  that  if  M.  la  Motte  had  not  introduced  the  trade  in 
brandy,  but  very  few  of  the  traders  would  remain,  and  no  more 
would  go  there.  Brandy  and  ammunition  are  the  only  profit- 
able articles  of  commerce  to  the  French,  the  English  furnishing 
all  others. 

The  savages  make  great  complaints  against  M.  la  Motte ;  they 
say  plainly  that  if  he  remains  there  they  will  not  settle  at  De- 
troit They  demand  the  lieutenant,  M.  d'Argenteuil,  as  com- 
mandant This  man  has  much  influence  among  them,  but  has 
little  management  The  savages  promise  great  faithfulness  to 
the  king. 

In  order  to  prevent  the  disturbances  which  would  arise  from 
the  excessive  use  of  brandy,  M.  la  Motte  causes  it  all  to  be  put 
into  the  storehouse,  and  to  be  sold  to  each  in  his  turn  at  the 
rate  of  twenty  francs  per  quart  Those  who  will  have  it,  French 
as  well  as  Indians,  are  obliged  to  go  to  the  storehouse  to  drink, 
and  each  can  obtain,  at  one  time,  only  the  twenty-fourth  part  of 
a  quart.*  It  is  certain  that  the  savages  cannot  become  intoxi- 
cated on  that  quantity.  The  price  is  high,  and  as  they  can  only 
get  the  brandy  each  in  his  turn,  it  sometimes  happens  that  the 
savages  are  obliged  to  return  home  without  a  taste  of  this  bever- 
age, and  they  seem  ready  to  kill  themselves  in  their  disappoint- 
ment 

M.  la  Motte  has  bought  of  four  individuals  one  himdred  and 
four  quarts,   at  four  francs  a  quart,   and  sold  it  at  twenty 

iFor  mention  and  sketches  of  early  Detroit  settlers,  see  Jez,  RelOr 
tiona,  Ixvii,  p.  334;  Ixix,  245-277,  306-310;  Ixx,  21-77,  805-309.— Ed. 

2 "Quart,"  as  here  used,  is  a  misleading  translation:  the  old  French 
term  quart  indicates  "a  small  cask,  containing  not  a  quarter,  but  about 
half  as  much  as  a  cask  of  ordinary  size"  (Littr6). — Ed. 


254  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 

francs — thus  making  a  profit  of  four-fifths.  The  inhabitants  of 
Detroit  pay  M.  la  Motte  two  francs  ten  sous  a  year  for  each  lot 
of  land  measuring  one  rood,  fronting  on  the  river,  by  twenty 
in  depth ;  and  for  the  ground  in  the  fort,  they  pay  two  sous  for 
each  foot  of  front,  and  double  that  amount  when  this  plot  bor- 
ders on  two  streets.  All  the  inhabitants  also  pay  to  M.  la  Motte 
a  tax  of  ten  francs  a  year,  which  he  claims  for  himself.  This 
tax  is  levied  for  the  privilege  of  free  trade  with  the  Indians. 
M.  d'Aigremont  also  recounted  many  acts  of  petty  tyranny  on 
the  part  of  M.  la  Motte,  especially  exercised  toward  the  poor 
soldiers  that  were  under  his  immediate  control. 

This  inspector  asserted  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  main- 
taining the  establishment  at  Detroit  must  be  highly  prejudicial 
to  Canada ;  for,  said  he,  "Our  allies  the  Hurons  even  now  cany 
their  peltries  through  the  country  to  the  English ;  and  they  have 
also  introduced  to  the  English  the  Miamis,  of  whom  they  for- 
merly made  such  good  use  in  the  war  which  we  had  against 
them.'' 

In  the  month  of  April,  1707,  the  Miamis  having  killed  three 
Frenchmen,  M.  la  Motte  sent  orders  to  the  Outawas  to  come  to 
his  aid,  having  heard  that  the  Iroquois,  Hurons,  and  Miamis 
were  determined  on  the  destruction  of  the  French.  Three  hun- 
dred good  men  of  the  Outawas  immediately  set  out,  under  the 
command  of  the  two  officers  sent  by  M.  la  Motte ;  but  they  were 
surprised  to  learn,  before  they  reached  Detroit,  that  M.  la  Motte 
had  already  made  peace  with  the  Miamis. 

The  conditions  of  the  peai^  were,  first,  to  deliver  up  the  mur- 
derers within  forty  days;  second,  to  return  within  fifteen  days, 
a  little  Outawa  whom  they  had  taken  captive ;  third,  to  pay  for 
the  cattle  which  they  had  killed;  fourth,  to  restore  the  goods 
which  they  had  stolen  from  the  French.  The  fifteen  days  hav- 
ing elapsed  and  the  little  Outawa  not  having  been  sent  back, 
M.  la  Motte  resolved  to  make  war  upon  the  ]^iamis,  althou^ 
the  forty  days  that  he  had  given  them  for  the  delivery  of  the 
murderers  had  not  yet  expired.  He  called  together  the  French 
and  savages,  and  after  having  lifted  the  tomahawk  in  council, 
he  departed  with  four  hundred  men  to  attack  the  fort  of  the 
Miamis.     But  he  conducted  the  march  without  that  order  and 


1708]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  255 

precaution  which  were  necessary,  despising  all  the  advice  given 
him  by  the  chiefs  and  his  own  officers.  When  he  arrived  near 
the  fort  of  the  Miamis,  which  he  expected  to  take  without  opposi- 
tion,— there  bein^  but  sixty  warriors  of  the  Miamis,  and  his 
force  amounting  to  four  hundred  men, — he  found  the  Miamis 
ready  to  defend  themselves.  They  fired  on  the  advancing  army, 
wounding  many  persons,  and  obliging  La  Motte  to  retreat  to 
some  distance  from  the  intrenchment  At  this  juncture  the 
Miamis  raised  a  white  flag,  that  M.  la  Motte  had  given  them  the 
previous  year,  which  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to  hold  a 
council  with  them. 

The  principal  chief  of  the  Miamis  who  came  to  the  council 
reproached  La  Motte  for  having  broken  his  word,  the  forty  days 
which  he  had  given  them  not  having  expired.  La  Motte  re- 
plied that  he  had  a  right  to  attack  them,  as  they  had  failed  to 
bring  back  the  little  Outawa  who  was  among  them,  within  fif- 
teen days,  as  they  had  promised.  He  demanded  that  this  little 
Outawa  should  now  be  restored,  and  that  they  should  also  give 
him  three  captives  to  replace  the  dead.  They  not  only  complied 
with  these  requisitions,  but  they  also  promised  him  that  they 
would  deliver  up  the  murderers  within  six  weeks,  if  possible; 
but  if  not,  they  would  come  after  their  harvest  and  settle  at 
Detroit.  As  a  pledge  of  their  truthfulness,  they  gave  three  of 
their  chiefs  into  the  custody  of  the  French  as  hostages.  They 
also  presented  to  M.  la  Motte  fifty  packs  of  different  kinds  of 
furs,  for  himself  and  for  the  troops  and  allies.  In  this  affray 
there  were  seven  Frenchmen  woimded  and  four  savages  killed 
and  two  wounded. 

After  his  return  to  Detroit,  M.  la  Motte,  not  having  heard 
from  the  Miamis,  sent  a  canoe  with  four  Frenchmen  to  their 
camp.  The  Miamis  kept  two  of  the  Frenchmen,  and  sent  back 
two  of  their  own  men  instead,  to  signify  to  M.  la  Motte  that 
they  would  do  as  they  had  promised ;  but  this  is  improbable,  aa 
they  have  abandoned  their  fort  If  they  come  to  Detroit,  it  will 
be  very  difficult  for  them  to  agree  with  the  Outawas,  as  no  one 
can  bring  about  a  good  understanding  between  all  the  different 
nations  which  La  Motte  has  intended  to  assemble  here.  There 
are  ancient  enmities  that  will  always  prevail  over  all  he  caa 


256  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

say  to  them.  If  it  were  possible  to  succeed  in  causing  them  to 
live  together  in  peace,  there  would  arise  another  difficulty.  The 
Iroquois  would  gain  all  these  nations  over  to  the  English,  on 
account  of  their  greater  facilities  for  commerce.  An  example 
of  this  is  already  seen ;  Detroit  has  not  sent  to  the  office  at  Mon- 
treal more  than  seven  hundred  weight  of  beaver  this  year,  while 
Michilimackinac  has  sent  forty  thousand  pounds.  It  is  certain, 
however,  that  the  Detroit  tribes  have  traded  as  much  as  usual, 
therefore  the  rest  must  have  passed  to  the  En^rlish. 

If  Michilimackinac  is  abandoned  and  the  Outawas  go  to 
Detroit,  as  M.  la  Motte  intends,  it  is  certain  that  the  low  price 
of  the  English  goods  will  cause  the  trade  in  beaver  to  pass  into 
their  colony,  without  our  being  able  to  prevent  it  We  should 
also  lose  the  beaver  from  north  of  Lake  Superior,  which  is 
the  best  there  is ;  it  will  pass  to  the  English  at  Hudson's  Bay. 

M.  d'Aigremont  disputes  the  account  given  of  the  soil  about 
Detroit,  by  M.  la  Motte  and  others.  He  describes  it  as  consistr 
ing  of  a  sandy  surface,  nine  or  ten  inches  deep,  beneath  which 
is  a  clay  so  stiff  that  water  cannot  penetrate  it.  The  timber, 
he  says,  is  small,  stunted  oaks,  and  hardy  walnuts ;  he  acknowl* 
edges  that  the  land  produces  good  Indian-corn,  but  says  that  is 
because  the  soil  is  new.  He  does  not  believe  that  the  fruits  of 
Europe  can  be  brought  to  perfection  there,  because  the  roots  of 
the  trees  stand  in  water.  Considerable  cider  ^  is  made  there, 
but  it  is  bitter  as  gall.  It  is  true  that  the  country  is  warm, 
being  only  forty-three  degrees  north  latitude ;  but  the  difficulty 
arises  from  the  fact  that  the  ground  is  new  and  full  of  water. 
There  are  some  small  chestnuts  which  are  pretty  good  to  the 
taste,  but  they  are  the  only  kind  of  fruit  that  is  good.  The 
grasshoppers  eat  all  the  garden-plants,  so  that  it  is  necessary  to 
plant  and  sow  the  samd  thing  even  to  the  fourth  time. 

Even  if  the  land  were  ever  so  productive,  there  would  be  no 
market,  and  the  trade  of  this  post  would  never  be  useful  to 
France — the  result  of  which  would  be  that  the  establishment 
would  always  prove  a  burden  to  the  colony,  and  of  no  use  to  the 
kingdom.     It  may  be  said  that,  if  we  abandon  it,  the  English 

1  Doubtless  made  of  crab-apples — a  spontaneous  production  of  the 
country. — Mbs.  Sheldon. 


I708]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN,  257 

will  take  possession ;  but  that.is  not  to  be  feared — it  being  more 
advantageous  to  them  that  we  should  incur  the  expenses  and  let 
them  reap  the  benefit,  as  they  now  do.  The  Indians  are  very 
willing  to  make  use  of  the  goods  of  the  English,  but  they  would 
not  suffer  the  English  to  take  possession  of  their  lands,  even  for 
the  purposes  of  trade. 

The  former  interpreter  at  Detroit,  brother  of  the  secretary 
of  M.  Vaudreuil,  has  been  discharged.  His  successor  is  much 
better— he  is  an  upright  man. 

After  having  remained  nineteen  days  at  Detroit,  M.  d'Aigre- 
mont  started  for  Michilimackinac,  August  3^,  and  arrived  there 
on  the  19^**  of  the  same  month.  Michilimackinac  is  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  leagues  from  Detroit.  Here  he  remained  four 
days,  during  which  time  he  observed  that  this  is  the  advance 
post  of  all  Canada ;  the  most  important,  as  well  for  its  advan- 
tageous position,  as  for  the  commerce  that  might  be  made  there. 
It  is  the  rendezvous  and  highway  of  all  the  nations  of  Lake 
Superior,  and  the  entire  upper  country.  If  the  nations  wish  to 
make  war  upon  each  other,  the  Outawas  who  inhabit  Michili- 
mackinac would  be  capable  of  preventing  them,  and  might  be 
the  mediators  in  their  differences,  as  has  been  the  case  in  the 
past 

This  post  is  inaccessible  to  the  most  powerful  enemies  of  the 
Outawas,  who  are  to  the  South,  and  are  not  boatmen.  The  fish 
are  very  good,  and  very  abundant.  The  land  is  not  very  good, 
but  the  savages  raise  from  it  enough  Indian  com  for  their  own 
use  and  that  of  the  traders.  The  beaver  found  there  is  the  best 
in  North  America ;  but,  to  insure  its  passage  into  France,  it  is 
necessary  to  establish  a  French  commandant  there,  with  at  least 
thirty  soldiers.  The  savages  desire  this.  It  would  also  be  nec- 
essary to  induce  the  Hurons  to  return,  whom  M,  la  Motte  de- 
coyed away,  as  they  are  much  better  qualified  to  cultivate  the 
land  than  the  Outawas. 

These  Hurons  would  never  have  abandoned  this  country,  if 

there  had  been  a  French  commandant;  they  left  solely  on 

account  of  their  hatred  of  the  Outawas,  who  held  them  in  a  kind 

of  slavery.     Those  whom  M.  d'Aigremont  saw  at  Detroit  say 

they  like  much  better  to  be  at  Michilimackinac^  and  would 

18 


258  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS,        [vol.Xvi 

attach  themselves  to  a  French  commandant  there.  They  hate 
the  Ontawas,  but  appear  to  have  a  real  afiPection  for  the  French. 

If  we  do  not  send  a  conunandant  with  a  garrison  to  Michili- 
mackinac,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  the  Hurons  who  are  at  Detroit 
will  settle  with  the  Iroquois,  in  consequence  of  their  feeling  of 
dissatisfaction  toward  M.  la  Motte.  They  would  have  done  80 
before  this,  if  the  Iroquois  would  have  permitted  them  to  make 
a  distinct  village  among  them.  Thus  far  the  Iroquois  have  not 
been  willing  to  allow  the  Hurons  to  come  among  them,  except  on 
condition  of  combining  with  them,  and  the  name  of  Huron  be- 
coming extinct  Since  there  are  now  at  Michilimacldnac  only 
a  few  wanderers,  the  greater  part  of  the  furs  of  the  savages  of 
the  north  go  to  the  English  trading^posts  on  Hudson's  Bay. 
The  Outawas  are  unable  to  make  this  trade  by  themselves,  be- 
cause  the  norAem  savages  are  tiinid  and  wiil  not  come  near 
them,  as  they  have  often  been  plundered  by  them.  It  is  there- 
fore necessary  that  the  French  be  allowed  to  seek  these  northern 
tribes  at  the  mouth  of  their  own  river,  which  empties  into  Lake 
Superior.  It  would  be  advisable  to  reestablish  the  permits,  to 
give  only  twelve  the  first  year ;  and  after  that  to  increase  them 
even  to  twenty,  but  not  to  exceed  that  number.  This  would  suf- 
fice for  the  quantity  of  beaver  we  should  need.  These  permits 
would  be  sold  at  a  fixed  price,  and  the  amount  given  to  indigent 
families,  as  heretofore.  It  would  be  necessary  to  forbid  the 
governor-general  granting  private  permits,  on  any  pretext  what- 
ever. 

To  be  still  more  certain  of  obtaining  the  beaver,  it  would  be 
expedient  for  the  contractor  to  give  more  than  thirty  sous  a 
pound ;  it  might  be  necessary  to  increase  the  price  even  to  forty 
sous,  in  which  case  he  would  be  able  to  purchase  as  much  as  he 
would  desire.  All  this  trade  would  come  to  Michilimackinao ; 
and  it  would  be  necessary,  in  order  to  prevent  any  of  the  furs 
being  subsequently  carried  to  the  English,  that  the  commandant 
of  that  post  should  keep  an  exact  account  of  the  quantity  of  furs, 
more  or  less,  which  should  be  loaded  into  each  canoe  to  be  sent 
to  the  intendant.  By  this  means,  each  canoe  would  be  obliged 
to  deliver,  at  the  office  at  Montreal,  the  same  quantity  which 
had  been  chai^ged  at  Michilimad^inac.  The  contractor  should 
remunerate  the  commandant  for  this  service. 


I708J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  259 

There  still  remain  at  Michilimackinac  fourteen  or  fifteen 
Frenchmen,  who  conld  not  possibly  subsist  there,  if  the  mer- 
chants and  others  in  Montreal  did  not  send  them  goods.  These 
are  not  the  only  ones  who  trade  there ;  many  canoes  go  up  under 
pretext  of  government  service,  which  are  really  loaded  with 
goods.  As  those  who  conduct  the  canoes  are  usually  the  favor- 
ites of  M.  Vaudreuil,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  has  an 
interest  in  this  trade.  It  is  certain  that  if  there  were  no  French 
at  Michilimackinac,  most  of  the  beaver  now  bartered  there  would 
go  to  the  English. 

Previous  to  the  departure  of  M.  d'Aigremont  from  Michili- 
mackinac, a  band  of  the  Outawas,  who  had  been  to  Montreal, 
arrived  there.  They  had  with  them  five  casks  of  brandy,  and 
were  all  so  much  intoxicated  the  next  night,  that  they  set  fire 
to  their  own  wigwams,  which  would  all  have  been  burned,  but 
for  the  timely  aid  of  the  French,  and  who  for  this  service  were 
much  abused  by  the  savages. 

The  government  at  Montreal  should  prevent  the  savages  from 
carrying  away  such  large  quantities  of  brandy,  as  it  is  the  cause 
of  most  of  the  quarrels  arising  among  them.  They  also  squan- 
der the  greater  part  of  their  beaver  in  presents  and  in  brandy, 
and  have  not  enough  remaining  to  purchase  half  the  articles 
that  are  indispensable  to  their  comfort.  The  Outawas  informed 
M.  d'Aigremont  that  they  obtained  permission  to  bring  away 
their  brandy,  by  means  of  large  presents  which  they  made  to 
M.  Vaudreuil.  He  does  not  know  certainly  that  this  is  true, 
but  he  is  certain  that  the  other  presents  received  by  M.  Vaudre- 
uil this  year  will  amount  to  more  than  five  hundred  pistoles. 

A  chief  of  the  Outawas,  who  has  been  at  Detroit,  and  is  now 
at  Michilimackinac,  complained  that  M.  la  Motte  refused  to 
deliver  to  him  a  necklace  of  porcelain,  and  a  feast-kettle  which 
the  chief  had  given  to  one  of  La  Motte's  agents,  in  security  for 
five  beaver-skins  which  he  had  borrowed.  The  chief  wished  to 
return  the  loan  two-fold,  and  receive  back  his  property,  but  was 
refused.  He  thinks  the  refusal  arises  from  the  fact  that  he  did 
not  wish  to  return  to  Detroit  M.  la  Motte  told  this  chief,  and 
many  of  his  nation,  that  if  they  would  not  return  to  Detroit^ 
they  would  all  die.  The  savages  are  so  superstitious  that  they 
now  believe,  when  any  of  their  people  die,  that  M.  la  Motb^  1a»a 


26o  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

caused  their  death.  Some  have  even  gone  to  reside  at  Detroit^ 
to  avoid  this  death,  which  M.  la  Motte  pretends  to  have  power 
to  inflict. 

M.  d'Aigremont  begs  to  be  believed  that  the  account  he  has 
given  of  the  conduct  of  many  individuals,  has  been  quite  against 
his  own  inclination,  not  having  any  reason  to  complain  of  them 
on  his  own  account,  but  because  he  must  obey  the  orders  of  His 
Majesty.  He  infers,  from  all  he  has  seen,  that  Fort  Frontenac, 
on  Lake  Ontario,  ought  to  be  maintained,  unless  it  is  thought 
advisable,  hereafter,  to  establish  a  post  at  La  Galette,  twenty- 
five  or  thirty  leagues  lower  down.  He  considers  the  post  at 
Detroit  very  injurious  to  the  colony,  and  to  the  commerce  of  the 
kingdom ;  but  thinks  it  very  important  to  preserve  the  trade  at 
Michiliniaekinac,  where  the  Outawas  are  established. 


1709;    DECISIONS  REGARDING  NORTHWESTERN  POSTS. 

[Part  of  a  letter  from  Count  de  Pontchartrain  to  Sieur  d'Aigremont; 

dated  July  6,  1709.] 

I  have  noted  all  you  write  me  respecting  Detroit,  as  it  was  the 
main  object  of  your  mission.  It  seems  to  me  that  your  sojourn 
there  was  not  long  enough  to  obtain  a  thorough  understanding 
of  it  Besides,  M'  de  la  Mothe  complains  that  you  did  not  con- 
fer a  sufficient  length  of  time  with  him,  to  appreciate  the  rea- 
sons whereon  he  acted,  which  perhaps  might  have  led  you  to 
adopt  other  sentiments  than  those  you  embraced.  In  a  new 
country  like  that,  new  maxims  are  sometimes  necessary  which 
may  appear  censurable  on  their  face,  and  be  intrinsically  good. 
Nevertheless,  I  find  a  too  great  cupidity  in  said  Sieur  de  la 
Mothe,  and  that  his  private  interests  in  establishing  that  post 
may  have  engaged  him  to  prefer  his  special  advantage  to  the 
general  good  of  the  Colony.  On  the  report  I  have  submitted 
on  the  subject  to  the  King,  his  Majesty  has  thought  fit  to  with- 
draw his  troops  from  that  place,  and  to  leave  it  to  Sieur  de  la 
Mothe  to  do  what  he  pleases  with  it,  without  any  privilege  over 
♦^*^  other  inhabitants  of  Canada,  confining  him  within  the  limits 


1709]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  26 1 

of  the  laws,  regulations,  and  ordinances  generally.  I  send  his 
Majesty's  orders  accordingly  to  Mess"  de  Vaudreuil  and  Rau- 
dot.  Give  them  what  advice  they  will,  in  your  opinion,  need 
in  the  matter. 

The  reasons  which  have  determined  his  Majesty  thereto  have 
been  the  prevalent  dissipation  of  the  beaver  there  for  the  benefit 
of  the  English,  the  introduction  of  their  merchandise  into  the 
Colony,  the  difficulty  of  reconciling  the  interests  and  caprices  of 
the  different  Tribes  that  were  attempted  to  be  introduced  in  that 
post,  the  great  expense  to  be  incurred  for  the  support  of  the  gar- 
rison, the  difficulty  of  assisting  that  post  should  it  happen  to  be 
attacked  by  the  Iroquois,  the  bad  quality  of  the  soil,  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  animals  which  are  objects  of  hunting,  and  the 
dispersion  of  the  [Company  of  the]  Colony  of  Canada. 

The  reasons  you  submit  in  opposition  to  those  of  Sieur  de  la 
Mothe,  on  his  proposal  to  organize  Indian  Companies,  have 
appeared  very  conclusive,  and  I,  on  the  part  of  his  Majesty, 
forbid  him  making  any  movement  for  that  purpose. 

Sieur  de  la  Mothe  pretends  that  he  could  at  all  times  derive 
assistance  from  Montreal  if  he  were  attacked,  by  opening  a  com- 
munication from  Lake  Erie  to  Lake  Ontario.  He  pretends 
that  he  knows  the  means.  As  you  have  passed  over  that  route, 
let  me  know  what  appeared  to  you  practicable. 

You  did  well  to  acquaint  me  with  what  you  learned  respecting 
the  rupture  between  the  Outawas  and  Miamis.  Sieur  de  la 
Mothe  Cadillac's  conduct  towards  the  latter,  does  not  appear 
blamable  to  me.  On  the  contrary,  it  seems  to  me  that  he  did 
what  he  could ;  and,  provided  these  last  keep  their  promise,  to 
surrender  to  him  those  of  them  who  killed  and  plundered  the 
French,  or  to  come  and  settle  at  Detroit,  nothing  but  what  is 
good  and  useful  will  result  from  what  he  has  done.  Let  me 
know  what  you  will  learn  respecting  it.  I  am  very  glad  to  hear 
that  the  Interpreter  at  Detroit  has  been  changed,  and  to  receive 
assurances  from  you  that  the  one  appointed  in  his  place  behaves 
better.     Report  to  me  what  you  will  learn  of  him. 

I  have  perused  what  you  write  me  concerning  Missilimaki- 
nak.  The  reasons  you  give  as  to  the  necessity  of  preserving  that 
post  appear  very  good,  and  I  shall  pay  attention  to  them.     It  is 


262  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [voI.XVl 

to  be  regretted  that  all  the  land  there  is  not  good ;  but  if  it  suf- 
fice for  the  support  of  the  inhabitants,  and  of  those  whom  trade 
draws  thither,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  no  inconvenience  will  result 
therefrom.  It  is  a  matter  of  regret  that  the  Hurons  were  driven 
away;  some  means  must  be  adopted  to  get  them  back.  I  am 
very  glad  to  learn  the  dispositions  which  you  noticed  among 
them  on  this  subject,  and  that  they  did  not  relish  the  proposal 
of  the  Iroquois,  that  they  should  settle  among  them.  The  King 
will  be  induced  thereby  to  adopt  the  resolution  of  appointing  a 
Commandant  at  that  post  who  will  be  agreeable  to  them. 

Your  proposal  to  reestablish  Indian  licenses  appears  to  me 
very  incongruous,  considering  the  bad  effect  they  formerly  pro- 
duced. We  ai-e  always  to  apprehend  the  same  inconveniences, 
whatever  measures  we  may  adopt  to  prevent  thenu  The  King 
has,  therefore,  not  come  to  any  resolution  in  the  matter.  He 
issues  new  orders  prohibiting  the  abusive  trade  in  Brandy.  I 
send  Mess"  de  Vaudreuil  and  Raudot  a  new  ordinance  on  that 
subject,  and  another  to  prevent  tlie  conveyance  of  Beaver  to  the 
English.  They  will  communicate  them  to  you.  I  recommend 
you,  on  your  part,  to  see  that  they  be  enforced.  His  Majesty  is 
pleased  to  pardon  the  French  who  have  remained  at  Missili- 
maquinak  contrary  to  orders,  hoping  they  will  be  more  obedient 
in  future.  I  will  have  their  pardons  transmitted  to  them  as 
soon  as  I  shall  have  the  list  of  their  names. 

I  have  written  in  strong  terms  to  M.  de  Vaudreuil  on  the 
position  he  took  to  issue  licenses  under  cover  of  the  orders  which 
he  transmits,  and  command  him  to  make  use  for  that  purpose 
of  the  passes  which  will  be  derived  from  his  Majesty,  without 
departing  therefrom  on  any  account  whatsoever,  and  the  Mis- 
sionaries will  have  to  do  the  same. 

I  write,to  M.  de  la  Mothe  in  regard  to  the  complaint  made  to 
you  by  the  Chief  of  the  Ottawas  respecting  the  detention  of  his 
Belt  and  Kettle.     I  doubt  not  but  justice  will  be  rendered  him. 

You  can  without  any  fear,  communicate  to  me  whatever  you 
will  have  learned  of  the  different  intrigues  of  M.  de  Vaudreuil's 
people,  of  the  interpreters  and  principal  officers  of  Canada. 
You  owe  that  to  the  confidence  I  repose  in  you,  and  you  need 
not  fear  that  I  shall  compromise  you. — N.  Y.  Colon,  Docs.,  ix, 
pp.  827,  828. 


I7I0]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  263 


1710:     DISTURBANCES    AMONG    INDIANS;    MICHILLIMACKINAC 

SHOULD  BE  REOCCUPIED. 

[Extract  from  letter  of  Governor  de  Vaudreuil  to  Count  de  Pontchar- 

train;  dated  Oct.  81,  1710.] 

M.  d'Argenteuil  having  arrived  at  Montreal,  My  Lord,  on 
the  twenty-ninth  of  July,  and  with  him  the  Outtauois  and 
other  Indians  of  those  parts,  I  annex  hereunto  copy  of  what 
these  Indians  said  to  me  and  of  my  answers. 

The  Onnontagues  a^^d  Senecas  having,  in  like  manner  ar- 
rived at  Montreal  whilst  the  Ottauois  were  there,  I  annex  like- 
wise the  words  of  these  Indians  and  my  answers. 

You  will  remark,  My  Lord,  by  what  these  Indians  have 
stated,  their  resolution  not  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  us 
in  favor  of  the  English,  and  ours  not  to  attack  these  Indians 
in  case  the  war  continue.  You  will  also,  see  the  complaints 
they  presented  me  against  the  Poutouatamis  on  accoimt  of  an 
insult  offered  in  that  Village  to  two  of  their  people,  whose  ears 
a  man  had  cut  off  after  they  had  been  made  prisoners.  What 
is  unfortunate  is,  that  during  the  sojourn  of  these  Iroquois 
deputies  at  Montreal  for  the  purpose  of  amicably  transacting 
business,  two  more  of  their  men  have  been  killed,  about  thirty 
or  forty  leagues  from  Fort  Frontenac,  by  the  band  of  Pascoue 
an  Indian  of  the  Sault  tribe,  but  who  has  been  some  years  sep- 
arated from  his  Nation. 

This  news  having  been  conveyed  to  Fort  Frontenac  by  some 
Mississagues,  on  the  same  day  the  Iroquois  arrived  there  on 
their  return  from  Montreal,  a  grand  council  was  held  between 
these  Indians  and  the  Mississagues,  and  the  latter  having  given 
two  large  calumets  and  other  presents  to  cover  the  dead,  they 
asked  the  Iroquois  whether  they  were  safe,  and  if  they  could, 
after  this  blow,  remain  undisturbed  and  without  risk  in  the 
place  where  they  have  laid  out  their  fields  of  Indian  com, 
which  is  about  twelve  or  fifteen  leagues  above  the  spot  where 
these  two  men  have  been  killed.  The  Iroquois  answered,  that 
it  was  not  they  whom  they  had  to  fear,  though  they  were  the 
aggrieved  party ;  that  their  hatchet  was  in  the  hands  of  their 


264  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.Xvi 

oommon  Fallier  at  Montreal,  and  that  they  had  reason  to  hope 
that  I  would  cause  justice  to  be  done  them. 

This  affair,  My  Lord,  is  so  much  the  more  delicate,  as,  in 
order  to  render  suitable  justice  to  the  Iroquois,  it  would  be 
necessary  to  surrender  those  who  struck  the  blow  to  them;  and 
this  is  not  easy,  as  there  is  no  one  in  the  Upper  CJountry  capa- 
ble of  inducing  the  Indians  of  the  Lakes  to  deliver  up  these 
murderers  to  me.  To  put  the  hatchet  into  the  hands  of  the 
Iroquois,  in  order  to  avenge  themselves,  is  the  no  less  danger- 
ous to  us;  for  they  will  strike  indifferently  all  they  will  meet 
on  their  way,  whether  Indians  of  the  Sault,  Outtaouis  or 
others.  Such  is  their  custom,  and  if  they  be  asked,  after  the 
Indian  fashion,  "Who  is  it  that  killed  us  V*  They  will  say, 
publicly,  •  "'Tis  Onnontio,"  which  is  tantamount  to  saying, 
"Onnontio  wages  war  against  us."  To  obviate  that,  and  to 
gain  time  until  I  might  find  means  to  arrange  this  matter,  I 
have  sent  Sieur  de  la  Chauvignerie  to  Fort  Frontenac,  to  cover 
these  two  dead  on  my  behalf;  and  I  have  given  him  orders  to 
proceed  afterwards  to  Onnontagu6  to  express  to  the  entire  Vil- 
lage the  great  pain  this  affair  has  caused  me,  and  that  I  am 
really  thinking  to  have  satisfaction  made  them ;  that  they  must 
have  patience  until  spring,  when  I  will  send  to  Missilimakina 
in  order  to  induce  those  of  the  Lakes  to  keep  their  promise  to 
me,  and  to  unite  with  me  in  causing  the  surrender  of  the  mur- 
derers. 

I  flatter  myself.  My  Lord,  that  M.  Raudot,  who  is  going  [to 
France],  will  cause  you  to  understand  how  important  it  is  to 
have  a  Commandant  with  some  soldiers  and  a  certain  nimiber 
of  voyageurs  at  Michilimakina,  in  order  to  keep  all  the  Indians 
under  control,  and  to  prevent  them,  at  the  same  time,  doing 
anything  that  may  be  prejudicial  to  us — as  well  as  to  make 
them  declare  in  our  favor  should  the  Iroquois  happen  to  be  ob- 
streperous. The  Memoir  which  we  have  the  honor  to  transr 
mit  to  you  on  this  subject,  with  our  joint  letter,  will  explain 
to  you.  My  Lord,  all  that  I  could  represent  to  you  here. 

We  have  the  honor  to  propose  to  you,  in  the  same  letter, 
Sieurs  de  Louvigny  and  de  Lignery  to  go  together  to  Michili- 
makinac ;  Sieur  de  Louvigny  as  chief  Commandant,  and  Sieur 


I7I0]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  265 

de  Lignery  under  his  orders.  The  first,  My  Lord,  is  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  manners  to  be  adopted  for  the  government  of 
those  Indians ;  and  I  owe  him  this  justice,  that  there  is  no  one 
in  the  country  who  is  better  able  to  acquit  himself  herein  than 
he.  He  has  been  greatly  mortified  this  year  because  his  Maj- 
esty has,  as  it  were,  forgotten  him  in  the  promotions  he  has 
made.  He  does  not  perform  his  duty  any  the  less,  and  I  reckon 
greatly  on  his  infiuence  and  ability  to  collect  the  Indians  to- 
gether at  Michilimakinac.  Sieur  de  Lignery  has  not  less 
merit;  and,  if  he  pass  only  a  year  or  tw^o  with  Sieur  de  Lou- 
vigny,  will  be  quite  conversant  with  the  affairs  of  that  country, 
and  well  qualified  to  command  there  in  chief. — N.  Y.  Colon. 
Docs.,  ix,  pp.  848,  849. 


1710:     TRADING  LICENSES.  AND  SALE  OF  BRANDY. 

[Extract  from  letter  of  Sieur  d'Aigremont  to  Count  de  Pontchartrain; 

dated  Nov.  18,  1710.] 

It  is  true.  My  Lord,  that  the  reestablishment  of  the  licensee 
might  have  some  bad  effects,  the  most  serious  of  which  would 
be  the  debauchery  and  trade  in  Brandy  among  the  Indians; 
but  there  is  a  means  to  prevent  that,  which  would  be,  not  to 
issue  these  licenses  except  for  Michilimakinak  alone,  the  com- 
mandant of  which  post  could  possess  a  through  knowledge  of 
the  conduct  of  those  who  would  go,  and  of  all  the  effects  they 
would  carry  for  the  Outaois  trade ;  and  if  any  should  be  found 
with  Brandy,  he  could  confiscate  it,  and  render  an  account  to 
the  Governor-general  and  the  Intendant  thereof,  and  of  what- 
ever else  he  should  find  them  guilty,  in  order  that  they  may  be 
punished  pursuant  to  the  exigency  of  the  cases.  The  com- 
mandant ought  to  be  prohibited  carrying  on  any  trade  except 
for  his  own  support ;  for,  if  he  be  permitted  so  to  do,  he  would 
find  himself  obliged  to  tolerate  many  things  through  the  want 
he  would  have  of  this  one  and  that  for  his  private  trade.  And 
as  it  would  not  be  just  to  send  an  Officer  there  without  some 


266  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

trifling  advantages^  he  might  be  allowed  annually  a  gratuity 
which  may  be  taken  from  the  proceeds  of  the  licenses. 

Though  it  would  not  be  possible  to  prevent  all  the  inoonven- 
iences  that  might  ensue  on  reestablishing  the  licenses  in  the 
manner  I  propose,  I  believe  it  will  be  indispensable  to  do  it, 
in  consequence  of  the  greater  inconveniences  which  would  in- 
evitably result.  Firstly,  it  must  not  be  expected  to  oblige  all 
the  Coureurs  de  bois  to  return  to  the  Colony,  nor  even  to  retain 
in  it  those  who  are  obedient  there,  except  by  reestablishing  the 
licenses.  Those  people  not  being  accustomed  to  till  the  soil, 
will  never  submit  to  do  so,  however  they  be  punished.  This 
country  is  composed  of  persons  of  various  characters,  and  of 
different  inclinations ;  one  and  the  other  ought  to  be  managed, 
and  can  contribute  to  render  it  flourishingly.  The  Coureurs 
de  bois  are  useful  in  Canada  for  the  fur  trade,  which  is  the  sole 
branch  that  can  be  relied  on ;  for  it  is  certain  that  if  the  articles 
required  by  the  Upper  Nations  be  not  sent  to  Michilimakinak, 
they  will  go  in  search  of  them  to  the  English  at  Hudson's  bay, 
to  whom  they  will  convey  all  their  peltries,  and  will  detach 
themselves  entirely  from  us,  which  would  inflict  a  notable  pre- 
judice on  that  Colony.  Experience  sufficiently  proves  that  it 
is  not  to  be  expected  that  these  nations  will  come  in  quest  of 
them  to  Montreal ;  witness  the  few  canoes  that  have  come  down 
within  eight  or  nine  years,  except  in  1708,  when  about  60  de- 
scended. When  these  Indians  will  be  obliged  to  go  to  a  great 
distance  to  get  their  necessaries,  they  will  always  go  to  the 
cheapest  market;  whereas,  were  they  to  obtain  their  supplies 
at  their  door,  they  would  take  them,  whatever  the  price  may 
be.  Moreover,  the  means  of  preventing  them  waging  war 
against  one  another  is  to  be  continually  carrying  on  trade  with 
them ;  for  by  that  means,  the  commandant  of  Michilimakinak 
can  be  informed  of  everything  that  happens,  and  by  his  medi- 
ation terminate  aU  differences  that  might  arise.  ReUgion 
will  derive  an  advantage  therefrom ;  for  the  more  French  thero 
are  among  those  Nations,  the  greater  will  be  the  authority  of 
the  Missionaries  there.  This  active  intercourse  may  afford 
them  also  facilities  to  learn  our  language,  and  render  them 
more  docile  and  submissive  to  the  instructions  which  will  be 
given  them. 


171 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  267 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that  to  render  these  licenses  valuable,  a 
large  number  of  canoes  ought  to  be  prevented  going  up  to  De- 
troit; for,  being  unable  to  trade  off  within  its  limits  the  great 
quantity  of  goods  with  which  they  would  be  loaded,  in  the  time 
ordinarily  employed  in  bartering,  those  who  would  find  their 
stock  too  large,  would  not  fail  to  go  further  off  to  sell  them. 
Finally,  My  Lord,  the  value  of  these  licenses  will  depend  on 
the  proportion  of  the  number  of  canoes  which  will  go  up  to  De- 
troit, which  ought  to  be  fixed  at  8  or  10  at  most — N,  Y.  Colon. 
Docs.,  ix,  pp.  852,  853. 

[E^ndoraed:  "Mr  de  Frulain,  in  answer,  show  Father  de  Lamber- 
Tillei  wliat  he  says  ahout  the  licenses:  moreover,  censure  M.  de  Rame- 
say,  who  abuses  the  protection  he  thinks  he  possesses."] 


1712:     SIEGE  OP  DETROIT  BY  WISCONSIN  INDIANS. 

[Official  Report,  made  by  the  conunanding  officer,  Mr.  Dubulsson,  to 
the  Goyemor  General  of  Canada,  of  the  war  which  took  place  at  De- 
troit, in  1712,  between  the  French  and  their  allies,  and  the  Ottagamie 
and  Mascoutins  Indians.^] 

Sir — As  I  have  thought  it  was  of  great  consequence  to  in- 
form you  of  the  state  of  this  post,  by  an  express  canoe,  I  have 
requested  Mr.  De  Vincennes  to  make  the  voyage,  having  as- 
sured him  that  this  arrangement  would  be  pleasing  to  you,  per- 

1  Jean  de  Lamberville,  who  had  labored  in  the  Jesuit  missions  (mainly 
■among  the  Iroquois)  from  1669  to  1692;  returning  then  to  France,  he 
■acted  as  business  agent  for  those  missions  during  nearly  twenty  years: 
he  died  in  1614. — Ed. 

a  This  document  is  reprinted  from  a  rare  pamphlet  with  the  foregoing 
title,  published  in  1845  at  Detroit  (printed  by  Harsha  ft  Willcox,  but 
copyrighted  by  A*  McFarren).  The  preface  mentions  the  copies  made 
by  Gen.  Lewis  Cass  of  documents  in  the  archives  of  Paris,  and  states 
that  he  "furnished  the  publisher  with  a  translation  of  one  of  the  most 
interesting  of  these  papers,"  Dubuisson's  report  of  the  Indian  attack  on 
Detroit  in  1712.  We  find  it  necessary  to  correct  a  few  obYlous  typo- 
graphical errors  in  the  document;  otherwise,  it  is  produced  verhiUim 
€t  literatim.  It  was  also  published  by  William  R.  Smith,  in  his  His- 
tory of  WiBConHn  (Madison,  1854),  toI.  ill,  pp.  815-886.— Bd. 


268  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

suaded  as  I  am,  Sir,  that  you  are  very  solicitous  about  what 
passes  here.  The  fatigue  I  undergo  day  and  night,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  public  and  private  councils,  that  I  hold  with 
the  Indians,  preventing  me  from  rendering  you  a  detailed  ac- 
count of  all  the  circumstances,  Mr.  De  Vincennes  has  prom- 
ised to  forget  nothing,  which  has  passed,  in  order  to  commu- 
nicate it  fully  to  you. 

The  destruction  of  two  Mascoutin  and  Ottagamie  villages, 
is  one  of  the  principal  reasons  which  induces  me  to  send  this 
express  canoe.  It  is  God  w^ho  has  suffered  these  two  audacious 
nations  to  perish.  They  had  received  many  presents,  and  some 
belts,  from  the  English,  to  destroy  the  post  of  Fort  Pontchar- 
train,  and  then  to  cut  our  throats  and  those  of  our  allies,  par- 
ticularly the  Hurons  and  Ottawas,  residing  upon  the  Detroit 
River ;  and  after  that,  these  wretches  intended  to  settle  among 
the  English  and  devote  themselves  to  their  service.  It  is  said, 
that  lie  band  of  Oninetonam,  and  that  of  Mucatemangona, 
have  been  received  among  the  Iroquois,  and  have  established  a 
village  upon  their  lands.  This  information  has  been  brought 
by  three  canoes  of  Outagamis,  who  have  been  defeated  by  the 
Chippeways  within  four  leagues  of  the  post  I  am  under 
some  apprehension  for  the  safety  of  Mr.  Delaforet  [La 
Forest],  because,  being  no  doubt  upon  his  march  to  this  plaoe, 
he  may  fall  in  w^ith  some  of  those  hostile  bands,  who  have 
joined  themselves  to  the  Iroquois. 

The  band  of  the  great  chief  Lamima,  and  that  of  the  great 
chief  Pemoussa,  came  eai'ly  in  the  spring  and  encamped,  in 
spite  of  my  opposition,  at  about  fifty  pac€s  from  my  fort,  never 
willing  to  listen  to  me,  speaking  always  with  much  insolence, 
and  calling  themselves  the  owners  of  all  this  country.  It  was 
necessary  for  me  to  be  very  mild,  having,  as  you  know.  Sir,  but 
thirty  Frenchmen  with  me,  and  wishing  to  retain  eight  Mi- 
amis,  w^ho  were  with  Mr.  De  Vincennes,  and  also  to  sow  our 
grain  and  pasture  our  cattle*  and  besides  the  Ottawas  and 
Hurons  had  not  come  in  from  their  winter  hunt  I  was  thus 
exposed  every  day  to  a  thousand  insults.  The  fowls,  pigeons, 
and  other  animals  belonging  to  the  French,  were  killed  without 
their  being  able  to  say  a  word,  and,  for  myself,  I  was  in  no  con- 
dition to  openly  declare  my  intentions. 


171 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  269 

One  of  their  parties  entered  my  fort,  in  order  to  kill  one  of 
the  inhabitants  named  Lagmenesse  [probably  La  Jennesse], 
and  a  daughter  of  Eoy,  another  inhabitant  I  could  then  no 
longer  restrain  myself,  but  took  arras  to  prevent  their  accom- 
plishing their  object.  I  compelled  them  to  retire  immedi- 
ately from  the  vicinity  of  the  fort,  in  order  not  to  give  them 
time  to  strengthen  their  party,  as  they  expected  the  Kickapoos, 
their  allies,  that  they  might  together  execute  their  nefarious 
project ;  hoping  to  be  strong  enough  to  retire  without  loss  among 
the  English  and  Iroquois.  They  waited  but  for  a  favorable 
moment  to  set  fire  to  the  fort. 

But  they  were  alarmed  when  they  learned  that  the  party  of 
Mascoutins,  who  had  wintered  upon  the  heads  of  the  St.  Jo- 
seph, had  been  cut  off  to  the  number  of  fifty  men,  women  and 
children  by  Saguinaw,  a  war  chief  of  the  Ottawas  and  Potta- 
watamies.  They  immediately  determined  to  set  fire  to  an 
Ottawa  cabin,  which  was  close  by  the  gate  of  my  fort.  I  was 
informed  of  their  intention  by  an  Ottagamie  Indian,  named 
Joseph,  who  long  since  left  his  people  and  came  to  reside 
among  us.  It  was  from  him  that  I  learned  all  that  passed  in 
the  Ottagamie  and  Mascoutins  village.  He  had  the  honor  to 
be  presented  to  you.  Sir,  last  year  at  Montreal.  He  informed 
me  of  the  intention  to  set  fire  to  my  fort,  and  I  immediately 
sent  an  express  canoe  to  the  hunting  grounds  of  the  Ottawas 
and  Hurons,  to  request  them  to  join  me  as  soon  as  possible.  I 
sent  also  another  canoe  to  the  other  side  of  the  lake,  to  invite 
the  Chippeways  and  Mississaugas  to  join  us. 

The  church  and  the  house  of  Mr.  Mullet  were  outside  of  the 
four  of  them  into  the  redoubt,  I  had  just  constructed.  I  placed 
prevented  our  allies  from  arriving,  which  troubled  me  much, 
as  the  circumstances  now  pressing,  I  prevailed  on  the  few 
Frenchmen,  who  were  with  me,  immediately  to  bring  the  wheat 
into  the  fort.  And  it  was  well  I  did  so;  for,  two  days  later, 
it  would  have  been  pillaged.  We  had  to  fire  upon  the  enemy 
to  secure  it,  and  as  it  was  they  stole  a  considerable  portion  of  it. 
But  the  principal  object  was,  to  pull  down,  as  quick  as  possible, 
the  church,  the  storehouse,  and  some  other  houses  which  were 
near  my  fort,   and  so  close,   that  the  Indians,   at  any  time  by 


270  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

setting  fire  to  them,  might  have  burnt  our  works.  And  be- 
sides, it  was  important  in  order  to  defend  ourselves  in  case  of 
an  attack,  which  very  soon  took  place.  It  becomes  us  to  render 
thanks  to  the  Lord  for  his  mercies.  We  should  have  been  lost 
if  I  had  not  formed  this  determination.  I  put  on  the  best 
countenance  I  could,  encouraging  the  French,  who  were  in  con- 
sternation, believing  themselves  lost.  The  apprehension  I  en- 
tertained, that  some  accident  might  happen  to  the  French,  who- 
had  not  yet  arrived,  and  the  necessity  of  sowing  our  grain  and 
pasturing  our  cattle,  prevented  me  from  refusing  them  permis- 
sion to  enter  the  fort  to  trade,  for  fear  they  should  suspect  I 
was  aware  of  their  object  The  only  thing  I  could  do  was  to 
tell  them  that  I  apprehended  the  Miamis  would  attack  me,  be- 
cause I  permitted  them  to  remain  so  near,  and  therefore  I  was 
about  to  repair  my  fort  They  did  not  appear  to  give  much 
credit  to  my  assertions.  Our  men  were  obliged  to  draw  some 
posts  of  which  the  Indians  had  taken  possession,  in  order  to  re- 
pair the  fort  as  soon  as  possible,  and  I  succeeded  perfectly  well 
in  effecting  the  repairs  with  material  taken  from  some  of  the 
houses.  They  wished  to  preserve  a  pigeon  house  from  which 
they  might  have  assailed  us,  but  I  deceived  them  and  took  pos- 
session of  it.  I  placed  it  immediately  opposite  their  fort  and 
pierced  it  with  loop  holes.  I  moimted  two  swivels  upon  logs  of 
wood  to  serve  as  cannon,  in  case  of  necessity. 

The  thirteenth  of  May,  while  I  was  impatiently  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  my  allies,  who  were  the  only  aid  I  could  expect,  Mr. 
De  Vincennes  arrived  from  the  Miami  country  with  seven  or 
eight  Frenchmen.  He  brought  me  no  news  of  the  Indians^ 
which  gave  me  much  trouble,  and  I  did  not  know  on  what  saint 
to  call.  But  Heaven  watched  over  our  preservation,  and  when 
I  least  expected  it  there  entered  a  Huron,  all  breathless,  who 
said  to  me,  "My  Father,  I  wish  to  speak  to  you  in  secret  I 
am  sent  to  you  by  our  peace  chiefs."  There  were  then  in  their 
village  but  seven  or  eight  men.  It  seems  that  our  deliveranoe 
was  miraculous,  for  all  the  others  arrived  two  hours  after,  and 
the  Ottawas  also.  The  messenger  said  "God  has  pity  on  you. 
He  has  decreed  that  your  enemies  and  ours  should  perish.  I 
bring  you  information  that  four  men  have  just  arrived  at  our 


171 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  27I 

fort,  not  daring  to  enter  yours,  on  account  of  the  Ottagamies 
and  Mascontins,  who  surround  you.  Makisabie,  war  chief  of 
the  Pottawatamies,  and  his  brother,  Tehamasimon,  are  at  the 
head,  and  desire  to  council  with  you." 

I  requested  Mr.  De  Vincennes  to  meet  them,  and  he  recog- 
nized at  once  the  four  Indians.  He  returned  an  hour  after  to 
render  me  an  account  of  the  interview,  and  told  me,  on  the  part 
of  Makisabie,  that  six  hundred  men  would  soon  arrive  to  aid 
me,  and  to  eat  those  miserable  nations  who  had  troubled  all  the 
country.  That  it  was  necessary  to  keep  myself  on  my  guard 
against  the  Ottagamies  and  Mascoutins,  who  might  learn  the 
expected  arrival  of  assistance. 

I  requested  Mr.  De  Vincennes  to  return  to  the  Huron  fort, 
and  to  ascertain  from  Makisabie  if  it  would  not  be  satisfactory 
to  his  people  to  content  ourselves  with  driving  away  the  Mas- 
coutins and  the  Ottagamies,  and  compeUing  them  to  return  to 
their  former  villages,  which.  Sir,  was  your  intention.  But  this 
could  not  be  done  for  the  Hurons  were  much  too  irritated. 
This  great  affair  had  been  too  well  concerted  during  the  whole 
autumn  and  winter  with  all  the  nations.  Mr.  De  Vincennes, 
perceiving  it  would  only  irritate  the  Hurons  to  speak  of  accom- 
modation, dropped  the  subject,  and  the  more  readily,  as  they 
said  these  wicked  men  never  kept  their  words.  Nothing  else 
could  be  done,  but  to  be  silent,  and  to  put  the  best  face  upon 
the  affair,  while  we  fought  with  them  against  our  common  ene- 
mies. The  Hurons  even  reproached  us  with  being  tired  of  liv- 
ing, as  we  knew  the  bad  intentions  of  the  Ottagamies  and  Maa- 
coutins.  They  said  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  destroy  them, 
and  to  extinguish  their  fire,  and  it  was  your  intention  they 
should  perish.  They  added  that  they  knew  your  views  on  this 
subject  at  Montreal. 

Mr.  De  Vincennes  returned  and  told  me  it  was  useless  1x> 
speak  of  any  accommodation.  And  in  truth,  I  well  knew  there 
was  great  danger  in  having  so  many  nations  aroimd  us  of  whose 
good  intentions  we  were  not  certain.  I  then  closed  the  gates  of 
the  fort  and  divided  my  few  Frenchmen  into  four  brigades, 
each  having  its  brigadier.  I  inspected  their  arms  and  ammu- 
nition, and  assigned  them  their  stations  on  the  bastions.     I  put 


272  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

four  of  them  into  the  redoubt,  I  had  just  constructed^  I  placed 
some  of  them  at  the  two  curtains,  which  were  most  exposed,  and 
armed  them  with  spears.  My  two  cannon  were  all  ready  with 
slugs  of  iron  prepared  to  load  them,  which  had  been  made  by 
the  blacksmith.  Our  Rev.  Father  held  himself  ready  to  give 
a  general  absolution  in  case  of  necessity,  and  to  assist  the 
wounded,  if  there  should  be  any.  He  communicated  also  the 
Sacred  Host 

Every  arrangement  being  made,  and  while  we  were  waiting 
with  impatience,  I  was  informed  that  there  were  many  people 
in  sight,  I  immediately  ascended  a  bastion,  and  casting  my 
eyes  toward  the  woods,  I  saw  the  army  of  the  nations  of  the 
south  issuing  from  it.  They  were  the  Illinois,  the  Missouris, 
the  Osages  and  other  nations  yet  more  remote.  There  were  also 
with  them,  the  Ottawa  Chief,  Saguina,  and  also  the  Potawata- 
mies,  the  Sacs,  and  some  Menomenies.  Detroit  never  saw  such 
a  collection  of  people.  It  is  surprising  how  much  all  these 
nations  are  irritated  against  the  Mascoutins  and  the  Ottagamies. 
This  army  marched  in  good  order,  with  as  many  flags,  as  there 
were  different  nations,  and  it  proceeded  directly  to  the  Fort  of 
the  Hurons.  These  Indians  said  to  the  head  chief  of  the  army, 
"You  must  not  encamp.  Affairs  are  too  pressing.  We  must 
enter  immediately  into  our  Father's  Fort,  and  fight  for  him. 
As  he  has  always  had  pity  on  us,  and  as  he  has  loved  us,  we 
ought  to  die  for  him.  And  don't  you  see  that  smoke  also. 
They  are  these  women  of  your  village,  Saguina,  who  are  burn- 
ing there,  and  your  wife  is  among  them."  Not  another  word 
was  necessary.  There  arose  a  great  cry,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
they  all  began  to  run,  having  the  Hurons  and  the  Ottawas  at 
their  head.  The  Ottagamies  and  the  Mascoutins  raised  also 
their  war  cry,  and  about  forty  of  them  issued  from  their  fort, 
all  naked,  and  well  armed,  running  to  meet  our  Indians,  and  to 
brave  them  in  order  to  make  them  believe  they  were  not  afraid. 
They  were  obliged,  however,  to  retreat  immediately,  and  to  re- 
turn to  their  village.  Our  Indians  requested  permission  to 
enter  our  fort,  which  I  granted,  seeing  they  were  much  excited. 
It  was  my  design  they  should  encamp  near  the  woods,  that  they 
might  not  be  troublesome  to  us.     All  the  Indian  chiefs  assem- 


17 1 2]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  273 

bled  upon  the  parade  ground  of  my  f ort^  and  spoke  to  me  as  fol- 
lows: "My  Father,  I  speak  to  you  on  the  part  of  all  the  na- 
tions, your  children,  who  are  before  you.  What  you  did  last 
year  in  drawing  their  flesh  from  the  fire,  which  the  Ottagamies 
were  about  to  roast  and  eat,  well  merits  that  we  should  bring 
you  our  bodies  to  make  you  the  master  of  them,  and  to  do  all 
you  wish.  We  do  not  fear  death  whenever  it  is  necessary  to  die 
for  you.  We  have  only  to  request  that  you  would  pray  the 
Father  of  all  Nations  to  have  pity  on  our  women,  and  our  chil- 
dren, in  case  we  should  lose  our  lives  with  you.  We  beg  you 
to  throw  a  blade  of  grass  upon  our  bones  to  protect  them  from 
the  flies.  You  see,  my  father,  that  we  have  abandoned  our  vil- 
lages, our  women  and  our  children,  to  hasten  as  soon  as  possible 
to  join  you.  We  hope  that  you  will  have  pity  on  us,  and  that 
you  will  give  us  something  to  eat,  and  a  little  tobacco  to  smoke. 
We  have  come  from  a  distance,  and  are  destitute  of  everything; 
we  hope  you  will  give  us  powder  and  balls  to  fight  with  you. 
We  don't  make  a  great  speech.  We  perceive  that  we  fatigue  you 
and  your  people  by  the  ardour  which  you  show  for  the  fight'* 
I  immediately  answered  them,  and  briefly:  "I  thank  you, 
my  children ;  the  determination  you  have  taken,  to  offer  to  die 
with  us,  is  very  agreeable  to  me,  and  causes  me  much  pleasure. 
I  recognize  you  as  the  true  children  of  the  Gtevemor  Qeneral, 
and  I  shall  not  fail  to  render  him  an  account  of  all  you  have 
done  for  me  today.  You  need  not  doubt,  that  when  any  ques- 
tion respecting  your  interest  arises,  he  will  regard  it  favorably. 
I  receive  orders  from  him  every  day,  to  watch  continually  for 
the  preservation  of  his  children.  With  regard  to  your  neoessi- 
ties,  I  know  you  want  everything.  The  fire  which  has  just 
taken  place,  is  unlucky  for  you,  as  well  as  for  me.  I  will  do 
all  I  can  to  provide  you  with  what  you  want  I  beg  you  to  live 
in  peace,  union,  and  good  intelligence  together,  as  well  among 
your  different  nations  as  with  the  French  people.  This  will  be 
the  best  means  of  enabling  us  to  defeat  our  common  enemies. 
Take  courage,  then;  inspect  and  repair  your  war  clubs,  your 
bows  and  arrows,  and  especially  your  guns.  I  shall  supply  you 
with  powder  and  ball  immediately,  and  then  will  attack  our 
enemies.  This  is  all  I  have  to  say  to  you." 
19 


274  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [voL  xvi 

All  the  Indians  uttered  a  cry  of  joy  and  of  thanks,  and  said : 
"Our  enemies  are  dead  from  the  present  moment  The  heav- 
ens begin  to  grow  clear,  and  the  Master  of  Life  has  pity  on  lis.*' 
All  the  old  men  made  harangues  through  the  fort^  to  encourage 
the  warriors,  telling -them  to  listen  to  my  words,  and  strictly  to 
obey  all  my  orders.  I  distributed  among  them  immediately  a 
quantity  of  balls  and  powder;  and  then  we  all  raised  the  war 
cry.  The  very  earth  trembled.  The  enemy,  who  were  not 
more  than  a  pistol  shot  distant,  raised  also  their  war  cry,  at  the 
same  time.  The  guns  were  immediately  discharged  'on  both 
sides,  and  the  balls  flew  like  hail. 

We  had  to  do  as  our  Indians  did,  in  order  to  encourage  them. 
The  powder  and  balls  that  you  had  the  goodness  to  send  us,  Sir, 
the  past  autumn,  did  not  last  long.  I  was  obliged  to  have  re- 
course to  three  barrels,  that  Mr.  de  Lamothe  left  with  a  certain 
Roy  to  sell,  not  leaving  me  a  single  grain  when  he  went  away, 
for  the  defence  of  the  fort,  in  case  of  attack.  All  mine  was  ex- 
hausted, as  well  as  a  quantity  which  I  had  been  obliged  to  pur- 
chase of  some  of  the  French  people. 

I  held  the  Ottagamies  and  the  Mascoutins  in  a  state  of  siege 
during  nineteen  days,  wearing  then  out  by  a  continual  fire,  night 
and  day.  In  order  to  avoid  our  fires,  they  were  obliged  to  dig 
holes  four  or  five  feet  deep  in  the  ground,  and  to  shelter  them- 
selves there.  I  had  erected  two  large  scaflFolds,  twenty  feet 
high,  the  better  to  fire  into  their  villages.  They  could  not  go 
out  for  water,  and  they  were  exhausted  by  hunger  and  thirst. 
I  had  from  four  to  five  hundred  men,  who  blockaded  their  vil- 
lage night  and  day,  so  that  no  one  could  issue  to  seek  assistance. 
All  our  Indians  went  and  hid  themselves  at  the  edge  of  the 
woods,  whence  they  continually  returned  with  prisoners,  who 
came  to  join  their  people,  not  knowing  they  were  besieged. 
Their  sport  was  to  shoot  them,  or  to  fire  arrows  at  them  and 
then  bum  them. 

The  enemy  that  I  had  kept  besieged,  thinking  to  intimidate 
me,  and  by  this  means  to  have  the  field  left  open  to  them,  covered 
the  palisades  with  scarlet  blankets  and  then  halloed  to  me  that 
they  wished  the  earth  was  all  covered  with  blood;  these  red 
blankets  were  the  mark  of  it ;  they  hoisted  twelve  red  blankets 


171 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  275 

as  standards  in  twelve  different  places  of  their  village.  I  well 
knew  that  these  signals  were  English,  and  that  they  fought  for 
them.  This  indeed  they  told  us,  for  we  could  speak  from  one 
fort  to  the  other.  They  said  they  had  no  father  but  the  Eng- 
lish, and  told  all  the  nations  our  allies,  that  they  would  do  much 
better  to  quit  our  side  and  join  theirs. 

The  great  war  chief  of  the  Pottawatamies,  after  having  re- 
quested my  advice  and  permission,  mounted  one  of  my  scaffolds 
and  spoke  to  our  enemies  in  the  name  of  all  our  nations  in  these 
words :  ^Wicked  nations  that  you  are,  you  hope  to  frighten  us 
by  all  that  red  color  which  you  exhibit  in  your  village.  Learn, 
that  if  the  earth  is  covered  with  blood,  it  will  be  yours.  You 
speak  to  us  of  the  English,  they  are  the  cause  of  your  destruc- 
tion because  you  have  listened  to  their  bad  councils.  They  are 
enemies  of  prayer,  and  it  is  for  that  reason  that  the  Master  of 
Life  chastises  them,  as  well  as  you,  wicked  men  that  you  are ; 
don't  you  know  as  well  as  we  do,  that  the  Father  of  all  the  na- 
tions, who  is  at  Montreal,  sends  continually  parties  of  his  young 
men  against  the  English  to  make  war,  and  who  take  so  many 
prisoners,  that  they  do  not  know  what  to  do  with  them.  The 
English,  who  are  cowards,  only  defend  themselves  by  secretly 
killing  men  by  that  wicked  strong  drink,  which  has  caused  so 
many  men  to  die  immediately  after  drinking  it.  Thus  we  shall 
see  what  will  happen  to  you  for  having  listened  to  them. 

I  was  obliged  to  stop  this  conversation,  perceiving  that  the 
enemy  had  requested  to  speak,  merely  to  attract  our  attention 
while  they  went  for  water.  I  ordered  our  great  fire  to  recom- 
mence, which  was  so  violent,  that  we  killed  more  than  thirty 
men,  and  some  women,  who  had  secretly  gone  out  for  water.  I 
lost  that  day  twelve  men,  who  were  killed  in  my  fort.  The 
enemy,  in  spite  of  my  opposition,  had  taken  possession  of 
a  house,  where  they  had  erected  a  scaffold  behind  the  gable  end, 
which  was  of  earth.  Our  balls  could  not  penetrate  this  defence, 
and  thus,  every  day,  many  of  our  people  were  killed.  This 
obliged  me  to  raise  upon  one  of  my  scaffolds,  the  two  large  logs 
upon  which  were  mounted  our  swivels.  I  loaded  them  with 
slugs,  and  caused  them  to  be  fired  upon  the  scaffold,  which 
troubled  me  so  much.     They  were  so  well  aimed,  that  at  the 


276  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        f  VOl.  Xvi 

first  two  discharges,  we  heard  the  scaffold  fall,  and  some  of  the 
enemy  were  killed.  They  were  so  frightened  that  we  heard 
them  utter  cries  and  frightful  groans,  and  toward  evening  they 
called  out  to  know  if  I  would  allow  them  to  come  and  speak  to 
me.  I  assembled  immediately,  the  Chiefs  of  all  the  nations 
w^ho  were  with  me,  to  ascertain  their  opinion ;  and  we  agreed  it 
was  best  to  listen  to  them,  in  order,  by  some  stratagem,  to  with- 
draw from  them  three  of  our  women,  whom  they  had  made  pris- 
oners some  days  before  the  siege,  and  one  of  whom  was  the  wife 
of  tJic  great  war  chief  Saguina.  I  told  them,  through  my  in- 
terpreter, tliat  they  might  come  in  safety,  to  speak  to  me,  as  I 
was  willing  they  should  have  that  satisfaction  before  dying. 

They  did  not  fail  the  next  morning  to  make  me  a  visit.  We 
were  very  much  surprised  not  to  see  the  red  flags  in  their  vil- 
lage, but  only  a  white  flag.  It  was  the  great  chief  Pemoussa, 
who  was  at  the  head  of  this  first  embassy.  He  came  out  of  his 
village  with  two  other  Indians,  carrying  a  white  flag  in  his  hand. 
I  sent  my  interpreter  to  meet  him,  and  conduct  him  to  me,  and 
to  protect  him  from  the  insults  of  some  of  the  young  warriors. 
He  entered  my  fort;  I  placed  him  in  the  midst  of  the  parade 
ground,  and  then  I  assembled  all  the  chiefs  of  the  nations  who 
were  with  me,  to  hear  our  embassador,  who  spoke  in  these  words 
(Presenting  a  belt  of  wampum  and  two  slaves) : 

"My  father,  I  am  dead ;  I  see  very  well  that  the  heaven  is 
clear  and  beautiful  for  you  only,  and  that  for  me,  it  is  altogether 
dark.  When  I  left  my  village,  I  hoped  that  you  would  will- 
ingly listen  to  me.  I  demand  of  you,  my  father,  by  this  belt, 
which  I  lay  at  your  feet,  that  you  have  pity  on  your  children, 
and  that  you  do  not  refuse  them  the  two  days  tliat  they  ask  you, 
in  which  there  shall  be  no  firing  on  either  side,  that  our  old 
men  may  hold  a  council,  to  find  a  means  of  turning  away  your 
wrath. 

"It  is  to  you  that  I  now  speak,  you,  other  children,  listening 
to  the  advice  of  our  father ;  this  belt  is  to  pray  you  to  recollect, 
liiat  you  are  our  kindred.  If  you  shed  our  blood,  recollect,  that 
it  is  also  your  own;  endeavor  then  to  soften  the  heart  of  our 
father,  whom  we  have  so  often  offended.  These  two  slaves  are 
to  replace,  perhaps,  a  little  blood  that  you  may  have  lost     I  do 


171 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  277 

not  speak  many  wcids  until  our  old  men  can  council  together, 
if  you  grant  us  those  two  days,  that  I  have  asked  of  you." 

I  answered  him  thus :  "If  your  hearts  were  properly  moved, 
and  if  you  truly  considered  the  Governor  at  Montreal  as  your 
father,  you  would  have  begun  by  bringing  with  you  the  three 
women  whom  you  hold  as  prisoners ;  not  having  done  so,  I  be- 
lieve your  hearts  are  yet  bad.  If  you  expect  me  to  listen  to  you, 
begin  by  bringing  them  here.  This  is  all  I  have  to  say."  All 
the  chiefs  who  were  with  me,  exclaimed  with  a  high  voice,  '^y 
father,  after  what  you  have  just  said,  we  have  nothing  to  answer 
to  this  embassador.  Let  him  obey  you,  if  he  wishes  to  livQ." 
The  embassador  answered,  "I  am  only  a  child.  I  shall  return 
to  my  village  to  render  an  account  of  what  you  have  said,  to  our 
old  men." 

Thus  finished  the  council.  I  gave  him  three  or  four  French- 
men to  re-conduct  him,  assuring  him  that  we  would  not  fire  upon 
his  village  during  the  day,  on  condition,  however,  that  no  one 
should  leave  it  to  seek  water  j  and  that  if  they  did  so,  the  truce 
would  be  at  an  end,  and  we  should  fire  upon  them. 

Two  hours  after,  three  chiefs,  two  of  them  Mascoutins,  and 
the  third  an  Ottagamie,  came  bearing  a  flag,  and  bringing  vnih 
them  the  three  women.  I  made  them  enter  the  same  place, 
where  the  others  were  stationed,  and  where  all  our  chiefs  were 
again  assembled.  The  three  messengers  spoke  as  follows: 
"My  father,  here  are  these  three  pieces  of  flesh  that  you  ask  of 
us.  We  would  not  eat  them,  thinking  you  would  call  us  to  an 
account  for  it.  Do  what  you  please  with  them.  You  are  the 
master.  Now,  we  Mascoutins  and  Ottagamies  request,  that 
you  would  cause  all  the  nations,  who  are  with  you,  to  retire,  in 
order  that  we  may  freely  seek  provisions  for  our  women  and 
our  children.  Many  die  every  day  of  hunger.  All  our  village 
regret  that  we  have  displeased  you.  If  you  are  as  good  a  father 
as  all  your  children,  who  are  around  you,  say  you  are,  you  will 
not  refuse  the  favor  we  ask  of  you." 

As  I  had  now  the  three  women,  whom  I  sought,  I  did  not 
care  any  longer  to  keep  fair  with  them,  and  1  therefore  an- 
swered, "If  you  had  eaten  my  flesh,  which  you  have  now 
brought  me,  you  would  not  have  been  living  at  this  moment 


278  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

You  would  have  felt  such  terrible  coils,  that  they  would  have 
covered  you  so  deep  in  the  ground,  that  no  one  would  any  longer 
apeak  of  you,  so  true  is  it  that  I  love  the  flesh  of  the  father  of 
all  the  nations.  With  regard  to  the  liberty  you  demand,  I  leave 
to  my  children  to  answer  you.     Therefore  I  shall  say  no  more." 

The  head  chief  of  the  Illinois,  whose  name  is  Makouandeby, 
was  appointed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  other  nations  to  speak  in 
these  words : 

"My  father,  we  all  thank  you  for  your  kindness  to  us;  we 
thank  you  for  it,  and  since  you  give  us  permission  to  speak,  we 
shall  do  so." 

And  then,  addressing  the  hostile  chiefs,  he  said:  "Now 
listen  to  me  ye  nations  who  have  troubled  all  the  earth.  We 
perceive  clearly  by  your  words,  that  you  seek  only  to  surprise 
our  father,  and  to  deceive  him  again,  in  demanding  that  we 
should  retire.  We  should  no  sooner  do  so,  but  you  would  again 
torment  our  father,  and  you  would  infallibly  shed  his  blood. 
You  are  dogs  who  have  always  bit  him.  You  have  never  been 
sensible  of  all  the  favors  you  have  received  from  all  the  French. 
You  have  thought,  wretches  that  you  are,  that  we  did  not  know 
all  the  speeches  you  have  received  from  the  English,  telling  you 
to  cut  the  throats  of  our  father,  and  of  his  children,  and  then  to 
lead  his  children  into  this  country.  Go  away,  then.  For  us, 
we  will  not  stir  a  step  from  you ;  we  are  determined  to  die  witii 
our  father ;  we  should  disobey  him ;  because  we  know  your  bad 
heart,  and  we  would  not  leave  him  alone  with  you.  We  shall 
see  from  this  moment,  who  will  be  master,  you  or  us ;  you  have 
now  only  to  retire,  and  as  soon  as  you  shall  re-enter  your  fort, 
we  shall  fire  upon  you." 

I  sent  an  escort  to  conduct  the  embassadors  to  their  fort,  and 
we  began  to  fire  again  as  usual.  We  were  three  or  four  days 
without  any  intercourse,  firing  briskly  on  both  sides.  The 
enemy  discharged  their  arrows  so  rapidly  that  more  than  three 
or  four  hundred  were  flying  at  the  same  time,  and  at  their  ends 
were  lighted  fuses:  the  object  being  to  bum  us,  as  they  had 
threatened  to  do.  I  f oimd  myself  very  much  embarrassed ;  the 
arrows  fell  upon  all  our  quarters,  wjbich  were  covered  with 
straw,  so  that  the  fire  easily  caught  many  of  them,  which  fright- 


1 71 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  279 

ened  the  French  so  much,  that  they  thought  everything  was  lost 
I  re-assured  them,  telling  them  that  this  was  nothing,  and  that 
we  must  find  a  remedy  as  soon  as  possible.  "Come,  then,"  said 
I,  "take  courage;  let  us  take  off  the  thatch  from  the  houses,  and 
let  us  cover  them  with  bear-skins  and  deer-skins;  our  Indiana 
will  help  us."  I  then  directed  them  to  bring  in  two  lai^ 
wooden  pirogues  which  I  had  filled  with  water  and  provided 
Badrouilles  ["mops"]  at  the  end  of  rods,  to  extinguish  the  firef, 
when  it  should  break  out  any  where,  and  hooks  to  pull  out  the 
arrows.  There  were  four  or  five  Frenchmen,  who  were 
wounded.  I  fell  into  another  embarrassment  much  greater 
than  this.  My  Indians  became  discouraged,  and  wished  to  go 
away,  a  part  of  them  saying  that  they  should  never  conquer 
those  nations.  That  they  knew  them  well,  and  that  they  were 
braver  than  any  other  people;  and  besides,  I  could  no  longer 
furnish  them  with  provisions. 

This  inconstancy  ought  to  teach  us  how  dangerous  it  is,  to 
leave  a  post  so  distant  as  this  without  troops.  I  then  saw  my- 
self on  the  point  of  being  abandoned,  and  left  a  prey  to  our 
enemies,  who  would  not  have  granted  us  any  quarter,  and  the 
English  would  have  triumphed. 

The  French  were  so  frightened,  that  they  told  me  they  saw 
clearly,  it  was  necessary  we  should  retire  as  quickly  as  possible, 
to  Michilimacinac.  I  said  to  them,  "What  are  you  thinking 
of  ?  Is  it  possible  you  can  entertain  such  sentiments  ?  What ! 
abandon  a  post  in  such  a  cowardly  manner?  Dismiss  such 
thoughts,  my  friends,  from  your  minds;  do  things  appear  so 
bad  ?  You  ought  to  know  tliat  if  you  abandon  me,  the  Gover- 
nor General  would  follow  you  every  where,  to  punish  you  for 
your  cowardice.  What  the  Indians  have  just  said  ought  not  to 
frighten  you.  I  am  going  to  speak  to  all  the  chiefs  in  private, 
and  inspire  them  with  new  courage.  Therefore  change  your 
views,  and  let  me  act,  and  you  will  see  that  everything  will  go 
well."  They  answered  me,  that  they  did  not  think  of  retiring 
without  my  consent,  nor  without  me  at  their  head;  believing 
that  we  could  not  hold  the  place,  if  our  Indians  should  aban- 
don us.  They  begged  me  to  pardon  them,  and  assured  me  they 
would  do  all  I  wished.  And  truly,  I  was  afterward  very  well 
contented  with  them.     They  did  their  duty  like  brave  people. 


28o  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

I  was  four  days  and  four  nights,  without  taking  any  repose, 
and  without  eating  or  drinking,  striving  all  the  time  to  secure 
to  my  interest  all  the  young  war  chiefs,  in  order  to  keep  the 
warriors  firm,  and  to  encourage  them,  so  that  they  would  not 
quit  us,  until  our  enemies  were  defeated.  To  succeed  in  this 
object,  I  stripped  myself  of  all  I  had,  making  presents  to  one 
and  another.  You  know,  Sir,  that  with  the  Indians  one  must 
not  be  mean.  I  flatter  myself  that  you  will  have  the  goodness 
to  approve  all  these  expenditures,  which  for  me  are  immense, 
and  for  the  King,  of  no  consequence ;  for  otherwise,  I  should  be 
very  much  to  be  pitied,  having  a  large  family  which  occasions 
me  great  expense  at  Quebec. 

Having  gained  all  the  Indians  in  private,  I  held  a  general 
council,  to  which  I  called  all  the  nations,  and  said  to  them : 
*What,  my  children !  when  you  are  just  on  the  point  of  destroy- 
ing these  wicked  nations,  do  you  think  of  retreating  shamefully, 
after  having  so  well  begun  ?  Could  you  lift  up  your  heads 
again  ?  You  would  be  overwhelmed  with  confusion.  All  the 
other  nations  would  say,  are  these  the  brave  warriors,  who  fled 
so  ignominiously,  after  having  abandoned  the  Frendi  ?  Be  not 
troubled,  take  courage,  we  will  endeavor  yet  to  find  a  few  provi- 
sions. The  Hurons  and  the  Ottowas,  your  brothers,  offer  you 
some.  I^will  do  all  I  can  to  comfort  you  and  to  aid  you.  Don't 
you  see  that  our  enemies  can  hardly  preserve  their  position? 
Hunger  and  thirst  overpower  them.  We  shall  quickly  render 
ourselves  masters  of  their  bodies.  Will  it  not  be  very  pleasant, 
after  such  a  result,  when  you  visit  Montreal  to  receive  there  the 
thanks  and  the  friendship  of  the  father  of  all  nations,  who  will 
thank  you  for  having  risked  your  lives  with  me?  For  you 
cannot  doubt,  that  in  the  report  I  shall  make  to  him,  I  shall 
render  justice  to  each  of  you,  for  all  you  will  have  done.  You 
must  also  be  aware,  that  to  defeat  these  two  nations,  is  to  give 
that  life  and  peace  to  your  women  and  children,  whidi  they 
have  not  yet  enjoyed.'' 

The  young  war  chiefs,  whom  I  had  gained,  did  not  give  me 
time  to  finish,  but  said  to  me,  "My  father,  allow  us  to  interrupt 
you ;  we  believe  there  is  some  liar,  who  has  told  you  falsehoods. 
We  assure  you,  that  we  all  love  you  too  much,  to  abandon  you, 


1 71 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  28 1 

and  we  are  not  such  cowards  as  is  reported.  We  are  resolved, 
even  if  we  are  much  more  pressed  with  hunger,  not  to  quit  you, 
till  your  enemies  are  utterly  destroyed."  All  the  old  men  ap- 
proved of  these  sentiments,  and  said,  "Come  on,  come  on,  let 
us  hasten  to  arm  ourselves,  and  prove  that  those  are  liars,  who 
have  reported  evil  of  us  to  our  father."  They  then  raised  a 
great  cry,  and  sung  the  war  song,  and  danced  the  war  dance, 
and  a  large  party  went  to  fight 

Every  day  some  Sacs,  who  had  lived  some  time  with  the  Otta- 
gamies,  left  their  fort  and  came  to  join  their  people  who  were 
with  me,  who  received  them  with  much  pleasure.  They  made 
known  to  us  the  condition  of  our  enemies,  assuring  us  that  they 
were  reduced  to  the  last  extremity;  that  from  sixty  to  eighty 
women  and  children  had  died  from  hunger  and  thirst,  and  that 
their  bodies,  and  the  bodies  of  those  who  were  killed  every  day, 
caused  an  infection  in  their  camp,  as  they  could  not  inter  their 
dead,  in  consequence  of  the  heavy  fire  that  we  continually 
kept  up. 

Under  these  circumstances,  they  demanded  permission  to 
speak  to  us,  which  was  granted.  Their  messengers  were  their 
two  great  chiefs,  one  of  peace,  the  other  of  war;  the  first  named 
Allamima,  and  the  other  Pemoussa.  With  them,  were  two 
great  Mascoutin  chiefs,  one  Kuit,  and  the  other  Onabimani- 
ton.  Pemoussa  was  at  the  head  of  the  three  others,  having  a 
crown  of  wampum  upon  his  head  and  many  belts  of  wampum 
on  his  body,  and  hung  over  his  shoulders.  He  was  painted 
with  green  earth,  and  supported  by  seven  female  slaves,  ^dio 
were  also  painted  and  covered  with  wampum.  The  three  other 
chiefs  had  each  a  chichory^  in  their  hands.  All  of  them 
marehed  in  order,  singing  and  shouting  with  all  their  mighty 
to  the  song  of  the  Chichories,  calling  all  the  devils  to  their  as- 
sistance, and  to  have  pity  on  them.  They  had  even  figures  of 
little  devils  hanging  on  their  girdles.  They  entered  my  fort 
in  this  noanner,  when,  being  placed  in  the  midst  of  the  nations 
our  allies,  they  spoke  as  follows: 

1  Evidently  a  misprint  for  "chichikou^/'  an  Algonkin  term  adopted  by 
the  French  of  Canada  and  the  West,  which  was  given  to  the  small  drum 
used  by  the  Indian  medicine-men.  Among  many  of  the  tribes,  a  chief 
was  also  often  a  medicine  man  or  soothsayer. — ^Bd. 


282  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

"My  father,  I  speak  to  you,  and  to  all  the  nations  who  are 
before  you.  I  come  to  you  to  demand  life.  It  is  no  longer 
ours.  You  are  the  master  of  it  All  the  nations  have  aban- 
doned us.  I  bring  you  my  flesh  in  the  seven  slaves,  whom  I 
put  at  your  feet  But  do  not  believe  I  am  afraid  to  die.  It  is 
the  life  of  our  women,  and  our  children,  that  I  ask  of  you.  I 
^g  you  to  allow  the  sun  to  shine,  let  the  sky  be  clear,  that  we 
can  see  the  day,  and  that  hereafter,  our  aflFairs  may  be  prosper- 
ous. Here  are  six  belts,  that  we  give  you,  which  bind  us  to 
you  like  your  true  slaves.  Untie  them,  we  beg  you,  to  show 
that  you  give  us  life.  Recollect,  ye  nations,  that  you  are  our 
great  nephews;  tell  us  something,  I  pray  you,  which  can  give 
pleasure  on  our  return  to  our  village." 

I  left  it  to  our  Indians  to  answer  these  ambassadors.  They 
were,  however,  so  much  enraged  against  them,  that  they  would 
not  give  them  any  answer.  Eight  or  ten  of  them  asked  permis- 
sion to  speak  to  me  in  private.  "My  father,  we  come  to  ask 
liberty  of  you  to  break  the  heads  of  those  four  great  chiefs. 
They  are  the  men  who  prevent  our  enemies  from  surrendering 
at  discretion.  When  these  shall  be  no  longer  at  their  head,  they 
will  find  themselves  much  embarrassed,  and  will  surrender." 

I  told  them  they  must  be  drunk  to  make  me  such  a  proposi- 
tion. "Recollect,  that  they  came  here  upon  my  word,  and  you 
have  given  me  yours.  We  must  act  with  good  faith,  and  if 
such  a  thing  were  done,  how  could  you  trust  one  another  ?  Be- 
sides if  I  acquiesced  in  this  proposition,  the  Governor  General 
would  never  pardon  me.  Dismiss  it,  therefore,  from  your 
thoughts.  They  must  return  peaceably.  You  see  clearly  that 
they  cannot  avoid  us,  since  you  resolved  not  to  give  them  quar- 
ter." They  confessed  I  was  right,  and  that  they  were  foolish. 
We  dismissed  the  embassadors  in  all  safety,  without^  however, 
giving  them  any  further  answer.  These  poor  wretches  well 
knew  there  was  no  longer  any  hope  for  them. 

I  confess,  Sir,  that  I  was  touched  with  compassion,  at  their 
misfortunes;  but  as  war  and  pity  do  not  well  agree  together, 
and  particularly,,  as  I  understood  that  they  were  paid  by  the 
English  for  our  destruction,  I  abandoned  them  to  their  unfor- 
tunate fate;  indeed,  I  hastened  to  have  this  tragedy  finished, 


1712]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  283 

in  order  that  the  example  might  strike  terror  to  the  English, 
and  to  themselves.^ 

The  great  fire  reconmienced,  more  and  more  violently;  the 
enemy,  being  in  despair,  beaten  in  their  village  and  out  of  it; 
and  when  they  wished  to  go  for  water  or  to  gather  a  few  herbs, 
to  appease  their  hunger,  had  no  other  resource  but  an  obscure 
night  with  rain,  in  order  to  effect  their  escape.  They  awaited 
it  with  much  impatience,  and  it  came  on  the  nineteenth  day  of 
the  siege.  They  did  not  fail  to  make  use  of  it,  decamping 
about  midnight,  and  we  did  not  know. their  escape  until  day- 
light. I  encouraged  our  people,  and  they  pursued  them  very 
vigorously.  Mr.  De  Vincennes  joined  in  the  pursuit,  with  some 
Frenchmen,  and  this  gave  much  pleasure  to  the  Indians. 

The  enemy,  not  doubting  but  that  they  would  be  pursued, 
stopped  at  the  Fresq'  isle,  which  is  opposite  Hog  island,  near 
lake  St.  Clair,  four  leagues  from  the  fort* 

Our  people,  not  perceiving  their  entrenchment,  pushed  into 
it,  and  lost  there  twenty  men,  killed  and  wounded.  It  waa 
necessary  to  form  a  second  siege,  and  also  an  encampment. 
The  camp  was  regularly  laid  out ;  there  were  a  hundred  canoes 
every  day,  as  well  Ottawas,  Hurons,  and  Chippeways,  as  Mis- 
sissauguas  to  carry  provisions  there.  The  chiefs  sent  to  me  for 
two  cannon  and  all  the  axes  and  mattocks  that  I  had,  to  cut 
timber,  and  to  place  it  so  as  to  approach  the  hostile  entrench- 
ment ;  together  with  powder  and  ball.  As  for  the  Indian  com, 
tobacco,  and  seasoning,  they  were  supplied  as  usual,  without 
counting  all  the  kettles  of  the  French,  which  are  now  lost,  and 
that  I  had  to  pay  for. 

iln  regard  to  this  affair,  Hebberd  claims  (Wis,  under  French  Dom., 
pp.  81-84)  that  the  French,  wishing  to  get  rid  of  the  Foxes,  "enticed 
them  to  Detroit  in  order  that  they  might  be  slaughtered."  Parkman 
says:  "It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  they  came  with  deliberate  hos- 
tile intent.  Had  this  been  the  case,  they  would  not  have  brought  their 
women  and  children"  (Half  Century  of  Conflict,  I,  pp.  268-287).  It 
is  probable  that  intertribal  Jealousies  and  hatreds  are  a  sufficient  ex- 
planation of  the  cruel  overthrow  of  the  Foxes. — Ed. 

2 Farmer  says  (Hist.  Detroit,  p.  231)  that  the  place  here  mentioned 
'Waa  Grosse  Pointe,  a  headland  situated  about  five  miles  above  Detroit, 
at  the  entrance  to  Lake  St  Clair. — Eo. 


284  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

The  enemy  held  their  position  for  four  days,  fighting  with 
much  courage ;  and  finally,  not  being  able  to  do  anything  more^ 
surrendered  at  discretion  to  our  people,  who  gave  them  no  quar- 
ter. All  were  killed  except  the  women  and  children,  whose 
lives  were  spared,  and  one  hundred  men,  who  ^ad  been  tied,  but 
escaped. 

All  our  allies  returned  to  my  fort  with  their  slaves,  having- 
avoided  it  before  as  they  thought  it  was  infective.  Their 
amusement  was  to  shoot  four  or  five  of  them  every  day.  The 
Hurons  did  not  spare  a  single  one  of  theirs. 

In  this  manner  came  to  an  end,  Sir,  these  two  wicked  nations,, 
who  so  badly  afflicted  and  troubled  all  the  country.  Our  Rev. 
Father  chaunted  a  grand  mass  to  render  thanks  to  Qod  for  hav- 
ing preserved  us  from  the  enemy. 

The  Ottagamies  and  Mascoutins  had  constructed  a  very  good 
fort,  which,  as  I  said,  was  within  pistol  shot  of  mine.  Our 
people  did  not  dare  to  undertake  to  storm  it,  notwithstanding^ 
all  I  could  say.  The  works  were  defended  by  three  hundred 
men,  and  our  loss  would  have  been  great,  had  we  assaulted  it; 
but  the  siege  would  not  have  been  so  long.  Our  Indians  lost 
sixty  men  killed  and  wounded,  thirty  of  whom  were  killed  in 
the  fort;  and  a  Frenchman  named  Germain,  and  five  or  sir 
others,  were  wounded  with  arrows.  The  enemy  lost  a  thousand 
souls,  men,  women,  and  children. 

I  ought  not  to  forget.  Sir,  to  state,  that  there  were  about 
twenty-five  Iroquois,  who  had  joined  themselves  to  the  Hurons 
of  the  Fond  du  Lac^  in  this  war.  These  two  nations  distin- 
guished themselves  above  all  the  others,  and  therefore  their  loss 
has  been  proportionably  greater.  They  received  the  thanks  of 
all  the  Indians,  and  more  particularly  of  the  Potawatamies,  to 
•whom  they  made  satisfaction  for  an  old  quarrel,  by  presents  of 
slaves  and  pipes.  I  brought  about  this  accommodation.  I 
dare  venture  to  assure  you.  Sir,  that  the  general  Assembly  of 
all  the  nations  has  put  them  at  peace  with  one  another,  and  re- 
newed their  ancient  alliance.  They  calculate  upon  receiving 
many  presents,  which  they  say.  Sir,  you  promised  them. 

iFond  du  Lac  ("end,  or  foot,  of  the  lake") ;  an  allusion  to  the  former 
location  of  the  Hurons,  probably  at  either  Sault  Ste.  Marie  or  Michilli- 
mackinac. — Ed. 


171 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  285 

I  have  determined  with  the  consent  of  his  nation,  to  send  you, 
the  grand  chief  of  the  Illinois  of  Rock  village.^  His  name  is 
Chachagonache.  He  is  a  good  man,  and  has  much  authority ; 
and  I  trust,  Sir,  that  you  will  induce  him  to  make  peace  with 
the  Miamis. 

The  affair  is  of  very  great  consequence,  the  Miamis  having 
sent  me  word,  that  they  should  abandon  their  village  and  build 
another  on  the  Oyou,  in  the  fond  of  Lake  Erie.*  It  is  pre- 
cisely where  the  English  are  about  to  erect  a  fort,  according  to 
the  belts  they  have  sent  to  the  different  nations.  They  also 
said,  that  they  would  be  contented,  if  you  sent  them,  Sir,  a  gar- 
rison and  a  Rev.  Father,  a  Jesuit;  and  some  presents,  that  they 
say  you  promised  them. 

Mikisabie,  the  Potawatamie  chief,  has  much  influence  over 
the  mind  of  this  Illinois  chief.  He  goes  with  him.  Joseph, 
who  accompanies  them,  deserves  your  kindness.  I  have  had 
much  trouble  to  save  his  life.  I  venture.  Sir,  to  request,  that 
you  would  take  care  that  the  Indians,  who  are  with  Mr.  De 
Vincennes,  return  contented;  their  visit  secures  this  post 
Saguina  has  complained  to  me  that  Mr.  Desliettes'  would  not 
wait  for  him  last  spring,  believing  it  was  through  contempt. 

Poor  Otchipouac  died  this  winter.  It  is  a  great  loss  to  us, 
for  he  had  much  firmness,  and  was  well  disposed  toward  the 
French.  We  have  another  difficult  affair,  which  threatens  to 
give  us  much  trouble.  The  Kickapoos,  who  live  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Maumee  River,  are  about  to  make  war  upon  us,  now  that 
our  allies  have  left  us;  about  thirty  Mascoutins  have  joined 
them.  A  canoe  of  Kickapoos,  who  came  here  to  speak  to  the 
three  villages,  has  been  defeated  by  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas. 

1  Reference  is  here  made  to  the  Illinois  village  located  near  La 
Salle's  fort  (St  Louis,  on  "Starved  Rock;"  see  p.  100,  ante,  note). — ^Ed. 

2  There  must  be  at  this  point  some  error  or  omission  in  the  transcrip- 
tion of  the  original  document  Allusion  is  apparently  made  to  the  place 
where  the  Miamis  later  formed  a  settlement  in  the  bend  of  the  Maumee 
river  where  now  stands  the  city  of  Fort  Wayne,  Ind.;  not  far  from 
that  place  was  a  portage  by  which  easy  communication  could  be  had 
with  the  Ohio  river  (the  name  of  which  was  early  spelled  Oyo). — Ed. 

sA  relative  of  Henry  de  Tonty,  and  long  prominent  in  military  and 
Indian  afCairs  in  the  West— Ed. 


286  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

Among  them  was  a  principal  chief,  whose  head  was  brought  to 
me,  with  the  heads  of  three  others.  This  was  done  out  of  re- 
sentment, because  the  last  winter  they  had  taken  prisoners  some 
of  the  Hurons  and  the  Iroquois;  besides,  they  considered  him 
a  true  Ottagamie.  I  believe  that  if  Mr.  De  Vincennes  had  not 
been  at  the  mouth  of  the  Maumee  at  the  time,  the  KickapooB 
would  have  killed  the  two  Hurons  and  the  Iroquois.  There 
was  every  probability  of  it.  Those  same  Indians  took  prisoner 
also,  Langlois,  who  was  on  his  return  from  the  Miami  country, 
and  who  had  many  letters  from  the  Rev.  Fathers,  the  Jesuits  of 
the  Illinois  villages.  All  these  letters  have  been  destroyed, 
which  circumstance  has  given  me  much  uneasiness,  as  I  am 
sure,  Sir,  there  were  some  for  you  from  Louisiana.  They  dis- 
missed him,  after  robbing  him  of  his  peltry,  charging  him  to 
return  and  tell  them  the  news ;  but  he  had  no  more  desire  to  do 
that,  than  I  had  to  permit  him.  However,  the  Ottawas  might 
safely  send  there,  because  the  Kickapoos  have  among  them  one 
of  their  women,  with  her  children.  I  will  endeavor  to  prevail 
upon  the  Ottawas  and  the  Hurons  to  accommodate  their  diffi- 
culties with  the  Kickapoos,  in  order  that  our  repose  may  not  be 
troubled  here. 

The  diflFerent  nations  have  returned  peaceably,  with  all  their 
slaves.  Saguina  has  abandoned  his  village,  and  gone  to  Michili- 
macinac.  The  Potawatamies  abandoned  also  theirs,  and  will 
either  come  here  or  go  to  the  Illinois.  More  than  half  of  the 
Ottawas,  of  this  place,  will  repair  to  Michilimacinac.  The 
Chippeways  and  Mississiguas  will  go  to  Topicanich.  They 
have  not  at  all  been  disposed  to  make  any  satisfaction  to  the 
Miamis,  for  the  murder  of  the  last  year,  with  Mr.  De  Tonty. 
The  Miamis  are  very  urgent  upon  this  subject.  I  spare  no 
trouble  to  induce  them  to  be  patient,  and  also  to  persuade  them, 
that  I  am  laboring  earnestly  for  their  interest 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you.  Sir,  that  I  accomplished  a 
measure  the  last  year  that  Mr.  De  Lamothe  never  could  effect, 
during  all  the  time  he  was  here ;  which  was  to  compel  the  Otta- 
was to  make  a  solid  peace  with  the  Miamis,  and  to  engage  them 
to  visit  the  latter,  which,  till  now,  they  never  would  do.  I  suc- 
ceeded very  happily  in  the  object,  the  Miamis  having  received 


171 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  287 

them  very  kindly,  and  a  durable  alliance  has  been  the  conse- 
quence. 

I  flatter,  myself,  Sir,  it  will  be  agreeable  to  you  to  be  in- 
formed, that  Mr.  De  Vincennes  has  faithfully  performed  his 
duty,  and  that  he  has  labored  assiduously  here,  as  well  as  on. 
his  voyage  to  the  Miamis  and  Ouyatonoms  the  last  winter.  If 
I  am  so  happy,  Sir,  as  to  receive  your  approbation  of  my  con- 
duct, I  shall  be  fully  compensated  for  all  my  trouble,  and  shall 
experience  no  more  dejection.  My  success  has  been  much  ow- 
ing to  the  great  influence  I  have  over  the  nations ;  Mr.  De  Vin- 
cennes is  the  witness  of  this.  I  do  not  say  this  either  to  gratify 
my  vanity,  or  to  claim  any  credit,  for  truly  I  am  very  tired  of 
Detroit  You  can  easily  judge.  Sir,  in  what  a  condition  my  af- 
fairs must  be,  in  consequence  of  having  no  presents  belonging  to 
the  king  in  my  hands.  However,  I  venture  to  trust  to  your 
goodness,  and  hope  that  you  will  not  suffer  a  [poor]  devil  to  be 
reduced  to  beggary. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  profound  respect,  Sir,  your  very 

humble,  and  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  Dubuisson. 
At  Fort  du  Detboit,  Pontchabtbain,  June  15,  1712. 

[This  letter  was  addressed  to  The  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  Govemor- 
Oeneral  of  New  France.] 


Statement  of  expenditures,  made  by  Mr.  Dubuisson,  for  the 
service  of  the  king,  to  gain  an  influence  over  the  nations  and  to 
secure  them  in  his  interest^  in  order  to  sustain  the  post  of  the 
Fort  de  Pontchartrain,  of  Detroit,  against  the  Ottagamies  and 
Mascoutins,  who  had  been  paid  by  the  English  to  destroy  it — 
to  wit: 

4  barrels  of  powder  of  50  lbs.  each,  to  distribute  to 
the  Indians,  for  the  defence  of  Fort  Pontchar- 
train, and  to  attack  that  of  the  Ottagamies  and 
Mascoutins;  the  powder  having  been  purchased 
of  the  voyageurs,  at  4  livres  pr  lb.  making  the  m«w- 
sum  of 800 


288  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

Horn. 

300  lbs  balls  for  the  same  object,  at  60  sols  the  lb 450 

60  bags  of  Indian  Com,  at  8  livres  the  bag,  for  the  sub- 
sistence of  the  Indians 480 

300  flints  at  7  sols  pr  hundred 21 

6  guns  to  give  to  five  chiefs,  in  order  to  attach  them 
to  the  interests  of  Mr.  Dubuisson,  estimated  at 

30  livres  each 150 

8  blankets,  to  bury  certain  principal  Indians,  killed 

in  the  service,  estimated  at  30  livres  each 240 

8  pr  of  leggins  for  the  same  object,  at  7  livres  10  sols 

the  pr. 60 

8  shirts  for  the  same  object^  at  10  livres  each 80 

100  lbs  tobacco  to  be  ready  to  be  given  to  the  Indians  at 

all  times,  at  4  livres  the  lb 400 

100  butcher-knives,  to  use  as  bayonets,  for  the  Indians       100 
3  lbs  Vermillion  to  paint  the  Warriors,  at  40  livres 

the    lb 120 


2,901 

I  certify,  that  I  furnished,  for  the  service  of  the  king,  for  the 

defence  of  Fort  de  Pontchartrain,  the  articles  mentioned  in  the 

above  statement 

Done  at  Quebec,  Oct  14,  1712. 

(Signed)  Dubuisson. 


1712:     INDIAN  AFFAIRS  IN  THE  LAKE  REGION. 

[EiXtract  from  a  letter  of  Father  Mares t  to  Governor  de  Vaudreuil; 
dated  June  21,  1712.  From  Sheldon's  Early  Hist.  Michigan,  pp.  299- 
305.] 

No  doubt  you  have  already  learned  the  news  of  the  recent  at- 
tack on  Detroit^  by  the  Sacs,  Foxes,  and  Mascoutins,  by  a  canoe 
sent  from  that  place.  The  Rev.  Father  Recollet  of  Detroit  in- 
forms  me  that  about  eight  hundred  men,  women,  and  cdiildren 
of  the  Foxes  and  Mascoutins  have  been  destroyed ;  yet,  in  this 
large  number,  I  presume  he  does  not  reckon  forty  warriors^ 


I712]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  289 

sixty  women,  and  more  than  a  hundred  children  of  the  31  ascou- 
tins,  who  are  reported  to  have  been  killed  near  the  great  river.* 
I  only  give  the  report  of  others.  Sakima  is  going  to  Montreal ; 
he  and  Makisabe,  a  Pottawatomie,  who  is  also  going  down  from 
Detroit,  were  the  chiefs  principally  concerned;  they  will  give 
you  their  own  account  of  affairs. 

Although  the  number  of  the  dead  is  very  great,  the  Fox  na- 
tion is  not  destroyed.  There  still  remain  a  great  number  of 
them  near  the  [Green]  Bay — some  say  there  are  two  hundred 
warriors,  besides  those  who  have  gone  to  the  Iroquois.  Their 
brothers,  the  Kickapoos,  to  whose  villages  ten  families  of  the 
Mascoutins  have  retired,  have  more  than  a  hundred  good  war- 
riors; the  Sacs,  eighty  men,  boatmen;  the  Puans,  sixty  brave 
men,  also  boatmen.  If  these  all  unite,  as  is  natural,  they  may 
yet  excite  terror,  especially  here.  They  would  indeed  be  truly 
formidable,  because  so  many  of  them  are  boatmen.  Michili- 
mackinac  would  no  longer  be  a  place  of  safety,  as  hitherto.  It 
is  not  far  from  this  post  to  the  Bay,  and  the  savages  could  come 
here  both  by  land  and  water,  and  not  only  the  savages,  but  the 
French,^  who  were  the  first  movers  in  this  war,  having  joined 
with  the  Outawas  to  destroy  the  Foxes.  We  believe,  however, 
that  the  Foxes  at  the  Bay,  having  heard  of  the  attack  upon  those 
at  Detroit,  will  flee;  and  it  is  not  difficult  to  believe  that  the 
Sacs  and  Puans  will  take  the  part  of  the  Foxes  against  the 
French  and  Outawas ;  but  these  are  only  conjectures.  It  is  cer- 
tain that,  in  this  region,  there  will  always  be  cause  to  fear  an 
attack,  either  from  the  savages  at  Detroit  or  at  the  Bay,  or 
from  the  Illinois.  The  French,  if  they  go,  as  is  their  custom — 
two  men  alone  in  a  boat  to  make  the  tour  of  the  lakes — will  al- 
ways be  in  danger;  for  the  Foxes,  Kickapoos,  and  Mascoutins 
are  found  everywhere,  and  they  are  a  people  without  pity  and 
without  reason. 

If  this  coimtry  ever  needs  M.  Louvigny,  it  is  now;  the  sav- 
ages say  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  he  should  come  for  the 

1  Apparently  a  mistake  in  translation;  reference  is  probably  Hiade  to 
the  Grand  river  of  Michigan,  flowing  into  Lake  Michigan. — Ed. 

sit  is  difficult  to  understand  the  meaning  of  this  sentence,  If  taken 
literally;  there  is  probably  some  error  of  omission  in  the  transcript 
from  the  original. — Ed. 

20 


2Q0  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

safety  of  the  country,  to  unite  the  tribes,  and  to  defend  those 
whom  the  war  has  already  caused  to  return  to  Michilimackinac 
The  Indians  of  the  great  river,  those  of  Saginaw,  and  many 
from  Detroit,  have  gone  to  Manitoulin  with  Le  Fesant  But  if 
M.  Louvigny  returns  here,  no  doubt  they  will  all  quit  Manitou- 
lin, where  they  have  planted  but  little,  and  return  here. 

The  savages  told  me  that  all  the  Outawas  at  Detroit  would 
have  come  here,  but  for  the  recent  arrival  of  fifty  or  sixty 
Frenchmen,  who  said  they  were  soon  to  be  followed  by  hun- 
dreds of  others.  This  news,  though  probably  not  entirely  true, 
has  changed  the  purpose  of  many  who  wished  to  leave  Detroit, 
and  they  have  now  invited  the  Outawas  and  Fottawatomies  to 
come  and  establish  themselves  there.  Sakima  has  had  a  quar- 
rel with  all  the  Outawas,  both  here  and  at  the  great  river.  I 
do  not  know  what  course  the  Fottawatomies  will  take ;  nor  even 
what  course  those  will  pursue  who  are  here,  if  M.  Louvigny 
does  not  come,  especially  if  the  Foxes  come  to  attack  them  or  u& 

Sakima  very  much  desired  to  come  and  present  his  respects 
to  you ;  but  the  French  have  thought  it  best  for  him  to  remain 
for  the  safety  of  this  village.  In  his  absence,  the  enemy  might 
attack  us,  while  his  presence  would  arrest  all  such  designs,  as  he 
is  greatly  feared.  They  have  believed  it  quite  sufficient  for 
Koutaouiliboe  to  go  down  and  inform  you  of  all  that  has 
passed :  not  deeming  it  expedient  for  both  to  leave  Michilimack- 
inac at  such  a  time  as  this. 

July  2,  1712. 
This  morning  Koutaouiliboe  came  to  see  me,  determined  to 
prosecute  a  German  quarrel.  "What  does  our  father  Onontio 
mean  ?"  he  demanded.  "It  is  already  five  years  since  he  prom- 
ised us  M.  Louvigny ;  still,  he  wishes  to  deceive  us  this  year,  as 
he  has  done  in  all  the  others.  He  tells  us  that  the  great  Onon- 
tio, the  king,  especially  loves  his  children  of  Michilimackinac, 
yet  it  seems  that  he  abandons  them  entirely.  Formerly,  l)eford 
the  establishment  of  Detroit,  we  were  a  powerful  nation.  All 
the  other  nations  were  obliged  to  come  here  to  obtain  neces- 
saries, and  there  was  no  trouble,  as  there  is  now.  But  the  most 
savage  and  unreasonable  of  the  nations,  such  as  the  Foxes,  Kick- 
apoos,   Mascoutins,   Miamis,  and  others,  who  do  not  use  the 


171 2]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN   WISCONSIN.  29I 

canoe,  have  the  power  of  going  on  foot  to  Detroit,  in  as  great 
numbers  as  they  wish,  to  buy  their  powder  and  trouble  their 
allies.  Yet  the  French  desire  more  than  ever  to  establish  De- 
troit 

"A  canoe  which  arrived  yesterday  from  Detroit  brought  the 
news  that  M.  de  la  Forest  had  already  arrived  with  fifty  men. 
He  had  not  come  to  remain,  but  only  came  beforehand  to  hold 
a  council  with  the  savages.  Some  time  hence  there  is  to  come 
another  French  chief,  a  young  man,  who  has  bought  all  the 
movables  of  M.  la  Motte,  his  plate,  his  cattle,  and  other  prop- 
erty ;  he  has  also  bought  all  the  land  of  Detroit.  This  chief  is 
to  come  with  four  hundred  French  to  build  a  city,  in  which, 
after  four  years,  they  are  to  sell  goods  at  the  same  price  as  at 
Montreal.  Only  two  canoes  are  ordered  to  come  to  Michili- 
mackinac  It  is  also  said  that  a  few  persons  will  steal  away, 
and  come  here  to  settle.  This,  then,  is  the  preference  which 
the  French  give  to  Michilimackinac  It  is  because  Detroit  has 
always  been  a  theater  of  war,  and  because  it  always  will  be  so, 
that  they  think  only  of  its  establishment.  Does  our  father  wish 
that  we  should  leave  a  place  of  security  like  this,  and  go  to  De- 
troit to  be  killed,  ourselves  and  our  children  ? 

"If  our  father  loves  us,  why  does  he  not  establish  us  here, 
and  give  us  him  whom  he  has  so  long  promised  us,  to  give  spirit 
to  those  who  have  it  not,  and  to  strengthen  us  against  our  ene- 
mies ?  Does  not  our  father  know  that  all  the  Outawas  of  the 
great  river  have  returned  here,  almost  all  those  of  Saginaw,  and 
many  of  those  from  Detroit,  all  except  Jean  le  Blanc,  whose 
wife  is  already  here  ?  Does  he  not  know  that  all  the  Outawas 
of  Detroit  had  already  pitched  their  canoes,  in  order  to  come 
here,  with  half  of  the  Hurons,  while  the  other  half  of  the  tribe 
were  to  go  to  the  Iroquois,  not  considering  themselves  safe  at 
Detroit  any  more  than  the  Sauteurs  and  the  Mississagues,  who 
all  left  that  place  after  the  attack  made  by  the  Foxes?  But 
when  they  received  the  news  of  the  coming  of  the  French,  they 
resolved  to  remain."  I  could  only  tell  him  that  you  would 
know  how  to  reply  to  him  when  he  should  come  into  your  pres- 
ence. He  said  that  the  only  satisfactory  reply  which  his  father 
could  make,  was  to  grant  him  the  commandant  who  had  been 
promised  long  since,  and  whom  he  was  now  going  to  seek* 


292  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

Koutaouiliboe  has  also  told  me  another  fine  piece  of  news; 
that  there  was  peace  in  all  Europe,  and  that  "the  great  Onontio 
of  the  French  had  given  one-half  of  his  children  to  the  English, 
but  that  he  had  requested  the  English  not  to  give  them  bad 
medicine."  He  said  he  was  indifferent  whether  he  went  to 
Boston  or  Montreal,  as  there  was  nothing  but  powder  at  Mon- 
treal, and  that  the  French  themselves  went  to  purchase  goods 
at  the  stores  of  the  English.  Already  at  Detroit,  he  said,  they 
gave  two  hands  of  tobacco  for  a  beaver,  and  a  scarlet  blanket  for 
five  or  six  beavers,  and  so  on  with  other  goods. 

There  is  one  thing,  however,  which  makes  all  this  news  sua- 
picious;  those  who  told  it  brought  no  letters,  and  that  makes 
many  believe  that  it  is  news  made  expressly  for  the  occasion, 
either  by  the  French  inhabitants  of  Detroit,  or  by  the  savages 
who  remain  there  in  such  small  numbers  that  they  wish  to  cause 
others  to  return  there  for  their  safety.  He  also  told  me  that 
M.  la  Motte  had  gone  to  Quebec,  and  that  he  told  the  people  at 
Detroit,  at  parting,  that  he  was  not  leaving  them  forever,  but,  at 
the  expiration  of  four  years,  they  would  see  him  again.^  See 
how  the  savages  make  news  according  to  their  interests  or  in- 
clinations ! 

The  FoUe-Avoines  have  made  an  attack  upon  Chagouamigon 
and  his  wife,  the  adopted  brother  and  sister  of  Durang6 ;  they 
have  killed  the  one,  and  carried  off  the  other.  Durange  is  com- 
ing here  to  recover  the  prisoner.  It  is  said  that  the  people  of 
Detroit  are  coming  to  make  war  against  the  Kickapoos,  and 
that  they  have  invited  the  Sauteurs  to  join  them. 

Pardon  me,  sir,  if  I  bring  you  only  savage  news;  Koutaouili- 
boe will  be  able  to  tell  you  some  other.  He  will  be  sure  to  make 
you  remember  that  he  is  the  only  one  who  has  observed  your 
words ;  and  that  he  had  reason  to  tell  you  last  year,  that  all  your 
children  would  forget  them  as  soon  as  they  should  be  beyond  the 
region  of  Montreal,  and  would  not  fail  to  kill  each  other.  I 
am,  with  profound  respect,  sir. 

Your  very  humble,  and  very  obedient  servant, 

Joseph  J.  Mabest, 
Of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

iLamothe-Cadillac  was  appointed,  in  1711,  goyemor  of  Louisiana,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Dubuisson  as  conunandant  at  Detroit — ISd. 


171 2]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  293 


1712:     ANOTHER  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  DETROIT. 

[Translated  from  Collection  de  Manuacrits  relatifa  d  la  NouveUe^ 
France  (Quebec,  1883),  pp.  622-625;  authorship  ascribed  to  Gaspard 
Chaussegros  de  L^ry,  chief  engineer  of  Canada.] 

About  the  month  of  August,  the  Iroquois  chiefs  came  down 
to  Quebec,  and  were  regaled  at  the  palace  by  Monsieur  d'Aigre- 
mont.  A  few  days  afterward,  we  were  informed  of  the  defeat 
of  the  Renards  at  Detroit,  but  we  did  not  learn  the  details  of  the 
affair  until  long  afterward.  It  is  well  to  know  that  when  Mon- 
sieur de  Lamotte  was  at  Detroit,  wishing  to  attract  the  trade  of 
all  the  nations  to  his  post,  he  sent  collars  to  the  Mascoutins  and 
Quiyquapous,  to  invite  them  to  form  a  village  there,  and  offered 
them  a  location  for  it.  They  accepted  this  proposal,  and,  hav- 
ing come  thither  to  the  number  of  forty  families  erected  a  fort 
there  in  the  place  assigned  them.  As  that  nation  [the  Ee- 
nards]  is  both  feared  and  hated  by  the  other  tribes,  on  account 
of  its  people's  arrogance,  the  others  began  to  stir  up  a  conspir- 
acy against  those  who  were  settled  at  Detroit ;  and  actually,  m 
1712,  when  Sieur  de  Buisson  was  commandant  at  that  place, 
the  Huron  and  Outaouac  conspirators,  to  the  number  of  about 
nine  hundred  men,  arrived  at  the  French  fort  That  command- 
ant opened  the  gate  to  them ;  they  quickly  entered  the  fort  and 
ascended  the  bastions,  which  commanded  the  Eenard  fort,  and 
fired  many  volleys  of  musketry  at  the  Renards. 

One  of  the  Renard  chiefs  spoke  aloud,  addressing  the  French' 
in  the  following  terms:  "What  does  this  mean,  my  Father? 
Thou  didst  invite  us  to  come  to  dwell  near  thee ;  thy  word  is 
even  now  fresh  in  our  pouches.  And  yet  thou  declarest  war 
against  us.  What  cause  have  we  given  for  it?  My  Father, 
thou  seemest  no  longer  to  remember  that  there  are  no  nations 
among  those  whom  thou  callest  thy  children  who  have  not  wet 
their  hands  with  the  blood  of  Frenchmen.  I  am  the  only  one 
whom  thou  canst  not  reproach;  and  yet  thou  art  joining  our 
enemies  to  eat  us.  But  know  that  the  Renard  is  immortal ;  and 
that  if  in  defending  myself  I  shed  the  blood  of  Frenchmen  my 
Father  cannot  reproach  me."  There  were  also  many  other 
points  in  his  speech. 


^94  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.XVl 

The  conference  finished  (or  rather  interrupted)  by  the  dis- 
charge of  muskets;  the  Eenard  replied  to  them  quite  sharply, 
and  labored  night  and  day  in  digging  pits  in  their  f  ort,  in  order 
to  place  their  families  in  those  places  to  shelter  them  from  the 
firearms.  On  the  fourth  day  the  Eenard,  finding  that  his  pro- 
visions were  beginning  to  fail,  again  addressed  the  French,  in 
these  terms :  "My  Father,  I  do  not  speak  to  thee ;  I  speak  to 
those  women  who  are  hidden  in  thy  fort,  and  tell  them  that,  if 
they  are  as  brave  as  they  say  they  are,  they  will  send  out  eighty 
of  the  best  warriors ;  I  promise  them,  and  thou  shalt  be  the  wit- 
ness, my  father,  that  I  will  oppose  to  them  only  twenty  war- 
riors, and  that  if  the  eighty  conquer  these  men,  I  consent  to  be 
their  slave.  But  if,  on  the  contrary,  the  twenty  overcome  the 
eighty  warriors,  the  latter  shall  be  our  slaves."  No  response 
was  made  to  any  of  these  propositions,  save  by  a  volley  of  mus^ 
ketrshots,  which,  however,  killed  no  one. 

•  When  the  eighth  day  arrived,  the  Renards,  utterly  en- 
feebled,— for  they  had  passed  six  days  without  any  food,— • 
departed  from  their  fort  at  night,  with  their  families,  but  were 
not  discovered. 

The  men  in  the  French  fort  had  been  accustomed^  at  day- 
light^ to  fire  many  musket-volleys  at  that  of  the  Renards,  who, 
for  their  part,  replied  in  like  manner ;  but  on  that  day  they  no 
longer  fired  their  guns,  which  aroused  in  the  besieged  a  curiosr 
ity  to  go  to  the  Renard  fort,  where  they  found  no  one.  Imme- 
diately the  chiefs  demanded,  from  Monsieur  de  Buisson,  Sieur 
de  Vincennes  and  a  niunber  of  Frenchmen  to  head  their  march 
in  pursuit  of  the  Renards.  As  the  latter  were  famished,  they 
directed  their  course  to  a  sort  of  peninsula,  in  order  to  feed 
upon  the  herbage;  and  they  could  only  be  reached  by  a  defile 
which  they  carefully  guarded.  At  last  the  Detroit  party 
reached  that  place,  and  closed  the  path  to  the  Renard  fort;  and 
there  was  firing  on  both  sides.  The  Renard,  seeing  that  he  was 
shut  in,  again  spoke,  addressing  Sieur  de  Vincennes,  who  had 
already  summoned  them  to  surrender:  "I  will  surrender  my- 
self ;  answer  me  at  once,  my  Father,  and  tell  me  if  there  is  quar- 
ter for  our  families.  Answer  me."  Sieur  de  Vincennes  called 
out  to  them  that  he  granted  their  lives  and  safety.  As  soon  as 
the  Renard  laid  down  his  weapons,  and  while  he  was  going  to 


I713]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  295 

meet  the  allies,  in  an  instant  his  people  were  surrounded ;  and 
all  the  Kenards  were  cut  in  pieces  before  they  could  regain  their 
weapons.  The  women  and  children  were  made  slaves,  and  most 
of  them  were  sold  to  the  French. 

Thus  perished  the  Kenards  whom  Monsieur  de  Lamotte  had 
brought  to  Detroit.  As  soon  as  the  Maskoutins  and  Quiyqua- 
pous  of  the  large  villages  learned  of  this  deed,  they  sent  many 
war-parties  into  the  field — some  to  La  Baye,  others  to  Detroit, 
and  to  all  the  routes  of  travel.  They  caused  all  the  other  na- 
tions to  take  to  flight,  as  the  latter  did  not  dare  to  remain  at  the 
enemy's  approach ;  this  went  on  until  Monsieur  de  Louvigny  be- 
sieged them  in  their  fort,  where  they  were  well  entrenched ;  but 
they  were  compelled,  by  the  bombs  fired  at  them,  to  surrender, 
their  lives  being  spared ;  this  was  granted  them  by  Monsieur  de 
Louvigny  despite  the  wishes  and  advice  of  the  other  nation^ 
who  wished  to  exterminate  them. 


1713:     REESTABLISHMENT  OF  MICHILIMACKINAC. 

IMemorial  written  by  the  Intendant  of  Canada  ;i  dated  at  Quebec,  Sept. 

20,  1713.] 

It  appears  from  the  letter  of  Father  Marest,  missionary  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  dated  July  19^^,  1712,  that  the  post  at 
Michilimackinac  had  been  abandoned  since  the  establishment 
of  Detroit,  but  its  reestablishment  would  be  useful  to  the  col- 
ony ;  and  that  M.  Louvigny  is  expected  there  to  gather  the  sav- 
ages together,  which  will  be  easily  accomplished,  as  they  have 
great  confidence  in  him.  M.  Lignery,  in  his  letter  of  the  20th 
of  July  last,  also  states  that  it  is  necessary  that  Michilimackinac 
should  be  reinforced  with  a  garrison  of  trained  soldiers,  with- 
out which  no  commandant  could  succeed.  There  are  at  present 
at  that  post  about  forty  deserters,  who,  in  all  their  conduct^  only 
consult  their  own  interest.     He  expresses  great  impatience  for 


iThis  was  Claude  Michel  Begon;  his  term  of  office  was  from  August, 
1712,  to  August,  1726.— Ed. 


296  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

the  arrival  of  M.  Louvignyy  feeling  assured  that  he  will  not 
oome  without  a  garrison.  M.  Lignery  says  the  allied  nations 
have  gone  to  war  with  the  Foxes,  and  he  will  give  the  result  of 
the  expedition  when  they  return. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  war  among  the  nations  requires 
much  attention  at  present,  as  no  action  can  Toe  taken  in  the  mat- 
ter till  the  final  result  is  known.  Let  us  now  examine  the  ad- 
vantages which,  there  is  reason  to  hope,  will  be  derived  from 
the  reestablishment  of  Midiilimackinac,  and  whether  it  is  best 
to  send  M.  Louvigny  there  with  troops,  or  without.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  troops  cannot  be  sent  there  at  present,  because  their 
expenses  for  clothing  and  other  necessaries  would  be  very  great^ 
and  there  is  no  order  from  the  king  for  such  an  outlay.  Nor 
does  it  seem  best  to  send  M.  Louvigny  without  troops,  as,  by  the 
letter  of  M.  Lignery,  it  appears  that  the  principal  object  of  the 
journey  of  M.  Louvigny  would  be  to  bring  a  garrison  with  him, 
that  he  might  be  able  to  overcome  the  forty  coureurs  des  bois, 
who  will  remain  masters  there  as  long  as  there  are  no  troops. 

Under  existing  circumstances,  it  seems  far  better  that  the 
journey  of  M.  Louvigny  should  be  deferred  until  spring.  If 
he  should  attempt  the  journey  this  fall,  he  must  leave  between 
this  and  the  15th  of  next  month — and  should  he  be  two  months 
in  ascending  the  river,  as  the  canoes  were  last  year,  he  would 
not  reach  Michilimackinac  before  the  15th  of  November.  The 
savages  would  then  be  hunting,  and  would  not  return  till  May, 
when  they  come  to  plant  their  com;  and  not  till  then  could 
M.  Louvigny  hold  a  council  with  them  concerning  the  affairs  of 
the  colony. 

M.  Louvigny  could  not  undertake  the  journey  at  his  own  ex- 
pense. Provisions  and  clothing  for  himself  and  the  troops,  and 
presents  for  the  savages,  would  require  a  considerable  sum,  and 
there  are  at  present  no  funds,  the  storehouses  are  empty,  and 
all  kinds  of  merchandise  are  very  dear.  By  waiting  until 
spring,  he  would  be  able  to  supply  himself  from  the  stores 
which  His  Majesty  will  send  this  autumn.  Besides,  the  prin- 
cipal object  of  the  journey  of  M.  Louvigny  being  the  reestab- 
lishment of  Michilimackinac — which  has  been  delayed  until 
the  peace,*  because  it  was  not  considered  expedient  to  weaken 
iThe  treaty  of  Utrecht,  raUfied  AprU  11,  1718.— Ed. 


1 71 3]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  297 

the  colony  during  the  war — it  seems  necessary,  before  proceed- 
ing further,  to  know  the  intentions  of  His  Majesty.  There 
must  necessarily  be  great  expense  incurred  for  the  officers,  for 
the  garrison,  and  in  presents  to  the  savages ;  and  if  the  project 
meet  His  Majesty's  approbation,  he  will  appropriate  funds  for 
that  purpose. 

Michimilimackinac  might  be  reestablished  without  expense  to 
His  Majesty,  either  by  surrendering  the  trade  of  the  post  to 
such  individuals  as  will  obligate  themselves  to  pay  all  the  ex- 
penses of  twenty-two  soldiers  and  two  officers,  to  furnish  muni- 
tions of  war  for  the  defense  of  the  fort,  and  to  make  presents  to 
the  savages.  Or,  the  expenses  of  that  post  might  be  paid  by  the 
sale  of  permits,  if  the  king  should  not  think  proper  to  grant  an 
exclusive  conmaerce.  It  is  absolutely  necessary  to  know  the 
wishes  of  the  king  concerning  these  two  propositions ;  and  as 
M.  Lignery  is  at  Michilimackinac,  it  will  not  be  any  greater 
injury  to  the  colony  to  defer  the  reestablishment  of  this  post^ 
than  it  has  been  for  eight  or  ten  years  past. 

The  conduct  of  the  coureur^  des  bois  is  an  evil  which  has 
lasted  a  long  time,  and  we  must  learn  whether  the  king  will 
grant  them  a  general  amnesty,  or  punish  them  according  to  the 
rigor  of  the  ordinance,  which  is  corporal  punishment  and  the 
confiscation  of  their  goods.  Until  this  decision  is  made,  their 
trading  at  Michilimackinac  will  not  injure  the  colony  any  more 
than  if  they  pursued  the  same  course  elsewhere.  It  seems  neces- 
sary, in  order  to  prevent  the  savages  from  going  to  trade  with 
the  English,  where  goods  are  cheaper  than  they  are  at  Montreal, 
that  our  goods  should  be  carried  to  them.  Therefore,  thou^ 
the  coureurs  des  bois  deserve  punishment  for  disobeying  the 
orders  of  the  king,  no  doubt  the  trade  which  they  cany  on  with 
the  nations  is  advantageous  to  the  colony.  This  trade,  during 
the  war,  has  brought  beaver  and  other  furs  to  Montreal  that 
would  otherwise  have  gone  to  the  English,  had  there  been  no 
French  in  the  upper  country.  Besides,  the  principal  object 
being  to  prevent  any  intelligence  passing  between  the  Qutawas 
and  Iroquois,  the  French  should  carry  all  that  the  savages  might 
need,  lest  they  be  attracted  to  the  English,  first  by  necessity,  and 
afterward  by  the  cheapness  of  their  goods ;  and  it  being  impos- 


298  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.Xvi 

Bible  to  prevent  their  going,  the  fur  trade  in  Canada,  which  is 
onr  principal  dependence,  would  be  mined.  The  savages  would 
also  array  themselves  against  us  in  the  first  war,  as  thej  always 
take  the  part  of  those  with  whom  they  trade. 


1713-14:  FOXES  ARE  UNRULY  AND  LAWLESS;  SHOULD  BE 

DESTROYED;  FRENCH  RENEGADES. 

[Extracts  from  letter  of  Vaudreuil  and  B^son  to  the  Minister;  dated 
Nov.  15,  1713.  Original  MS.  is  in  archives  of  Minist^re  des  Colonies* 
Paris;  pressmark,  "Canada,  Corresp.  g4n.,  vol.  34,  c.  11,  fol.  4."] 

Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  would  have  wished  to  send  last  spring 
Sieur  de  Louvigny  to  Michilimaquina  to  bring  about  a  peace 
between  the  outaois  and  other  nations  of  the  upper  country,  or 
to  have  the  war  against  the  Eenards  continued,  because  he  has 
a  good  deal  of  influence  among  these  nations.  Sieur  de  Yau- 
dreuil  apprehended  that  this  delay  might  have  a  bad  effect,  and 
that  those  nations  might  go  to  deal  with  the  English ;  M.  Begon 
who  admitted  the  utility  of  this  voyage,  believed,  however,  that 
he  could  not  employ  any  of  the  means  that  have  been  proposed 
to  him  for  so  doing. 

The  Kenards  being  the  common  Enemies  of  all  the  nations  of 
the  upper  country,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  take  all  possible 
measures  for  destroying  them,  as  they  have  but  recently  killed 
at  detroit  three  Frenchmen  and  five  hurons.  That  act  obliged 
the  hurons  to  send  here  [Quebec]  six  of  their  people,  in  their 
name  and  that  of  the  Miamis,  to  ask  for  help;  and  to  request 
that  the  French  join  with  them  to  obtain  satisfaction — as  other- 
mse  they  will  find  themselves  very  closely  confined  to  fort  Pont- 
chartrain  at  detroit,  and  in  fear  of  having  their  heads  broken 
every  time  they  leave  it.  This  new  outrage  on  the  part  of  the 
Renards  (who  last  spring  at  the  baye  des  puantes  killed  one 
I'Epine,  a  Frenchman)  makes  it  apparent  that  it  is  no  longer 
possible  to  deal  gently  with  that  nation  without  incurring  the 
contempt  of  all  the  others,  who  are  informed  of  the  wrongs 
done  us  by  the  Renards. 


I7I3"I4]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  299 

We  can  not  better  succeed  in  this  enterprise  than  by  obliging 
the  French,  to  whom  licenses  are  granted  to  come  at  an  ap- 
pointed time  to  Michilimaquina,  which  will  be  the  gathering- 
point  both  for  the  French  and  the  savages  to  make  war  on  the 
renards.  We  can  also  oblige  each  one  of  those  to  whom  a  li- 
cense is  granted  to  furnish,  before  departing,  50  lbs.  of  powder 
and  100  lbs.  of  bullets  to  the  warehouse  at  Montreal.  The 
latter  will  furnish  to  his  Majesty  the  munitions  of  war  neces- 
sary for  this  enterprise,  which  can  thus  be  executed  without 
expense  to  his  Majesty,  since  those  holding  these  licenses  will 
go  at  their  own  expense.  They  indemnify  themselves  therefor 
by  trading  the  merchandise  they  carry  with  them,  which  they 
can  do  as  soon  as  the  Enterprise  against  the  Eenards  is  accom- 
plished. 

To  increase  the  number  of  the  French  in  this  expedition,  it 
appears  necessary  that  his  Majesty  should  be  pleased  to  grant 
an  amnesty  to  all  the  coureurs  de  bois  (to  the  number  of  100, 
more  or  less),  on  condition  that  they  go  to  Michilimakina  to 
join  the  other  French  and  the  savages,  and  make  war  on  the 
Benards,  under  the  command  of  the  officers  charged  with  this 
expedition.  This  reason,  together  with  the  conjuncture  of  the 
peace,  appears  very  reasonable  for  the  granting  of  this  am- 
nesty, and  it  is  moreover  for  the  good  of  the  Colony  to  make 
them  return  thither;  whereas,  if  His  Majesty  does  not  grant 
them  this  favor,  they  might  resolve  to  remain  always  in  the  up- 
per country,  and  perpetuate  themselves  there,  importing  mer- 
chandise from  this  colony  through  the  savages,  and  perhaps 
using  them  also  to  get  some  from  the  English.  Thus  those  men 
would  be  lost  to  this  country,  which  so  uigently  needs  them, 
and  those  coureurs  de  Bois,  no  longer  hoping  for  pardon,  might 
abandon  themselves  to  grievous  extremities.  The  most  natu- 
ral Rendezvous  for  the  expedition  against  the  Renards  is  Mich- 
ilimaquina,  which  is  the  centre  and  resort  of  all  the  nations. 

These  licenses  will  produce  a  good  Effect  among  the  nations 
of  the  upper  coimtry,  on  account  of  the  great  quantities  of  mer- 
chandise that  will  be  carried  to  them ;  that  will  keep  them  from 
going  to  seek  goods  among  the  English,  as  they  will  find  at 
home  all  that  they  need.      They  will  produce  at  the  same 


300  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

time  great  advantages  for  this  colony  on  account  of  the  abun- 
dance of  furs  that  will  be  brought  hither,  which  will  allow  the 
dealers  who  buy  them  to  return  to  France,  and  consequently 
to  bring  to  us  a  still  larger  quantity  of  merchandise.  It  is  so 
important  to  make  war  with  the  Renards  promptly,  and  to 
transport  merchandise  into  the  upper  country,  so  as  to  pre- 
vent the  savages  from  resorting  to  the  English  that  Messieurs 
Vaudreuil  and  Begon  beg  you,  Monseigneur,  to  deign  to  make 
known  the  intentions  of  his  Majesty  regarding  the  matter  by 
the  first  fishing- vessels  leaving  France  for  Plaisance^  or  for 
Cape  breton;  and,  meantime,  should  your  orders  not  be 
promptly  enough  received,  they  beg  you  to  approve  the  exe- 
cution of  their  design.  M.  de  Ramezay^  can  explain  to  you, 
Monseigneur,  the  importance  of  this  affair. 


[Part  of  a  letter  from  Claude  de  Ramezay  to  the  Minister;  dated 
Sept  18,  1714.8  Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  document,  but  foL 
354.] 

The  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  and  Monsieur  begon,  after  hav- 
ing attentively  examined  the  situation  of  the  outoua  savages^ 
have  considered  it  indispensable  to  make  war  on  the  Reynars, 
who  still  Continue  to  make  incursions  among  the  other  outoua 
nations.  Last  winter  they  destroyed  several  cabins  at  the  illi- 
nois,  and  killed  several  hurons  at  detroit;  so  that  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  lakes  and  the  inland  tribes  are  purposing  to  destroy 
them.     They  had  assembled,  last  year,  to  the  number  of  800 ; 

iThe  French  name  for  Placentia,  in  Newfoundland.  Cf.  also,  p.  240, 
note,  ante. — ^Bd. 

2 Claude  de  Ramezay  was  a  French  officer  (of  Scottish  descent)  who 
came  to  Canada  about  1685.  His  military  ability  gained  him  rapid  pro- 
motion, until  he  became  (1699)  commander  of  the  royal  troops  in  th« 
colony,  and  (1703)  governor  of  Montreal — holding  the  latter  post  until 
his  death,  Aug.  1,  1724.  Ramezay  was  also  acting  governor  of  Canada 
during  1714-16,  while  Vaudreuil  was  absent  in  France.  For  sketch 
of  his  life,  see  Revue  de  Montreal,  1878,  pp.  381-389.~Ed. 

>The  copy  of  this  document  from  which  our  translation  is  made,  is 
dated  1711;  but  internal  evidence  shows  that  it  must  have  been  writ- 
ten in  1714.— Ed. 


!7I3"I4]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  3OI 

but,  as  the  savages  are  not  adapted  for  long  Expeditions,  except 
when  they  are  sustained  and  animated  by  Frenchmen,  this  haa 
led  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  and  Monsieur  begon 
to  beg  you,  Monseigneur,  to  obtain  from  His  Majesty  an  am- 
nesty for  the  deserting  Frenchmen,  on  condition  that  they  will 
obey  Monsieur  de  Louvigny  and  other  officers  ordered  to  carry 
out  this  Expedition.  I  will  have  it  annoimced  to  them  that  all 
the  rigor  of  the  King's  ordinance  will  be  visited  upon  those 
who  do  not  avail  themselves  of  the  clemency  which  you  have 
had  the  goodness,  Monseigneur,  to  obtain  for  them  from  His 
Majesty,  to  Expiate  the  fault  of  which  they  have  been  guilty. 

It  is  Certain  that  the  reynars  have  no  retreat  except  among 
the  muscoutins  and  the  chicapoux,  and  that  all  the  other  sav- 
age nations  are  against  them  and  are  much  more  numerous; 
that  if  the  puants,  foUes  avoines,  sakis,  and  malominis  have 
not  declared  themselves  openly  against  them,  it  is  because  they 
are  the  Reynars'  nearest  neighbors;  and  that  if  they  once  de- 
clared themselves,  and  we  did  not  immediately  move  to  their 
assistance,  this  proximity  would  be  very  dangerous  for  them. 
This  is  the  language  used  by  Oulamex,^  one  of  the  principal 
chiefs  of  these  four  nations,  last  July,  to  the  Marquis  de  Vau- 
dreuil, who  was  assured  that  they  would  join  the  other  savages 
and  the  French  whenever  persuaded  that  it  is  our  earnest  in- 
tention to  destroy  them,  or  to  humiliate  them  in  such  manner 
that  they  can  not  again  trouble  the  other  savage  nations  in  the 
future.  Far  from  running  the  Risk  of  losing  this  commerce, 
as  you  do  me  the  honor  of  suggesting,  Monseigneur,  we  ensure 
it  by  this  means,  as  well  as  the  repose  and  peace  ol  all  these 
nations. 

To  be  assured  of  this  truth  it  is  only  necessary  to  Examine 
the  pitiable  situation  of  the  savage  nations,  who  are  dying  of 
hunger  in  their  cabins,  not  daring  to  leave  them  to  go  hunting 
on  account  of  their  well-grounded  fear  that  the  Reynards  will 
destroy  them  all,  one  after  the  other.  The  merchants  will  have 
a  gloomy  confirmation  of  this,  this  year,  on  seeing  how  little 
peltry  has  come  down  to  Michilimakinac.     It  might  even  be 

1  Perhaps  the  same  as  Wilamak,  name  of  a  Pottawattoznie  chief  men* 
tioned  in  N.  T.  Colon.  Does.,  ix,  p.  646. — Bo. 


302  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [voL  Xvi 

Feared  that,  if  we  remain  any  longer  inactive,  as  we  have  done 
for  the  past  two  years,  it  may  slacken  the  ardor  of  some  of 
these  savage  nations  and  lead  them  to  take  the  Keynards'  side ; 
and  that  we  may  get  no  satisfaction  for  the  acts  of  hostility 
which  they  have  committed  against  the  French.  This  impu- 
nity will  render  us  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  all  the  other  na- 
tions. After  much  reflection  on  the  part  of  Monsieur  the  Mar- 
quis de  Vaudreuil  and  of  Monsieur  Begon  in  regard  to  this 
war,  they  have  evidently  recognized  that  they  could  not  refrain 
from  undertaking  it,  without  Risking  the  alienation  of  part  of 
the  savages  and  the  loss  of  the  trade.  They  see  that  they  must 
set  out  to  march  against  the  Eeynards  to  reduce  them,  in  order 
to  teach  the  savages  that  one  cannot  insult  the  French  with 
impunity ;  and  to  show  them,  besides,  that  the  latter  join  with 
them  to  ensure  their  repose  and  enable  them  to  hunt  unmolested 
in  future. 

It  is  even  Disadvantageous  that  Monsieur  de  louvigny  did 
not  arrive  early  enough  to  go  thither  this  autumn ;  to  remedy 
this,  I  have  agreed  with  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  to 
send  two  boats  this  fall  (one  to  Monsieur  de  Lignery  at  Michili- 
makinac,  and  the  other  to  detroit),  to  re-assure  all  these  savage 
nations,  and  to  notify  the  French  fugitives  to  join  in  this  Expe- 
dition next  summer, — in  case  the  reynards  do  not  take  the 
proper  steps  for  making  an  advantageous  peace  with  the  consent 
of  all  the  nations, — arms  in  hand,  and  with  all  possible  dignity. 
I  will  give  orders  in  conformity  with  this  to  M.  de  Louvigny 
when  he  sets  out  next  summer. 

His  presence  is  not  only  necessary  at  Michilimakinac  for  this 
Expedition,  but  I  have  learned,  through  Sieur  de  liette,  who  com- 
mands among  the  Illinois,  that  Sieur  de  bourmont,  and  two  men 
named  bisaillon  and  bourdon,  lead  a  life  not  only  scandalous 
but  even  Criminal  in  many  ways.  In  the  first  place  they  have 
opposed  the  project  of  Sieurs  de  liette  and  de  Vinsenne,  which 
was  to  make  peace  between  the  illinois  and  the  myamy.  These 
gentlemen  state  that  they  would  have  succeeded  in  this  but  for 
the  obstacles  raised  by  these  seditious  men,  who  have  fomented 
dissension  between  these  two  nations.  This  peace  is  all  the 
more  necessary,  as  we  hope  that  they  will  furnish  nearly  fifteen 


1 7 14]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  303 

hundred  men  against  the  reynards,  whose  irreconcilable  Foes 
they  are,  which  has  led  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  and 
Monsierur  Begon  to  adopt  the  most  suitable  Expedients  for  gain- 
ing success. 

Sieurs  de  bourmon,  bisaillon,  and  bourdon  are  still  more 
Criminal,  in  the  design  which  they  have  conceived  of  introduc- 
ing the  English  of  Carolina  to  the  illinois,  which  I  have 
learned  by  the  Letters  of  the  Reverend  Father  deville  (Jesuit 
missionary  among  the  savages  of  that  nation)  and  by  a  letter 
of  Sieur  deliette,  who  commands  there;  they  both  write  that 
these  Frenchmen  live  reprobate  lives.  As  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  seize  these  men  in  so  distant  a  country,  Monsieur  the  Mar- 
quis de  Vaudreuil  hopes,  Monseigneur,  that  you  will  be  pleased 
to  obtain  orders  from  his  Majesty  to  lay  hands  on  them,  when- 
ever a  favorable  occasion  offers,  as  being  guilty  of  lese-majestfi. 

If  we  let  them  cany  out  their  projects,  it  is  to  be  Feared  that 
they  may  draw  away  from  the  Illinois  a  part  of  the  other 
Outoua  nations  into  the  interests  of  the  English  of  Carolina,  for 
both  commerce  and  war.  Judge  from  that,  Monseigneur,  of 
the  condition  to  which  this  colony  would  be  reduced ;  since  we 
and  these  nations  when  united  have  difficulty  in  maintaining 
ourselves  during  war,  judge  in  what  manner  they  would  act  if 
war  were  declared,  when  they  are  aided  by  their  former  Ene- 
mies. 


1714:     PLANS  FOR  CAMPAIGN  AGAINST  THE  FOXES. 

[Part  of  a  letter  from  Vaudreuil  and  B^gon  to  the  French  Minister; 
dated  Sept.  20,  1714.  Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  document,  but 
fol.  288  (228?).] 

Sieurs  de  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  have  Conferred  with  Sieurs 
de  Ramezay,  de  Louvigny,  de  la  forest  and  Daigremont  regard- 
ing the  plan  to  be  followed  for  ending  the  war  with  the  Ren- 
ards.  They  consider  that  the  first  move  to  be  made  in  this 
matter  is  to  take  measures  for  arranging  a  peace  between  the 
miamis  and  the  Islinois,  because  those  two  Nations  are  numer- 


304  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVl 

0U8  and  have  always  been  Enemies  of  the  Kenards — against 
whom  they  do  not,  however,  make  war,  being  restrained  by 
their  mutual  fear,  since  they  are  only  three  or  four  days  distant 
from  each  other.  For  this  reason  we  cannot  induce  them  to 
Bend  detachments  against  the  Kenards  until  they  have  been 
united  by  a  reliable  peace;  and  to  bring  this  about  we  have 
agreed  to  send  them  presents  this  very  autumn,  which  will  be 
addressed  to  Sieur  Desliettes  for  the  Islinois,  and  to  Sieur  de 
Vincennes  for  the  oyatanon  miamis.  And,  as  those  two  nations 
seem  to  desire  peace,  it  is  believed  that  it  will  not  be  difficult 
for  Sieurs  Desliettes  and  de  vincennes  to  reestablsh  a  friendly 
understanding  between  them.  The  presents  for  the  miamis 
will  be  sent  to  detroit  to  Sieur  de  La  forest,  who  will  deliver 
them  to  Sieur  de  vincennes  without  expense;  and  the  presents 
for  the  Islinois  will  be  sent  to  Michilimakina  to  Sieur  de  Lig- 
nery,  who  in  like  manner  will  deliver  them  to  Sieur  Desliettes. 

Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  is  now  sending  to  Michilimakina  Sieur 
de  St  Pierre  de  Repentigny,^  a  Lieutenant,  to  carry  thither  the 
presents  intended  for  the  Islinois,  and  he  will  give  orders  to 
Sieur  de  Lignery  to  persuade  the  savages  of  Michilimakina,  as 
well  as  those  of  Lake  Superior  and  Lake  huron,  to  make  war 
in  every  possible  way  against  the  Renards,  early  in  the  spring, 
as  soon  as  Sieur  de  Louvigny  shall  arrive. 

Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  is  also  despatching  Sieur  Dupuy  to  carry 
to  detroit  the  presents  intended  for  the  miamis,  and  to  ascer- 
tain the  quantity  of  provisions  that  will  be  necessary  for  Exe- 
cuting the  plan.  Those  two  officers  will  serve  for  this  Expedi- 
tion. 

The  season  being  too  far  advanced  for  Sieur  de  Louvigny  to 
be  able  to  go  up  to  Michilimaquina  this  year,  with  the  detach- 
ment of  twenty  men  who  are  to  form  the  garrison^  they  will  set 
out  early  in  spring  with  powder,  Bullets,  and  Merchandise,  both 
for  making  presents  to  the  Savages  and  for  securing  peace  or 
war,  as  may  seem  to  the  purpose. 


1  Reference  is  here  made  probably  to  Jean  Paul  le  Gardeur  de  St 
Pierre,  born  1661,  a  grand-nephew  of  Jean  Nicolet  Le  Gardeur  was 
long  actively  engaged  in  Indian  and  Northwestern  affairs;  the  date  of 
His  death  is  not  known. — EiO. 


1714]  FRENCH   REGIME    IN   WISCONSIN.  305 

Sieur  de  Louvigny  will  take  ynth  him  Sieurs  de  rEschailloiua^ 
Captain; La  Perriere,  Lieutenant ; and  de  Contreooeur, Ensign — 
whom  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  has  chosen  as  the  men  best  suited  for 
this  enterprise.  And  to  recompense  these  oflBcers  for  the  expense 
incurred  in  getting  there,  Sieurs  de  Vandreuil  and  Begon  allow 
them  a  boat,  in  order  that  there  may  accrue  no  expense  to  the 
King  for  their  journey ;  and  they  allow  two  boats  to  Sieur  de  St. 
Pierre  de  Repentigny,  on  condition  that  he  meet  all  the  expenses 
necessary  to  deliver  to  Sieur  Desliettes  the  presents  intended  for 
the  Islinois.  They  also  allow  Sieur  Dupuy  two  boats,  on  con- 
dition that  he  carry  to  detroit,  in  addition  to  the  presents  in- 
tended for  the  miamis,  the  merchandise  which  will  be  entrusted 
to  him  to  use  in  buying  all  the  provisions  necessary  for  this 
enterprise.  These  provisions  Sieur  de  Louvigny  will  send 
from  Detroit  to  Michilimakina  by  the  same  boats  that  will  con- 
vey the  Soldiers  in  early  spring;  that  will  cause  no  delay  as 
regards  the  arrival  of  these  boats  at  Michilimakina,  because 
they  can  leave  Montreal  two  weeks  earlier  than  those  which  will 
leave  to  go  direct  by  the  great  [Ottawa]  river.^ 

It  has  been  agreed  that,  in  order  to  reestablish  the  authority 
of  the  King  and  the  honor  of  the  French  nation  in  the  upper 
country,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  take  all  needful  measures 
for  making  war  there,  so  that  the  Savage  Ifations  who  leam  of 
this  may  not  doubt  that  we  have  this  design — especially  as  we 
have  for  several  years  given  them  to  understand  that  we  were 
fully  decided  upon  it. 

However,  Sieur  de  Louvigny  intends  to  employ  every  possible 
means  to  make  for  the  Savages,  our  allies,  a  glorious  and  advan- 
tageous peace.  Accordingly,  on  his  arrival  at  Michilimakina, 
he  will  leam  from  Sieur  de  Lignery  what  disposition  all  the 
Savage  Nations  have  toward  the  Eenards;  and  in  accord  with 


iThe  boats  with  the  soldiers  for  Detroit  would  follow  the  route  of 
the  Great  Lakes;  those  going  direct  from  Montreal  to  Mackinac,  would 
proceed  by  way  of  the  Ottawa  and  Mattawan  rivers,  Lake  Nipissing, 
and  French  river,  into  Georgian  Bay  of  Lake  Huron — the  old  water- 
way followed  by  Nicolet  and  the  early  French  travelers.  One  would 
Infer  from  this  document  that  the  river  route  was  two  weeks'  shorter 
than  by  the  lakes. — Ed. 

21 


306  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

what  he  learns  concerning  their  attitude  toward  making  peace, 
and  the  Satisfaction  that  may  be  required  of  them  (both  for  our- 
selves and  for  the  Savage  Nations  that  have  been  wronged),  if 
they  appear  disposed  as  we  desire,  there  shall  be  question  of 
nothing  further  than  of  making  presents  for  Covering  the  dead, 
and  of  Recovering  the  Slaves  that  may  have  been  taken  on  either 
side. 

But  if  the  Renards  persist  in  their  insolence,  Sieur  de 
Louvigny  will  resolve  on  war  against  them.  He  expects  on  his 
arrival  at  Michilimakina  to  find  letters  from  Sieur  de  La 
forest,  by  which  he  will  be  informed  concerning  the  number 
of  savages  at  detroit  upon  whom  he  can  count ;  and  also  Letters 
from  Sieur  de  vincennes  informing  him  of  the  attitude  of  the 
miamis  toward  this  war  and  of  the  number  that  can  be  assem- 
bled ;  and  he  will  arrange  with  Sieur  de  la  forest  the  time  and 
place  for  assembling  the  Savages  of  detroit  and  the  miamis.  He 
further  expects  to  find  on  his  arrival  at  Michilimakina  Letters 
from  Sieur  Desliettes  reporting  the  effect  produced  by  the  pres- 
ents sent  to  him  for  the  Islinois,  and  the  Sentiments  entertained 
by  them. 

Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  has  given  the  proper  orders  to  Sieur  de 
Louvigny,  and  has  written  to  Sieur  de  Lignery  to  send  immedi- 
ately the  Scioux  to  try  to  break  off  the  peace  which  they  have 
made  with  the  Renards,  and  to  persuade  them  to  refuse  the  lat- 
ter an  asylum  among  them.  He  has  also  given  orders  to  Sieur 
de  Lignery  to  inform  all  the  Coureurs  de  Bois  that  the  King  has 
condescended  to  grant  them  amnesty  on  condition  that  they 
come,  by  St.  John's  day  at  latest,  to  Michilimakina,  where  they 
will  receive  orders  from  Sieur  de  Louvigny  for  making  war 
against  the  Renards;  while,  in  case  they  fail  to  profit  by  this 
favor,  they  will  be  punished  in  accordance  with  the  Rigor  of  the 
law. 

These  French,  having  assembled  with  au  the  Savages  who 
have  been  invited,  will  form  a  considerable  force,  with  which 
Sieur  de  Louvigny  will  March  to  the  Village  of  the  Renards  to 
attack  them  there ;  and  if  they  do  not  stay  in  their  forts  he  will 
cut  their  com.  Bum  their  Cabins,  and  Encamp  on  the  ground. 
As  the  Renards  will  not  find  it  easy  to  obtain  provisions  when 


17 14]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  307 

assembled,  they  will  be  obliged  to  disperse  in  order  to  hunt; 
and  Sieur  de  Louvigny  will  have  them  pursued  and  harassed 
by  different  parties  that  he  will  send  after  them. 


1714:     MEMOIR  ON  DETROIT;  PLEA  FOR  TROOPS. 

["Supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Captain  de  la  Forest,"  is  E.  B. 

O'Callaghan's  note  on  this  document] 

It  is  for  the  King's  glory  and  the  interest  of  the  Colony  to 
preserve  the  post  of  Detroit,  for  divers  reasons. 

The  first  and  principal  is,  that  if  that  post  be  abandoned,  the 
English  would  render  themselves  masters  thereof,  as  it  is  sepa- 
rated only  by  Lake  Herie  [Erie]  from  the  Iroquois,  the  near 
neighbors  of  the  English,  who  have  already  made  two  attempts 
to  seize  it,  and  to  form  an  establishment  there,  by  means  of 
which  they  would  carry  on  the  whole  trade  with  all  the  Indian 
nations  our  allies.  The  first  was  in  1686,  when  they  sent  7 
Englishmen  from  Orange  with  5  Abenaki  Mohegans  (Loups)^ 
to  sound  the  disposition  of  the  Indians  as  to  whether  these  would 
be  glad  to  receive  them  the  following  year,  when  they  would 
bring  some  goods ;  and^  in  fact,  they  did  perform  their  promises 
to  the  Indians  in  1687,  but  were  met  by  the  French  who  were 
marching  by  M^  de  Denonville's  orders  against  the  Iroquois. 
The  French  and  Indians,  to  the  number  of  800  men,  who  had 
set  out  from  Detroit  and  other  posts  occupied  by  the  French, 
to  join  M^  de  Denonville  at  the  Senecas  on  the  borders  of  Lake 
Ontario,  encountered  32  canoes,  in  which  were  60  Englishmen 
and  some  Mohegans  who  had  gone  from  Orange  with  merchan- 
dise to  trade  at  the  Detroit  with  the  Outaois  and  Hurons,  then 
at  Michilimakina ;  the  whole  of  their  goods  were  plundered  and 
distributed  among  the  Indians  and  French,  as  contraband  and 
in  the  possession  of  a  people  without  a  passport  either  from  the 
King  or  from  the  Gbvemor-general  of  New  France.  The 
parties  were  sent  to  Fort  Frontenac,  where  they  remained  until 
the  return  of  M^  de  Denonville,  who  transferred  them  to  Que- 
bec— whence  after  a  detention  of  three  weeks,  he  sent  them 


308  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

back  to  Orange.  Since  that  time,  the  post  of  Detroit  has  been 
established,  which  has  prevented  the  English  presuming  to  send 
out  a  new  expedition. 

The  second  reason  is,  that  the  King,  preserving  this  post  with 
a  garrison,  would  afford  means  to  prevent  any  movements  the 
Iroquois  might  make,  and  the  engagements  they  might  enter 
into  with  the  Indians,  our  allies,  either  as  emissaries  of  the  Eng- 
lish or  on  their  own  account 

The  third  reason  is  that,  if  we  have  war  with  the  Iroquois, 
Detroit  may  keep  them  in  check,  because  between  that  post  and 
them  there  is  only  Lake  Herie  by  which  they  can  be  attacked, 
as  in  1687,  when  all  the  old  and  new  grain  of  the  Iroquois  was 
destroyed ;  that  this  post  would,  moreover,  furnish  sufficient  pro- 
visions to  the  French  and  Indians  who  might  assemble  there 
preparatory  to  going  to  war  against  the  Iroquois. 

The  fourth  reason  is,  that  the  preservation  of  this  post  is  of 
importance  for  the  proposed  establishment  at  Michilimakina, 
since,  from  the  commencement  of  the  present  year  up  to  this 
time,  more  than  800  minots  of  Indian  com  have  been  exported 
from  Detroit;  and  the  more  Michilimakina  will  augment,  as 
the  land  there  is  poor  and  does  not  produce  com,  of  the  more 
consequence  is  it  that  some  Indians  remain  at  Detroit  to  culti- 
vate the  soil,  which  is  good  thereabouts,  particularly  for  Indian 
com. 

These  reasons  will  show  the  necessity  of  fortifying  that  post 
and  of  garrisoning  it  with  20  soldiers,  one  sergeant  and  an  offi- 
cer, under  the  orders  of  the  Conmiandant;  this  would  be  suffi- 
cient both  to  guard  the  fort  and  to  prevent  the  Coureurs  de  bois 
going  thither. 

There  are  two  modes  of  defraying  this  expense  without  any 
cost  to  the  King.  Firsts  to  give  up  the  trade  at  this  post  ex- 
clusively to  the  officer  in  command  there,  as  is  the  case  at  pres- 
ent, on  condition  of  his  defraying  all  the  necessary  charges,  even 
the  presents  for  managing  the  Indians  who  come  to  trade  there ; 
whence  it  follows  that  the  conditions  heretofore  imposed  by 
M.  de  la  Mothe  on  divers  private  persons  can  no  longer  exist,  as 
these  cannot  derive  therefrom  any  further  advantage  than  that 
of  carrying  on  trade  there  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Commandant 
who  must  meet  all  the  expenses  thereof. 


1 7 14]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  309 

These  settlers  are  unable  to  improve  any  grant  of  land,  as 
they  possess  no  other  retreat  and  asylum  there  than  the  fort; 
for  were  any  houses  without  the  fort,  they  would  be  exposed  to 
be  burnt,  and  their  occupants  to  be  killed ;  even  the  Hurons  and 
Outawas  are  each  in  their  fort,  like  the  French ;  and  the  Pou- 
touatamis,  who  have  not  as  yet  had  time  to  erect  one,  have  taken 
shelter  between  the  French  and  Huron  forts,  and  they  often 
have  alarms  which  oblige  them  to  put  their  wives  and  children 
into  the  French  fort.  Therefore,  M.  de  la  Mothers  idea  of  es- 
tablishing a  colony  there  is  impracticable,  and  incompatible  with 
the  exclusive  trade  his  Majesty  [has  conferred]  on  the  Com- 
mandant of  that  post,  which  is  not  to  be  governed  otherwise  than 
Fort  Frontenac,  where  there  were  formerly  some  settlers  whom 
the  King  obliged  to  abandon  said  place;  and  if  it  be  his  Ma- 
jesty's intention  that  the  Commandant  of  Detroit  enjoy  the 
trade  of  that  post  as  the  King  enjoys  that  of  Fort  Frontenac,  it 
is  necessary  that  the  settlers  who  remain  only  in  the  fort  have 
orders  to  abandon  it 

When  Sieur  de  La  Mothe  undertook  this  establishment,  his 
Majesty  granted  him  150  soldiers,  whose  pay  and  clothing  were 
provided  by  the  King.  Sieur  Delaforest,  who  desires  to  be  in 
a  position  to  defend  this  post  as  he  ought,  requires  from  his  Ma- 
jesty only  twenty  soldiers  and  one  serjeant,  with  their  pay  and 
clothing,  which  he  will  receive  at  Quebec  without  any  charge 
for  transportation,  and  these  soldiers  will  not  cost  his  Majesty 
any  more  than  his  other  troops  in  garrison  in  that  country,  and 
would  render  his  Majesty  very  good  service  there,  it  not  being 
fitting  for  an  officer  who  has  the  honor  to  command  for  the 
King  in  a  fort  350  leagues  from  Quebec,  in  the  centre  of  the 
Indian  nations,  to  be  alone  and  without  troops. 

The  second  mode  would  be,  that  his  Majesty  should  manage 
this  fort  on  his  own  accoimt,  as  is  the  case  with  Fort  Frontenac 
It  is  indifferent  to  Sieur  Delaforest,  who  has  no  other  view  in 
this  command  than  to  acquit  himself  to  his  Majesty^s  satisfao- 
tion. 

These  two  plans  can  be  applied  equally  to  the  establishment 
of  Michilimakina,  which  is  still  less  suited  to  the  establishment 
of  a  colony  than  Detroit,  the  soil  being  so  poor  that  it  does  not 
produce  Wheat,  and  so  little  Indian  Com  that  the  resident  In- 


310  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

dians  of  the  place  are  every  year  so  very  short  of  food  that  they 
are  obliged  to  scatter  themselves  along  the  Lakes,  where  they 
live  partly  on  fish,  and  on  small  berries  called  blv^ets^  which 
are  very  common  in  that  country. 

But  if  the  free  trade  of  licences  be  established,  exclusive 
trade  can  no  longer  exist  at  Detroit  either  for  the  King  or  the 
Commandant ;  and  in  that  case  his  Majesty  will  not  be  subject 
to  any  extraordinary  expense  for  the  OflSicer  and  the  twenty 
soldiers  who  will  be  in  that  fort,  because  the  officer  will  be  satis- 
fied with  his  allowances,  and  the  soldiers  with  their  pay,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  privilege  of  trading  which  they  will  enjoy. 

Done  at  Quebec,  the  first  of  October,  one  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred and  fourteen. — N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  866,  867. 


1714-15:     INTRIGUES   OF  ENGLISH  AND   IROQUOIS  AMONG 
WESTERN  TRIBES;  FOXES  SLAY  FRENCHMEN. 

[Extracts  from  letters  of  Ramezay  and  B^gon  to  French  Minister; 
dated  Oct.  23  and  Nov.  12,  1714.  Original  MSS.  are  in  archives  of 
Ministdre  des  Colonies;  press-mark,  "Canada,  Corresp.  g6n.,  vol.  34» 
c  11,  fol.  362,  364."] 

The  Reynards,  Ouyatanons,  mascoutins,  and  Kinapoux  have 
recently  gone  to  Invite  the  Irokois  to  join  with  them  against  us 
and  the  Outaoua  nations.  Those  who  are  settled  at  detroit, 
having  been  informed  of  this  embassy,  went  to  ask  them  for  an 
explanation  of  it.  Their  policy,  or  the  fear  they  have  that  this 
might  make  an  impression  on  my  mind,  has  led  them  to  send  a 
representative  here  with  three  Collars.  I  send  herewith  a  re- 
port of  their  speeches  and  of  the  reply  made  to  them  in  my 
name  by  Monsieur  de  Longueuil,  whereby  you  will  recognize 
that,  as  far  as  appearances  go,  they  do  not  wish  to  make  any 
decision  for  the  present.  However,  there  is  no  ground  for 
doubting  that  they  are  ill-disposed  toward  us,  but  will  not  let 
this  appear  until  they  find  a  favorable  occasion. 

QUEBEKIE 
Oct.  23.  1714. 


iThe  common  blaeberry  {Vaccinium  Canadenae). — Eo. 


I7I4"^5]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  3 II 

Since  that  time  we  have  had  News  from  orange  that  a  mia- 
sissagues  Savage  had  reported  there  that  five  boaitB,  in  which 
were  twelve  Frenchmen  (including  a  Jesuit  brother,  who  had 
left  Michilimakina  on  Aug.  15,  to  go  to  Islinois  to  the  mission 
of  Father  de  ville,  Jesuit),  had  been  destroyed  by  a  party  of 
Benards  near  chicagou. 

This  new  outrage  leads  us  to  judge,  Monseigneur,  that  they 
are  but  little  disposed  to  listen  to  proposals  of  peace,  and  that 
we  shall  be  obliged  to  force  them  to  this  by  arms;  because,  if 
we  remain  inactive,  they  will  become  more  and  more  Insolent. 
They  will  also  alienate  the  Savages  our  allies,  either  through 
fear  or  by  the  instigation  of  the  English — who  are  attempting 
by  every  possible  device  to  introduce  themselves  among  the 
outaois  nation,  having  sent  them  Collars  and  presents  by  a  cer- 
tain Itacougik,  a  mississagua  savage,  sent  as  their  Emissary  to 
induce  them  to  act  according  to  their  intentions.  This  led 
Sieurs  Bamezay  and  Begon  to  take  all  the.  measures  necessary 
for  the  execution  of  the  project  Explained  in  the  joint  letter  of 
Sept  20 ;  and  they  will  have  the  honor  of  reporting  to  you  on 
the  outcome  of  this  enterprise,  to  which  they  will  give  their 
whole  attention. 

Monsieur  de  la  forest,  the  captain  Commanding  at  the  fort 
of  detroit,  died  on  the  16th  of  last  month,  and  Monsieur  de 
Sabrevois^  will  replace  him,  according  to  your  orders;  but  he 
can  not  set  out  until  next  spring,  which  will  occasion  no  diffi- 
culty, as  Sieur  Dubuisson,  a  captain,  is  there  at  present 


[Extracts  from  letters  of  Ramezay  and  B^gon  to  the  French  Minister; 
dated  Sept  13  and  16,  1715.  Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  docu- 
ment, but  vol.  35,  c.  11,  fol.  3,  71.] 

The  news  which  was  brought  last  year  from  orange  to  Mon- 
treal that  12  Frenchmen,  including  a  Jesuit  brother,  who  had 
set  out  in  five  boats  from  Michilimakina,  on  August  15  of  said 
year,  to  go  to  Islinois,  to  the  mission  of  Father  de  Ville,  a 

1  Jacques  Charles  de  Sabrevois  de  Bleurjr,  an  officer  in  the  Canadian 
troops,  was  commandant  at  Detroit  from  1714-17.  Two  of  his  sons 
were  also  prominent  in  military  and  Indian  aftaira.— Bd. 


312  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

Jesuit,  had  be€fn  cut  off  by  a  party  of  Renards  near  chicagou,  did 
not  prove  to  be  true.  But  Captain  Dubuisson  (who  has  re- 
turned from  Detroit,  since  Sieur  de  Sabrevois  went  up  there) 
has  reported  to  us  that  in  the  month  of  June  last,  a  French 
boat,  in  which  there  were  five  men,  carrying  com  to  Michili- 
makinak,  was  Surprised  by  a  boat  of  22  Eenards,  who  killed 
these  Frenchmen.  The  latter  defended  themselves  bravely, 
killing  three  Eenards  and  wounding  several  others.  This 
makes  us  judge  that  they  still  persist  in  their  Insolence,  and 
that  the  authority  of  the  King  and  the  honor  of  the  French  Na- 
tion can  only  be  reestablished  in  the  upper  country  after  we 
have  aroused  ourselves  to  make  war  against  the  Eenards,  and 
have  struck  some  blows  that  will  oblige  them  to  sue  for  peace* 

According  to  the  plan  formed  with  Monsieur  the  marquis  de 
vaudreuil  for  this  war.  Explained  in  the  joint  letter  of  Sept.  20 
of  last  year.  Monsieur  de  Louvigny  was  to  go  up  to  Michili- 
makina,  to  end  this  affair  by  making  war  or  peace,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  exigencies  of  the  case ;  but  he  became  ill  last  win- 
ter, and  was  for  that  reason  absolutely  unable  to  make  this 
expedition.  This  has  made  us  resolve,  Monseigneur,  to  charge 
with  the  execution  of  this  project  Monsieur  de  Lignery,  the 
captain  in  command  at  Michilimakina,  who  appears  to  have 
all  the  necessary  qualities  for  acquitting  himself  of  it  wiih  Suc- 
cess, being  of  all  the  officers  in  this  country  the  best  fitted  for 
this  Expedition,  with  the  exception  of  Sieur  de  Louvigny. 

For  the  execution  of  this  project  Lieutenant  de  St.  Piene 
and  Ensign  Dupuy  set  out  last  fall — the  former  with  the  pres- 
ents for  the  Islinois,  and  the  latter  with  those  for  the  miamis. 

Sieur  de  St  Pierre  has  informed  us  that  he  was  obliged  to  go 
into  winter-quarters  at  the  end  of  Lake  Ontario,  because  his 
boatmen  fell  ill  with  measles ;  and  he  arrived  at  michilimakina 
only  at  the  end  of  last  May.  Sieur  Dupuy,  not  finding  Sieur 
de  la  forest  at  detroit,  where  he  arrived  last  autumn,  himself 
carried  to  the  miamis  and  oyatanons  the  presents  destined  for 
them.  He  arrived  there  in  the  month  of  January  last  and 
found  the  miamis  of  the  babiche^  disposed  to  make  war  on  the 


1  So  In  our  transcript,  made  in  Paris  from  original  MS. ;  but  probably 
an  error  of  the  copyist  for  Wabache  (Wabash). — Eo. 


I714-I5]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  313 

Eenards;  and  he  has  also  induced  the  oyatanons  to  make  the 
same  resolve,  although  they  were  not  inclined,  according  to  the 
statements  which  Sieur  de  Ramezay  has  the  honor  of  sending 
you,  and  the  report  which  he  makes — to  wage  war  on  the  Re- 
nards. 

He  sends  you  also,  Monseigneur,  a  letter  from  Sieur  de  Vin- 
cenne,  who  informs  him  of  the  peace  made  between  the  miamis 
and  oyatanons  and  the  Islinois,  and  of  their  readiness  to  make 
war  on  the  Eenards,  of  whom  they  have  put  to  death  three,  in- 
cluding the  son  of  the  Renard  chief  Tonnere  ["Thunder"]. 

Besides  the  officers  designated  by  Monsieur  the  marquis  de 
Vaudreuil  for  this  Expedition,  Sieur  de  Ramezay  sent  Lieuten- 
ant de  Maunoir,  his  eldest  son,  and  Ensign  Dadoncour,  second 
son  of  Monsieur  de  Longueuil,^  who  desired  to  share  in  it.  We 
hope  that  the  good-will  ihej  have  shown  in  going  will  have  a 
beneficial  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  Savages,  who  will  feel  flat- 
tered at  seeing  that  we  send,  to  serve  with  them  in  this  war, 
the  children  of  the  commandant  of  this  country  and  of  Mon- 
sieur de  Longueuil,  who  has  great  influence  among  them. 

Sieurs  de  Maunoir  and  Dadoncour  left  Montreal  last  April^ 
with  Sieur  de  Sabrevois,  commandant  at  fort  Pontchartrain  at 
Detroit,  and  arrived  there  on  June  15.  In  conformity  witk 
their  orders  from  Sieur  de  Ramezay,  they  assembled  all  the  sav- 
ages settled  at  that  place,  to  deliberate  regarding  the  most  suitr 
able  post  to  serve  as  a  Rendezvous  for  the  Nations  of  the  South. 
It  was  decided  in  this  Council  that  Sieurs  de  Maunoir  and 
Dadoncour  should  go  with  the  miamis,  Oyatanons  and  Islinois 
to  chicagou— where,  in  case  they  arrived  first,  they  were  to 
await  the  Savages  of  detroit,  who  are  to  go  there  by  land,  hunt- 
ing in  order  to  spare  their  provisions.  When  they  are  all  as- 
sembled there,  they  are  to  set  out  against  the  fort  of  the  Re- 
nards,  distant  about  65  leagues  from  Chicagou ;  they  can  reack 
the  fort  from  that  place  in  about  Seven  days.  They  will  regu- 
late the  time  of  their  departure  from  chicagou  so  as  to  arrive 
at  the  fort  of  the  Renards  at  the  end  of  August.  Sieur  del 
Lignery  will  likewise  assemble  the  French,  with  the  outaois 


1  Charles  Lemoine,  second  of  that  name,  and  haron  de  Longueuil;  a 
brother  of  Iberville. — Ed. 


314  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

and  the  Savages  of  the  North,  who  are  at  Michilimakina  and  ita 
vicinity ;  and  he  will  set  out  with  them  for  the  fort  of  the 
Renards,  distant  from  Michilimakina  about  80  leagues.  He 
can  reach  it  by  boat  in  5  or  6  days,  regulating  also  the  time  of 
His  departure  from  Michilimakina  so  that  he  also  may  arrive  at 
the  fort  at  the  end  of  August  It  was  agreed  in  the  council  that 
the  first  corps  reaching  the  fort  should  only  invest  it,  waiting 
for  the  arrival  of  the  second  corps,  which  will  enable  them  to 
attempt  its  capture  in  such  manner  as  may  seem  best  to  Sieur 
de  Lignery. 

As  soon  as  the  Council  was  over,  Monsieur  de  Sabrevois  sent  a 
boat  to  Michilimakina  to  Inform  Sieur  de  Lignery,  who  sent 
Sieur  de  St  Pierre  to  Detroit  to  learn  more  precisely  the  Re- 
sult of  this  Council — which  he  must  have  done  soon  after,  as 
Sieur  de  St  Pierre  went  thither  and  returned  without  delay. 

Sieurs  de  Maunoir  and  Dadoncour  left  Detroit  on  the  23rd  of 
last  June,  to  visit  the  miamis.  Sieur  de  Sabrevois  reports  that 
they  arrived  there  on  the  3rd  of  last  July.  Accordingly,  they 
have  all  the  time  necessary  for  assembling  the  miamis,  oyatan- 
ons,  and  Islinois,  and  for  taking  the  measures  agreed  upon  for 
this  attack. 

Lieutenant  de  la  Perriere  left  Montreal  last  April  to  go  to 
Michilimakina,  and  thence  among  the  Scioux,  to  Invite  them 
not  only  to  refuse  refuge  to  the  Kenards  but  also  to  join  us  in 
making  war  upon  them. 

Captain  D'Eschaillons,  Lieutenant  Lanour,  and  Ensign 
Belestre  (who  has  taken  the  place  of  Ensign  Contrecoeur,  who 
has  been  very  sick  for  the  last  six  months)  left  Montreal  last 
May,  with  a  sergeant  and  20  soldiers  who  are  to  form  the  garri- 
son at  Michilimakina.  Sieur  de  Kamezay  thought  that  they 
ought  not  to  start  sooner,  because  the  Rendezvous  for  beginning 
hostilities  was  fixed  for  the  end  of  August,  and  they  would  have 
uselessly  consumed  provisions  which  are  very  scarce  there ;  and 
he  expected  them,  besides,  to  arrive  early  enough  for  the  Expe- 
dition^ 

Learning  last  spring  that  they  were  without  com  at  detroit, 
we  had  some  bought  from  the  Iroquois  by  Sieur  de  Joncaire  who 
went  among  them  with  Monsieur  de  LongueuiL     They  bought 


I714-I5]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  315 

300  Minots,  which  were  carried  to  Michilimakina  by  the  Sol- 
diers of  that  garrison,  by  the  French  settlers  whom  we  allowed 
to  go  up  there  to  Serve  in  this  Expedition,  and  by  the  resident 
Savages  who  accompanied  them.  Sienr  Dupuy  conveyed  from 
the  miamis  to  Detroit  130  minots — which,  added  to  the  quan- 
tity which  the  hurons  at  Detroit  have  promised  to  furnish,  and 
the  supply  which  Sieur  de  Lignery  writes  that  he  will  get  from 
the  Baye  dcs  Puans,  will  suffice  for  this  Expedition. 

These  measures  and  the  good-will  of  the  officers  and  of  all 
those  who  have  gone  up  to  Michilimakina  for  this  war  give  us 
grounds  for  expecting  a  successful  issue,  of  which  we  impa- 
tiently await  news,  that  we  may  have  the  honor  of  reporting 
the  same  to  you. 

Sieur  de  Eamezay,  in  conformity  with  the  orders  of  Mon- 
sieur the  marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  at  the  end  of  last  May  sent 
Monsieur  de  Longueuil  with  Sieur  de  Joncaire  to  three  Iro- 
quois villages,  viz.:  the  Sonontouans,  Goyogouans,  and  !N'on- 
taes,^  having  been  Invited  to  do  so  last  year  by  the  five  Iroquois 
villages.  He  reported  on  His  return  that  he  had  never  found 
them  so  haughty.  They  had  been  joined  by  savages  coming 
from  Carolina,  with  whom  they  amount  to  about  3000  men 
bearing  arms.  One  of  their  party  returning  from  the  tetes 
plattes  killed,  near  the  Islinois  village  of  Rouensac,*  one  Isli- 
nois,  wounded  another,  and  brought  to  the  Sonontouans  eight 
women  or  girls  of  this  nation  as  prisoners.  Monsieur  de  Long- 
ueuil represented  to  them  that  the  Islinois  were  the  children  of 
onontio,  and  did  all  he  could  to  induce  them  to  turn  over  to 
him  those  eight  women,  to  send  them  home ;  but  he  could  only 

iSenecas,  Cayugas,  and  Onondagas. — Eo. 

2 The  tribe  thus  Joining  the  Iroquois  was  the  Tuscaroras,  racially  al- 
lied to  the  former,  from  whom  they  separated  probably  late  in  the 
sixteenth  century;  the  Tuscaroras  pushed  farther  southward,  finally 
reaching  North  Carolina,  where  they  dwelt  until  the  time  referred  to 
in  our  text.  For  account  of  Iroquois  origin  and  migrations,  see  W.  M. 
Beauchamp's  Origin  of  N.  Y.  Iroquois  (Oneida,  1889).  The  Cherokees, 
Chickasaws,  and  some  other  Southern  tribes  were  called  TStea  plattes 
("Flat-heads")  by  the  Iroquois. 

Rouensac  was  the  name  of  an  influential  Illinois  chief;  the  village 
iiere  mentioned  was  that  known  later  as  Kaskaskia. — Eo. 


310  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

dians  of  the  place  are  every  year  so  very  short  of  food  that  they 
are  obliged  to  scatter  themselves  along  the  Lakes,  where  they 
live  partly  on  fish,  and  on  small  berries  called  blv^ets,^  which 
are  very  common  in  that  country. 

But  if  the  free  trade  of  licences  be  established,  exclusive 
trade  can  no  longer  exist  at  Detroit  either  for  the  King  or  the 
Commandant ;  and  in  that  case  his  Majesty  will  not  be  subject 
to  any  extraordinary  expense  for  the  OflSicer  and  the  twenty 
soldiers  who  will  be  in  that  fort,  because  the  officer  will  be  satis- 
fied with  his  allowances,  and  the  soldiers  with  their  pay,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  privilege  of  trading  which  they  will  enjoy. 

Done  at  Quebec,  the  first  of  October,  one  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred and  fourteen. — N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  866,  867. 


1714-15:     INTRIGUES   OF  ENGLISH  AND   IROQUOIS  AMONG 
WESTERN  TRIBES;  FOXES  SLAY  FRENCHMEN. 

[Extracts  from  letters  of  Ramezay  and  B^gon  to  French  Minister; 
dated  Oct.  23  and  Nov.  12,  1714.  Original  MSS.  are  in  archives  of 
Ministdre  des  Colonies;  press-mark,  "Canada,  Corresp.  g6n.,  vol.  34» 
c  11,  fol.  362,  364."] 

The  Reynards,  Ouyatanons,  maseoutins,  and  Kinapoux  have 
recently  gone  to  Invite  the  Irokois  to  join  with  them  against  us 
and  the  Outaoua  nations.  Those  who  are  settled  at  detroit, 
having  been  informed  of  this  embassy,  went  to  ask  them  for  an 
explanation  of  it.  Their  policy,  or  the  fear  they  have  that  this 
might  make  an  impression  on  my  mind,  has  led  them  to  send  a 
representative  here  with  three  Collars.  I  send  herewith  a  re- 
port of  their  speeches  and  of  the  reply  made  to  them  in  my 
name  by  Monsieur  de  Longueuil,  whereby  you  will  recognize 
that,  as  far  as  appearances  go,  they  do  not  wish  to  make  any 
decision  for  the  present.  However,  there  is  no  ground  for 
doubting  that  they  are  ill-disposed  toward  us,  but  will  not  let 
this  appear  until  they  find  a  favorable  occasion. 

QUEBEKIE 
Oct.  23.  1714. 


iThe  common  blaeberry  {Vaccinium  Canadenae). — Eo. 


'7I4"^5]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  3II 

Since  that  time  we  have  had  News  from  orange  that  a  mis- 
sissagiies  Savage  had  reported  there  that  five  boats,  in  which 
were  twelve  Frenchmen  (including  a  Jesuit  brother,  who  had 
left  Michilimakina  on  Aug.  15,  to  go  to  Islinois  to  the  mission 
of  Father  de  ville,  Jesuit),  had  been  destroyed  by  a  party  of 
Eenards  near  chicagou. 

This  new  outrage  leads  us  to  judge,  Monseigneur,  that  they 
are  but  little  disposed  to  listen  to  proposals  of  peace,  and  that 
we  shall  be  obliged  to  force  them  to  this  by  arms;  because,  if 
we  remain  inactive,  they  will  become  more  and  more  Insolent. 
They  will  also  alienate  the  Savages  our  allies,  either  through 
fear  or  by  the  instigation  of  the  English — who  are  attempting 
by  every  possible  device  to  introduce  themselves  among  the 
outaois  nation,  having  sent  them  Collars  and  presents  by  a  cer- 
tain Itacougik,  a  mississagua  savage,  sent  as  their  Emissary  to 
induce  them  to  act  according  to  their  intentions.  This  led 
Sieurs  Eamezay  and  Begon  to  take  all  the.  measures  necessary 
for  the  execution  of  the  project  Explained  in  the  joint  letter  of 
Sept  20 ;  and  they  will  have  the  honor  of  reporting  to  you  on 
the  outcome  of  this  enterprise,  to  which  they  will  give  their 
whole  attention. 

Monsieur  de  la  forest,  the  captain  Commanding  at  the  fort 
of  detroit,  died  on  the  16th  of  last  month,  and  Monsieur  de 
Sabrevois^  will  replace  him,  according  to  your  orders;  but  he 
can  not  set  out  until  next  spring,  which  will  occasion  no  diffi- 
culty, as  Sieur  Dubuisson,  a  captain,  is  there  at  present 


[Extracts  from  letters  of  Ramezay  and  Begon  to  the  French  Minister; 
dated  Sept  13  and  16,  1715.  Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  docu- 
ment, but  vol.  35,  c.  11,  fol.  3,  71.] 

The  news  which  was  brought  last  year  from  orange  to  Mon- 
treal that  12  Frenchmen,  including  a  Jesuit  brother,  who  had 
set  out  in  five  boats  from  Michilimakina,  on  August  15  of  said 
year,  to  go  to  Islinois,  to  the  mission  of  Father  de  Ville,  a 

^Jacques  Charles  de  Sabrevols  de  Bleurjr,  an  officer  in  the  Canadian 
troops,  was  commandant  at  Detroit  from  1714-17.  Two  of  his  sons 
were  also  prominent  in  militanr  and  Indian  a£Cairs.^BD. 


\ 


312  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVt 

Jesuit,  had  be€fn  cut  off  by  a  party  of  Renards  near  chicagou,  did 
not  prove  to  be  true.  But  Captain  Dubuisson  (who  has  re- 
turned from  Detroit,  since  Sieur  de  Sabrevois  went  up  there) 
has  reported  to  us  that  in  the  month  of  June  last,  a  French 
boat,  in  which  there  were  five  men,  carrying  com  to  Michili- 
makinak,  was  Surprised  by  a  boat  of  22  Eenards,  who  killed 
these  Frenchmen.  The  latter  defended  themselves  bravely, 
killing  three  Eenards  and  wounding  several  others.  This 
makes  us  judge  that  they  still  persist  in  their  Insolence,  and 
that  the  autliority  of  the  King  and  the  honor  of  the  French  Na- 
tion can  only  be  reestablished  in  the  upper  country  after  we 
have  aroused  ourselves  to  make  war  against  the  Eenards,  and 
have  struck  some  blows  that  will  oblige  them  to  sue  for  peace* 

According  to  the  plan  formed  with  Monsieur  the  marquis  de 
vaudreuil  for  this  war.  Explained  in  the  joint  letter  of  Sept.  20 
of  last  year.  Monsieur  de  Louvigny  was  to  go  up  to  Michili- 
makina,  to  end  this  affair  by  making  war  or  peace,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  exigencies  of  the  case ;  but  he  became  ill  last  win- 
ter, and  was  for  that  reason  absolutely  unable  to  make  this 
expedition.  This  has  made  us  resolve,  Monseigneur,  to  charge 
with  the  execution  of  this  project  Monsieur  de  Lignery,  the 
captain  in  command  at  Michilimakina,  who  appears  to  have 
all  the  necessary  qualities  for  acquitting  himself  of  it  wiih  Suc- 
cess, being  of  all  the  officers  in  this  country  the  best  fitted  for 
this  Expedition,  with  the  exception  of  Sieur  de  Louvigny. 

For  the  execution  of  this  project  Lieutenant  de  St.  Piene 
and  Ensign  Dupuy  set  out  last  fall — the  former  with  the  pres- 
ents for  the  Islinois,  and  the  latter  with  those  for  the  miamis. 

Sieur  de  St  Pierre  has  informed  us  that  he  was  obliged  to  go 
into  winter-quarters  at  the  end  of  Lake  Ontario,  because  his 
boatmen  fell  ill  with  measles ;  and  he  arrived  at  michilimakina 
only  at  the  end  of  last  May.  Sieur  Dupuy,  not  finding  Sieur 
de  la  forest  at  detroit,  where  he  arrived  last  autumn,  himself 
carried  to  the  miamis  and  oyatanons  the  presents  destined  for 
them.  He  arrived  there  in  the  month  of  January  last  and 
found  the  miamis  of  the  babiche^  disposed  to  make  war  on  the 

1  So  In  our  transcript,  made  in  Paris  from  original  MS. ;  but  probably 
an  error  of  the  copyist  for  Wabache  (Wabash). — Ed. 


1 7 14-15]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  313 

Renards;  and  he  has  also  induced  the  oyatanons  to  make  the 
same  resolve,  although  they  were  not  inclined,  according  to  the 
statements  which  Sieur  de  Eamezay  has  the  honor  of  sending 
you,  and  the  report  which  he  makes — to  wage  war  on  the  Re- 
nards. 

He  sends  you  also,  Monseigneur,  a  letter  from  Sieur  de  Vin- 
cenne,  who  informs  him  of  the  peace  made  between  the  miamis 
and  oyatanons  and  tlie  Islinois,  and  of  their  readiness  to  make 
war  on  the  Renards,  of  whom  they  have  put  to  death  three,  in- 
cluding the  son  of  the  Renard  chief  Tonnere  ["Thunder"]. 

Besides  the  officers  designated  by  Monsieur  the  marquis  de 
Vaudreuil  for  this  Expedition,  Sieur  de  Ramezay  sent  Lieuten- 
ant de  Maunoir,  his  eldest  son,  and  Ensign  Dadoncour,  second 
son  of  Monsieur  de  Longueuil,^  who  desired  to  share  in  it  We 
hope  that  the  good-will  they  have  shown  in  going  will  have  a 
beneficial  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  Savages,  who  will  feel  flat- 
tered at  seeing  that  we  send,  to  serve  with  them  in  this  war, 
the  children  of  the  commandant  of  this  country  and  of  Mon- 
sieur de  Longueuil,  who  has  great  influence  among  them. 

Sieurs  de  Maunoir  and  Dadoncour  left  Montreal  last  April, 
with  Sieur  de  Sabrevois,  commandant  at  fort  Pontchartrain  at 
Detroit,  and  arrived  there  on  June  15.  In  conformity  witk 
their  orders  from  Sieur  de  Ramezay,  they  assembled  all  the  sav- 
ages settled  at  that  place,  to  deliberate  regarding  the  most  suitr 
able  post  to  serve  as  a  Rendezvous  for  the  Nations  of  the  South. 
It  was  decided  in  this  Council  that  Sieurs  de  Maunoir  and 
Dadoncour  should  go  with  the  miamis,  Oyatanons  and  Islinois 
to  chicagou — where,  in  case  they  arrived  first,  they  were  to 
await  the  Savages  of  detroit,  who  are  to  go  there  by  land,  hunt- 
ing in  order  to  spare  their  provisions.  When  they  are  all  as- 
sembled there,  they  are  to  set  out  against  the  fort  of  the  Re- 
nards, distant  about  65  leagues  from  Chicagou ;  they  can  reack 
the  fort  from  that  place  in  about  Seven  days.  They  will  regu- 
late the  time  of  their  departure  from  chicagou  so  as  to  arrive 
at  the  fort  of  the  Renards  at  the  end  of  August  Sieur  del 
Lignery  will  likewise  assemble  the  French,  with  the  outaois 


1  Charles  Lemolne,  second  of  that  name,  and  haron  de  Longueuil;  a 
brother  of  Iberville. — EJd. 


314  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

and  the  Savages  of  the  Xorth,  who  are  at  Michilimakina  and  ita 
vicinity ;  and  he  will  set  out  with  them  for  the  fort  of  the 
Renards,  distant  from  Michilimakina  about  80  leagues.  He 
can  reach  it  by  boat  in  5  or  6  days,  regulating  also  the  time  of 
His  departure  from  Michilimakina  so  that  he  also  may  arrive  at 
the  fort  at  the  end  of  August  It  was  agreed  in  the  council  that 
the  first  corps  reaching  the  fort  should  only  invest  it,  waiting 
for  the  arrival  of  the  second  corps,  which  will  enable  them  to 
attempt  its  capture  in  such  manner  as  may  seem  best  to  Sieur 
de  Lignery. 

As  soon  as  the  Council  was  over,  Monsieur  de  Sabrevois  sent  a 
boat  to  Michilimakina  to  Inform  Sieur  de  Lignery,  who  sent 
Sieur  de  St,  Pierre  to  Detroit  to  learn  more  precisely  the  Re- 
sult of  this  Council — which  he  must  have  done  soon  after,  as 
Sieur  de  St  Pierre  went  thither  and  returned  without  delay. 

Sieurs  de  Maunoir  and  Dadoncour  left  Detroit  on  the  23rd  of 
last  Jime,  to  visit  the  miamis.  Sieur  de  Sabrevois  reports  that 
they  arrived  there  on  the  3rd  of  last  July.  Accordingly,  they 
have  all  the  time  necessary  for  assembling  the  miamis,  oyatan- 
ons,  and  Islinois,  and  for  taking  the  measures  agreed  upon  for 
this  attack. 

Lieutenant  de  la  Perriere  left  Montreal  last  April  to  go  to 
Michilimakina,  and  thence  among  the  Scioux,  to  Invite  them 
not  only  to  refuse  refuge  to  the  Renards  but  also  to  join  us  in 
making  war  upon  them. 

Captain  D'Eschaillons,  Lieutenant  Lanour,  and  Ensign 
Belestre  (who  has  taken  the  place  of  Ensign  Contrecoeur,  who 
has  been  very  sick  for  the  last  six  months)  left  Montreal  last 
May,  with  a  sergeant  and  20  soldiers  who  are  to  form  the  garri- 
son at  Michilimakina.  Sieur  de  Ramezay  thought  that  they 
ought  not  to  start  sooner,  because  the  Rendezvous  for  beginning 
hostilities  was  fixed  for  the  end  of  August,  and  they  would  have 
uselessly  consumed  provisions  which  are  very  scarce  there ;  and 
he  expected  them,  besides,  to  arrive  early  enough  for  the  Expe- 
dition^ 

Learning  last  spring  that  they  were  without  com  at  detroit, 
we  had  some  bought  from  the  Iroquois  by  Sieur  de  Joncaire  who 
went  among  them  with  Monsieur  de  LongueuiL     They  bought 


I714-I5]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  315 

300  Minots,  which  were  carried  to  Michilimakina  by  the  Sol- 
diers of  that  garrison,  by  the  French  settlers  whom  we  allowed 
to  go  up  there  to  Serve  in  this  Expedition,  and  by  the  resident 
Savages  who  accompanied  them.  Sieur  Dupuy  conveyed  from 
the  miamis  to  Detroit  130  minots — which,  added  to  the  quan- 
tity which  the  hurons  at  Detroit  have  promised  to  furnish,  and 
the  supply  which  Sieur  de  Lignery  writes  that  he  will  get  from 
the  Baye  des  Puans,  will  suffice  for  this  Expedition. 

These  measures  and  the  good-will  of  the  officers  and  of  all 
those  who  have  gone  up  to  Michilimakina  for  this  war  give  us 
grounds  for  expecting  a  successful  issue,  of  which  we  impa- 
tiently await  news,  that  we  may  have  the  honor  of  reporting 
the  same  to  you. 

Sieur  de  Eamezay,  in  conformity  with  the  orders  of  Mon- 
sieur the  marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  at  the  end  of  last  May  sent 
Monsieur  de  Longueuil  with  Sieur  de  Joncaire  to  three  Iro- 
quois villages,  viz.:  the  Sonontouans,  Goyogouans,  and  !N'on- 
taes,^  having  been  Invited  to  do  so  last  year  by  the  five  Iroquois 
villages.  He  reported  on  His  return  that  he  had  never  found 
them  so  haughty.  They  had  been  joined  by  savages  coming 
from  Carolina,  with  whom  they  amount  to  about  3000  men 
bearing  arms.  One  of  their  party  returning  from  the  tetea 
plattes  killed,  near  the  Islinois  village  of  Rouensac,*  one  Isli- 
nois,  wounded  another,  and  brought  to  the  Sonontouans  eight 
women  or  girls  of  this  nation  as  prisoners.  Monsieur  de  Long- 
ueuil represented  to  them  that  the  Islinois  were  the  children  of 
onontio,  and  did  all  he  could  to  induce  them  to  turn  over  to 
him  those  eight  women,  to  send  them  home ;  but  he  could  only 

iSenecas,  Cayugas,  and  Onondagaa. — Eo. 

2  The  tribe  thus  Joining  the  Iroquois  was  the  Tuscaroras,  raciaUy  al- 
lied to  the  former,  from  whom  they  separated  probably  late  in  the 
sixteenth  century;  the  Tuscaroras  pushed  farther  southward,  finally 
reaching  North  Carolina,  where  they  dwelt  until  the  time  referred  to 
in  our  text.  For  account  of  Iroquois  origin  and  migrations,  see  W.  M. 
Beauchamp's  Origin  of  N.  Y.  Iroquois  (Oneida,  1889).  The  Cherokees, 
Chickasaws,  and  some  other  Southern  tribes  were  called  TStea  plattes 
("Flat-heads")  by  the  Iroquois. 

Rouensac  was  the  name  of  an  influential  Illinois  chief;  the  village 
here  mentioned  was  that  known  later  as  Ka8ka8kia.^ED. 


31 6  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

obtain  one,  the  eldest,  whom  he  sent  to  detroit  with  orders  to 
Sienr  de  Sabrevois  to  send  her  back  to  Her  village.  The  Iro- 
quois gave  her  a  collar  to  invite,  in  their  name,  the  chiefs  of  that 
village  to  come  to  get  the  Seven  others,  whom  they  have  dispersed 
in  their  five  villages.  Their  refusal  to  give  up  to  Monsieur  de 
Longueuil  those  seven  women,  and  the  Collar  which  they  have 
sent  to  the  Islinois,  give  ground  for  fearing  that  the  English 
may  have  acted  in  concert  with  them,  and  may  obtain  the  seven 
women  from  those  Savages,  to  restore  them  to  the  Islinois ;  and 
may  profit  by  this  opportunity  to  gain  over  the  Islinois,  in  mak- 
ing them  believe  that  they  have  more  influence  than  we  among 
the  Iroquois.  Monsieur  de  Longueuil  believes  that  the  latter 
have  done  this  act  with  the  purpose  of  bringing  on  a  war  with 
our  allies,  which  is  still  more  plausible. 

While  he  was  among  the  Nontaes  [Onondagas],  an  Envoy 
from  Mr.  hunter,  governor  of  New  york,^  arrived  to  declare 
to  them  in  his  name  that  a  large  number  of  English  would 
shortly  arrive  in  their  village  to  build  a  fort  and  establish  a  gar- 
rison, with  an  envo^,  Sieur  de  Ix)ngueuil  thereupon  told  them 
that  it  was  hardly  probable  that  the  English  had  come  to  thia 
decision  without  being  first  assured  of  the  consent  of  the  princi- 
pal chiefs  of  their  village.  They  denied  this,  but  he  does  not 
doubt  that  they  are  acting  in  concert  with  the  English  in  this 
matter,  because,  after  he  had  done  every  thing  possible  to  dis- 
suade them,  they  answered  that  they  would  hold  a  council  and 
decide  what  must  be  done. 

It  can  not  be  doubted  that  the  Englisli  are  going  to  build  ttia 
fort  with  a  view  to  extending  their  commerce  in  the  upper 
country,  which  is  all  the  more  objectionable  as  it  seems  that,  by 
the  fifteenth  article  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  these  five  villages 
are  adjudged  English  territory — although  the  three  villages  of 
the  Sonontouans,  goyogouans,  and  Nontaes,  which  are  situated 
on  Rivers  running  into  Lake  Ontario,  and  consequently  into  the 
river  St  Lawrence,  ought  for  this  reason  to  be  considered  as 
being  in  territory  under  French  domination,  if  the  boundaries 
of  the  upper  cx)untry  were  determined  by  the  height  of  Lands 

I  Gen.  Robert  Hunter,  governor  of  the  colony  from  1710  to  1719. — Bd.. 


I714-I5]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  317 

[water-shed],  beginning  at  tlie  Source  of  the  orange  [Hudson] 
river,  which  belongs  to  the  English. 

Monsieur  de  Longueuil  has  reported  also  that  Massias  and 
grand  terre,^  nontaes  chiefs,  who  up  to  the  present  time  have 
always  espoused  our  Interests,  have  been  gained  over  by  the 
English. 

However,  this  trip  to  the  Iroquois  country  has  led  Mr. 
hunter  to  believe — as  he  \vrites  to  Sieur  de  Kamezay  in  his  . 
letter  of  July  5th  last,  which  he  will  have  the  honor  of  sending  to 
you — that  Sieur  de  Longueuil  had  gone  there  with  propositions 
from  the  King  to  those  five  Nations  to  builcl  a  fort  in  their  coun- 
try, and  to  Invite  them  to  join  him  in  making  war,  which  he 
regards  as  an  infraction  of  the  last  treaty  of  peace.  To  this 
Sieur  de  Eamezay  has  replied  that  he  had  no  orders  from  His 
Majesty  for  building  a  fort  among  the  Nontagues,  nor  any  in- 
tention of  Inviting  the  Iroquois  to  go  to  war,  but  that  Monsieur 
de  Longueuil  had  visited  them  because,  being  of  their  Cabins,* 
they  had  Invited  him  last  year  to  come  and  see  them  as  he  was 
accustomed  to  do. 

Father  de  Ville,  the  Jesuit  missionary,  and  Sieur  de  Vin- 
cenne  write  also  to  Sieur  de  Eamezay  that  the  English  of  Caro- 
lina are  trying  in  every  possible  way  to  draw  toward  themselves 
the  Savage  Nations  of  the  South,  by  means  of  the  Iroquois;  and 
Sieur  Begon  has  the  honor  of  reporting  to  you,  Monseigneur, 
what  Father  Mermet,  a  Jesuit  missionary  of  the  Islinois,  writes 
about  the  enterprises  of  the  English  on  the  ouabeche  [Wabash] 
Eiver  and  on  the  mississipy,  where  they  are  building  three  forts. 

This  had  led  Sieur  de  Eamezay  to  give  orders  to  Sieur  de 
Maunoir,  his  son,  to  instigate  the  savages  to  refuse  to  listen  to 
the  propositions  of  the  English ;  and,  so  far  as  possible,  induce 
them  to  consent  that  the  French  may  pillage  the  English  who 
are  found  in  territories  which  belong  to  us  since  the  Establish- 
ment of  the  Colony. 


lA  French  epithet  (meaning  "Broad  Land")  bestowed  upon  an  On- 
ondaga chief  named  Ouhensiwan. — Ed. 

2  A  reference  to  the  Indian  custom  of  adoption  into  the  tribe,  which 
was  extended  to  white  men  whom  its  members  wished  to  honors— Ed. 


3l8  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

I  have  had  the  honor,  Monseigneur,  of  reporting  to  you,  by 
the  ship  "La  providence,"  the  motives  which  led  Monsieur  de 
Louvigny  to  ask  for  a  number  of  Frenchmen,  in  order  to  end 
the  enterprise  against  the  reynards  to  the  glory  of  the  King. 
Since  that  time  Sieur  de  Louvigny  has  presented  a  requisition 
to  Monsieur  begon  and  myself,  in  which  he  indicates  that  he  is 
no  longer  satisfied  with  the  three  Canoes  which  Monsieur  the 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  and  Monsieur  begon  had  granted  him 
for  making  this  expedition  at  his  own  expense  without  any  cost 
to  the  King — as  you  have  been  informed,  monseigneur,  by  the 
joint  letter  of  Messieurs  de  Vaudreuil  and  begon  of  September 
20th  last. 

As  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  has  for  a  long  time 
led  the  savages  to  expect  him  to  go  up  there.  Monsieur  begon  and 
I  have  Left  him  Entirely  Free  to  make  this  voyage  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  King;  but  Sieur  de  Louvigny,  falling  ill  this 
spring,  declared  that  he  could  not  undertake  it 

I  was  informed  last  April,  monseigneur,  by  a  letter  written 
to  me  by  Sieur  de  Vinsenne,  that  peace  had  been  made  between 
the  ouyatanons  and  miamis,  and  the  ilinois.  I  have  the  honor 
of  enclosing  a  Copy,  by  which  you  will  learn,  monseigneur,  that 
in  this  treaty  of  peace  the  nations  have  agreed  to  combine  unani- 
mously to  make  war  against  the  reynards.  The  ouyatanons  did 
not  agree  to  this  until  after  the  arrival  of  Sieur  dupuy,  who 
decided  them  to  do  so,  according  to  Copy  of  enclosed  letter  which 
he  sent  me,  and  the  speeches  which  he  made  to  those  savages 
and  the  answer  which  they  made  him  in  regard  to  the  matter. 
But  at  the  same  time  I  learned  that  the  com  had  failed  at  de- 
troit,  which  obliged  us  to  have  Sieur  de  Joncquere  buy  300 
minots  among  the  yrokois,  which  the  Soldiers  I  have  sent  to  gar- 
rison Michilimakinak,  the  inhabitants,  and  the  resident  savages 
who  went  up  for  the  reynards^  expedition,  took  in  their  canoes 
to  deliver  to  Sieur  de  Lignery,  commanding  at  that  post. 

I  have  also  been  informed  by  the  same  mail,  both  by  Sieur 
de  Liette  and  by  father  de  Ville,  a  missionary  among  the 
ilinois,  that  the  English  of  the  government  of  Carolina  had 
formed  the  design  of  introducing  themselves  among  those  na- 
tions ;  and,  with  this  end  in  view,  have  begun  to  build  two  forts. 


I714-I5]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  3I9 

One  is  at  the  Mobille  river  (where  the  late  Monsieur  dhiber- 
ville  had  had  one  built) ,  which  cuts  off  communication  with 
the  Mississipy ;  the  other  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  ouabache  river, 
from  which  Sieur  du  tristene  has  retreated  to  the  missis^ 
sipy,  with  Monsieur  de  la  Mothe.  I  have  written  to  the  latr 
ter,  to  inform  him  of  the  enterprise  of  the  English,  so  that 
he  may  labor  on  his  side,  as  we  shall  on  ours,  to  prevent  the  ac- 
complishment of  their  designs.  They  have  made  liberal  pres^ 
ents  to  the  chiefs  of  those  savages ;  and  Monsieur  the  Intendant 
has  been  advised  by  the  Rev.  fadier  Mermet,  a  missionary  on 
the  mississipy  river,  that  the  governor  of  Carolina  had  asked 
the  King  of  England  for  fifteen  himdred  men  to  garrison  those 
forts.  That  would  utterly  Ruin  this  colony,  since,  if  they 
once  set  foot  among  the  illinois  and  Installed  themselves  with 
their  consent,  they  would  go  among  all  the  outaouet  nations, 
and  would,  in  the  beginning,  offer  so  great  advantages  to  those 
savages  that  they  would  attach  the  latter  to  their  interests,  both 
in  trade  and  in  war.  This  has  induced  me  to  confer  on  the 
subject  with  Monsieur  the  Intendant,  Monsieur  de  Longoeuil, 
and  the  most  Experienced  ofiicers  of  this  coimtry.  We  have 
agreed  that  it  was  necessary,  for  the  service  of  His  Majesty,  to 
send  the  yoimger  son  of  Monsieur  de  Longoeuil  and  my  own 
eldest  son  into  that  coimtry — both  to  persuade  the  nations  to 
carry  out  their  plan  of  making  war  on  the  reynards,  and  to 
induce  them  not  to  receive  the  English  among  them.  While 
awaiting  your  orders,  monseigneur,  I  have  told  Sieur  sabre- 
vois,  who  is  in  command  at  detroit,  and  my  son  also,  that  in 
case  any  English  come  to  trade  in  our  territories,  they  shall  con- 
fiscate their  merchandise,  if  they  are  strong  enough  to  imder- 
take  it,  and  if  the  savages  of  this  country  give  Their  consent. 

I  have  been  informed  by  Sieur  de  sabrevois,  who  commands 
at  fort  ponchartrain  at  detroit,  by  Sieur  dupuy,  and  by  my  son 
that  they  assembled  the  savages  settled  at  that  post,  to  hold  a 
council  with  them.  It  was  there  agreed  that  my  son  should  go 
to  the  myamis,  the  ouyatanons,  and  the  illinois,  to  assemble 
all  these  nations  at  Chicagou — where  there  is  abundant  game 
of  all  sorts,  and  where  they  can  easily  subsist  and  make  a  place 
of  shelter  while  waiting  for  the  savages  from  detroit,  who  are 
to  go  to  join  them  at  that  place. 


320  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

Sieur  de  lignery  will  be  charged  with,  this  Expedition,  as  I 
know  no  one  else  who  is  better  fitted  for  the  enterprise,  or  who 
has  more  ascendency  over  the  savages,  excepting  Monsieur  de 
Louvigny.  He  has  been  informed  of  the  decisions  of  this  coun- 
cil, and  in  conformity  with  them  will  march  with  the  French 
who  are  at  Michilimakinak,  and  with  the  savages  of  those  quar- 
ters who  are  north  of  lake  huron ;  my  son  will  also  do  the 
same,  as  soon  as  the  savages  who  go  by  land  have  joined  him. 
They  are  to  set  out  together  to  blockade  the  reynards  before  the 
end  of  August,  and  to  attack  them  when  all  have  arrived.  As 
it  was  impossible  to  effect  a  jimction  of  all  these  nations  at 
michilimakinak,  and  as  they  could,  moreover,  not  find  subsist- 
ence there,  since  there  are  no  provisions,  we  thought  that  the 
best  expedient  was  to  make  this  diversion. 

I  have  received  a  letter  from  Monsieur  de  lignery,  under 
date  of  June  5  th  last,  in  which  he  writes  me  that  he  will  answer 
for  subduing  that  nation,  if  they  stay  in  Their  fort  But  he  fears 
that  they  may  take  refuge  among  the  aoyest  [lowas],  three 
hundred  leagues  from  the  place  where  they  are  settled,  and, 
after  placing  Their  families  in  security  among  that  nation,  may 
Tetum  again  to  cany  on  the  war  and  persist  in  Their  insolence. 
For  he  has  learned  that  a  party  of  twenty-five  reynards,  in  the 
month  of  Jime  last,  killed  five  Frenchmen,  who  were  carrying 
com  to  Michilimakinac,  and  who  defended  themselves  with 
valor,  killing  three  reynars,  and  woimding  several  others. 

You  will  find  enclosed,  monseigneur,  a  Copy  of  the  first  Let- 
ter that  I  wrote  to  Monsieur  de  Lignery,  dated  April  1st,  and  my 
reply  to  his  letter  of  June  5  th  in  which  I  give  him  Entire  Lib- 
erty to  make  war  or  peace  according  to  the  circumstances,  in  con- 
formity with  the  arrangements  made  by  Monsieur  the  Marquis 
de  Vaudreuil  with  Monsieur  de  Louvigny  before  his  departure, 
and  with  the  orders  he  left  me  on  embarking  for  France.  God 
grant  that  this  affair  be  terminated,  in  whatever  manner,  to  the 
glory  of  the  King  and  the  advantage  of  the  Colony ;  for  otherwise 
the  savages — our  allies,  would  gradually  be  alienated  either 
through  Fear,  or  by  the  instigation  of  the  English — who  are  try- 
ing by  every  means  to  introduce  themselves  among  the  outhaoua 
nations,  by  sending  Collars  and  presents  by  savages  acting  as 


1714-15]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  32I 

their  Emissaries,  in  order  to  induce  those  tribes  to  act  in  accord- 
ance with  their  plans.  I  hope,  monseignenr,  to  have  the  honor 
of  informing  you  of  the  outcome  by  the  last  vessels  leaving  for 
France. 

I  have  also  the  honor  of  reporting  to  you,  monseigneur,  the 
Messages  which  the  hurons  and  poutouatamis  sent  to  Monsieur 
the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  supposing  that  he  had  not  left  for 
France,  and  the  reply  which  I  have  made,  in  his  absence;  as 
you  will  see,  Monseigneur,  they  reproach  him  vehemently  for 
his  inactivity  during  the  last  three  years.  Nearly  all  the  sav- 
ages of  the  Lakes  and  of  the  interior  are  of  the  same  opinion. 

You  will  also  find  enclosed,  Monseigneur,  a  Copy  of  the  or- 
ders which  I  have  given  to  my  son,  and  of  the  messages  with 
which  he  is  charged  from  me  for  the  myamis,  ouyatanonsy  and 
illinois,  both  for  carrying  on  the  war  against  the  reynars  and 
for  preventing  those  nations  from  receiving  the  English  among 
Them.  I  hope,  monseigneur,  that  he  will  acquit  himself  of  his 
duty  on  this  occasion  so  as  to  deserve  the  honor  of  your  power- 
ful protection  in  behalf  of  his  advancement. 

I  have  given  orders  to  Monsieur  de  Longoeul  and  to  Sieur  de 
Joncquiere  to  go  to  the  yrokois,  in  accordance  with  those  which 
I  myself  had  received  from  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  VaudreuiL 
They  have  never  appeared  so  haughty  as  they  are  at  present; 
for  they  have  been  strengthened  by  the  accession  of  a  nation  of 
savages  who  were  settled  near  Carolina  and  took  refuge  among 
them,  so  that  they  now  number  3000  men  bearing  arms.  They 
committed  last  winter  an  act  of  hostility  against  the  illinois^ 
killing  one  savage  of  that  nation,  wounding  another,  and  tak- 
ing their  women  prisoners.  This  act  was  not  a  premeditated 
one  on  the  part  of  the  five  yrokois  nations,  but  was  done  by  a 
party  returning  from  the  war  against  the  testes  plattee.  But 
instead  of  handing  over  the  prisoners  to  Monsieur  de  Longoeul, 
as  is  customary  when  a  hostile  act  has  been  inadvertently  com- 
mitted, they  dispersed  them  among  the  yrokois  nations  and 
gave  up  only  one  to  Monsieur  de  Longouil.  He  sent  her  Sack 
to  the  Ilinois  with  a  collar  from  the  Yrokois  to  the  chiefs  of 
that  nation,  by  which  they  invite  them  to  come  and  get  the  rest; 
but  it  is  to  be  feared  that  the  English  may  secure  the  captives^ 
22 


322  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.      [vol.  Xvi 

and  thus  make  it  known  that  they  have  more  influence  with  the 
savages  than  we  do.  They  have  also  maltreated  a  savage  of  the 
mission  at  the  sault  au  recoUet  by  making  him  a  Eunuck. 
Moreover,  an  Englishman  came  to  the  nontaes,  while  Monsieur 
de  Longoeul  was  there,  to  announce  to  the  five  yrokois  Nations, 
in  the  name  of  the  governor  of  manaht  [Manhattan,  or  New 
York],  that  he  would  soon  arrive  with  a  large  number  of  men, 
to  build  a  fort  at  that  place  and  establish  a  garrison.  We  can 
but  conclude  from  this  that  they  are  employing  every  means,  in 
every  direction,  to  encroach  on  this  colony  and  to  come  to  carry 
on  the  fur  trade  with  the  savages,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  mer- 
chants of  this  country.  There  is  even  reason  to  Fear  that  at 
the  first  rupture  with  the  English  these  yrokois  savages  may 
make  war  on  us. 


1716:     EPIDEMIC  AMONG  WBAS  PREVENTS   THEM  FROM  AID- 
ING DE  LIGNERY;   SHOULD  BE  REMOVED  TO  CHICAGO. 

[Letter  from  Ramezay  to  the  French  Minister;   dated  Nov.  3,  1715. 
Source,  same  as  preceding  documents,  hut  fol.  lOlJ 

MoNSEiGNEUE — I  had  the  honor  of  informing  you,  on  Aug. 
16th  last,  that  Sieur  dupuy  had  gone  among  the  ouyatanons,  at 
the  beginning  of  this  year,  to  get  com  and  to  conciliate  that  na- 
tion, whose  minds  were  somewhat  alienated  from  us,  and  also 
to  cement  the  newly-made  peace  between  them  and  the  illinois. 
He  brought  with  him  two  principal  chiefs  of  that  nation,  and 
three  of  the  miamis  of  the  ouabeche,  for  the  purpose  of  bring- 
ing about  an  interview  with  Monsieur  de  louvigny. 

I  also  had  the  honor,  monseigneur,  of  informing  you  that  I 
had  sent  M.  dudoncour  de  Longueuil  and  my  eldest  son  to  act 
with  those  nations  of  the  south,  in  accordance  with  the  plans 
deliberated  in  the  council  held  at  destroit,  the  result  of  which 
has  been  made  known  to  Sieur  de  lignery  at  Michilimakinac. 
who  was  to  conform  thereto. 

One  of  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  ouyatanons  has  died  at 
destroit;  all  the  military  Ceremonies  usual  on  such  occasions 


17 1 5]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  323 

were  performed  for  him,  a  thing  which  greatly  pleases  the  Sav- 
ages. 

After  writing  my  Letter,  I  have  just  learned,  from  letters 
brought  to  me  by  Sieur  de  Bellestre,  that  Sieurs  de  maunoir 
and  dudoncour,  from  whom  I  had  had  no  news  since  Their  de- 
parture from  destroit,  had,  after  ten  days'  mandi  on  foot, 
reached  the  miamis  of  the  ouabeche ;  and  that  on  the  way  they 
had  also  lost  by  measles  the  ouyatonon  chief  and  the  three 
ouabeche  chiefs,  and  had  foimd  no  one  in;  the  village,  because  it 
had  been  reported  that  they  were  coming  to  devour  the  savages. 
They  had  great  difficulty  in  reassuring  the  latter,  but  finally 
drew  from  them  a  promise  that  all  those  in  condition  to  march 
would  go  to  the  Rendezvous  with  Sieur  de  Vincenne — to  whom 
my  son  de  maunoir,  having  still  to  travel  a  long  way  overland, 
sent  the  munitions  of  war,  to  be  taken  by  canoes  to  chicagou  on 
leaving  that  village.  The  measles  had  already  attacked  the  sav- 
ages. 

Sieurs  de  maunoir  and  dudoncour  were  eight  days  in  reach- 
ing the  ouyatanons,  whom  they  had  notified  of  their  coming, 
but  who  received  them  very  ill,  as  they  had  learned  of  the  death 
of  Their  chiefs,  and  even,  after  the  fashion  of  the  savages,  ac- 
cused the  French  of  having  killed  them — saying  that  they  were 
coming  to  mend  matters  with  words,  but  that  this  would  not  sat- 
isfy them.  Finally,  monseigneur,  by  force  of  insinuation  and 
flattery,  the  confidence  of  some  was  restored,  and  these  promised 
to  go  to  chicagou  on  the  return  of  their  people  from  the  chase. 
They  asked  to  have  one  of  the  officers  remain  with  Them ;  this 
was  Sieur  dudoncour.  Their  request  was  the  more  readily 
granted  as  it  was  feared  that  they  might  not  march  unless  an 
officer  remained  at  their  head.  Their  village  was  expected  to 
contribute  at  least  two  himdred  men. 

Sieur  de  maunoir  set  out  for  the  Illinois  on  July  24:th,  leav- 
ing orders  to  Sieur  dudoncour  to  be  at  chicagou  August  lOtlu 
The  measles,  which  is  pernicious  to  the  savages,  so  increased 
among  the  ouyatanons  that  there  were  from  fifteen  to  twenty 
deaths  a  day.  Then  one  of  their  chiefs  arrived,  who,  to  pre* 
vent  them  from  marching,  said  that  the  yrokois  were  going  to 
attack  Their  village.     They  told  Sieur  dudoncour  that,  in  place 


324  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

of  the  two  Hundred  men  they  had  promised,  they  could  only  fur- 
nish twenty  or  thirty,  among  whom  were  the  two  principal 
chiefs.  With  this  small  number  he  set  out,  having  himself 
been  attacked  by  the  fever  for  several  days ;  and  undertook  that 
journey  of  130  Leagues  through  the  midst  of  the  prairies,  hav- 
ing only  dried  meat  and  very  little  water  for  so  Long  an  expedi- 
tion. 

The  savages  did  not  dare  to  hunt  on  aocoimt  of  the  reynarday 
whose  trails  they  found  leading  to  destroit  or  saginan.  To  com- 
plete their  misfortunes,  they  found  no  one  at  the  Bendezvous 
at  chicagou ;  nor  were  the  canoes  there  which  they  had  prom- 
ised to  send  from  Michilimakinac,  to  inform  them  regarding  the 
march  against  the  reynards  from  that  point  Two  of  the 
ouyatanon  savages  who  had  come  with  Sieur  dudoncour  hav- 
ing been  attacked  by  the  measles,  the  others  returned  to  their 
village,  so  that  Sieur  dudoncour  Eemained  alone  with  the  five 
Frenchmen.  After  waiting  four  or  five  days  beyond  the  time 
fixed,  he  set  out  to  meet  my  son  maimoir.  The  savage  serving 
as  guide  went  astray,  so  that  no  meeting  was  effected,  and  they 
went  to  le  Eocher,^  among  the  Illinois. 

My  son  maunoir,  on  leaving  the  ouyatanes,  had  gone  to  that 
same  place.  He  sent  bizaillon  to  announce  him ;  the  latter  ac- 
quitted himself  very  well  in  that  affair  and  has  great  influence 
among  the  Illinois — who,  to  the  number  of  200,  came  out  two 
Leagues  to  meet  my  son  and  carried  him  to  their  village  (their 
greatest  mark  of  honor),  to  show  their  joy  at  his  arrivaL  He 
only  Remained  there  long  enough  to  collect  450  men  with  whom 
he  went  to  chicagou,  on  Aug.  17th,  and  was  much  mortified  to 
find  no  one  there,  and  to  get  no  news  from  michilimakinac.  He 
sent  scouts  out  over  thirty  Leagues,  both  to  get  news  and  to  keep 
the  savages  from  getting  restless.  These  scouts  returning  on 
the  28th,  without  having  discovered  any  trail,  it  became  impos- 
sible any  long  to  retain  them,  and  Sieur  de  maunoir  was  obliged 
to  return  to  Le  Rocher,  and  join  Sieur  dudoncour. 

You  will  observe,  monseigneur,  that  but  for  this  imtimely 
death  of  the  myami  and  ouyatanon  chiefs  and  the  epidemic  of 

iLe  Rocher  (the  Rock),  referring  to  Starved  Rock  (see  p.  100,  ante, 
note). — Ed.  i 


1 715]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  325 

measles,  it  would  have  been  possible  to  obtain  more  than  800 
men  from  those  two  nations,  ajs  you  will  recognize,  Monseigneur, 
by  the  letter  of  Sieur  de  vinsenne,  a  copy  of  which  I  have  the 
honor  to  send  you. 

If  Monsieur  de  Lignery,  with  four  hundred  men,  French  and 
savages,  whom  he  had  at  Michilimakinac,  had  joined  my  son  who 
had  four  hundred  and  fifty  men,  with  two  himdred  men  from 
destroit,  the  total  would  have  amounted  to  nearly  one  thousand 
and  one  himdred  men,  a  number  large  enough,  perhaps,  to  force 
the  reynards  to  sue  for  peace. 

I  have  the  honor,  monseigneur,  to  send  you  copies  of  the  let- 
ters of  Sieur  dudoncour  and  of  my  son,  from  which  you  will 
learn,  Monseigneur,  that  Monsieur  de  la  Motte  Cadillac  has 
reached  the  caskusscas,  30  leagues  below  the  Illinois — well 
accompanied,  and  having  two  Spanish  founders  with  him — to 
investigate  the  mines  of  gold  and  silver  that  have  been  discov- 
ered there.  He  Left  his  son  with  forty  men  to  work  there,  after 
investigation  had  been  made  by  the  two  Spaniards.  Sieurs  de 
maunoir  and  dudoncour  learned  this  news  from  a  Letter  written 
to  Sieur  de  vinsenne  by  the  Reverend  father  deville,  a  Jesuit 
missionary  in  the  place  where  the  mine  has  been  discovered. 
It  seems  to  me  that  it  must  be  something  valuable  and  genuine^ 
since  Monsieur  de  la  Motthe  has  left  so  many  men  to  work 
there. 

I  have  the  honor  of  giving  you  this  information,  monsei- 
gneur, which  you  will  perhaps  not  receive  this  year  from  mau- 
bille  [Mobile]  ;  and  I  will  add  that  I  consider  it  very  important 
to  occupy  the  upper  posts  with  a  rather  strong  garrison,  in  or- 
der to  maintain  the  savages  in  our  alliance,  and  to  prevent  Them 
from  trading  with  their  English  neighbors  from  Carolina  and 
Virginia — who,  besides  their  desire  to  obtain  peltries,  would 
be  all  the  more  inclined  to  occupy  those  posts,  attracted  by  the 
discovery  of  the  mines.  There  would  be  also  reason  to  fear 
that  the  coureurs  de  bois  of  Canada,  attracted  by  these  things^ 
may  become  even  more  lawless  than  they  are,  which  can  only  be 
prevented  by  having  troops  to  restrain  them.  Accordingly, 
Monseigneur,  I  take  the  Liberty  of  reiterating,  in  connection 
with  this  news,  the  requests  that  I  have  had  the  honor  of  urging 


326  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

upon  you  in  order*  to  keep  in  bounds  both  the  French  and  the 
savages. 

Sieur  de  bellestre  has  informed  me  that^  in  order  to  reassure 
the  minds  of  the  oujatanons^  my  son  has  led  them  to  hope  that 
Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  would,  in  accordance  with 
their  request,  send  them  an  officer  and  a  missionary— which 
seems  a  matter  of  importance,  both  to  dissipate  their  fear  of  the 
Yrokois,  and  to  maintain  the  peace  which  they  have  made  with 
the  Illinois. 

In  allowing  them  this  officer  and  this  missionary,  they  must, 
if  possible,  be  persuaded  to  transfer  Their  village  to  Chicagou, 
so  as  to  remove  them  130  Leagues  from  the  English.  Sieur 
dupuy,  who  was  there  last  winter,  believes  that  he  could  suc- 
ceed in  this,  if  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  judge  it  ex- 
pedient to  inform  him  when  he  will  retum,i  thus  enabUng  Sieur 
dupuy  to  make  ready  for  this  journey. 

Although  I  especially  recommended  Sieur  de  Dudoncour 
and  my  son  to  put  a  stop  to  the  reported  conferences  between 
the  English  and  the  nations  of  the  south,  they  make  no  men- 
tion of  these  in  Their  letters — either  because  those  conferences 
are  discontinued,  or  because  they  have  postponed  bringing  up 
this  matter  imtil  the  difficulty  with  the  Beynards  should  be  set- 
tled, according  to  the  orders  which  I  had  given  them. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  very  great  respect,  Monseigneur, 

Your  very  humble,  very  obliged,  and  very  obedient  servant, 

Ds  Bamezay. 


1  Vaudreuil  was  in  France  from  1714  to  1716,  and  Ramezay  acted  in 
his  place  during  that  time. — E^d. 


171 S]  FRENCH    REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  327 


1715:  MILITARY  PREPARATIONS  AGAINST  FOXES:  TRADERS 
AND  VOTAGEURS;  THEIR  LAWLESSNESS;  RESTRICTIONS 
ON  TRADE;  ENGLISH  SEEK  TO  CONTROL  FUR  TRADE; 
FRENCH  SHOULD  ESTABLISH  NEW  POSTS. 

[Letter  of  Ramezay  and  B^gon  to  French  Minister;  dated  Not.  7» 
1715.    MS.  in  archives  of  Ministdre  des  Colonies,  Paris;  press-mark, 
Canada,  Corresp.  g6n.,  vol.  35,  c.  11,  fol.  15."] 


« 


We  had  the  honor,  in  our  letter  of  Sept.  25  last,  of  report- 
ing to  you  all  the  measures  that  had  been  taken  for  the  war 
with  the  Benards.  We  have,  since  then,  been  informed  by  a 
letter  of  Aug.  30th  last,  from  Sieur  de  Lignery,  in  conmiand 
at  Michilimakinak,  to  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Yaudreuil, 
of  which  a  copy  is  enclosed,  that  he  has  undertaken  nothing 
against  the  Kenards,  because  the  convoy  of  provisions,  munitions 
of  war,  and  presents  for  the  savages  and  the  Soldiers  of  the 
garrison,  under  the  conduct  of  Monsieur  the  Captain  Deschail- 
lons,  had  not  yet  arrived.  He  Decided  that  the  season  was  too 
far  advanced  for  this  Expedition,  and  determined  to  aUow 
100  Frenchmen  to  go  down  to  Montreal,  in  accordance  with 
the  petition  which  they  presented  to  him,  of  which  a  copy  is 
enclosed.  Sieur  de  Kamezay  did  not  dispatch  this  convoy  aa 
early  as  he  sent  the  other  officers  designated  for  this  Expedi- 
tion^ because  Monsieur  Dubuisson  had  informed  him,  by  his 
letter  of  March  2nd  last,  that  the  com  had  so  completely  failed 
at  detroit  that  he  had  been  obliged  to  send  Sieur  Dupuy  to  the 
Miamis  to  buy  some.  In  view  of  the  uncertain  success  of  this 
purchase,  Sieur  de  Ramezay  took  advantage  of  the  visit  made 
by  Sieur  de  Joncaire  to  the  Iroquois,  and  had  300  minots 
bought  there.  Sieur  de  Joncaire  had  this  grain  brought  to 
the  shore  of  Lake  Ontario  by  the  Savages,  and  Sieur  Deschail- 
lons  there  had  it  loaded  upon  the  Canoes  of  his  convoy;  and, 
as  it  was  necessary  to  allow  time  to  Sieur  de  Joncaire  to  ac- 
complish that  transportation,  over  some  30  Leagues  by  land, 
Sieur  de  Bamezay  judged  it  expedient  not  to  send  this  oonroy 
sooner  than  he  did,  in  order  to  economize  the  provisions. 

He  took  the  precaution  of  sending  to  la  galette,  above  the 
rapids,  the  munitions  and  presents  for  Michilimakinak,  in.  a 


328  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

Canoe  conducted  by  the  six  ablest  Sergeants  of  the  troops,  in 
order  to  avoid  the  danger  of  accidents  which  might  have  oc- 
curred in  sending  them  by  the  rapids  with  Sieur  Dechaillons,* 

He  also  had  the  bark  Canoes  of  Sieur  Deschaillon's  convoy 
inspected  with  especial  care;  and  if  any  mishap  has  occurred 
to  prevent  their  arrival  at  Michilimakinak  before  the  end  of 
August  (a  thing  of  which  we  have  as  yet  no  information),  that 
delay  can  only  be  imputed  to  bad  weather  or  to  lack  of  skill 
on  the  part  of  the  Soldiers — although  he  had  the  privilege  of 
choosing  from  all  the  troops  in  this  country,  who  had  been 
assembled  for  that  Purpose.  Besides,  Sieur  Deschaillons  had 
three  months  for  the  voyage  to  Michilimakinak,  which  ordi- 
narily requires  only  two  months  at  most. 

We  had  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  sickness  of  Monsieur 
de  Louvigny,  from  which  he  Had  not  yet  recovered  in  last  May, 
prevented  him  from  going  up  to  Michilimakinak ;  he  is  not  even 
able  to  go  there  for  the  winter,  but  he  has  determined  to  go 
up  next  spring  to  try  to  make  peace  with  the  Renards.  He 
will,  without  doubt,  employ  every  means  to  achieve  this,  as 
it  is  his  opinion  that  we  can  not  hope  for  success  in  undertak- 
ing a  war  against  Them. 

We  have  communicated,  Monseigneur,  to  him  and  to  Monsieur 
de  Galifet  the  project  which  Sieur  de  Lignery  has  Placed  be- 
fore Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  of  which  a  copy  is 
enclosed.  He  therein  proposes  to  send  up  next  spring  to  Mich- 
ilimakinak a  hundred  of  our  settled  Savages*  and  two  hundred 
Frenchmen,  the  latter  at  their  own  expense,  to  join  with  the 
French  and  the  Savages  who  are  in  the  upper  country,  and  to 
assemble  at  the  island  of  Manitoualin  in  lake  huron,  to  go 
thence  to  attack  the  Renards  in  their  fort.     The  French  em- 


1  Reference  is  here  made  to  the  rapids  in  the  St  Lawrence  river 
above  Montreal;  navigation  around  them  Is  now  made  possible  by  the 
Lachine  canal,  but  in  earlier  days  long  and  difficult  portages  were  neces^ 
sary,  and  travelers  often  met  disaster  in  those  waters. 

La  Galette  was  a  fortified  French  post  at  or  near  the  location  of  the 
present  Ogdensburg,  N.  T. — ^Bd. 

2 These  were  Indians  (mainly  Iroquois)  from  the  mission  colonies 
on  the  St  Lawrence  (p.  280,  note  1,  ante), — Ed. 


17 is]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  329 

ployed  in  this  Expedition  would  be  allowed  the  privil^e  of 
Exclusive  trade  in  the  upper  country  during  two  years. 

This  project  did  not  seem  feasible  to  us,  as  we  know  that 
those  who  made  this  proposition  to  Sieur  de  Lignery  can  have 
no  other  object  than  to  make  their  own  profit  during  those  two 
Years  of  exclusive  trade  in  the  upper  country,  always  finding 
some  specious  pretext  to  excuse  themselves  for  having  under- 
taken nothing  against  the  Eenards.  Besides,  it  does  not  seem 
at  all  probable  that  we  can  send  as  many  Savages  as  he  asks, 
on  account  of  the  expense  of  equipping  them  and  of  supporting 
their  families  during  their  absence.  However,  we  have  judged 
it  necessary  that  the  200  Frenchmen  should  go  up  to  Michili- 
makinak  with  Monsieur  de  Louvigny,  having  their  Canoes  laden 
half  with  merchandise  and  half  with  provisions,  so  as  to  In- 
timidate the  Eenards  and  incline  them,  if  possible,  to  sue  for 
peace;  and  also  to  preserve  the  friendship  and  esteem  of  Our 
allies,  by  showing  them  that  we  are  always  Able  and  ready  to 
second  them  in  this  war — which,  in  Fact,  can  not  be  ended  save 
with  the  consent  and  pleasure  of  all  the  nations.  We  do  not 
doubt  that  Monsieur  de  Louvigny  will  seek  to  accomplish  this, 
with  all  the  prudence  and  dexterity  possible ;  and,  in  confident 
expectation  of  this,  Sieur  de  Ramesay  will  give  him  no  precise 
orders  either  for  war  or  peace,  or  in  regard  to  the  measures 
and  cautions  to  be  employed ;  he  Leaves  him  free  to  do  what- 
ever may  seem  to  him  most  fitting  when  he  is  on  the  Groimd 
and  knows  the  circumstances.  In  the  permits  granted  to  these 
200  Frenchmen,  they  will  be  enjoined  to  obey  his  orders, 
whether  he  wishes  to  keep  them  in  case  he  thinks  he  needs  them, 
or  to  send  them  back  in  case  they  prove  useless.  He  will  carry 
the  same  orders  to  those  who  have  remained  in  the  upper  coim- 
try.  Sieur  B^on  has  promised. to  furnish  him  with  everything 
necessary  for  the  success  of  his  voyage. 

If  he  succeed  next  vear  in  making  a  peace,  he  can  dismiss 
all  the  French  who  are  there ;  but  he  can  not  avoid  permitting 
all  those  who  go  up  next  spring  to  remain  there  until  the  autumn 
of  1717,  so  as  to  give  them  time  to  trade  off  the  merchandise  that 
they  carry  thither.     This  can  not  be  refused  them,  since  it  is 


330  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

just  that  they  should  indemnify  themselves  for  the  expense  that 
they  incur  for  this  expedition ;  but  he  will  oblige  those  who  hare 
wintered  this  year  in  the  upper  country  to  come  down  with  him. 

As  our  present  necessity  of  letting  the  French  go  into  the 
upper  country  wiU  no  longer  exist,  if  peace  is  made  next  year 
with  the  Renards,  we  shall  be  able  in  1717,  to  execute  the  or- 
ders of  the  King  in  regard  to  the  fifteen  licenses  which  His 
Majesty  has  granted.  But  it  is  not  possible  that  any  use  can 
be  made  of  them  next  year,  because  we  could  not  sell  them; 
for  the  French  who  wish  to  go  to  the  upper  country  have  the 
means  of  doing  so  without  cost — that  is,  to  follow  Monsieur 
de  Louvigny  and  execute  his  orders.  And  even  if  we  were 
to  find  any  who  wished  to  purchase  them,  it  would  only  be  on 
condition  of  having  entire  liberty  to  carry  on  their  trade  with- 
out being  obliged  to  join  his  forces ;  for  it  is  not  to  be  presumed 
that  any  would  present  themselves  and  give  money  for  these 
licenses  if  they  were  obliged,  like  the  others,  to  share  in  the 
movements  ordered  by  Monsieur  de  Louvigny.  Moreover,  it 
might  lead  to  dangerous  consequences  to  excuse  any,  as  we 
should  no  longer  be  able  to  control  the  others. 

It  is  for  this  reason  that  Sieur  de  Ramesay  grants  no  licenses 
for  detroit;  and  as  he  was  obliged  this  fall  to  give  permits  for 
six  Canoes,  under  the  conduct  of  about  twenty-five  men, — upon 
representations  made  to  him  by  Monsieur  de  Sabrevois,  who 
maintained  that  without  that  help  the  post  would  be  aban- 
doned,— he  will  give  orders  to  the  holders  of  those  permits,  and 
to  the  other  Frenchmen  at  that  post,  to  join  Monsieur  de  Lou- 
vigny and  to  obey  his  orders,  whether  he  wage  war  or  send  them 
back  to  Montreal.  But  that  post  [Detroit]  being  too  impor- 
tant to  be  left  defenceless,  Sieur  de  Ramezay  will  send  thither 
ten  soldiers,  including  five  who  have  gone  up  with  Monsieur 
de  Sabrevois,  and  will  furnish  them  the  same  supplies  as  those 
of  the  garrison  of  Michilimakinak.  Therefore  Sieur  de  Sabre- 
vois, who  will  not  have  to  incur  any  expense  for  the  service  of 
the  King,  ought  to  be  satisfied  if  the  King  grants  him  two 
Canoes,  which  will  enable  him  to  subsist  more  easily  than  at 
Montreal.     This  is  a  stand  which  we  can  but  take  until  the  af- 


1715]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  33 1 

fair  of  the  Renards  is  settled ;  and  it  is  in  conformity  with,  the 
wishes  of  His  Majesty  in  regard  to  the  reestablishment  of  the 
licenses. 

Whenever  we  shall  be  Able  to  give  any  of  these,  then  the 
clause  requiring  trade  to  be  limited  to  Michilimakinak  or  to  II- 
inois  without  leave  to  go  away  from  those  posts,  and  specifying 
that  it  shall  be  carried  on  under  the  authority  of  those  in  com* 
mand  there,  will  be  inserted  in  them ;  and  we  can  also,  in  ac- 
cordance with  your  orders,  oblige  those  to  whom  They  are 
granted  to  transport  whatever  has  to  be  sent  to  those  posts,  with- 
out any  cost  to  the  King.  Sieur  Begon  will  sell  these  permits 
for  the  profit  of  his  Majesty,  and  will  have  them  aocoimted  for 
by  the  Treasurer  as  extra  receipts. 

We  have  the  honor  to  represent  to  you,  Monseigneur,  that 
permits  for  fifteen  Canoes  are  not  sufficient  to  furnish  enough 
merchandise  for  the  needs  of  the  Savages  in  the  upper  coun- 
try— especially  at  the  present  time,  when  the  English  are 
straining  every  nerve  to  become  masters  of  the  commerce  of  that 
country,  and  when  the  most  efficacious  means  for  arresting  the 
course  of  their  enterprises  is  to  let  a  large  number  of  French- 
men go  up  with  plenty  of  merchandise,  in  order  that  the  Sav- 
ages, finding  it  possible  to  trade  with  the  French,  may  not  nego- 
tiate with  the  English.  This,  Monseigneur,  leads  us  to  believe 
that  it  will  be  necessary  for  the  King  to  grant  permits  for 
twenty-five  Canoes  at  least,  as  fifteen  would  not  suffice  to  em- 
ploy the  number  of  voyageurs  in  the  Colony,  who,  having  no 
avocation  except  this,  would  remain  all  their  lives  in  the  upper 
countries,  refractory  to  the  orders  of  the  King,  rather  than 
abandon  this  sort  of  life;  and,  as  it  would  be  impossible  to  oblige 
them  to  come  down,  they  would  carry  on  all  their  trade  with  the 
English  of  Carolina. 

Sieur  de  la  Perriere,  who  came  down  from  Michilimakinak 
to  Montreal  at  the  end  of  last  month,  and  who  was  charged  with 
letters  from  Monsieur  de  Lignery,  has  informed  Sieur  de  Ram- 
ezay  that  about  100  I'renchmen,  who  secretly  went  up  to  Mich- 
ilimakinak two  years  ago,  after  consmning  the  wares  of  the 
merchants  who  had  equipped  them,  went  to  the  Thamarois  on 
the  Mississippi  river,  where  47  were  already  established.     He 


332  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

reports  that  they  are  living  there  at  their  ease ;  as  grain  tlirivee 
in  that  region  they  have  built  a  mill,  and  have  a  great  many 
cattle.*  They  get  as  many  savage  slaves  as  they  wish,  on  the 
River  of  the  Missouris,  whom  they  use  to  cultivate  their  land ; 
and  they  sell  these  to  the  English  of  Carolina,  with  whom  they 
trade.  This  settlement  is  a  dangerous  one,  serving  as  a  retreat 
for  the  lawless  men  both  of  this  Colony  and  of  Louisiana.  But 
as  we  see  no  possibility  of  preventing  it,  we  believe,  Monsei- 
gneur,  that  we  might  render  it  useful  for  the  service  of  the  King 
and  of  the  Colony  by  sending  there  a  dozen  Soldiers,  Com- 
manded by  an  officer,  who  could  build  a  fort  there,  and  gradu- 
ally establish  order  among  those  Frenchmen.  With  them  he 
would  be  able  to  oppose  the  building  of  forts  by  the  English, 
and  all  the  enterprises  carried  on  by  them  in  that  territory, 
which  has  been  considered  as  French  since  the  foimding  of  the 
Colony.  As  it  is  only  about  sixty  Leagues  from  the  Thamarois 
post  to  that  of  ouabache,  the  French  in  either  could,  in  case  of 
need,  come  to  the  help  of  the  other.  It  would  also  be  very  use- 
ful to  establish  a  post  at  Chicagou,  to  facilitate  access  to  the 
ninois  and  the  miamis,  and  to  keep  those  nations  in  our  in- 
terests. 

The  orders  which  His  Majesty  has  given  to  Monsieur  de  la 
Mothe  Cadillac,  to  Establish  a  post  among  the  Xakes^  and  an- 
other at  Ouabache,  wilj  have  a  very  beneficial  Effect,  and  were 
absolutely  necessary  to  arrest  the  enterprises  of  the  English* 

iThe  Jesuit  missionary  Marest  states,  in  1712  (/e«.  ReUttUms,  Ixvl, 
p.  291),  that  cows  had  just  been  brought  to  Kaskaskla.  It  would  ap- 
pear, from  our  text,  that  cattle  had  been  introduced  at  Caholda  (the 
Tamarois  village)  somewhat  earlier. — Ed. 

2  The  Natches  (Nak^s)  Indians  were  living,  when  the  Louisiana  col- 
ony was  founded,  at  the  place  where  now  stands  the  city  of  Natches, 
Miss.  A  French  trading-post  was  established  among  them  in  the 
spring  of  1713,  and  in  the  following  year  Fort  Rosalie  was  erected. 
Incensed  by  the  tyranny  of  a  French  commandant,  the  Natches  in  1729 
massacred  the  white  colonists;  but.  In  retaliation  for  this,  they  were 
soon  afterward  almost  destroyed  by  French  troops,  and  the  remnant 
of  their  tribe  took  refuge  among  the  Creeks. 

The  name  Ouabache  here  refers  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  river,  where 
Miami  and  Mascouten  bands  had  been  settled  since  about  1698. — Ed, 


17 is]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  333 

The  reestablishment  of  the  Old  fort  of  the  Islinois  is  no  leas 
necessary.  Sieur  de  Ramezay  will  send  thither  Sieur  Des- 
liettesy  who  came  down  to  Montreal  at  the  same  time  as  Sieur 
de  la  Perriere ;  and  he  will  give  him  a  Sergeant  and  eight  sol- 
diers, according  to  your  orders,  since  he  knows  of  no  officer  bet- 
ter fitted  for  this  than  Sieur  Desliettes,  who  imderstands  dnd 
speaks  the  language  of  the  Islinois,  with  whom  he  has  lived  a 
long  time. 

It  is  of  the  greatest  importance  that  His  Majesty  should  have 
these  iK)6ts  established  without  delay,  because  if  we  do  not  hasten 
to  opix)se  the  enterprises  of  the  English,  and  if  they  succeed 
in  making  settlements  there  with  the  consent  of  the  Savage 
nations,  it  will  no  longer  be  possible  to  drive  them  out,  as  we 
are  assured  by  the  missionaries  and  the  voyageurs  who  have 
come  from  that  country.  Sieur  Begon  has  the  honor  of  trans- 
mitting to  you  a  copy  of  a  letter  of  Father  Mermet,  mission- 
ary to  the  Islinois,  dated  February  25,  1715,  in  regard  to  this 
matter.  Sieur  de  Ramezay  also  adds  an  Extract  from  a  letter 
on  the  same  subject  written  by  Father  Marest,  missionary  at 
Michilimakinak,  under  date  of  Aug.  30  last.  He  has  given  or- 
ders to  Sieur  de  Maunoir,  his  son,  as  he  had  the  honor  of  inform- 
ing you  by  his  letter  of  September  16  last,  to  plimder  the  Eng- 
lish whom  he  may  encounter  on  his  way,  in  case  he  has  the 
necessary  force  for  doing  so,  and  can  induce  the  savage  nations 
with  whom  he  is  to  join  him  in  this. 

We  have  as  yet  received  no  news,  Monseigneur,  from  Sieur 
de  Maunoir  since  the  report  of  his  arrival  at  the  Miamis  de  la 
Ouabeche,  on  the  third  of  last  July ;  and  we  are  very  anxious 
to  ascertain  what  decision  he  came  to,  concerning  which  Sieur 
de  Lignery  writes  to  Sieur  de  Ramezay  that  he  is  not  informed. 
If  he  has  undertaken  nothing,  or  has  suffered  any  Check  through 
failure  to  join  forces  with  Sieur  de  Lignery,  there  would  be 
reason  to  fear  that  the  nations  of  the  south  might  be  ill-disposed 
toward  us  in  consequence.  That  would  be  especially  true  of 
the  hurons,  who  have  long  been  on  bad  terms  with  the  Outaois, 
and  who,  being  annoyed  at  detroit  by  the  Renards,  might  take 
the  resolution  of  retiring  among  the  Iroquois,  who  have  Invited 
them  to  do  so,  according  to  the  report  that  Monsieur  de  Lon- 


334  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

guefuil  has  made  to  Sieur  de  Ramezay.  Tliis  is  what  obliged 
hira  a  few  days  ago  to  write  to  Sieur  de  Longueuil  to  give  or- 
ders to  Monsieur  de  Sabrevois  to  tell  them  that,  if  this  matter 
has  fallen  through  this  Year,  we  will  take  certain  measures 
with  them  next  Year  so  as  to  succeed ;  and  Sieur  de  Ramesay, 
on  his  return  to  Montreal,  will  Consider  with  Sieur  de  Lon- 
gueuil what  is  to  be  done  in  the  case. 

Sieur  Queraet  set  out  last  spring  with  12  men,  instead  of 
20  whom  he  had  permission  to  take  with  him  to  Ouabache^ 
which  he  has  probably  not  reached  on  account  of  the  Renard 
war ;  we  have  not  yet  learned  whether  he  is  at  Michilimakinak 
or  at  Detroit 

We  have  nothing  to  add,  Monseigneur,  to  what  we  have  had 
the  honor  of  writing  you  in  our  private  letters  regarding  the 
abenaki  Savages  of  the  mission  of  St  John's  River,  of  Nan- 
rantsouak  River,  and  of  Pentagouet  River/  They  are  greatly 
tempted  by  the  offers  made  to  them  by  the  English.  We  can 
only  keep  them  in  our  interests  by  making  them  presents,  and 
by  rebuilding  the  two  Churches  on  the  St  John  and  Nanrant- 
souak  Rivers.  These  favors  would  give  great  weight  to  the 
words  of  their  missionaries,  who  neglect  nothing  in  their  power 
to  keep  them  in  the  true  religion  and  distrustful  of  the  EnglisL. 

It  is  no  less  necessary  that  His  Majesty  should  establish  a 
fund  for  the  presents  to  the  Savages  of  the  upper  country,  to 
whom  they  will  be  distributed  by  the  officers  commanding  in 
the  different  posts.  The  Savages  attach  themselves  to  tbose 
who  give  them  the  most,  and  it  is  necessary  to  make  them  pres- 
ents to  counterbalance  somewhat,  at  least,  the  advantages  offered 
them  by  tlie  English. 

Monsieur  de  Longueuil,  on  his  return  from  the  Iroquois 
Villages,  infonned  us  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  have  a  lit- 
tle Establishment  North  of  Niagara  on  lake  Ontario,  about  100 
leagues  from  fort  frontenac,  and  accessible  from  that  place  in 
7  or  8  days  by  canoe.     This  post  would  divert  the  Mississagues 


iThe  St  John's  river,  of  New  Brunswick;  the  Kennebec,  on  which 
stood  the  Abenaki  village  of  Nanrantsouak  (Norridgewock);  and  the 
Penobscot,  commonly  known  to  the  French  as  Pentagouet — Ed. 


1715]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  335 

and  Amikoes  Savages  from  going  to  trade  with  the  Iroquois 
on  their  way,  when  returning  from  their  hunting  around  Lake 
Erie;  but  if  His  Majesty  approves  of  this  Establishment^  it 
is  necessary  that  the  trade  carried  on  there  should  be  in  the 
King's  name,  and  that  this  new  post  should  be  exploited  like 
fort  frontenac,  whence  will  be  sent  the  provisions  and  merchan- 
dise needed  there.  He  proposes  also  to  build  a  bark  to  facili- 
tate transportation  between  the  posts ;  and  he  believes  that  this 
would  be  a  sure  means  of  conciliating  the  Iroquois,  and  of  get- 
ting the  greater  part  of  the  peltries  that  go  to  the  English,  which 
would  result  in  great  profit  to  his  Majesty. 

If  this  post  should  be  established,  we  would  be  able  to  pre- 
vemt  the  coureurs  de  bois  from  going  to  trade  along  Lake  On- 
tario, by  plundering  them  and  putting  a  stop  to  the  trade  which 
they  carry  on  to  the  great  prejudice  of  that  at  fort  frontenac. 

The  utility  of  these  various  posts  is  shown  also  by  the  atten- 
tion paid  by  the  English  to  establishing  them  in  all  the  places 
where  they  wish  to  extend  their  commerce — which  they  are  now 
engaged  in  doing  on  the  lower  part  of  the  Nanrantsouak  River 
near  Baston,  among  the  !N^ontaes,  and  on  the  Mississipi  and 
Ouabache  Rivers,  placing  there  strong  garrisons.  But  we  are 
quite  unable  to  do  the  same,  owing  to  the  lack  of  soldiers,  which, 
it  seems  to  us  so  essential  to  remedy,  for  the  security  of  the  coun- 
try, that  we  dare  not  leave  you  in  ignorance  of  the  bad  condi- 
tion of  the  Companies  kept  in  this  country. 

This  has  obliged  Sieur  Begon  to  make  an  Exact  review  of 
them ;  we  have  the  honor  of  sending  you  the  enclosed  Extract 
therefrom,  in  which  are  enumerated  those  who  are  not  in  con- 
dition to  servo  the  King.  There  are  very  few  in  condition  for 
service,  and  even  of  those  there  are  not  50,  including  the  Ser- 
geants, Corporals,  and  Lance-corporals,  who  are  capable  of  go- 
ing in  Canoes  to  the  upper  country.  The  rest  are  only  old  men 
and  boys,  or  physically  incompetent.  The  weakness  of  these 
Companies  is  due  to  various  causes :  Soldiers  have  been  allowed 
to  marry;  two  detachments  of  40  men  each  have  been  sent  to 
isle  Royalle;^  some  20  men  constitute  the  garrison  of  Michili- 

1  Another  name  for  Cape  Breton  island. — Ed. 


336  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

makinak ;  10  men  will  be  sent  to  Detroit ;  and  10  more  to  the 
Hinois ;  a  very  large  number  have  died ;  and  recruits  are  lack- 
ing, as  only  thirty  Soldiers  have  come  here  during  three  years. 
♦  ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ 

The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  forbidding  the  trade  in  brandy 
with  the  savages  of  the  upper  country  are  explained  in  the  let- 
ter of  September  20  of  last  year,  and  remain  this  year  the 
same  as  in  the  past — especially  at  fort  frontenac,  where 
T^anisorens  and  Nagoga  arrived  frem  orange  with  scfveral 
Canoes  laden  with  brandy  de  Rome  [rum].  This  they  traded 
for  the  greater  part  of  the  peltries  that  had  been  breught  there 
by  the  Savages  who  are  accustomed  to  trade  at  that  post^  where 
nothing  has  been  done  this  Year. 

Three  Canoes  of  the  Misseissages  Savages  who  are  Estab- 
lished at  the  end  of  Lake  Ontario,  about  100  Leagues  frem  fort 
frentenac  and  20  Leagues  frem  Niagara,  came  down  last  May 
to  Montreal,  on  the  invitation  of  Sieur  de  St  Pierre,  who  passed 
the  winter  among  them.  None  of  the  people  of  that  nation 
had  come  down  there  for  eight  years.  They  told  Sieur  de 
Bamesay  that  what  had  prevented  them  frem  coming  was  the 
high  price  of  the  merehandise,  and  the  refusal  to  trade 
in  Brandy.  They  gave  him  a  large  and  curiously  wreught 
Calumet,  which  they  promised  to  come  and  smoke  every  year ; 
and  they  assured  him  that  Onontio  was  still  their  father.  They 
said  that  they  preferred  to  trade  with  the  French,  to  the  Ex- 
clusioD  of  the  English,  if  the  price  of  the  merehandise  fairly 
Corresponded  to  that  of  the  English,  and  if  they  could  also  get 
Brandy,  which  they  said  they  could  not  do  without.  They  said 
that  if  they  could  not  get  it  at  fort  f rontenac,  which  they  can 
reach  in  4  or  5  days,  they  would  go  to  Orange,  although  they 
would  have  to  travel  70  Leagues  by  land. 

It  is  all  the  more  necessary  to  grant  what  these  Savages  ask, 
as  it  is  in  their  Village  that  the  English  of  Orange  had  planned 
to  establish  themselves,  so  as  to  be  able  to  introduce  themselves 
among  the  Outaois  nations.  This  they  would  have  done  but 
for  the  complaints  which  Sieur  de  Kamesay  made  to  Mr.  Hun- 
ter, governor  of  new  York  (as  he  has  had  the  honor  of  inform- 
ing y^^;  Monseigneur,  by  the  [ship]  "la  previdence").     The 


I715]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  337 

latter  answered  Sieur  de  Bamesay  that  he  would  make  known 
to  the  Merchants  of  orange  his  resolution  to  oppose  this  enter- 
prise ;  and  that  he  would  write  to  them  that  he  had  good  grounds 
for  confiscating  the  wares  of  those  who  should  go  to  that  vil* 
lagO;  because,  as  it  is  North  of  the  Lake^  they  ought  not  to 
go  there  until  the  boundaries  shall  have  been  adjusted.  It  is 
for  this  reason  that  Sieur  de  Ramesay  has  given  orders  to  Sieur 
de  Sabrevois  and  to  Sieur  de  Maunoir^  his  son,  to  plunder  the 
English  whom  they  might  find  in  the  upper  country. 

We  have  the  honor  to  Send  you,  Monseigneur,  a  memoir,  ao- 
cording  to  your  orders,  which  contains  only  these  same  reasons 
for  annulling  the  prohibition  of  the  Brandy  trade.  The  rea- 
sons for  not  annulling  this  prohibition  were  furnished  last  Year 
to  Sieur  B^on  by  Father  Aubry,^  whose  letter  was  enclosed 
with  the  one  that  he  had  the  honor  to  write  to  you  by  the  [ship] 
"St  Jerome." 

He  has  the  honor  to  send  you  a  Duplicate. 

The  ship  "la  princesse"  has  brought  hither,  Monseigneur, 
35,000  pounds  of  powder,  with  which  we  were  Entirely  unpro- 
vided. It  is  an  indispensable  necessity  that  as  much  more  be 
brought  here  next  year.  The  other  munitions  brought  in  this 
ship,  for  the  Account  of  the  King,  will  avail  us  but  little,  in 
view  of  the  present  State  of  the  country  and  of  the  indispensa* 
ble  outlays  we  have  been  obliged  to  make  this  year  for  our 
operations  in  the  upper  country;  and  for  the  presents  which 
have  been  taken  to  the  Iroquois  by  Monsieur  de  Longueil  and 
Sieur  de  Joncaire,  as  well  as  for  all  those  that  have  been  made 
to  the  missions  of  this  country,  of  acadia,  to  the  Abenakis, 
and  to  others.  We  can  not  as  yet  dispense  with  keeping  these 
up  next  year,  both  for  Michilimakinak,  according  to  the  memo- 
rial which  will  be  presented  by  Monsieur  de  Louvigny,  and  for 
all  the  other  savages — whom  we  cannot  altogether  abandon, 

1  Joseph  Aubery  (Aubry)  was  a  missionary  among  the  Abenakla 
from  1701  until  1755 — after  1708,  at  the  mission  colony  of  St.  Francois, 
Que.  He  was  an  able  linguist,  and  wrote  numerous  M8S.  in  the  Abe* 
naki  tongue;  these  were  unfortunately  destroyed  by  fire.  Aubery  died 
in  1755.— Ed. 

23 


338  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [voLxVl 

and  who  must  be  considerately  treated,  so  as  to  prevent  tfaem 
from  attaching  themselves  to  the  English,  who  give  them  to 
understand  that  we  are  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  give  them 

anything. 

*♦♦♦♦♦*  * 

We  Had  the  honor  of  Informing  you,  Monseigneur,  by  our 
joint  letter  of  August  16,  that  Sieur  Dupuy,  at  the  Banning 
of  this  year,  had  visited  the  Ouatanons,  and  had  rendered  very 
useful  service  to  His  Majesty  in  that  nation,  which  was  some- 
what alienated  from  us.  He  also  aided  in  cementing  the  peace 
newly  made  between  them  and  the  Ilinois ;  and  brought  to  de- 
troit  with  him  two  of  tlie  principal  miami  and  Ouatanon  chiefs 
and  three  of  the  miamis  of  the  Ouabeche,  to  interview  Monsieur 
de  Louvigny — whom  thoy  hoped  to  find  there,  in  accordance 
with  the  plans  formed  last  Year  for  taking  the  necessary  meas- 
ures for  the  expedition  against  the  Renards. 

We  had  tlie  honor  of  informing  you,  in  the  same  letter  that 
we  had  despatched  Sieurs  de  Maunoir  Ramesay  and  Dadencour 
Longeuil  to  act  with  the  nations  of  the  south,  in  accordance 
with  the  decisions  of  a  Council  held  at  Detroit,  of  which 
the  result  has  been  made  known  to  Monsieur  de  Lignery  at 
Michilimakinak,  who  was  to  act  in  conformity  thereto.  One 
of  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  Ouatanons  died  of  the  measles  at 
detroit.  We  performed  for  him  all  the  military  ceremonies 
in  use  on  such  occasions,  which  flatters  the  Savages. 


1716:     PLANS    FOR    SETTLING    DIFFICULTIES    WITH    FOX    IN- 
DIANS;  LAWLESSNESS  OF  COUREURS  DE  BOIS. 

[Proceedings  in  French  Council  of  Marine,  March  28,  1716.  Trans- 
lated from  a  copy  of  document  in  Paris  archives,  made  for  archives 
of  the  Province  of  Quebec] 

The  Kenard  savages  live  about  60  leagues  from  Michilimak- 
inae,  a  post  where  dwell  the  Outauois  savages,  and  situated  be- 
tween the  lake  of  the  Illinois  and  lake  huron.  They  are 
located  on  a  river  which  empties  into  the  Bay  des  Puants,  and 


I7l6]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  339 

number  about  300  warriors.  They  have  committed  many  acts 
of  hostility  against  the  French.  They  were  punished  once  by 
a  detachment  which  set  out  from  Detroit,  to  which  the  Miamis^ 
the  Outauois,  and  the  hurons  joined  their  forces.  But  as  the 
Renards  resumed  their  hostile  attitude,  orders  were  given,  in 
accordance  with  letters  from  Canada,  to  wage  war  on  those 
savages,  or  to  make  peace  with  them,  but  to  prefer  peace  to 
war^  as  the  continuation  of  their  hostile  acts  toward  us  brought 
upon  us  the  contempt  of  the  other  nations.  Their  subsequent 
attack  upon  a  French  canoe  in  1714,  led  us  to  believe  that  we 
could  not  make  such  a  peace,  and  it  was  resolved  to  send  a  nu- 
merous force  against  them.  For  this  reason  some  habitants,* 
who  were  allowed  to  carry  with  them  some  merchandise,  were 
sent  to  serve  in  this  war,  as  were  some  soldiers  of  the  colony, 
who  were  to  form  the  garrison  of  Michilimakinac.  The 
coureurs  de  bois  were  assembled  at  Michilimakinac,  and  all 
together  were  to  march  with  a  troop  of  the  Outauois,  Illinois, 
and  Miami  savages ;  but,  as  the  detachment  which  went  up  from 
Montreal  with  the  presents  for  the  savages  and  the  military 
supplies  did  not  arrive  by  the  end  of  August,  it  was  impossible 
to  undertake  anything. 

Monsieur  de  Louvigny  had  orders  to  go  up  to  Michilimakinac 
to  make  war,  or,  if  possible,  peace;  but  the  sickness  he  con- 
tracted last  year  prevented  him  from  going.  That  officer  writes 
that  he  will  go  up  in  the  spring,  and  will  labor  to  bring  about 
either  peace  or  war,  according  to  circumstances.  He  says  that 
peace  is  to  be  preferred  to  all  else,  but  that  he  will  make  it 
Qnly  with  honor  to  the  nation.  He  adds  that  the  lawlessness 
of  tlie  coureurs  de  bois  is  so  great  that  it  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary lo  make  an  example  of  some  of  them,  in  order  to  restrain 
them  and  to  enforce  upon  them  obedience  to  the  officers  in  the 
upper  posts.  He  says  that  this  is  not  done  at  Montreal,  and 
that  there  are  even  merchants  of  that  city  who  have  war^ousee 
at  Michilimakinac ;  that  maintains  the  coureurs  de  bois  in  dis- 


lA  term  applied  to  the  French  colonists  actually  settled  in  Canada, 
as  distinguished  from  the  official  and  military  class,  who  still  consid- 
ered themselves  as  belonging  to  the  mother-country. — Ed, 


340  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

obedience,  which  can  not  be  checked  when  men  of  character 
themselves  do  thus. 

He  says  that  the  French,  who  went  up  for  this  war,  set  out 
laden  with  merchandise,  although  none  is  needed  for  carrying 
on  the  war  ;^  and  that  they  have  carried  thither  more  than  40 
casks  of  brandy.  The  result  is,  that  wherever  French  and  sav- 
ages come  together  there  is  an  open  hell ;  and  Monsieur  de 
Louvigny  states  that  some  Frenchmen  have  gone  to  trade  with 
the  Renard  savages,  of  which  all  our  allies  complain. 

They'  consider  that,  to  make  peace,  it  is  necessary  to  begin, 
by  restoring  to  the  Renards  all  the  slaves  of  their  nation*  whom 
the  French  hold ;  and  that  it  is  not  in  nature  to  think  that  peace 
can  be  made  with  people  whose  children  we  are  withholding. 
That,  in  order  to  carry  on  war,  it  is  necessary  to  b^in  by  ar- 
ranging for  peace  between  the  Sakis,  the  Puants  and  the  Sau- 
teurs,^  because  we  can  not  undertake  any  war  unless  these  sav- 
ages  remain  at  peace;  and  to  send  500  or  600  Frenchmen, 
equipped  for  war  only,  and  without  any  merchandise.* 

Done  and  decreed  by  the  Council  of  Marine  held  at  the 
Louvre  on  March  28,  1716. 

(Signed)  L.  A.  de  Bouebon,  Marechal  d'Estrees.* 

By  the  Council : 

(S'gned)  La  Chapelle. 

iMarsrinal  note  on  the  MS.:  "If  they  had  not  been  allowed  to  carry 
merchandise,  it  would  have  cost  large  sums  to  equip  them." 

'Probably  a  reference  to  advice  or  suggestions  given  to  the  Council 
by  the  Canadian  governor  and  intendant. — Ed, 

*  Marginal  note:  "These  slaves  are  the  captives  taken  in  the  attack 
made  upon  those  savages  by  the  French  of  Detroit"  [See  p.  295, 
ante, — E3d.] 

« Marginal  note:  "These  two  nations  dwell  near  the  Renards.  T&e 
Sauteurs  live  30  leagues  from  Michilimakinac,  on  Lake  Superior." 

B Marginal  note:  "The  council  approves  in  full  the  observations  in 
this  memoir." 

•  Louis  Alexandre  de  Bourbon,  count  de  Toulouse,  was  the  third 
legitimate  son  of  Louis  XIV  and  Madame  de  Montespan.—Eo. 


I716J  FRENCH  REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  34 1 


1716:     THE   FOX  WAR:     LOUVIGNY'S   EXPEDITION;    PROCEED- 
INGS OF  COUNCIL  THEREON. 

[Letter  of  Goyemor  de  Vaudreuil  to  Council  of  Marine;  dated  Oct 
14,  1716.  MS.  in  archives  of  Miniature  des  Colonies,  Paris;  press- 
mark, "Canada,  Corresp.  g€n.,  vol.  36,  c.  11,  fol.  279."] 

The  detachment  of  Savages^  from  the  Sault  St  Louis  sent 
by  Monsieur  de  Ramezay,  The  hurons  of  detroit,  and  a  de- 
tachment of  the  PoutoatomiSy  in  despair  at  the  failure  of  the 
measures  taken  for  attacking  the  Eenards  in  171 5,  and  for 
having  a  rendezvous  of  the  Northern  nations  at  Ghikagou,  went 
to  le  Rocher,  one  of  the  villages  of  the  Islinois,  expecting  to  find 
there  the  two  sons  of  Messieurs  de  Kamezay  and  de  LongueuiL 
Both  were  extremely  sick  at  Gaskacias;  accordingly  the  Son 
of  Monsieur  de  Ramezay,  being  unable  to  march  or  to  writer 
ordered  a  certain  Bizaillon,  who  was  at  the  Islinois,  to  induce 
as  many  Savages  of  that  Nation  as  he  could  to  join  the  other 
party  so  that  all  together  might  go  to  attack  70  Cabins  of  Mas- 
coutins  and  Quikapous,  allies  of  the  Renards,  who  were  hunting 
along  a  C€frtain  river.  They  did  join  them,  in  fact,  on  the  20th 
of  November,  1715 ;  and  after  a  very  obstinate  battle  they 
forced  the  Mascoutin  position  On  a  steep  rock  where  they  were 
entrenched,  killed  more  than  100  of  them,  and  carried  away 
47  prisoners,  Without  counting  the  women  and  children. 

After  this  defeat,  our  Savages,  to  cover  their  march,  went 
nearly  26  leagues  down  the  same  river  by  Canoe;  but,  in  spite 
of  this  precaution,  they  were  overtaken  on  the  eleventh  day  by 
400  men,  the  elite  of  the  Renards ;  and,  although  our  people 
amounted  to  only  80  men,  30  of  them  being  occupied  in  guard- 
ing a  redoubt  which  they  made  every  Evening  for  the  wounded 
and  the  prisoners,  they  defended  Themselves  with  such  Vigor, 
from  dawn  until  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  that  they  forced 
the  enemies  to  retire  after  a  very  considerable  loss.  Our  people 
secured  7  of  their  heads,  and  saw  traces  of  great  carnage  dur- 
ing the  pursuit,  which  they  kept  up  for  several  hours.     Our  peo- 

iMarsrinal  note  on  the  MS.  (signed  "L.  A.  B.") :  "To  be  brought  be- 
fore the  Regency  Council.' 


» 


342  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVl 

pie  in  these  various  actioDS  lost,  from  all  the  tribes,  26  killed 
and  18  wounded. 

These  two  different  defeats  have  produced  very  beneficial 
effects  on  the  minds  of  our  savages,  and  have  restored  their 
spirits  and  cast  down  those  of  the  renards. 

Monsieur  de  Ramezay  has  been  informed  that  the  chief  of 
the  Quikapous  came  to  declare  to  the  first  Frenchmen  whom 
he  encountefred  that  both  His  nation  and  that  of  the  Masoou- 
tins  threw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil, 
their  Father,  declaring  themselves  his  slaves,  to  be  dispersed 
among  whatever  Nation  he  judged  proper ;  and  that  Moreover, 
if  the  Renards  refused  to  share  in  these  Sentiments,  they  would 
deliver  them  up  to  the  Kettle. 

Sieur  Pachot,  a  Canadian  (a  cadet  in  the  troops,  formerly 
Interpreter  of  the  Huron  language  at  Detroit,  and  a  son  of 
Dame  de  la  Forest),  and  one  Bizaillon,  Are  the  Only  French- 
men who  were  present  in  these  actions.  They  did  their  whole 
duty,  and  Sieur  Pachot  especially  distinguished  himself,  his 
conduct  meriting  the  attention  of  the  Council  and  the  bestowal 
on  him  of  an  ensign's  commission.^ 

Monsieur  de  Louvigny  left  Montreal  on  the  first  of  May, 
1716,  with  225  Frenchmen,  200  others  being  expected  to  join 
him  at  detroit  and  at  Michilimakinac.  The  munitions  of  war, 
the  presents,  and  the  necessary  provisions  were  carried  by  the 
French  at  their  own  expense,  and  without  any  cost  to  the  king. 

Sieur  de  Louvigny  returned  to  Quebec  on  October  12,  after 
having  forced  the  haughty  nation  of  the  Renards  to  sue  for 
Peace.  He  reduced  them  to  this  necessity  after  having  opened 
a  trench  35  toises*  from  their  fort,  which  he  pushed  forward 
10  toises  on  the  first  night,  and  10  the  Second.  Finally,  the 
enemies,  seeing  that  he  was  devoting  Himself  to  the  main  part 
of  the  place,  to  undermine  it  and  Blow  it  up,  while  two  Can- 
nons and  a  Grenade-Mortar  kept  up  a  heavy  fire  night  and  day, 

1  Marginal  note:  "Decision  of  H.  R.  H.:  His  Royal  Highness  grants 
to  Sieur  pachot  an  ensigncy  in  the  troops  of  His  Majesty  in  Canada. 
L.  A.  B.»  president." 

2  The  toise  is  a  French  linear  measure,  of  six  French  feet,  equivalent 
to  6.395  English  feet— Eo. 


I7l6]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  343 

resolved  to  implore  the  Clemency  of  the  French.  They  wera 
not  listened  to  until  the  opinion  and  the  sentiments  of  all  the 
nations  that  accompanied  us  had  been  ascertained  by  Sieur  de 
Louvigny,  who  proposed  to  them  conditions  So  severe  that  all 
those  tribes  believed  that  they  would  never  consent  to  them. 

These  articles  Are : 

That  they  shall  make  peace  with  all  the  nations  dependent  on 
the  king  with  whom  the  French  trade. 

That  they  shall  by  forcible  or  friendly  means  bring  the  Kika^ 
pons  and  Mascoutins,  their  allies  and  our  enemies^  to  make 
Peace,  as  they  do,  with  all  the  nations  in  generaL 

That  they  shall  restore  or  cause  to  be  restored  all  the  pris- 
onerS;  of  every  Nation,  whom  they  hold,  which  they  have  done. 

That  they  shall  go  to  war  in  distant  r^ons  to  g€ft  slaves,  to 
replace  all  the  dead  who  had  been  slain  during  the  course  of 
the  war. 

That  they  shall  hunt  to  pay  the  Expenses  of  the  military 
preparations  made  for  this  war;  And,  as  an  assurance  of  the 
fulfilment  of  all  these  articles,  they  shall  give  to  Monsieur  de 
Louvigny  six  chiefs,  or  children  of  chiefs,  to  be  taken  to  the 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  in  order  to  be  guarantees  for  the  condi- 
tions of  the  treaty.  This  has  been  done,  Sieur  de  Louvigny 
having  brought  these  hostages  with  him  to  Quebec 

That  haughty  nation,  which  terrified  and  ravaged  all  the  up* 
per  country,  has  been  reduced  to  submit  to  all  these  conditions, 
although  they  had  500  warriors  and  3,000  women  (who  on  these 
occasions  fight  desperately)  ;  and  although  their  fort  was  Forti- 
fied by  three  rows  of  palisades,  with  a  ditch  a  foot  and  a  half 
or  two  feet  wide  behind  it  to  Sustain  the  assault. 

This  enterprise  was  carried  through  with  great  vigor,  and 
the  officers  who  were  present  gave  evidence  of  their  vigilance 
and  activity  by  working  at  the  trenches  like  the  meanest  Sol- 
dier. They  did  so  in  order  to  set  an  example,  and  to  animate 
the  small  number  of  those  who  accompanied  Sieur  de  Louvigny 
(who  amounted  to  only  800  men)  to  press  an  action  which  was 
important  and  whose  delay  might  have  caused  its  loss,  owing 
to  the  proximity  of  the  allies  of  the  Renards,  whom  the  latter 
had  notified  and  called  to  their  help. 


344  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.XVl 

*  Sieur  de  Louvigny,  although  his  eyes  have  suffered  a  little 
laf ter  so  long  a  voyage^  hopes  before  the  departure  of  the  last 
Vessels  to  be  able  to  make  a  report  of  what  occurred  on  this 
expedition,  which  is  the  first  warlike  movement  that  Has  taken 
place  during  the  Reign  of  the  king ;  it  has  proved  glorious  for 
the  arms  of  His  Majesty,  and  very  useful  for  the  Colony.* 
Kepresents  that  this  voyage  has  been  very  long  and  arduous, 
tliat  he  has  borne  the  King's  arms  victoriously  more  than  500 
leagues,  which  has  not  been  done  without  much  fatigue  and 
expense,  to  which  he  begs  leave  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Coun- 
cil so  that  it  may  grant  him  such  recompense  as  it  shall  judge 
proper.* 

He  has  carried  on  no  Trade;  but  he  has,  on  the  contrary, 
given  to  the  tribes  who  accompanied  him  the  smaU  amount  of 
beaver  that  the  Renards  had  brought  to  him,  in  order  to  show 
them  that  it  was  not  self-interest  which  led  the  French  to  take 
this  warlike  step.* 

Done  and  decreed  by  the  Council  of  Marine,  Dec.  28,  1716. 

L.  A.  DE  BOUBBON^ 

Marechal  d'estr^. 
By  the  Council: 

La  Ch-apelle. 


iMargrinal  note  on  MS.:  "M.  de  Louvigny  makes  a  communication 
to  the  same  effect,  and  adds  that  he  has  besides  reconciled  the  other 
nations,  who  were  divided,  and  has  left  all  the  country  entirely  at 
peace." 

3Marsrinal  note:  "Decision  of  H.  R.  H.:  His  royal  Highness  grants 
to  Sieur  de  Louvigny  a  gratuity  of  three  thousand  livres.  L.  A.  B., 
president" 

sLouvigny's  report,  and  a  letter  of  Vaudreuil  praising  his  military 
services,  are  given  in  Wis,  Hist,  Colls.,  v,  pp.  78-81. — Ed. 


1716]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  345 


1716:     INDIAN  AFFAIRS  IN  THE  WEST. 

[Proceedings  of  Council  of  Marine,  Jan.  6,  1717;  based  on  letter  of 
Qovemor  Vaudreuil,  dated  Oct  14,  1716.i  Translated  from  MS.  in 
archives  of  Ministdre  des  Colonies,  Paris;  press-mark,  "Canada,  Cor- 
resp.  gto.,  vol.  37,  c.  11,  fol.  4."] 

He  has  learned  from  Monsieur  de  Ramezay  that  the  Outauois 
savages  and  other  Nations  of  the  upper  country  who  are  allies 
of  the  French,  Have  since  last  year  been  very  peaceably  dis- 
posed, that  their  relations  with  each  other  have  been  amica- 
ble, and  that  they  have  the  sentiments  which  they  ought  to 
have  toward  the  Renards, 

Sieur  de  Vincennes,  the  officer  stationed  among  the  Miamis 
and  Ouyatanons,  has  reported  that  the  Iroquois  have  sent  those 
Nations  Collars  Underground, — that  is  to  say,  Secret  mes- 
sages,— by  which  they  invited  them  to  come  and  get  what  they 
need  at  a  poet  established  on  the  Oyo  River,*  which  is  a  new 
settlement  of  the  English  of  Carolina.  They  said  that  there 
they  would  find  merchandise  at  half  the  prices  asked  by  the 
French,  who  were  tyrannizing  over  them. 

Sieur  de  Vincennes  Had  the  Miamis  make  the  reply  that 
from  father  to  son  they  had  been  the  Children  of  Onontio  (this 
is  the  name  which  the  Savages  give  to  the  Governor-general 
of  Canada),  and  that  they  would  not  depart  from  their  obedi- 
ence to  him. 

The  Ouyatanons  have  sent  a  young  Slave  to  Sieur  de  Rame- 
zay to  reiterate  the  request  they  made  to  him  last  year  to  be 
present  at  their  Coimcils,  and  to  furnish  a  Missionary  to  teach 
them,  and  a  blacksmith  to  repair  their  weapons. 

Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  will  provide  what  they  ask,  and  will 
pay  special  attention  to  garrisoning  all  the  posts.  It  is  of  the 
Utmost  importance  to  establish  those  On  the  Southern  frontier, 
where  the  English  of  Pensilvania,  Carolina,  and  Virginia  are 
anxious  to  introduce  themselves,  which  would  ruin  the  Com- 
merce not  only  of  Canada,  but  even  of  Louisiana,  on  account 

1  Marginal  note:     "To  be  kept  as  a  minute.    L.  A.  B.,  pres." 
sMursrinal  note:     "This  is  the  Ouahache  river." 


346  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

of  tlic  easy  comrauiiication  furnished  by  the  Rivers  that  empty 
into  the  great  river  Mississipy. 
Done  and  decreed  by  the  Council  of  Marine,  January  6,  1717. 

L.  A.  DE  BOUBBON, 


Marechal  d'estrees. 


By  the  Council: 

La  Chapelle, 


1717:     LOUVIONY  PACIFIES  WESTERN  TRIBES.  AND  RECALLS 
COUREURS  DE  BOIS:     POSTS  ESTABLISHED. 

[Extract  from  letter  of  Louvigny  to  Louis  Alexandre  de  Bourbon* 
count  de  Toulouse;  dated  Oct  1,  1717.  Source,  same  as  preceding 
document,  but  vol.  36,  c.  11,  fol.  324.] 

I  take  the  liberty,  Monseigneur,  of  giving  an  account  to  Tour 
Serene  Highness  of  the  voyage  which  I  have  Just  made^  by 
order  of  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  as  a  result  of 
the  one  which  I  made  last  year,  and  in  order  to  secure  the  Exe- 
cution of  die  articles  upon  which  we  Had  agreed  with  the  Re- 
nards  and  their  allies,  in  the  presence  of  many  different  nations, 
in  order  to  assure  and  confirm  the  peace  between  Them  and 
us.  They  had  put  into  my  hands  six  persons,  chiefs  or  Chil- 
dren of  chiefs,  by  way  of  security  for  the  treaty  they  had  made — 
of  which  I  left  them  a  copy  on  a  sheet  of  paper,  to  Serve 
as  an  authentic  testimony  of  our  agreements,  and  of  the  tak- 
ing possession  by  us  of  a  Territory  conquered  by  the  Arms 
of  the  King,  which  might  subsequently  be  disputed  by  the  Eng- 
lish, always  Jealous  of  the  success  of  the  Frwach  Arms. 

The  Death  from  small-pox  of  three  of  the  principal  hostages, 
who  Had  come  down,  of  course  caused  some  delay  in  the  com- 
ing down  of  those  Peoples  to  Carry  out  the  Articles  of  the 
Treaty  which  they  had  made;  and  Monsieur  our  General,  who 
is  always  well  Informed  as  to  the  customs  of  the  savages,  took 
me  with  him  early  in  March  over  the  ice  to  Montreal,  where 
I  embarked  in  May  to  go  to  Missilimakinac,  to  learn  the  senti- 
ments of  the  Kenards.     He  gave  me  one  of  the  three  remain- 


1 717]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  347 

ing  hostages  to  take  back  to  his  Village,  so  that  this  man,  by 
an  authentic  mark  of  the  disease  (which  had  cost  him  an  eye), 
could  Explain  to  them  in  what  manner  the  otherrs  had  died, 
the  care  that  Monsieur  the  General  had  given  Them  during 
their  illness,  and  what  Ceremonies  had  been  performed  for  them 
after  their  deaths ;  and,  finally,  that  this  malady  had"  prevailed, 
likewise  among  all  the  nations  Near  the  French,  and  among 
the  French  diemselves.  This  Envoy  had  a  message  from 
Monsieur  the  General ;  and  I  also  was  charged  to  ascertain, 
on  arriving  at  Missilimakinac,  what  would  be  best  to  do. 

I  sent  this  hostage  home  with  ten  Frenchmen,  including  two 
Interpreters,  who  were  to  be  Witnesses,  night  and  day,  of  all 
that  was  said  in  the  Councils;  for  there  was  groimd  for  fear- 
ing, on  account  of  the  death  at  Montreal  of  the  most  notable 
of  all  their  war-Chiefs,  that  they  might  espouse  Sentiments  di- 
rectly opposed  to  their  previous  promises. 

They  received  our  Frenchmen,  with  the  Envoy,  by  celebrat- 
ing a  Calumet-Hunt,  and  with  all  their  customary  marks  of 
Ceremony ;  they  gave  to  my  Envoys  a  Cabin  arranged  and  fur- 
nished according  to  their  Custom ;  and,  after  having  dried  the 
tears  which  it  is  their  wont  to  shed  on  the  receipt  of  such  news, 
they  Listened  to  the  hostage  whom  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  had 
Sent  to  them.  He  spoke  very  favorably  for  us,  conforming  to 
what  had  been  told  him  and  to  die  truth.  The  old  men  replied 
that  they  had  already  Indirectly  Heard  this  news  about  their 
people,  but  that  they  had  refused  to  believe  it  Until  they  should 
have  received  reliable  information  Throu^  their  Father. 
They  said  that  they  c^ould  not  come  down  this  year  to  see  thcdr 
father ;  and  that,  inasmuch  as  the  master  of  life  had  taken  away 
the  lives  of  their  kinsmen  and  their  Chiefs,  they  would  be  con- 
soled for  this,  since  they  Were  sleeping  in  the  same  bed  with 
the  Children  of  their  father.  But  they  added  that  they  weijs 
obliged  by  their  Custom  to  give  to  their  dead  the  tears  which 
they  owe  to  them ;  that  moreover,  their  Yoimg  men  liad  been 
carried  away  by  the  sight  of  the  merchandise  which  several 
French  Canoes  had  brought  to  them,  and  consequently  were 
destitute  of  peltries,  having  traded  all  the  furs  that  they  had 
set  aside  for  paying  the  expenses  of  the  Expedition ;  and  that, 


348  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

during  several  years  while  they  had  been  engaged  in  War,  they 
had  lacked  every  kind  of  merdiandise.  (I  had  hovrever,  fear- 
ing  that  this  accident  might  happen,  on  my  return,  forbidden 
all  the  French  to  go  and  trade  with  the  Eenards ;  but  prohibi- 
tions of  this  sort  have  not  been  very  well  Enforced.) 

The  Renards  continued  their  speeches,  and  had  the  interpre- 
ters Write  what  they  wished  to  say  to  the  Governor,  They 
begged  him  not  to  be  Concerned,  as  they  would,  the  following 
year,  Keep  their  words  and  their  promises  satisfactorily — and 
added  that  they  not  only  promised  with  words,  but>  as  words 
might  change,  they  promised  by  this  Writing  which  does  not 
change. 

They  said  that  it  would  be  too  much  to  lie  twice  to  their 
father ;  that  the  Extremity  in  which  they  had  found  themselves 
the  year  before,  and  the  fear  inspired  in  them  by  Monsieur  de 
Louvigny  were  not  yet  Effaced  from  their  Minds;  and  that 
they  had  not  yet  forgotten  the  favor  that  I  had  shown  them  in 
enabling  them  and  their  families  to  enjoy  the  light.  All  the 
old  men  applauded  the  Orator,  and  promised  to  keep  their  word 
satisfactorily  next  year.  This  is  what  they  have  given  in  Writ- 
ing and  what  I  have  from  the  Interpreters. 

I  made  known  the  death  of  our  great  King  to  them,  as  well 
as  to  all  the  nations  of  the  Lakes,  who  are  to  come  down  next 
year  to  cover  the  death  of  the  King  and  to  ask  the  protection 
of  His  August  Successor.^ 

This,  Monseigneur,  was  the  chief  object  of  the  Voyage  which 
I  made  this  year  by  order  of  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vau- 
dreuil.  The  second  object  was  to  declare  the  Amnesty,  and 
to  try  to  Induce  all  the  disaffected  Voyageurs  to  come  down. 
I  have  likewise  succeeded  in  this  affair,  since  there  remain  only 
Twenty  of  them,  who  Were  at  a  Distance  and  will  come  down 
next  spring. 

The  Result  of  these  two  Voyages  has  been  the  establishment 
of  peace  among  all  the  Nations  with  whom  the  French  trade; 

1  Louis  XIV  of  France  died  on  Sept.  1,  1715,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  great-grandson,  Louis  XV.  To  "cover"  a  death  is  a  metaphor  of 
Indian  speech  for  expressing  their  regret  and  sympathy  to  the  relA- 
tives  of  the  deceased. — Ed. 


I717]  TRENCH  REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  349 

the  descent  of  the  disaffected  French  from  the  upper  country, 
or  rather  their  abandonment  of  it;  and  an  Extraordinary  abun- 
dance of  rich  and  valuable  peltries,  of  which  we  have  never  Seen 
80  great  a  quantity  in  Canada,  with  a  great  deal  of  fat  Beaver. 
Thanks  to  my  care  and  pains  last  year  to  make  kno^Ti  our  wishes 
to  the  nations,  and  to  Induce  them  to  make  Robes,  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  there  will  be  still  more  peltries  next  year. 

And  in  order  carefully  to  preserve  this  Trade  with  the  sav- 
age nations.  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  has  Established 
posts  related  to  one  another,  in  conformity  with  A  plan  which 
I  took  the  liberty  to  present  to  him ;  and  I  believe,  Monseigneur, 
that  this  will  be  the  surest  means  of  Keeping  all  these  nations 
loyal  to  the  King,  and  of  diverting  them  from  the  Foreign  Ideas 
which  they  have. 

I  believe  that  it  would  be  expedient  that  Our  Lords  of  the 
Council  should  name  a  person  of  authority  to  go,  at  least  every 
two  years,  to  Examine  all  the  posts  and  to  make  a  Tour  of  them, 
to  see  what  is  occurring  there,  and  to  remedy  any  disorders  aria- 
ing,  so  as  to  inform  our  Lords  of  the  Council  and  Monsieur  the 
governor-general  on  his  Betum. 

My  proposition  is  not  without  foundation,  and  it  would  have 
good  results;  but  I  believe  it  would  be  necessary  to  honor  this 
officer  with  a  brevet  of  Conmiandant-general  in  the  countries 
where  the  French  trade,  so  as  to  Avoid  all  Altercation  with  the 
Conmiandants  of  those  posts. 

If  Our  Lords  of  the  council  judge  me  capable  of  this  Em- 
ployment, I  will  undertake  it  with  pleasure,  since  I  seek  no 
other  glory  than  that  of  sacrificing  my  life  in  the  service  of  ffis 
Majesty,  and  of  making  known  to  Your  Serene  Highness  the 
profound  respect  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  Be,  etc. 

[Endorsed:  "Canada.  Monsieur  de  Louvlgny,  at  Quebec,  Oct  h 
1717.    The  original  has  been  returned  to  H.  R.  H."] 


350  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 


1718:     DESCRIPTION  OF  MICHILLIMACKINAC;  INDIAN  TRIBES 

OF  THAT  REGION. 

["Relation  of  Sieur  de  Lamothe  Cadillac,  Captain  on  full  pay  com- 
manding a  company  of  the  Marine  troops  in  Canada;  formerly  Com- 
mandant of  Missilimakinak  and  other  posts  in  distant  countries,  vhere 
he  remained  three  years/'  This  document  is  published  by  Margry  in 
Ddcouv.  €t  ^ta2)2.,  v,  pp.  75-132;  from  it  we  select  and  translate  sec- 
tions i  and  v.] 

I.     Missilimakinak, 

Missilimakinak  means  in  our  language  Isle  de  la  Tortus 
[Turtle  Island].  This  name  may  be  due  either  to  its  shape  or 
to  the  fact  that  a  turtle  was  found  in  the  vicinity.  It  is  situ- 
ated on  lake  Huron,  and  is  about  two  leagues  in  circumference; 
it  is  a  league  and  a  half  from  the  inhabited  mainland;  it  is 
occupied  only  during  the  fishing  season,  when  an  abundance  of 
fish  is  caught  all  around  it 

Opposite  this  island  is  a  large  sandy  cove  in  the  lake-shore, 
in  the  middle  of  which  is  the  French  fort,  where  there  is  a 
garrison.  There  the  commandant-in-chief  of  the  country  re- 
sides, having  under  him  sundry  commandants  in  various  posts; 
but  one  and  all  of  them  are  chosen  by  the  governor-general  of 
New  France.  This  post  is  called  Fort  de  Buade.  The  Jesuits* 
convent,  the  French  village,  and  those  of  the  Hurons  and 
Outaouas,  are  contiguous  to  one  anotlier ;  and  all  together  bor- 
der on,  fill  and  complete  the  head  of  the  cove.  It  should  be 
observed  that  in  that  country  the  word  "town'^  is  unknown; 
so  that,  if  one  wished  to  speak  of  Paris,  he  would  have  to  des- 
ignate it  by  the  expression  "great  village." 

The  site  of  this  post  is  most  advantageous,  because  it  is  very 
near  to  Lake  Huron,  by  which  all  the  nations  of  the  South  ai« 
obliged  to  pass  when  they  go  to  or  return  from  Montreal,  as 
well  as  the  French  who  wish  to  trade  in  distant  regions. 
Neither  the  one  nor  the  other  can  pass  without  being  seen,  be- 
cause the  horizon  is  so  wide  that  canoes  can  be  distinguished 
from  the  fort  as  far  as  the  strongest  eyes  can  see.  In  a  word, 
it  may  be  said  that  this  place  is  the  centre,  as  it  were,  for  all 
the  rest  of  the  colony,  whence  everything  is  distributed;  and 


I718J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  35! 

it  19  almost  equally  distant  from  the  other  posta  that  have  been 
established,  and  is  in  the  midst  of  all  the  nations  having  rela- 
tions with  lis. 

I  know  not  why  the  name  "lakes"  should  have  been  given 
to  abysses  of  water  of  so  great  and  vajst  extent  Thus  the  first 
lake  is  called  Lake  Superior,  the  second  Lake  Huron,  the  third 
Lake  Michigan  or  Illinois,  the  fourth  Lake  Erie,  the  fifth  Lake 
Ontario.  I  think  it  is  important  and  even  necessary  for  the 
satisfaction  of  the  curious  to  explain  the  reasons  that  may  have 
led  to  the  division  of  this  single  lake  into  five  parts.  I  say 
one  and  a  single  lake,  because  it  is  incontestable  that  the  waters 
are  the  same,  communicating  with  and  joining  one  another. 

It  is  nevertheless  true  that  there  is  a  rapid  at  the  village  of 
the  Sauteurs  of  Ste.  Marie,  so  that  navigation  by  barks  or  ships 
is  impracticable,  either  ascending  or  descending.  Conse- 
quently, a  portage  must  be  made — that  is  to  say,  goods  must  be 
carried  by  land  around  the  rapids;  they  can,  nevertheless,  be 
run  in  a  canoe  or  shallop.  This  is  the  chief  reason  why  lake 
Superior,  whose  circumference  is  500  leagues,  has  been  sep- 
arated from  lake  Huron,  whose  circumference  is  600.  Now 
the  latter  is  not  separated  from  lake  Michigan,  but  it  is  claimed 
that  it  is  not  the  same,  on  account  of  a  strait  two  leagues  in 
width,  through  which  barks  and  ships  can  pass  without  dan- 
ger. Once  this  strait  is  passed,  the  lake  widens  suddenly ;  and 
its  circumference  may  be  300  leagues. 

Lake  Erie  is  also  separated  from  lake  Huron  by  a  strait, 
through  which  ships  can  easily  pass.  It  is  200  leagues  in  cir- 
cumference. The  latter  lake  is  separated  from  the  first  one, 
lake  Ontario,  which  is  also  200  leagues  in  circumference,  by  an 
insurmountable  waterfall,  which  nothing  can  pass.  Accord- 
ingly, there  is  nothing  more  easy  to  conceive  than  that  one  can 
in  a  ship  coast  along  1,800  leagues  of  country  in  the  interior, 
without  difficulty,  and  on  fresh  water,  not  only  in  canoes,  but 
also  in  barks  and  lai^  ships- — with  this  exception,  that  vessels 
on  lakes  Huron  and  Michigan  and  on  lake  Erie  cannot  pass  into 
lake  Superior  or  lake  Ontario,  on  which  barks  or  ships  would 
have  to  be  built. 

At  a  distance  from  the  shores  of  these  lakes,  the  bottom  can- 
not be  found  any  more  than  on  the  high  seas;  and  close  to  land 


352  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

there  is  almost  everywhere  20,  25,  30,  40,  or  60  brasses  of  water. 
The  currents,  especially  near  Missilimakinak,  are  as  swift  as 
in  the  sea  itself.  This  might  perhaps  be  attributed  to  the  winds 
that  frequently  blow  there.  But  experienoe  proves  the  con- 
trary, for  the  currents  are  always,  without  exception,  contrary 
to  the  wind — so  that,  for  instance,  if  the  north  wind  blows 
the  current  runs  northward;  and^  if  the  south  wind  blows,  it 
nms  southward ;  and  so  on  for  the  other  winds.  And,  what  is 
still  more  peculiar,  during  calm  weather  the  current  runs  in 
the  direction  whence  the  wind  should  come.  This  observation 
is  infallible.  I  leave  philosophers  to  reason  out  this  question, 
assuring  them  tbat  the  testimony  I  bear  is  true,  as  true  as  it  is 
to  say  that  it  is  daylight  at  noon. 

As  for  lake  Michigan,  there  is  a  tide — that  is,  an  ebb  and 
flow — in  the  twenty-four  hours,  as  in  the  Southern  seas;  and 
the  tides  increase  or  diminish  according  to  the  moon's  course. 

In  the  interior,  ten  leagues  from  the  last-mentioned  lake,  is 
a  small  lake  remarkable  for  its  perpetual  motion.  It  is  about 
two  leagues  in  length,  and  at  each  end  are  various  channels, 
dividing  in  various  places,  which  might  be  taken  for  ditches  dug 
by  human  hands.  Now  it  happens  that  at  times  one  end  of 
this  small  lake  is  dry,  and  at  others  the  opposite  end ;  and  the 
streams  or  ditches  lying  contiguous  to  one  another  are  some- 
times empty  and  sometimes  full  to  overflowing,  so  that  its 
waters  are  constantly  agitated — galloping  from  one  end  to  the 
other,  and,  to  use  a  common  expression,  playing  at  prisoner's 
base ;  one  would  say  that  some  sprite  tosses  them  about  in  that 
manner. 

Having  shown  the  situation  of  the  French  fort  and  village, 
and  of  those  of  the  Savages,  I  will  describe  how  they  are  forti- 
fied and  built  These  forts  are  made  of  stakes.  Those  of  the 
outer  row  are  as  thick  as  one's  thigh,  and  about  30  feet  high; 
the  second  row  inside  is  a  full  foot  from  the  first,  and 
leans  over  at  the  top  to  support  and  prop  it;  the  third  row  is 
four  feet  from  the  second  one,  and  consists  of  stakes  3^ 
feet  in  diameter,  standing  15  or  16  feet  out  of  the  ground. 
Now  in  this  row  no  space  is  left  between  the  stakes ;  on  the  con- 
^  trary,  they  are  driven  as  closely  together  as  possible,  and  loop- 
holes are  cut  at  intervals.     In  the  first  two  rows  there  is  a  space 


1 71 8]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  353 

of  about  6  pouces^  between  the  stakes,  and  by  this  means  the 
first  and  second  rows  do  not  prevent  the  enemy  from  being  dis- 
covered ;  but  there  are  neither  curtains  nor  bastions,  and,  prop- 
erly speaking,  it  is  a  mere  fence. 

As  for  their  cabins,  they  are  semi-circular  at  the  top.  They 
plant  in  the  ground  poles  that  are  as  thick  as  one's  leg,  and 

very  long,  which  they  join  together,  by  bending  the  tops ;  then 
they  tie  and  fasten  them  with  the  bark  of  the  basswood  tree, 
which  they  use  as  we  do  our  twine  and  rope.  They  afterward 
interlace  cross-pieces,  of  the  thickness  of  one's  arm,  between 
these  lai^e  poles,  which  they  cover  from  end  to  end  with  the 
bark  of  the  fir  or  cedar  trees,  fastening  it  to  the  poles  and  cross- 
pieces  ;  at  the  top  they  leave  an  open  space,  from  one  end  to  the 
other,  about  two  feet  wide.  It  is  certain  that  their  cabins  are 
water-tight,  and  no  rain  gets  in.  They  are  generally  from  100 
to  130  feet  in  length,  24  in  width,  and  20  in  height.  There  is 
a  raised  platform  on  each  side,  and  each  family  has  its  own  little 
apartment ;  there  is  also  a  door  at  each  end.  Their  streets  are 
laid  out  as  in  our  villages. 

The  houses  of  the  French  are  built  of  wood,  the  pieces  being 
laid  one  on  the  other ;  but  they  are  roofed  with  cedar  bark.  The 
only  houses  with  board  roofs  are  those  of  the  Jesuits. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  four  different  nations  are  in- 
cluded under  the  name  of  Outaouas.  The  first  is  that  of  the 
Kiskakons,  which  means  "Cut  tails,"  and  it  is  the  most  numer- 
ous ;  the  second  is  the  Sable  nation,  so  called  because  it  formerly 
dwelt  in  a  sandy  country,  its  village  being  situated  in  a  sandy 
cove,  but  tlie  Iroquois  drove  that  nation  from  its  lands.  The 
third  is  the  Sinago ;  and  the  fourth  the  Nassauakuetoun,  that  is, 
"Nation  of  the  Fork,"  which  derives  its  etymology  from  the 
name  of  the  Chiefs — or  more  probably,  from  the  river  whence 
they  came,  which  forms  a  sort  of  fork,  dividing  into  three 
branches.  These  four  nations  are  allied  and  friendly  to  one 
another,  living  together  in  amicable  relations;  and  at  present 
they  speak  but  one  language. 

iThe  pouce  is  one-twelfth  of  the  French  linear  foot,  and  slightly  ex- 
ceeds the  Inch  of  English  measure. — Ed. 
2  See  the  name  Nassawakwet,  p.  165,  ante, — Ed. 
24 


354  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS,      [vol.  XVl 

The  Huron  nation  forms  a  different  body  from  the  four  last 
mentioned;  it  has,  therefore,  its  own  village,  separated  from 
the  other  by  a  palisade.  The  Hurons  speak  a  different  lan- 
guage from  the  other  nations,  so  that  they  can  understand  one 
another  only  through  an  interpreter.  This  was  formerly  the 
most  powerful,  the  strongest,  and  also  the  most  populous  nation ; 
but  the  Iroquois  destroyed  it,  and  drove  it  from  its  lands,  so 
that  it  is  now  reduced  to  a  very  small  number.  And  it  is  well 
for  us  that  tliis  is  the  case,  for  they  are  malicious,  intriguing, 
and  evil-intentioned  men,  capable  of  great  undertakings;  but 
fortunately  their  sword  is  too  short  Nevertheless,  as  they  can- 
not play  the  part  of  lions,  they  act  like  foxes,  and  spare  no 
effort  to  embroil  matters  between  us  and  our  allies. 

As  regards  the  land,  each  nation  selects  its  own  district^  and 
each  family  marks  out  its  ground  and  its  fields.  It  is  the  wo- 
men's duty  to  till  and  sow  the  land ;  and  really  it  is  a  pleaaure 
to  see  them,  with  an  implement  of  hard  wood,  shaped  like  a 
scraper  at  one  end,  and  flat  at  the  other,  subduing  the  soil  with 
incredible  vigor  and  diligence.  Their  crops  consist  of  Indian 
com,  peas,  beans,  pumpkins,  and  watermelons. 

The  great  abundance  of  fish,  and  the  convenience  with  whioh 
they  can  be  obtained,  have  led  the  Savages  to  form  a  permanent 
settlement  at  this  place.  It  is  a  daily  manna  which  never  fails ; 
there  is  not  a  family  that  cannot  catch  enough  fish  for  its  suste- 
nance throughout  the  year.  Moreover,  it  is  impossible  to  eat 
better  fish,  for  it  swims  and  is  fed  in  the  finest,  clearest,  and 
most  crystalline  waters  that  were  ever  seen. 

I  consider  it  unnecessary  to  describe  the  method  of  fishing, 
for  every  country  has  its  own  customs.  But  what  I  think  I 
should  mention  is  the  pleasure  of  seeing  as  many  as  a  hundred 
whitefish  caught  in  a  single  haul  of  a  net  This  is  the  most 
delicate  fish  of  the  lakes ;  and  it  is  as  large  as  shad  in  France. 
Quantities  of  trout  are  also  caught,  which  weigh  as  much  as  50 
pounds;  they  are  certainly  excellent  food.  Finally  sturgeon, 
pike,  carp,  herring,  poisson  dore,^  and  a  hundred  different  kinds  . 
of  fish  abound  in  that  part  of  the  lake. 


lA  name  (meaning  "gilded  fish")  applied  by  the  French  to  the  yel- 
low perch;  some  writers  also  give  it  to  the  pickerel. — Ed. 


17  J  8]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  355 

It  will  probably  be  interesting  also  to  know  what  the  French 
and  Savages  eat,  and  how  they  prepare  their  food.     This  is 
what  is  done :     A  large  tree  is  sawn,  and  a  log  about  3  feet  long 
is  cut,  and  hollowed  out  about  2  feet,  somewhat  like  a  mortar. 
Then  a  pestle  5  feet  long  is  made,  of  hard  wood ;  then  Indian 
com  is  put  in  the  mortar,  and  crushed  with  the  pestle.     When 
sufficiently  crushed,  it  is  winnowed,  and  the  bran  separated 
from  it  until  nothing  remains  but  the  meal  [gru],  which  is 
sifted  to  remove  the  fine  flour ;  this  leaves  the  meal  pure,  clean, 
and  as  white  as  rice.     It  is  boiled  with  water  in  a  pot  or  kettle, 
and  at  the  same  time  whitefish  is  boiled  in  another  kettle ;  when 
the  meal  is  half  boiled,  the  fish  is  taken  out  and  mixed  with  the 
gruel  [bouillon  de  gru],  which  is  reduced  to  a  liquid  as  white  as 
milk.     Afterward  it  is  thrown  into  the  pot  and  stirred  with  a 
ladle,  as  is  done  with  rice,  until  completely  cooked ;  and,  as  it  is 
the  custom  of  the  country  for  every  person  to  have  his  ovni 
plate,  each  one  fills  his  with  this  porridge,  called  by  the  Sav- 
ages Sagamite,  which  means  "a  variety  of  things  mixed  together 
to  be  eaten."  ^ 

This  food  is  not  dainty,  but  it  is  certainly  very  wholesome: 
for  it  always  keeps  the  body  open,  and  is  very  aperient,  for  one 
urinates  as  often  as  fifty  times  a  day.  And,  if  one  never  ate 
anything  else,  one  would  never  be  thirsty,  as  has  happened  to 
many  persons  who  heedlessly  pass  entire  months  without  drink- 
ing. I  can  attest  that  I  have  passed  twenty  days  without  feel- 
ing the  slightest  thirst,  which  leads  me  to  think  that  it  would 
be  good  food  for  those  who  suffer  from  gravel.  In  the  evening, 
fish  is  eaten  cooked  in  a  variety  of  ways :  fried,  broiled,  boiled, 
smoked,  or  stewed ;  there  is  neither  oil  nor  butter,  but  there  is 
the  fat  or  marrow  of  moose,  elk,  or  buffalo,  which  is  brought  to 
Missilimakinak  from  the  Illinois  or  Chicagou;  and  in  truth 
I  consider  this  sauce  as  good  as  that  of  the  Carthusians  or  the 
Minims.- 

iCf.  the  description  of  this  food  given  by  the  missionary  Poisson 
(Jes.  Relations,  Ixvii,  pp.  291,  293.  315),  as  used  in  Louisiana.— Ed. 

2 Two  religious  orders:  the  Carthusians,  founded  in  the  year  1080,  at 
Chartreux,  France,  by  St.  Bruno;  and  the  Minims,  founded  in  1453, 
by  St.  Francis  de  Paula,  of  Calabria.  Both  were  remarkable  for  their 
austerities;  hence  the  sarcasm  of  CadiHac — who,  moreover,  had  no 
love  for  monks. — Ed. 


3S6  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       fvol.xvi 

Bread  is  made  of  the  flour  of  Indian  com,  baked  under  the 
ashes  or  in  heated  sand.  It  is  good  when  one  has  a  good  appe- 
tite, and  wonderfully  increases  one's  flesh. 

Every  one  enjoys  good  health  at  Missiliraakinak ;  this  may 
be  ascribed  to  the  healthfulness  of  the  air,  or  of  the  food,  but  it 
is  still  better  to  ascribe  it  to  both.  A  sure  proof  of  the  excel- 
lence of  the  climate  is  the  sight  of  old  men  whose  grand-sons  are 
becoming  gray;  and  one  might  say  that  death  has  not  the 
strength  to  knock  down  these  spectres,  whose  hearing  and  sight 
are  nevertheless  good.  But  their  memory  is  often  at  fault,  for 
they  sometimes  maintain  that  they  are  a  hundred  and  fifty  or 
two  hundred  years  old,  and  they  relate  stories  and  anecdotes  of 
things  which  they  assert  to  have  happened  at  that  time ;  this  is 
incredible,  but  they  have  the  advantage  of  meeting  no  one  who 
can  contradict  them,  or  give  them  the  lie,  otherwise  than  by  in- 
duction. 

Beavers  are  very  scarce  in  the  neighborhood  of  Missilimak- 
inak,  and  the  Savages  of  that  post  go  200  leagues  to  hunt  them. 
A  good  hunter  generally  kills  only  fifty  or  sixty, — sometimes 
more,  sometimes  less, — from  the  month  of  October  to  the  month 
of  May.  They  exchange  and  barter  their  beaver-skins  for  our 
goods;  this  is  called  "trading"  or  "carrying  on  the  trade."  We 
supply  them  with  powder,  bullets,  weapons,  cloth,  tobacco,  and 
all  things  in  use  among  us. 

If  people  could  realize  the  fatigues  that  have  to  be  undergone 
to  find  beaver,  they  would  not  so  despise  that  merchandise ;  for 
it  must  be  known  that  the  French  convoy  generally  leaves  Mont- 
E6al  at  the  beginning  of  spring,  or  else  about  the  15th  of  Sep- 
tember. In  that  country  both  seasons  are  unpleasant:  one, 
owing  to  the  melting  of  the  ice  and  snow,  which  makes  the  water 
rapid  and  very  cold ;  the  other,  because  the  cold  weather  is  be- 
ginning, and  there  are  many  rapids  on  the  way.  Nearly  always 
invincible  in  fishing,  the  Canadians  (who  are  usually  in  their 
shirt-sleeves,  with  bare  legs  and  feet),  when  their  canoes  cannot 
overcome  the  swiftness  of  the  water,  boldly  jump  into  it,  by 
sheer  strength  assisting  one  another ;  they  succeed,  but  not  with- 
out often  getting  the  skin  of  their  feet  and  legs  torn,  the  rocks 
being  so  cold  that  they  strongly  adhere  to  the  skin,  and  cannot 


1718]  FRENCH    REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  357 

be  detached  without  taking  off  a  piece  of  it.  If  this  happened 
but  once  a  day  it  would  be  a  trifle;  but,  on  the  contrary,  they 
perform  this  manoeuvre  throughout  the  whole  journey. 

This  is  not  all ;  it  very  frequently  happens  that  on  the  way 
waterfalls  or  cascades  are  encountered,  up  or  down  which  one 
cannot  go ;  then  one  has  to  disembark  at  the  foot  of  the  cascades, 
and  carry  his  canoe  on  his  shoulders,  with  all  the  goods  or  bea- 
ver-skins through  the  woods,  until  he  is  above  the  falls,  and  then 
re-embark.  This  is  called  a  portage.  Some  of  them  are  200 
leagues  in  length.^ 

The  Canadians  are  thus. obliged  to  perform  this  constant  and 
arduous  work  for  300  leagues  before  reaching  MissilimakinaL 
This  shows  how  strong,  vigorous,  and  hardened  to  fatigue  they 
are ;  and  it  seems  incredible  that  the  human  body  should  be  able 
to  rehist  such  extraordinary  cold. 

When  they  arrive  there,  instead  of  thinking  to  rest  a  little 
after  their  fatigue,  they  hasten  as  fast  as  possible  to  divide  into 
parties  and  go  farther.  They  generally  re-equip  themselves 
with  canoes  and  provisions;  after  which  some  proceed  to  the 
north  of  lake  Superior,  and  others  to  the  south,  and  penetrate 
by  means  of  rivers  200  or  300  leagues  into  the  interior  of  the 
country.  OtJiers,  following  lake  Michigan,  go  southward  to  the 
most  distant  nations.  The  only  object  they  have  in  view  is  to 
get  l>eaver-skins. 

When  the  voyageurs  have  sold  their  goods,  they  return  to 
Missilimakinak,  and  usually  reach  that  place  at  the  beginning 
of  July ;  there  they  once  more  equip  tliemselves  to  go  down  in  a 
convoy,  if  the  commandant  of  the  coimtry  deems  it  advisable. 
It  is  therefore  clear  and  very  easy  to  understand  that  those  who 
trade  and  traffic  in  beaver-skins  are  obliged  to  go  at  least  1,000 
leagues  before  getting  back  to  Montreal ;  but,  in  addition,  it  is 
impossible  to  conceive  the  dangers  to  which  tliey  expose  them- 
selves in  running  and  passing  through  lx)iling  rapids,  water- 
falls, and  cascades,  the  thought  of  which  makes  one's  hair  stand 
on  end. 


1  There  is  obviously  some  error  here,  probably  in  the  transcription 
from  the  original  document;  but,  as  historical  students  are  generally 
aware,  there  are  many  such  inaccuracies  in  Margry's  publication. — Ed. 


3S8  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

This  is  not  all ;  one  must  run  the  risE  of  loeing  his  li^e  at  the 
hands  of  the  Iroquois,  who  lie  in  ambush  in  the  defiles ;  and  if 
one  be  taken  alive,  he  must  make  up  his  mind  to  be  roasted  at 
a  slow  fire.  It  is  true  that  the  necessary  precautions  are  taken 
to  avoid  such  a  misfortune,  and  it  has  rarely  happened  that  our 
convoys  have  been  defeated. 


V.     Nations  inhabiting  the  country  governed  by  de  Lamothe 
i^i^*  Cadillac, 

As  I  have  described  Missilimakinak  in  the  first  chapter,  it  is 
needless  to  say  more  about  it.     I  would  merely  stiirte  that  the 
word  Outaouas  means  in  our  laiq^age  "the  Nation  of  the  Nez 
Percez"   [pierced  noses],  because  they  pierce  their  noses,  tc 
which  they  attach  a  small  stone  well  ornamented,  which  hangs 
down  in  the  middle  of  the  mouth  between  the  lips.     This  is  a 
custom  among  them,  and  they  would  not  consider  themselves 
properly  adorned  without  this  ornament     Some  of  the  elders 
maintain,  however,  that  it  is  a  preventive  against  "medicne" — 
that  is  to  say,  the  spells  that  their  enemies  and  other  evil-in^ 
tentioned  persons  might  cast  upon  them,  to  poison  them  or  cause 
their  death.     This  is  a  further  proof  that  it  is  an  idea  of  the 
ancient  Jews ;  for  we  read  in  history  that  one  Eleazar  delivered 
peoplo  possessed  of  the  devil,  in  the  presence  of  the  Emperor 
Vespasian,  of  his  son,  and  of  several  princes  and  noblemen  of 
his  court     He  proceeded  as  follows :  he  pierced  the  nose  of  the 
possessed  one,   and   passed   through  it  a  ring  hollow  inside, 
wherein  he  placed  an  herbj  and  as  soon  as  the  devil  smelled  it, 
he  threw  the  body  of  the  possessed  one  upon  the  ground,  and 
fled,  witliout  daring  to  return  to  it.     The  same  Eleazer  also  did 
this  frequently  in  the  name  of  Solomon;  so  that  these  savage 
nations  may  well  have  retained  this  custom  of  piercing  their 
noses,  and  have  foi^tten  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  intro- 
duced. 

There  is  a  place  near  Missilimakinak,  called  Essolon.  When 
I  passed  there  my  attention  was  called  to  the  name,  and  I  in- 
quired of  some  Savages  the  reason  it  had  been  given  to  the 
plsge;  they  replied  that  their  AncestoiB  had  given  it  that  name, 


17 18]  TRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN. 


359 


but  they*  could  not  tell  why.  Thereupon  we  may  recall  that 
Reuben  had  four  sons:  Henoch,  Phallu,  Heeron,  and  Chormi. 
How  could  the  Savages  have  given  the  river  the  name  of  Esso- 
lon,  if  they  had  never  heard  of  it?  It  is  not  likely  that  this 
was  done  by  accident,  but  rather  because  it  was  the  custom  of 
the  Jews  to  bear  the  names  of  their  estates,  or  to  give  their  own 
names  to  property  of  which  they  were  in  possession. 

The  Outaouois  and  Hurons  wear  their  hair  very  short,  be- 
cause they  say  that  thereby  it  gives  a  slighter  hold  to  their  ene- 
mies. They  leave  a  lock  at  the  top  of  the  head,  as  do  the  Ma- 
hometans. In  all  important  matters  the  Hurons  speak  almost 
only  in  the  name  of  Sataresky,  as  if  he  were  their  true  King. 
The  Outaouas  are  not  jealous  of  their  wives;  the  Hurons  are 
still  less  so,  and  they  are  absolute  mistresses,  so  that  the  men  do 
hardly  anytliing  without  their  consent 

The  Hurons  are  friends  of  the  Outaouois  solely  through 
necessity,  since  they  are  the  weaker,  to  such  an  extent  have  the 
others  killed  and  ill-treated  them.  They  usually  war  against 
the  Iroquois,  the  Sioux,  and  the  Southern  nations  beyond  the 
Illinois. 

Now  we  shall  see  what  nations  are  around  lake  Michigan, 
which  lies  contiguous  to  and  joins  lake  Huron.  As  I  have 
drawn  the  map  of  all  these  lakes,  which  in  truth  form  but  one, 
and  have  indicated  the  distances  from  one  point  to  another,  I 
consider  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  them  here. 

I  will  merely  begin  at  the  Beaver  Islands  [Isles  du  Castor]^ 
where  some  families  have  their  cabins  and  fields  of  Indian  com. 

The  island  of  the  Poues^  is  still  inhabited  by  the  Pouteata- 
mis ;  we  call  them  the  Poues,  because  the  first  syllable  of  their 
name  is  so  pronounced.  This  is  a  very  warlike  nation,  very 
hostile  to  the  Iroquois,  and  frequently  inflicts  severe  blows 
on  them.  They  have  no  regard  for  any  one,  although  they  are 
less  numerous  than  many  other  nations.  Their  island  abounds 
in  grain,  and  the  climate  is  very  temperate. 


1  Washington  Island,  near  the  entrance  to  Green  Bay.  The  Beaver 
Islands  are  in  the  northern  part  of  Lake  Michigan,  south  of  Mackinac 
county,  Michigan,  of  which  they  form  part — Ed. 


360  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 

The  nation  of  the  Noquets  is  now  degraded ;  so  few  remain 
that  it  cannot  bear  a  distinctive  name,  because  it  is  incorporated 
with  many  others/ 

The  Malhominy,  or  FoUes  Avoines,  are  so  called  on  account 
of  the  river  on  which  their  village  is  situated,^  which  produces 
a  prodigious  quantity  of  wild  oats,  which  they  gather  and  har- 
vest as  we  do  our  wheat  They  boil  it  with  game  or  with  fat ; 
this  food  is  wholesome.  There  is  no  nation  in  which  the  men 
are  so  well  built  or  have  so  good  figures  as  in  this  one.  They 
are  not  so  swarthy  as  the  others,  and  if  they  did  not  grease 
themselves  they  would  surpass  the  French  in  whiteness.  The 
women  also  are  rather  pretty,  and  more  gentle  than  those  of  the 
neighboring  tribes. 

The  nation  of  the  Sakis  is  so  called  because  Saky  means  "the 
entrance  of  the  river."  This  nation  is  warlike,  and  harasses  the 
Iroquois;  it  was  formerly  numerous,  but  the  Illinois,  with 
whom  they  had  some  quarrels  of  old,  partly  destroyed  them, 
when  they  least  expected  it 

The  Puans  derive  this  name  from  their  river,  which  is  very 
muddy.  It  is  so  full  of  fish  of  all  kinds  that  it  is  difficult  to 
understand  how  it  can  hold  so  many.  Consequently,  during 
the  heat  of  siunmer,  on  account  of  either  the  quality  of  the 
water  or  the  too  great  quantity  of  fish,  the  water  is  entirely 
covered  with  them;  and,  as  it  immediately  becomes  foul  and 
putrid,  it  is  hardly  possible  to  approach  the  bank  on  account  of 
the  stench,  and  the  water  is  consequently  very  disgusting.  It 
is  for  this  reason  that  the  nation  is  called  that  of  the  Puans,  for 
both  in  their  persons  and  their  habits  they  are  the  cleanest 
among  the  Savages ;  and  their  women  are  the  least  dirty,  and 
are  exceedingly  careful  to  keep  their  cabins  very  clean  and 
tidy — not  a  very  common  quality  among  other  Savage  women. 

The  Outagamis  (that  is,  the  nation  of  the  Eenards)  are  so 
called  because  they  are  a  wily  and  mischievous  nation.  They 
dwell  on  a  very  fine  river,  and  in  a  country  that  is  excellent  for 

iSee  p.  117.  note  2,  ante, — Ed. 

2  The  Menominee  river,  which  forms  part  of  the  boundary-line  be- 
tween Wisconsin  and  Michigan. — Ed. 


I7l8]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  36 1 

all  purposes.     This  nation  is  growing  powerful,  and  for  that 
reason  is  daily  becoming  insolent     I  think  that  if  we  had  not 
had  the  war  with  the  Iroquois  on  our  hands,  steps  would  have 
been  taken  to  humble  the  Outagamis ;  for  they  have  on  several 
occasions   insulted   and   pillaged   the   French,    and   otherwise 
treated  them  shamefully.     They  do  not  war  against  the  Iro- 
quois.    On  the  contrary  there  is  some  sort  of  alliance  between 
them ;  and  it  is  the  policy  of  that  common  enemy  of  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  Xew  World  to  keep  as  a  neutral,  in  the  midst  of  all 
the  other  tribes,  one  that  would  have  caused  them  much  trouble 
had  it  declared  war  against  them.     This  is  of  great  use  to  the 
Iroquois,  because  by  means  of  the  fox  (Renard)  he  often  eats 
the  hen.     When  mattera  are  going  badly,  the  Renard  intervenes 
for  the  purpose  of  negotiation,  and  frequently  succeeds  so  well 
that  the  Iroquois  takes  breath  in  the  interval ;  because  there  is 
not  a  nation  that  does  not  consider  itself  fortunate,  and  deem  it 
a  great  honor,  to  be  sought  after  by  an  enemy  who  makes  all 
tremble,  so  that  peace  is  never  refused  him  when  he  asks  for  it 
But,  during  these  negotiations,  he  always  bides  his  time  to  de- 
stroy the  nations  who,  through  some  untoward  fate,  are  ever 
stupid  enough  to  remain  indolent  when  their  enemy  proposes  a 
truce  or  peace  to  them;  and  not  even  experience  can  awaken 
them  or  arouse  them  from  their  supineness.     The  Renards  are 
very  dirty,  and  great  thieves ;  one  even  has  to  watch  their  feet 
more  than  their  hands,  for  they  use  them  very  cleverly  in  steal- 
ing.    They  carry  on  war  against  the  Sioux  and  Saulteux,  and 
inflict  severe  blows  upon  their  enemies.     They  are  so  little  jeal- 
ous of  their  daughters  that  they  do  not  refuse  them  to  any  who 
ask  for  them  and  give  them  trifling  presents. 

The  post  of  Chicagou  comes  next.  The  name  means  Riviere 
de  Vail  ["Garlic  river"],  because  it  produces  that  plant  in  very 
great  quantities,  wild  and  without  cultivation.^  The  village  of 
the  Miamis  is  there ;  these  are  well  built  people,  good  warriors, 
and  very  active.  They  are  real  and  true  greyhounds.  They 
harass  the  Iroquois  greatly,  and  always  utterly  defeat  them. 

iThis  may  refer  to  the  wild  garlic,  or  onion  (Allium);  but  some 
writers  think  that  the  skunk-cabbage  iSymplocarpus  foetidus)  is 
meant — Ed. 


362  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

This  is  a  numerous  nation,  but  it  is  divided  up  into  several  vil- 
lages, on  account  of  the  jealousy  of  the  men  of  greater  conse- 
quence among  them,  who  cannot  agree  together;  and,  as  they 
are  proud  and  warlike,  they  carry  on  war  against  nearly  all  the 
others.  But,  inasmuch  as  they  are  divided,  their  enemies  de- 
stroy them  so  often  that,  unless  they  unite,  they  run  the 
risk  of  being  completely  exterminated.  It  would  be  a  great 
pity,  for  they  are  worthy  people,  fairly  mild  and  civil,  and  more 
inclined,  I  think,  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  Gk)speL  They  do 
not  mind  the  profligacy  of  their  daughters,  but  are  very  jealous 
of  their  wives ;  and,  when  one  of  the  latter  is  convicted  of  un- 
faithfulness or  adultery,  her  husband  has  her  head  shaved,  cuts 
off  her  nose  and  ears,  and  thrusts  her  out  of  his  cabin.  After 
that  she  goes  whither  she  wills,  and  her  kindred  have  nothing 
to  say,  for  such  is  the  law  of  the  nation. 

Then  comes  the  river  St  Joseph.  There  was  a  fort  there 
with  a  French  garrison ;  and  there  is  a  villa^  of  Miamis  of  the 
same  nation.  This  post  is  the  key  to  all  the  nations  bordering 
on  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Michigan,  for  there  is  no  village  on 
the  south,  owing  to  the  incursions  of  the  Iroquois;  but  in  the 
interior  on  the  North  side  there  are  several  in  a  Westerly  direc- 
tion, such  as  the  Mascoutens,  ♦  ♦  ♦  Peanguiseins,  Pea- 
ouarias,  Kikapoux,  Ayouez,  Sioux,  and  Tintons. 

The  Sioux  are  a  proud  and  haughty  nation,  who  war  against 
all  the  others;  they  surpass  the  Iroquois  in  bravery  and  cour- 
age; tliey  are  vigorous,  vigilant,  watchful  men,  and  real  war- 
riors. 

They  may  be  said  to  sleep  with  one  foot  in  the  air  [i.  e.,  are 
always  in  motion],  having  a  dagger  hanging  continually  from 
the  wrist  Their  bows  and  quivers  serve  them  as  pillows. 
Wlien  not  surprised,  they  are  almost  invincible ;  but  when  they 
are,  they  fight  unto  death.  Indeed,  it  seldom  happens  that  a 
Sioux  is  taken  alive ;  because,  as  soon  as  they  see  that  they  can 
no  longer  resist,  tliey  kill  themselves,  considering  that  they  are 
not  worthy  to  live,  when  once  bound,  vanquished,  and  made 
slaves.  It  is  rather  surprising  that  people  so  brave  and  so  war- 
like as  these  should  nevertheless  be  able  to  shed  tears  at  will, 


I7l8]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  363 

and  so  abundantly  that  it  can  hardly  be  imagined.  I  think  tEat 
it  could  not  bfe  believed  without  being  seen ;  for  they  are  some- 
time observed  to  laugh,  sing,  and  amuse  themselves  when,  at 
the  same  time,  one  would  say  that  their  eyes  are  like  gutters 
filled  by  a  heavy  shower;  and,  as  soon  as  they  have  wept,  they 
again  become  as  joyful  as  before,  whether  their  joy  be  real  or 
false.  The  chief  occasion  of  their  tears  is  when  their  enemies 
have  killed  some  of  their  people ;  thereupon,  they  address  them- 
selves to  their  allies  or  to  the  French  commandant.  Bending 
their  heads  they  utter  horrible  yells,  and  shed  a  deluge  of  tears, 
after  which  they  cease  to  weep  and  yell,  and  their  eyes  are  as 
dry  as  if  they  had  not  wept.  They  afterward  represent  the 
state  of  their  affairs,  so  that  one  might  say  that  they  are  the 
same  Jews  who  dwelt  on  Mount  Gterisim,  who  were  called 
"Mourners,"  becau&e  they  had  the  gift  of  tears.  There  are 
several  very  rich  lead  mines  in  their  country. 


1718:  MEMOIR  ON  THE  SAVAGES  OF  CANADA  AS  FAR  AS  THE 
MISSISSIPPI  RIVER,  DESCRIBING  THEIR  CUSTOMS  AND 
TRADE. 

[Translated  from  a  MS.  in  archives  of  Ministdre  des  Colonies,  Paris; 
pressmark,  "Canada,  Corresp.  g^n.,  vol.  39,  c.  11,  fol.  354."] 

From  The  portage  of  Niagara,  which  is  from  two  and  a  half 
to  three  Leagues  Long,  but  offering  a  fine  road,  over  which  The 
carts  roll  two  or  three  times  every  year;  very  fine  forests  and 
clear  enough  to  allow  one  to  see  a  person  more  than  Six  hundred 
paces  away — all  tlie  trees  are  oaks,  and  very  large.  Along  this 
entire  road  the  land  is  not  very  good ;  there  are  four  hills  to 
climb  from  The  place  where  one  lands,  which  is  three  Leagues 
along  the  river.  Above  the  first  hill  is  a  village  of  the  Senon- 
touans,  consisting  of  about  ten  Cabins.  They  raise  indian  com 
and  beans,  peas,  Watermelons,  and  squashes ;  everything  grows 
very  finely  there.  The  Senontouans  are  of  service  to  the  French, 
and  thus  earn  Money — that  is  to  say,  they  transport  the  effects 
of  tlie  French  who  go  into  the  upper  country;  some  do  this  for 


364  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

mitasses,^  otliers  for  shirts,  otliers  for  powder  and  shot,  while 
some  of  them  steal ;  and,  when  the  French  come  down,  the  Sav- 
ages carry  Tlieir  packages  of  peltries  for  some  pelts.       This 
portage  is  made  to  Avoid  the  niagara  Cataract,  which  Is  the 
grandest  slieet  of  water  in  the  world,  falling  perpendicularly 
from  a  height  of  more  than,  two  or  three  hundred  feet.     This 
fall  discharges  the  waters  of  Lakes  Erie,  huron,  Michignan, 
and  Superior,  and  consequently  of  all  the  rivers  that  flow  into 
those  Lakes,  w^hich  Are  numberless;  and  also  of  other  Lakes, 
of  which  I  do  not  know  the  names,  and  which  are  in  the  direc- 
tion  of   the   Syou    [Sioux].     After   passing   The   portage   of 
Niagara,  one  ascends  a  river  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  league 
wide,  for  Six  Leagues,  to  enter  into  lake  Erie,  Which  has  not 
a  verv  wide  entrance.     The  road  Is  much  more  attractive  on 
the  Southern  than  on  the  Xorthern  side;  the  reason  why  few 
people  follow  It  is  because  it  Is  thirty  Leagues  Longer  than 
that  on  tlie  Xorth.       On  either  side  of  that  Lake  one  is  not 
obliged  to  fast,  on  account  of  The  abundance  of  game  to  be 
found  there.     On  the  Southern  side  are  seen  buffalo,  Avhich  are 
Xot  found  on  the  Northern  side.     Xearly  100  leagues  South 
of  Niagara  is  a  river  which  is  called  the  Sandosquct  [San- 
dusky], which  The  Savages  Settled  at  detroit  and  along  Lake 
huron  follow  when  they  go  to  fight  The  testes  plattes  and  other 
nations    in    the   direction   of   Carolinna — as    The   cheraquis, 
The  Savages  who  live  on  the  casquinanpo  River  and  The  Chau- 
anons.^     They  ascend  this  river  Sandosquet  for  two  or  three 
days,  then  they  make  a  short  portage  of  about  a  quarter  of  a 
League  over  a  fine  road ;  some  of  them  make  canoes  of  elm  bark ; 
and  they  then  embark  on  a  little  River  [the  Scioto]  which  flows 
into  the  River  Auyo  [Ohiol,  which  means  "beautiful  river." 
It  Is  beautiful  indeed,  for  it  is  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  League 
Avide,  and  has  a  fine  current  without  rapids,  except  a  Single 
cascade  v*'hich  is  only  half  an  arpent  long.     This  river  falls 
into    the    ouabache,    and    thence    into    the    missysypy,    forty 


iSee  p.  124,  note,  ante. — Ed. 

2 That  Is,  "the  Cherokees,  the  tribes  on  the  Tennessee  river,  and  the 
Shawnese." — Ed. 


I7l8]  FRENXH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  365 

Leagues  below  the  Village  of  rouinsac,*  where  The  fathers  Are 
Settled,  and  where  there  are  some  Frenchmen.  This  Oyo  or 
beautiful  River  has  its  source  about  thirty  Leagues  back  of 
[i.  e.,  south  from]  the  Senontouann  nation.  There  is  a  river 
above  fort  des  Sables  on  Lake  Ontariau,  and  near  the  Riviere 
aux  beufs,  which  flows  into  that  beautiful  river.^  Anv  one 
wishing  easily  to  reach  the  misysypy  would  only  need  to  fol- 
low this  River  or  the  Sandosquet,  and  would  run  no  risk  of 
going  hungry,  for  all  those  who  have  traveled  over  this  route 
have  often  assured  me  that  there  was  all  Along  that  beautiful 
River  so  vasti  a  number  of  buffalo  and  all  other  wild  animals 
that  they  Were  Often  obliged  to  discharge  their  guns  in  order 
to  clear  a  passage.  They  say  that  2,000  men  could  easily  sub- 
sist there. 

From  this  Sandosquet  River,  to  go  to  destroit,  they  cross  lake 
Esrie  from  island  to  island,  and  reach  a  place  called  Point 
plee,*  where  there  is  a  very  great  abundance  of  all  sorts  of  fish, 
and  especially  of  enormous  sturgeon,  three,  four,  or  five  feet 
in  Length.  In  one  of  these  islands  there  is  such  abundance 
of  cats*  that  some  Savages  have  in  a  very  short  time  killed 
as  many  as  900.  The  reason  why  the  savages  cross  is  because 
it  greatly  shortens  Their  route;  for.  If  they  did  not  do  so,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  go  by  the  River  which  flows  from  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  raiamis  at  the  end  of  Lake  Erie. 


1  Among  early  writers  and  explorers,  the  name  Wabash  was  applied 
not  only  to  that  river  but  to  that  part  of  the  Ohio  which  lies  below 
the  Junction  of  the  two  streams.  The  "village  of  Rouinsac"  means 
Kaskaskia,  111.;  the  Jesuits  had  a  mission  there.  Cf.  p.  315,  note  2, 
ante, — Ed. 

2  Fort  des  Sables  was  on  Irondequoit  Bay,  a  little  east  of  the  Gene- 
see river.  That  stream  does  not  flow  Into  the  Ohio,  but  its  head- 
waters are  very  near  those  of  the  Alleghany,  to  which  a  short  portage 
would  lead  the  traveler.  The  Rividre  aux  Bceufs  (Buffalo  river)  is 
probably  Oak  Orchard  Creek,  in  Orleans  county,  N.  Y. — Ed. 

3  Point  Pelee,  a  long,  narrow  cape  or  point  extending  southward 
from  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Erie.  Between  it  and  Sandusky  Bay 
lie  numerous  Islands,  partially  bridging  the  waters  of  the  lake. — Ed. 

♦  The  wildcat  (chat  sauvage)  of  the  early  travelers  meant  the  ani- 
mal now  called  "raccoon"  (Procyon  lotor).  See  also,  p.  237,  note, 
ante. — Ed. 


366  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

At  tlie  entrance  of  the  River  destroit,  which  Is  very  Wide, 
there  are  four  islands  which  are  thus  named :  one,  L'ile  au  bois 
blanc  (Whitewood  Island);  The  next,  Llle  aux  poux  (Louse 
Island) ;   Another,    I/ile   aux   Esclaves    (Slave  Island) ;   and 
The  fourth,  Grande  Isle.     The  last  Is  very  beautiful,  fertile, 
and  large — having,  it  is  said,  a  circumference  of  six  or  seven 
Leagues.     This  island  has  an  e"xtraordinary  number  of  apple- 
trees  ;  those  who  have  seen  The  apples  on  the  ground  say  that 
they  lie  more  tlian  a  half  a  foot  tliick,  and  the  apple-treeB  are 
planted  as  if  it  had  been  done  on  purpose.     The  apples  are  as 
large  as  small  sweet  apples  [ponwies  d'api,  "bee-apples"].     In 
this  island  is  found  an  abundance  of  very  fine  mill-stone.     The 
whole  circuHiference  of  the  island  abounds  in  very  fine  meadow- 
land,  and  for  a  Long  time  there  Was  much  hesitation  in  choos- 
ing between  it  and  destroit  for  the  settlement;  the  island  Was 
not  taken,  for  fear  that  the  timber  would  some  day  give  out. 
The  two  sides  of  the  river  of  destroit  are  bordered  by  the  most 
beautiful  meadows  and  the  best  soil  ever  seen.     The  climate 
is  verj'  mild.     It  is  six  Leagues  from  He  au  bois  blanc  to  the 
fort  of  destroit,  where  the  French  are.     Two  Leagues  from  the 
fort  of  destroit  is  an  island  called  ile  aux  dindes  (Turkey  Is- 
land) ;  it  is  so  called  because  it  is  always  full  of  turkeys.     Tke 
island  has  very  little  wood,  as  it  contains  only  meadows.     Four 
or  five  years  ago  Le  tonnerre    [Thunder],   a  great  chief  of 
the  renards,  was  killed  there,  with  tv;o  of  his  tribesmen,  by 
the  hurons  Established  at  destroit    The  two  Renards  who  Were 
with  le  tonnerre  were  devoured  by  tlie  crows  or  other  animals  ; 
but   the   body   of   tlie   chief,    a  year    after,    Was   still   entire 
and  Had  not  been  touched  by  any  of  the  animals.     The  fort 
of  destroit  Is  South  of  the  River.       The  poutouatamis  have 
their  village  near  the  fort.     This  nation  makes  its  cabins  of 
apaquols  [mats]  ;  these  are  made  of  reeds.     All  this  work  i^ 
done  by  the  women.     This  nation  is  well  clothed,  like  our  sav- 
ages resident  at  :j[ontrcal.     The  only  occupation  of  the  men 
is  to  hunt  and  to  adorn  themselves.     They  Use  a  great  deal 
of  Vermillion.     They  use  many  buffalo-Robes,   highly  orna- 
mented, to  cover  themselves  in  winter;  and  in  summer  they 
wear  Red  or  blue  cloth.     In  summer  they  Play  a  great  deal  at 


I718J  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  367 

la  crosse,  twenty  or  more  on  each  side.  Their  bat  [crosse']  is 
a  sort  of  small  racket,  and  The  ball  with  which  they  Play  Is 
of  very  Heavy  wood,  a  little  larger  than  the  balls  we  use  in 
Tennis.^  When  they  Play,  they  Are  entirely  naked;  they 
have  only  a  breech-clont,  and  Shoes  of  deer-skin.  Their  bodied 
are  painted  all  over  with  all  Kinds  of  colors.  There  are  some 
who  paint  their  bodies  with  white  clay,  applying  it  to  resem- 
ble silver  lace  sewed  on  all  the  seams  of  a  coat ;  and,  at  a  dis- 
tance, one  would  take  it  for  silver  lace. 

They  play  for  large  Simis,  and  often  The  prize  Amounts  to 
more  than  800  Livres.  They  set  up  two  goals  and  b^n  Their 
game  midway  between ;  one  party  drives  The  ball  one  way,  and 
the  other  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  those  who  can  drive 
It  to  the  goal  are  the  winners.  All  this  is  very  diverting  and 
interesting  to  behold.  Often  one  Village  Plays  against  an- 
other, the  poux  against  the  outaouacs  or  the  hurons,  for  very 
considerable  prizes.  The  French  frequently  take  part  in  these 
games.  The  women  work  in  the  fields,  raising  very  fine  indian 
corn,  beans,  peas,  squashes,  and  melons.  In  the  evening  The 
women  and  The  girls  dance.  They  adorn  themselves  liberally, 
grease  their  hair,  put  on  white  chemises,  and  paint  their  Faces 
with  Vermillion,  also  putting  on  all  the  porcelain  beads  they 
possess,  so  that  after  their  fashion  they  look  very  well  dressed* 
They  dance  to  the  Sound  of  the  drum  and  of  the  sisyquoy  [rat- 
tle] j  which  Is  a  sort  of  gourd  with  pellets  of  lead  inside.  There 
are  four  or  five  Young  men  who  sing,  and  keep  time  by  beatr 
ing  the  drum  and  the  sysyquoy,  while  the  women  dance  to  the 
rhythm  and  do  not  miss  a  step.  This  Is  a  very  pretty  sight, 
And  it  lasts  almost  all  night.  Often  the  old  men  dance  The 
mcdelinne;^  they  look  like  a  band  of  sorcerers.       AH  this  is 

iThe  game  here  described,  caUed  by  French  writers  crosse,  was  a 
favorite  one  among  most  of  the  American  tribes.  For  full  descrip- 
tion of  it,  see  Jes,  Relations,  x,  pp.  185-187,  231,  32&-328;  xv,  179.  The 
American  and  Canadian  game  of  lacrosse  is  adapted  from  the  Indian 
game. — Ed. 

2 Medicine  dance;  practiced  by  the  medicine-men  imi40'  See  W.  J. 
Hoffman's  description  of  the  dances  and  other  rites  of  the  Mit&'  wit,  or 
"Grand  Medicine  Society"  among  the  Menomonee  Indians,  in  U.  &, 
Bur,  Ethnoh  Report,  1892-93,  pp.  66-161.— Bd. 


368  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

done  at  Night.  The  Young  men  often  dance  in  the  daytime, 
and  strike  at  tlie  posts;  it  is  in  this  dance  that  they  recount 
Their  exploits;  on  such  occasions  they  also  dance  the  scout 
dance.*  They  are  always  well-adomed  when  they  do  this.  All 
this  Is  very  interesting  to  see.  They  often  engage  in  hunts 
of  this  sort  in  order  to  get  tobacco.  When  this  nation  goes 
hunting,  which  is  in  autumn,  tliey  carry  their  apaqaois  with 
them,  in  order  to  make  their  cabins  every  evening.  All  the 
People  go — men,  women,  and  children ;  and  they  pass  the  win- 
ter in  the  woods  and  return  in  spring. 

The  hurons  also  live  in  the  Same  direction  from  the  French 
fort,  perhaps  an  eighth  of  a  league ;  they  are  an  exceedingly 
industrious  nation.  They  hardly  dance  at  all,  and  work  con- 
tinually raising  a  very  large  amount  of  Indian  com,  peas,  beans, 
and  sometimes  French  wheat  They  build  Their  cabins  all  of 
bark  and  make  them  very  substantial.  High  and  rounded  like 
arbors,  and  very  long.  Their  fort  Is  well  enclosed  with  a 
double  row  of  palisades,  and  bastions,  well  strengthened  every- 
where, and  has  good  gates.  They  are  the  Nation  most  loyal  to 
the  French,  and  are  the  best  himters  that  we  have.  In  Their 
Cabins  they  have  a  sort  of  chamber  in  whch  they  sleep,  and 
which  is  closed.  Their  misiraques  are  very  neat.  They  are 
the  bravest  of  all  the  Nations  and  have  a  great  deal  of  intelli- 
gence. They  are  very  clever.  Many  of  them  wear  jerkins  and 
cloaks.  The  men  Are  always  hunting.  Summer  and  winter, 
and  the  women  work.  When  they  go  hunting  in  autumn,  a 
great  many  always  remain  in  their  fort  to  guard  it.  These  are 
old  women,  and  all  Winter  those  who  remain  gather  wood  in 
great  quantity.  Their  soil  is  very  good;  Indian  com  grows 
from  ten  to  twelve  feet  high ;  and  their  fields  are  kept  very  neat, 


1  Charlevoix  describes  these  dances  in  his  Journal  hiatorique,  pp. 
296,  297.  The  first  of  these  he  caUs  the  "calumet  dance;"  each  warrior 
strikes  the  post  with  his  hatchet,  and  relates  his  warlike  deeds.  Of 
the  scout  dance,  Charlevoix  says:  "It  is  a  lifelike  representation  of 
all  that  is  done  in  a  Hostile  Expedition ;  and,  since,  as  I  have  already 
stated,  the  Savages  usually  aim  mainly  to  take  their  enemies  by  sur- 
prise, it  is  doubtless  for  that  reason  that  they  have  given  to  this  exer- 
cise the  name  of  Scouting.**— Bd, 


1 71 8]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  369 

80  that  one  cannot  find  a  single  Weed  in  them,  although  they 
Are  very  extensive. 

The  Outaouacs  live  on  the  other  side  of  the  River,  opposite 
the  French  fort  They  have  also  a  palisaded  fort  Their 
cabins  are  almost  like  those  of  the  hurons.  They  use  apaquois 
only  when  they  go  hunting.  Their  cabins  in  Their  fort  are  all 
of  bark,  but  not  so  neat  or  so  well  made  as  those  of  the  hurons. 
They  are  also  very  clever  and  very  industrious,  both  in  hunt- 
ing and  agriculture.  They  have  the  same  customs  as  The  poux, 
as  regards  Their  dances  and  Their  juggleries,  and  their  games 
of  la  crosse  and  dish. 

This  dish  game  is  as  follows.  Eight  little  balls,  i^d  or  black 
on  one  side,  and  yellow  or  white  on  the  other,  are  tossed  on  a 
disL  When  he  who  has  the  dish  tosses  them  so  that  seven 
of  the  same  color  turn  up,  or  all  eight,  he  wins,  and  continues 
to  play  as  long  as  he  throws  in  this  way;  but  when  he  throws 
otherwise,  he  or  she  with  whom  te  Plays  takes  The  dish  and 
Plays  in  turn.  In  all  these  games  they  Play  for  large  smns. 
They,  and  all  the  other  nations  likewise,  have  also  the  Game 
of  straws.^ 

In  all  those  countries  the  forests  are  very  fine,  and  yield 
every  kind  of  timber  and  of  fruit  There  are  walnut  trees, 
bearing  walnuts  like  those  of  France ;  very  fine  plum-trees ;  and 
blackberry  bushes,  bearing  berries  that  are  very  sweet,  large 
and  Long.  There  are  a  great  many  chestnut  trees  yielding 
abundance  of  nuts.  Lake  herie,  which  is  fully  three  himdred 
Leagues  in  circumference,  Is  bordered  with  them. 

A  League  from  the  fort  of  destroit  is  an  island  called  ile  aux 
cochons  (Hog  Island),  which  is  a  league  in  length.*  It  has 
the  finest  timber  in  the  World,  and  prairies  without  end.  It 
is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  islands  to  be  seen,  and  has  very 
fertile  soil.     Five  T^eagues  from  destroit  is  a  small  Lake  called 


iFor  further  information  about  these  games,  see  Jes.  ReJatiofiM,  x» 
pp.  187,  321.  322;  xiv,  285;  xv,  246;  xvii,  201-205,  242.~Bd. 

sThis  island,  now  called  Belle  Isle,  is  a  handsome  public  park  for 
the  city  of  Detroit    Regarding  its  location,  cf.  p.  283,  ante. — Ed. 

25 


3/0  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

Ste.  elene/  which  is  seven  leagues  in  length  and  not  very  Wide, 
as  one  sees  the  land  on  either  side.  This  lake  Is  well  filled 
with  Fish,  especially  with  Whitefish,  but  these  are  not  as  good 
as  those  at  michelimaquinac  Before  reaching  this  lake,  you 
come  to  the  peninsula  where  the  renards  were  defeated  by 
treachery. 

I  have  forgotten  to  report  the  Numbers  of  the  nations  at 
destroit.  The  hurons  count  one  hundred  men;  The  poux  180 
men ;  The  outaouacs  about  one  hundred  men  and  a  great  many 
women.  Twelve  leagues  from  the  fort  of  destroit,  always  as- 
cending The  River,  you  will  find  the  misisaguez  Savages,  who 
dwell  on  a  beautiful  island  where  they  have  cleared  some  land. 
They  number  about  60  or  80  men.  Their  Language  is  like 
The  outaouae,  with  but  little  difference.  Their  customs  are 
The  Same,  and  they  are  very  industrious.  All  these  nations 
make  a  great  many  bark  canoes,  which  Are  very  profitable  for 
Them.  They  do  this  Sort  of  work  in  the  summer.  The 
women  sew  these  canoes  with  Roots;  The  men  cut  and  shape 
the  bark  and  make  the  gunwales,  cross-pieces,  and  ribs;  the 
women  gum  Them.  It  is  no  small  labor  to  make  a  canoe,  in 
which  there  is  much  symmetry  and  measurement;  and  it  is  a 
curious  sight^  Eight  Leagues  farther  is  The  entrance  of  lake 
huron  which  is  fully  as  large  as  lake  heriee.  Thirty  leagues 
into  lake  huron,  in  a  westerly  direction  on  tbe  route  toward 
Michelimaquinac,  you  find  the  Saguinan,  where  are  Settled 
some  outaouacs,  amounting  to  fully  60  men.  They  are  on  the 
islands  at  the  entrance  to  the  bay  of  Saguinan,  where  they  have 
their  villages  and  cultivate  their  lands,  on  which  they  raise 
grain.  When  they  are  not  at  war  with  the  other  nations  they 
raise  crops  on  the  mainland,  but  they  always  till  the  land  in 
both  places  for  fear  that  their  supply  of  food  may  fail.  Their 
land  is  very  fertile.     Game  of  all  sorts  Is  abundant^  and  fish 

lApimrently  a  copyist's  error  for  Ste.  Claire.  The  peninsula  men- 
tioned at  the  end  of  this  paragraph  is  Identified  on  p.  283,  note  2» 
ante, — Ed. 

s8ee  Hoffman's  description  (with  illustrations)  of  the  process  of 
canoe-making  among  the  Menomonee  Indians,  in  U,  8.  Bur.  Ethnoh 
Rep,,  1892-98,  pp.  291-295.— Bd. 


I718]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  37I 

also.  This  nation  Is  the  most  Unruly  and  unmanageable  in 
this  Avhole  region.  They  have  the  same  customs  in  efvery  re- 
spect as  the  outaouacs.  On  the  otlier  side  of  lake  huron, — 
that  Is,  to  the  Xorth, — is  matchitache,  settled  by  misisaguez 
savages,  who  have  the  same  customs  as  the  outaouacs.  You 
liave  here  The  portage  of  toronto,  which  takes  you  from  lake 
ontariau  to  lake  huron,  a  distjince  of  fifteen  Leagues. 

From  Saguinan  you  go  to  Michelimaquinac,  where  the  Jesuit 
fathers  and  some  French  have  Settled.  It  would  be  possible, 
if  one  desir^,  to  dispense  with  going  to  Michelimaquinac  in 
order  to  reach  The  St.  Josephe  River  and  chicagou.  La  bay  Is 
on  the  same  side  as  Michelimaquinac.  It  is  Settled  by  the 
puants  and  the  folles-avoinnes ;  there  are  some  French  also. 
The  Saquis,  who  Are  another  savage  nation,  also  dwell  near 
these  nations,  I  have  been  told,  being  fifteen  to  eighteen  Leagues 
distant.  The  puants  and  the  folles-avoinnes  are  not  nmnerous; 
each  tribe  Ximibers  possibly  SO  or  100  men.  The  Saquis  num- 
ber 100  or  120  men.  The  tw^o  former  nations,  as  far  as  I  have 
learned,  have  the  same  customs  as  the  outaouacs  and  the  poux. 
As  for  their  language,  it  is  not  quite  the  same;  but  whoever 
understands  the  outaouac  tongue  easily  makes  himself  under- 
stood by  these  two  Nations.  The  Saquis  are  like  the  poux  be- 
cause they  are  closely  allied  and  have  the  same  customs.  The 
Saquis  are  settled  On  the  Same  river  as  the  Renards,  and  that 
River  leads  to  the  portages  of  the  ouisconsin,  which  flows  into 
the  misissypy.     This  is  quite  near  to  the  Sioux. 

All  these  Nations  Are  very  industrious  and  have  four  women 
to  one  man.  The  Renards  Are  18  Leagues  from  the  Saquis. 
They  nunilier  five  hundred  men,  and  have  a  great  number  of 
women  and  children.  They  are  as  industrious  as  they  can  Be, 
and  raise  extraordinary  crops  of  indian  com.  They  have  a 
different  language  from  that  of  the  Outaouacs;  an  interpreter 
of  the  latter  could  not  serve  the  renards.  They  are  well  forti- 
fied.  They  have  the  same  customs  as  the  poutouatamis,  as  re- 
gards dancing  and  games,  but  not  as  regards  dress ;  for  the 
men  wear  scarcely  any  garments  made  of  cloth,  and  the  major- 
ity wear  no  waist-cloths.  As  for  the  women,  also  the  girls, 
they  all  wear  these.     They  are  made  of  deer-skin,  black  or 


372  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

brown,  and  are  adorned  around  the  edge,  in  some  cases,  with 
little  bells,  and  in  others  with  ornaments  of  iron  or  copper  or 
tin ;  over  these  are  also  worn  blankets.  Their  women  are  quite 
pretty,  and  not  at  all  black.  They  hunt  a  great  deal  in  this 
T^ion,  and  live  in  great  comfort,  as  they  have  abundance  of 
meat  and  fish,  for  that  river  of  the  renards  aboimds  in  fish. 

About  fifty  Leagues  from  the  renards  in  the  Direction  of 
diicagou,  are  the  mascoutins  and  the  quicapoux,  who  live  to- 
gether on  the  bank  of  a  river  whose  name  I  have  forgotten. 
These  two  tribes  together  do  not  amount  to  two  himdred  men, 
but  are  brave  and  warlike.  Their  Language  and  customs  are 
nearly  The  same  as  those  of  The  Renards,  and  they  have  as 
good  L^s ;  for  these  nations  run  down  the  stag  afoot,  and  even 
at  the  present  day  they  use  the  bow  and  arrow.  The  quicapoux 
and  the  mascoutins  are  not  Far  from  chicagou,  it  may  be  fifty 
Leagues  distant  When  they  wish  to  go  to  destroit  or  the  St. 
Josephe  River  they  have  to  pass  by  way  of  chicagou. 

The  River  St  Josephe  Is  to  the  South  of  lake  Michignan, 
otherwise  called  Lake  of  the  ilinois.  Many  follow  this  river 
to  go  to  le  roche,  because  it  Is  a  fine  river,  and  they  thus  Avoid 
The  portage  des  chesnne  and  that  of  des  perche.  It  is  a  river 
at  The  end  of  Lake  Michignan,  and  goes  to  le  roche,  which  Is 
an  jlinois  village.* 

The  St  Josephe  Is  a  river  on  which  Lived  formerly  The 
miamis  and  the  poutouatamis,  who  had  missionaries  among 
them;  and  it  is  not  so  very  Long  since  they  Were  thera  It 
is  the  best  place  that  could  be  foimd  for  getting  a  living  and 
cultivating  the  soil.  There  are  in  this  place  pheasants,  as  in 
France;  quails  and  paroquets;*  the  finest  vines  in  the  World, 

iThe  St  Joseph  river  formed,  with  the  Kankakee  (which  was 
reached  by  a  portoge  of  three  to  five  miles  in  length,  at  the  present 
South  Bend,  Ind.),  a  convenient  route  from  Detroit  to  the  Illinois  set- 
tlements. Of  the  portage  here  mentioned,  that  of  des  Chesnea  ("the 
oak-trees")  was  the  one  from  the  C^hicago  river  to  the  Des  Plaines— 
the  earliest  and  best  known  route  between  Lake  Michigan  and  the 
Mississippi;  the  other,  des  Perches  ("the  poles"),  was  probably  that 
from  the  (}alumet  river  to  the  Des  Plaines,  at  the  present  South  Chi- 
cago.~BD. 

tThe  C!arolina  paroquet,  formerly  found  throughout  the  Mississippi 


17 18]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  373 

which  yield  a  great  abundance  of  excellent  grapes  both,  white 
and  black.  The  grapes  are  very  large  and  solid,  and  The 
bunches  very  Long.  It  is  The  best  region  in  all  that  coun- 
try. I  believe  they  [the  Miamis]  have  departed  from  it  only 
on  account  of  the  wars  waged  by  the  Renards,  the  Saquis,  the 
outaouacs,  and  all  the  other  nations  in  that  couintry.  The 
River  St  Joseph  Is  thirty  Leagues  from  chicagou,  and  chica- 
gou  is  thirty  Leagues  from  le  Roche.  The  ouyatanons  Were 
also  at  chicagou,  but  they  feared  the  canoe  people,*  and  con- 
sequently left  the  place.  It  would  not  be  difficult  to  make  them 
return,  and  it  would  be  of  importance  to  have  tliem  there  for 
various  Reasons.  The  principal  one  Is  that  they  are  near  the 
English  and  the  Sonontouans,  on  account  of  the  easy  road  be- 
tween tliem ;  while  at  chicagou  it  would  be  very  different,  when 
they  would  have  to  travel  nearly  a  hundred  Leagues  overland. 
J^  Roche.  The  jlinois  live  here  on  the  bank  of  the  River, 
and  the  French  live  on  the  Rock,  which  Is  very  High  and  im- 
pregnable. Prairies  extend  farther  than  the  eye  can  reach; 
and  from  the  Top  of  the  Rock  you  can  see  herds  of  jlinois 
cattle  roaming  over  the  prairiee.  This  nation  has  always  been 
At  war  with  the  Renards  and  the  ouyatanons.  The  jlinois  of 
le  Roche  number  400  men,  and  are  eighty  Leagues  from  the 
ouyatanons,  and  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  Leagues  from 
the  Renards.  This  nation  Has  a  different  Language  from  that 
of  our  people  at  destroit;  however,  our  poutouatamis  under- 
stand it  in  part  This  nation  use  the  bow  and  arrow  a  great 
deal.  They  Are  all  dressed  in  deer-skin,  or  in  Robes  of  buffalo, 
wild-cat,  wolf,  pole-cat,  beaver,  or  otter  skins.     All  the  above- 


and  Ohio  river  valleys,  and  often  mentioned  by  early  travelers.  A.  W. 
Butler  says  (''Birds  of  Indiana/'  in  Indiana  CfeoJogical  Report,  1897, 
p.  819):  "This  beautiful  little  parrot  was  formerly  found  throughout 
Indiana.  It  was  last  reported  from  Knox  county  in  1859.  It  is  now 
almost  extinct  in  the  United  States,  being  at  prelient  only  found  In 
small  numbers  in  Florida,  and  in  a  few  favorable  locations  in  north- 
east Texas  and  Indian  Territory." — Ed. 

1  Meaning  the  northern  tribes,  both  Iroquois  and  Algonkin,  who  used 
canoes;  this  conveyance  was  unknown  to  most  tribes  south  of  Lake 
Michigan. — Ed. 


374  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

mentioned  Nations  tattoo  tlieir  bodies  with  all  sorts  of  figures 
and  designs.  Nations  of  this  Sort  do  not  kill  much  beaver. 
As  regards  games,  they  have  tlie  same  customs  as  all  the  othenr 
nations.  They  live  on  the  bank  of  the  jlinois  River.  These 
Nations  fasten  exceedingly  well  everything  that  they  make — 
garters,  Belts,  and  cords  for  powder-horns.  They  make  these 
to  perfection  and  with  great  ingenuity,  and  work  figures  on 
them.  Their  women  are  comely,  and  not  at  all  black.  They 
spin  the  Wool  of  the  buffalo,  and  make  with  it  all  these  arti- 
cles. These  jlinois  people  also  make  cabins  with  apaqiuns, 
with  which  they  also  shelter  themselves  from  rain  and  snow. 
They  are  very  clever. 

On  this  same  jlinois  River  is  a  village  called  pimrytesouy,  oc- 
cupied by  jlinois,  and  about  fifty  leagues  or  more  from  le 
Roche.  At  about  the  same  distance  on  this  same  River  are 
the  caokias,  who  are  jlinois.  They  have  as  missionary  a  priest 
named  Monsieur  Varlet,*  who  is  to  return  there  next  spring, 
1718.  He  Has  gone  to  find  a  priest  to  go  thither  %vith  Him. 
This  nation  Is  thirty  Leagues  from  the  Village  of  Roinsac, 
where  The  fathers  are,  which  is  called  cascaskias ;  they  all  are 
jlinois,  and  all  have  The  same  customs.  The  French  who  are 
settled  at  this  Village  say  that  it  is  The  most  prosperous  mis- 
sion among  all  The  Savages;  its  people  are  very  devout  and 
an  example  to  the  French.  This  nation  Is  quite  populous. 
They  have  all  The  same  customs ;  they  are  very  Industrious,  and 
do  a  great  deal  of  work.  In  those  regions  they  raise  a  great 
many  French  Melons,  which  have  green  flesh  inside,  and  are 
very  excellent.  The  climate  Is  delightful.  The  Savages,  be- 
sides raising  a  great  deal  of  indian  com,  also  produce  a  great 
deal  of  French  wheat.  There  are  three  flour-mills ;  one  a  wind- 
mill, one  a  horse-mill,  and  one  a  hand-mill.  They  have  oxen, 
cows,  pigs,  horses,  cliickens — in  fact,  everything  necessary  for 
their  subsistence.  The  French  wheat  thrives  very  well  here; 
it  is  Sown  in  autumn,  and  The  climate  is  milder  than  in  France. 


i  Dominique  Marie  Varlet  was  sent  to  the  Illinois  by  the  Seminaire 
del  Missions  ^trangdres  of  Quebec;  he  labored  with  them  from  1712 
to  1718,  when  he  was  recalled  to  France. — Eo. 


17 1 8]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  375 

Between  tliis  village  of  the  jlinois  and  the  other  on  the 
ouabache  it  is  40  leagues.  Going  down  the  Misisipy  from 
ouabacho  to  natches  the  distance  is  260  leagues.  This  is  the 
only  village  to  be  found  along  the  Misisipy  in  going  to  the  sea. 
It  is  500  leagues  from  the  sea  to  the  village  of  Rouainsac,  where 
The  fathers  Are ;  and  there  is  always  a  strong  current  in  com- 
ing up  the  Misisipy  from  the  sea. 

I  Return  to  the  River  of  the  miamis.  Its  entrance  from 
Lake  Esrie  Is  very  Wide,  and  on  both  sides,  for  a  distance 
of  ten  Leagues  in  Ascending,  there  is  nothing  but  continuous 
marshes.  In  these  there  is  at  all  seasons  game  without  end, 
especially  in  autumn  and  in  spring;  so  that  one  can  not  sleep 
on  account  of  the  noise  made  bv  tlie  cries  of  the  swans,  bus- 
tards,  geese,  ducks,  cranes,  and  other  birds.  This  river  is  sixty 
leagues  in  length,  and  is  very  difficult  in  summer  on  account 
of  the  shallowness  of  its  waters.  Thirty  leagues  up  is  a  place 
called  la  glaise  [the  place  of  clay],*  where  one  always  finds 
wild  cattle  [buffalo],  who  eat  the  clay  and  roll  in  it  The 
miamis  arc  Sixty  leagues  from  Lake  Esrie.  They  number  400 
men,  all  shapely  and  well  tattooed.  They  have  abundance  of 
women.  They  are  very  industrious,  and  raise  a  Kind  of 
indian  com  which  is  unlike  that  of  our  tribes  at  Destroit. 
Their  com  Is  white,  of  the  Same  size  as  the  other,  witK 
much  finer  husks  and  much  whiter  flour.  These  people  dress 
in  deer-skins;  and  when  a  girl  Is  married,  and  associates 
with  another  man  than  Her  husband,  tlie  latter  cuts  off  Her 
nose  and  has  no  more  intercourse  with  her.  This  is  the  only 
nation  that  has  this  custom.  They  are  fond  of  gaming  and 
dancing,  and  are  mainly  occupied  with  these.  The  women  are 
well  covered,  but  the  men  wear  very  little  covering,  and  have 
their  bodies  tattooed  all  over.  From  this  Village  of  the 
miamisi^  there  is  a  portage  of  three  Leagues  to  a  very  Narrow 
little  River;  and  that  river,  after  following  it  20  Leagues,  falls 
into  the  oyo  River,  or  beautiful  River ;  the  latter  empties  into 
tlie  ouabache,  another  fine  river,  which  faUs  into  the  Misisypy 


1  [Now]  Defiance,  In  the  N.  W.  of  Ohio. — E.  B.  O'Callaohan. 

2  On  tne  site  of  the  present  Fort  Wayne.  Ind. — Ed. 


376  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

40  Leagues  from  cascaskias.  Into  this  ouabache  river  empties 
also  the  casquinampo  [Tennessee],  by  which  one  goes  to  caro- 
linna ;  but  it  is  a  long  distance,  and  always  against  the  current. 

It  is  on  this  ouabache  River  that  the  ouyatanons  are  Setr 
tied.  They  have  five  villages,  all  built  close  together.  One 
is  called  ouyatanons,  another  peangnichias,  another  petiootias, 
and  another  Les  gros;  as  for  the  last^  I  do  not  remember  ita 
name.  But  they  are  all  ouyatanons.  They  speak  like  The 
miamis,  and  are  their  brothers ;  and  indeed  all  the  miamis  have 
the  same  customs  and  style  of  dress.  They  nmnber  fully  one 
thousand  or  twelve  hundred  men.  They  have  one  custom 
which  is  not  foimd  among  any  other  nations — they  keep  Their 
fort  very  clean.  They  do  not  allow  any  grass  to  grow  there, 
and  the  whole  fort  is  strewn  with  Sand,  like  the  Thyleris 
[Tuileries]  ;  and,  if  a  dog  drops  any  excrements  about  the  fort, 
The  women  pick  Them  up  and  carry  Them  outside.  Their  vil- 
lage is  Situated  on  a  high  Elevation.  They  have  more  than 
two  Leagues  of  fields^  where  they  raise  Their  indian  com, 
pumpkins,  and  melons ;  and  from  that  Elevation  one  sees  noth- 
ing but  prairies,  stretching  farther  than  the  eye  can  reach,  and 
abounding  in  buffalo.  Games  and  dances  without  end  take 
Place  among  them.  All  these  nations  use  a  great  deal  of  ver- 
milion. The  women  cover  themselves,  but  The  men  wear  very 
few  clothes.  It  is  by  the  oio  or  beautiful  River  that  the  yro- 
quois  come;  and,  as  they  Are  very  dangerous,  it  would  be  im- 
portant to  prevent  them  from  having  intercourse  with  the  ouya- 
tanons. This  warning  has  Long  been  repeated,  but  no  atten- 
tion has  been  paid  to  it. 

Tho  Misisypy  rises  in  a  Lake  in  the  syou  country.  This 
river  passes  near  the  jlinois.  This  is  about  all  that  I  Know 
about  those  places,  for  there  are  also  many  other  rivers  coming 
from  the  direction  of  the  testes  plates,  which  also  empty  into 
the  Misisypy ;  but  I  have  forgotten  the  names  of  those  rivers. 
There  is  one  called  chaouenons. 

[Endorsed:     "Fumislied  by  Monsieur  de  Sabrevois  in  1718.    6  Can- 
ada."] 


1718]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  377 

1718:     CONFERENCE  OF  WESTERN  INDIANS  WITH  GOVERNOR 

VAUDREUIL,  AT  MONTREAL. 

[Part  of   a   letter   from  Vaudreuil   to   Council;  dated   Oct    30,   1718. 
Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  document,  but  fol.  143.] 

There  is  no  warlike  movement  among  the  nations  of  the  upper 
country;  and  everything  has  b^n  quiet  there  since  the  expe- 
dition Made  in  1716  against  the  Renards — except  among  the 
Kikapous  and  the  Maskoutins,  who  have  continued  the  war 
against  the  Ilinois,  against  whom  they  have  made  incursions,  as 
the  Ilinois  have  against  them. 

The  Renards,  although  they  are  allies  of  the  Kikapous  and 
Maskoutins,  far  from  taking  any  part  in  this  war,  have  shown 
that  they  Are  disposed  to  maintain  peace  with  all  the  nations 
who  Are  allied  with  us.  For,  in  spite  of  their  fear  of  being 
ill  received  on  coming  here.  Because  they  were  not  able  to  ful- 
fil all  the  conditions  of  the  treaty  made  with  them  by  Monsieur 
de  Louvigny,  they  nevertheless  sent  Five  of  their  principal 
chiefs,  accompanied  by  some  others  of  their  people,  who  ar- 
rived at  Montreal  on  July  20th  last,  under  the  conduct 
of  Maurice  Mesnard  and  Pierre  Reaimie,  Interpreters.  Three 
Saki  chiefs  arrived  at  the  same  time;  and  next  day  those  of 
the  sauteurs  of  Chagouamigon  and  of  Keoueouenan  on  lake 
Superior  arrived  also,  with  Sieur  de  St.  Pierre,  who  conducted 
them.  Sieur  de  Vincennes  had  arrived  on  the  19th,  with  the 
principal  chief  of  the  Miamis  and  three  of  the  Ouyatanons. 

A  few  days  afterward,  having  assembled  the  chiefs  of  the 
nations  of  the  upper  country  who  were  at  Montreal,  And  Those 
of  the  savages  at  Sault  St  Louis,  at  Sault  aux  Recolets,  and 
at  bout  de  I'lsle,  I  gave  audience  to  the  Renard  Chiefs,  who 
said  that  they  were  sent  in  behalf  of  Onechala  of  Kiuetonan 
and  of  all  the  other  chiefs  of  their  Village,  by  the  Road  which 
Pemoussa  had  made  for  them,  to  Beg  me  to  take  pity  on  Them. 
They  confessed  that  it  was  owing  to  Monsieur  de  Louvigny 
that  they  still  saw  the  light  of  day,  and  that  they  had  not  yet 
recovered  from  the  fear  which  he  had  caused  them  when  he 
had  come  among  them.  They  added  that  they  hoped  I  would 
be  touched  with  compassion  for  their  misery,  and  would  not 


378  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.       [vol.Xvi 

treat  them  with  severity;  and  would  dissipate  the  fear  which 
still  Possessed  them,  by  restoring  to  them  some  of  their  Chil- 
dren— that  is,  some  of  their  people  who  were  Slaves  among  the 
French. 

As  all  the  Chiefs  of  the  nations  who  were  to  come  to  tlie 
general  assefmbly  had  not  yet  arrived,  I  put  oflf  my  reply  to 
the  Renards  until  the  4th  of  August.     I  spoke  to  them  that 
day  in  the  presence  of  our  resident  savages,  and  of  the  Chiefs 
of  all  the  nations  of  the  upper  country  who  had  come  to  Mon- 
treal, except  those  of  the  nations  at  Detroit,  who,  having  set 
out  to  come  to  tliis  assembly,  had  stopped  short  on  hearing  that 
there  was  sickness  at  Montreal.     After  addressing  to  them  the 
reproaches  which  they  deserved  for  not  having  done  everything 
in  their  power  for  the  Fulfilment  of  the  treaty,  I  declared  to 
them  that,  since  they  had  come  to  prove  their  submission  to 
me  and  to  conclude  peace  with  me  and  all  my  children,  I  was 
ready  to  receive  them  as  a  good  Father,  but  on  condition  That 
they  immediately  restore  the  prisoners  whom  they  may  still 
have  among  them,  and  especially  a  huron  woman  from  Detroit 
and  two  Sauteur  women;  and  that  they  oblige  the  Kikapous 
and  Maskoutins  also  to  restore  the  people  of  our  allies  who  may 
be  prisoners  among  them.     I  told  them  that  they  must  next 
year  bring  some  Slaves  to  replace  among  our  allies  Those  of 
their  number  who  have  been  killed  during  the  war;  and  that 
they  must  employ  every  means  to  prevent  The  Kikapou  and 
the  Mascoutin  from  continuing  to  make  war  against  the  Hinois, 
as  I  have  sent  Sieur  Deliette  among  the  Dinois  expressly  to 
put  an  end  to  this  war,  and  to  prevent  them  from  making  any 
movement  against  the  Kikapou  and  the  Maskoutin.     I  added 
also  that,  as  they  had  asked  me  to  restore  to  them  some  of  their 
children,  and  as  I  had  sent  back  last  year  one  of  the  three 
whom  I  held  as  hostages,  while  one  had  died  last  spring,  I 
would  restore  to  them  the  one  who  still  remained  alive.     I  said 
that  I  was  willing  to  let  them  take  with  them,  also,  some  of  those 
who  were  prisoners,  and  that  I  would  not  hinder  those  who 
remained  here  from  returning  next  year;  but  that  I  desired 
that  tliey  should  come  to  get  them  with  some  Chiefs  of  the 
Kikapous  and  Maskoutins,  and  particularly  the  one  named 


17 18]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  379 

la  Robe  blanche  [White  robe],  whom  I  summoned  by  a  Collar 
which  I  gave  them.  After  this  Okinaouassent,  brother  of 
Vechala  and  of  the  hostage  whom  I  sent  back  last  year,  spoke 
thus:  "My  Father,  The  Kikapou  and  the  Maskoutin  have 
not  dared  to  set  out  on  the  road  hither  for  fear  of  being  harshly 
received.  But  when  they  learn  how  You  have  received  the 
Outagami"  (that  is  the  Renard),  "they  will  make  no  difficulty 
about  coming  to  submit  to  a  Father  who  is  so  good.  Onechala 
himself,  who  has  not  been  willing  to  keep  his  promise,  fearing 
to  expose  himself  to  a  harsh  reception  in  coming  here,  will 
Doubtless  be  eager  to  come  when  we  tell  him  what  goodness  you 
have  shown  us,  and  what  good  treatment  You  have  given  us." 
As  it  was  Extremely  important  to  dismiss  the  Renards  well 
satisfied,  I  believed  that  out  of  the  seventeen  prisoners  of  their 
nation  whom  they  had  asked  for — among  whom  were  the  wife 
and  son  of  one  of  the  chiefs,  the  others  being  their  relatives — 
I  ought  to  grant  them  twelve.  For  this  I  had  all  the  more  rea- 
son, as  the  Miami  Chief  who  was  at  Montreal  had  given  back 
to  them  a  Young  woman,  who  was  His  slave,  and  as  our  Sav- 
ages from  the  Sault  liad  restored  a  man  to  them.  I  considered, 
in  granting  this  favor  to  them,  that  it  might  induce  Onechala, 
their  principal  chief,  to  come  down  next  year  to  get  the  Renards 
who  still  remain  in  the  Colony;  and  that  it  wdll  stir  up  the 
chiefs  of  the  Kikapous  and  the  Maskoutins  to  come  with  him, 
in  tlie  hope  of  getting  back  the  people  of  their  nation  who  are 
slaves  among  the  French.  That  favor  I  propose  to  grant,  With 
the  assent  of  His  Majesty,  after  they  shall  have  restored  to 
our  allies  the  people  whom  they  have  taken  From  them,  so  as 
to  confirm  by  this  means  a  peace  l)etsveen  all  the  nations  of  this 
<;ontinent  with  whom  the  French  have  any  dealings. 

[Endorsed:  "Canada,  No.  3.  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil, 
Oct.  30,  171S.  In  Council.  Regarding  the  Savages  of  the  upper  coun- 
try." "Carry  it  to  Monseigneur  the  Due  D'orleans,i  with  the  Map  of 
the  Country  on  which  are  indicated  the  habitations  of  all  those  sav- 
ages. Discussed  on  Jan.  31,  1719:  La  Chapelle.  Colonies:  Monsieur 
de  Vaudreuil."] 


1  Philippe,  due  d'Orleans,  who  was  regent  during  the  minority  of 
Louis  XV  (1715-23).— Ed.  j 


380  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVt 


1719:  FRENCH  GARRISON  SENT  TO  CHBQUAMBGON;  WAR  BBS- 
TWEEN  ILLINOIS  AND  WISCONSIN  TRIBES;  ENGLISH  IN- 
TRIGUES WITH  MIAMI S. 

[Part  of  a  letter  from  Vaudreuil  to  Council;   dated  Oct.  28,  1719. 
Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  documents,  but  toL  40,  c.  11,  foL 

179.] 

I  huve  received  the  letter  which  the  Council  did  me  the  honor 
of  writing  May  24th  last. 

I  continue  to  devote  all  my  attention  to  maintaining  peace 
among  tlie  Nations  of  the  upper  country.  I  sent  out  in  Sep- 
tember, last  year,  Sieur  de  St  Pierre,  captain,  and  Sieur  de 
Linctot,^  ensign,  with  some  Soldiers,  to  establish  a  post  at  point 
Ohagouamigon  on  Lake  Superior,  because  the  Savages  of  the 
sauteur  Nation  w^ho  live  there,  and  those  of  the  same  nation 
who  live  at  Kiwewenan  were  loudly  threatening  to  avenge  on 
the  nations  of  la  Baye  the  death  of  their  chiefs  who  were  killed 
in  the  Renard  war :  so  that  it  became  necessary  to  have  among 
them  some  people  who  could  divert  them  from  this  enterprise, 
whose  execution  might  have  caused  war  among  all  the  nations. 
Sieur  de  St.  Pierre,  who  has  great  influence  among  the 
Sauteurs,  was  so  successful  in  pacifying  them  that  they  think 
now  only  of  maintaining  the  peace. 

Three  chiefs,  sent  by  the  Kenard  nation,  coming  down  to 
Montreal  this  year,  accompanied  by  a  Kikapou  chief,  sent  by 
his  own  nation  and  by  that  of  the  Mascoutins,  assured  me  that 
they  were  all  disposed  to  maintain  peace  with  all  the  Nations ; 
and  said  that  they  had  returned  all  the  prisoners  taken  fr<Mn 
them  during  the  last  war.  In  fact,  all  the  Nations  present 
at  Montreal  at  the  time  when  these  Chiefs  conferred  with  me, 
assured  me  that  they  no  longer  had  any  more  prisoners  among 
those  nations.     Thus  all  would  l)e  peaceful  on  this  continent 

lOodefroy  de  Linctot,  an  officer  in  the  Canadian  army,  was  com- 
mandant at  La  Pointe  from  1720  to  1726;  in  the  latter  year  he  was  at 
Detroit;  and  from  1731  to  1733  was  in  charge  of  the  fort  on  Lake 
Pepin,  opposite  Maiden  Rock.  He  died  in  March,  1748.  Regarding 
the  Chequamegon  post,  see  Thwaites's  "Story  of  Chequamegon/'  in 
Wis.  HUt.  Colls.,  xiii,  pp.  410,  411.— Ed. 


17 IQ]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  38 1 

but  for  the  war  which  still  continues  between  the  Ilinois,  and 
the  Kikapous  and  Mascoutins,  in  which  the  Renards  now  find 
themselves  involved,  because  the  llinois  have  attacked  them  on 
various  occasions  since  last  year,  killing  and  taking  prisoners 
several  of  that  nation.  They  did  so  without  any  R^ard  for 
the  action  of  the  Renards,  who  sent  back  on  eight  different 
occasions  some  prisoners  whom  the  Kikapous  had  taken,  and 
whom  they  had  given  to  the  Renards — who,  in  Liberating 
these  prisoners,  always  charged  them  to  say  in  the  name  of 
their  Chiefs,  that,  if  they  desired  peace,  they  had  only  to  come 
to  their  Village,  and  there  they  would  be  in  safety.  As  these 
excuses  on  the  part  of  that  nation  seemed  reasonable  to  me, 
and  the  Kikapous  also  represented  that  it  was  not  they  who 
had  begun  the  war,  But  that  the  llinois  had  attacked  them  at 
a  time  when  they  themselves  were  only  desirous  of  living  at 
peace  with  all  the  Nations,  and  as  I  was,  moreover,  informed 
of  the  truth  of  all  these  nvatters,  I  judged  it  expedient  to  treat 
them  favorably.  But  I  gave  them  to  imderstand  that  tliis 
peace  must  be  made ;  and  that  in  order  to  succeed  in  this  they 
must  induce  their  allies,  the  Saskis  Nation,  to  cooperate  with 
them.  I  recommended  to  them  to  make  no  movement  against 
the  llinois  Nation  while  this  n^otiation  was  pending.  They 
promised  to  inform  those  who  had  sent  them  of  my  wishes,  and 
to  do  all  in  their  power  to  persuade  them  to  carry  them  out 
But  it  is  to  be  feared  that  their  peaceful  disposition  may  have 
changed;  Since  on  returning  home,  they  learned  that  a  band 
of  forty  llinois,  who  came  to  make  an  attack,  had  encountered 
on  their  way  the  Renards,  Kikapous,  and  Mascoutins,  in  the 
place  where  they  were  carrying  on  their  Summer  hunting  to- 
gether; and  had  been  so  completely  surrounded  and  attacked 
that  not  one  had  escaped — twenty  being  killed  On  the  spot, 
and  as  many  more  being  made  prisoners.  As  this  affair  must 
have  led  those  three  Nations  to  form  a  large  band  to  go  to  at- 
tack their  enemy  in  his  own  country,  it  will  prove  impossible 
to  arrange  this  peace,  unless  The  officer  in  command  among 
the  llinois  is  able  to  induce  that  Nation  to  make  overtures  to 
obtain  it 

I  have  much  less  difficulty  in  keeping  the  five  Iroquois 


382  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

Nations  favorably  disposed  toward  the  French  than  in  deal- 
ing with  all  the  other  Xations  of  tlm  upper  country,  and  in 
maintaining  ]>eace  among  them.  I  would  not  have  sent  to  the 
Council  die  Collar  which  the  five  Tro<)uois  Nations  presented 
to  His  Majesty,  in  1717,  if  it  had  not  been  presented  on  The 
occasion  of  his  auspicious  succession  to  the  Crown.  Accord- 
ingly, I  will  conform  with  the  order  of  the  Council  in  sending 
no  more  such  Collars. 

It  seemB  to  me  very  necessary  that  Sieur  Dubuisson  should 
continue  to  serve  in  that  country,  as  he  is  more  capable  than 
any  other  officer  of  managing  the  Ouyatonons  and  the  Miamis,. 
who  Know  and  esteem  him,  and  among  whom  he  has  had  con- 
siderable reputation  since  the  defeat  of  the  Renards  at  Detroit,, 
where  he  was  in  command  during  the  absence  of  Siefur  de  la 
forest ;  and  where  the  Miamis  and  the  Ouyatanons  used  to  come 
to  trade,  as  their  Village  was  not  at  that  time  very  far  distant 
from  that  post.  Those  two  Itfations  have  as  yet  made  no  move- 
ment to  go,  one  to  the  St.  Joseph  River,  and  the  other  to  the 
Tatiky.^  They  promised  me,  in  messages  sent  to  me  last  Sum- 
mer, ihat  they  would  not  fail  to  go  there  this  autumn;  But 
they  have  changed  their  minds  since  that  time.  For  I  leam 
from  the  last  letters  I  have  received  from  the  Miamis  that,. 
Sieur  de  Vincennes  having  died  in  their  Village,  Those  Savagea 
had  resolved  not  to  go  to  the  St  Joseph  River,  but  to  remain 
where  they  are. 

As  this  resolution  is  fraught  with  danger  on  account  of  the 
ease  w^ith  which  they  can  communicate  with  the  English, — 
who  are  incessantly  sending  them  Collars  undei^ground,  in 
order  to  gain  them  over  by  means  of  certain  Iroquois  Couriers 
and  others  who  are  in  their  hire, — I  had  intended  that  Sieur 
Dubuisson  should  command  at  the  post  among  the  Ouyatanons, 
and,  on  his  way  thither,  should  Use  all  his  Influence  among^ 
the  Miamis  to  decide  That  Nation  to  go  to  the  St.  Joseph  River ; 
or  that  he  should  remain  in  the  place  where  they  are  settled,, 
if  they  did  not  wish  to  abandon  it,  so  as  to  obviate  the  effect 

iQr  Teatiky,  more  often  written  Theakiki;  the  early  name  of  the* 
Kankakee  river  in  Illinois. — Ed. 


I719J  FRENXH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  383 

of  all  tliese  Collars  which  they  receive  only  too  frequently,  and 
which  have  led  eight  or  ten  Canoes  of  Miamis  to  go  to  carry 
on  their  trade  at  Orange  this  year,  and  might  lead  that  whole 
Nation  to  follow  their  example. 

To  prevent  those  Collars  from  producing  such  Eesulta, 
much  vigilance  is  necessary  on  the  part  of  a  Commandant,  in 
order  to  discover  them ;  and,  when  he  has  done  so,  miuch  ability 
is  needed  to  render  them  of  no  avail.  Sieur  Dubuisson  has  all 
the  necessary  qualities  for  this ;  and  there  is  no  oflScer  as  capable 
as  he  is  of  dealing  with  those  Nations  and  inducing  them  to  do 
everything  that  we  wish. 

It  will  certainly  be  easier  for  him  than  for  any  other  to  suc- 
ceed, owing  to  his  disinterestedness  and  Liberality,  and  his 
firmness  in  matters  that  require  it.  I  Beg  the  Council  to  take 
this  into  consideration. 

I  asked  for  him,  two  years  ago,  the  Cross  of  St.  Louis ;  And, 
as  it  has  not  been  granted,  I  Beg  The  Council  to  please  obtain 
from  His  Majesty  this  mark  of  distinction,  which  I  think  that 
he  has  merited  by  thirty-three  years  of  service  in  this  country, 
and  by  his  Valor,  his  wounds,  and  his  good  conduct;  while, 
moreover,  it  seems  to  me  necessary  in  the  post  which  I  propose 
to  confide  to  him,  if  the  Council  be  pleased  to  excuse  him  from 
going  to  Isle  Royale. 

Approved:  La  Chapelle.  • 

Discussed  on  March  11,  1720. 

[Endorsed:     "Colonies:     Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil.    Take  this  to  Mon- 
seigneur  the  Regent."] 


1719:     ACCOUNT  OP  DB  LIGNBRY  FOR  EXPENSES  INCURRED 

BT  HIM. 

[Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  documents,  but  vol.  44,  c  11,  foL 

46.] 

I  humbly  beg  Monsieur  the  Gk)vernor-general  to  have  the 
goodness,  with  Monsieur  the  Intendant^  to  attend  to  the  reim- 
bursement which  I  request  for  advances  made,  on  the  account 
of  the  King,  at  Missilimakinac,  since  1715. 


384  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

Paid  in  1715  to  Sieur  Guenet  100  livres  in  Beaver  for  200  livree 

of  grease.  ' 
paid  to  Sieur  La  Ferte      .        46  livres  for  92  livres   of  grease, 
paid  to  Sieur  Gatineau     .      600  livres  for  33  minots  of  wheat, 
paid  to  Sieur  Rose  .      200  livres  for  presents  Made  to  the 

Savages.  

946  livres  in  Beaver. 

In  addition,  bought  800  livres  of  oil,  for  the  subsistence  of 

the  garrison,  from  the  month  of  September,  1715,  to  September, 

1716;  and,  for  the  expedition  against  the  Renards,  furnished 

the  Following: 

Four  red  blankets. 

4  blue  blankets. 

3  white  blankets. 

6  pairs  of  mitasses. 

4  of  my  own  shirte. 

Moreover,  given  in  1715,  when  I  dismissed  the  Savages  who 
had  come  for  the  Renard  war : 

66  livres  of  powder    |        of  my  own,  from  a  present  giv^i 
100  livres  of  lead         )        me  by  Monsieur  The  Intendant. 
Besides  that,  I  furnished 

15  livres  of  black  tobacco, 
and  50  livres  of  white  tobacco. 
On  this,  I  have  received  at  the  King's  Warehouse,  since  that 
time: 

3  medium-sized  capes  of  smooth  cloth 

3  white  blankets 

6  pairs  of  sleeves 

8  dozen  Knives 

50  livres  of  powder 

230  livres  of  lead. 

I  Certify  that  I  have  furnished  the  articles  contained  in  this 

statement^  for  the  good  of  the  Service. 
Quebec,  Nov.  15,  1719. 

(Signed)  de  Ligneey. 
Collated  with  The  original  in  the  hands  of  the  Secretary  of 
Monseigneur  the  Governor-General. 

Delenaqe. 

Subscribed  at  Quebec,  Feb.  17,  1720. 


1720]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  385 

1720:     LOUVIONT  APPOINTED  COMMANDANT-GBKBRAL  IN  TH8 

NORTHWBST. 

[Proceedings  of  Council  of  Marine,  March  12,  1720.    Source,  same  as 
that  of  preceding  documents,  hut  vol.  41,  c.  11,  foL  177.] 

Sieur  de  Louvigny^  Lieutenant  of  the  King  at  Quebec, 
having  represented  that  it  would  be  necessary  for  the  King  to 
designate  some  person  authorized  to  make  an  inspection,  at  least 
every  two  years,  of  the  Posts  in  the  upper  country,  to  ascer- 
tain what  is  going  on  there,  and  to  remedy  any  disorders  aris- 
ing there,  so  that  orders  to  that  end  might  be  given  in  accord- 
ance with  the  reports  which  would  be  made  by  the  person  en- 
trusted with  that  Commission, — to  whom  it  would  be  Neces- 
sary to  give  a  Brevet  as  Commandant-General  in  the  countries 
where  the  French  trade,  so  as  to  avoid  all  discussion  with  the 
Commandants  of  the  Posts, — he  offered  at  the  same  time  to 
undertake  this  Commission.^  letters  were  written  to  Monsieur 
the  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil,  asking  for  his  opinion  of  this  prop- 
osition. He  answers'  that  this  inspection  seems  to  him  expe- 
dient, in  order  to  maintain  good  order  and  peace  among  the 
Nations ;  he  adds  that  Sieur  de  Louvigny  knows  perfectly  their 
character  and  their  interests,  and  can,  better  than  any  one 
else,  acquit  himself  of  this  Mission,  for  which  he  considers 
that  he  will  need  a  brevet  of  Commandant-Gteneral  in  the  coun- 
try where  the  French  trade.  But  he  feels  that  he  ought  to 
state  that  this  Commission  will  prove  useless  If  the  Li- 
censes are  suppressed;  for  in  that  case,  as  it  will  be  Lnpos- 
sible  to  Bring  to  those  Posts  the  supplies  necessary  for  their 
maintenance  and  for  the  Subsistence  of  their  Garrisons,  they 
will  necessarily  be  abandoned.  He  adds  that.  If  this  Arrange- 
ment is  carried  out,  a  new  expense  will  accrue  to  His  Majesty — 
which  Will  be  a  considerable  one  on  account  of  the  presents 
which  Sieur  de  Louvigny  Will  be  obliged  to  Make  to  the  Na- 

1  Marginal  note:  "Approved.  Opinion  of  the  council:  the  title  of 
commandant-general  of  the  upper  country  should  he  given  to  Monsieor 
de  louvigni  by  an  order  of  the  king;  and  this  should  give  him  no  rank 
in  the  colony  but  that  of  lieutenant  of  the  king." 

a  Marginal  note:     "Oct.  15,  1719." 

26 


386  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 

tions  among  whom  he  goes ;  and  because  of  the  two  Canoes  he- 
will  need  for  each  visit,  whose  equipment,  with  provisions  and 
pay  for  4  men  in  each,  will  cost  more  than  3,000  livres.  This 
does  not  include  the  provisions  needed  for  Sieur  de  Louvigny, 
and  a  Gratuity  which  he  will  be  sure  to  ask  for  on  his  return 
from  each  trip.  Finally,  if  his  Majesty  is  unwilling  to  incur 
this  expense,  He  can  not  refuse  him  a  sufficient  number  of  per- 
mits to  defray  it 

The  Council  considers  it  necessary  to  order  these  Visits,  and 
holds  that  they  ought  to  be  Made  at  the  King's  expense,  with- 
out granting  any  Permits.  It  deems  that  the  Brevet  of  Com- 
mandant-General of  the  advanced  Posts  should  be  granted  as 
requested. 

[Endorsed:     "To  be  taken  to  Monseigneur  tne  due  d'orleans:    March 
12,  1720."] 


1720:     EXPENSES  OF  FOX  WAR. 

[Memorial  of  Captain  de  Lignery  to  the  Council,  asking  for  reim* 
hnrsement  of  his  expenses  in  the  war.  Source,  same  as  preceding 
documents,  but  vol.  44,  c.  11,  fol.  47.] 

To  his  Serene  Highness,  Monseigneur  the  Count  de  Toulouze: 
MoNSEiGNEUB — De  Ligucry,  Captain  in  Canada,  Very 
humbly  Represents  to  Your  serene  highness  that,  while  com- 
mandant at  the  post  of  Michilimakiac,  he  made  some  advanoes 
to  the  King  for  presents  to  the  savages,  and  for  the  Expedition 
against  the  Renards.  For  these,  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de 
Vaudreuil  had  told  him  to  reimburse  himself  out  of  the  Stores 
remainiiig  at  Miehilimakiac,  when  he  was  relieved ;  but  as  there 
was  not  enough  merchandise,  without  taking  the  munitions  of 
war^  he  could  not  do  so,  as  he  did  not  wish  to  strip  the  post 
when  there  were  Important  affairs  to  be  Settled.  Monsieur 
Beaujeux,*  who  Relieved  him,  had  moreover  begged  him  to  seek 

iFor  sketch  of  Daniel  Lienard  de  Beaujeu,  see  Wi9,  Hist  ColU.,  r, 
p.  115;  at  pp.  108-122  are  also  given  biographical  notices  of  Louvigny, 
Perrot,  Lignery,  La  Ferridre  Marin,  Dubuisaon,  Coulon  and  Neyon  do 
Villiers,  Noyelle,  and  St  Ange. — Ed. 


1720]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN,  387 

reimbursement  at  Quebec,  I  enclose  his  certificatei,  and  a  copy 
of  the  statement  which  I  have  given  to  Monsieur  the  Marquis 
de  Vaudreuily  who  had  promised  to  speak  of  this  to  Monsieur 
The  intendant  The  latter  told  me  that  he  had  no  funds  for 
this,  and  that  I  should  lay  my  statement  before  the  Council  of 
Marine.  Having,  also,  before  departure,  had  a  new  Estab- 
lishment created  for  the  Outavois  and  the  French,  on  the  other 
Side  of  The  Eiver;  a  fort  for  the  garrison,  with  two  guard- 
houses; and  a  40-foot  house — all  at  his  own  expense,  He  very 
humbly  begs  Your  serene  Highness  to  take  this  into  Considera- 
tion, And  also  the  trouble  and  pains  he  has  taken  to  ensure 
the  success  of  this  war,  of  which  he  has  borne  the  whole  Load* 
Monsieur  de  Louvigny  having  received  for  this  campaign 
a  gratuity  of  one  thousand  Ecus,  he  Hopes,  Monseigneur,  that 
you  will  do  him  this  justice,  as  he  needs  this  Assistance.  He 
will  continue  to  wish  and  pray  for  the  Preservation,  Health 
And  prosperity  of  Your  serene  highness. 


1720:  FUR  TRADE  IN  NORTHWEST;  RESTRICTIONS  NEEDED; 
EVILS  OF  INTEMPERANCE  AMONG  SAVAGES;  POLICY  TO 
BE  PURSUED  BY  FRENCH. 

[Memorial  of  Louvigny  to  Council;  dated  Oct  15,  1720.    Source,  same 
as  that  of  preceding  documents,  but  vol.  42,  c.  11,  fol.  238.] 

My  Lobds — I  have  received  the  order  of  the  Eiiig  with 
which  it  has  pleased  you  to  honor  me,  My  Lords,  in  my  capacity 
of  Commandant-General  of  the  upper  country  of  this  Colony. 
I  venture  to  assure  you  that  I  will  Conform  with  what  is  con- 
tained therein,  and  will  employ  all  my  efforts  in  laboring  to 
satisfy  His  Majesty,  In  pursuance  of  the  orders  with  which 
it  has  pleased  you  to  charge  me. 

You  order  Me,  My  lords,  to  remedy  the  abuses  that  are  Prev- 
alent, to  maintain  peace  and  union  among  the  Savage  Nations, 
and  absolutely  to  prevent  the  French  from,  selling  brandy.  I 
shall  not  fail  to  follow  your  just  and  valued  orders,  as  well 
as  lies  in  my  power ;  and  on  my  return  I  will  give  to  My  Lords 


388  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVI 

a  truthful  picture  of  the  condition  of  each  settl^nent;  of  the 
abuses  that  exist  there ;  of  the  means,  according  to  my  lights, 
for  remedying  them.  This  I  would  not  have  ventured  to  un- 
dertake, if  the  orders  with  which  I  am  charged  did  not 
impose  this  duty  on  me. 

Since  I  am  honored  with  a  Commission  and  chaiged  with 
your  orders,  permit  me.  My  Lords,  to  explain  the  difficulties 
in  the  way  of  executing  them,  and  the  remedies  to  be  applied. 
I  had  foreseen  them  several  years  ago.  Since  that  time  affairs 
have  come  to  suc^  a  pass  that  it  is  necessary  to  display  as  much 
Severity  as  we  have  employed  indulgence.  If  we  wish  to  avert 
the  evils  of  a  war  which  will  not  fail  to  arise  between  the  Sav- 
ages and  the  French. 

When  the  posts  were  established  in  the  upper  country, 
through  the  wise  foresight  of  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vau- 
dreuil,  it  was  with  the  intention  that  a  Certain  number 
of  Licenses,  granted  under  Specified  conditions  for  trading 
with  the  Savages  of  each  place,  should  not  be  valid  in  other 
posts;  so  that  the  French  who  obtained  these  Licenses  would 
ensure  the  safety  of  the  posts  to  which  they  were  assigned. 
Without  Being  allowed  to  Roam  with  the  savages  in  the  woods 
and  to  Infringe  on  the  limits  of  the  other  posts. 

These  just  regulations  are  transgressed  by  the  greed  of  the 
Coureurs  de  Bois,  a  greed  prejudicial  to  the  state,  to  good  order, 
and  to  Trade.  The  impunity  witli  which  they  have  violated 
the  law  seems  to  constitute  an  authority  for  these  voyageurs, 
against  whom  it  will  be  necessary  to  fix  a  severe  and  exemplary 
penalty,  to  be  visited  upon  all  offenders  On  valid  accusation 
and  report  by  the  officers  in  command  at  the  forts,  and  by  the 
Missionaries. 

The  Trade  in  brandy,  which  My  Lords  absolutely  prohibit, 
is  the  Cause  of  all  the  troubles  among  the  Savages,  among  whom 
there  are  no  laws,  and  no  punishments  beyond  the  will  to  do 
harm. 

The  Savages  no  longer  Think  of  hunting  in  order  to  clothe 
Themselves  but  only  to  get  drink.  Brandy  is  making  them  poor 
and  miserable ;  sickness  is  killing  them  off ;  and  they  slay  one 
another  on  very  slight  provocation,  and  without  any  penalty 


I720J  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  389 

for  the  murderer  except  the  risk  of  meetiiig  The  same  fata 
Through  this  fear  they  disband  and  quit  their  Villages  to  settle 
elsewhere  in  f amilies,  for  fear  of  being  killed  by  the  relatives 
of  those  whom  they  have  slain.  They  no  longer  recognize  any 
Chiefs,  or  any  subordination;  and  they  are  all  Furious  and 
frantic  in  their  intoxication,  since  when  they  can  not  stab  one 
another,  and  when  their  weapons  have  been  taken  from  theni^ 
they  bite  off  one  another's  ears  and  noses.  Such,  My  Lords,  is 
a  Picture  of  the  effects  of  brandy  among  them,  whence  it  is 
easy  to  judge  how  little  order  or  reason  there  is  among  people 
who  are  in  a  state  of  Perpetual  intoxication. 

I  am  persuaded  that  there  will  be  difficulty  at  first  in  this 
absolute  prohibition ;  but  great  evils  call  for  powerful  remedies, 
and  the  Savages,  If  they  can  again  taste  the  sweets  of  tranquil- 
lity, Know  that  they  Will  live  in  greater  comfort,  and  will  no 
longer  have  their  minds  filled  with  the  ideas  of  revenge  which 
torment  them,  and  which  they  I'evive  in  their  intoxication. 
They  will  Become  more  tractable,  and  more  submissive  to  the 
French ;  and  will  devote  themselves  to  procuring  good  furs,  and 
will  listen  to  the  advice  of  the  Commandants.  This  Conver- 
sion can  not  be  brought  about  without  threats  on  their  part  of 
going  to  the  English  to  get  brandy,  for  the  drunkards  will  not 
easily  be  cured  of  the  desire  for  drink. 

The  threats  of  the  Savages  to  go  among  the  English  are  often 
made  to  avoid  paying  their  debts.  The  greed  of  the  French 
Traders  Leads  them  to  lend  easily^  and  more  than  the  Savages 
can  pay ;  that  gives  rise  to  quarrels,  and  leads  the  French  to 
Run  after  their  debts,  and  to  pass  the  winter  in  the  woods  and 
to  fix  their  abode  in  the  upper  country,  which  renders  them 
undisciplined  and  like  the  Savages.  Accordingly,  to  secure 
order,  I  think  it  ought  to  be  forbidden  to  the  French  to  lend 
Cloths ;  but  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  lend  powder  and  shot 
only,  to  enable  the  savages  to  hunt  and  subsist.  They  should  also 
be  forbidden  to  pass  the  winter  stealthily  in  the  woods,  roam- 
ing about  with  the  Savages;  but  should  remain  at  the  posts 
designated  in  their  Licenses — since  it  is  not  for  the  Savages 
to  keep  the  French  in  order;  but  it  is  for  Us,  who  ought  to 
be  law-abiding,  to  bring  the  savages  to  be  so  by  the  persuasioiL 


390  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [  Vol.  XVl 

of  our  examples.  Indeed,  they  would  C'onfonn  with  these,  if 
they  were  not  led  astray  by  the  Coureurs  de  bois,  who  refuse 
to  obey  the  orders  given  to  them. 

Yon  order  me,  My  Lords,  to  establish  union  among  these 
Nations,  and  I  will  do  ray  best ;  but  that  they  can  be  restrained 
from  pursuing  their  ideas  of  revenge,  which  are  Often  very 
Capricious,  and  from  exercising  their  ferocity,  is  a  thing  which 
I  believe  impossible.     It  would  be  necessary  to  change  their 
natures.     It  is  more  expedient  for  the  rcj)ose  of  all  the  Euro- 
peans to  let  the  Savages  who  have  a  war  between  themselves 
fight  it  out,  rather  than  to  undertake  to  concern  ourselves  with 
their  quarrels.     We  should  reserve  to  ourselves  only  the  quality 
of  Mediators,  whenever  thev  have  recourse  to  the  Mediation  of 
the  French;  for,  no  matter  wliat  agreement  the  latter  may  se- 
cure between  these  Nations  to  reconcile  them,  they  observe  it 
only  as  long  as  they  choose  to,  and  the  Caprice  of  an  individual 
can  break  it  off  at  a  moment's  notice.     When  they  wish  to  end 
s,  war  among  themselves,  they  know  better  than  We  the  means 
for  Ending  it ;  and  if  by  chance  we  Are  obliged  to  take  a  hand 
in  the  matter,  How  much  merchandise,  how  much  expense  and 
activity  are  necessary !  which  are  very  often  of  no  avail,  on  ac- 
<50unt  of  the  little  confidence  that  can  be  reposed  in  those  peoples. 

To  succeed,  it  would  be  necessary  that  the  French  remain 
in  the  posts  to  which  they  are  assigned,  without  Roaming  in 
the  woods.  It  may  easily  happen  that  a  band  of  hostile  sav- 
ages, coming  to  attack  those  whom  the  French  accompany  in 
the  woods,  may  fall  upon  and  Kill  tlie  latter  also,  as  they  come 
and  go.  Those  Savages  will  think  it  sufficient  excuse  to  say 
that  it  was  a  mistake.  That  has  happened  this  year;  but  it 
would  not  have  happened  save  for  the  disobedience  and  Caprice 
of  the  Coureurs  de  bois,  who  violate  repeated  orders,  which  they 
openly  mock. 

The  Savages  to  justify  themselves,  say:  "Why  do  we  find 
the  Frenchman  on  our  war-path?  He  carries  powder  and 
weapons  to  our  enemies."  Now,  to  obviate  these  embarrassing 
occurrences,  there  would  be  necessary,  I  venture  to  suggest.  My 
Lords,  a  prohibition  issued  by  the  Council  and  published 
through  tlie  whole  country,  which  should  inflict  Material  pun- 


1720]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN,  39I 

ishment — either  confiscation  to  the  Royal  domain  of  the  Prop- 
erty and  Estates  of  those  Violating  the  law,  or  some  other  Severe 
penalty  which  will  reduce  to  submission  the  Coureurs  de  bois, 
who  trust  To  the  nearness  of  the  English.  For  my  part,  I 
deem  that  it  is  better  in  a  Colony  to  have  fewer  subjects  and 
obedient  ones,  than  to  have  a  great  number  without  law  or  or- 
der. A  single  example  would  renderr  the  others  more  Discreet 
in  future. 

If  the  Licenses  are  too  numerous,  you  might,  My  Lords,  al- 
low a  reduced  number,  instead  of  the  24  that  were  granted* 
Even  if  there  were  only  twelve  or  sixteen,  they  would  be  worth 
more  money;  and  it  will  amount  to  the  same  thing  for  the 
persons  who  get  any  profit  from  them,  and  the  traders  will  do 
better  business ;  for  to  Suppress  them  altogether  would  at  once 
bewilder  the  Savages  and  give  them  a  good  reason  for  seeking 
their  necessary  supplies  elsewhere.  It  would  also  furnish  free 
entry  for  Strangers  into  the  whole  upper  country,  to  which 
they  are  already  inclined  by  the  invitations  that  they  get  every 
year. 

If  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  and  Monsieur  Begon 
furnish  me  the  means  for  making  this  journey  and  all  the  neces- 
sary movements,  I  hope  to  inform  you.  My  Lords,  fully  and 
truly  concerning  all  the  posts  established  among  the  Nations 
dependent  on  this  Colony,  and  to  merit  by  the  truthfulness  of 
all  my  respectful  observations  the  honor  of  your  protection. 

LOUVIGNT. 
Quebec,  Oct.  15,  1720. 


1720:     EXPENSES  FOR  INSPECTING  THE  UPPER  POSTS. 

[Letter  of  Louvigny  to  the  Council;  dated  Oct  19,  1720.    Source,  same 

as  preceding  documents,  but  fol.  237.] 

My  Lords,  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  has  told  me 
of  the  order  which  he  has  transmitted  to  me  as  Commandant  of 
the  upper  country,  and  has  said  that  he  had  no  funds  to  enable 
me  to  make  this  journey,  as  it  should  be  made  with  Suitable 


392  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVi 

dignity,  since  I  would  appear  there  to  restrain  the  French  and 
to  make  an  impression  on  the  savages,  and  not  as  a  trader. 

He  has  ordered  me  to  give  him  a  statement  of  the  expense 
absolutely  necessary  for  this  Journey,  which  will  last  eightee(n 
months.  I  have  done  so  with  the  closest  economy  possible,  for 
at  any  rate  I  shall  need  provisions  during  18  months  of  travel — 
bread,  peas,  and  Bacon ;  and  I  shall  have  to  confer  with  sixteen 
different  Nations  among  whom  I  Shall  be  obliged  to  go.  My 
estimate  amounts  to  six  thousand  livres  Canadian  monev. 

He  told  me  that  he  would  inform  you,  My  Lords,  and  ask 
you,  in  case  you  approved  this  expense,  to  send  your  orders  by 
the  first  Vessels,  as  the  King's  Ship  arrives  too  late  to  admit  of 
my  setting  out  for  so  distant  regions  aftefr  its  arrival.  I  an- 
swered Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  that  I  was  always  ready  to  exe- 
cute your  orders.  My  Lords,  and  those  which  he  may  give  me, 

LOUVIGNY. 
Quebec,  Oct  19,  1720. 


1720-21:  MORE  JESUITS  NEEDED  IN  UPPER  COUNTRY;  HOS- 
TILITIES BETWEEN  FOXES  AND  OTHER  TRIBES;  MIAMI8 
REFUSE  TO  MIGRATE. 

[Letter  of  Governor  Vaudreuil  to  Council,  dated  Oct.  22,  1720.    Source, 
same  as  that  of  preceding  documents,  but  fdl.  164.] 

I  have  received  the  Tetter  which  the  Council  did  me  The 
honor  of  writing  on  June  7th,  last 

I  will  carefully  conform  with  the  Intentions  of  His  Majesty 
as  regards  the  expenses  for  the  Inspection  of  the  posts,  which 
Monsieur  de  Louvigny,  lieutenant  of  the  King  at  Quebec,  is  to 
make  in  the  capacity  of  Commandant-general  of  the  Posts ;  and 
no  license  will  be  given  to  meet  this  expense,  Since  His  Majesty 
desires  that  it  be  charged  to  his  account. 

The  Procurator  of  the  Jesuits  not  having  sent  to  Canada 
this  year  the  four  Missionaries  whom  the  Council  had  asked 
him  to  Send,  I  beg  the  Council  to  be  pleased  to  oblige  the  Proc- 
urator to  Send  them  next  year,  as  we  need  that  number/ 

1  Marginal  note:     •'Mention  this  to  the    Father   Procurator   of   the 
Jesuits." 


1720-21]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  3Q3 

The  Renardsy  Kikapous,  and  Mascoutins  still  continue  their 
war  Against  the  IlinoiSy  and  threaten  all  the  other  nations,  with- 
out consideration  for  any  except  That  of  the  Sious,  whom  they 
for  a  time  induced  to  espouse  their  cause,  but  who  have  again 
withdrawn  from  them,  according  to  The  last  news  that  I  have 
received  by  Way  of  detroit. 

The  Renards  have  forgotten  the  sorry  State  to  which  they 
found  Themselves  reduced  four  years  ago.  The  peace  that 
was  granted  to  them  has  served  only  to  increase  their  pride  and 
their  Insolence.  They  have  paid  no  attention  to  all  that 
Ouachala,  one  of  their  principal  chiefs,  who  came  to  Montreal 
last  year,  has  been  able  to  say  in  my  name  to  induce  them  to 
make  peace  with  The  Ilinois.  On  the  Contrary,  They  have 
despised  this  Chief,  because  he  seemed  too  well-affected  toward 
the  French.  He  himself  has  sent  me  word  that  The  Young 
men  had  lost  their  Senses,  and  that  he  would  be  Constrained  to 
abandon  it  [the  peace]. 

They  have  recently  violated  The  law  of  nations  in  killing  a 
Miami  who  had  gone  to  see  the  Sakis,  who  Are  their  Neigh- 
bors and  their  allies;  and  the  latter,  foreseeing  the  grievou* 
consequences  of  this  murder  and  of  the  bad  Conduct  of  the 
Renards,  appear  determined  not  only  to  concern  themselves  no 
longer  with  their  affairs,  but  even  to  abandon  them  absolutely, 
and  go  to  settle  on  the  St.  Joseph  River,  for  fear  of  being  con- 
founded with  Them  in  the  Vengeance  which  the  other  nations, 
our  allies,  wish  to  take  for  the  Continual  Insults  which  they 
have  suffered  from  the  Renards.  This  fear  is  not  ill-founded, 
since  Sieur  de  Tonty  writes  me  (Aug.  27th)  that  the  Principal 
Chief  of  the  Pouteouatamis  has  Secretly  declared  to  him  that 
those  nations  are  ready  to  make  war  on  the  Renards,  if  I  will 
abandon  that  tribe  to  Them:  and  that  he  Counts  on  at  least 
a  thousand  men,  people  from  the  lake  and  from  the  Miamis, 
Ouayatanons,  and  Ilinois ;  but  he  said  that  they  would  not  un- 
dertake anything  without  first  knowing  my  Wishes  in  the  Mat- 
ter. The  Disposition  of  all  those  nations  to  attack  The 
Renards,  without  concerning  ourselves  with  the  matter,  seems 
to  me  favorable  in  that  this  proud  nation,  Finding  all  the  others 
declaring  against  them,  may  finally  decide  to  act  with  move 


394  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.Xvi 

Moderation — especially  as  Ouacantape,  Chief  of  the  Sious, 
has  decided  to  abandon  tlieir  Cause,  which  will  greatly  huniili- 
atei  Them;  And  as  they  will  be  obliged,  in  case  the  League  of 
nations  should  march  against  them,  to  make  a  firm  peace  with 
the  latter,  by  yielding  the  Satisfaction  they  ask,  or  by  going 
so  far  away  that  they  can  no  longer  Trouble  those  tribes.  Ac- 
cordingly I  shall  not  hesitate  to  abandon  the  Renards  to  these 
nations,  if  I  learn  next  year  tliat  they  have  not  made  suitable 
amends  to  the  Miamis,  and  that  they  Continue  ix>  make  War 
against  the  Ilinois. 

According  to  advices  received  from  St.  Joseph  River  and  the 
OuyatAnons  post,  some  savages  of  That  nation,  to  the  number 
of  forty  or  50,  have  gone  to  settle  at  the  Teatiky,  And  it  was 
Hoped  that  the  rest  would  Follow  Them  this  autumn.  It  is, 
however,  to  be  Feared  that  the  Pianginchias,  who  are  more  nu- 
merous than  all  the  rest,  may  decide  to  remain  where  they  are ; 
for  they  have  been  solicited  by  the  Canadians  who  have  fled  to 
Caskakias,  Who  have  told  the  Savages  that  they  would  take 
care  to  bring  them  merchandise,  and  that  the  oflScer  who  was 
in  command  in  tlie  country  of  the  Ilinois,  claiming  that  they 
were  his  dependents,  was  on  the  point  of  having  their  post  occu- 
pied by  an  officer  with  a  Garrison.  This,  according  to  my 
views,  is  wholly  Prejudicial  to  the  welfare  of  This  Colony  and 
to  the  imion  which  ought  to  exist  between  the  ouyatanons  and 
the  Miamis ;  for  they  are  one  and  the  same  nation,  having  sep- 
arated into  two  Bodies  on  account  of  the  Jealousy  of  the  Chiefs 
who  formerly  governed  them.  Besides,  that  nation  has  never 
been  Considered  as  belonging  either  to  the  Ilinois  coimtry  or 
to  Louisiana, 

A  part  of  the  Miamis,  numbering  about  one  hundred  men, 
have  gone  to  Settle  on  the  St  Joseph  River,  where  still  others 
were  expected.  However,  The  majority  of  the  Savages  of  that 
nation  continue  to  remain  in  tlieir  usual  territorv,  and  do  not 
appear  at  all  disposed  to  go  to  the  St.  Joseph  River.  Some  of 
tlieir  Chiefs,  who  are  very  much  under  the  influence  of  the 
English  and  tlve  Iroquois,  on  seeing  that  I  was  causing  all  the 
French  who  were  in  their  Village  to  withdraw,  have  taken  ad- 
vantage of  this  to  insinuate  that  I  wished  to  abandon  the  na- 


1720-21]  FRENCH   REGIME    IN   WISCONSIN.  395 

tion,  and  that  they  ought,  therefore,  to  make  up  their  minds  to 
go  and  Settle  back  of  the  Iroquois  country,  in  a  Place  to  which 
the  English  are  trying  to  attract  them.  Having  been  informed 
of  these  intrigues  of  the  Chiefs  and  of  the  perturbation  which 
the  Retreat  of  the  French  had  produced  among  that  nation, 
I  sent  from  Montreal,  in  the  month  of  August  last,  Sieur 
Dumont,  half-pay  Ensign,  accompanied  by  Sieur  simon  Reaume, 
a  former  Voyageur,  who  has  a  reputation  among  the  Savage' 
nations,  with  two  Canoes  to  bring  presents  to  the  Miamis,  in 
order  to  pacify  that  nation  and  prevent  them  from  being  de- 
ceived by  the  Intrigues  of  Those  Chiefs  who  favor  the  English, 
and  to  induce  them  if  it  can  be  done  to  go  as  soon  as  possible 
to  the  St.  Joseph  River.  These  Frenchmen  are  to  go  thence 
Among  the  Ouayatanons,  and  to  those  on  the  Teatiky,  in  order 
to  nullify  the  influence  of  the  Collars  Sent  to  that  nation  by 
the  Miami  Chiefs  who  are  in  the  Interests  of  the  English,  with 
an  Invitation  to  go  with  them  to  Orange.  Every  effort  is  to  be 
made  to  persuade  them  to  quit  the  place  where  they  are  living, 
and  to  go  to  the  Teatiky.  This  precaution  seemed  to  me  all 
the  more  necessary  as  I  have  foreseen  that  Sieur  Du  Buisson, 
upon  whom  I  have  always  Relied,  and  whom  the  Council  has 
allowed  me  to  name  as  commandant  at  the  post  of  the  Ouayata- 
nons, could  not  arrive  early  enough  to  get  there  This  year. 
He  will  go  next  spriu)?,  and  I  hope  that  his  Influence  will  suf- 
fice to  Persuade  the  Savages  and  the  Miamis  to  do  what  it  is 
expedient  that  they  should  do. 


[Proceedings  of  Council  regarding  letter  (dated  Oct  6»  1721)  of 
Governor  Vaudreull;  dated  Dec.  2,  1721.  Source,  same  as  that  of  pre- 
ceding documents,  but  fol.  320.] 

The  Procurator  of  the  Jesuits  of  New  France  has  sent  this 
year  only  a  single  Missionary  to  Canada.  He  was  first  placed 
in  the  mission  of  the  Sault  St.  Louis,  in  place  of  Father  de  Lau- 
zon,  who  had  been  called  to  Quebec  to  take  charge  of  the  School 
of  hydrography,  as  Father  le  Brun,  who  had  kept  it,  had  died.^ 


iThe  missionary  who  arrived  this  year  was  Jacques  Quintin  de  la 
Bretonnldre;  most  of  his  life  was  spent  in  the  Iroquois  mission  col- 


396  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  XVl 

Thus  the  need  for  Jesuit  Missionaries  still  exists,  and  is  even 
becoming  more  urgent,  as  the  one  who  is  now  at  St  Joseph  River 
is  to  return  in  the  spring  to  Michilimackinac,  to  replace  Father 
Marest,^  who  is  alone  there,  and  who  being  no  longer  Able  on 
account  of  his  advanced  age  and  his  constant  Infirmities  to  give 
his  attention  to  the  outavois  missions,  of  which  he  is  the  Supe- 
rior, is  to  return  next  year  to  live  in  Quebec  This  constrains 
him  to  beg  the  Council  to  oblige  the  Jesuits  to  send  over  to 
Canada  next  year  as  many  Missionaries  as  they  can.* 

[His  Royal  Highness  is  satisfied  with  the  report  you  have 
made  on  the  War  which  the  Renards,  Kikapous,  and  mascoutins 
continue  to  carry  on  against  the  Islinois ;  and  threats  they  make 
against  the  other  nations ;  and  the  murder  of  a  miami,  in  viola- 
tion of  the  law  of  nations.  The  resentment  of  these  nations  is 
justified,  and  H.  R  H.  approves  your  abandoning  the  Renards 
to  these  nations,  as  you  have  proposed,  if  they  do  not  make 
proper  amends  to  the  Miamis,  and  if  they  continue  to  make 
War  on  the  Islinois.]* 

He  answers  that  the  Renards,  far  from  making  amends  to  the 
Miamis,  continue  to  do  mischief.  During  the  spring  of  last 
year  tliey  stabbed  a  Frenchman,  one  of  three  who  were  pass- 
ing the  winter  among  the  Kikapous.  They  have  even  taken 
care  to  inform  Sieur  de  la  Morandiere  of  it  by  their  own  words^ 
in  an  assembly  of  all  the  nations  of  la  Baye,  held  in  August 
of  the  same  year,  on  accoimt  of  some  sauteurs  who  wished  to 
confer  with  those  nations  and  to  dance  the  Calumet  with  Them.* 


onies.  Pierre  de  Lauzon  came  to  Canada  in  1716;  he  was  superior  of 
the  Canadian  missions  from  1732  to  1739.  Francois  le  Brun  came  to 
Canada  in  1707,  and  died  in  1721.  The  royal  school  of  hydrography 
maintained  at  Quebec  was,  after  Joliet's  death  (1700),  placed  in  charge 
of  the  Jesuit  fathers. — Ed. 

lA  reference  to  Joseph  J.  Marest  (p.  205,  note  1,  ante), — Ed. 

2 Marginal  note:  ** Communicate  this  article  to  the  Procurator  of 
the  Jesuits.    L.  A.  B.*' 

3 This  document  is  apparently  a  resume  of:  (a)  instructions  sent 
June  14,  1721,  by  the  Council  to  Vaudreuil;  (b)  his  answer  thereto, 
dated  Oct  6  following;  (c)  action  thereon  by  the  Council.  Bxtracts 
from  "(a)"  are  here  enclosed  in  brackets;  those  from  "(c)",  mainly 
in  the  form  of  marginal  notes,  are  given  by  us  as  foot-notes. — Ed. 

4 Marginal  notes:     "Take  this  article,  with  that  of  the  Council's  let- 


I720-2I]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  397 

In  making  this  confession  they  asked  Sieur  de  la  Morandiere 
[in  return]  for  a  Calumet  and  a  Collar,  to  tell  them  what  to 
do  in  the  matter.  But  that  ofScer  gave  them  to  undenrstand 
that  he  saw  no  other  means  of  guaranteeing  their  village,  and 
saving  the  lives  of  their  wives  and  Children,  than  by  giving 
up  the  miirderer  into  his  hands  to  have  his  Head  broken,  as 
it  was  just  that  an  assassin  should  die.  They  withdrew  with- 
out making  any  reply,  contenting  themselves,  on  leaving- la  Baye, 
with  saying  to  the  Sakis  that  what  was  asked  from  them  was 
impossible.  As  the  reason  for  this,  they  alleged  that  the  mur- 
derer had  a  great  niimber  of  kinsmen,  all  of  high  standing, 
and  that  half  their  village  would  have  to  perish  if  this  Execu- 
tion took  place.  This,  according  to  Sieur  de  la  morandiere, 
is  only  a  poor  excuse,  which  they  have  been  pleased  to  allege 
in  order  to  cover  up  their  ill-will. 

In  that  same  assemblv  the  Henards  informed  the  sauteurs 
that  their  young  men  had  killed  a  sauteur  while  himting.  They 
have  also  since  that  time,  at  the  beginning  of  October,  carried 
off  two  Poutouatamis  from  the  St.  Joseph  River,  who  were 
hunting  near  Chicagou ;  but  those  two  Prisoners  were  delivered 
by  the  Quicapous  and  the  Mascoutins,  who  had  jointly  agreed 
to  ransom  tliem  at  the  time  when  the  Rcnards  passed  through 
their  country  in  returning  to  their  village.  Having  succeeded 
in  ransoming  only  one,  the  son  of  Ouenamek,  a  Poutouatami 
chief  of  great  repute,  they  untied  his  comrade  and  let  him  es- 
cape at  night,  so  that  tlie  two  Prisoners  returned  to  St  Joseph 
River  last  December. 

This  act  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  Renards  against  the 
Poutouatamis,  so  stirred  up  the  latter  that  they  would  already 
have  avenged  it,  if  Sieur  de  Montmidy,  who  is  in  command  at 
the  St.  Joseph  River,  had  not  checked  the  different  bands  of 
this  nation,  who  wished  to  set  out  on  a  Campaign  against  the 
Renards.  He  has  had  great  difficulty  in  restraining  them,  but 
has  nevertheless  succeeded  by  means  of  presents,  and  by  tell- 

ter,  to  Monsieur  the  Regent     The  Council  believes  that  the  orders 
given  by  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  should  be  approved." 

"By  decision  of  H.  R.  H.,  the  opinion  of  the  Council  is  approved. 
Xj.  a.  B.' 


398  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

ing  them  that  they  must  not  undertake  anything  until  Informed 
of  the  Wishes  of  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  in  the  Matter. 

Hereupon,  to  put  an  end  to  the  continual  importunity  of 
the  savages  in  regard  to  this,  he  has  given  orders  to  the  oflBcers 
in  command  at  the  posts  no  longer  to  restrain  those  who  wish 
to  make  War  on  the  Renards ;  and  to  declare  to  thefm  that  lie 
abandons  the  latter  to  them — advising  them,  however,  not  to 
attack  in  small  bands,  but  rather  to  combine  together  and  form 
one  force  capable  of  destroying  them  entirely ;  at  the  same  time 
offering  them  the  supplies  needed  for  tnis. 

[H.  R.  H.  is  also  Satisfied  with  the  report  you  have  made  re- 
garding the  number  of  Savages  who  have  gone  to  settle  on  the 
Teatiky  and  on  the  St  Joseph  river,  and  with  the  hopes  you 
entertain  of  drawing  the  others  into  these  two  places.  He  has 
approved  all  the  steps  you  have  taken  in  this  matter,  and  for 
rendering  useless  the  measures  taken  by  the  English  and  the 
Iroquois  to  dissuade  them.  You  will  please  report  on  the  Re- 
sults.] 

He  answers  that  Sieur  de  Montmedy,  half-pay  ensign,  whe 
has  remained  in  command  at  the  St.  Joseph  River,  since  Sieur 
Deschaillons,  captain,  left  that  post  last  year,  has  informed  him 
that  on  Sept.  15th,  1720,  there  arrived  at  the  St.  Joseph  River 
two  mascoutin  chiefs  with  ten  other  Savages,  who,  in  the  name 
of  their  nation,  asked  the  Poutouatamis  of  that  post  for  permis- 
sion to  settle  near  theni^  saying  that  they  wnsh  to  get  away  from 
the  Renards,  who  always  continue  in  their  Perversity,  and  com- 
mit hostilities  incessantly.  This  officer  has  also  informed  him 
that  a  like  number  of  Mascoutins,  with  one  of  their  chiefs,  had 
arrived  at  his  post,  on  May  2nd,  1721,  saying  that  they  were 
abandoning  the  Renards  and  wished  to  approach  the  Poutou- 
atamis. The  latter  deferred  their  answer  as  they  were  await- 
ing the  return  of  their  Chief  Pilemou,  who  came  to  Montreal 
this  year.  He  told  them  that  they  must  bring  the  most  notable 
chiefs  of  their  nation,  and  also  Robe  Blanche,  principal  chief 
of  the  Kikapous,  to  go  down  to  Montreal  and  confer  with 
Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil.^ 


1  Marginal  note:     "Take  this  article  also  to  the  Regent;  and  add  a 
Map  of  Canada  on  which  all  these  nations  are  designated.    L.  A.  B." 


1720-21]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  399 

As  it  is  important  to  keep  up  this  favorable  disposition  on 
the  part  of  the  Kikapous  and  mascoutins,  in  this  matter  of  with- 
drawing to  tlie  St.  Joseph  River  to  Settle  there,  he  has  written 
to  Sieur  de  Montmidy  to  send  those  two  chiefs  to  him,  and  to 
raise  no  diflBculties  about  receiving  those  two  nations  at  his 
post,  when  they  present  themselves  to  settle  there,  provided  that 
no  objection  is  made  by  the  Poutouatamis  and  Miamis  who  are 
Established  there.  The  number  of  the  latter  has  not  increased 
at  this  post  since  last  year,  as  none  of  those  who  had  remained 
in  the  old  village  have  left  y^' 

Sieur  Dumont,  whom  he  sent  last  year  to  persuade  them  to 
abandon  it,  has  informed  him  that  on  his  assembling  them  on 
tlie  11th  of  last  February,  they  all  unanimously  declared  that 
they  were  positively  resolved  to  remain  in  their  old  village — 
alle^ng,  as  a  reason  for  refusing  to  leave  it,  that  they  are  in 
safety  there,  and  that  there  is  game  in  the  neighborhood ;  while, 
if  they  went  to  Settle  at  the  St  Joseph  River,  they  would  be 
in  danger  of  being  killed  by  the  Renards,  and  would  have  to 
travel  a  long  distance  to  reach  the  place  where  they  usually 
hunt.  The  Ouyatanons  have  also  refused  to  go  to  the  Teatiky, 
and  the  little  band  which  had  Settled  there  abandoned  the  place 
on  finding  that  the  rest  of  the  nation  would  not  come.  Thus 
the  Hopes  which  he  had  had  of  drawing  the  Miamis  to  the  St. 
Joseph  River,  and  the  ouyatanons  to  the  Teatiky,  have  come 
to  nothing.  But  as  it  is  of  great  importance  not  to  abandon 
those  two  nations,  he  sent,  in  the  month  of  August  last,  Sieur 
Du  Buisson,  Captain,  to  Occupy  a  post  among  the  Miamis, 
and  to  assume  command  there  as  well  as  among  the  ouyatanons. 
He  will  reside  among  the  Miamis,  as  it  is  necessary  that  he  re- 
main there  in  order  to  forestall  the  effect  of  the  intrigues  of 
the  English,  who  continue  them  by  means  of  certain  Iroquois, 
who  go  among  the  Miamis  almost  every  year,  under  pretext  of 
visiting  them  as  friends.  Some  of  those  Emissaries,  who  passed 
the  winter  this  year  in  their  village,  chose  the  time  when  Sieur 
Dumont  was  among  the  ouyatanons,  to  Take  along  8  or  10 
Canoes  of  Miamis  to  Orange  to  do  their  trading  there.  He 
hopes  that  Sieur  Du  Buisson  will  find  means  of  putting  an  end 


400 


WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 


to  these  intrigues  by  the  influence  which  he  has  on  the  minds 

of  these  Savages. 

******** 


Done  and  decreed  December  23,  1721. 


By  tlie  Council: 

M.  Lachapelle. 


L.  A.  DE  Bourbon. 


1721:     EXPENSES  INCURRED  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  THE  FOXES. 

[List  of  expenditures  in  above  war,  sent  by  the  Intendant  B6gon  to 
the  Council,  in  his  letter  dated  Nov.  10,  1721.  Source,  same  as  tliat  of 
preceding  documents,  but  vol.  38,  c.  11,  fol.  185.J 

List  of  Expenses  incurred  on  the  occasion  of  the  Renard  War,  and  in 
1715,  1716,  and  1717,  as  follows,  to  Wit: 


In  the  year  1715. 

3  gross  5  dozen  [name  of  article  omi 
at  25L  4s.^  a  gross 

26  paddles  at  5s       . 

30  powder  Barrels  at  30s. 

1  pair  of  Soldier's  stockings 
18  Waist-cloths  at  12L    . 

2  gross  of  Fire-steels  at  1081.  a  gross 
20  empty  Barrels  at  30s. 
25  portage-Collars  at  40s. 

0    Bark  Canoes,  8-seated,  at  2251. 
10    Blankets  of  2  points' at  221 10s. 


tted] 


L    s.  d. 

76.  9.6 

6.10 

45. 

4.10 

216. 

216. 

30. 

60. 

1350. 

225. 


iThe  prices  here  cited  are  given  in  French  currency  of  livres 
(toumois),  sols,  and  deniers.  The  livre  was  worth  nearly  the  same 
as  the  modem  franc  (equivalent  to  about  20  cents  of  American  cur- 
rency); the  sol  was  one-twentieth  of  a  livre;  and  the  denier  one- 
twelfth  (in  earlier  times,  one-fifteenth  to  one-twentieth)  of  a  soL — ^Eo. 

s Blankets  marked  with  "points"  were  formerly  manufactured  in 
Europe  especially  for  the  northwestern  American  trade,  and  during 
the  present  century  were  distinguished  as  "Mackinac"  blankets.  They 
were  made  of  good  honest  wool,  half-inch  thick,  with  two  black  stripes 


I72l] 


FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN. 


401 


10 

.8 

24 

12 

12 

119 

12 

15 

5 

2 

6 

144 

30 

1 
58J 
12 

3i 

34 

22545 

6 

55 

7 

1 

4 

32J 

18 

18 

1873 

2820 

2639 

56 

12 


L 

8.  <L 

large  Cloaks  at  751 

.       750. 

medium-sized  Cloaks  at  60  L 

.       480. 

Shirts  for  men  at  lOL 

240. 

Chemises  for  women  at  91. 

.       108. 

Shirts  for  boys  at  71.  lOs. 

90. 

livres  14  oz.  of  kettles  at  61. 

719. 

Hats  at  41 

48. 

ells  of  Kersey  at  61.    . 

90. 

i 

gross  of  Knives  at  541.  a  gross 

270. 

gross  of  Flemish  Knives  at  1271.  lOs.  1 

I 

gross 

255. 

wooden  Chests  at  71.  10s. 

45. 

pots  of  brandy  at  71.  10s. 

.     1080 . 

ells  of  scarlet  Cloth  at  361.  an  ell 

,     1080. 

livre  6  oz.  of  Sponge  at  16  L  a  livre    . 

705. 

1.  Rennes  thread  at  121.  a  livre 

705. 

TiiUe  gims  at  401 

480. 

livres  twine  for  Nets  at  91. 

31. 

livres  of  gum  [pitch]  at  51.  a  livre    . 

8. 

10 

porcelain  beads  at  101.  a  1000 

225. 

4.6 

marcs  of  tinsel  lace  at  241.  a  marc     . 

144. 

small  axes  at  41.  10s.       .        .        .        , 

247. 

large  axes  at  91 

63. 

Soldier's  jerkin  for 

22. 

10 

Doublets  trimmed  with  gold-lace  at  1651 

.       665. 

livres  of  rope  at  31. 

96. 

15 

pairs  of  sleeves  at  151 

270. 

pairs  of  mitasses  [leggings]  at  151. 

270. 

livres  of  fine  powder  at  30s. 

2809. 

10 

gun-flints  at  31.  15s.  a  hundred 

105. 

7.6 

livres  of  lead  at  15s 

1979. 

5. 

pouches  at  61.  15s 

378. 

Deer-skins  at  181. 

•        ■ 

216. 

at  each  end.  The  size  was  marked  by  a  black  line  four  inches  long 
and  about  half  an  inch  wide,  woven  in  the  comer  of  the  blanket  The 
sizes  were  2\^,  3,  3%,  and  4  "points/*  and  indicated  by  these  black 
lines. — ^Richard  R.  Eluott,  in  Jea.  Relations,  Ixx,  p.  808. 

27 


402 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVI 


5    tarpaulins  at  401.  10s. 
12    packages  of  Balsam  [  ?]  at  5s. 

2    livres  of  Bassade  Ground  beads]  at  4L  lOs. 

1  pair  of  Shoes  at  6L  .  .  •  '  • 
30  ells  of  doth  for  tradings  at  458.  an  ell 
45    ells  of  canvas  at  6L  15s.  an  ell 

7i  ells  of  linen  at  3L  15s. 
1035f  livres  of  native  tobacco  22s.  6d 
100    livres  of  Black  Tobacco  at  31 

1    gross  of  gun-worms    .    *  . 

5    Canoe-Sails  at  401.  10s. 
17    livres  of  vermilion  at  301. 


Provisions. 

13iminots  of  peas  at  61. 
322    livres  of  bread  at  2s.  3d.     . 
672i  livres  of  bacon  at  15s. 

81    livres  of  Beef  at  6s. 
2076i  livres  of  Biscuit  at  221.  10s. 


20139.   9.6 
In  the  year  1116, 

Equipment  of  Monsieur  de  Louvigny  for  the  Savages  of  the 
Saut  and  for  those  Sent  from  michilimakinac  by  Monsieur  de 
Lignery. 

4    paddles  at  Ss. 1 . 

2    dozen  brass  buttons  at  3L  a  doz.       .        .  6. 

1  tobacco-Box 7.10 

14    Blankets  of  2  points  at  371.  10s.       .        .       525. 
20    Shirts  at  121 240. 

13f  livres  of  kettles  at  71.  10s.       .        .        .       103.   2.6 

2  Hats  with  borders  at  151.  .        .        .  30. 
6i  dozen  horn-handled  dasp-EniVes  at  61.     .         39. 

10  ells  of  Cloth  at  301 320. 

2  guns  at  40L 80. 

2  mares  of  tinsel  lace  at  30L       .        •        .  60. 

9  livres  of  gum  for  Canoes  at  30s.       .        .  13 .  10 

6  small  axes  at  31 18. 


1. 

s.  d. 

.       202. 

10 

3. 

1.           9. 

6. 

67. 

10 

.       303. 

15 

28. 

2.6 

.     1167. 

4.4 

.       300. 

20. 

.       202. 

10 

.       610. 

81. 

36. 

4.6 

.       504. 

7.6 

24. 

6 

.       467. 

3.2 

I72l] 


FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN. 


403 


1  pair  of  garters  at  45s. 

33  ells  of  mazamet^  for  six  Cloaks  at  15L 
3f  ells  of  mazamet  for  3  pairs  of  leggings 

1  mirror  for 

81  livres  of  fine  powder  at  30s. 

164  livres  of  lead  at  15s. 

10  pouches  at  6L    . 

100  gun-flints  at  3L  15s. 

6466  porcelain  beads  at  30  L  a  1000    . 

1  package  of  Fish-hook  Guts  at  SOs. 

1  canvas  Bag  for    .... 
150  livres  of  native  tobacco,  at  18s.  9d. 

10  ellsof  doth  for  trading  at  3  L    . 
1 J  livres  of  Vermilion  for 

Provisions. 

2  pots  of  Cider  at  37s.  6d.     . 
14    pots  of  wine  at  6L  7s.  6d. 

2i  pots  of  brandy  at  121. 
420    livres  of  Biscuit  at  22  L  lOs. 
112    livres  of  Beef  at  6s.  9d.     . 
276    livres  of  bacon  at  18s.  9d. 

3iminots  of  peas  at.6L 
616    livres  of  fresh  bread  at  2s.  3d 
11 J  minots  of  Indian  Com  at  61. 


To  Monsieur  de  Louvigny  for  his  Equipment 
and  that  of  the  ofiicers  who  accompanied  him^  for 
buying  provisions  and  for  making  presents  to  the 
Savages : 

1    Arquebuse  with  a  Stand    .... 

1    gross  li  doz.  lance-blades  at  25 L  4s.  a 
gross        ....... 

17    paddles  at  5s.  apiece        .... 

1    gross  of  fire-steels  for       .... 


1.  s.d. 

2.  5 
495. 

56.  5 
2.  5 
122.10 
123. 
60.' 
3.15 
193.19.7 
1.10 
3. 
140.12.6 
30. 
65.12.6 


3.15 
89.  5 
30. 
94.10 
37.16 
258.15 
19.10 
69.  6 
69. 

3418.  4.1 


60. 

30.  7.6 
4.  5 
108. 


iMazamet  is  the  name  of  a  town  in  France;  and  is  also  used  as  a 
general  term  for  cloth  of  all  kinds. — Crawiobd  Lxhdsat. 


404 


WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 


1.    s.  d. 

50   Bayonets  at  3  L  15s. 

187.10 

103    one-livre  lead  Balls  at  158.  a  livre  . 

77.   5 

4    Spades  at  6L 

24. 

1    Bistoury 

6. 

64    Barrels  at  30s. 

96. 

1000    Nails  for  Eoofing  at  61.  a  hundred    . 

60. 

J.    Chisel 

3. 

1000    Nails  for  flooring  at  3L  a  hundred 

80. 

16   blankets  of  2  points  at  371.  10s. 

600. 

1 

109    Shirts  for  men  at  12L 

.     1309 . 

12    Chemises  for  women  at  IIL     . 

.       132. 

12    Shirte  for  boys  at  91 

108. 

29i  livres  of  "Kettles  at  6L       .        .       .       , 

175.10 

5    gross  6  doz.  of  horn-handled  clasp-Knivei 

3 

at  54s. 

297. 

1   gross  of  Flemish  Knives  at  127  L  10s.  t 

I 

gross 

127 . 10 

12    Cloaks  trimmed  with  laoe  at  120  L 

.     1440. 

2    livres  of  Cotton  yam  at  121. 

24. 

6    medium-sized  Cloaks  at  60L     . 

.       360. 

6    small  Cloaks  at  50L 

300. 

19    portage  Collars  at  40s. 

38. 

6    livres  of  candles  at  30s.     .        .        •    '    . 

9. 

1    Bark  Canoe 

.       226. 

Another,  8-seated        •        .        .        .        , 

450. 

Two  others,  S-seated,  at  340  L    . 

.       680. 

74   ells  of  Cloth  at  30  L  an  ell       .        .        . 

.     2220. 

25    Sewing  Needles  at  3L  a  hundred     . 

.15 

500    Pins  at  30s.  a  hundred       •        .        .        , 

7.10 

4    Sponges  at  121.  each         •        .        .        . 

48. 

2    rolls  of  Bark  for  Cabins  at  271.  each 

54. 

4    others  at  251.  each     .        .        .        .        . 

100. 

1    roll  of  Bark  for  Canoe  for 

9. 

12   guns  at  301 

360. 

12    gun-sheaths  at  3L  15s 

45. 

4    oz.  of  thread  at  16L  a  livre 

4. 

56    livres  of  Bennes  thread  at  121. 

672. 

37    [livres]  of  twine  for  Nets  at  6L 

222. 

I72l] 


FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN. 


405 


1.    8.  d 

150 

grenade-fusees  at  3b.          .        .        .        , 

22.10 

4 

Bomb-fusees  at  5s 

1. 

4 

match-tubs  at  31. 

12. 

8 

pairs  of  hinges  at  3L 

24. 

24 

livres  of  gum  for  Canoes  at  30s. 

36. 

56 

small  axes  at  31 

168. 

8 

large  axes  at  131.  10s 

108. 

2 

medium-sized  axes  at  91 

18. 

4 

hoes  at  101.  10s 

42. 

6 

laced  Doublets  at  1651 

990. 

52i  livres  of  heavy  Fish-Lines  at  3L 

157.10 

10 

Lancets  at  81.  each 

80. 

18 

pairs  of  mitasses  at  15L     . 

270. 

10 

livres  of  slow-match  at  78.  6d.   . 

3.15 

18 

pairs  of  laced  Sleeves  at  151.     . 

270. 

2 

Boxes  of  medicines  at  371.  lOs. 

75. 

27 

ells  of  Mazamet  at  151 

405. 

3970 

porcelain  beads  at  301.  a  tlioiisand    . 

119.  2 

2 

quires  of  paper  for  cannon-cartridges  a 

t 

lOs. 

1. 

8 

pairs  of  hinges  at  81 

64. 

2 

picks  at  51. 

10. 

1 

quire  of  Wrapping  paper   .        .        .        , 

.15 

1542 

livres  of  fine  powder  at  30s.  a  livre 

,     2313. 

2226 

livres  of  lead  at  15s 

.     1669.10 

2180 

gun-flints  at  31.  15s.         .        .        .        . 

81.15 

3 

Ueer-skins  at  181 

54. 

52 

canvas  pouches  at  61. 

312. 

4 

tin  priming-horns  at  41 

16. 

30 

livres  of  Rice  at  308 

45. 

2 

livres  of  Sulphur  at  10s.    .        .        .        . 

1. 

4 

Locks  at  221.  lOs 

90. 

2 

livres  of  Soap  at  31.  158. 

7.10 

15 

livres  of  Sugar  at  31. 

45. 

1 

minot  of  Salt  for 

18.15 

10 

packages  of  Fish-hook  Guts  at  308. 

15. 

468 

livres  of  native  tobacco  at  ISs.  9  d. 

438.15 

4o6 


WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 


120    livres  of  Black  tobacco  at  3  L 

1  gross  of  giin-worms     . 

3  augers  at  71.  10s.  each 
16    ells  of  cloth  for  trading  at  31. 

2  ells  of  linen  at  40s.     . 
97^  ells  of  canvas  at  91.     . 

7    livres  of  Vermilion  at  371.  lOs 
1766    livres  of  fine  flour  at  261.  5s.  a  100  livres 
510    livres  of  bacon  at  18s.  9d. 
12    buffalo-Tongues  at  37s.  6d. 
138    pots  of  brandy  at  121.  a  pot 

4  Hams  at  161.  178.  6d. 

3  quarters  of  veal  at  61. 
20  livres  of  Beef  at  6s.  9d. 
67i  pots  of  wine  at  61.  7.  6. 
30    livres  of  fresh  bread  at  2s.  3d. 

1587    livres  of  biscuit  at  221.  10s. 
9i  minots  of  peas  at  61. 

Sent  from  the  port  of  Rochefort  the  supplies 
enumerated  below  to  the  store-house  at  Quebec, 
the  price  of  which  has  been  deducted  From  the 
funds  remitted  to  Sieur  Petit,  clerk  in  this  coun- 
try, of  Messieurs  the  treasurers  general  of  the 
marine ;  which  effects  have  been  delivered  to  said 
Sieur  de  Louvigny,  who  left  them  at  Michili- 
makinac. 

1  brags  mortar  and  100  grenades  for 

4  small  brass  Cannon  weighing  348  livres 

4    match  Tubs 

4    rammer-heads,  complete     .... 

2  bullet-Ladles  with  handles 

2    wad-hooks 

2    Shot-gauges 

1    steelyard 


L    8.  d. 
360. 
20. 
22.10 
49.10 
4. 
877.10 
252.10 
463.11.6 
478.   2.6 

22.10 
1656. 
67.10 
18. 
6.15 
427.   2.6 
3.   7.6 
357.   1.6 
57. 

23832.10 


1651.108. 
730.16 


for  18. 


J 


914.   0 


I72l] 


FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN. 


407 


L    8.  d. 
Remitted  to  Sieur  de  Louvigny  for  His  traveling 

Expenses 11251. 

To  Six  Canoemen  at  Michilimakinac  and  return 

to  that  village,  at  the  rate  of  3751.  each  for  the 

Voyage 

To  Sieur  Pachot 

To  Nicholas  Perrot 

To  Joannes  for  provisions  furnished  by  him 

To  Corbin  for  making  2  canoes  with  equipment 

To  Maurice  Menard 

To  Moraut  Guillet  for  the  following  provisions 

furnished  by  him  to  said  Sieur  de  Louvigny 

When  at  Detroit,  To  wit : 

10    minots  of  Indian  com  at  201. 

15    minots  ditto  at  241. 

60    livres  grease  at  208. 

9f  ells  of  Cloth  at  241.       .        .        .234.  854. 


2250 

450. 
60. 

126. 
1656.11 

300. 


200  L 

360. 

60. 

234. 


Recapitulation. 

The  expenses  for  1750  amount  to 
Those  for  1716  amount,  to  wit: 
To   the   Savages   of   the   upper 

country  and  others     .      .        .   3418 .  14 . 1 
Equipment    for     Monsieur     de 

Louvigny  the  Sum  of      .         23832 .  10 
Effects   sent  from   the  port   of 

Rochefort  the  sum  of      .        .     914.   6 
Expenses  incurred  by  Monsieur 

de  Louvigny  and  others  .   6821.11 

Total  in  card  money 


6821.11 


20139.   9.6 


J 


34986.11.1 


.   551261.     7d. 


Half  of  which  amounts  to 27563 L     3d. 

In  addition,  paid  to  Sieur  de  Louvigny  in  Cash 
for  his  expedition  in  1717       ....     1250 


Total 


DomE  AT  Quebec,  Nov.  lOth,  1721. 


.   288131.       3, 
Beqon. 


408  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

1721:     CHARLEVOIX  VISITS  WISCONSIN;  HIS  DESCRIPTION  OF 

THE  TRIBES. 

[Prom   Charlevoix's  1  Journal  historique    (Paris,  1744),   pp.    187-189, 

290-296,  299-301.] 

Between  Lake  Huron  and  Lake  Superior,  in  the  Strait  itself 
(by  which  the  latter  lake  discharges  its  waters  into  the  former), 
there  is  a  rapid,  which  we  have  called  the  Sault  Sainte  Marie. 
The  adjoining  region  was  formerly  peopled  by  Savages,  who 
came  thither,  it  is  said,  from  the  North  Shore  of  Lake  Superior, 
and  who  are  called  Saulteurs — which  means  "Dwellers  at  the 
Sault"  This  name  has  apparently  been  given  to  them  to  es- 
cape the  difficulty  of  pronouncing  the  name  which  they  bore; 
for  it  is  impossible  to  reach  the  end  of  it  without  taking  fresh 
breath  two  or  three  times.*  There  is  no  Tribe  settled,  as  far 
as  I  know,  upon  the  Shores  of  Lake  Superior ;  but  in  the  Posts 
that  we  occupy  there  Trade  is  carried  on  with  the  Cristinaux 
[Crees],  who  come  thither  from  the  North-East,  and  belong  to 
the  Algonquin  Tongue ;  and  with  the  Assiniboils,  who  are  at  the 
North-West 

Lake  Michigan,  which  is  ahnost  parallel  to  Lake  Huron,  into 
which  it  flows, — and  is  separated  from  it  only  by  a  Peninsula 
a  hundred  leagues  long,  which  grows  continually  narrower 
toward  the  North, — has  few  Inhabitants  upon  its  Shores;  I  do 
not  even  know  whether  any  Tribe  has  ever  permanently  resided 
there ;  and  it  is  without  good  reason  that^  on  many  Map6>  it  has 
been  named  LaJce  of  the  Illinois.  In  ascending  the  River  of 
Saint  Joseph,  the  waters  of  which  empty  into  this  Lake,  there 
are  encountered  two  Villages  of  different  Tribes,  who  came 


1  Pierre  Francois  Xavier  de  Charlevoix,  a  noted  Jesuit  writer,  was 
sent  to  America  in  1720,  commissioned  by  the  French  government  to 
seek  a  route  to  the  Western  Sea;  his  MS.  report  of  this  Journey,  dated 
Jan.  20,  1723,  is  kept  in  the  colonial  archives  at  Paris.  He  wrote 
numerous  historical  works,  of  which  the  Hiatoire  de  la  Nouvelle 
France,  and  the  Journal  hUtorique  (both  issued  in  1744),  are  the  most 
interesting  to  American  students. — Ed. 

2  In  a  foot-note  by  Charlevoix,  this  name  is  given  as  Pauoirigoueiou- 
hak. — Ed. 


1721]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  4O9 

there  not  long  ago  from  other  places.  There  is  on  the  West 
side,  of  this  Lake  a  large  Bay,  which  extends  twenty-eight 
leagues  to  the  South,  and  is  called  Bay  des  Puans,  or  simply  la 
Baye.  Its  entrance  is  very  wide,  and  strewn  with  islands,  some 
of  which  are  as  much  as  fifteen  or  twenty  leagues  in  circumfer^ 
ence.  They  were  formerly  inhabited  by  the  Pouteouatamis 
(whose  name  they  bear),  except  some  of  them  which  lie  on  the 
right  hand,  in  which  there  are  still  some  Savages  called  Noquets. 
The  Pouteouatamis  occupy  at  the  present  time  one  of  the  small- 
est of  their  Islands ;  and  they  have  besides  two  other  Villages, 
one  on  tlie  River  Saint  Joseph,  and  the  other  at  Detroit  At 
the  end  of  the  Baye  there  are  Sahis  and  Otchagras.^  It  is  this 
latter  tribe  who  are  called  Puans,  for  what  reason  I  do  not 
know ;  but  before  reaching  that  people,  one  passes  on  the  right 
another  small  Tribe,  who  are  called  Malomines  [Menomonees], 
or  Folles  Avomes. 

A  small  River,  much  obstructed  by  Rapids,  empties  into  the 
lower  end  of  the  Bay ;  it  is  known  iinder  the  name  of  River  of 
the  Renards,  on  account  of  the  neighborhood  of  the  Oulagamis, 
commonly  called  the  Renards  [Foxes].  All  that  region  is 
very  beautiful,  and  still  more  so  is  that  which  extends  South- 
ward to  the  River  of  the  Illinois ;  but  its  only  inhabitants  are 
two  Tribes,  of  very  few  people,  the  KicapoiLS  and  the  Mascovr 
tins.  Some  of  our  Geographers  have  been  pleased  to  call  the 
latter  Tribe  the  Nation  of  Fire,  and  their  country  the  Land  of 
Fire;  but  it  was  a  word  of  double  meaning  which  gave  rise  to 
this  appellation. 

Fifty  years  ago,  the  Miamis  were  established  at  the  Southern 
extremity  of  Lake  Michigan,  at  a  place  called  Chicagou,  from 
the  name  of  a  small  River  which  flows  into  the  Lake ;  its  Source 
is  not  far  from  that  of  the  Illinois.  The  Miamis  are  now  sep- 
arated into  three  Villages:  one  of  these  is  on  the  River  Saint 
Joseph ;  the  second  upon  another  river,  which  bears  their  name, 
and  flows  into  Lake  Erie ;  and  the  third  upon  the  Ouabache 
River,  which  discharges  its  waters  into  the  Micissipi ;  these  last 
are  better  known  under  the  name  of  Ouyatanons,    It  can  hardly 


iThe  Siouan  name  of  the  Winnebago  tribe;  regarding  their  French 
name,  see  p.  3,  note  2,  ante. — Ed. 


4IO  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVi 

be  doubted  that  this  Tribe  and  that  of  the  Illinois  were,  not 
very  long  ago,  one  and  the  same  People,  in  view  of  the  doee 
afBnity  which  is  observed  between  their  two  Languages.  I  can 
tell  you  of  them  with  more  certainty  when  I  go  directly 
among  them.  As  for  the  rest  of  the  Algonquin  Tribes,  most  of 
them  (if  we  except  those  who  dwell  farthest  toward  the  South) 
pay  very  little  attention  to  the  Cultivation  of  the  Land,  and 
live  almost  solely  by  Hunting  and  Fishing;  they  also  are  sel- 
dom settled  in  one  place.  Among  some  of  them  it  is  the  custom 
to  have  a  plurality  of  Wives ;  but  the  population,  far  from  in- 
creasing, is  continually  diminishing.  There  is  not  even  one  of 
these  Tribes  which  coimts  six  thousand  souls,  and  some  of  them 
do  not  number  two  thousand. 

We  embarked  in  the  afternoon  of  the  second  of  July  [1721; 
from  MichilHmackinac]  ;  for  thirty  leagues  we  coasted  along 
a  Strip  of  land  which  separates  Lake  Michigan  from  Lake 
Superior.  There  are  several  places  where  it  is  only  a  few 
leagues  wide,  and  it  is  hardly  possible  to  find  a  more  wretched- 
looking  Country ;  but  it  ends  at  a  pretty  River  named  la  Mani^ 
lie  [Manistique],  which  abounds  in  fish,  especially  in  Sturgeon. 
A  little  farther,  bending  our  course  to  the  South-West,  we  enter 
a  large  Gulf,  the  entrance  to  which  is  bordered  with  Islands, 
which  is  called  the  Gulf  or  Bay  of  the  Noquets.  Those  Sav- 
ages form  a  very  small  Tribe,  who  came  from  the  Shoies  of 
Lake  Superior;  of  their  number  there  remain  only  a  few  Fami- 
lies dispersed  here  and  there,  without  having  any  fixed  abode. 

The  Bay  of  the  Noquets  is  separated  from  the  Great  Bay 
only  by  the  Islands  of  the  Pouteouatamis — which,  as  I  have 
already  remarked,  are  the  old-time  abode  of  those  Savages. 
Most  of  these  Islands  are  heavily  wooded ;  but  the  only  one 
which  is  still  inhabited  is  neither  the  largest  nor  the  finest; 
there  remains  on  it  only  a  comparatively  small  Village,  where 
we  were  compelled,  although  unwillingly,  to  pass  the  night ;  but 
we  never  could  refuse  this,  as  the  people  were  so  urgent. 
There  is  not,  moreover,  a  Tribe  in  Canada  who  have  been  more 
sincerely  attached  to  the  French  than  they  always  have  been. 

On  the  sixth,  we  were  held  back  nearly  all  day  by  contrary 


1721]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  4II 

winds ;  but  at  evening  it  again  grew  calm,  and  we  embarked  a 
little  after  Sunset,  by  most  beautiful  Moonlight;  we  then  pro- 
ceeded on  our  journey  during  twenty-four  consecutive  hours, 
making  only  a  short  halt  to  say  Mass  and  to  eat  dinner.  The 
Sun  was  so  hot^  and  the  Water  of  the  Bay  so  warm,  that  the 
Pitch  of  our  Canoe  melted  in  several  places.  To  crown  our 
misfortunes,  the  place  where  we  halted  for  our  encampment 
proved  to  be  so  infested  with  Mosquitoes  and  Gnats  that  it  was 
impossible  for  us  to  close  our  eyes,  although  we  had  not  slept 
ior  two  days ;  and  as  the  weather  was  fine,  and  the  Moon  gave 
lis  light,  we  resumed  our  journey  as  early  as  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning. 

After  having  voyaged  five  or  six  leagues,  we  found  ourselves 
iibreast  of  a  small  Island,  which  is  not  far  from  the  West  Shore 
of  the  Bay,  and  which  concealed  from  us  the  entrance  to  a  River 
on  which  is  the  Village  of  the  Malhomines — whom  our  French 
have  named  Folles  Avoines  [wild  rice  men],  apparently  bef- 
cause  they  use  that  vegetable  as  their  ordinary  food.  The  en- 
tire Tribe  is  comprised  of  this  Village,  which  is  not  very  popu- 
lous. That  is  a  pity,  for  they  are  fine-looking  Men,  and  among 
the  most  shapely  in  Canada.  They  are  even  taller  than  the 
Pouteouatamis.  I  have  been  assured  that  they  have  the  same 
origin,  and  almost  the  same  language,  as  the  ^N'oquets  and  the 
Saulteurs;  but  it  is  also  added  that  they  have,  besides,  a  pri- 
vate Language,  which  they  communicate  to  no  one.  Certain 
tales  have  also  been  related  to  me  about  them — for  instance,  of 
a  Serpent  that  every  year  goes  into  their  Village,  and  is  there 
received  with  impressive  Ceremonies;  this  leads  me  to  believe 
that  they  meddle  somewhat  with  sorceries. 

At  a  little  distance  beyond  the  Island  which  I  have  just  men- 
tioned, the  aspect  of  the  country  is  all  at  once  changed;  and 
from  being  almost  a  wilderness,  as  it  is  iip  to  that  poiiit,  it  be- 
comes tlie  most  charming  region  in  the  World.  It  is  even 
more  agreeable  to  the  sight  than  is  the  Detroit  Country;  but 
although  it  is  everywhere  covered  with  the  finest  trees,  it  is 
much  more  sandy  and  less  fertile.  The  Otchagras,  who  are 
commonly  called  Puans,  formerly  lived  on  the  Shores  of  the 
Bay,  in  a  most  delightful  location ;  but  they  were  there  attacked 


412  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

by  the  Illinois,  who  slew  great  numbers  of  them ;  the  rest  took 
refuge  on  the  River  of  the  Outagamis  [Fox  River],  which 
empties  into  the  end  of  the  Bay. 

They  settled  upon  the  Shores  of  a  sort  of  Lake ;  and  perhaps 
it  was  there  that,  as  they  lived  on  Fish,  which  the  Lake  fur- 
nished them  in  great  abundance,  the  name  Puans  ["foul-smell- 
ing"] was  given  to  them ;  for  along  the  entire  length  of  the 
Shore,  where  their  Cabins  were  built,  one  saw  only  rotten  Fish, 
with  which  the  air  was  tainted.  At  least,  it  seems  probable 
that  such  was  the  origin  of  that  name,  which  the  other  Savages 
had  given  them  before  we  did,  and  which  has  been  transferred 
to  the  Bay,  from  which  they  have  never  strayed  far.  Some 
time  after  they  had  abandoned  their  former  Location,  they  un- 
dertook to  revenge  the  defeat  which  they  had  suffered  from  the 
Illinois ;  but  that  Enterprise  caused  them  a  new  loss,  from 
which  they  have  not  recovered.  Six  hundred  of  their  best 
Men  had  embarked  to  seek  their  Enemy ;  but  while  they  were 
crossing  Lake  Michigan  they  were  surprised  by  a  furious  gale, 
which  caused  them  all  to  perish. 

We  have  at  the  Bay  a  Fort,  which  is  situated  on  the  West 
bank  of  the  Outagami  River,  half  a  league  from  its  mouth ;  and 
before  reaching  it  we  pass,  on  the  right  hand,  a  Village  of 
Sakis.  The  Otchagras  have  recently  come  to  settle  near  us, 
and  have  built  their  Cabins  all  around  the  Fort  The  Mission- 
ary (whose  lodging  is  quite  near  the  Commandant's)  hopes  to 
find  them,  when  he  shall  have  learned  their  Language,  more 
docile  than  the  Sakis,  among  whom  he  is  laboring  with  very  litr 
tie  result.  Both  tribes  appear  to  be  very  well  disposed  People, 
especially  the  Former,  whose  greatest  fault  is  to  be  somewhat 
Thievish.  Their  Language  is  very  different  from  all  the  others, 
which  leads  me  to  believe  that  it  is  not  related  to  any  of  those 
in  Canada.  Moreover,  they  have  always  had  more  intercourse 
with  the  Western  Peoples  than  with  those  whom  we  know  in 
this  Country. 

The  Sakis,  although  few  in  number,  arc  divided  into  two  fac- 
tions, one  of  which  is  attached  to  the  Outagamis,  and  the  other 
to  the  Pouteouatamis.  Those  who  are  settled  at  this  Post  are 
mostly  of  the  latter   party,  and   consequently   in  our  interest. 


1721]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  413 

They  received  the  new  Commandant^  with  loud  demonstrations 
of  joy;  as  soon  as  they  learned  that  he  was  near  at  hand,  they 
ranged  themselves  along  the  Shore,  carrying  their  weapons ;  and 
as  soon  as  he  came  in  sight  they  saluted  him  with  a  volley  from 
their  Guns,  accompanied  with  loud  cries  of  delight  Then 
four  of  their  Principal  men  waded  into  the  River,  in  which  they 
soon  stood  up  to  their  waists,  boarded  his  Canoe,  and  placed  him 
upon  a  large  Robe,  composed  of  several  Deer-Skins  neatly 
sewed  together,  each  of  them  holding  a  comer  of  it  They 
carried  him  thus  to  his  Lodging,  where  they  paid  him  compli- 
ments and  said  many  very  flattering  things  to  him. 

On  the  next  day,  the  Chiefs  of  the  two  Nations  paid  me  a 
visit,  and  an  Otchagra  showed  me  a  Catalan  Pistol,  a  pair  of 
Spanish  shoes,  and  some  kind  of  Drug,  which  seemed  to  me  like 
a  sort  of  Ointment  All  these  he  had  obtained  from  an  Aiouez 
[Iowa]  ;  and  now  I  will  tell  you  by  what  opportunity  these  arti- 
cles fell  into  the  hands  of  the  latter. 

About  two  years  ago,  some  Spaniards — who  had  come,  it  was 
said,  from  New  Mexico,  intending  to  penetrate  as  far  as  the 
Illinois,  and  drive  out  thence  the  French,  whom  they  saw  with 
extreme  jealousy  advancing  so  far  on  the  Missouri — descended 
that  River,  and  attacked  two  Villages  of  Octotatas,  People  who 
are  Allies  of  the  Aiouez,  from  whom,  it  is  even  claimed,  they 
take  their  origin.  As  those  Savages  had  no  firearms,  and  were 
taken  by  surprise,  the  Spaniards  had  easily  the  advantage  over 
them,  and  made  great  carnage  there.  A  third  Village  of  the 
same  Tribe,  not  very  far  from  the  other  two,  learned  what  was 
occurring ;  and,  not  doubting  that  these  Conquerors  would  pro- 
ceed to  them,  prepared  for  the  enemy  an  Ambuscade,  into  which 
the  Spaniards  rashly  fell.  Others  say  that  the  Savages,  having 
learned  that  their  Enemies  were  nearly  all  intoxicated,  and 
sleeping  heavily,  fell  upon  them  during  the  night  But  it  is 
certain  that  nearly  all  of  the  Spaniards  were  slain. 

There  were  in  that  Troop  two  Chaplains;  one  of  them  was 
killed  at  the  outset,  and  the  other  escaped  among  the  Mia- 


I  Captain   de   Montigny,    whom   Charlevoix   accompanied   to   Green 
Bay.— Ed. 


414  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVl 

sourites,^  who  kept  him  a  prisoner;  but  he  very  adroiUj  escaped 
from  them.  He  had  a  remarkably  fine  Horse,  and  the  ]kii8- 
soiirites  enjoyed  seeing  him  perform  feats  of  Horsemanship^  in 
which  he  was  very  skilful ;  he  profited  by  their  curiosity  to  free 
himself  from  their  hands.  One  day  when  he  was  caracoling 
before  them,  he  gradually  increased  his  distance  from  them; 
then  suddenly  using  both  spurs,  he  quickly  vanished  from  their 
sight.  As  no  other  Prisoner  was  taken,  we  have  no  definite 
knowledge,  either  from  what  part  of  New  Mexico  those  Span- 
iards had  come,  or  what  their  intentions  were ;  for  what  I  told 
you  at  the  beginning  of  this  account  was  founded  only  upon  the 
reports  of  Savages,  who  perhaps  desired  to  court  our  favor  by 
making  known  that  they  had,  through  this  defeat^  rendered  us: 
a  great  service.  All  the  articles  brought  to  me  were  from  the 
spoils  of  the  Chaplain  who  had  been  slain;  and  there  was  also 
found  on  him  a  Book  of  Prayers,  which  I  have  not  seen ;  it  was* 
probably  his  Breviary.  I  bought  the  Pistol;  the  Shoes  were- 
worth  nothing ;  and  the  Savage  was  never  willing  to  part  with 
the  Ointment,  having  taken  into  his  head  that  this  was  a  sover- 
eign remedy  against  all  kinds  of  ills.  I  was  curious  to  know 
how  he  intended  to  use  it,  and  he  answered  me  that  it  was  suf- 
ficient to  swallow  a  little  of  the  medicine,  and  whatever  Malady^ 
attacked  a  person  would  be  immediately  healed ;  he  did  not  as- 
sert, however,  that  he  had  yet  proved  this  by  experience,  and  I 
advised  him  not  to  do  so.  We  begin  here  to  find  the  Savages- 
exceedingly  stupid ;  they  are  far  from  being  as  intelligent,  or 
at  least  as  open-minded,  as  those  who  have  had  more  intercourse 
with  us. 

On  the  following  day,  a  great  many  of  the  Sakis  came  to  the 
house  of  the  Missionary,  with  whom  I  was  lodged,  and  entreated 
me  to  be  present  at  a  sort  of  council,  which  they  desired  to  hold. 
I  consented  to  do  so;  and  when  all  the  people  had  taken  their 
places,  the  Chief  placed  a  Collar  on  the  ground  before  me ;  then 
the  Orator  began  to  speak,  begging  me  in  the  name  of  all  to  in- 
duce the  King*  to  take  them  under  his  protection,  and  to  purify 


lA  Siouan  tribe,  formerly  located  on  the  Missouri  river. — ^Bd. 
2  Those  Savages  always  pronounce  the  name  of  the  King  in  French. — 
Charlevoix. 


I721]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  415 

the  air, — which  for  some  time  past,  they  said,  had  been  cor- 
rupted ;  as  appeared  by  the  great  number  of  Sick  persons  whom 
they  had  in  their  Villages, — and  to  defend  them  against  their 
Enemies. 

I  replied  to  them  that  the  King  was  very  powerful,  and  per- 
haps even  more  so  than  they  realized,  but  that  hiB  power  did  not 
extend  over  the  Elements;  and  that  when  Sickness,  or  any 
other  like  disasters,  desolated  his  Provinces,  he  applied,  in  or- 
der to  make  them  cease,  to  the  great  Spirit  who  made  Heaven 
and  Earth,  and  who  alone  is  the  Sovereign  Master  of  Katare. 
I  told  them  that  they  must  do  the  same,  and  that  they  would 
derive  benefit  therefrom ;  but  that,  in  order  to  merit  a  hearing 
for  their  request^  they  must  begin  by  recognizing  that  Spirit^ 
and  rendering  to  him  the  Worship  and  homage  which  he  had  a 
right  to  expect  from  all  reasonable  Creatures.  I  told  them 
that  they  could  do  nothing  better,  or  more  pleasing  to  the  King, 
than  to  listen  to  the  Father*  whom  his  Majesty  had  sent  to 
them,  and  to  become  docile  to  his  instructions;  that  he  was  a 
man  dear  to  Heaven ;  that  his  manner  of  life  among  them  must 
surely  have  made  them  conceive  great  esteem  for  him ;  and  that 
his  charity  toward  the  Sick  and  all  those  who  had  need  of  his 
aid  must  have  convinced  them  of  the  tender  and  sincere  affeo^ 
tion  that  he  bore  them.  At  the  end,  I  told  them  that  I  would 
not  accept  their  Collar  unless  they  would  promise  me  to  behave 
toward  the  Missionary  very  differently  from  the  way  in  which 
they  had  acted  during  the  past ;  and  that  they  must  hereafter 
refrain  from  giving  him  any  reason  to  complain  of  their  in- 
tractableness.  I  said:  "As  for  the  protection  of  the  King, 
for  which  you  ask,  and  your  entreaty  that  I  shall  induce  him 
to  undertake  your  defense  against  your  Enemies,  that  great 
prince  has  forestalled  your  desires ;  he  has  given,  on  that  point, 
strict  orders  to  OnorUhio,  who  himself  was  already  inclined  to 
execute  them  with  the  zeal  and  affection  of  a  Father.*  You 
will  have  no  cause  to  doubt  that,  if  you  pay  attention  to  the 
Commandant  whom  he  sends  you.     You  cannot  possibly  be 


«< 


1  Father  Pierre  Chardon,  a  Jesuit. — Chablevoix. 

2  They   always    call    the   Governors   and    the   Commandants   their 
Fathers." — Chabletoix. 


i 


4l6  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

ignorant  (and  indeed  you  seem  to  me  to  be  veiy  well  informed) 
that  among  the  French  Captains  there  are  few  who  equal  him 
in  valor ;  and  you  will  soon  love  him  even  more  than  you  already 
esteem  him."  This  reply  seemed  to  satisfy  them;  and  they 
promised  me  much  more  than  they  are  likely  to  fulfiL  Mean- 
while I  accepted  their  Collar,  and  the  Missionary  flattered  him- 
self that  this  conference  would  produce  good  effects. 

In  the  afternoon  of  tlie  same  day,  the  two  Tribes  furnished 
us  the  diversion  of  the  Calumet  Dance,  one  after  the  other,  in 
a  large  Esplanade,  on  which  the  Commandant's  Dwelling  faces. 
There  was  some  difference,  but  a  slight  one,  in  the  manner  in 
which  the  two  Tribes  executed  this  Dance.  Their  performance 
©nly  showed  me  that  these  Festivals  vary  greatly;  accordingly 
it  is  not  possible  to  give  a  description  of  them  which  wiU  agree 
in  all  cases.  The  Otchagras  diversified  their  Play  somewhat 
more,  and  exhibited  an  extraordinary  agility ;  they  are  also  bet- 
ter built  and  more  agile  than  the  Sakis. 

[Here  follows  (pp.  296-299)  a  description  of  the  various 
dances  witnessed  by  Charlevoix  in  this  visit  to  Green  Bay ;  chief 
among  these  are  the  calumet  dance,  the  scout  dance,  and  the  biif- 
falo  dance.     See  p.  368,  note,  anle.'\ 

As  the  Tribes  who  dwell  near  the  Bay  are,  if  we  except  the 
Pouteouatamis,  much  more  uncouth  than  the  others,  they  are 
also  much  more  inclined  to  all  sorts  of  superstitions.  The  Sun 
and  the  Thunder  are  their  principal  Divinities ;  and  they  seem 
to  believe  more  thoroughly  than  do  those  Tribes  with  whom  we 
hold  more  intercourse  that  every  kind  of  Animal  has  a  Spirit, 
which  watches  over  its  preservation.  A  Frenchman  having  one 
day  thrown  away  a  Mouse  which  he  had  just  caught,  a  little 
Girl  picked  it  up  to  eat  it;  the  Fatlier  of  the  Child,  who  saw 
this,  snatched  it  from  her,  and  began  to  lavish  caresses  on  the 
Animal,  which  was  dead.  The  Frenchman  asked  the  reason  for 
this  conduct  "I  do  so,"  he  replied,  "to  appease  the  Spirit  of 
the  Mice,  so  that  he  will  not  torment  my  Daughter  when  she 
shall  have  eaten  it"  After  that,  he  restored  the  Animal  to 
the  Child,  who  ate  it 

They  have  especial  veneration  for  the  Bear;  as  soon  as  they 
slay  one  of  these  animals,  they  make  a  Feast,  accompanied  by 


1721]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN   WISCONSIN.  417 

very  singular  ceremonies.  The  Bear's  head,  painted  with  all 
sorts  of  colors,  is  placed  during  the  repast  upon  a  raised  place, 
and  there  receives  the  homage  of  all  the  Ghiests,  who  celebrate 
in  song  the  praises  of  the  Animal,  meanwhile  cutting  its  body 
into  pieces  and  regaling  themselves  tibereon.  Not  only  do  these 
Savages  have,  like  all  the  others,  the  Custom  of  preparing  them- 
selves for  their  grand  Hunts  by  fasting,  which  the  Outagamis 
extend  even  to  ten  consecutive  days;  but  besides,  while  the 
Hunters  are  in  the  field,  the  Boys  are  often  compelled  to  fast; 
the  dreams  which  they  have  during  this  abstinence  are  noted, 
and  good  or  evil  auguries  for  the  success  of  the  Hunt  are  drawn 
from  them.  The  object  of  these  fasts  is  to  appease  the  tutelaiy 
Spirits  of  the  Animals  whom  they  are  to  hunt ;  and  it  is  claimed 
that  they  make  known,  through  dreams,  whether  they  oppose 
or  are  favorable  to  the  Hunters. 

The  Tribe  which,  for  the  last  twenty  years,  has  been  more 
talked  about  than  any  other  in  these  Western  Lands  is  that  of 
the  Outagamis.  The  natural  ferocity  of  these  Savages,  in- 
creased by  the  bad  treatment  oft-en  inflicted  on  them  (some- 
times very  unreasonably),  and  their  alliance  with  the  Iroquois, 
who  are  always  disposed  to  excite  fresh  enemies  against  us,  have 
rendered  them  formidable.  Moreover,  they  have  since  become 
closely  united  with  the  Sioux,  a  populous  Tribe,  which  has  also 
become  gradually  inured  to  war;  and  that  union  now  renders 
the  navigation  of  all  the  upper  Mieissipi  almost  impracticable 
for  us.  There  is  not  entire  safety  even  in  voyaging  upon  the 
Illinois  River,  imless  one  is  sufficiently  equipped  not  to  fear  a 
surprise ;  this  inflicts  great  damage  upon  the  mutual  Commerce 
between  the  two  Colonies. 

I  met  at  la  Baye  some  Sioux,  whom  I  closely  questioned  about 
the  Regions  which  are  West  and  North-West  of  Canada;  and, 
although  I  know  that  one  cannot  always  accept  to  the  letter  all 
that  the  Savages  say,  I  have  eveiy  reason  to  believe,  in  compar- 
ing what  they  have  related  to  me  with  what  I  have  heard  from 
several  other  sources,  that  there  are  on  this  Continent  Spanish 
or  other  European  Colonies — far  more  to  the  North  than  those 
of  which  we  have  knowledge  in  New  Mexico  or  California ;  and 
that  by  ascending  the  Missouri,  as  far  as  it  is  possible  to  navi- 
28 


41 S  WISCOXSIX  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

gate,  there  cuij  he  found  a  great  River  iriudi  flows  to  the  West, 
and  dijchaiges  it»  waters  into  the  Sooth  Sea.  Independently 
of  eren  that  discovery  (whi<^  I  believe  to  be  easier  by  that 
ronte  than  by  the  North)/  I  cannot  doabi,  in  view  of  the  state- 
ments which  I  have  obtained  from  many  quarters,  and  which 
agree  very  well,  that  in  the  effort  to  penetrate  as  far  as  the 
source  of  the  Misgoori  will  be  foond  goods  wherewith  to  oom* 
pensate  the  expenses  and  hardships  whidi  such  an  Enterprise 
demands. 


1722:  SPEECHBS  OF  THE  FOXES  AT  A  COUNCIL  HELD  AT 
THE  HOUSE  OF  MONSIEUR  DE  MONTIGNY,  IN  THE  PRES- 
ENCE OF  THE  MISSIONARY,  SEPT.  6,  1722. 

[Translated   from  a  document  in  archives  of  Province  of  Quebec, 

copied  from  Paris  archives.] 

Oaashala  speaks:  "I  enter  your  house,  my  father,  in  great 
alarm,  suspecting  that  the  war  I  am  making  against  the  Ili- 
nois  has  greatly  displeased  you,  since  you  were  entirely  op- 
posed to  it.  But,  my  father,  I  was  so  angry  with  them  for 
their  cruelty  in  burning  my  nephew  Minchilay, — whose  alli- 
ance to  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  Sakis  has  led  that  tribe 
to  side  with  us, — that  I  could  think  of  nothing  except 
going  to  avenge  this  Minchilay.  I  had  resolved,  on  setting 
out,  to  destroy  their  village  completely  and  to  spare  no  lives 
whatever.  I  pressed  them  very  hard,  and  it  depended  only 
upon  myself  to  carry  out  my  project  fully ;  for,  finding  them- 
selves on  the  verge  of  destruction,  reduced  by  hunger,  and  de- 
prived of  all  means  of  getting  water,  so  that  they  were  begin- 
ning to  die  of  thirst,  they  asked  for  a  parley.  I  assembled 
all  my  people  to  try  to  persuade  them  to  listen ;  I  had  great 
difficulty  in  obtaining  this  from  them,  but  I  finally  prevailed. 
Several  Ilinois  chiefs,    after  being  told  that  they  could  come, 

1 A  reference  to  the  then  frequent  attempts  to  reach  the  Pacific  Ocean 
hy  Hudson  Bay  and  a  supposed  "Northwest  Passage." — Ed. 


1722]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  419 

brought  with  them  three  slaves  through  whom  they  asked  for 
their  lives,  and  requested  us  to  withdraw,  as  they  were  reduced 
to  the  last  extremity.  All  our  young  men  had  great  difficulty 
in  consenting  to  this,  as  they  had  no  other  desire  than  to 
profit  by  their  advantage.  I  represented  to  them  at  once 
that  their  father  Onontio  was  a  good  model,  and  that  they 
ought  to  imitate  hira  in  following  the  example  he  had  set  us, 
when,  in  a  similar  case,  our  lives  w^ere  spared  by  Monsieur  de 
Louvigny — although  it  would  have  been  easy  for  us  to  escape 
by  making  a  sortie  at  night,  as  we  had  resolved  to  do  on  the 
morrow  of  the  Day  on  which  our  lives  were  granted,  a  thing 
which  the  Ilinois  could  not  do.  Navangounik,  my  brother, 
who  was  with  us  and  who  is  now  present  before  you,  said  to 
me:  'Ouashalas,  my  brother,  you  think  rightly,  and  you 
should  grant  their  lives.  This  action  will  be  agreeable  to 
your  father  Onontio,  and  I  do  not  know  of  any  way  in  which 
you  can  better  sliow  him  your  gratitude.'  Accordingly, 
their  lives  were  spared ;  and,  after  granting  them  this  favor, 
we  withdrew  at  once. 

"I  beg  you,  my  father,  to  inform  our  father  Onontio  of 
this.  He  will  think,  perhaps,  that  I  do  not  deserve  that  he 
should  deliver  me  up  to  all  the  nations  to  devour.  I  have 
absolutely  no  fear  of  them,  for  I  fear  him  alone.  I  beg  you 
also,  my  Father,  to  tell  him  that  I  had  taken  the  Greatest  pre- 
cautions to  protect  the  French  whom  we  might  have  met  on 
our  way,  and  to  prevent  their  suffering  any  insult  I  would 
rather  have  died  than  have  this  occur,  and  I  would  not  havo 
quitted  them  before  they  were  out  of  all  danger.  I  had  even 
taken  the  same  precautions  in  regard  to  the  Pouteuatamis,  in 
case  we  had  met  any  of  them.  I  had  recommended  that  they 
be  brought  to  the  camp  without  being  bound,  because  it  suf- 
ficed that  they  were  the  friends  of  Onontio.  Moreover,  you 
are  well  aware,  my  Father,  that  they  are  our  most  cruel  en- 
emies and  that  they  have  gone  to  Montreal  to  ask  that  we  be 
destroyed.  They  owe  their  lives  to  Onontio,  as  well  as  to 
you,  my  Father,  for  otherwise  they  would  themselves  have 
been  devoured  by  this  time.  -i 

"I  must  tell  you,  my  Father,  that  I  have  not  come  here  on 


420  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

my  own  authority,  since  the  principal  men  of  the  village  tell 
you,  as  well  as  myself,  that  the  wars  are  all  ended  today ;  and 
promise  you,  in  the  name  of  the  whole  nation,  that  we  wiH 
not  go  to  war  with  any  nation,  unless  we  are  first  attacked. 
It  is  our  intention  not  to  thwart  the  good  understanding 
which  you  are  laboring  every  Day  to  bring  about,  so  as  to  en- 
sure the  repose  and  tranquillity  of  all  the  children  of  Onontio. 
We  confess  that  we  must  all  be  Great  dogs,  and  even  worse 
than  devils,  if  we  do  not  listen  to  you  as  we  ought^  since  you 
ask  nothing  but  what  is  Just.  But,  my  Father,  have  pity 
on  us.  You  know  well  that  chiefs  like  us,  although  they  may 
be  well-disposed,  are  scarcely  listened  to.  The  greater  part 
of  our  Young  men  are  absolutely  worthless.  I  do  not  dare, 
my  Father,  to  ask  you  for  the  slightest  succor ;  I  fear  you  too 
much ;  but  as  you  send  a  canoe  early  in  spring,  we  pray  our 
father  Onontio  to  make  known  to  us  his  final  intentions." 

Elecavas,  tlie  Young  brother  of  the  first  chief  speaks: 
"My  Father,  my  brother  Elecavas,  who,  being  very  sick,  has 
been  unable  to  come  to  speak  to  you  himself,  sends  me  in  his 
place  to  tell  you  to  say  to  our  father  Onontio  that  it  is  now  two 
years  since  he  abandoned  us,  continuing  always  to  cherish  the 
purpose  of  destroying  us;  and  that  we  shall  await  impa- 
tiently the  return  of  your  canoe  to  learn  if  he  still  i)ersists  in 
this  purpose.  For,  if  that  is  the  case,  we  shall  die  with  him; 
if  he  wishes  absolutely  to  kill  us  he  will  find  us  in  our  fort, 
which  we  positively  will  not  leave,  as  we  have  no  place  of  re- 
treat. If  we  had  wished  to  get  merchandise  costing  us  nothing, 
we  could  easily  have  found  the  means  of  doing  so  secretly,  but 
we  wait  to  be  absolutely  obliged  to  do  so.  Then  we  can  say 
that  our  Father  has  forced  us  to  wait.  This,  my  Father,  is 
what  I  am  charged  to  say." 

Reply  of  Monsieur  de  Montigny  to  Ouashalas:  "I  have 
listened  attentively,  Ouashalas,  to  your  words,  which  are 
those  of  your  whole  village,  since  you  speak  for  them  as  well 
as  for  yourself.  You  will  allow  me  to  say  that  the  war  which 
you,  with  all  those  who  have  accompanied  you,  have  just 
waged  against  the  Ilinois  is  very  unjust,  having  no  other  pre- 
text than  to    avenge   the  death  of   Minchilay — who    brought 


1722]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  42 1 

about  his  own  death  vefry  foolishly,  having  attacked  people 
with  whom  he  was  not  at  war.  Those  who  engaged  him  in 
this  war  were  more  to  blame  than  the  Ilinois ;  if  the  latter  had 
killed  him  on  the  spot,  or  held  him  as  a  prisoner,  they  would 
have  had  the  right  wholly  on  their  side;  but  in  burning  him 
as  cruelly  as  they  did  they  were  wrong,  because  they  showed 
by  this  unworthy  action  that  they  wished  for  no  reconcilia- 
tion with  his  nation. 

"I  do  not  at  all  doubt  that,  when  you  set  out  to  make  this 
war,  you  really  wished  to  kill  them  all,  and  to  grant  quarter 
to  no  one,  in  order  to  avenge  this  Minchilay,  whom  you  call 
your  nephew.  I  approve  your  conduct,  Ouashalas,  in  that, 
after  having  reduced  your  enemies  to  such  extremity  that 
they  were  obliged  to  pray  you  to  spare  their  lives,  you  did  so 
without  making  any  difficulties,  remembering  that  your  life 
had  in  similar  circumstances  been  spared  by  Monsieur  de 
Louvigny.  This  action  you  request  me  to  make  known  to 
your  father  Onontio.  I  shall  not  fail  to  do  so,  and  shall  also 
inform  him  of  the  precautions  which  you  had  taken  so  that 
no  harm  might  come  to  the  French,  in  case  you  should  have 
met  any,  nor  to  any  of  all  our  allies,  whom  you  wished  merely 
to  be  brought  before  you  unbound,  so  as  to  prove  to  them  by 
this  consideration  that  you  did  not  wish  to  insult  them.  I 
hope  that  you  may  continue  to  act  with  the  same  prudence  as 
in  this  affair. 

"You  assure  me  in  the  name  of  your  whole  nation  that 
wars  in  general  are  ended,  and  that  you  will  not  go  to  attack 
any  nation,  unless  you  are  first  attacked ;  that  you  will  not 
trouble  the  good  understanding  which  I  am  laboring  to  bring 
about  between  the  children  of  Onontio ;  and  that  you  will  no 
longer  molest  the  French  when  you  meet  them.  You  guar- 
antee absolutely  that  this  shall  not  occur,  and  you  promise, 
moreover,  in  future  to  follow  all  my  counsels ;  and  you  add 
that  since  your  sentiments  are  such,  and  since  your  father 
can  ask  nothing  further  of  you,  you  hope  to  obtain  from  me 
the  same  succor  as  all  the  other  children  of  Onontio  receive. 
As  to  this,  I  will  say  to  you  that  it  is  to  be  desired  for  your 
nation  that  you  be  faithful   in  all  your   promises,   since  you 


422  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

will  by  this  means  obtain  from  us   in  future  the  pity  that  you 
desire." 

Reply  of  Monsieur  de  Montigny  to  tlie  Renards;  "I  shall 
not  fail  to  inform  Your  Father  Onontio  of  all  that  you  have 
said  in  the  name  of  your  brother  Elecavas ;  and,  in  waiting  to 
receive  news  from  him,  I  answer  you  that  whenever  he  w^ishes 
it  you  shall  indeed  die,  and  perish  without  resource.  Your 
father  may  be  a  little  ill,  but  only  slightly ;  and  he  will  soon  be 
better,  as  he  has  remedies  in  abundance,  and,  if  in  need  of 
more,  he  has  ships  in  which  to  get  them.  Tell  your  brother 
that  if  his  whole  village  comports  itself  as  well  as  Ouashalas 
has  said  just  now,  your  father  will  perhaps  have  other  sen- 
timents toward  you.  Beware  of  seeking  to  deceive  him;  you 
would  deceive  yourselves.  This  is  all  that  I  have  to  tell  you; 
it  is  for  you  to  profit  by  it." 


1723:     DETROIT    INDIANS     THREATEN     THE    FOXES;    ILLICIT 

SALE  OF  BRANDY  AT  THAT  POST. 

[Part  of  a  letter  to  Claude  de  Ramezay;  dated  Jan.  10,  1723.  Trans- 
lated from  a  document  in  Quebec  Provincial  archives,  copied  from  a 
MS.  in  Paris  archives.] 

I  have  received  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honor  of 
wanting  to  me  on  the  28th  of  last  August 

Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  has  notified  me  of  his 
intentions  in  regard  to  the  project  formed  by  the  Savages  of 
this  place  of  making  war  on  the  renards  when  they  return 
from  their  winter  quarters.  I  shall  have  no  difficulty  in  per- 
suading our  Savages  to  abandon  the  idea  of  going  in  a  body 
among  the  Renards ;  for  I  have  been  informed  that  the  latter, 
after  besieging  the  Illinois  at  Le  Rocher,  have  gone  away  to- 
ward the  scioux,  so  that  it  would  not  be  possible  to  go  against 
them  at  such  a  distance  with  a  body  of  warriors.  This  rea- 
son will  be  more  than  sufficient  to  dissipate  their  projects — 
especially  as  they  are  preparing  to  attack  the  tetes  plates^ 


1723]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  423 

in  order  to  avenge  giome  of  their  people  who  were  killed 
by  that  tribe  last  year,  while  on  an  expedition  among  them. 

It  was  the  wife  of  la  Janvrie,  Monsieur,  who  boasted  that 
you  had  written  to  them  by  pilot*  and  had  told  them  that  you 
promised  to  have  restored  to  them  the  brandy  which  has  been 
seized;  and  her  husband  has  loudly  asserted,  in  the  presence 
of  my  wife,  that  he  had  nothing  to  fear  because  they  were  pro- 
tected by  a  big  head.  This  is  what  I  learned  from  various 
persons  on  my  arrival.  He  said  many  other  things  dur- 
ing the  trip  up  here,  which  I  shall  find  opportune  place  for  re- 
porting to  you.  They  have  been  unable  to  keep  the  secret  that 
their  mother  had  written  them  to  proclaim  that  they  had  sent 
her  the  proces-verbal  of  seizure,  made  by  Monsieur  PIvetot,* 
so  that  it  might  not  be  suspected  from  what  source  she  had 
seen  it  at  Montreal. 

It  is  true.  Monsieur,  that  you  have  written  me  (after  re- 
port of  the  seizure  of  the  brandy  of  Antaya*  and  Janvrie)  that 
I  ought  not  to  have  permitted  the  sale  of  brandy,  on  account 
of  the  prohibition  of  the  King  against  trading  in  it  with  the 
Savages.  I  had  the  honor  of  replying  to  you  that  I  had  re- 
ported to  Messieurs  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  and  BSgon,  who 
had  not  expressed  any  disapproval.  This  prohibition  applies 
only  to  the  Savages  and  not  to  the  French;  who  number  at  this 
post  more  than  twenty  habitants,  nearly  twenty  men  in 
the  garrison,  and  often  more  than  twenty-five  volunteers  or  en- 
gages, to  whom  we  can  not  refuse  the  privilege  of  drinking 
from  timo  to  time,  as  they  do  in  the  cities,  provided  the  King^s 
orders  be  executed.  What  could  I  do  better  than  to  put  all 
the  brandy  into  one  person's  hands,  so  that  he  alone  might  be 
responsible  for  any  infractions  that  might  occur.  The  precau- 
tions which  I  had  taken  in  this  matter  for  securing  obedience 
to  the  King's  will  sufficed  to  secure  me,  in  case  of  any  emer- 

iFor  Pllote  (PUotte),  the  name  of  a  French-Canadian  family;  it  fa 
probably  a  trader  or  voyageur  who  is  mentioned  in  the  text — ^Bd. 

2  So  In  our  copy  of  MS.,  but  probably  an  error  for  Llnctot  (Ren6  God- 
frey de).    See  p.  380,  note,  ante, — ^Ed. 

a  A  nickname  in  the  Canadian  family  of  Pelletier,  arising  from  the 
marriage  of  their  ancestor  with  an  Indian  woman. — ^Eo. 


424  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

gencies  arising,  so  I  could  condemn  those  who  supplied  brandy 
to  the  French.  This  you  will  see,  Monsieur,  from  the 
enclosed  permit  given  to  peletier  Antaya^  and  la  Janvrie;  but 
the  former  did  not  report  the  Truth  to  you,  when  he  told  you 
that  I  had  sold  him  brandy  and  obliged  [him]  to  take  it  back 
when  it  was  brought  to  the  house.  All  the  suppressions 
of  truth  are  only  for  the  purpose  of  securing  themselves  in  the 
matter  of  trading  in  brandy,  which  they  have  undoubtedly  done, 
since  their  wives  have  both  confessed  it  to  me,  alleging  rea- 
sons which  I  will  state  in  proper  time  and  place.  I  am  going 
to  inform  you  of  this  affair,  Monsieur,  in  order  to  give  you 
full  enlightenment 

When  the  oflScial  store  [bureau']  was  reestablished  to  pre- 
vent the  Savages  from  resorting  to  the  English,  it  was  Lamal- 
let  who  was  put  in  charge,  receiving  not  only  the  brandy  which 
my  clerk  remitted  to  her,  but  also  that  of  private  individuals 
and  travellers.  In  this  she  was  guilty  of  several  frauds  which 
did  not  come  to  my  knowledge,  and  of  certain  others  that  she 
could  not  hide  from  me.  This  I  discovered  only  in  the  year 
when  she  went  do\vn  [to  Montreal],  and  the  amount  was  about 
two  thousand  pots;^  for  if  there  had  been  no  brandy  but  mine, 
it  would  have  suflSced  only  for  the  French,  at  most  Thus,  see- 
ing that  the  trading  in  brandy  did  not  keep  the  savages  from 
resorting  to  the  English,  I  had  the  honor  of  writing  to  Mon- 
sieur the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  in  1720  that,  as  it  did 
not  serve  as  a  preventive,  it  was  expedient  to  abolish  the 
oflScial  store.  I  requested  him  to  speak  to  the  chiefs  who  came 
down  and  to  inform  them  that,  if  we  no  longer  sold  them  any 
brandy  in  future,  it  was  to  avoid  the  troubles  that  might  arise 
between  them,  and  to  enable  them  to  Protect  their  wives  and 
children.     This  Monsieur  the  general  did,  and  he  wrote  me 


1  Francois  Pelletler  (Peltier)  dit  Antaya  (see  preceding  note),  mar^ 
ried  in  1689  Madeleine  Thun^s.  Nine  years  later,  his  widow  married 
Pierre  Maillet  (Mallet),  a  Montreal  merchant.  It  is  she  who  is  men- 
tioned in  this  document  as  La  Mallet — Ed. 

2  The  pot  is  a  measure  containing  two  French  pints,  equivalent  to 
3.29  English  pints. — Ed. 


I723I  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  425 

that  it  would  be  only  Just  to  allow  the  sale  of  the  brandy  re- 
maining at  the  store,  before  abolishing  that  traffic 

Tho  next  winter,  La  Mallet,  having  formed  the  design  of 
going  down  with  her  family,  begged  me  urgently  to  allow  her 
to  give  the  brandy  which  remained  to  her  children,  desiring, 
as  she  said,  to  give  them  a  start  I  opposed  this  formally,  do- 
ing my  best  to  induce  her  to  remain — going  So  far  as  to  tell 
her,  as  well  as  her  husband,  that  whoever  leaves  his  Country 
loses  it.  But  as  they  had  quit©  decided  to  abandon  the  busi- 
ness, she  b^ged  me  so  many  times  that  I  granted  her  request. 
As  she  had  owed  me  some  money  since  the  preceding  year,  she 
paid  me  in  the  spring,  through  this  transfer  of  brandy  to  her 
children,  and  redeemed  her  note.  Therefore  it  is  not  I  who 
have  sold  the  brandy  to  Antaya,  as  he  has  the  effrontery  to  tell 
you.  Monsieur ;  but  it  is  rather  his  mother,  whose  debt  he  has 
paid.  Nevertheless,  this  imposter,  as  well  as  she,  has  had  the 
audacity  to  deceive  you.  Moreover,  this  brandy  was  not 
mine ;  it  belonged  to  some  private  individuals,  as  is  shown  by 
the  Enclosed  certificate  of  Monsieur  de  Tlvetot  who  made  the 
seizure. 

Pelotte  and  la  Janvrie  had  already  been  in  possession  of 
the  official  store  for  some  time,  when  the  order  for  suppress- 
ing the  sale  of  brandy  arrived.  To  make  this  abolitioa 
known  to  the  Savages,  it  was  prudent  to  take  the  brandy  away 
Until  the  orders  of  the  King  were  communicated  in  a  co\m- 
cil  held  for  that  purpose.  It  is  true  that  some  difficulties  were 
raised  as  to  taking  it  back ;  for  they  claimed  that,  now  that  it 
could  no  longer  be  sold  to  the  Savages,  it  would  remain  a  long 
time  on  their  hands.  I  took  this  under  consideration  and 
made  a  reduction  of  an  &5U  a  pot  on  what  remained,  with  which 
they  were  very  well  satisfied.  This  agreement  made  with  them 
ought  to  have  restrained  them,  and  hindered  them  from  selling 
brandy  to  the  Savages — as  they  have  done,  in  order  to  get  rid 
of  it  more  quickly. 

Antaya  has  had  no  reason  for  going  to  Law  in  this  matter, 
nor  has  the  merchant  who  supplied  him  any  reason  for  blam- 
ing me,  since  I  have  sold  nothing  to  him — he  has  merely  paid 
for  his  mother  what  she  owed  me;  and  if  I  have  reduced  the 


426  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [voLxvi 

price  an  ecu  a  pot,  it  is  to  her  that  I  have  allowed  this  rebate, 
deducting  it  from  what  she  owed  me.     Besides,  the  seizure 
made   by   Monsieur  de   I'lvetot   amounts   only   to   one   hun- 
dr^l  and  thirty  pots.     What  have  they  done  with  the  prod- 
uct of  moi-e  than  three  hundred  pots  of  brandy,  of  which  very 
Kttle  has  been  sold  to  the  French,  and  which  brought  them 
7000  livres  ?     Are  they  not  more  than  reimbursed  for  the  sale 
made  to  them  by  their  mother  ?     Is  it  not  true  that  their  false 
statement  has  no  other  foundation  tlian  their  belief  that  they 
eould  impose  upon  you  and  find  protection  in  you.  Monsieur? 
For  Janvrie  in  coming  up  kept  reiterating  that  you  had  as- 
sured them)  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  sell  brandy,  and 
had  promised  tliat  you  would  "plunge  into  it  Up  to  the  neck" 
in   order   to   accomplish   this.     He    also   said   that   on   leav- 
ing lachine  you  had  had  him  go  to  Marsac,^  and  had  said  to 
them:     "Go,  my  friends,  and  be  assured  that  I  will  protect 
you  in  all  your  enterprises;"  and  that  you  had  told  Antaya 
that,  if  he  could  come  up  again  in  two  Weeks,  he  had  only 
to  go  down  to  Quebec,  and  you  would  furnish  him  the  means. 
It  is  foustier  who  was  a  witness  to  all  these  conversations, 
and  who  reported  them  to  me.     Monsieur  de  I'lvetot,  whom  I 
have  questioned,  has  told  me  that  he  did  not  hear  these  things 
from  foustier,  but  from  the  voyageurs,  to  whom  he  had  repeated 
them. 

The  wife  of  la  Janvrie,  who  had  confessed  to  me  that  her 
brother  had  sold  brandy  to  the  Savages  (as  I  have  previously 
stated),  in  telling  me  the  reason  which  had  led  him  to  do  so 
(which  she  has  made  public,  although  I  am  persuaded  it  is 
a  false  one),  has  told  me,  since  the  return  of  her  husband, 
that  when  Antaya,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  told  you  of  his  in- 
tention not  to  go  up  again,  you  could  not  help  shedding  tears, 
and  promised  him  that  you  would  send  him  back,  and  told 
him  that  you  were  very  much  surprised  that  I,  being,  like  him- 
self, almost  at  death's  door,  should  seek  to  cause  so  much  trou- 


lA  reference  to  Jacob  de  Marsac.  who  had  been  an  officer  In  the 
French  troops,  but  came  with  Cadillac  to  Detroit  (1701) ;  he  died  there 
In  1747.— Ed. 


1723]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  427 

ble  to  all  the  habitants  of  this  place.  If  they  had  so  much 
reason  for  complaining  of  me,  why  did  they  not  do  so  when 
I  went  down  to  Montreal,  where  they  were  in  the  majority; 
and  as  I  have  been  away  from  here  since  that  time,  what  can 
they  allege  ?  Thef  lies  with  which  they  have  filled  their  peti- 
tion against  mo,  which  they  presented  to  Messieurs  the  Mar- 
quis de  Vaudreuil  and  Begon,  ought  to  stamp  them  as  arrant 
imposters.  However,  it  is  my  misfortune.  Monsieur,  that 
you  condemn  me  unheard,  and  I  have  to  hear  these  calumnia- 
tors assert  that  they  have  nothing  to  fear  because  they  are  un- 
der your  protection.  If  I  am  at  fault  in  regard  to  them,  I 
should  be  punished  after  you  have  heard  my  defense;  but 
suffer  me  to  take  the  liberty  of  representing  to  you,  Monsieur, 
that  I  have  N'ever  done  anything  that  should  lead  you  to  de- 
clare yourself  against  me  in  this  manner;  I  have  Never  neg- 
lected to  give  you  proofs  of  my  attachment.* 


1723:     JESUIT  MISSIONARIES  NEEDED  AMONG  THE  SIOUX. 

[Synopsis  of  a  letter  written  by  the  Jesuit  Louis  d'Avaugour;  dated 
Apr.  15,  1723.    Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  document] 

It  has  been  arranged  by  his  Royal  Highness  that  two  mis- 
sionaries should  be  established  among  the  Sioux  and,  in  con- 
formity therewith,  a  letter  has  been  written  to  the  Reverend 
Father  Davaugour. 

He  requests  that  the  State  allow  for  each  missionary  a  sum 
of  600  livres  annually,  be^nning  with  the  first  day  of  this 
year. 

These  missionaries  will  go  to  La  Rochelle  in  May,  and  their 
payment  for  the  months  of  January,  February,  March,  and 
April  will  serve  to  furnish  a  chapel  for  them,  and  to  pay  part 
of  the  expense  of  their  voyage. 


iThis  letter  was  probably  written  by  Alphonse  de  Tonty  (see  p.  201, 
note,  ante).  After  regaining  his  superiors'  favor,  he  was  command- 
ant at  Detroit  from  1720  until  his  death,  Nov.  10,  1727.— Eo. 


428  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVi 

He  requests,  also,  that  a  canoe  be  granted  independently  of 
the  one  granted  annually  for  the  other  missions,  to  carry  what- 
ever is  necessary  for  this  mission ;  and,  in  case  others  are  estab- 
lished in  the  direction  of  lake  Superior,  the  same  canoe  will 
serve  for  them. 

Father  Davaugour  represents  that,  in  order  to  make  an  estab- 
lishnient  of  this  sort,  there  must  be  a  commandant  who  knows 
the  Savages,  and  who  at  the  same  time  can  persuade  them  to 
receive  the  missionaries.  He  believes  that  there  is  no  oflScer 
better  adapted  for  this  than  Sieur  Pachot,  and  none  more  able 
to  ensure  the  success  of  such  an  establishment-  He  might  be 
designated  to  serve  there  during  three  or  four  years. 


1723:     HOSTILITIES    BETWEEN    FOXES    AND    OTHER    TRIBES; 

POLICY  OF  FRENCH  TOWARD  THEM. 

[Letter  of  Vaudreuil  to  French  Jiflnister;  dated  Oct  2,  1723.  Orig- 
inal MS.  in  archives  of  Ministere  des  Colonies.  Paris;  press-mark^ 
"Canada,  Corresp.  gen.,  vol.  45,  c.  11,  fol.  136."] 

MoNSEioNEUR,  I  havo  received  the  letter  which  you  did  me 
The  honor  of  writing  to  ine  on  May  22nd  last,  and  have  seen 
with  great  pleasure  that  you  approved  what  I  did  in  regard  to 
the  demands  of  the  nations  at  Detroit  for  The  execution  of  the 
project  of  war  which  they  had  proposed  to  make  against  The 
Renards, 

Those  Nations,  since  the  Reply  which  I  made  last  year 
granting  them  the  40  Frenchmen  and  2  officers  who  were  to 
serve  them  as  a  Nucleus  for  the  war,  have  given  no  further 
thought  to  the  execution  of  This  project;  But^  on  the  Con- 
trary, they  assured  the  Renards  last  July  that  they  were  think- 
ing only  of  remaining  at  peace  upon  their  mats,  and  that  they 
had  no  part  in  the  Attack  which  a  party  of  Savages  from  saghi- 
nan  had  made  upon  the  Renards.  They  took  this  precaution 
for  Fear  that  the  Renards  might  Impute  to  them  this  Blow, 
and  might  come  suddenly  upon  them  at  Detroit  to  avenge  the 
loss  they  had  just  suffered.     Thus,  Monseigneur,  I  do  not  see 


1723]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  429 

that  we  can  Count  assuredly  upon  all  the  Nations  of  Canada 
to  oblige  That  of  tlie  Renards  to  live  in  peace. 

That  nation  has  not  made  any  Attack  on  The  French  since 
The  peace  concluded  with  Monsieur  de  Louvigny  in  1716; 
and  it  engaged  in  the  war  of  the  Quiquapous  and  Mascoutins 
against  the  Ilinois  only  after  having  been  attacked  by  the  lat- 
ter, who  in  various  encounters  had  killed  or  taken  prisoners 
many  Renard  savages  from  1718  Up  to  1719 — while  tfiat 
nation  was  laboring  to  Persuade  the  Kicapous  and  Mascoutins 
to  cease  making  Attacks  Upon  the  Illinois;  and  notwithstand- 
ing the  fact  that  on  eight  different  occasions  the  Renards  had 
Sent  back  to  them  several  Slaves  of  their  nation,  whom  the 
Quiquapous  had  presented  to  them,  and  they  had  charged  These 
Slaves  to  tell  the  Ilinois  chiefs  that,  if  they  desired  to  make 
peace,  they  had  only  to  Come  to  the  village  of  the  Renards, 
where  they  could  negotiate  it  in  all  safety.  If  these  advances 
on  the  part  of  the  Renards  had  been  favorably  received,  and 
if  Monsieur  De  Boisbriant^  who  must  have  been  Informed  by 
Sieur  De  Liette,  had  urged  the  Ilinois  to  respond  by  some 
Conw-ssion  on  their  side,  I  am  convinced  that  the  War  between 
Those  Nations  would  long  since  have  been  ended. 

The  Renards  last  year  besieged  The  Ilinois  of  Le  Rocher. 
They  reduced  iliem  to  such  extremities  that  they  were  Obliged 
to  Sue  for  their  lives,  which  the  Renards  granted;  and,  rais- 
ing the  siege,  retired  to  their  village.  As  soon  as  they  had 
returned,  they  sent  Deputies  to  Sieur  de  Montigny,  Command- 
ant at  the  post  of  la  Baye,  to  excuse  themselves  for  having 
engaged  in  That  enterprise  against  his  wishes;  and  to  assure 
him  at  the  same  time,  in  the  name  of  all  the  chiefs,  that  the 
War  was  entirely  at  an  end,  and  that  they  no  longer  wanted 
to  go  to  war  with  any  nation  unless  they  were  first  attacked. 
I  thought^  Monseigneur,  that  you  would  not  be  averse  to  seeing 
their  speeches  On  this  occasion  which  I  therefore  enclose. 


1  Pierre  Dugu^,  sieur  de  Boisbriant,  was  bom  in  1675,  and  died  in 
1740.  His  namid  is  prominent  in  the  early  history  of  Canada  and  nil- 
Hols,  and  he  was  commandant  in  the  latter  region  during  1719-24.  In 
1720,  he  built  Fort  Chartres,  at  a  spot  about  sixteen  miles  northwest 
of  Kaskaskia,  and  a  mile  from  the  Mississippi. — Ed. 


430  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

Those  savages,  after  their  declaration  that  they  did  not  wish 
to  engage  in  any  further  warfare,  were  attacked  by  the  sauteurs- 
four  times  Before  the  12th  of  last  July ;  and,  having  on  each 
occasion  addressed  themselves  to  Sieur  De  Montigny  to  inform 
him  that  they  were  going  to  avenge  these  attacks,  the  Influence- 
of  This  officer  sufficed  to  deter  them,  and  to  induce  them  Uy 
sacrifice,  out  of  consideration  for  me,  the  Resentment  they 
cherished  on  account  of  These  Attacks.  But^  after  That  made- 
by  The  saghinan  party,  on  July  16th  last,  resulting  in  the  kill- 
ing of  22  savages,  men,  women  and  Children — who  were  fish- 
ing on  the  Shore  of  a  Lake  between  the  village  of  the  Renards^ 
and  the  post  of  La  Baye,  among  Whom  were  Five  sakis  and 
2  puants — it  was  Impossible  for  Ouachalas  to  restrain  his 
Warriors.  Four  detachments  went  Against  the  sauteurs,  and 
one,  consisting  of  100  men,  went  in  the  Direction  of  St  Joseph's 
River.  Ouachalas  informed  Sieur  de  Montigny  of  this  and 
reported  that  he  was  accompanying  the  last-named  band,  in. 
order  to  prevent  the  savages  of  That  River  from  being  cap- 
tured and  the  French  from  being  Insulted. 

I  hope,  Monseigneur,  that  the  details  I  have  the  honor  of 
communicating  to  you  will  not  displease  you — and.  As  these 
facts  are  absolutely  Certain,  they  may  Serve  to  show  that  the 
Renards  were  less  in  the  wrong  tlian  tlie  Hinois  for  the  war 
they  have  had  together;  that  the  Renards  are  far  from  being^ 
as  intractable  as  they  have  been  represented;  and  That  it  is 
not  Impossible  to  make  them  listen  to  reason,  when  one  knows- 
how  to  deal  with  them  Properly.  Besides,  it  is  not  Surpris- 
ing that,  after  having  been  attacked  four  successive  times  with- 
out making  any  reprisals,  they  Should  have  been  aroused  the- 
Fifth  time  they  were  attacked.  It  is  of  the  utmost  Impor- 
tance to  prevent  The  first  movements  of  That  nation  from 
going  too  far,  and  to  guarantee  the  upper  country  from  a  War 
which  would  result  in  a  general  Conflagration. 

In  order  to  succeed  in  this  I  will  send  Monsieur  De  Lou- 
vigny  early  next  Spring  to  la  Baye.  He  has  a  great  reputa- 
tion and  much  Influence  among  all  the  Nations  of  the  upper 
country,  and  no  one  is  better  informed  than  he  regarding  all 
necessary  details  in  order  to  treat  with  them.     Moreover,  his; 


1723]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN,  43^ 

sparing  The  lives  of  the  Renards,  after  besieging  and  reducing 
theni  to  extremities  in  1716,  gives  Him  still  greater  influence 
with  That  nation.  All  These  advantages  persuade  me  that 
when  he  speaks  to  all  Those  Nations  they  will  refuse  him 
Nothing,  and  that  the  Renards  will  be  the  first  to  Submit  Ac- 
cordingly, I  Count  on  his  being  able  to  Persuade  them  to  be 
Reconciled  and  to  Live  in  peace. 

As  Regards  the  orders,  Monseigneur,  which  you  give  me  to 
come  to  an  agreement  with  Monsieur  De  Boisbriant,  Command- 
ant among  the  IlinoiSj  regarding  the  measures  which  it  will 
be  Proper  to  take  against  the  Renards  in  the  affair  of  the  Hi- 
nois,  I  will  Communicate  them  to  the  Commandant,  in  order 
to  learn  from  him  how  1  can  aid  him,  and  what  measures  he 
can  take  on  his  Part.  I  shall  not  fail,  Monseigneur,  to  give 
orders  not  only  to  the  Commandant  at  Detroit,  and  also  to  the 
One  Stationed  among  the  Miamis  and  ouyatanons,  who  is  much 
nearer  the  Ouabache  River,  to  watch  the  Conduct  of  the  English 
in  order  to  prevent  them  from  creating  any  Establishments  On 
that  River. 

I  know,  indeed,  of  what  Importance  it  is  to  prevent  That 
people  from  penetrating  among  the  Nations  that  are  attached 
to  our  interests;  and  I  shall  therefore  Continue  to  give.  As  I 
have  given  hitherto,  all  the  attention  which  such  a  matter  re- 
quires. 

I  am  very  respectfully,  Monseigneur,  Your  very  humble  and 

VCTy  obedient  servant, 

Vattdbeuil. 

Quebec,  Oct  2nd,  1723. 


1723;     FOXES  INTRIGUE  WITH  THE  ABENAKIS. 

[Letter  to  Oovemor  Vaudreuil  from  Father  Aubrey,  Jesuit  Miasionary. 

From  Jes,  Relations,  Ivil,  pp.  129-131.] 

At  St.  FsANgois,  October  3,  1723. 

Monseigneur,  The  chief  of  our  mission,  Nanoudohout,  has 
doubtless  recently  explained  to  you  the  message  that  Neskain- 
beoui  has  brought  from  the  Renards ;  and  how  all  the  Savages, 


432  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  Xvi 

even  the  young  men,  of  my  mission  have  been  horrified  that  the 
Renards  should  thus  invite  them  to  declare  themselves  for  that 
tribe  against  the  upper  nations — because  that  would  be,  they 
say,  to  declare  themselves  Against  your  children  and  their  broth- 
ers. This  will  not  prevent  me,  however,  from  giving  myself 
the  honor  of  writing  to  you  something  on  this  subject.  "We 
have,"  they  say,  "another  war  to  Sustain,  a  just  and  necessary 
one,  against  the  english,  without  consenting  to  enter  upon 
another,  which  is  both  unjust  and  pernicious.  We  did  very 
well  to  obey  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil,  our  father,  4  years  ago, 
when  Xenangounikou  came  to  invite  us  on  the  part  of  those 
Kenards  to  go  in  great  numbers  to  their  country,  to  eat  the 
beaver's  tail  there" — that  means  "to  pursue  our  Hunting  and 
make  our  abode  there."  "Their  fine  message  must  amount  to 
just  this:  we  would  there  be  engaged  in  their  war,  against  all 
Nations." 

That,  Monsieur,  is  what  our  young  men,  our  old  men,  and 
I  have  understood.  I  can  only  testify  to  you  anew  my  grati- 
tude that  you  did  actually  stop  them  then,  and  that  you  made 
them  descend  from  Montreal  and  return  to  our  mission;  for, 
if  they  had  Followed  the  invitations  of  this  Xenangousikou, 
the  mission  would  have  been  greatly  injured,  and  the  greater 
part  of  our  young  men  Would  be  now  Like  this  Nenangousi- 
kou — both  without  Christianity  and  without  affection  for  the 
f  rench,  in  that  country  of  the  Renards.  Allow  me,  accordingly, 
now  to  offer  you  anew  my  thanks,  and  to  have  the  honor  of 
assuring  you  that  I  am  with  profound  respect.  Monsieur, 

Your  very  hiunble  and  very  obedient  Servant, 

Joseph  Aubry,  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 

Missionary. 


1723]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  433 


1723:     INTERTRIBAL  AFFAIRS;    LICENSES   FOR   FUR   TRADE; 

THEIR  SUPPRESSION. 

[Letter  from  Oovemor  VaudreuU  to  the  Minister;  dated  Oct  11, 1723. 
MS.  in  archives  of  Ministdre  des  Colonies,  Paris;  press-mark.  "Can- 
ada, Corres.  g^n.,  vol.  45,  c.  11,  fol.  146."] 

I  have  received  the  letter  which  You  did  me  The  honor  of 
writing  May  25th  last,  regarding  The  Information  you  had 
received  concerning  various  affairs,  in  which  you  state  that  it 
may  be  inferred  that  I  do  not  regard  matters  concerning  the 
government  of  Louisianna  As  having  any  claim  on  my  help  and 
aid;  that  I  do  nothing  to  prevent  The  wars  that  may  arise 
among  the  nations  dependent  on  me;  and  that  I  grant  per- 
mits to  the  coureurs  do  bois.  I  confess,  Monseigneur,  that  it 
is  very  disagreeable  for  me  to  see  that  everything  that  is  written 
About  me  is  believed,  even  when  the  statements  advanced  are 
Far  from  being  true. 

I  shall  try  to  Explain  these  facts  so  that  it  will  appear  that 
the  author  of  the  letter  in  which  they  were  reported  was  very 
badly  informed.  I  Begin  therefore  with  the  statement  in 
regard  to  the  nations,  who,  it  is  pretended,  desired  to  assem- 
ble, but  wefre  prevented  by  Sieur  de  Linctot,  the  Commandant 
at  Detroit,  during  the  absence  of  Monsieur  De  Tonty.  I  as- 
sure you  that  they  expressed  no  other  wish  than  that  which 
I  reported  in  my  letter  of  Oct.  22nd  of  last  year,  and  which 
induced  them  to  make  no  hostile  movement,  as  I  reported  in 
the  statement  which  I  had  the  honor  of  sending  you  on  the 
2nd  of  this  month.  It  is  true  that  in  the  absence  of  Sieur 
De  tonty,  in  the  month  of  May,  last  year,  a  Poutouatami  sav- 
age from  the  St.  Joseph  River  brought  to  Detroit  24  Calumets 
from  Pennetacoton,  a  Saki  Chief,  to  induce  the  4  nations 
of  Detroit  to  go  instantly  to  attack  the  Renards.  But  Sieur 
Linctot  having  assembled  Them  to  learn  What  they  wished  to 
do  in  regard  to  these  Calumets,  they  replied:  "We  have  al- 
ways told  you,  my  father,  that  we  would  not  march  against 
the  Renards  unless  we  Saw  our  father  Onontio  at  our  head. 
We  still  hold  this  same  opinion,  and  we  do  not  trust  to  what 
Pennetacoton  announces  to  us."  They  added  that  they  would 
29 


434  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

Send  back  those  Calumets  the  very  next  day;  and,  in  fact, 
they  despatched  3G  men,  on  The  23rd  of  the  same  month,  to 
Carry  them  back  to  The  St,  Joseph  river. 

The  Renards,  in  their  last  fight  Against  the  Ilinois,  had  vrith 
them  some  scioux,  ^Mascontins,  Kicapous,  pnants,  and  Sakis; 
but  there  were  no  Sautours  or  folles-avoines.  It  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  tliey  should  have  the  iMascoutins  and  Kicapous, 
since  the  former  Are  at  present  incorporated  with  them,  while 
the  Kicapous  have  always  been  their  allies.  As  for  the  Puans 
and  the  sakis,  it  was  easy  to  get  them,  because  the  puans  are 
Settled  near  them ;  and  the  village  of  the  Sakis  is  only  20 
Leagues  from  That  of  the  renards,  with  whom  they  are  closely 
connected  by  the  marriages  of  the  sakis  with  the  daughters  of 
the  Renards,  and  of  Renards  with  those  of  the  Sakis.  But  it 
is  not  to  be  Believed  that  there  were  any  sauteurs  among  them, 
since  those  tribes  are  Continually  at  war  with  each  other. 

As  Regards  the  4  Abenakis,  who  They  say  were  there  also, 
and  whom  I  am  accused  of  having  sent  in  order  to  get  Slaves 
for  me,  I  have  learned  that  they  were  there  in  fact.  But  that 
Xanangoussi  had  influenced  the  Renards  to  decide  on  sparing 
the  Lives  of  the  Ilinois.  Those  4  savages  Xever  went  with 
my  consent  into  the  upper  country,  and  It  is  only  their  own 
roving  spirit  that  carried  them  thither.  Xessegambewuit — 
that  Abenaki  Chief  to  whom  the  late  King  gave  an  enameled 
medal,  when  Sieur  de  Montigny  presented  him  to  His 
Majesty — having  remained  among  the  Renards  after  peace 
was  concluded  with  them  in  1716,  did  not  leave  them  until 
this  year,  when  he  Returned  to  Quebec.  This  savage  did  noth- 
ing in  that  country  which  could  be  prejudicial  to  the  Colony. 
On  the  contrary,  According  to  the  Report  made  to  me  by  Sieur 
de  Montigny,  The  reports  he  has  made  to  that  nation  about 
What  he  saw  in  France,  during  the  time  while  he  w^as  there, 
have  only  Served  to  give  Those  savages  an  exalted  idea  of  tho 
power  of  the  King,  and  have  inspired  them  with  Fear. 

Xenangoussik  was  formerly  chief  at  St.  frangois.  His  Rov- 
ing spirit  led  him  to  abandon  that  mission,  and  to  remove  to 
That  of  sault  St,  Louis,  where  he  Expected  to  Live  in  greater 
liberty.     As  He  was  very  Restless,  he  took  it  into  his  head 


1723]  FRENCH    REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  435 

to  make  a  trip  to  the  Benards,  where  he  remained  some  time ; 
he  Returned  to  Montreal  in  1719,  bringing  a  message  from 
that  nation  for  the  Abenakis,  inviting  them  to  go  and  hunt 
in  their  country,  where  they  would  not  lack  Game.     He  brought 
this  message  to  St.  fransois,  whence  he  returned  to  Montreal 
with  40  Yoimg  men,  who  wished  to  follow  him.     As  I  saw 
that  These  40  men  were  so  many  warriors  whom  the  Abenaki 
nation  would  lose,  at  a  time  when  they  might  need  them  to 
oppose  the  designs  of  the  English,  and  as  the  Renards  would 
not  fail  to  employ  them  against  the  Ilinois,  I  opposed  their 
departure,  and  so  well  represented  to  them  The  Objections  to 
their  making  That  expedition,  that  I  succeeded  in  persuading 
them  to  return  to  their  village.     As  for  Xenangoussik,  it  was 
impossible  for  me  to  dissuade  him  from  This  journey,  as  he 
said  in  excuse  that,  being  a  bearer  of  a  message  from  the 
Renards,  he  was  obliged  to  carry  back  an  answer.     As  I  could 
not  stop  him,  he  returned  to  that  nation,  where  he  has  remained 
Up  to  the  present  time.     He  came  Very  near  being  killed 
Last  Spring  by  the  Sauteurs,  the  enemies  of  the  Renards,  who 
killed  his  brother.     It  was  he  and  another  chief  of  the  Abena- 
kis, named  Babamouet, — who  was  formerly  one  of  the  most 
influential  and  esteemed  warriors  of  that  nation, — who  sent 
Nesgambewuit  here   This  year  to  report  the  words  of  the 
Renards  to  the  Abenakis,  inviting  all  the  young  men  of  st  f  ran- 
§ois  to  go  among  them  to  avenge  The  death  of  the  brother  of 
Nenangoussik.     At  first  I  received  this  Envoy  very  harshly, 
making  him  Feel  how  odious  he  was  Rendered  by  the  Com- 
mission with  which  he  was  charged ;  but  he  excused  himself  by 
saying  that  he  had  Undertaken  This  Commission  only  be- 
cause it  was  impossible  to  refuse,  and  that  it  was  better  he, 
rather  than  some  one  else,  should  be  the  bearer  of  this  mes- 
sage, since  he  had  no  intention  of  supporting  it,  as  he  had  re- 
solved not  to  return  again  among  the  Renards,  but  to  retire 
among  his  brothers.     I  decided  to  treat  him  with  more  indul- 
gence, and  I  promised  to  cause  the  elders  of  st.  frangois  to 
Receive  him  among  them.     In  fact,  those  elders  having  come 
a  few  days  later  to  give  me  an  Account  of  What  This  message 
Contained,  I  persuaded  them  not  to  make  any  Reply  to  it,  and 


436  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.Xvi 

to  consent  to  Receive  and  keep  Nesgambewuit  in  their  village, 
since  he  was  willing  to  abandon  his  Lawless  ways,  and  to  Marry, 
with  the  sanction  of  the  Church,  the  woman  whom  he  had 
brought  with  him.  Accordingly,  no  other  Abenakis  remain 
among  the  Renards  except  Nenangoussik. 

After  What  I  did  in  1719,  as  well  as  in  the  present  year, 
to  prevent  the  Abenakis  from  going  among  the  Renards — for 
which  I  have,  moreover,  been  warmly  Thanked  by  father 
Aubry,  their  missionary,  who  wrote  me  a  letter  (of  which  I 
enclose  a  Copy)  on  The  3rd  of  this  month — I  leave  you  to 
judge,  Monseigneur,  whether  it  can  justly  be  said  that  I  do 
not  regard  matters  pertaining  to  the  government  of  Louisianna 
As  things  in  which  I  ought  to  give  any  help  or  aid ;  and  that 
I  do  nothing  to  prevent  The  wars  that  may  arise  among  the 
nations  dependent  on  me.  It  is  not  on  these  two  occasions 
alone  that  I  have  devoted  my  attention  to  Such  matters;  But 
I  have  done  so  in  several  other  cases,  when  the  ouyatanons 
would  have  waged  war  with  the  Ilinois,  if  Sieur  de  Vincennes, 
in  accordance  with  the  orders  which  I  have  always  given  him 
to  maintain  peace  between  These  2  nations,  had  not  stopped 
the  movements  of  the  Ouyatanons — among  whom  he  has  a  very 
great  Reputation,  and  with  whom  he  made  several  journeys 
among  the  Ilinois. 

It  has  never  been  Reported  to  me  that  The  Abenakis,  who 
without  my  consent,  went  Among  the  Renards,  had  said  that 
I  had  sent  them  to  make  war  Against  the  Ilinois,  to  get  Slaves. 
Accordingly,  I  have  reason  to  Believe  that  they  have  ne\'^er 
told  such  a  falsehood;  and  also  that  the  remark  is  quite  un- 
called for,  that  it  is  diflRcult  to  persuade  the  savages  that  the 
French  of  Canada  and  those  of  Louisianna  are  of  the  same 
nation.  The  savages  are  so  well  aware  of  this  that,  a  party 
of  Poutouatamis  from  st.  Joseph  River  having,  in  1720,  at- 
tacked a  Canoe  in  which  there  were  some  French  and  some 
Cansas  savages,  going  up  the  Mississipi,  and  having  Killed  one 
Frenchman  and  one  savage  and  wounded  another  Frenchman 
and  another  savage  with  the  first  volley  tliat  was  fired,  the  chief 
of  That  band  (although  he  pleaded  in  excuse  that  This  Attack 
had  all  been  a  mistake,  as  far  as  the  French  were  concerned) 


1723]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  437 

did  not  fail,  as  soon  as  Sieur  De  Montmidy,  who  was  in  CJom- 
mand  of  That  post  [words  omitted  in  MS.]  to  go  and  surren- 
der Himself  to  Monsieur  de  boisbriant;  And  the  principal 
Chief  of  that  nation  came  to  Montreal  the  following  year  to 
give  me  the  same  satisfaction. 

In  Regard  to  what  the  author  of  the  Louisianna  letter  says 
therein,  that,  if  the  voyageurs  who  leave  Montreal  on  trading 
expeditions  had  the  Liberty  of  going  wherever  they  please, 
there  would  be  less  Disorder  among  The  savages;  Whereas, 
Since  they  have  Licenses  for  trading  in  certain  poets  only,  it 
happens  that,  doing  no  business  there,  they  go  to  others,  and 
The  French  who  find  them  there  Confiscate  their  merchandise, 
calling  in  the  aid  of  the  savages  if  they  are  not  themselves 
strong  enough.  Which  has  a  very  bad  influence  among  The 
Nations— I  do  not  know,  Monseigneur,  where  This  writer  has 
ascertained  that  voyageurs,  who  had  Licenses  for  one  post)  have 
Confiscated  the  wares  of  those  whom  tiiey  found  there  having 
licenses  for  another  post,  and  that  they  have  obtained  aid  from 
the  savages  in  order  to  effect  such  Confiscations,  since  I  am  as- 
sured that  far  from  any  thing  of  this  sort  having  taken  place, 
no  such  action  has  even  been  taken  by  the  French  in  any  post 
of  the  upper  country  since  those  posts  were  established  in 
1717.  They  were  Established  only  in  order  to  Keep  the  sav- 
ages attached  to  us;  to  maintain  peace  and  union  among  the 
Nations;  to  keep  in  order  the  French  traders  who  should  go 
there  with  Licenses  to  trade ;  and  to  prevent  The  disorders  that 
had  occurred  when  it  was  permitted  to  the  voyageurs  by  their 
Licenses  to  carry  on  trade  in  any  place  of  the  upper  country 
to  which  they  might  choose  to  go. 

By  the  King's  declaration  of  April  28th,  1716,  for  the 
reestablishment  of  the  25  Licenses,  His  majesty  ordered  that 
25  should  be  granted  every  year  by  the  Governor-General  of 
New  France,  to  carry  on  trade  with  the  Savages  in  the  posts 
designated  in  those  permits.  I  have  Conformed  with  this 
order  in  forbidding  Those  who  obtain  these  Licenses  to  go  to 
trade  elsewhere  than  in  the  posts  appointed  as  their  destina- 
tion. The  voyageurs  who  went  to  the  upper  country  readily 
submitted  to  this  prohibition,  since  each  one  found  it  to  his 


438  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS,        [voKxvi 

own  advantage.  There  have,  however,  been  a  few  who  have 
Disobeyed,  but  tliey  were  people  who  had  failed  on  account 
of  their  own  Misconduct,  and  who  had  acted  thus  because  they 
intended  to  pass  over  into  the  government  of  Louisianna.  They 
have  even  gone  there  without  Repaying  the  merchants  who 
had  Equipped  them,  in  order  to  have  more  liberty  to  CJontinue 
their  Careers  as  coureurs  de  bois — which  was  very  e«u3y,  as 
they  found  Merchandise  among  the  Ilinois  for  a  new  Equip- 
ment^ and,  as  Monsieur  De  boisbriant  did  not  refuse  to  give 
them  licenses  to  continue  their  Expeditions.  As  soon  as  I  was 
informed  of  These  Enterprises,  I  wrote  to  That  Commandant 
that  I  was  greatly  Surprised ;  and  I  represented  to  him  at  the 
same  time  that,  Since  I  did  not  issue  any  permits  to  trade  in 
the  Iljnois  country,  he  ought  not  to  issue  any,  especially 
to  fugitives  from  Canada,  to  come  and  trade  with  the  savages 
dependant  on  my  Government ;  and  I  added  that  if  those  trad- 
ers were  met  in  Any  of  those  posts  dependent  upon  my  gov- 
ernment, their  property  would  be  seized,  in  accordance  with 
The  orders  I  had  given  in  Regard  to  people  of  that  sort  This 
statement,  made  to  Monsieur  De  boisbriant,  is  doubtless  the 
source  of  the  assertion  made  in  the  Louisianna  letter  to  the 
eflFect  that  The  voyageurs  were  hampered  by  not  being  allowed 
to  trade  in  any  other  posts  than  those  designated  by  their  li- 
censes; For,  since  1720,  I  have  not  issued  any  Permits  for 
trading;  but  tliere  were  some  of  those  which  I  had  granted 
previously  which  could  not  be  used  until  1721  and  1722.  This 
was  because  the  families  that  had  obtained  them,  being  them- 
selves unable  to  use  them,  and  being  allowed  to  sell  them,  had 
at  first  been  unable  to  dispose  of  them;  or,  if  they  had  sold 
them.  The  voyageurs  who  bought  them  found  themselves 
unable  to  obtain  among  the  merchants  the  assortment  of  mer- 
chandise necessary  for  their  Equipment  and  had  been  imable 
to  set  out  earlier.  It  may  be  also  the  delay  in  the  Departure 
of  these  Licensed  Traders  that  has  given  ground  for  Believing 
that  I  have  Continued  to  issue  licenses  after  his  Majesty  has 
Suppressed  them. 

There  are  no  longer  any  other  permits  than  those  (which 
have  always  been  granted)  for  the  Canoes  that  go  to  carry  sup- 


1723]  FRENCH   REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  439 

plies  to  the  officers  and  to  the  Jesuit  Missionaries  at  the  posts. 
This  includes  also  the  Missionaries  of  the  same  CJompany  who 
are  at  Kascaskias,  and  Those  of  the  Missions  Etranggres 
[Foreign  Missions]  who  Are  at  Kaoukias  in  the  Hinois 
country.  These  latter  have  had  three  Canoes  This  year,  on 
account  of  a  habitant  of  their  Seigniory  of  Beaupre  whom 
they  sent  to  that  mission  with  his  family.*  I  add  herefto  Those 
given  to  the  voyageurs  who  engage  to  carry  the  effects  of  the 
King  to  the  posts,  for  The  payment  and  clothing  of  the  sol- 
diers, and  for  presents  to  the  savages.  I  believe  there  is  noth- 
ing in  this  Contrary  to  the  Wishes  of  the  King,  since  I  have 
taken  Care  to  report  my  Proceedings  to  the  Council  of  marine, 
which  has  not  disapproved  This  custom. 

I  have  not  Hitherto  noticed  that  love  of  gain  has  given  rise 
to  any  bad  conduct  among  the  officers  in  the  posts.  They 
cannot  give  me  bad  Counsels,  because  I  do  not  ask  them  for 
any  whatever;  and  they  restrict  themselves  to  Reporting  on 
matters  relating  to  the  savages  of  their  posts,  or  any  occurrence 
which  seems  to  demand  attention,  and,  finally,  on  the  execution 
of  the  orders  that  I  give  tliem.  Thus,  Monseigneur,  you  may 
rest  assured  that  if  there  were  any  one  who  did  not  keep  in 
view  alx)ve  all  else  the  good  of  the  service  of  the  King  and 
The  execution  of  his  orders,  I  should  not  fail  to  Recall  him.* 

I  Hope,  Monseigneur,  that  These  Explanations,  in  regard 
to  the  Calumnious  complaints  that  have  been  made  Against  me, 
will  prevent  any  others,  should  such  be  made  in  future,  from 
making  any  Impression. 

1  For  the  support  of  their  missions,  various  landed  estates  were  con- 
ferred upon  the  Jesuits.  The  seigniory  of  Beaupr6  was  owned  by  the 
Seminary  of  Quebec.  The  S^minaire  des  Missions  Etrang^res  of  Que- 
bec (founded  in  1663)  maintained,  from  1698  until  about  1712,  various 
missions  among  the  tribes  on  the  lower  Mississippi;  most  of  these 
were  then  abandoned,  save  that  among  the  Illinois.  In  the  final  dec- 
ade of  the  French  regime,  the  Illinois  mission  decayed;  and  the  Sem- 
inary priests  there  ministered  to  the  French  habitants.— Ed. 


440  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  xvi 

[Across  the  outer  sheet  of  this  letter  is  written  the  following,  appar- 
ently the  Minister's  directions  to  his  secretary:] 

Answer  him: 

Ist — That  he  must  prevent  the  Abenakis  from  going  into  the 
Tipper  country;  that  this  is  altogether  opposed  to  our  inter- 
ests, and  that  he  ought  to  have  taken  every  possible  Measure 
to  prevent  it  from  the  start. 

That  he  must  take  measures  to  end  the  affair  of  the  renards, 
and  that  he  ought  for  this  purpose  to  send  to  la  Baye,  to  take 
command  there,  an  officer  of  experience,  who  is  absolutely 
Trustworthy;  that  Sieur  de  la  Noue*  would  seem  a  proper 
person  for  that  post.  That  the  continuation  of  that  war  gives 
ground  for  judging  that  there  is  little  effort  made  to  finish 
it ;  that  His  Majesty  will  recompense  The  officer  who  shall  Re- 
duce the  Renards  to  submission, — or  rather,  who  will  destroy 
them, — as  His  Majesty  expressly  desires  this.  The  company 
of  the  indies'  has  30  picked  soldiers  in  Hinois,  who  will  march 

iThe  identity  of  this  officer  cannot  be  satisfactorily  established. 
Tanguay  mentions  one  Zacharie  Robutel,  sieur  de  la  Nolle;  he  was 
born  in  1665,  and  died  after  1705.  He  had  several  sons,  only  one  of 
whom  Is  mentioned  by  Tanguay  as  having  military  iK>sition;  this  was 
Thomas,  born  in  1702,  an  ensign,  who  died  in  1754.  ApiMtrently  it  is 
Zacharie  who  in  1692  was  at  MichiUimackinac,  and  in  1717  was  sent 
to  establish  a  post  at  the  western  end  of  Lake  Superior,  and  to  explore 
the  lakes  beyond  it  Having  built  a  fort  at  Kaministiquoia  (near  the 
present  Port  Arthur,  Ont),  he  remained  in  command  there  until  1721, 
when  he  was  relieved.  In  1727  one  Sieur  de  la  Noiie  (who  was  prob- 
ably a  son  of  the  preceding)  was  appointed  to  command  at  Green  Bay; 
but  Governor  Beauhamais  did  not  send  him  thither,  as  the  Jesuits  as- 
sured him  that  L«a  Noiie,  "although  very  capable  and  deserving,  had 
the  misfortune  to  be  not  acceptable  to  the  Tribes  at  that  post;  and  to 
be  regarded  with  suspicion  by  the  Renards,  their  allies."  It  Is  prob- 
ably this  man  who  is  mentioned  in  N.  Y.  Colon,  Docs.,  ix,  1042,  as  dead 
in  1734;  and  Thomas,  son  of  Zacharie,  as  approving  an  expedition 
against  the  Foxes  in  1742  (p.  1086). — ^Ed. 

2  This  was  a  commercial  company,  formed  in  France  in  1717 — at 
first,  under  the  title  of  Compagnie  d'Occident  (Company  of  the 
West) — by  the  well-known  adventurer  John  Law.  Its  objects  were* 
to  exploit  the  Louisiana  colony,  and  to  form  colonies  on  the  Missis- 
sippi river;  but  the  scheme  proved  burdensome  and  unmanageable, 
and  the  company  surrendered  its  charter  to  the  crown  in  1731,  Louis- 
iana thus  becoming  a  royal  province. — Ed. 


1724]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  44I 

whenever  necessary,  and  measures  should  be  taken  and  plans 
formed  for  bringing  this  War  to  an  end. 

When  the  King  suppressed  the  licenses,  he  intended  to  pre- 
vent every  one  from  going  to  the  upper  country;  and  persons 
who  had  not  made  use  of  their  licenses  when  the  order  came, 
should  not  have  been  allowed  to  use  those  whose  term  had  ex- 
pired. To  allow  them  to  continue  is  to  allow  the  continuance 
of  a  traffic  which  the  King  wished  to  stop. 

It  is  right  to  give  permits  for  carrying  supplies  to  the  troops 
at  the  posts ;  but  this  should  be  done  only  in  conjunction  with 
the  intendant.  It  is  necessary  to  avoid  even  a  suspicion,  and 
it  is  publicly  asserted  that  for  100  livres  one  can  get  permite 
in  Canada. 

A  greed  for  gain  led  formerly  to  the  supplying  of  powder 
to  the  Renards,  in  the  first  War  that  we  had  with  them.  It 
is  to  be  hoped  that  this  abuse  is  now  corrected,  and  that  the 
officers  of  the  posts  no  longer  show  such  greed,  and  do  not  suf- 
fer it  in  others. 


1724:     WAR  BETWEEN  FOXES  AND  CHIPPEWAS;   FORT  TO  BE 

ESTABLISHED  AMONG  SIOUX. 

[Part  of  a  letter  written  by  Vaudreuil  to  the  commandant  Boisbrl- 
ant;  dated  May  20,  1724.  Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  document, 
but  vol.  56,  c.  11,  fol.  255.] 

You  are  not  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  The  Establishment  in 
the  syoux  country,  which  the  Court  has  greatly  at  Heart,  will 
be  as  useful  for  the  discovery  of  the  western  sea,  as  it  is  advan- 
tageous to  all  the  settlements  along  the  Mississipy ;  for  it  will 
protect  the  French  who  dwell  there  from  The  incursions  of 
that  nation.  But,  as  one  cannot  conveniently  go  there  except 
through  the  coimtry  of  the  renards,  and  as  that  way  is  closed 
by  the  war  now  raging  between  the  renards  and  the  Sauteurs, 
it  is  necessary  to  Begin  at  once  to  reconcile  these  two  nations, 
who  by  being  in  perfect  Accord,  will  Leave  The  roads  open 
for  the  journey  to  the  syoux.  I  flatter  myself  that  Sieur 
Lignery  will  work  Efficaciously  to  reunite  them. 

I  have  Been  Informed  Uiat  the  illinois  had  not  yet  given  any 


442  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS,        [voKxvi 

aatisfaction  to  the  renards  with  regard  to  their  prisoners,  al- 
though the  latter  had  sent  theirs  back  to  the  Illinois.  I  think 
you  feel  widi  mo  that  it  is  Important  to  induce  that  tribe  to 
send  back  in  good  faith  the  prisoners  of  the  others. 

Yf>\i  have  no  less  interest  than  we  in  keeping  those  nations 
At  peace;  and  you  should  desire  this  all  the  more  since  the 
Consequences  of  their  quarrels  might  fall  upon  our  French. 

There  is  no  other  way  to  restore  Calm  and  tranquillity  to 
the  country  than  by  working  Efficaciously  for  peace  and  I  urge 
you  to  do  so;  on  my  part  I  shall  omit  nothing  that  may  tend 
to  its  attainment. 

I  am  ordered  by  the  Court  to  inform  the  syoux  of  its  in- 
tention to  succor  them  in  their  needs.  For  that  purpose  I  shall 
employ  father  charndon,  a  Jesuit  who  is  at  La  baye.  He  is 
greatly  esteemed  by  the  renards,  who  are  friends  of  the  syoux. 
He  will  urge  the  latter  to  go  and  meet  the  Commandant  and 
the  missionaries  whom  we  are  to  give  them.  It  is  to  be  pre- 
sumetl  that  this  project  will  place  those  people,  who  are  more 
than  800  Leagues  from  the  lower  Mississipy,  whither  they 
cannot  go  to  procure  what  they  need.  They  are  only  two  hun- 
dred Leagues  from  la  baye.  That  Establishment,  and  the 
friendly  relations  between  those  tribes,  will  also  be  very  useful 
in  regard  to  Commerce  and  to  the  Intercourse  that  this*  Colony 
will  have  with  the  mississipy. 


1724:     INTERTRIBAL    WARS;    IMPORTANCE    OF    POST   OUIATA- 

NON. 

(Letter  from  Vaudreuil  to  Boisbriant;   dated  Aug.  17,  1724.    Source, 
same  as  that  of  preceding  document,  but  fol.  256.] 

I  have  received,  Monsieur,  The  letter  that  you  did  me  the 
honor  of  Writing  to  me  on  the  19th  of  last  October. 

I  am  not  surprised  that  the  quikapoux,  sakis,  Mascoutins, 
and  other  nations  should  go  on  Forays  against  the  Illinois ;  the 
consequences  of  that  strife  sometimes  react  upon  our  French. 
Those  tribes  are  allies  of  the  renards,  who  claim  to  have  Griev- 
ances against  the  Illinois,  because  the  latter  detain  their  pris- 
oners.    I  am  convinced  that,  if  they  were  to  give  satisfaction 


1724]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSIN.  443 

to  the  renards  on  this  point,  it  would  not  be  diflScnlt  to  induce 
The  latter  to  make  peace.  I  employ  every  means  to  attain 
this  end,  by  ordering  all  the  Commandants  of  the  posts  to  work 
Efficaciously  for  that  object ;  and  if,  after  trying  gentle  means, 
they  cannot  succeed  in  doing  so,  to  urge  all  the  nations  to  as- 
semble Together  to  Exterminate  the  renards.  Such,  Monsieur, 
are  my  sentiments  to  which  I  shall  devote  particular  attention. 
I  am  very  glad  of  The  arrival  of  the  sieurs  St.  ange,  father 
And  son  ;*  but  I  am  surprised  that  you  should  tiiink  of  remov- 
ing Sieur  de  Vincennes  from  my  Government,  and  that  you 
:should  have  Undertaken  to  make  him  leave  a  post  where  his 
presence  is  most  necessary,  on  account  of  the  Esteem  in  which 
he  is  held  by  the  savage  nations  at  that  post — which,  as  you 
know,  is  not  at  all  ^vithin  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Mississipy 
•Government.^     I  would  be  very  sorry  to  be  compelled  to  lay 

iJean  de  (originaUy  Grosson  dit)  St  Ange  de  BeUerive  was  a  vet- 
eran officer  in  the  French  troops,  having  served  since  at  least  1685. 
It  is  probably  he  who  escorted  Charlevoix  through  the  West  in  1721; 
•and  in  the  following  year,  when  commandant  at  Fort  Chartres,  cut  to 
pieces  a  large  body  of  Fox  Indians.  In  1724,  he  was  major  at  New 
Orleans;  and  in  1733  was  again  In  command  of  Fort  Chartres.  His 
.second  son,  Louis,  was  at  New  Orleans  in  1724,  and  at  Kaskaskia  in 
1727;  later,  he  was  in  charge  of  a  French  post  on  the  Missouri  river, 
but  in  1736  was  sent  as  commandant  to  Post  Vincennes,  which  office 
he  held  until  1764.  In  that  year  he  took  command  of  Fort  Chartres, 
which  he  delivered  up  to  the  English  on  Oct.  14,  1765;  he  then  re- 
moved to  St.  Louis  (which  had  been  founded  in  the  preceding  year  by 
Pierre  Laclede),  and  was  commandant  there  until  1770  (in  the  Span- 
ish service,  after  1766).    He  died  there,  Dec.  26,  1774. — ^Ed. 

3 A  reference  to  Post  Ouiatanon  (near  the  present  city  of  Lafayette, 
Ind.),  founded  about  1719  (see  Vaudreuil's  orders  to  Dubuisson,  p.  382, 
-nnie).  The  Vincennes  here  referred  to  was  Francois  Morgane,  a 
nephew  of  J.  B.  Bissot  (p.  228,  note  2,  ante),  and  successor  to  the  lat- 
ter*s  title;  it  is  Francois  who  later  founded  Post  Vincennes.  See  J.  P. 
Dunn's  Indiana^  pp.  49-55;  and  Oscar  J.  Craig's  "Ouiatanon,"  in  In- 
<liana  Historical  Society^s  Publications,  ii,  pp.  317-348. 

The  district  of  Illinois  was  separated  from  the  Jurisdiction  of  Can« 
-ada,  and  added  to  that  of  Louisiana,  in  1717;  but  there  was  frequent 
wrangling  among  the  respective  colonial  authorities,  in  regard  to  the 
more  distant  posts  situated  on  tributaries  of  the  Mississippi.  See 
Vaudreuil's  statement  of  the  boundaries  between  the  two  governments, 
tn  Margry's  D^couv.  et  ^tabl.,  vi,  p.  511. — ^Ed. 


444  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVI 

my  compliments  before  the  Court;  but  I  shall  nevertheless  do 
so  if  the  attempt  to  remove  Him  Continues.  I  trust,  monsieur, 
that  you  will  pay  attention  to  this,  and  that  you  will  reflect 
upon  the  Inconveniences  that  might  result  from  it, 

I  Wrote  last  year  respecting  The  promotion  of  Sieur  de  Vin- 
cennes ;  I  hope  that  the  Court  has  heeded  my  representations, 
and  that  he  will  have  employment  this  year. 

I  thank  you  for  your  attention  in  sending  back  The  two  sol- 
diers who  had  deserted  from  detroit. 

You  may  rely  upon  the  four  soldiers,  of  whom  you  write 
to  me,  not  leaving  this  Colony  if  I  learn  that  all  four  are  in 
it;  and  you  may  be  sure  that  I  shall  Incorporate  them  in  the 
troops.  I  shall  make  every  effort  to  procure  for  the  Company 
the  repayment  of  the  advances  made  by  it  to  those  People. 

There  is  nothing  new  here,  excepting  the  death  of  Monsieur 
de  Ramezay. 


1724:     DE  LIGNERY  GOES  TO  GREEN  BAY;  PACIFIES  THE  WAR- 
RING TRIBES,  EXCEPT  THE  FOXES  AND  ILLINOIS. 

[Letter  of  De  Lignery  to  Boisbrlant;  dated  Aug.  23, 1724.    Source,  same 
as  that  of  preceding  document,  but  fol.  257.] 

Monsieur — I  take  The  opportunity  afforded  by  the  depart- 
ure of  a  pouteatamy,  who  is  going  to  the  river  St.  Joseph,  to 
have  the  Honor  of  Writing  to  You  These  few  words,  by  Which 
You  will  learn  that  I  proceeded  to  la  baye  by  order  of  Monsieur 
The  marquis  de  Veaudreuil  to  try  to  smooth  The  troubles 
between  The  Soteux  and  other  tribes  of  tlie  Lakes,  our  allies, 
and  the  reynarts.  To  that  end,  in  Concert  with  Monsieur 
damariton,  the  Commandant  of  This  post,  and  The  reverend 
fathers  St.  pe  and  Chardon,  I  assembled  The  Sakis,  renards, 
and  puants  in  This  fort,  and  addressed  them  in  forcible  terms 
to  make  them  lay  down  Their  War-clubs  lifted  Against  The 
said  Soteurs,  by  giving  Them  back  two  of  Their  Slaves  whom 
The  ytayes  [Ottawas]  of  Saginan  had  taken  from  them  last 


1724]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  445 

jear.  This  they  granted  me,  and  they  also  gave  me  three 
Soteur  slaves  whom  they  had  Among  them.  This  was  my  first 
word ;  and  Here  is  The  Second,  which  I  have  set  down  on  this 
sheet  at  Length,  in  The  same  terms  as  those  in  which  I  spoke 
to  Them,  Wishing  to  Bind  both  Their  arms,  and  to  establish 
A  general  peace  among  all  the  nations. 

"I  ask  you  also,  on  behalf  of  our  father,  to  stay  The  War- 
club  lifted  Against  his  children.  The  jUinois,  upon  whom  You 
are  waging  a  bitter  war.  He  has  also  sent  word  to  them  to 
lay  down  Their  war-club  lifted  Against  You;  and  I  Shall  en- 
deavor to  have  The  slaves  on  both  sides  sent  back,  so  as  to  put 
an  End  to  This  unjust  war,  which  makes  our  father  very  an- 
gry. It  is  greatly  to  Your  interest  to  Please  Him.  I  can- 
not sufficiently  impress  upon  You  The  obedience  that  You  owe 
Him  If  You  Wish  to  be  His  True  children ;  and  The  misfor- 
tunes that  You  will  draw  down  upon  Yourselves  If  you  do  not 
obey  His  Will." 

Such,  Monsieur,  are  The  very  terms  which  I  Used  to  in- 
duce the  Savages  to  Cease  their  attacks  Upon  the  jllinois ;  but 
Their  answer  was  not  favorable,  for  they  replied:  "my 
father.  The  jllinois  has  attacked  us  too  often  to  allow  of  our 
staying  our  War-clubs,  and  of  breaking  our  word.  I  Hide  It 
not  from  thee,  but  we  shall  still  have  An  arm  Lifted  on  That 
Side."  Such,  monsieur,  was  Their  answer,  and  they  Are  in- 
dignant because,  when  peace  was  made  in  1716,  they  sent  the 
jllinois  back  Their  prisoners  while  The  jllinois  did  not  return 
Theirs,  As  had  been  Agreed  upon  in  The  treaty.  Thus,  mon- 
sieur, I  Consider  that  it  is  necessary,  If  We  Wish  to  secure 
This  peace  Between  them,  to  Commence  by  accomplishing 
That  If  You  deem  It  advisable,  will  you  have  The  kindness 
to  send  me  word  via  The  river  St  Joseph  ?  If  You  do  me  The 
Honor  of  writing  to  me,  Monsieur  de  Villedonne  who  Com- 
mands there,  will  send  The  I-iOtter  to  me  at  Michilimakinac, 
which  is  my  post;  I  returned  hither  This  year,  two  months 
ago,  when  I  learned  that  the  regnards  had  Killed  Five  French- 
men. This  led  me  to  resolve  to  writo  to  monsieur  The  marquis 
de  Vaudreuil  that,  If  This  Were  True,  I  Thought  we  Would 
be  compelled  to  wage  war  on  Them  Jointly  with  all  our  nations ; 
and  I  also  wrote  the  same  to  the  minister. 


1^6  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

Thus,  inonsienr,  I  Believe  that,  in  order  to  decide  upon  peace 
or  upon  war,  we  require  to  have  news  from  You,  As  we  have 
no  positive  Information  re8i)ecting  What  Passes  Among  You^ 
for  we  have  received  none  this  year. 

The  Journey  that  I  have  made  to  la  baye  will  do  no  harm 
in  either  case.  On  The  Contrary  It  has  removed  all  distrust 
from  Their  minds.  I  am  very  glad  to  inform  You  of  this  so 
that  Your  people  may  be  On  Their  guard.  I  earnestly  request 
Monsieur  do  Villedonne  to  send  You  This  Letter  as  soon  as. 
possible. 

I  have  The  Honor  to  be  with  respect,  Monsieur,  Your  very 

humble  and  very  obdient  Servant, 

De  Lionery. 

AT  LA  BAYE,  thls  23rd  of  August,  1724. 


1724:  FOXES  DEMAND  THE  RESTORATION  OP  THEIR  CAP- 
TIVES AMONG  THE  ILLINOIS;  LACK  OF  COOPBRATIOK 
AMONG  FRENCH  COMMANDANTS. 

[Letters  to  commandant  at  Kaskaskia,  written  by  Villedonne  (Oct. 
4),  and  Father  Mesaigeri  (Oct.  2  and  15).  Source,  same  as  that  of  pre- 
ceding document,  but  fol.  261,  262,  268.] 

Monsieur — Having  succeeded  in  inducing  ouabessebau,  the 
brother  of  the  Chief  of  the  Sakis  at  la  baye,  who  is  Settled  in 
tliis  Village — having  succeeded,  I  Say,  in  concert  with  Mon- 
sieur de  Villedonne,  in  inducing  Him  (in  Accordance  with  The 
wishes  of  Messieurs  The  Commandants  of  michilimakina  and 
of  the  post  of  la  baye)  to  carry  You  These  Letters,  and  to  work 
Under  Your  orders,  in  Concert  with  Monsieur  de  Villedonne, 
at  securing  peace  between  the  regnarts  and  the  Illinois,  I  have- 
the  honor  to  write  to  you  begging  You  to  treat  him  well,  even 


1  Charles  Michel  Mesaiger  (Messager)  came  to  Canada  in  1722,  where 
he  remained  twenty-seven  years,  returning  to  France  in  1749.  Little* 
is  known  of  his  labors,  save  that  in  1731  he  was  at  Michillimackinac, 
and  then  went  with  La  V6rendrye  on  his  explorations  }n  the  wilder- 
ness west  of  Lake  Superior;  having  spent  two  years  thus,  he  returned" 
to  Montreal  on  account  of  poor  health. — ^Ed. 


1724]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  447 

if  The  Errand  Should  not  be  as  agreeable  to  You  as  it 
appears  necessary  to  Those  Gentlemen.  The  Savage  manifests 
no  less  His  good  Will  toward  the  French  and  deserves  that 
some  Regard  be  shown  Him,  because,  as  he  is  jllinois  by  birth 
and  in  his  Heart,  His  Coming  should  cause  only  pleasure  in 
That  country,  As  nothing  Certain  is  Known  here  Concerning 
What  passes  among  the  jllinois.  In  Accordance  with  the  in- 
tentions of  monsieur  The  marquis  de  Vaudreuil  and  of  Mes- 
sieurs de  Lignery  and  amariton,  we  send  Him  to  gain  On  the 
Spot,  Light  on  Certain  facts  (both  Personally  and  still  more 
through  The  Letters  that  those  Gentlemen  hope  to  receive  from 
You),  and  that  we  may  Afterward  act  in  accordance  with  The 
Truth  of  Those  facts.  The  facts  in  question  Are:  Whether 
there  Are  any  regnart  Slaves  among  The  ilinois;  Whether  it 
is  True  that,  when  the  peace  was  made  in  1716,  the  regnart 
Slaves  Were  not  given  up  According  to  Agreement;  Whether 
any  slaves  have  been  captured  in  the  last  war ;  Whether  those 
who  were  made  Slaves  at  either  time  Are  still  Alive,  or  are 
dead;  finally,  Whether  the  French  have  burned  The  Slaves 
whom  the  jlinois  captured  on  the  last  occasion — for  The 
Regnart  clamors  loudly  On  These  points.  If  there  should  be 
any  renard  Slaves  among  The  jllinois,  those  Gentlemen  beg  , 
You  to  take  steps  to  recover  Them,  and  at  once  to  hand  them 
over  to  ouabessebau,  who  will  deliver  them  into  The  hands  of 
Monsieur  de  Villedonn6,  and  after  that  to  Monsieur  de  Lignery. 
Should  there  be  none,  and  the  renards  have  lied  On  all  these 
Points,  we  beg  You  to  let  us  Know  Whether  there  have  been 
any  who  Are  now  dead,  or  who  have  been  burned.  In  the  Lat- 
ter Case,  You  will  find  some  arrangement  to  be  proposed  to 
Them  by  Those  Gentlemen,  If  You  wish  for  peace ;  or  You  will 
inform  Them  of  our  motives  and  of  Your  Opinions  Respect- 
ing The  war,  should  You  Deem  it  more  advisable  to  Resort 
to  it.  Such,  Monsieur,  is  The  explanation  of  our  sending 
ouabessebau.  Respecting  Which  you  will  act  As  Your  usual 
Wisdom  and  prudence,  and  The  honor  of  the  French  name, 
which  is  so  Dear  to  You,  may  suggest  I  have  only  to  Rep- 
resent and  not  to  dictate  to  persons  who  have  more  experience 
and  more  Wisdom  than  I.     Moreover,  I  know  that  affairs  of 


443  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS,        [vol.  xvi 

This  Kind  are  not  within  my  province,  but  solely  within  Yours; 

and  I  am  delighted  to  be  concerned  in  this  affair  merely  that 

I  may  inform  You  that  I  remain  with  great  respect,  Monsieur, 

Your  very  Humble  and  very  obedient  Servant 

C.  M.  Messaoeb, 

Jesuit  Missionary. 
At  the  Post  of  the  Riteb  St  Joseph,  this  2nd  of  October,  1724. 


Monsieur — Having  learned  (by  one  Oulameque,  who  met 
some  of  Your  French)  that  It  was  You,  Monsieur,  who  were 
appointed  to  take  The  place  of  Monsieur  de  boisbriant,^  I  unite 
with  Those  gentlemen  who  Write  to  You  in  Telling  You  that 
no  effort  is  being  made  to  put  an  end  to  The  war  which  The 
regnarts  are  waging,  not  only  on  us  but  also  against  The  Illinois, 
where  Your  French  Are  at  all  times  surrounded.  It  is  neces- 
sary, Monsieur,  to  work  in  Concert  with  us  for  The  success  of 
This  undertaking  Without,  however.  The  Consent  of  the  reg- 
narts. Steps  must  be  taken  to  withdraw  The  Slaves  from  the 
hands  of  the  jUinois  If  they  have  any.  The  regnarts  complain 
that  they  were  deceived  by  Your  Savages  in  1716,  and  that  the 
latter  kept  some  of  Their  people  when  they  had  Agreed  mutu- 
ally to  deliver  Them  up  to  one  anotlier.  Le  Chat  blan  [White 
Cat],  who  has  Undertaken  to  carry  These  Letters  and  to  hand 
Them  to  You,  is  commendable  for  his  Ability.  We  (all  The 
missionaries,  and  Those  gentlemen  who  Write  to  you)  beg  You 
to  Entrust  Le  Chat  blan  with  the  Slaves  whom  You  will  with- 
draw from  the  hands  of  the  jUinois,  to  Be  handed  over  to  us, 
in  order  that  we  may  strive  to  effect  peace  between  Those  two 
nations,  who  are  greatly  excited  Against  each  other.  Father 
messager,  who  Writes  to  You  from  here,  informs  You  of  every- 
thing. I  imite  with  Him  in  commending  to  you  Le  Chat  blan, 
who  assures  us  that  he  will  bring  back  directly  to  this  place 
Whatever  You  may  Entrust  him  with.     It  is  The  Surest  and 

iThis  letter  was  written  to  the  new  commandant  at  Kaskaskla, 
Claude  Charles  du  Tisn^.  He  was  at  Mobile  in  1714,  and  served  with 
distinction  for  many  years  in  Louisiana  and  Illinois.  He  died  prob- 
ably in  1730.^Ed. 


1724]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  449 

promptest  Way.     By  so  doing  You  would  oblige  Him  who  has 

The  honor  of  being  most  sincerely, 

Monsieur,  Your  very  Humble  and  very  obedient  Servant, 

De  Villedonne. 
At  the  fort  of  the  biveb  St.  Joseph  this  4th  October,  1724. 


MoxsiEUE — In  Concert  with  Monsieur  De  Villedonne,  and 
in  Accordance  with  the  intention  of  Monsieur  De  Vaudreuil 
and  Monsieur  de  Lignery  and  amariton,  I  had  the  honor  of  Writ- 
ing to  you  by  oubessebau  who  will  reach  you  this  winter,  with 
reference  to  the  peace  which  those  Gentlemen  wish  to  make  be- 
tween the  Renard  and  the  illinois.  It  is  for  the  purpose  of  giv- 
ing you  notice  of  it  that  I  send  you  this  letter  By  way  of  the 
[post]  Ouiatanon,  with  the  Consent  of  Monsieur  De  Ville- 
donne; and,  at  the  same  time,  to  give  you  a  summary  of  the 
Contents  of  the  letters  of  those  Gentlemen  and  of  our  fathers 
[the  Jesuits].  Monsieur  Delignery,  after  obtaining  from  the 
Eenard  a  peace  with  the  sauteurs  and  the  Lake  tribes,  Under- 
took to  liave  one  Concluded  also  with  The  illinois,  promising 
Them  to  have  Their  Slaves  Restored  to  them — who,  they  com- 
plained, had  been  Kept  back  from  them  at  the  peace  of  1716. 
The  Renards  would  not  Consent  in  spite  of  his  threats  in  the 
name  of  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil ;  and  added  That 
The  illinois  had  Treated  Them  too  badly,  and  had  broken  their 
word  to  them  too  often,  to  permit  them  to  lay  down  the  War-club 
they  had  lifted  Against  that  tribe.  Those  Gentlemen  see  no  pros- 
pect of  securing  the  peace  that  they  would  like  to  make  univer- 
sal. Unless  you  help  them  to  get  back  those  Slaves  who  are  so 
much  regretted,  in  the  event  of  their  Being  Alive ;  or  Unless  you 
give  them  information  to  enable  them  to  Convict  the  Eenard  of 
falsehood.  That  Information  they  cannot  obtain  because  they 
are  not  On  the  spot,  and  have  only  tlie  Frenchman  there  who 
takes  part  in  the  negotiation  Without  the  participation  or  Con- 
sent of  the  Renard.  Should  you  Deem  it  advisable  to  act  in  Ac- 
cordance with  the  Intentions  of  those  Grentlemen,  Ouabessebau 
will  undertake,  on  his  return,  to  Place  the  Slaves  in  the  hands  of 
Monsieur  Devilledonne,  who  will  send  them  to  Monsieur  De- 
30 


450  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

lign[er]y,  Independently  of  the  acceptance  or  non-acceptance 
of  the  Renard.  If  Monsieur  Is  of  opinion  that  War  should 
be  waged  against  that  Cruel  nation,  he  Informs  you  that  he  is 
Writing  to  France  to  the  minister  on  the  subject,  for  he  cannot 
Allow  the  Killing  of  the  French  to  go  Unpunished.  All  the 
other  tribes  will  be  disposed  to  take  part  in  the  war  with  more 
ardor  when  they  see  the  Renard  placed  entirely  in  the  Wrong 
through  the  Restitution  of  His  Slaves,  with  which  he  will  Prob- 
ably not  be  Content ;  and  they  will  act  Jointly  with  us  to  destroy 
him.  Such,  Monsieur,  are  the  Contents  of  the  Letters  which 
should  Reach  you  this  winter.  In  case  of  accident,  I  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  present  opportunity  to  Inform  you  of  those  Gen- 
tlemen's Intentions.  If  Ouabessebau,  contrary  to  our  expecta- 
tions, should  Retrace  his  steps  Owing  to  some  panic  Dread, 
please  have  the  kindness  to  act  as  if  the  letters  of  those  gentle- 
men had  Reached  you;  and,  through  Monsieur  de  Vincennes, 
Inform  them.  If  it  can  be  done,  of  the  truth,  and  of  the  state  of 
affairs  in  your  country.  I  Commend  myself  to  your  GhxKi 
Prayers  and  I  Beg  you  to  Believe  me,  with  great  respect, 

[C]  M.  Mesaigek. 
At  St.  Josefh.    This  October  15th,  1724. 


1725:     FRENCH  SETTLEMENTS  IN  ILLINOIS  ARE  MENACED  BY 
THE  FOXES;  AID  FROM  FRANCE  REQUESTED. 

[Letters  from  Du  Tisn^,  dated  Jan.  14,  1725.    Source,  same  as  that  of 

preceding  document,  but  fol.  259,  268.] 

Monsieur — I  have  infonned  Messieurs  De  Lignery,  Amari- 
ton,  and  Villedonne  of  the  ill-treatment  we  receive  from  the 
Eenards ;  and  I  am  writing  to  them  to  Send  you  The  Answer  of 
Our  savages.  I  was  Surprised  that  those  Gentlemen  at  la  Baye 
should  have  concluded  peace  So  soon ;  for  Monsieur  De  Lignery 
writes  me  that  he  has  Heard  that  five  of  our  French  have  been 
killed.  This  report  is  only  too  true.  He  should  or  Can  Sus- 
pend the  peace.  You  Know,  Monsieur,  that,  on  account  of 
that  peace  So  hastily  concluded,  the  chiefs  are  not  masters  of 


1725]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  45 1 

their  young  men ;  and,  as  allies  of  the  Eenards,  they  will  join 
them  to  come  and  Continue  Their  Cruelties  Upon  us.  Had 
those  Gentlemen  let  the  tribes  alone,  we  would  have  had  to  Fight 
against  fewer  Enemies  who  cover  themselves  with  the  name  of 
Eenard.  They  cannot  deny  that  Ouayalameque  came  to  attack 
us,  for  The  son  of  le  chat  blanc  was  there,  and  I  had  previously 
broken  His  five  canoes  below  the  Ouabache ;  and  they  ought  not 
to  be  Ignorant  of  the  fact  that  the  Renards  dance  around  our 
scalps  with  Their  allies.  Our  Illinois  have  no  Slaves  belonging 
to  the  Renards,  and  have  Never  acted  Treacherously  toward 
them.  They  [merely]  defended  themselves.  The  last  Attack 
at  le  Rocher  proves  It,  and  they  establish  it  by  Monsieur  deliette 
and  by  the  missionaries.  We  Are  not  Spared;  The  Traders 
from  your  Quarter  give  them  to  understand  that  we  Are  other 
White  men.  People  of  that  Kind  Sacrifice  Their  country  to 
obtain  Beaver-skins.  All  these  Representations,  Messieurs,  call 
for  your  orders,  so  that  a  Remedy  may  be  applied  to  this. 
Meanwhile,  imtil  we  take  our  departure,  I  shall  stop  our  Hlinois 
from  going  to  that  country ;  but  they  shall  Remain  with  us  at 
their  Head,  to  defend  us  On  our  lands.  Give  orders  also  to 
the  miamis ;  they  came  to  Invite  two  of  our  cliief s,  of  whom  We 
have  no  news;  We  fear  that  they  have  killed  them.  They  are 
named  Mamantoinsa  and  le  Chevreuil  blanc;  they  Are  highly 
Esteemed  among  tlic  Kaskasias.  Five  of  our  French  have 
just  been  killed  on  the  Ouabache;  We  suspect  The  Kikapoux. 
Finally,  If  the  ruin  of  this  colony  is  desired,  that  is  the  way  to 
Succeed.  Pardon,  Monsieur,  If  I  Importune  you  by  my 
lengthy  discourses ;  but  a  sick  person  is  permitted  to  Allege  TTia 
Ailments,  in  order  that  the  proper  Remedies  Be  given  him. 
There  is  no  time  to  Lose.  I  have  the  honor  to  beg  you  to  Con- 
tinue your  protection.  And  to  permit  me  to  tell  you  [that  I  am], 
with  very  profound  respect, 

DUTISNE. 

[Endorsed:  "Copy  of  a  Letter  Written  to  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil 
at  Quebec,  on  the  14tli  of  January,  1725,  from  fort  de  Chartres  in  the 
Illinois  country."] 


452  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

Monsieur — You  will  find  annexed  to  this  all  the  copies, 
showing  The  manner  in  which  we  are  treated  in  Canada.  I 
send  them  also  to  Monseigneur  de  Maurepas,  whose  commands 
I  ask.  You  cannot  importune  Him  too  much  to  that  effect  and 
to  withdraw  us  from  the  sorry  positions  in  which  our  French 
and  the  Savages  are  placed  here.  We  are  Killed  everywhere  by 
the  renards,  to  whom  Canada  supplies  weapons  and  powder. 
These  letters  with  my  answers,  and  those  of  our  savages,  will 
inform  you  of  our  grievances.  The  Beaver  in  Their  district 
cause  this  Great  carnage  among  us ;  and  we  shall  obtain  no  re- 
lief unless  you  give  orders  in  regard  to  this  affair. 

1  had  the  honor,  messieurs,  to  tell  you  in  my  last  letter  that 
this  post  does  not  suit  me.  If  you  can  grant  me  what  I  ask,^  I 
shall  be  Greatly  obliged  to  you.  I  am  deprived  of  everything, 
without  arms  or  ammunition.  If  no  more  succor  be  Sent  to  us 
from  The  sea,  we  shall  be  Compelled  to  abandon  this  post  I 
shall  endeavor  to  maintain  it  To  the  end;  but  one  cannot  do 
what  is  impossible,  and  I  shall  yield  only  at  the  last  Extremity. 
When  we  Write  to  Them  they  do  not  disturb  themselves.  If 
you  absolutely  wish  me  to  remain  here,  have  the  kindness  to 
give  orders  that  a  secretary  be  granted  me,  for  I  have  no  person 
here  who  is  Capable  of  being  one.  Without  the  assistance  of 
sieur  perillau,  who  is  very  well  qualified,  and  who  has  been  good 
enough  to  take  the  trouble,  I  would  not  have  been  equal  to  the 
task.  He  well  deserves  that  the  Company  should  have  some 
consideration  for  him,  as  he  has  already  Been  in  its  service. 

I  admit.  Messieurs,  that  I  was  surprised,  After  I  had  certi- 
fied Monsieur  de  Bourmont's  accounts,  and  had  passed  seven 
horses  for  him,  to  find  afterv\'ard  that  the  man  named  pichard 
had  brought  only  four,  and  that  the  others  were  not  delivered. 
And  as  the  clerk  is  dead.  Monsieur  de  Bourmont  has  appointed 
in  his  stead  one  named  St.  roc^  who  was  expelled  from  your 
stores  in  the  time  of  sieur  Roger — whom,  it  is  asserted,  he 
caused  to  do  whatever  he  wished.     This  will  help  you  to  procure 

lOn  the  margin  of  MS.  is  here  written  "The  Company  of  Paris" — 
probably  an  intimation  that  this  letter  is  addressed  to  the  directors  of 
the  Company  of  the  Indies,  in  whose  hands  was  then  the  management 
of  the  Louisiana  and  Illinois  colonies. — Ed. 


1725]  FRENCH  REGIME  IN  WISCONSHI.  453 

my  reports.  That  is  what  le  Taillandier  assures  me,  who  came 
down  with  him ;  and  when  navigation  opens,  I  shall  learn  the 
exact  truth  through  Monsieur  de  St  Ange.  I  shall  have  the 
honor  of  Writing  to  you  more  at  length  by  Lamer. 

The  savages  press  me  very  hard.  We  have  no  paper  here, 
which  prevents  my  making  Copies.  Mamentouenta  and  his  band 
have  just  arrived,  and  here  are  Copies  of  the  letters  that  I  have 
received.  My  son  has  arrived  from  the  Missouris,  and  haa 
brought  His  Convoy  safely  and  without  accident  to  its  destinsr 
tion. 

Allow  me  to  call  myself  with  very  profound  respect,  after  ask- 
ing the  honor  of  your  protection  and  seeking  the  same  on  all 
occasions,  and  to  remain,  Messieurs,  Your  very  humble,  obedi- 
ent, And  very  submissive  sen^ant, 

C.  C.  DUTISNE. 
At  fort  de  Chartre  this  14th  January,  1725. 


1725:     OPINIONS  OF  ILLINOIS  MISSIONARIES  REGARDING  POX 

WAR, 

[Letters  to  Du  Tisng  from  missionaries  at  Kaskaskia;  dated  Jan.  10, 
1725.    Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  document,  but  fol.  267.] 

MoxsiEUR — I  have  the  honor  to  Send  you  Herewith  the  Re- 
ply of  the  small  number  of  savages  who  are  here.  He  who 
Carries  you  the  message  is  a  chief  of  the  Kaskaeias  named 
assakipitc,  who  is  highly  Esteemed.  He  accompanies  his  mes- 
sage with  a  calumet,  which  he  will  present  to  le  chat  blanc  to 
Thank  him  for  his  visit  The  Message  is  Full  of  Respect  and 
submission  to  your  orders ;  and  when  all  The  other  chiefs  come, 
they  will  not  disavow  it.  You  ask  us  in  particular.  Monsieur, 
what  are  our  Opinions.  They  will  not  be  very  different  from 
the  message  of  The  Illinois.  I  add  to  what  he  will  say  my  pri- 
vate Opinion,  which  is  also  that  of  Monsieur  Thomur,  the  Su- 
perior of  the  Kaskaeias  Missions.  He  will  sign  it  with  me,  as 
yoix  Deem  it  advisable,  for  neither  of  us  fears  having  it  made 
public,  If  yoii  consider  that  expedient  for  the  public  weal ;  for 
we  have  no  other  views,  and  it  Is  perfectly  in  accord  with  That 
which  we  hold  respecting  The  establishment  of  Religion  and 
the  Safety  of  the  Country. 


454  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

First :  We  Certify  that  in  our  illinois  villages  there  are  no 
renard  slaves,  except  one  girl,  who  is  with  the  Chief  of  the  met- 
chicamias;^  and  the  latter  has  promised  to  surrender  her  as 
soon  as  they  give  up  to  him  His  son  Vensa,  a  prisoner  among 
the  Benards,  who  was  given  by  them  to  Their  allies.  As  our 
illinois  are  absent  from  their  homes,  we  do  not  Know  whether 
there  are  any  other  slaves  among  Them. 

Secondly :  Monsieur  Delignery  cannot  have  had  The  slight- 
est doubt,  when  he  made  the  peace,  that  The  5  Frenchmen  men- 
tioned in  His  letter  Were  Killed  last  spring,  since  Their  Scalps 
were  carried  through  the  villages  of  the  Kenards,  and  the  Poux 
and  other  Lake  tribes  were  Informed  of  the  affair.  Moreover, 
even  if  he  had  not  been  aware  of  It,  he,  at  least,  knew  certainly 
that  in  1719  one  St.  hive^  was  killed,  and  de  ruisseaux  wounded ; 
that  in  1721,  a  Soldier  was  killed  at  the  Gate  of  the  village  of 
the  Kaskacias;  that  in  the  Following  years  Monsieur  Nepveu 
and  His  family  Were  massacred;  that  in  1723,  lesueur  and  La- 
fond  were  slain  while  hunting;  that  in  The  Following  year. 
Monsieur  de  St  ange  was  attacked  and  one  of  his  Soldiers 
killed;  and  that  last  spring  Monsieiir  de  Boisbriant's  Canoe, 
manned  by  4  Frenchmen  and  His  Slaves,'  Was  attacked,  and 
The  4  Frenchmen  Killed. 

Neither  can  Monsieur  de  Lignery  have  been  ignorant  of  the 
fact  that  since  The  peace.  The  illinois  have  not  left  Their  Lands ; 
that  If  the  Renards  went  thither,  it  was  because  they  wished  to 
attack  The  illinois.  The  destruction  of  Le  Eocher  and  of  Pim- 
ithony  Are  proofs  of  this. 

Hence  we  may  conclude  that  the  Renards  in  all  their  repre- 


lA  tribe  who  were  living  near  the  mouth  of  Arkansas  river  when 
Marquette  visited  them  in  1673;  by  1700,  they  had  wandered  northward 
to  the  vicinity  of  Cahokia,  and  were  living  in  the  same  village  as  the 
Tamaroas,  with  whom  they  probably  were  later  incorporated. — Ed. 

2  Another  transcript  gives  this  name  as  St.  Yves,  probably  thus  mod- 
ernized by  the  copyist — Bd. 

sAs  we  have  already  seen  throughout  these  documents,  captives 
taken  in  war  were  held  as  slaves,  among  all  tribes.  When  the  French 
settled  among  the  savages,  they  too  adopted  the  custom  of  slavehold- 
ing;  and  in  both  Illinois  and  Louisiana  slavery  prevailed — at  first 
of  Indiahs,  and  afterward  of  negroes  (who  were  first  brought  to  Louis- 
iana in  1719).    See  Jes.  Relations,  index,  art.  Slavery. — ^Ed. 


1725]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  455 

sentations  have  Imposed  upon  the  French  chiefs ;  we  have  there- 
fore Decided  that  the  peace  with  the  Renards  does  not  suit  us. 
If  it  is  a  question  of  asking  for  peace,  it  is  not  Proper  that  the 
French  should  seek  it  If  the  renard  should  ask  for  It,  it  might 
be  granted  to  him,  by  compelling  him  to  pay  for  the  death  of 
the  French.  It  should  be  Represented  to  Monsieur  Delignery 
that  the  peace  he  has  made  between  the  renards  and  the  Lake 
tribes  is  hurtful  to  this  province,  and  will  undoubtedly  break  up 
its  Trade  with  three  or  four  nations  against  whom  the  renards 
had  to  defend  Themselves.  They  will  have  only  the  illinois  to 
Contend  with,  and  the  French,  Their  allies,  will  support  Thenu 

Thirdly:  If  Monsieur  Delignery,  after  Hearing  these  rea- 
sons, does  not  consider  it  his  duty  or  tliat  he  has  the  power  at 
once  to  break  the  peace  that  he  has  made  Without  awaiting  a 
Response  from  Monsieur  De  Vaudreuil  or  from  the  Court,  it 
will  be  necessary,  at  least  pending  the  arrival  of  those  answers, 
to  compel  the  renard  to  Suspend  hostilities  against  the  Illinois 
during  the  entire  spring  and  the  following  summer,  in  order 
that  he  may  not  make  an  attack  On  the  Lands  of  the  Illinois. 
And  Monsieur  Dutisne,  on  his  side,  could  assure  the  Renard 
that  The  illinois  ^vill  not  Leave  His  own  Territory  to  go  to  the 
other's  lands ;  but  will  nevertheless  be  thoroughly  on  his  guard 
In  case  the  renard  shoiild  enter  Upon  the  Lands  of  the  Hli- 
nois.  During  this  truce  there  will  be  time  to  ascertain  the  facts, 
and  to  speak  to  all  the  Illinois  chiefs.  Some  of  these  may  be 
Sent,  with  certain  Frenchmen,  to  parley  and  Agree  ui)on  the 
Terms  of  a  firm  and  lasting  peace — one  of  whose  Principal 
articles  should  be,  that  whichever  nation  of  the  two  might 
attempt  to  t^ke  up  arms  should  at  once  be  attacked  by  all  the 
others  who  had  Been  witnesses  to  the  Treaty. 

Such,  Monsieur,  is  the  Opinion  of  both  of  us.     We  remain 

with  profound  respect, 

BouLANGEE  and  Kereben,  Jesuits. 

Thomur,  priest 
From  the  Caskakias,  the  10th  of  January,  1725.i 


1  Jean  le  Boullenger  (who  evidently  wrote  this  letter)  labored  in  tlie 
Illinois  mission  (most  of  the  time  at  Kaskaskia),  from  1703  until  at 
least  1729.    Joseph  Francois  de  Kereben  came  to  Canada  in  1716,  and 


456  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.      [vO  l.XVi 

[Continuation  of  the  Letter:] 

Monsieur,  A  few  words  More  to  add  to  our  Letter,  As  it 
Would  be  Desirable  that  Mamantouensa  and  his  band  should 
arrive,  for  The  suspicions  and  Uneasiness  of  the  Savages  are 
perhaps  only  too  well  founded,  and  I  fear  that  le  Chat  blanc  is 
afraid  that  he  will  hear  of  Their  defeat,  because  he  Knows  that 
the  renards  went  there  this  winter,  and  letters  also  inform  us 
of  It;  but^  If  we  should  delay,  he  might  perhaps  think  that  we 
have  some  evil  design  against  Him.  If  Father  Kerebin  is  of 
my  Opinion,  as  Monsieur  Thomur  is,  he  may  Sign  this,  as  we 
have  done,  and  with  us.  I  Send  you,  Monsieur,  enclosed  here- 
with. Letters  For  the  Fathers.  There  are  some  in  the  packet 
for  Father  Beaubois,  who  will  go  to  France,  and  Inform  Him 
of  that  peace  made  by  Monsieur  De  Lignery.  He  will  Inform 
the  CJourt  of  it  and  you  might  also  write  a  few  words  to  Mon- 
sieur Eaudot ;  for  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  will  amuse  the  CJourt 
by  Writing  that  it  is  our  fault  If  we  have  not  peace.  He  seems 
to  have  no  other  desire  than  to  allow  the  vein  of  Beaver  skins 
to  flow ;  and,  by  Letting  The  Renard  attack  us,  to  prevent  this 
Country  from  being  settled,  and  thereby  to  shut  off  trade  be- 
tween His  Government  and  Ours.  I  say  nothing  further.  I 
send  you  the  packet  of  spectacles  that  you  request 


1725:     SPEECH  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  INDIANS,  DEFENDING  THEM- 
SELVES, AND  ACCUSING  THE  FOXES. 

[Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  document,  but  fol.  263.] 

Copy  of  the  answer  given  to  le  chapt  blanc  by  the  Illinois, 
to  the  renards,  regarding  the  letters  of  Messieurs  Lignery, 
amariton,  and  vildonne,  officers  of  Canada,  commanding  the 
posts  of  Missinimaquenak,  la  baye,  and  the  river  St.  Joseph. 

Answer  of  Anakipita  [and]  Massauga :  ^^Who  are  we,  chapt 
blanc,  that  we  should  decide  anjihing  ?     We  listen  only  to  the 

labored  among  the  Illinois  until  his  death  in  1728;  he  was  superior  of 
the  Louisiana  missions  from  1723  to  1725.  Thaumur  de  la  Source  was 
one  of  the  priests  sent  to  Illinois  by  the  Missions  Etrangdres. — Ed. 


1725]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  457 

French  chief.  It  is  for  him  to  decide  on  peace  or  war.  Our 
chiefs  are  all  absent.  When  they  refturn  this  spring  the  French 
chief,  Monsieur  du  tisne,  will  assemble  us  from  all  His  villages. 
We  shall  Listen  to  his  word,  and  we  shall  do  what  he  commands 
us.  We  thank  thee  for  thy  visit.  We  thank  thy  French  chief 
for  having  spoken  of  us.  Thou  sayest  that  the  renard  does  not 
wish  for  peace.  He  says  that  his  Slaves  have  not  been  given 
back  to  him.  Where  are  they  ?  Is  there  a  single  one  in  our  vil- 
lages ?  Does  the  renard  speak  the  truth  ?  Is  it  we  who  have 
broken  the  peace  ?  Is  it  not  he  who  in  1716,  shortly  after  peace 
was  concluded,  was  The  first  to  attack  Lesueur  and  malbouroug 
and  to  carry  off  his  wife  and  his  Children  and  an  Illinois 
nephew  ?  Is  it  not  he  who  was  first  The  traitor  in  The  affair 
of  la  Grue  ?  Is  it  not  he  who  has  Continued  to  destroy  our  vil- 
lages ?  Do  we  go  to  their  country  ?  We  have  always  remained 
on  our  lands  to  defend  ourselves.  Why  do  they  i)ersist  in  at- 
tacking us  and  in  attacking  the  French?  We  beg  thee,  chat 
blanc,  thou  who  art  our  ally,  not  to  give  any  help  to  the  renard. 
But  we  decide  nothing;  we  weep  and  grieve  for  our  chiefs, 
mamenthouinsa  and  Aoiitgamona,  who  are  thy  kindred.  They 
are  among  the  miamis.  Remain  some  days  Longer  with  us, 
and  thou  shalt  Hear  news.  If  they  return  not  in  a  few  days, 
they  are  dead,  and  thou  shalt  bear  the  news  of  it  If  they  re- 
turn alive.  They  will  speak,  and  will  perhaps  Accompany  thee, 
if  the  French  chief  so  orders.  Such  is  our  opinion,  and  to  that 
end  here  is  a  feathered  Calumet  that  I  give  thee.'^ 

Here  follows  the  answer  of  the  Metchicamia,  given  by  the 
chief  named  Jouachin  and  the  other  chiefs,  in  our  presence  and 
in  that  of  Reverend  father  Kerebin  and  of  our  officers,  to  le 
chapt  blanc ;  which  is  similar  to  that  of  Anakipita.  Massauga 
also  gave  Them  a  Calumet,  which  they  accepted,  to  remain 
seven  nights  to  await  the  return  of  Mamentouensa,  who  delays; 
and  afterward  to  return  Home  to  induce  the  nations  whom  they 
should  find  with  hearts  well  disposed — especially  the  Renards, 
quicapoiis,  mascoiitins,  syoiix  and  others — to  smoke  with  these 
Cahimets.  Below  are  The  representations  made  by  the  said 
chiefs  concerning  the  bad  treatment  that  they  liave  received 
from  the  renards.     Here  are  the  names  of  those  whom  we  recol- 


458  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.  xvi 

lect,  the  other  ilHnois  who  might  Know  them  being  away  on 
an  inland  hunting  expedition. 

"The  Renards  cannot  Ignore  or  dispute  what  is  stated 
here,  both  tliat  they  have  Been  the  aggressors,  and  even  that 
they  have  Induced  several  nations  to  come  and  kill  us  and  to 
kill  the  French,  our  allies.  Xor  could  the  French  chiefs  on  the 
Canada  Side  have  been  Ignorant  of  this;  for  the  scalp  dance 
has  Been  performed  around  their  scalps  and  ours  among  the 
Mascoutins,  quikapous,  EJenards,  syoux,  and  everywhere  around 
La  bay.  Thus  the  peace  that  was  concluded  at  la  bay  has  no 
other  object  than  to  harass  us  still  more ;  for  when  they  were 
At  war  with  the  nations  They  could  not  come  in  so  Large  num- 
bers to  destroy  us — ^who  have  always  Listened  to  the  words  of 
Ononthyo,  through  Monsieur  de  Boisbriant,  forbidding  us  to 
go  To  War.  Our  heads  have  been  Broken,  and  the  French,  our 
allies,  have  been  killed  on  owt  lands.  We  defended  ourselves, 
but  we  Never  set  out  to  seek  thenL  Monsieur  de  Boisbriant 
has  Left  us  Monsieiir  du  Tisne ;  we  Listen  to  his  word ;  we  de- 
liberate only  on  what  he  tells  us  on  ononthyo's  behalf.  Thou 
tellest  us  that  the  renards  are  to  come  within  a  moon ;  that  the 
French  chiefs  cannot  bind  their  two  arms ;  that  they  have  bound 
their  Left  arm,  but  that  the  right  one  is  to  strike  us.  If  they 
were  true  Children  of  nonthyo,  would  They  not  Obey  his  word  ? 
They  accuse  us  of  having  deceived  them ;  they  cannot  prove  it 
The  French  chiefs  and  the  reverend  father,  who  have  directed 
us,  will  prove  that  we  merely  defended  ourselves,  and  that  They 
were  The  aggressors ;  and  that  we,  our  wives  and  Children,  and 
our  brothers  the  French,  have  Been  their  victims;  and  by  these 
details  we  shall  show  thee  The  truth.  And  thou,  chat  blanc, 
thou  who  hast  always  acted  honorably,  and  whose  heart  is  Illi- 
nois and  French,  thou  thyself  knowest  the  truth  of  This.  Ac- 
cordingly, these  two  Calumets  show  thee  that  we  obey  only  the 
will  of  ononthyo,  oiir  father;  that  thou  mayest  prove  to  the 
French  Commandants  both  of  la  bay  and  missilimaquinak,  and 
of  the  river  St.  Joseph,  that  we  attack  only  because  we  do  what 
Monsieur  tisne  tells  us ;  It  is  he  who  deliberates  for  us.  But 
as  regards  the  threats  of  the  Renards,  we  shall  be  on  our  Guard 
When  they  come  to  Affront  us  on  our  lands,  to  kill  us  and  the 
French — as  is  set  forth  in  the  following  List: 


1725]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  459 

"Is  it  not  true  that  in  1718,  at  la  pierre  a  flfeche,  They  killed 
one  of  our  people  named  Xenchwiensicwa  ? 

"In  September  of  the  same  year,  there  was  a  Frenchman, 
Lesueur,  whom  they  captured  with  Malbouroug,  the  wife  of 
Lesueur,  his  two  Children,  two  Illinois  relatives  of  his  wife,  a 
female  Slave,  and  his  mother-in-law  (whom  they  killed  with 
The  slave)  ;  and  they  pillaged  all  his  effects.  They  killed  these 
captives  on  The  first  day's  march;  and,  when  the  French  re- 
deemed Lesueur  and  Malbouroug,  The  Renards  promised  to 
make  repayment  for  The  pillaged  goods,  which  has  not  been 
done. 

"In  Xovember  of  the  same  year,  at  Kigigwa,  was  he  not 
killed  by  Them  ?  Did  they  not  pillage  Lafleur  and  his  convoy, 
without  heeding  the  fact  that  it  was  a  convoy  ?  Did  they  not 
at  that  time  pillage  Monsieur  de  tonty  ^vith  his  detachment, 
who  were  bringing  us  The  presents  given  to  us  by  The  chief 
of  Canada  on  behalf  of  ononthyo  ? 

"At  the  same  time,  at  a  place  near  the  village  of  the  Kaos 
[Kaokias],  did  they  not  kill  St  yves,  woimd  one  des  ruisseaux, 
who  was  Crippled  thereby  ? 

"Did  they  not  at  the  same  time  lie  in  wait  near  the  Missouris 
for  Monsieur  du  tisne,  whom  Monsieur  de  boisbriant  Sent  to 
make  peace  with  the  yoais  [lowas]  ?  although  They  did  not 
dare  to  attack  Him,  because  he  had  soldiers. 

"In  the  spring  of  1719,  did  they  not  above  le  rocher,  slay 
an  Illinois  named  Joucherinenga,  and  three  women — of  whom 
one  was  named  Moimechecwa,  one's  name  is  not  known,  and  the 
third  was  a  Young  girl,  Mechecwenga,  very  much  esteemed, 
whom  they  Took  prisoner. 

"At  the  same  season,  also  al^ve  le  rocher,  They  killed  two 
Illinois,  and  a  woman,  And  Carried  off  three  Children. 

"In  June  of  the  same  year,  did  not  the  renards  come,  to  the 
nimiber  of  thirty,  to  attack  the  village  of  pemetewoy,  and  kill 
a  woman  named  Petechechenoucta ;  and  scalp  a  girl  named  Kin- 
tuwa  and  leave  her  for  dead,  after  giving  her  three  stabs  with  a 
Knife,  and  as  many  blows  with  a  War-club  ? 

"Two  davs  after  that  blow  had  been  struck,  a  band  of  Peme- 
tewoy,  having  found  the  track  of  the  renards,  Overtook  and  de- 
feated them,  taking  a  scalp  and  carrying  off  two  renard  pris- 


460  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

oners — one  named  Chinguouhensa,  a  son  of  the  Great  chief, 
and  The  other  WaehatechS.  Monsieur  de  Liette  and  father 
Kereben,  wishing  to  have  peace  made,  redeemed  Them;  then 
they  sent  back  Wachatecho  with  a  Collar  and  some  other  goods, 
a  flag,  some  Letters  for  the  commandant  of  la  bay  and  for  The 
fatlier,  and  The  message  of  the  illinois.  He  promised  to  re- 
turn within  twenty  days  with  some  renard  chiefs,  if  he  suc- 
ceeded; and,  if  not,  to  return  himself  to  pay  with  his  Person 
and  that  of  his  comrade.  He  came  back,  but  at  the  head  of  a 
band  to  attack  the  village  once  more.  Notwithstanding  that^ 
we  sent  back  the  son  of  the  Chief  with  presents  which  le  brochet 
gave  him.  This  one  made  a  better  use  of  them,  and  sent  back 
an  illinois  whom  they  had  detained  as  a  prisoner  among  Them. 

"The  said  renards  should  remember  what  they  did  in  their 
own  villages  to  the  People  of  le  rocher,  whom  they  invited  by  a 
flag  to  enter  their  place,  but  of  whom  they  burned  eleven,  and 
Broke  the  heads  of  four;  and  two  when  they  thus  saw  them- 
selves betrayed,  stabbed  themselves.  Those  whom  they  burned 
were:  Ounensilechi,  a  chief  greatly  esteemed;  mengilchiwa, 
and  Waseganensa.  Thou  knowest  that  what  we  tell  thee  is 
true,  chapt  blanc,  thou  who  art  oiir  ally.  Is  it  not  the  truth  i 
Did  not  the  renards  in  their  treachery  cause  the  following  to 
be  burned  also :  atakereni  and  Ounsachachaiwa,  chiefs  held  in 
high  esteem ;  nepata ;  Wabecoupiseta ;  Wabecoukeasata ;  Ounel- 
chinsa,  a  man  of  high  standing;  atchengwensa,  a  chief  killed 
by  a  gunshot ;  perewe ;  Amawensa,  his  son,  who  killed  himself 
among  Them,  out  of  chagrin;  with  cacacharounsa,  chaowan- 
ounsa ;  and  the  son  of  owabechacanensa ;  besides  thirty  whom 
they  killed  while  in  flight  ?  Is  it  we  who  in  1722  Treacherously 
killed  two  Metchy  women — one  named  Keancewa,  the  other 
cakecowocowa — near  the  village?  At  the  same  time,  they  in- 
flicted tortures  at  le  rocher.  And  they  carried  off  our  Children. 
Did  they  not  defeat  Monsieur  de  St.  Ange,  fils,  while  coming 
from  the  Caos  [Caokias],  and  wound  and  kill  a  soldier — taking 
his  gun  and  Removing  his  scalp,  and  Sending  him  adrift  in  a 
canoe  so  that  he  might  be  seen  from  the  French  fort  ? 

"In  the  same  year,  they  killed  lesueur,  whom  the  French  had 
ransomed,  and  slew  Lafond,  and  Carried  off  their  Heads ;  they 


1725]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  46I 

offered  Base  Insults  to  their  corpses,  and  carried  away  the 
brother  of  a  chief  who  was  hunting  with  Them. 

"In  1721,  did  they  not  kill  a  Frenchman  named  Langmn, 
who  was  working  at  the  Caos,  in  Monsieur  thaumur^s  house  ? 

"In  1722,  did  they  not  Carry  away  near  the  village,  eight 
illinois,  named:  Kitchia,  a  man  held  in  esteem;  the  son  of 
ouepace ;  the  son  of  Cassowakia ;  the  son  of  arapaoumeta ;  the 
son  of  aragaia;  and  the  son  of  macaturinia?  The  other  two 
were  brought  back  by  the  French,  who  redeemed  them.  They 
were  all  our  Children  and  thy  kindred,  chat  blanc.  See  how 
our  bodies  are  treated  by  the  renards. 

"In  the  same  year,  at  the  gate  of  tbe  Metchy  village,  they 
killed  a  woman  named  Ouroniowita,  and  took  Her  scalp;  and 
they  slew  the  son  of  mellebouensa,  whose  father  was  a  chief  of 
the  caos. 

"And  in  the  same  year.  On  this  side  of  Ouabache,  they  killed 
neveu,  his  wife,  a  Boy,  and  two  of  his  daughters,  and  Carried 
off  tlieir  heads.  Is  The  French  chief  of  Missilimaquinak,  or 
are  the  others,  ignorant  of  this?  These  deeds  ought  to  show 
them  who  are  tlie  traitors. 

"In  1723,  they  killed  a  Young  girl  in  the  Great  forest  of  le 
rocher,  near  the  Kaskaskias. 

"In  1724,  they  killed  four  Frenchmen,  also  a  negro  belonging 
to  Monsieiir  de  boisbriant;  they  Scalped  the  Frenchmen  and 
heaped  shameful  Indignities  upon  the  dead  bodies.  Can  the 
French  chief  of  la  bay  have  been  ignorant  of  this  when  the 
scalp-dance  was  performed  around  those  scalps  among  the  na- 
tions where  the  renards  dwell  ? 

"In  the  same  year  did  they  not  come  to  kill  our  brothers  near 
Marameck,  who  defended  themselves  and  put  the  renards  to 
flight  ? 

"If  they  would  Listen,  chat  blanc  who  are  our  ally,  as  thou 
and  we  do  to  the  word  of  our  father  ononthyo.  They  would 
not,  as  they  do,  kill  us  and  our  brothers,  the  French.  If  the 
nations  And  the  French  of  la  bay  did  not  supply  powder  and 
arms  to  our  common  Enemies,  The  earth  would  be  level  and 
our  true  father,  the  Great  Ononthyo  from  the  other  side  of  the 
great  lake,  would  be  Listened  to.  Harken,  Chat  blanc  our  ally, 
repeat  faithfully  what  we  say  to  thee  in  the  presence  of  our 


462  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.XVi 

father,  Monsieur  dii  tisne,  whose  word  we  Heed,  that  we  will 
not  go  to  attack  any  one;  but  he  and  we,  with  all  the  chiefs, 
will  keep  on  our  Guard.  We  look  upon  thee  as  our  ally.  There- 
fore as  thou  lovest  us  and  art  a  friend  of  tlie  French,  seek,  by 
the  right  tliat  thou  knowest  we  possess,  to  smooth  the  road  that 
thy  Ancestors  kept  so  well.  I  admit  that  we  do  not  kill  as  many 
Beavers  as  the  People  of  the  lakes;  but  our  traders  here  are 
not  Interested,  and  do  not  supply  our  Enemies  either  with  pow- 
der or  with  guns  to  kill  lis,  or  those  of  their  own  blood  who  are 
our  allies. 

"Let  the  renards  remember  their  treacherous  Attack  on  our 
ally  la  Grue  and  his  ])arty  under  the  flag  of  our  father  Onoa- 
thyo  in  their  own  village. 

"Are  not  our  brothers,  the  French,  killed  daily  at  the  Oua- 
bache  ?  This  year  again  do  not  the  allies  of  the  renards  dance 
the  scalp-dance  around  their  scalps  before  the  traders  from  Can- 
ada, who  are  of  the  same  blood,  and,  who  supply  them  with  pow- 
der in  exchange  for  their  Beaver  and  marten  skins  ?  How  can 
they  be  ignorant  of  it  at  present  ?  Thou  tellest  us,  chapt  blanc, 
and  sayest  that  these  things  were  told  at  la  bay.  Seest  thou  not 
their  deceit?  Didst  thou  not  see  Monsieur  tisne  come  today 
from  Montreal,  passing  by  Missilimaquinak  on  behalf  of  onon- 
thyo  ?  Is  it  not  ononthyo  who  has  sent  him  to  us  in  the  plaoe 
of  our  father  Monsieur  de  Boisbriant  ?  Thou  sayest  that  thou 
didst  see  him  and  all  his  brothers  at  Montreal.  The  conmiand- 
ants  of  La  bay  Know  Him.  Thou  seest  the  bad  faith  of  the 
renards  and  of  those  who  seek  their  Beaver-skins.  Didst  thou 
not  see  the  Canadians,  who  are  thy  allies  as  they  are  ours,  pass 
by  missilimaquinak,  la  bay,  and  river  St  Joseph  ?  Didst  thou 
not  give  them  food  ?  Didst  thou  not  see  the  two  brothers  separate, 
one  remaining  at  thy  \411age  and  the  other  coming  to  stay  with 
us  ?  Didst  thou  not  see  the  black  gowns  and  the  white  collars^ 
whom  ononthyo  Sends  to  Teach  and  to  baptize  us,  pass  through 
thy  village?  This  proves  to  thee  that  the  renards  wish  only 
to  betray  and  to  deceive  our  allies. 

"This  is  what  we  prove  by  Monsieur  de  Boisbriant,  our 
father,  and  by  Monsieur  du  tisne,  the  black  gowns  and  the  white 

1  Apparently  having  reference  to  the  ruffs  worn  by  the  French  ofll- 
cers. — Ed. 


1726]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  463 

Collars  who  have  alwavs  Governed  us.  That  is  the  way,  our 
ally,  that  we  are  treated.  Ask  thy  allies,  who  are  our  kindred 
and  the  friends  of  ononthyo,  not  to  strike  us  and  oiir  brothers, 
the  French.^' 

C.   C.   DU   TiSNE. 

At  Fobt  de  Chabtre  this  14th  January.  1725. 


1726:    DE  LIGNERY  MAKES  A  TEMPORARY  PEACE  WITH  FOXES; 
POLICY  OF  THE  FRENCH  TOWARD  THAT  TRIBE. 

(From  a  MS.  in  Quebec  Provincial  archives,  copied  from  a  MS.  in  Paris 

archives.  1  ] 

The  nation  of  the  Renards  has  been  at  all  times  the  enemy 
of  the  other  savage  nations  of  the  upper  coimtry ;  these  savages 
have  on  different  occasions  killed  Frenchmen.  Upon  the  rep- 
resentations which  were  made  on  this  subject,  in  1711  [sic; 
probably  1714],  by  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil,  that  it  was  abso- 
lutely necessary  to  take  measures  to  destroy  them,  orders  were 
issued  from  the  court  to  maintain  some  kind  of  peace  vdth  them 
— ^^vithout,  meanwhile,  compromising  the  honor  of  the  nation — 
and  at  the  same  time  to  proceed  as  if  preparing  for  war ;  and  to 
reassemble  for  this  purpose  the  coureurs  de  bois  at  Michilimack- 
inak,  granting  them  an  amnesty  on  this  account. 

The  following  year,  these  savages  having  again  committed 
several  lawless  acts,  Sieur  de  Louvigny  was  detailed  from  Mon- 
treal on  the  1st  of  May,  171G,  with  429  Frenchmen,  in  order 
to  proceed  against  them ;  He  drove  them  into  their  strongholds, 
and  constrained  them  to  ask  for  peace — on  conditions  so  onerous 
that  he  believed  they  would  not  accept  them.  Among  the  prin- 
cipal articles  were  these — that  they  should  keep  peace  with  all 
the  savage  nations  who  were  dependent  upon  the  King;  that 
they  should  l)ind  their  allies,  the  Kikapous  and  Mascoutins, 


iThls  is  apparently  a  resume  (intended  for  the  use  of  the  Council 
of  Marine,  or  of  the  Minister)  of  affairs  in  1726  relating  to  the  Foz* 
Illinos  war.  Documents  giving  detailed  accounts  of  these  events  were 
published  in  Wis,  Hist,  Colls,,  ill,  pp.  148-160.— Ed. 


464  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

either  by  force  or  by  friendship,  to  do  the  same  thing ;  that  they 
shoiild  siirrendei'  the  prisoners  of  all  the  nations,  etc. 

According  to  the  information  which  was  given  in  1722  by 
Monsieur  de  Vaudreiiil  and  by  the  Commandant  of  Louisiana, 
that  the  Kenards  had  begun  war  again,  that  they  had  made  at- 
tacks on  several  Frenchmen,  and  that  they  were  waging  war 
against  the  Illinois,  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  was  notified  in  writ- 
ing to  take  suitable  measures  with  Sieur  de  Boisbriant,  com- 
mandant for  the  Company  of  the  Indies  among  the  Illinois,  to 
oblige  the  Renard  nation  to  give  satisfaction  for  these  insults, 
and  to  constrain  thein  to  live  in  peace ;  and  that  he  ought,  on  his 
part,  to  incite  the?  other  Savages  allied  with  France  to  make 
war  upon  the  Rcnards,  in  order  to  destroy  them;  and  at  the 
same  time  to  send  some  soldiers,  and  to  choose  an  experienced 
officer,  to  go  to  la  Baie  to  put  a  stop  to  their  disturbances. 

Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  sent  Sieur  de  Lignery,  captain.  This 
officer,  in  accordance  with  his  orders  from  Monsieur  de 
Longueuil,  Commandant  in  Canada  after  the  death  of  Monsieur 
de  Vaudreuil,  caiised  the  chiefs  of  the  Renards,  and  those  of  the 
Sakis  and  Puans,  their  allies,  to  assemble  at  la  Baie  on  June  7, 
1726;  and  told  them  in  the  name  of  the  King,  that  they  ought 
to  lower  the  war-club  against  the  Illinois.  To  this  they  re- 
sponded that  they  had  given  their  promise  to  maintain  peace, 
and  that  they  knew  that  the  King  had  compassion  upon  them 
beauso  he  had  stretched  out  his  arms  to  them.  The  wav  in 
w^hich  they  answered  him  assured  him  that  they  had  spoken 
sincerely,  and  that  there  was  reason  to  hope  for  a  firm  and  last- 
ing peace. 

Sieur  de  Lignery  proceeded  to  take  measures  to  insure  this 
peace,  and  promised  to  give  them  the  reply  of  the  King  in  a 
year.  He  wrote  at  the  same  time  to  Sieiir  desliette,  command- 
ant of  tlie  Company  among  the  Illinois,  to  inform  him  of  the 
measures  that  he  had  taken.  This  letter  contained  among  other 
tilings  the  news  that  the  chiefs  of  these  three  nations  were  well 
disposed,  and  that  they  saw  clearly  that  there  was  no  further 
Mercy  to  be  hoped  for,  if  they  were  not  obedient ;  that  the  ques- 
tion was  to  detach  the  Sioux  from  the  alliance  with  tlie  Renards, 
by  leading  them  to  expect  some  presents;  and  finally,  to  cut 


1726]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  465 

off  the  Renards  from  the  routef  by  the  St  Joseph  River  and  De- 
troit, in  case  they  should  wish  to  go  to  the  Irocjuois,  who  had 
offered  them  an  asylum.  He  stated  that  these  were  the  purposes 
he  had  in  mind  in  proposing:  peace  to  them,  in  order  to  proceed 
to  extreme  measures  more  easily,  if  they  should  not  keep  tlieir 
promise;  since  if  they  forfeited  that^  it  would  be  necessary  to 
take  the  most  rigorous  measures  to  destroy  them  by  force  of 
arms,  assembling  the  troops  of  the  two  Colonies.  lie  also  de- 
clared that  these  savages  are  quite  satisfied  at  present  that  the 
peace  will  not  be  broken ;  and  that  Ouachala,  principal  chief  of 
the  Renards,  and  the  other  chiefs  have  made  their  compatriots 
fully  understand  this,  saying,  "We  now  hold  tlie  Frenchman 
by  the  hand ;  but  if  he  escapes  from  us,  we  are  lost." 

He  notified  Sieur  Desliettes  to  send  back  the  Renard  prison- 
ers, as  he  had  t-old  their  chiefs  that  he  would  act  toward  them 
as  tJiev  did  toward  the  Frencli ;  and  he  added  that,  if  all  went 
well,  in  a  year  he  would  agree  to  have  an  interview  at  Chicagou, 
at  le  Rocher,  or  at  la*  Baie  l>otween  the  Canadian  tribes,  those 
of  T^uisiana,  the  Illinois,  and  the  tribes  of  la  Baie.  For  this 
conference  he  would  a])point  a  time,  and  a  rendezvous  where 
the  leaders  should  assemble;  and  would  build  a  fort,  and  at  the 
same  time  fix  the  numl)er  of  French  and  Savaires  who  should  be 
present. 

Monsieur  the  Marquis  do  Reauhamais  confinns  the  news  of 
this  peace,  and  states  that  it  \nll  be  advantageous  to  strengthen 
it  in  order  to  avoid  war,  the  success  of  which,  however  fortunate 
it  might  be,  would  Ik?  very  expeiL^sive  to  the  two  Colonies.  He 
says  that  his  desire,  and  that  of  Sieurs  de  Longueil  and  de 
Lignery,  is  to  terminate  the  war  l)etween  the  Renards  and  the 
Illinois,  by  making  alliances  between  these  two  nations;  and 
that  it  will  not  be  at  all  necessary  on  this  account  to  abandon 
the  purpose  of  detaching,  if  possible,  the  Sioux  from  the  inter- 
ests of  the  Renards;  also  that  he  will  take  measures  with  Mon- 
sieur Dupuy^  to  send  missionaries  to  the  Sioux.  He  has 
learned  through  Monsieur  de  Lignery  that  sinc^  the  promise 
which  the  Renard,  Saki,  and  Puan  chiefs  gave  him  at  la  Baie 

1  Claude  Thomas  Dupuy,  intendant  of  Canada  from  August,  1726,  to 
September,  1728. — Ed. 

.31 


466  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

not  to  make  war  any  longer  against  the  Illinois,  two  parties  of 
Renard  Young  men  were  formed,  to  go  and  avenge  the  death 
of  one  of  their  kinsmen ;  tliat  the  stronger  of  these  two  parties, 
composed  of  10  men,  was  completely  overthrown — 4:  of  them 
killed,  and  4  wounded  and  captured  by  the  Illinois ;  that,  how- 
ever, this  affair  will  have  no  evil  consequence,  if  the  latter  na- 
tion agree  to  send  back  to  the  Renard  village  the  prisoners  whom 
they  have  taken,  \nth  presents  to  cover  the  dead,  according  to 
custom ;  and  that  by  this  means  they  will  disarm  the  Renards, 
and  prevent  their  forming  new  parties.  This  is  what  Sieur 
de  Lignery  has  written  to  Sieur  Desliettes  it  will  be  expediemt 
to  do. 

Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  Beauharnais  sends  a  memorial  on 
the  most  suitable  methods  for  the  strengtliening  of  this  peace. 
He  proposes  to  grant  to  Ouachala,  chief  of  tlie  Renards,  the  re- 
quest which  he  has  especially  made  for  a  French  chief  to  aid 
him  in  controlling  the  Young  men  of  his  village,  and  prevent- 
ing them  from  going  to  seek  asylum  with  the  Iroquois,  and  other 
nations  with  whom  they  wish  to  take  refuge.  Sieur  Desliettes, 
who  conmiands  among  the  Illinois  for  the  Company  of  the  In- 
dies, wrote  to  Sieur  de  Lignery  that  the  Renards  are  suspicious, 
and  fearful  of  treason;  that  the  surest  method  will  be  to  de- 
stroy them  ;  that  he  has  made  a  proposition  to  that  effect  to  the 
Superior  Council  at  Xew  Orleans,  and  has  given  advice  re- 
garding this  to  the  Company  of  the  Indies. 

^lonsieur  de  Beauharnais  states  that  this  would  be  the  better 
expedient,  but  that  there  would  be  some  danger,  because  if  it 
were  not  successful,  we  could  no  longer  expect  to  surprise  the 
Renards,  and  keep  them  confined  in  their  fort,  as  we  did  in  the 
last  war;  and  that  if  they  should  flee  to  the  Sioux  or  to  the 
Ayouets,  tlicy  would  harass  the  French  in  the  upper  country, 
and  no  one  could  go  from  one  colony  to  the  other  without  run- 
ning tlie  risk  of  losing  his  life,  or  of  being  plundered. 

If,  however,  after  the  measures  that  have  been  taken  to  make 
a  stable  peace  with  them,  they  again  break  their  promise,  it  will 
be  necessary  to  take  measures  conjointly  with  the  nations  of  the 
two  Colonies,  to  subdue  them  bv  force  of  arms. 

In  the  meantime,  it  is  expedient  that  Sieur  Desliettes  should 
have  surrendered  to  the  Renards  by  the  Illinois  the  prisoners 


1726]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  467 

that  they  have  with  them;  and  that  he  should  not  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  the  preceding  commandants,  who  have  thought  to  in- 
timidate the  Eenards  by  having  their  prisoners  burned — ^which 
has  served  no  other  purpose  than  to  irritate  them,  and  kindle  a 
more  furious  war.  If,  with  these  precautions  on  the  part  of  the 
Illinois,  the  Renards  can  be  kept  tranquil  hencetforth  for  a  year, 
an  interview  with  Sieur  Desliettes  can  be  held  at  Chicagou,  or 
at  le  Rocher,  where  rendezvous  will  be  given  to  the  chiefs  of 
the  Illinois  and  of  la  Bale ;  and  where  may  be  determined  the 
number  of  French  and  of  savages,  both  from  the  Illinois,  and 
from  Canada,  who  should  be  present  in  a  fort  constructed  at  the 
rendezvous.  Then,  after  the  treaty  of  peace  made  with  the 
Renards  and  their  allies  has  been  renewed,  we  could,  the  fol- 
lowing summer,  have  Ouachala,  Principal  chief  of  the  Renards, 
come  dovm  to  Montreal  with  the  war  chiefs  of  the  Sakis,  Puants, 
Kikapous,  Mascoutins,  and  Sioux — one  of  each  of  these  nations 
allied  with  the  Renards,  in  order  to  interrogate  them  regarding 
the  situation  of  affairs  where  they  are,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
declare  to  them  the  intentions  of  the  King. 

It  will  be  suitable  at  that  time,  for  Ouachala,  in  the  presence 
of  these  chiefs  and  of  those  of  the  Sauteurs,  Poutouatamis, 
Outaouas,  and  other  nations  of  the  lakes  to  whom  it  may  seem 
advisable  to  send  down  a  chief  apiece,  and  also  a  chief  or  two 
from  the  Illinois  to  be  witnesses  of  what  shall  be  determined 
upon  with  the  Renards  and  their  allies,  to  demand  publicly  a 
French  chief ;  and  there  will  be  no  diflBculty  in  granting  him 
one,  although  this  is  not  the  desire  of  the  Commandants  at  the 
post  of  la  baie,  who  are  without  doubt  opposed  to  this  establish- 
ment for  merely  personal  reasons,  which  should  always  be 
waived  for  the  welfare  of  the  service  and  of  the  Colony. 

Messieurs  de  Beauhamais  and  Dupuy  have  learned  from 
Sieur  de  Lignery,  commandant  at  Michillimakinak,  that  the 
Renards  ask  for  a  commandant  and  a  missionary — saying  that 
they  are  the  only  ones  neglected ;  and  that  a  commandant  and 
a  missionary  would  give  them  the  same  disposition  as  that  of  the 
other  nations,  and  would  aid  them  in  restraining  their  Young 
men. 

Father  Chardon,  Superior  of  the  missions  of  the  upper  coun- 
try, states  that  in  order  to  oblige  the  Renards  to  remain  tran- 


468  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL   COLLFXTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

quil,  and  in  awo  of  ns,  it  will  l)c  a(lvi.sal)lo :  first,  to  deprive  them 
of  the  refu*re  which  they  have  i)rovided  anions:  the  Sioux;  and 
for  this  purpose,  to  prevent  any  one  from  giving  them  any  mer- 
chandise for  which  they  may  apply  at  the  iH>sts  at  la  baie  des 
Puants  and  at  the  river  St.  Joseph ;  and  to  eiTect\ially  prevent 
this  sale,  it  will  Ik*  necessary  to  al)olisli  these  two  posts,  where 
the  trade  in  l)ran<ly,  as  well  as  in  merchandise,  is  notorious,  the 
conunandants  having  purchased  these  posts.  Secondly,  to  block 
their  passage  to  the  Iroquois.  Thirdly,  to  give  l(X)se  rein  to  all 
the  savag(*s  who  may  undertake  to  make  war  upon  them,  which 
will  so  weaken  them  that,  having  no  means  of  defending  them- 
selves, they  will  l>e  ohligenl  to  succund)  entirely;  and  when  we 
are  established  among  the  Sioux,  the  Renard  will  l>e  forced,  in 
spite  of  himself,  to  n^nain  quiet.  By  these  measures  we  may 
be  spared  the  expense  of  a  war,  whose  success  is  very  doubtful, 
since  the  Kenards  have  an  assured  refuge  among  the  Sioux.^ 


1727:  FOXES  PROMISE  TO  KEEP  THE  PEACE. 

[Letter  from  Governor  Beauhamois  to  the  Minister;  dated  May  18, 
1727.  MS.  In  archives  of  MlnistSre  des  Colonies.  Paris;  press-mark, 
"Canada,  Corresp.  g6n.,  vol.  49,  c.  11,  fol.  77."] 

MoNSEiGNEuu — In  Octoher  last  I  had  the  honor  to  render 
you  an  Account  of  what  had  happened  at  la  Baye  since  the  jour- 
ney made  there  last  year  by  Monsieur  de  Lignery  for  the  xnir- 
pose  of  negotiating  peace  between  the  Kenards  and  the  Ilinois. 
As  I  have?  not  lost  sight  of  the  instructions  tliat  you  did  me  The 
honor  to  give  me  concerning  tliis  affair,  I  had  resolved  to  send 
Monsieur  de  Lignery  back  to  la  Baye  this  Spring,  to  complete 
his  work  and  to  strengthen  a  peace  that  did  not  as  yet  appear  to 
be  very  firm.  The  Account  that  Monsieur  du  Plessis  (who  has 
succe^^ded  Monsieur  Amariton  in  the  command  of  the  post  of 
la  Baye)  has  given  me  of  the  present  state  of  the  Kenards' 
affairs — sending  me  a  Copy  of  the  vvords  s])oken  in  my  name 


1  Marginal  note  on  MS.:     ''Approved,  what  they  propose  In  order  to 
secure  peace,  and  to  render  it  stable." 


1727]  FRENCH    REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  4^9 

to  the  Chiefs  of  the  Xations  who  came  to  la  Baye,  with  the  re- 
sponses given  by  them  to  the  Officer  second  in  command,  in  pres- 
ence of  Reverend  Father  Chardon,  the  missionary  at  la  Baye, 
and  of  the  Interpreter,  who  have  signed  and  certified  the  Copy 
as  being  correct — decided  me  to  think  no  longer  of  sending 
Monsieur  de  Lignery  to  la  Baye.  This  I  was  more  Willing  to 
do,  since  the  Journey  could  have  been  taken  only  at  great  ex- 
pense, which  m\ist  be  charged  solely  to  the  King^s  Account, 
That  officer  writes  me,  Monseigneur,  that  since  his  arrival  at 
la  Baye,  all  the  tribes  of  the  Eenards  and  their  allies,  who  de- 
sired naught  but  war,  now  seem  animated  by  quite  opposite  sen- 
timents ;  that  they  all  promised  him  to  go  no  longer  on  the 
war-path,  and  to  Listen  to  no  other  words  than  those  of  the 
King  their  true  father.  The  Courier  despatched  by  the  Sieur 
Duplessis  to  bring  me  this  news,  has  also  assured  me  that  tlie 
chiefs  of  all  thosse  tribes  will  not  fail  to  come  down  to  Montreal 
this  Spring. 

I  could  not  Monseigneur,  lose  the  opportunity  of  communi- 
cating this  Xews  to  vou  bv  a  vessel  that  sails  from  this  town  for 
Isle  Iloyalle.  I  know  how  vou  have  this  matter  at  Heart,  and  I 
was  very  happy  to  be  in  a  ]x>sition  on  my  arrival  at  Montreal  to 
give  you  proofs  of  my  attention  to  everv'thing  that  you  have 
done  me  the  honor  of  recommending  to  me,  and  of  the  profound 
respect  with  which 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Monseigneur,  Your  very  humble  and 

obedient  servant, 

Beauharnois. 

MoNTRiiAL,  THIS  18x11  OF  May.  1727. 

p.  S.  I  must  not  forget,  Monseigneur,  that  Messieurs  The 
Baron  do  Longueuil  and  d'aigremont,  to  w^hom  I  have  coimnu- 
nicated  this  matter,  are  of  tlie  same  opinion  as  myself.  The? 
latter  has  beerged  me  not  to  mention  him,  lest  it  might  pain  Mon- 
sieur The  Intendant ;  but  in  the  absence  of  the  latter  I  have 
deemed  it  my  duty  to  do  so — which  leads  me  to  beg  You,  Mon- 
seigneur, to  l>e  pleased  to  send  the  answer  direct  to  me.  Mon- 
sieur de  Lismcrv,  to  whom  T  have  communicated  The  news  that 
I  have  received  from  la  Bave,  and  who  was  with  those  Gentle- 
men,  told  me  that  he  was  ready  to  obey ;  but  that  he  had  already 


470  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.       [vol.xvi 

incurred  some  expense,  which  he  hoped  I  would  cause  to  be 
placed  to  his  Credit  by  the  King.  I  shall  have  this  looked  into 
by  Monsieur  Daigremont,  pending  The  arrival  of  Monsieur  the 
Intendant.  B. 


1727:     EXTRAORDINARY   EXPENSES    INCURRED   BY   WESTERN 

COMMANDANTS. 

[Letter  of  the  Intendant  Dupuy  to  the  Minister;   dated  Oct  20,  1727. 
Source,  same  as  that  of  the  preceding  document,  but  fol.  391.] 

MoNSEioNEUE — Sicur  de  Lignery  has  expressed  to  us  all  due 
Gratitude  for  what  you  have  done  Respecting  the  Expenses  that 
hcf  had  incurred  for  the  Savages.  We  had  the  honor  of  Writing 
to  you  about  it  and  of  supporting  his  request,  solely  because  it 
appeared  to  us  to  be  an  Extraordinary  expense,  inasmuch  as  it 
did  not  form  part  of  the  expenditure  that  he  was  obliged  to  in- 
cur for  tho  Exploitation  of  his  post,  and  as  being  of  a  Nature 
which  entitled  him  to  Reimbursement.  It  was  also  upon  that 
Consideration  that  Sieur  Dupuy  came  to  an  agreement  with 
him  by  paying  him  a  portion  of  the  sum,  being  Confident  that 
you  would  not  disapprove  it. 

And  As  Sieur  Delignery  is  thereby  paid  2,298  livres,  which 
are  taken  from  tlie  funds  of  the  Colony,  We  Beg  you  to  grant 
that  it  be  repaid  to  us. 

There  are  at  present  two  other  Commandants — one  at  la 
Baye,  the  Sieur  duplcssis  faber;  and  the  other,  the  Sieur  de 
Viliers,  at  the  River  of  Saint  Joseph — who  have  submitted 
accounts  for  similar  services,  namely:  The  Sieur  Duplessis 
faber,  an  Account  amounting  to  Two  thousand  Six  Hundred 
and  one  Livres,  Certified  by  the  Missionary;  And  the  Sieur 
Deviliers,  an  Account  for  the  Sum  of  Five  Hundred  and  twenty 
three  livres,  also  Certified  by  the  Missionary. 

Sieur  Dupuy  has  paid  a  thousand  livres  of  the  former,  and 
the  Simi  of  Two  Hundred  and  Fifty  livres  of  the  latter,  both 
on  account,  pending  your  decision,  Monseigneur,  as  to  the  Re- 
mainder. 


1727]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  47 1 

Those  two  Commandants,  whosei  Posts  have  become  more 
onerous  in  consequence  of  the  present  state  of  affairs,  certainly 
seem  to  deserve  the  Amount  mentioned  in  their  Accounts.  But 
we  are  compelled  to  call  Your  attention  to  this  point:  that  if 
the  Commandants  advance  presents  for  the  Savages  to  accom- 
pany the  Words  that  they  say  to  them,  they  also  receive  some 
from  the  savages,  which  might  well  Compensate  them. 

We  have  the  honor  to  Be  with  very  profound  respect,  Mon- 
seigneur,  Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servants, 

DUPUY. 

[Beauharnois.  ] 

Quebec,  October  20,  1727. 


1727:     ANSWER    TO     COMPLAINTS     OP     DETROIT    HABITANTS 
AGAINST  THE  COMMANDANT'S  MONOPOLY  OF  FUR  TRADE. 

[Letter  of  the  Intendant  Dupuy  to  the  Minister;  dated  Oct  20,  1727. 
Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  document,  but  fol.  274.] 

I  had  not  then  an  exact  idea  of  the  Post  of  Detroit,  when  I 
had  the  honor  of  laying  before  you  the  representations  of  the 
Habitants  of  Detroit,  That  the  Exclusive  right  to  Trade  granted 
to  the  Commandant  was  detrimental  to  the  growth  of  that  place. 
I  thought  that,  since  the  Time  when  this  Post  was  Established, 
a  sufficient  number  of  families  had  gone  thither  to  allow  of  the 
habitants  dividing  into  two  Classes;  and  that  some  would 
remain  to  cultivate  the  Land,  while  the  others  by  means  of 
Trade — which  really  ought  to  be  free  in  a  Colony — would  go 
to  a  distance  to  seek  what  the  former  required. 

I  have  reconsidered  that  too  General  opinion,  in  consequence 
of  the  Explanation  that  has  since  been  given  me.  That  is,  that 
in  fact  there  are  as  Yet  only  twenty-eight  or  thirty  Habitants ; 
And  that  Corn  that  sells  at  forty  sols  a  minot  in  the  Colony  has 
been  worth  at  that  Place  as  much  as  25  livres  A  minot,  and  at 
present  is  worth  22  livr<JS,  and  other  articles  in  proportion.  As 
Regards  the  Exclusive  right  to  Trade,  it  must  also  be  under- 
stood that  this  Privilege  relates  only  to  the  goods  for  the  fur 


4/2  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.        [vol.xvi 

Trade ;  and  iir  no  wise  concerns  any  of  the  other  Goods  handled 
in  more  general  Commerce,  for  tlie  needs  of  the  Habit4intd. 
Accordingly,  the  Habitants  are  free  to  go  and  come,  and  to  pro- 
cure? the  same  for  themselves/ 

One  of  the  Complaints  that  I  Found  in  memorials  that  had 
been  Sent  to  me  Was,  Moreover,  that  the  Sieur  do  Tonty  had 
sublet  Ilis  Exclusive  privilege  to  several  persons,  and  that  he 
should  Exi>loit  it  himself  rather  than  allow  it  to  be  exerci8<?d 
by  several,  thus  increasing  the  number  of  persons  to  obtain  nn 
advantage  Over  Them. 

The  three  objects  of  those  representations  are,  therefore: 
The  Exclusive  right  to  the  Fur  Trade;  The  subletting  of  the 
same  by  ilonsieur  de  Tonty;  And  the  Trade  in  other  goods. 
With  regard  to  the  Exclusive  Privilege,  it  would  have  been  Im- 
possible to  Enact  anything  here  resi)ecting  it,  [because]  First: 
It  has  l)een  granted  by  the  King  and  it  must  continue  until  the 
King  be  pleased  to  revoke  it.     The  Sieur  de  Tonty  holds  it 
under  an  onerous  Title,  which  consists  in  his  Being  charged 
with  all  the  exp(»nse  of  the  Post — not  only  for  the  Officers  and 
Soldiers  who  may  be  in  Garrison  there  (to  whom  the  King  will 
pay  only  their  allowances  and  salary,  and  their  Clothing  Taken 
from  Ilis  warehouses),  but  for  the  support  of  the  chaplain  and 
of  the  Surgeon,  an<l  for  the  prescaits  to  be  given  the  savag(»8.    To 
all  this  the  King  Is  not  obliged  to  contribute  in  any  manner — 
as  is  expressly  set  forth  in  the  King's  memorial  to  Messieurs  de 
Vaudreuil  and  Begon,  dated  Jime  15,  1722. 

Secon<llv:  It  nifccts  onlv  the  uonds  for  i!io  fur  trade,  And 
This  lias  nothiii;ir  in  (\)mnion  witli  what  will  more  or  loss  facili- 
tate the  Establishment  of  the  Habitants.  The  fact  tliat  these  fur- 
Trade  Go<")ds  are  Solelv  in  the  hands  of  ^lonsieur  de  Tonty  can 
Interest  onlv  the  ilerchants  of  ilontreal,  who  thorebv  lo.se  the 
sale  of  some  Outfits;  but  it  is  Xot  from  their  Mouths  ihat  these 


iDupuy  refers  to  a  petition  from  the  Detroit  colonists,  dated  Oct,  21, 
1726.  protesting  asrainst  their  exclusion  from  the  Indian  trade.  This 
document,  with  the  answers  made  thereto  by  Alphonse  de  Tonty  and 
some  traders  to  whom  he  had  sublet  a  part  of  his  own  monopoly,  and 
Louis  XIV's  ordinance  (dated  June  19,  1722)  regulating  the  privileges 
and  duties  of  the  Detroit  commandant,  are  given  in  Wis.  Hist.  Colls., 
ill.  pp.  167-177.— Ed. 


1727]  FRENCH.  REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  473 

complaints  come — we  owe  these  attentions  only  to  The  per- 
sonal Interests  of  the  Detroit  Habitants.  But,  as  the  Sieur  de 
ToTity  and  his  Siib-f arniers  ^  must  always  obtain  at  Quebec  or  at 
Montreal  their  supply  of  merchandise  suited  to  the  fur  Trade 
(and  even  other  Kinds  of  merchandise),  or  have  the  same 
brought  out  from  France,  this  does  no  Injury  to  either  tlie  King- 
dom or  the  Colony. 

Whether  the  Sieur  de  Tonty  Exploits  His  privilege  himself 
or  causes  it  to  be  Exploited,  the  fact  is  Still  of  no  interest — bef- 
cause,  as  it  relates  to  fur-Trade  Goods,  it  is  a  personal  matter 
that  concerns  only  the  Savages,  and  not  the  Habitants  of  the 
Country,  w^ho  are  free  to  provide  Themselves  with  everything 
needed  for  their  subsistence.  The  question  whether  one  should 
Exploit  a  privilege  oneself,  or  allow  it  to  be  Exploited  by  sefv- 
eral  Sub-farmers,  applies  only  in  the  case  of  taxes  Imposed; 
since  the  sub-farmers  of  these  frequently  disturl>  the  adminis- 
tration by  Harassing  the  people,  through  Coercive  acts  and  costs, 
more  than  the  fanners  Themselves  would  have  done.^  And 
there  is  here  no  question  of  a  right  whose  Extension  to  several 
Agents  might  be  prejudicial  to  the  public.  It  is  quite  the  Con- 
trary. And  it  may  be  said  that  the  number  of  sub-farmers  for 
that  Trade,  constituting  a  greater  number  of  Merchants,  thus 
places  the  goods  in  more  hands,  and  causes  them  to  lower  the 
price,  for  the  reason  tliat  a  larger  numl)cr  of  Merchants  are 
supplied  with  the  goods. 

But,  since  Monsieur  de  Tonty  and  his  sub-farmers  are, 
through  the  opportunity  aflForded  by  the  Fur-Trade,  enabled  to 
Trade  in  the  other  goods  needed  at  Detroit,  This  is  a  point  which 
must  be  considered,  to  see  whether  they  do  not  take  advantagef 
of  it.  With  re<2:ard  to  this  the  followinc  reflection  mav  be  made. 
Either  the  people  of  Detroit  are  in  a  Position  themselves  to  en- 
gage in  Commerce  and  to  go  for  tlieir  goods  at  a  distance,  or 
they  are  not.  If  They  Are  in  sucli  a  Position  they  are  at  per- 
fect liberty  to  do  so — provided,  nevertheless,  that  it  be  Solely 
with  the  produce  of  their  Lands.     Once  more,  the  Exclusive 


iThe  traders  to  whom  he  had  let   ("farmed")    the  trade  monop- 
oly.— Ed. 

-See  p.  177,  note  2,  a7ite. — Ed. 


474  WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  XVl 

privil^e  granted  to  the  Sieur  de  Tonty  only  applies  to  Goods 
for  the  Fur-Trade.  Why  do  they  not  go  and  get  the  other  goods 
with  the  Corn  And  other  fruits  that  they  harvest! 

If  tliat  be  impossible,  owdng  to  The  Enormous  distance  be- 
tween the  Places  and  the  Inadequacy  of  their  number,  Is  it  not 
an  advantage  to  them  that  some  one  should  supply  Himself  with 
these  goods,  in  order  that  they  may  Find  them  when  Necessary; 
That  some  one  should  incur  the  expense  and  Run  the  risks  ? 

Accordingly,  it  would  only  remain  to  Consider  the  question 
of  the  prices  at  which  the  goods  should  be  Held ;  and  Whether 
Sieur  de  Tonty  or  his  sub-farmers  have  not  taken  Too  great  an 
advantage  of  the  Impossibility  or  of  the  few  Opportunities  that 
the  Detroit  Habitants  would  find  for  going  themselves  to  a  dis- 
tance to  obtain  what  they  need.  Now  that  the  habitants  should 
be  able  to  do  so  is  impossible,  and  would  even  tefnd  to  Defeat  the 
object  of  their  establishment.  In  fact,  how  can  it  be  possible 
that  out  of  28  or  30  Habitants,  who  are  some  two  or  Three  hun- 
dred Leagues  Distant  from  the  towns  of  the  Colony,  a  portion 
should  detach  themselves  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  provisions, 
Cloths,  materials,  and  Implements  to  their  Fellow-Habitants, 
and  that  they  should  purchase  this  merchandise  with  the  mere 
products  of  their  Farms — as  they  have  been  commanded  to  do, 
in  order  that  they  should  not  abandon  Farming?  How  could 
they  carry  grain  for  the  Distance  of  at  least  two  Hundred 
leagues  that  separates  Detroit  from  Montreal,  and  Across  all 
the  Portages,  in  order  to  provide  themselves  with  Linens,  Stuffs, 
and  other  Articles  to  bring  back  with  Them  ?  That  is  not  pos- 
sible. The  Intention  in  this  was,  to  allow  them  to  Trade  only 
between  Themselves,  in  their  own  produce,  in  order  to  Encour- 
age them  to  Settle  at  Detroit,  where  the  Climate  is  the  finest  in 
Canada.  This,  nevertheless,  they  do  not  do.  And  we  are  In- 
formed that  tliose  people  carry  on  only  the  Commerce  of  the  fur 
Trade,  And  vdW  not  be  dependent  on  the  Commandants 

The  excessive  Price  of  Com  in  that  Quarter  shows  how  little 
progress  has  hitherto  been  made  by  that  Settlement^  and  the 
little  possibility  that  exists,  on  the  Habitants'  part,  of  procuring 
there  for  Themselves  what  they  Need ;  we  also  see  how  Impor- 
tant it  is  that  the  few  Habitants  there  should  not  be  diverted 
from  the  Cultivation  of  the  Soil. 


1727]  FRENCH   REGIME   IN  WISCONSIN.  475 

I  have  been  shown  invoices  of  (Joods,  as  sold  by  Sienr  de 
Tonty's  People.  They  did  not  appear  to  me  to  be  dear;  and 
you  will  observe,  Monseigneur,  that  the  Detroit  Habitants  ad- 
mit that  the  goods  have  been  offered  to  them  on  fairly  advanta- 
geous Terms ;  and  that  they  merely  say,  in  this  respect,  that  the 
goods  were  offered  to  them  at  a  Time  when  they  could  not  take 
advantage  of  them. 

I  have  not  seen  a  person  at  Montreal  who  has  corroborated 
their  complaints ;  but  since  my  departure  from  Montreal  I  have 
learned  that  Monsieur  The  Grovemor-Gkfneral  has  relieved  Sieur 
de  Tonty  of  his  Post,  for  reasons  which  he  will  most  probably 
have  given  you. 

Sieur  de  Tonty's  farmers  have  since  come  to  represent  to  me 
that  they,  as  well  as  Sieur  de  Tonty,  were  Disturbed  in  the  exer- 
cise of  his  privilege.  They  stated  that  they  advanced  supplies 
for  the  Post ;  and  that,  even  if  Sieur  de  Tonty  had  deserved  to 
be  relieved,  owing  to  dereliction  from  duty,  his  Exclusive  privi- 
lege should  always  remain  Executory  in  the  persons  of  his  f  arm^ 
ers — who  have  entered  upon  the  undertaking  on  the  faith  of  a 
privil^e  that  was  given  by  the  King,  and  rests  solely  with  the 
King.  Notwithstanding  this,  permits  have  been  given  in  virtue 
of  this  revocation,  whereby  as  many  as  Five  Canoes  have  been 
sent  up,  and  their  Trade  has  been  Broken  up.  As  Sieur  de 
Tonty  had  been  relieved,  and  this  makes  the  case  a  more  private 
one,  I  did  not  wish  to  take  Cognizance  of  it. 

I  add  to  these  notes  a  Duplicate  of  the  answer  that  I  have  the 
honor  to  give  to  Your  Despatch  of  July  23,  1726,  a  Copy  of 
which  Monsieur  de  Beauhamois  sent  me,  but  without  inform- 
ing me  of  the  answer  that  he  intended  to  give.  The  Distance 
that  separated  us  from  one  another  compelled  me  to  Send  you 
Separately  the  Information  that  I  was  able  to  Obtain  in  the 
Country  respecting  the  Trade  in  Horses,  which  was  mentioned 
in  the  despatch. 

I  shall  conclude,  Monseigneur,  by  asking  from  you  the  same 
Indulgence  wherewith  you  have  been  pleased  to  encourage  me. 
There  Are  an  infinite  nimiber  of  cases  in  This  Country,  and 
they  multiply  daily.  It  is  no  easy  task  to  Write  them  in  so  pre- 
cise a  manner  as  is  Necessary  for  a  Minister  of  Tour  penetra- 


476  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS.        [vol.  Xvi 

tion ;  and  Obstacles  that  I  had  not  Expected  have  taken  so  much 
of  my  Time  during  the  Course  of  the  year  that  I  Fear  lest,  in 
the  short  space  left  me  by  the  Ships — And  during  which  I  was 
ill  for  nearly  a  fortnight — I  have  l)een  unable  to  give  all  the 
Information  that  you  may  have  desired  from  Me. 

Your  Enlightenment,  Monseigneur,  will  supply  my  defects; 
and  I  trust  that,  in  excusing  my  Work,  you  will  consider  solely 
the  desire  that  1  have  Had  to  do  better,  the  unique  and  Invisible 
attachment  that  1  shall  have  throughout  my  Life  for  the  King's 
service,  and  the  profound  Respect  with  which  I  can  never  Cease 
to  Be, 

Monseigneur,  Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

DUPUY. 
At  Quebec,  October  20th,  1727. 


1727:  ENGLISH  INTRIGUES  AMONG  THE  WESTERN  TRIBES; 
FOXES  DISAFFECTED;  FRENCH  WILL  AGAIN  WAGE  WAR 
AGAINST  THEM. 

[Letter  of  Beauharnols  and  Dupuy  to  the  Minister;   dated  Oct.  25, 
,  1727.     Source,  same  as  that  of  preceding  document,  but  fol.  48.] 

MoNSEKJNEUR — Wo  liavo  the  honor  to  represent  to  you  in 
our  iinswor  to  the  King's  memorial  that  the  English,  who  are 
jealous  of  the  Trade  carried  on  by  the  French  with  the  savage 
tril>os  of  the  u])per  country,  try  in  every  possible  way  to  Deprive 
the  French  of  that  trade,  and  to  make  tliom  objects  of  suspicion 
to  the  Savages,  a  great  number  of  whom  they  have  won  over  by 
means  of  considerable  presents,  which  they  continually  give 
them.  We  are  also  informed  that  tliev  have  S(^nt  Collars  under- 
ground  to  all  the  savage  tribes  among  whom  the  French  have 
posts  or  Establishments,  to  urge  them  to  get  rid  of  the  French, 
and  to  SlaughtfU'  the  garrisons ;  iVnd  that  tJie  Kenards,  who  have 
rec*eived  such  Collars,  have  said  that  they  would  no  longer  suffer 
any  French  among  them.  And  we  also  have  the  honor  to  write 
to  You,  Monseigneur,  that  inasmuch  as  this  information  has  de- 
termined us  to  wage  war  in  earnest  against  tlie  Renards  to  fore- 


1727]  FRENXH   REGIME   IN   WISCONSIN.  477 

stall  their  evil  designs,  The  Sieiir  Marquis  de  Beauhamois  will 
next  Spring  take  the  proper  measures  for  the  Execution  of  that 
project,  in  connection  with  which  he  has  already  made  arrange- 
ments of  which  he  will  have  the  honor  of  rendering  you  an 
Account.  But,  Monseigneur,  we  have  not  thought  of  asking 
you  for  the  funds  needed  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  that 
war — which,  with  every  Economy  on  our  part,  cannot  be  less 
than  60,000  livres.  We  cannot  help  making  this  advance,  but 
we  Hope  that  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  have  that  sum  re- 
paid to  us  by  a  supplementary  grant,  and  without  curtailing 
any  portion  of  what  we  take  the  liberty  of  asking  of  you  for 
other  expenditure.  The  fresh  Enterprises  of  the  English,  and 
the  threats  of  the  savages  who  wish  to  throw  off  the  yoke,  have 
reduced  this  Colony  to  An  Extremity  that  sufficiently  justifies 
the  necessity  of  the  war  against  the  E<?nards,  and  the  Impor- 
tance of  striking  a  Signal  blow,  that  may  lower  the  pride  of  the 
savages  and  overthrow  the  projects  of  our  Enemies. 

We  have  the  honor  to  he  with  very  profound  respect,  Mon- 
Beigneur,  Yo\ir  very  humble  and  very^  olx?dient  servants, 

BexVUiiarnois.     Dupuy. 
Ar  Quebec,  this  25th  of  October,  1727. 


,1 


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I 

III 


h^' 


INDEX 


BY  £MUA  HELEN  BLAIK 

[Names  of  ItayB.  Canals,  FsIIb,  IbIbdiIb,  HIsbIodb.  Portages,  Rapids. 
Ships,  and  StMiita  are  grouped  UDder  tbese  resiiectlTe  heads,  iDitead  ol  til 
Tldual  namea.] 


ABiMAKi-Mobegans,  allies  of  EnElIsh. 
807. 

Abenakls  (Abeuaqula),  60,  102,  143,  320  ; 
location.  334 ;  mlisloDS  to,  337  (aec 
also  Mlsalons)  :  refuse  to  ]oId  Foxes 
against  French,  432 :  amoDg  Fozce. 
435 :  must  not  go  Into  upper  country. 


108,  109. 

Acer  ruftrum  and  aoccftttriniim,  107.  See 
Maple  and  Pialne. 

Achlganaga,  Ottava  chief,  Dnluth  pun- 
ishes his  sons  for  murder.  114-124: 
death.  125. 

Acblllnga.  location,  120. 

Acorna.  aa  food,  10,  24,  88. 

Adoption,  among  Indians,  SQ2 :  of 
French  by  Indians.  1,  123,  228:  of 
gneata.  calumet  gong  Id,  27. 

Adultery,  bow  punished  among  Indiana, 
302,  375. 

Agriculture,  among  Indiana.  12.  20,  29,  i 
39,  55.  56.  ,^8.  C7.  70,  7.1,  84.  OO,  110, 
170.  218,  244,  257,  263,  290,  296,  306, 
854.  3.'j9,  363.  367-371.  374,  376—  ] 
taught  bj  Jesuits.  170 ;  among  French 
aettlere,  308.  332,  474  :  Impoclance  of 
to  Canada,  133.  | 

Algremout.  Francola  Clalrambault  d', , 
250,  470:  Inatructlona  ilTea  to,  242^ 
247  ;  ceporta  to  government,  250-262  ; 
feaita  Iroquola  chtefa,  21)3 ;  gives 
opinion  as  to  Fox  war.  303 :  letter  to 
Pontch  art  rain,  265-267;  cited,  468. 

Alouez.  413.     See  lowaa. 

Albanel,   Cliarlea.  Jesuit,  00.   113,  115: 

at  Green  Daj,  97  :  sketch,  88. 
Albany,    N.    Y..    trnde    of.    with    Nortb- 
weatem  tribes,   307  :   Indians  procure  i 
brand;  at.  330.     See  Orange.  , 

AlgonklD  language,  370,  371.  373;  worda  i 
and  phrases.  3,  10,  46.  4B.  68,  138. 
281,  386-369.  Dlileeta— Miami  and 
Illinois.  410 :  Menomone?  and  OJIbwa,  I 
411 :  Menomoneea  aald  to  have  a  ae- 1 
cret  language,  411.  ' 


AlgonklDa  (Algonqulns),  3,  9,  14,  22.  65, 
57.  SO,  SO,  H2,  84,  85.  93.  94,  98,  124  ; 
mode  of  life  and  population,  410 ; 
peace    wltb    Iroquola,    1 :    taka 


re  tug 


ong  Fr« 


Algonqulan  family,  13,  21,  40,  102,  114, 
117,  132,  ISO,  103. 

Allmlbegon.  11,  21.    See  Lake  Neplgon. 

AllegBD  county,  Mlcb..  101. 

Allium.  361.     See  Garlic. 

Allouez  <d'  Attoafrs),  Clauda  Jean,  Jea- 
alt,  6,  39,  42,  00.  50-62,  64-09.  78, 
80,  82-84,  86-88,  93-09,  101,  112-114, 
IIT,  2DG  ;  location  of  ntst  mlsalou,  68; 
labors  In  Wisconsin,  57-02,  04-71,  SO- 
BS, B3-05.  07-99.  104  :  report  on.  87- 
71;  among  Illinois.  06,  113.  114: 
among  Mlamia.  09,  100 ;  goea  to  Que- 
bec, 61 ;  speech  to  Indiana,  78 :  con- 
fers wltb  La  Dutantaye.  112 ;  aketcb, 
32:  cited.  27.  32,  42. 

.^Iton.  Illinois,  00. 


400. 


a   Illinois.  I 


■alclde. 


lasadors,  otter  preseota,  2 ;  treach- 

America.  31,  108. 

America,  North.  34.  162.  178.  196. 
Ameriean  Anthropotogiit,  cited,  8, 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Proeeed- 

AmrHcan  Catholic  HiitorlcOl  Reaearelwi, 
43. 

Amfrican  XatvrttlUt,  167. 

AmIkOQJs  (Amikot^s,  Amlkoaets.  Anlo- 
kis,  Beaver  Irlbet.  120;  flee  to  Lak« 
Neplgon,  21;  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  26; 
JesQlls  with.  80,  82;  trade  Willi  Iro- 
quois, 335. 

Ammunition.  Indiana  obtain,  from 
French,  263,  360.  364.  384,  390;  aent 
to  Fort  1-  Hullller,  198,  IBO.  Bee  Fire- 
arm a  and  Gunpowder. 

Amneaty.  granted  to  coureura  de  bola, 
109,  221,  262.  463. 


4So 


•  WISCONSIN  histok: 


in  ben. 


,  ii:t 


HkPlrti.  m-.  vUrd,  1!1. 
AnlBlran     (AnJnlrnDi.     V^:,.    ViC,.    2l)0, 

■Ha.     Hi-r  I'lnJalriD. 
Anlmnli,  n-eanli'il  as  splrllH.  52. 
Antnrs.  ii|<|'>'ll*ll"t>  "t  I'auniliaD  [amil;, 

42:i-4-jn.     Ki-p  I'l'lleth-r. 
Aniln.Hl      IlKlin 


illl 


ihlrf 


I    Ml. 


imlH.  4riT.     K«><-hfTrpull  111*11 

iwi.  :i:ji).    b«-  ii.«-a». 

.  ::(Mi.  ;ii!H.  sua.  ;i74. 


Ai>ri">i.  wild  1 

I'-iiiPS.  41 II. 


I.  4IM. 


L    capturi'd    Ijy 


Ari'lilrcs,  i-lti^ :  I'arK  xl.  2r.l-2H0. 
a;;N-340.  4lt.1 — ^MlnlntCre  <!«■  CnlonlMi. 
114.  la.l-iai  173-177.  W2.  2flS.  303- 
3(lT.  310-338.  341-34l>.  303-400,  42H- 
431.  433-tn3:  QUfbtr  Pro»lDelBl.  204- 
24Kt,  33N.-34<I.  41(1-422.  427.  42H.  403. 
a««  (.•amiaian  Archlrei. 

Artcentcuil.    —   d'.    Kreni-b    ofHccr.    laflu- 

■liiina  Ki  Momri'iil,  203. 
Arkansan  Indlanx.   l-'n^ncb  Tlsll.  01. 
Army.    Fmirh.    Id    ('Bnadn.    account    of 

Ita  condition.  33r>.  330.     See  <'arlRiian 

Arnniid    i.\rnnijM.    Arnold).    — .   rontra- 

hSDd    trndrr.    207.    22!>,    244:    aldH    In 

pnclfyliiK  IndlnDH.  23.'.  230. 
ArpPDI.  Krenrli  Inod  mrBBiirp.  raluF.  2. 
Arrows,  0.   10,  211,  43.  40.  57,   14r.,  178, 

3T2.  373;  rarry  fln>.  278. 
Arlli'linkp,    .Tpriiaalpm    lllrllanlhaii    tube- 

rotu'i.  ent^n  by  tntllano,  100. 
AannklpllP.  4r,3,  Sw  AnaklpUa. 
AHSlTHholtin      ( Ast-lmlKill!!.      Anstnllioiilf*. 

AhkIdIimIIsI.     SI'Uiaa     Irlbc.    2(i,     ino. 

100:    Inpatliin.    ISO;    separate    from 

Ynnklun    tribe.    104:    busttlllles    vlth 

RIoiii.    20.    ]00:    trade    witb    Freneb, 

408. 
Atakpn>nl.      tlllnnla     chliit.      buraed      by 

F"ies.  400,  ' 

AtchenfFT^nsa.     Illlaola    rblef,    slain     by 

t'oiM.  400. 
Atoka   (nfoffiicl,  100,     Sec  Tranberrj. 
Aubery,    Jtiseph,    Jwiult,    letter    to    Vau- 

drenll.  431.  432.  430 :  sketcb,  337. 


ICAL  COLLECTIONS. 

r'nia  JoTCpb  d',  Frencb  olllclal, 
I^ul>    d'.    jMult.    letter    by. 


Lvrneau.  t'laude,  Jeiult,  211  :  letter  to 
radlUat'.  213,  214  :  sketrb.  208. 

tniii,  K\Tva  lo  Slum,  l.'i,  lU  ;  Id  banet, 
21. 

iXi>K,  124  :  prlcea,  401,  402.  4ori. 

lyoi^a  (Ayaroli.  Ayouets.  Ayooeit,  15, 
ISO,     ISO.     188-190.     302,     *«e.       St« 


ttablcbe    (probable   t 
312. 


tur 


rlcea.  402.  4ai.  4U<t. 

nalllo<|uet.  I'lerre,  Jeault,  [wraecDted, 
hri :  with  AlRnnklna,  97  :  sketcb,  ttX. 

Italn,  Jnnip«,  llbrarlnn.  cited.  115.  128. 

Ilapiism.  (eared  lu  tilVU^i.  (id. 

rnrlbaiid.  — ,  l''r«acb  voyngriir,  115. 

Hark,  aa  fuod.  1.  24,  TO :  chrats  made  of. 
2.-. :  «m>il  II  twine.  3r.3  :  as  covrrlDK  Cor 
luit«,  ;^.'ia    to    tahlns,  308  :  (or  canoea. 

tlaaawovd  (Tllia),  bark  used  as  tnlae  by 
Indian  a.  353. 

Baugln  illauBy).  —  de,  commonda  >t 
Fort  St.  1,<iu1b.  Ill,  112. 

Rays:  I'betiuatneftun  iKt.  Knprlt).  59-411. 
04.  TO.  BO.  KS.  1  T  rpndcivoiH  *f 
trlbea.  22  Ian  alio  CLajnoiianileungl  ; 
tieorirlan.  10.  21.  70,  82.  120,  128,  SOS ; 
■  ireeu  (1-a  Hale,  1^  Itayei.  128.  143, 
144.  1.-.".  207.  ■li)f<.  :iSit,  4i>».  440.  442, 
4411.  4,->o,  401.  402,  404,  405 ;  deac'rlbrd. 
3 :  miparral  tides  In.  84 :  French  post 
nl,  4.~r..  45H.  400,  407,  408  (aee  also  L« 
r.nyei  ;  tribea  at.  2S0.  SOr,.  371 :  eoun- 
.':ia  at,  31'0.  307,  444,  404.  4US.  469: 
(see  nlxii  I!ay  of  Ihiansi  :  lludsoii,  3. 
04.  110,  l.W.  100.  242.  41S:  land-ronta 
to.  noiiiilit.  03  :  Krencb  take  poHseaaloii 
of,  KH:  Knillsb  at.  IDtl.  250.  2-'>8.  201, 
201:  Irnndwiuolt,  305:  Keweenau  |8t. 
TlifrPni.).  21.  22;  Noi|iiet  SoiirnnT), 
117 ;  iHlnnda  at.  410 :  .Vottawaaag* 
(Out. I.  77  :  of  Piinns  (des  ■■uants,  Pa- 
nntesi,  34.  101.  104-100,  lOD-111.  167, 
1S2.  315.  .138;  Foiea  at,  2D8 ;  de- 
scribed, 400:  Saginaw  (Saglilnan.  BaK- 
Saklnnn.    Ranklnon), 


201. 


,    430; 


meonlnaof  name.  10;  Ottawaa  at,  10; 
Islands  In.  3T0 :   St.  Esprit.  00 ;   8aa- 
dimky.  3fir> ;  Tbiinder.  10. 
"ads.  different  kind*.  4.'. ;  embroidery  of, 
124:  prlcw.  401-405. 


48 1 


Beans,  eultlTated  bj  IndluB,  ST,  SM, 
3S3,  3BT,  368. 

Benrds,  Indlsas  dUUte,  5a. 

Betre,  59 ;  abound  In  WlBConsln,  69 ; 
huDted.  9,  30,  18T,  19S  1  dwell  in  caTei, 
184  ;  mbcmatloD.  184.  19T :  venerated 
by  IndJsng.  416.  411:  totem  of  clan, 
39,  40. 

BeaabolB,  KicoiBB  I.  de,  Jesalt.  goeB  to 
France,  45fl. 

Benutlmmp.  W  M.,  Origin  of  K.  T. 
Irotiitoi:  f  Ited,  815. 

Beauliamoli,  Cliarlei,  man]  a  la  de,  gov- 
erooc  or  New  Jranee.  440 ;  pollcj  to- 
ward Foiee,  406-460  letten  to  minis- 
ter. 4(!S-470,  476,  477  ;  dted.  466. 

Beaubarnola  CeauharnalH),  rrBDi.'uls  de, 
Inteadsnt  of  New  Trance.  21»-221. 
227,  228 ;  Jnstrucilooa  given  to,  230. 

Baaujeau  Beanjaui),  — ,  commandant 
at  Mlchllllmacklnau,  386. 

BeBU[ir(>,  selEDlutf   439. 

Beaver,  42,  45,  48,  56,  3T3,  3T4 ;  abun- 
dant la  WlBeanaln.  20,  6d;  hunted,  9, 
155.  107.  211— aiught  In  Tia*.  19.  124  ; 
hunting  BeagOD.  Kd.  uearlf  eitermi' 
Dated  at  Mackinac,  3Gfl  as  food.  2— 
ronntuil  whiik.  27.  46 ;  Importance  et, 
tn  Canada,  ]6dl  "To  eat  Its  tall,"  In- 
dian metaphor,  432.  See  also  E^ui 
trade. 

BesTer  robes.  349 ;  In  barter,  21 :  bow 
made.  196, 

Beaver  aklns,  38.  39,  42,  40-48,  70,  104, 
144,  145.  149,  2.'i9,  201.  297,  344.  4S1, 
4S6 :  best,  trhere  round,  256.  257  :  de- 
stroyed by  roaatlne  animal  tor  food, 
27,  40 ;  tat,  34 — wby  most  talufil, 
33 ;  used  bb  moner,  122,  2'U.  231.  2i>2, 
384:  valne,  210  <iviT  supply  of  pelts, 
100,  208.  2l>1  Inipiiniinci'.  )□  fur  trade, 
173-176.  201-203.  357,     See  Castor, 

Be.TV<;p  IniliniLa,  80,  82.  120.  See  Ami- 
Reef,  prices.  402.  403,  406. 

B^Ron,  Claude  Mlcbel,  intendant.  302, 
391.  423,  427  :  term  of  office.  296  :  let- 
ters to  ralnlBter.  288-300.  303-307, 
310-322,  327-338:  tetter  to  council. 
400-407 ;  cited.  887. 

Beleafre  finllestfOl,  — ,  French  officer. 
sent  to  ?liifk!nHc,  314,  823,  320. 

Relle  iBle  TsIp  Jilit  rnchnns).  Detroit 
linrli,  (ivscrilifr!,  HOT. 

Delllu,  Nicolas,  cited.  ITS, 

Tlelld,  IndlauB  uee.  on  nets.  S,  19 ;  gar- 
ments adorned  with,  372, 

Belts,  101.  225.  270,  281,  282.  See 
Porcelain,  and  Wampum. 

Berlin,  Wis..  42. 


113,  114. 
lilenvllle,  Jaan  BaptUte  le  Moric  alenr 

ilf.    founda    Mobile,  179 ;  at    Fort   La 

Boulnje,  100. 
Blloil,  Ulaa,,  166,  19B;  colony  settles  at, 

177  ;  garclBon,  179, 
Blrcb,  bark  used  sb  food,  24, 
Birds,  calumet  adorned  with  their  heads. 

Blsalllon  (BlzaUloc),  — ,  Toyageur,  com- 
plaints sgalrKt,  302,  303 :  Inaaene* 
over  savasea.  324  :  leads  war  partf  of 
IlUnolB.  341,  342. 

BIbboC,  Jean  Baptlate,  aleur  de  Vlncennei, 
443.     See  Vlucennes. 

Blackberries,  wild,  308. 

Black  gowns.  462. 

DlBcksmllb.  at  Detroit.  2S4. 

Elair,  Kmrna  nelon.  aaslsta  on  this  vol- 
ume, ivl,  mH. 

Dlankets.  DS,  :;S4  :  material,  47;  pricey 
292,  400,  404  m  barter.  12 :  "Mack- 
inac deierllicd,  400:  "polnti"  ex- 
plained. 401. 

Bled  d'Inde,  Le  Petit.  French  transla- 
tion of  I'nrrot'B  ludtan  appellation, 
143, 144,    Hve  MetBDiIneDi,  and  Perrot. 

Blockhouses,  prpcted  by  La  Sallc,  128. 

Blueberry  (Vaacinjuni  Cunii(I«i*e;  bluet), 
eaten  by  Indians,  310. 

Boards,  roofs  covered  with,  353. 

IloL'iinliLwimaukrs,   Algonkln   tribe,   Hm- 

Bodklns,  In  barter,  4  :  of  boDe,  45. 

BiilBbrlant,  Pierre  Dugu^  de.  commandant 
In  lIllDolB.  420.  431.  437.  458,  459, 
404  coiintpnancPB  Illicit  trafllc.  438; 
hia  men  Bttarked  by  Indians,  454;  k 
nlavplinldi'r,  461    sketch,  42Q, 

ISolBinilllot  — '.  110:  official  conduct 
113:  commands  at  Mackinac,  124. 

Bombs,   UnimI   liy   Franch,   295. 

Bones,  of  flshes.  must  not  be  buned, 
62.     See  Indian  superstitions. 

Bonneanlt,  Andrf.  Jesuit,  97:  sketch, 
98. 

Boudor.  — .  Montreal  merchant,  239-241, 
249;  contraband  trader,  244. 

Boundsrlea.  French  and  Engl  lab,  SIS, 
317,  337:  between  Canada  and  Louisi- 
ana, 443, 

Bourbon,  Loala  Alexandre  de,  count  da 
Toulouse,  parentage,  340 :  presldeat 
of  Council  of  marine,  340,  341,  344, 
346,  396-398.     Bee  I^tr«ea. 

Bourdon.   — .    eomplalnts   agalnat.   80S, 


WISCONSIN'   IIISTOKICAL   COLLECTIONS. 


KourBiQont  (Etk-une  Veny.innv.  Frenili 
atnopr.  raDimands  M  IHitrolt,  1!41. 
243;  iQcoiniwr™!.  211.  mn. 

Boununnt.  — .  iMiniilnlulH  uifHlufl,  S<i3. 
303;  bis  acooimCH  Invorml,  4.'i;:. 

Montrral  Islanil.  377. 

Bows.  4!i.  fiT.  l.'.sl,  372.  373:  nkill  ot 
InillinH  In  nxlod.  1^7. 

BoRctrlDfm.  5. 

Rrnldlng.  Bmnns  WlscmKln  IrJtH-x.  43. 

Branilr,  tralllc  In.  173 ;  tiirnlshsd  to 
Indiana  h^  Fu-utM.  2:10.  2.13.  2.''>l>. 
3411 — liy  KoKllbb.  279 ;  iHild  at  nlfl- 
rlii]  Klnre.  424 :  hIf  tf>  Indiinn  prohtli- 
It.Hl.  24r..  24S.  2U2.  :i3'l.  3ST-:i»ll.  423- 


:  IDMI 
.     4113. 


Ini 


miicl,!  Bith  r.)rr 
4fi2.  403.  40fi. 


railClac.  Antolne  de  Lamiilho.  12N.   160, 

2311.  24N.  211,',  420 ;  cumniamliiiit  at 
Ma.'klna<-.  172:  lii,-llr?B  Wcstero  trlbn 
niiulnm  Irormola.  IUQ^bcItIihs  Mlomla. 
ITn;  r.iinds  lieiruli  oiUunj,  244  (we 
IletroKc  Invites  IndioiiH  t..  Mttla 
n..nr  It.  213.  2IK.  22.1.  :;22.  230.  2.15. 
230.  2!ia ;  Inflncai-e  nlth  RnvageB,  241 ; 
relations  with  Jesuits.  225,  23«,  249, 
3.ir.— -their  letl.'M  to  hlui,  204- 
20N.  211-214;  atlllnde  toward  llijuor- 
trnffle,  20,1;  complalnii  tnade  liy.  243, 
244:  iiroiHiHi'S  to  wiroll  lodlani  Id 
rnilliiii,     2.10.     2j1.     201 :     campaign 

a^iilnst     Mlnmlii.     ;:,4.     ■27.:: [lucillp* 

IheiB.  201;  tniopB  wippUed  to.  309; 
<i)rap!alnlB  and  arciwuiions  agalnit, 
IM  -2:  .  ^17-2li(l,  2U2.  ;:o!) — »l  cont™- 
Imnil  tradlug.  243 ;  mnkcj  map  of  tha 
.    .         .....  -  -  ^  j^^j^ 


IILlDttftl 


I   L>i-lt 


of.  work  m 

ra.'uloiiB  curve. 

S3. 

BrfM-h-doHlB, 

SKT,     Sw  wnis 

rlol 

n. 

i.lian 

Arehun. 

Buffalo  (l.l»on 

wild  Ciilll"!. 
.'    of    MI'islxslii 

r,o: 
1.    1 

..und 

Iowa.  1.1:  1 

WIsoonsin.  41 

107, 

110; 

alonjc  (iblo 

rlTvr.  HAS ;  alon 
1w    Kri-.    301; 

E  Wa 

cLay! 

(Ik'll'ju.   3.1^ 

of  I»iiiiilau 

poBC-iiBiiiUH,  2)H ;  wnrchvH 

KnHknKhln.    :i2S;    to    piwt    (orta    on 

Jllafllsaliipl,  332  ;  aki-lrh.  102  :  memoir 

l-y.  33(>-3(;:i ;  filed.  204,  203,  20T,  211, 

SI  3,  218. 
Cfldlilr,!',  Mtue..  214:  at  Fort  FroiiteDae, 

'2(M :  rari's  fnr  sick  eolonlMs,  244. 
OnhnklB.   III.,  Tnmnron   vllln^..'  st.    170; 


'I  tip 


trllj.-a 


37r.;  bntiled.  ir,2.  133,  172:  oa  food, 
inn — tat  pBten.  3,15;  tin  wool  spun  bj 
Illinois.  374;  pMrc  of  tongiip.  40n. 

Biifftila-bldeN.  IIIO;  nspd  for  mrerlnK 
cnfalns.  INT:  oroamcnlcd,  43.  30)1; 
trade  In.  (rranti-d  to  I.a  Salle,  109, 
110:  not  Included  In  furtrade  tnonnp- 
oly.  203. 

Buffalo  pimnly.  Wis..  183. 

Bullets,  price  In  linrtcr.  lOS. 

BuiTtundy.  links  of.  13B. 

ItiirrowB  Brothers  Company,  ClcTcland 
piltilliiberR.  aid  acknowledsed,  itII. 

Bnrlon.  ('.  M.,  CailUlar.  cited.  2nn, 

Bustard*.  24  :  fwd  on  wild  rice.  68,  60. 

RntKr,  A.  IV.,  "Birds  of  Indiana."  cited. 


Caei.vs.  of  hark,  70;  of  mats,  70.  89. 
374  :  how  built— bj  Hurona.  308  :  by 
OllawBS,  3B3,  3(iO :  by  Bloui,  187. 


4ri4     lie?  K«oukIa8. 

Cskecowocoira,  Melchlgnnila  woman, 
alalQ   hy   Knies,   460. 

fill  Bill  I  a.  3.13. 

ralifornln.  180,  417. 

CBlllCrcB-BonneTue.  I.oHla  Hector  da, 
(tovcmor  of  New  F>aEce.  ITS.  202, 
203.  20»-2].r  21B.  223:  relBtiana  with 
Indians.  224-227:  they  moum  bin 
deoth,  221.  222:  term  of  olBce.  200: 
letter  to  Pontchartrain.  200-203  ;  cited, 

Calamet,  203.  830,  306.  3BT,  433.  43*. 
433.  4SS:  dp»rrlli"il,  43;  made  of  ateel, 
102 ;  feathered.  4.17 ;  Boioked  In  honor 
of  gnests.  34.  30 ;  offered  to  them. 
27,  SO.  44;  slKnlflcanre.  SS.  90.  Bl  — 
a  Bl(jn  of  peace,  185;  Importance.  150, 
ir.n,  100;  Ten^rated  hy  savnKea.  2T, 
28:  offered  1o  sun.  30,  43,  44.  Sons 
and  dance  (also  called  "hnnl").  27. 
30.  150.  IflO:  dcBcrlbed.  57,  58:  n 
mark  of  honor.  847.  See  IndlU 
dances  and  songs, 

Tampbell.  II.  C.  IffHard.  clt«l,  23. 

Coaada,  14.  24,  32.  3.3.  .18.  «1.  63,  86, 
«2.  SS.  H2.  04.  OS.  102.  JOT.  108,  110. 
11.1,  123.  132,  13.3.  133.  138.  142,  16S, 
173.     177-179.     182.     183.     IflO,     205. 


483 


211,  S2B,  242,  240.  SCO,  3U0,  1(23,  330.' 
345.  3UD.  3U6,  41U.  41T,  438.  441,  44U. 
44U,  4(>i  455 :  Laraued  by  Irociuuiii. 
133,  134;  lia  commerce  Injured  by  In-' 
dlsQ  wars,  41T.  455,  450 :  ravas>;<l  '')' 
eyiilf  mk-  Jj:0 :  slavery  Id.  aboliahecl, 
m     Weslara    rlbes  ol,  HI. 

CUnuJi/m  Jiiiilufl,  cited,  il ;  fiiipple- 
tiirni.  im,  CltpJ,  ^UU,  ill),  :;30.  ^41. 

Canadlnna,  il\}.  1<J2.  3ofl,  357  1  as  eiulor- 
ers,  IflO  :  plundered  by  IndlaDS,  IHl. 
182,  18».  19S.  lUU;  lacllauB  la,  231; 
relBtlDiiH  with  Louisiana,  ^02.  394, 
483,  43G.  43S;  slavery  In,  abolished, 
433,  43U.  438. 

CnnalK :  Lacbine,  32S :  t'ortagc  river. 
122  :  drG)iiaE'>,  at  Cbk'ngo,  1>2, 

CanitUB,  lUO.      Sec  ArksnESii  Indians. 

Cannibal  Um,  14  ■^.  342  aniung  I'uxfs, 
103.  141.  '213,  2TT :  nruong  llurons, 
20,  30;  among  Utlawus,  2ft,  30,  13": 
among    Slimi,   J'>j  ;  amun^   Wlnacbu- 


m. 


1    by    ! 


ua),  48.  202,  2 
304;  U'lties  i 
b  triwiis,  319. 


,  303, 


CaaoanB.  used  Bsninft  Kosea.  342;  price, 
400.     t'ee  also  Mortars. 

Canoea,  bow  made,  370— of  bark.  32S, 
370  ;  fastened  with  pitch,  201  :  dilfir- 
ent  makes.  4T.  48;  prkea,  4O0,  404, 
407.  I'Bed  la  hunting  and  UkUIus,  8. 
9:  used  by  Sloui,  IB;  by  some  \yla- 
ccDsIn  irlbea,  2&0  thoBe  using,  cnlled 
"Canoe  people."  373  ;  tribes  not  usIer, 
200.  201— Illinois,  0,  .''>7 ;  Foies,  5«. 
70:  Southern  tribes,  257.  With  crew 
and  DUtOt,  2Tn.  Snil.  31S.  324.  330.  331. 
428.  438,  430,  475  ;  cost  of  cijulpmeat. 
386. 

Canons   (beads),  defined,  45, 

CaiURB.  430.     See  Kansaa  Indians. 

Caoklai  (Cans).  Illlnals  (rlbe,  374,  40O, 
461.     See  Kaouklna. 

■Tape  Rrelon,  Trench  vessels  at,  300. 

Capes,  of  olotb,  384, 

Captives,  llberateii.  17,  10,  20.  2S.  142 ; 
restored  to  trlends.  102.  103,  120,  13S, 


]C: 


201. 


-J4n. 


376-381.  420,  442.  445 ;  ransomed  by 
French.  457,  459-401 ;  made  to  sing, 
14,  130.  137:  lives  spurcrt,  Ifll.  IflS  ; 
enslaved.  7,  30,  31,  340.  343.  454  :  mu- 
tilated. 263:  tortured.  14.  13S.  40O ; 
■lain,  19,  20.  284,  450;  rruelfled.  09: 
burned  at  stake.  19.  20.  ISO.  2,S9,  274. 
35B.  41S.  447,  400,  407. 
Carhell,  Rtlenne  de.  Jesuit.  135,  167. 
211.  218:  missionary  lo  Ilupons.  204: 
rrfiiaea  to  lult  MIeblltlmaciilnac.  208. 
218;  sketeb,  142:  letters  by,  142.  204, 
314-217.  r*^ 


315; 

;lana,    40. 

See  also  Clans. 
Carr,    I.uelen,    "IToud   of    American   In- 

difluji.      i^llfU,  9;  ■■  MaBcuutlnu,"   71. 
Certaicoul,    ViS.     tiee    I^aturukuul,    and 

Carttiuslaus,    religious    order,    founded. 

355. 
Carver.  Jonallian.   cited.   184. 
Cuscaklas    (Cascaaklas,    Caskaclas.    Cas- 

Kaskaaklaa. 
Cntii;ulnuaiio.  304.     See  Klvers.  Tennea- 

Cnss.  l.enla,  euples  documenta  In  Farla, 

2S2,  207. 
Caasowakln,    an    Illinois,    son    captured 

by  Foses.  401. 
Cvilor  uriM  iVIiirrr,  meaning  of  term,  33. 

See  Beaver. 
Ca)!torla   ("Beaver  land").  Ironical  epl- 

tbet,  106. 
Cat.     wild      (raccoon ;     chat    taacagt; 

Proiiiu"  lolofj,  50;  Bbounda  In  Island 

of    Lake    Erie.    305;   eitermlnated    4t 

Mnpfclcni'.  237 
Cattle,    domestic,   at   Detroit.   268,    270; 

In  Illinois,  373.  374  — Introduced.  882, 
Cattle,  o-lld.  41.  45.  50.  50.  Bee  Buffalo. 
CauEhnuwBEa.    Que,.    Indian    mission   M, 

230. 
Caves,  nenr  Late  I'epln.  184. 
Cayuiras    (Goyogouana),   Iroquois    tribe. 

Trench    visit,    315 ;   should   be   ondet 

French  control.  310. 
Chabndcbo.  Slouan  appellation  of  Black 

Tiver,  107 
CharbaEOuachf.   Illinois  chief,  enroy  to 

Vaudreuli,  28n. 
CbaimndAmlEnDK    (ChagouBmlgon.    Cb*;- 

HDuamlkon),  IT.  20,  26,  28,  32,  39,  TS. 

I."i0.  377.     See  Bay.  Cheiiuamegon,  and 

Clie(]uaTOCgOIl. 
ChajEouamlgon,   Ottawa   chlet.   alatn   by 

Menomoneee,  202. 
'■|i:iJiiri[-!lV,     .l-;m     riiirlinrt     de,     loteod- 

aat  of  New  France.  131.  178.  200.  210, 

213,   214;  term  of  office.  200;   letter! 

to  French  minister.  173-177. 
Chaousnona,  48.     See  Sbawnese. 
Chaouwanounsa,    an    IlllnolB,    slain    by 

Foiea.  400. 
Cbapels.   carried   by   missionaries.  42T. 
Chaplains.    Spanish.    413;   of   post,   how 

supported.  219,  472. 


484 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


Cliardon,  rierre,  Jesuit,  at  Green  Bay. 
206,  207,  412-416;  Influence  with 
Foxes,  442;  at  French-Indian  council, 
444 ;  gives  advice  renrardlng  Foxes, 
467,  468;  at  council  with  tribes,  469. 

Charlevoix,  Pierre  Francois  Xavier  de, 
Jesuit,  151 ;  speech  by,  415 ;  Western 
journey,  443;  sketch,  408;  cited,  166, 
206,  414.  415— Voumal  Historique, 
16.  24,  166,  368,  408-418;  Nouv, 
France,  xl,  167,  208,  408. 

Chartler,  — ,  envoy  to  Mlchlllimacklnac, 
232. 

•Chartreux,  France.  355. 

Chat  blanc  (Ou&bess^bou,  White  Cat), 
448,  453,  456,  461,  462 ;  envoy  to  Illi- 
nois, 456-463. 

Ch^gagou,  161.     See  Chicago. 

Chemises,  white,  worn  by  Indian  girls, 
867. 

Chequamegon,  17,  19,  20,  62-64,  75,  77, 
78,  89,  173,  182 ;  French  post  estab- 
lished at,  380  ;  Importance,  64  ;  tribes 
settle  at.  17.  20.  59. 

Cherries,  eaten   by  Indians,   196. 

Cherokees  (Cherakls),  364;  called  T^tes 
plattes,  315. 

Chestnuts,  wild,  at  Detroit,  129 ;  at  Lake 
Erie,  369. 

Chevreull  Blanc,  Illinois  chief,  451.  See 
Anakipita. 

Chicago  (Checagou,  Chegagou,  Chicagou, 
Chlkager.  Chikagon.  Chlkagou),  128, 
146,  150,  161,  311,  371,  397,  465, 
467 ;  meaning  of  name,  361 ;  post 
should  be  established,  332 ;  a  route  of 
travel,  372  ;  a  rendezvous  for  savages, 
313,  319,  323,  324.  341;  drainage 
canal,  92. 

Chleapoux,  301.     See  Klckapoos. 

ChIchlkou<i  (Chlchory),  medlclne-man's 
drum,  281.     See  Drum. 

Chlckasaws,  called  Tfites  plattes,  815. 

China,  damask  brought  from,  2. 

China  Sea,  passage  to,  92. 

Ch!ngouab<^,  OJlbwa  chief,  at  Montreal, 
178. 

Chinguouhensa,  Fox  chief,  captured  by 
Illinois,  ransomed  by  French,  460. 

Chlppewas  (Chlppeways).  8,  208.  209. 
See  OJlbwas. 

Chonkasketons     (Songasqultons),    Dako- 
tan  band,  meaning  of  name,  193,  194. 

Churches,  In  Abenaki  mission,  rebuilt  by 
French,  334. 

Cider  (crab-apple),  made  at  Detroit, 
256:  pricee.  403. 

CInagos  (Cinagots),  159,  189.       See  S!n 
agos. 

Clou  (Cloux),  161,  163,  164.     See  Sioux. 


Clans,  described,  40 ;  animals  as  em- 
blems, 54  ;  Bear,  30,  40 ;  Carp,  354 ; 
Crane,  165;  Uare,  54;  Squirrel,  120; 
Wolf,  102 ;  of  Dakotan  tribes,  193. 

Clapln.  Sylva,  DictUmnaire  CafUuUen- 
J-rungaiif,  cited,  124. 

CUthero,  Thomas,  antiquarian,  cited,  42. 

Cloaks,  prices,  401,  404. 

Cloth,  supplied  to  Indians  by  French, 
356;  prices,  401-406;  Indians  use,  for 
summer  clothing,  366. 

Clothing,  prices.  400-405. 

Collars,  218.  236,  310,  311,  316,  320,  321, 
345,  379,  382,  383,  395,  397,  414.  460. 
476 ;  no  more  must  be  sent  to  kins, 
382.  See  Porcelain,  Presents,  and 
>Vampum. 

Collection  de  ManutcripU  relatifa  d  la 
Souvelle^France,  cited,  293-295. 

Colubi,  Sac  chief,  speech  by,  104. 

Columbia  county.  Wis.,  42. 

Commerce,  between  Canada  and  the 
Mississippi  settlements,  442:  menaced 
by  Fox  war,  455,  456.  See  Fur  trade, 
and  Trade. 

Compagnle  d'  Occident,  440.  See  Com- 
pany of  Indies. 

Companlst^,  Ottawa  chief,  confers  with 
Vaudreull,  240.  241. 

Company  of  the  Colony,  occupies  Detroit, 
243:  controls  Detroit  post,  218,  219; 
has  monopoly  of  trade.  202,  203; 
should  regulate  trade.  216:  plans  new 
trading;  posts,  208-210;  its  interpre- 
ter, 244  ;  dissolved,  261 ;  history,  208. 
209. 

Company  of  Indies  (of  the  West,  d*Oc- 
cldent),  177,  466:  controls  Illinois 
and  rx>nlslana.  452.  464 :  makes  ad- 
vances to  colonists,  444  ;  history,  440. 

Company  of  Paris,  452. 

Conp(^s.  100,  210.     See  Licenses.  * 

Constantin,  Nicolas.  R^collet  priest, 
slain  by  Indians,  249. 

Contrecreur.  —  de,  French  officer,  ac- 
companies Louvigny,  805 ;  illness,  314. 

Converts,  colonlr.ed  by  missionaries,  230. 
See  Mission  colonies. 

Convoy,  100.  ,'127,  328.  4.'S.3  :  when  it  de- 
parts from  Montreal,  356 ;  plundered 
by  Foxes.  459. 

Cooking,  aboriginal  method,  72. 

Copper,  at  Lake  Superior,  31,  32.  89 :  on 
St.  Croix  river,  1S6 ;  smelted  by  In- 
dians. 71 :  poisonous,  73,  74.  Mines — • 
on  Lake  Superior,  72-76 ;  on  upper 
Mississippi,  173,  178;  on  Blue  Earth 
river.  ISO :  discovered  by  Le  Sueur, 
184 :  worked  by  I^  Sueur,  195.  196. 

Corbln,  — .  payment  to,  407. 


INDEX. 


485 


Corn,  24,  47,  87,  90,  150,  283,  363,  367 ; 
height,  368;  varieties,  874;  cultiva- 
tion— by  Indians,  8,  9,  55,  58,  67,  70, 
75,  77,  354,  371,  374,  376 ;  on  Beaver 
Islands,  359 ;  at  Chequamegon,  20 ;  at 
Green  Bay,  9;  at  Michilllmacklnac, 
257,  310.  Used  as  food,  48 ;  effect  on 
health,  355;  bread  made  of,  12,  356; 
preparation,  355 ;  Jolce,  a  beverage.  43, 
44 ;  fomished  by  Indians  to  French, 
314,  318,  322,  327;  amount  of,  ex- 
ported from  Detroit,  308;  prices,  403, 
407. 

Coming,  Columbia  county.  Wis.,  Indian 
site  at,  42. 

Cottonwood  (PopuluB),  size,  197. 

Coues,  Elliott,  LcicU  and  Clark,  cited, 
27. 

Council  of  Marine.     See  France. 

Councils,  117,  123,  205,  316;  sky  In- 
voked at,  16 ;  women  excluded,  141 ; 
tribal  —  Algonkins,  1,  59;  Illinois; 
456;  Ottawas,  134,  236;  Wisconsin 
tribes,  396;  French  and  Indians,  118- 
121,  138-141,  145-152.  163-173.  221- 
227.  255,  268.  276,  277.  291.  296,  319, 
322,  338.  347,  348,  379,  414-416,  418- 
422.  425.  444.  464. 

Courcelles.  Daniel  de  Remy  de,  governor 
of  New  France,  14.  120. 

Coureurs  de  bols,  308,  433 ;  Immorality 
among.  214-216 ;  lawlessness,  325.  331, 
339,  388-391;  trade  with  English, 
208,  209;  control  Michilllmacklnac. 
295.  296 ;  difficulty  of  restraining,  169, 
170 :  useful  to  fur  trade,  266,  297 ;  fur 
trade  Injured  by,  107.  335 :  go  to  Mon- 
treal, 327;  flee  to  Illinois.  331,  332. 
438 :  flee  to  I^ulRlana,  201-203 :  pol- 
icy toward.  206.  297 ;  restrictions  on. 
202.  203  :  to  aid  against  Foxes.  320, 
329.  330 :  needed  In  war  against  Foxes, 
299-302.  306,  339.  463 :  amnesty 
granted  to,  109,  221.  262.  463. 

Courtemanche.  — .  200.  203. 

Coutakilmy.  Indian  chief.  170 :  slain  by 
Iroquois.  172. 

Crab-apple,  cider  made  from.  256. 

Cradles,  Indian,  how  made.  73. 

Craig.  Oscar  J.,  "Oulatanon,"  cited, 
443. 

Cranberry  (Vacotn{um  macrocarpon; 
Alg.  Atoka),  eaten  by  Indians.  196. 

Creek  Indians.  Natches  flee  to,  332. 

Crees  (Chrlstlnaux.  Klrlstlnons).  20.  65. 
100,  40R ;  at  Chequamegon.  61 :  loca- 
tion. 189:  hostilities  with  Sioux,  20, 
93.  190 ;  trade  with  French,  408. 

Cremation,  among  Ottawas,  54. 

Cross,  venerated  by  Indians,  84,  87. 


Crows,  skins  used  as  ornaments,  49 ;  re- 
garded as  spirits,  52. 

Crucifixion,  practiced  by  Sioux,  98. 

Currency,  French,  described,  400.  See 
Money. 

Cypress  tree,  wood  decays  easily,  107. 

Commandants,  349,  385,  389,  431,  448; 
chosen  by  governor-general,  350 ;  re- 
ports to  governor,  439 ;  charges  In- 
curred by  one^  who  purchases  a  poet, 
472 ;  not  needed  at  Western  posts,  222, 
223,  227,  230;  allowed  monopoly  of 
trade,  308-310,  471;  evil  conduct, 
215,  216 ;  try  to  secure  peace  between 
Foxes  and  Illinois,  444-451;  desired 
by  Foxes,  467 ;  extraordinary  expenaee 
repaid,  470 ;  receive  presents  from  In- 
dians, 471. 


Dablon,  Claude,  Jesuit,  9,  82,  63,  64, 
72,  78,  80,  81,  84,  85,  89,  91,  92,  95- 
97 ;  superior  of  Ottawa  mission,  62 — 
report  thereon  (1669-70),  63-71,  77- 
88 ;  account  of  Lake  Superior  copper 
mines.  72-76  ;  sketch,  62  ;  cited,  91,  92, 
96,  97. 

Dadoncour,  313,  338,  341.  See  Dudon- 
cour. 

Daigremont,   242,   247.     See  Algremont 

Dakotan  language,  citations  regarding, 
194. 

Dakotas,  Slouan  tribe,  194 ;  meaning  and 
application  of  name,  193. 

DalOra,  — .  109. 

Damarlton.  444.     See  Amarlton. 

Damask,  material  for  robes,  2. 

Dances.     See  Indian  dances. 

Deer.  59 :  hunted,  9,  39,  56,  183 ;  abound 
In  Wisconsin,  69. 

Deerskin,  garments  of.  30,  413. 

Delamotte.  161.  162.     See  Cadillac. 

Delenage.  — ,  384. 

De  Llette  (Dellette).  303.  318.  451,  460, 
464.  406.  467.     See  Desllettes. 

Dellgnery,  449.    See  Llgnery. 

Delta  county,  Mich.,  117. 

Demoniac  possession,  how  cured,  358. 

Denier,  French  coin,  value,  400. 

Denis,  — ,  Frenchman,  with  Indians,  186. 

DenonvIIIe.  Jacques  Ren4  de  Brlsay, 
marquis  de.  governor  of  Canada,  111, 
116 :  orders  establishment  of  Detroit 
post,  125-127 ;  expedition  against  Iro- 
quois. 307,  308 ;  character  and  admin- 
istration. 132;  appointment  in  France^ 
135 :  letter  by.  130-182. 

Deschalllons.  327,  328.  898.  See  Eschar 
11  Ions. 


486 


WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS. 


Deschaufunt   (de  Cbuufours),  231. 

D^sertH,   uieaulng  uif  urin,   17o. 

DesIletti'S     (i»e     Llelle,     Deliette),     — , 
Freacli      olilcer,      '2bo ;      cuniuiaudaui 
amoiiK     Iliinuis.     .'iOi:  :iU(i.     4iA,     40(3,  i 
40 r  ;  couuuoudtd.  oo^i :  8i*ut  to  llliuuis.  { 
378  :  raubouis  Fox  capiivos,  4(>u  ;  cited, 
303,  318,  451. 

DesruiHseniix  (De  UulBseaux),  — , 
wound«.'d  by  Indians,  4r>4,  4't'J. 

Detroit  de  i'oiitihui  train,  243.  See 
Forth. 

Detroit   (Destroit),  03,  142.  i;:>.  244-24l>. 
254,  2.")!),  28i>.  2l>8.  3U0,  3uj.  312.  313,; 
311).  334,  331).  341.  342.  3(5r).  372,  373,  ! 
375,  43.3,  444  ;  founded.  102,  201.  204-  j 
208,  210,  244.  308;  post  at.  useless  to  i 
Canada.    256,    257 — diverts    Its    trade  i 
200;  a»lvantages  of  location,  243;  In- 1 
diaus  Ht'ttled  at,  11.  30.  211   213,  222- 
22.5,    230,    255,    200,    2l>2,    400— their 
number,   370;    Indian   envoy   at,    338; 
Interpreter  at.   201  ;   garrison,   300  ;   a 
check  on  the  Iroijuols,  30S  ;  controlled 
by  Company  of  the  colony,  218,  210  ; 
deliberatlonfl    as    to    its    malnt«'naac«», 
210,  220:  should  be  maintained,  307- 
310;    troops    withdrawn    from,    200 — 
sent  to,  330,  330  ;  more  colonists  come 
to,    200;    population.    253.    423.    471. 
474  ;  a  trade  centre,  200,   382  ;   trade 
at,  restricted,  207  ;  agriculture  at,  252, 
253.  308:  corn  crop  falls  at.  314.  318, 
327 ;   fields   ravaged.    23J) :    church  de- 
stroyed, 2r)0  :  attacked  by  ottawas  and 
Mlarals,     232-234,     23S-243  ;     besieged  j 
by   Wisconsin    Indians,   207-288.    203- j 
205  ;     petition     of     habitants     against 
Tonty,    426 — complain    of   his    monop- 
oly. 471.  472.     Region  about — climate, 
soil,  and  products,  127-120,  256,  336. 
474. 

Detroit.  French  fortified  post  at  mouth 
of  Lake  Huron,  126,  128.  120.  131. 

Devil,  invoked  by  savages,  281.  See 
Spirits. 

Devlllers,  470.     See  Vllllers. 

Devllle,  303.     See  Vllle. 

Devil  ledonn^,  440.     See  Vllledonnf'. 

Divination,  by  dreams,  417  ;  by  fasting. 
53.  417. 

Divorce,  among  Indians,  8. 

Dogs.  13;  not  eaten  by  Sioux.  10;  sac- 
rificed to  spirits.  51. 

Dollter  de  Casson.  Francois.  Sulpltlan, 
exploratlon.s.  03  :  sketch.  62.  63. 

Donn^^s,  Jesuit,  value  of  their  services. 
114. 

Dorsey,  J.  O..  works  cited,  "Migrations 
of  Slouan  Tribes."  157 :  "Slouan  So- 
ciology," 104  ;  Dakota  Grammar,  194. 


Dreams.  5 ;  influence  on  Indians.  CO,  86, 

87,  105;  divination  by.  417. 

DrulUeitcs.  Ciabrlel,  Jesuit,  70;  labors 
with  Mississaguas,  84;  at  Sault  Ste. 
Marie.  07  ;  sketch,  66. 

Drum  (chlchlkouc),  of  medicine-men, 
2S1 ;  In  Indian  dmces,  367. 

Dry  goods,  duty  on,  210. 

l)u))uisson,  — ,  commandant  at  Detroit, 
202  204.  311,  312,  327,  44,3 — among 
Indians,  382.  305.  399;  pacifies  In- 
dians, 284,  286,  287  ;  commended,  382, 
3.S3 :  bis  report  on  siege  of  Detroit, 
207-2.>8;  his  expenditures  thereat, 
287,  288 ;  speeches  by,  273,  277-280, 
282  ;  sketch,  386. 

Dui)U(iUe,  la.,  mines  at,  151. 

Ducks,  24  ;  feed  on  wild  rice,  9,  G8,  69  ; 
cauglit  in  nets  by  Indians,  9. 

Dudoncour  de  Longeuil,  — ,  French  offl- 
cer,  envoy  to  Mlainls,  313.  322-326, 
338,  341. 

Duels,  among  Sioux,  187. 

Dugur*,   I'ierre.  420.     See  Bolsbrlant. 

Du  Luth  (Dulhu,  Du  Lhut),  Daniel 
(Jreysolon,  123,  128;  accused  of  il- 
licit trade,  107-100 ;  encounters  Hen- 
nepin. 100;  negotiates  with  tribes, 
111,  112;  punishes  Indian  murderers, 
114-125;  establishes  Detroit  post.  12:^- 
131;  honesty,  174;  sketch,  1U7  ;  let- 
ter.  114-125;   cited,  184. 

Duniont,  — .  i'ronch  olficer,  mission  to 
Mlamls.  305,  .309. 

Dunn,  J.   1*..   Imliana,  cited.  443. 

Du  riessls.  Faber.  commandant  at  Green 
Ra.v,  408.  400 ;  extraordinary  ex- 
penscvs  repaid,  470. 

Du  Poitson,  Paul.  Jesuit,  cited,  355. 

Dupuy,  — .  French  officer,  sent  to  De- 
troit. 304,  305,  312 ;  Incites  Ml- 
amls  against  Foxes.  313  :  Illinois  tribes 
against  Foxes.  318,  310;  buys  corn 
from  3Ilands.  315  ;  pacifies  Oulatanons, 
338  :  cited.  326. 

Dupuy.  Claude  Thomas.  Intendant  of 
Canada,  460;  letters  to  minister.  470- 
477. 

Durang'',  — .  relatives  slain,  202. 

Dutch,  133;  In  fur  trade.  132,  142;  colo- 
nies seized  by  English,  231. 

Duties.  Imposed  on  beaver  trade.  210. 

Dutlsn<i  (Du  Tlsn^),  Claude  Charles. 
French  ofllcer.  among  Missouri  In- 
dians. 453;  commandant  in  Illinois, 
455,  457.  4.58.  462.  463  :  envoy  to 
lowas.  450 ;  letters.  450-453 :  sketch, 
448. 

Du  Trl.«*ten<i  (Du  Tlsn(^?),  retreats  from 
Wabash.   319. 


INDEX. 


487 


EAUKINU3.  worn  by  rottawatomles,  40. 

Eartliou'.vare,  used  by   Wlscousin  tribi^s, 
43. 

KcIli)S3,  solar,  G.'),  ««,  68,   113. 

p:ilfi.2er,  a  Hebrew,  curt-s  doiuuniacs,  358. 

KlOcavas,  Fox  chief,   speech  by,   420. 

Elk.  hunted,  20 :  fat  eaten,  355. 

Elliot,  Richard  U.,  cited,  401. 

Elm,   bark  used  for  canoes,  3C4. 

Embroidery,  materials  used  in,   124  ;  on 
moc<;uslus,    44. 

Engufrfs,   423. 

English,    llt>,    128.    130.    132.    133,    152, 
lOl.  1C2.  HJ-:J.  1>;8.  l.SO.  2t>3.  224.  22G. 
227 ;     lu     West     ludi'.s,     I'M ;     seize  j 
I>utcli  colonies,  231;  r.t   Hudson  Hay.  1 
242.    258.    2G»);    strive    to   control    the! 
Mississippi,    203  :    advance     westward,  j 
202.     331-3.30,     345,     431:     hostilities! 
with   French,   138,   130.    178;   seek  to  j 
obtain  Fort  Niagara,  240;  accused  of  1 
inciting    Indians    to    destroy    Detroit,  j 
20s  ;   attempt  to  seize   It,   307  ;  cstab-  j 
lish      new     posts,      335;      gain      I'oitj 
Chnrtrcs,    443.        In    fur    trade,    120- 
133,  142,  100.  171,  100,  2r»0-212.  220, 
230.  240.  2."i3.  254,  250-2(52.  200.  202, 
207-.300.  303.  307:   in   Indian  nflTalrs, 
373 :   supply    liquor    to     Indians.   3*^0. 
424  :     relations     with     Iroquois,     241,  i 
242  — with     Illinois.    .303;    diflferencea  | 
with     Abenokis,    432.     Intrigues   with  1 
Indian  tribes.  229.  317-322.  320,  330.,' 
,3.?8 ;     with     Abenakis.     3.34 :     Hurons,  j 
22.3,    225;    Iroquois.    140.    220.    310— i 
Onondajjaa.    317.    .322;     Mlamfs,    211.1 
213;    Western     tribes.    208.    27.'>.    278.1 
270.    282.     28.'i.    311.    310.    382,    383.1 
.304.  .30.\  308.  399,  470,  477.  | 

Enjalran  (Aninlran.  Anjalrnn,  Enial- 1 
ran),  Jean,  .Teauit.  110;  at  Montreal,  I 
125:  accompanies  Du  Luth.  115;; 
f^Votch,  OS:   letter.  110-113.  | 

Epidemics,  amonii?  Indians.   145.  415.        I 

Ernque.    —    d',    French    voyajfetir,    com- 1 

mands  Fort  riTullller.  108-200. 
Eschalllons.     — ,     French     officer,     com- 
mands convoy  to  Mackinac.  327,  328  ; 
commandant  at  St.  Jos*»ph  river.  .398. 
Essolon     (now    Thessalon),    an     Indian 
name.  358.  ' 

EstrC'ea,    Louis.    marC'chal    d*,    340,    314, 

340.     See  Bourbon. 
Etionnontatehronnon    llurons,    77.       See  j 
llurons. 


Faffart.  — ,  F^rench  soldier,  deserts  La 

Salle,  108. 
Falls:     Xlagara,  351— height,  364;   St. 


Anthonys,  108,  ISO;  of  Ohio,  extent, 
304. 

Famine,  amonjj;  Indians,  5.  22,  79,  80, 
113. 

Farmer,  Silas,  Ilinlory  of  Detroitj  cited, 
283. 

Farmers  of  rev«»nue,  100,  177  ;  of  trade 
monopoly.  473-475  ;  more  lenient  than 
sub-farmers,    473. 

Fasts,  to  appease  spirits,  417. 

Fat.  of  game,  used  for  butter,  355. 

••  Father."  Indian  appellation  of  French 
olliclals,   415. 

Feasts,  madv?  by  Indians  for  Frenchmen, 
2 ;  jflven  by  French  to  Indians,  124. 
See  Indian  feasts. 

Feathers,   as  ornaments.   43. 

Felucca  (a  boat),  185;  described,  179. 

Fire,  methods  of  racklns,  43. 

Fire  Nation.  400 :  term  explained,  70, 
71.     See  Mascoutlns. 

Firearms.  17  :  Indians  fear.  15,  16,  33- 
37  :  used  by  Indians.  20,  47,  90 ;  not 
used  by  Missouri  tribes.  413;  sup- 
plied to  Indians  by  French,  124,  143, 
1.50,  10*^,  171,  172,  177.  187.  192, 
104.  3.50.  452.  401.  402  —  by  English, 
190. 

Firesteels.  prices,  400,  403. 

Fish,  abound  in  Lake  Erie.  305  —  In  Fox 
river,  300  —  at  Mackinac.  .354  ;  meth- 
ods of  catching.  9.  10 ;  how  cooked, 
355 ;  preserved  by  smoking.  25 ;  In- 
dian superstitions  regarding,  52. 

Fisheries.  In  St.  Mary's  river,  26 :  In 
Lake  Superior,  31,  32  ;  Antlcost!  and 
Mlngan,  SO. 

Flsh-welr,  In  Fox  river,  08. 

"Flemish  r,astard."  Mohawk  chief, 
sketch.    14. 

Flint,  used  by  Sioux  fi>r  Implements, 
194. 

Florida    sea,    92. 

Flour,  prices.  400. 

Flute,  used  by  Jesuit  missionaries,  83. 

Folles  Avolnes.  French  appellation  for 
Menomonees.'  114-110.  100.  104,  409. 
434  ;  why  thus  named.  411 :  one  pun- 
ished for  murder.  115-124:  slay  Cha- 
gouamlgon.  202  ;  hostile  to  Foseg,  301. 

Ford  du  Lac  ("foot  of  lake"),  location 
of  llurons.  284. 

Fort  PIIoxl   (Hlloxy),  170,  109. 

Cataracouy,  242. 

Chartres     (de    Chartre).    location, 

420:  supplies  for.  necessary,  452:  Bur- 
rendered  to  English,  443. 

de   Buade,   location,   350.     See  St. 


Ignace. 

—  d*»a   Snbles,    location.   305. 

—  Detroit  (Destrolt,  Detroit  de  Pont- 


488 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


chartraiD),  200,  242,  243.  245,  248, 
869,  370.  See  also  Fort  Pontcbar- 
train. 

—  Frontenac,  160,  175,  201,  206,  219 ; 
trade  at,  335,  336;  council  at,  263; 
how  managed,  246,  247 ;  should  be 
maintained,  260 ;  habitants  obliged  to 
leave,  309 ;  under  control  of  crown, 
809:  history,  128. 

—  Gratiot,  Mich.,  128. 

—  at  Kamlnlstiquoia,  location,  440. 

—  L'HullUer,    198,    199;    for    whom 


named,  188;  location,  186,  194;  aban- 
doned, 200. 

—  La  Boulaye,  200;  history,  199. 

—  Niagara,  242  ;  Importance,  246 ;  his- 
tory, 128. 

—  Orange,    311,    336,    337.      See   also 


Albany. 

—  Pontchartraln,  205,  251,  298,  313, 
319 ;  location,  366 ;  land  at,  252  ;  In- 
dians bribed  to  destroy,  268. 

—  Rosalie.  332. 

—  St.  Louis,  108,  132,   175,   176:   lo- 


cation, 285 ;  founded,  99,  100 ;  seized 
by  La  Barre,  111  :  Tonty  deprived  of, 
165  :  to  be  reestablished,  333. 
—  St.  Joseph,  importance,  362. 


Wayne,   Ind.,  375;   Indian   site  at, 

285. 

Forts:  Indian,  12,  17— how  built,  343, 
352,  368,  369.  English,  in  Mississippi 
valley,  317-319,  332,  335  ;  French,  on 
lower  Mississippi.  332 :  at  Mackinac, 
387 :  at  Green  Bay.  412 ;  erected  by 
Perrot.  10,  140,  151.  154  ;  I)u  Luth's. 
128;  Le  Sueur's,   173,   177-179. 

Fourcllle,   Chevalier  de,   115. 

Foustler.  — ,  cited,  420. 

Fox  Indians  (Outagamles,  R^nards), 
165,  166.  341,  399 :  other  names,  7 : 
location,  38.  39.  56.  61.  66,  70,  106. 
313,  314,  338;  population,  39,  56.  69, 
99.  161,  289,  300.  339.  343,  371; 
language.  56  :  mode  of  life.  371,  372 : 
clothing.  371 :  characteristics,  39.  70, 
88.  280.  290,  293,  294,  361,  417: 
length  of  their  fasts,  417 ;  treachery, 
460.  Plan  to  settle  on  Wabash,  161 : 
attacked  by  other  tribes,  290 — hated 
by  others,  293,  298,  300-304 :  for- 
saken by  allies,  342 :  conspiracy  of 
other  tribes  against,  393,  394,  398, 
422,  428  :  unjustly  treated,  417 :  their 
allies.  442.  Abenakls  among.  434-436, 
440;  Intrigues  with,  431.  432.  435, 
436.  Illinois  tribes  unite  against,  318: 
hostilities  with  those  tribes.  313,  373. 
881,  393.  .394.  396.  419-421,  429,  434, 
435.     445,     440,     4.'>1,     4.52.     4.54-469: 


conduct  toward  Illinois  commended, 
429,  430,  432 ;  demand  restoration  of 
their  captives,  447-451.  Iroquois  raid 
against,  65,  69-71 ;  seek  their  alliance, 
164 ;  some  settle  with  Iroquois,  28^ 
289 ;  incite  them  against  French,  310 ; 
allies,  361,  417.  Prevented  from  at- 
tacking Miamls,  236 ;  murder  one  of 
that  tribe,  393,  396.  Mascoutins  Join* 
in  attack  on  Detroit,  267-282.  Hos- 
tilities with  Ojibwas  and  Ottawas,  102, 
268,  430,  434,  441,  444.  Affront 
Pottawattomles,  397.  Cause  dissen- 
sion among  Sacs,  412.  Hostilities  with 
Sioux,  29,  30,  70,  144,  149,  150,  152- 
155.  161,  164,  181.  184;  allies,  417 
(see  also  Sioux).  Raided  by  Winne- 
bagoes,  4 ;  intermarry  with  them,  7. 
Jesuits  among,  56,  57,  61,  65,  67-70, 
82-88 ;  conspire  against  French,  141, 
143,  147,  148,  150;  pacified  by  Per- 
rot, 148.  149 ;  send  envoys  to  Que- 
bec, 160,  164,  170,  172;  hostilities 
with  French,  200,  298,  312.  319-325, 
327,  333,  838-341,  361,  370;  French 
seek  to  destroy,  283,  289.  29R-307. 
450,  463-166,  468;  besiege  I>etroit, 
267-282  —  this  band  almost  destroyed, 
283-288,  291-295,  340;  Louvigny's 
expedition  against,  342,  344,  377,  386; 
send  envoys  to  Montreal,  377,  380 ; 
captive,  at  Montreal,  879 ;  again  un- 
ruly, 393,  396-898;  promise  to  keep 
the  peace,  420,  421,  469;  must  be 
subjected,  440 ;  defeated  at  Fort 
Chartres,  443 ;  enumeration  of  inju- 
ries inflicted  by  them.  459-463 ;  ac- 
cused of  breaking  the  peace,  454-463, 
466 :  ask  for  missionary  and  com- 
mandant, 466,  467 ;  incited  against 
French,  476.  Fox  war — expenses  in- 
curred In.  400-407 :  opinions  of  mis- 
sionaries on.  446-450,  453-456 ;  funds 
asked  for,  477. 

France,  38.  61,  69.  78,  88.  91,  98, 
100.  107-109.  116,  129,  132,  183, 
162,  165,  173,  177-179,  188,  193, 
199,  202,  207,  210,  220.  228. 
264,  267,  300,  321,  369,  374,  434, 
446 :  revenues,  how  collected,  177 ; 
relation  with  colonies,  256 ;  govern- 
ment makes  presents  to  Indians,  215 
(see  also  Presents).  Regency  coun- 
cil. 341.  Council  of  marine,  349,  387, 
439.  463  —  proceedings.  338-346,  385, 
386,  395-400 :  requests  more  mission- 
aries. 392. 

French  (In  Canada),  8,  28,  60.  52,  61, 
65.  83,  84.  90.  102,  104,  105,  111. 
128.  130-132,  161.  164.  165.  168.  179, 
181-183,   193,  232-2^17;   as  explorers. 


489 


2:  at  Lak*  Superior,  £0.  22-2e, 
119;  Btcack  EheLIsIi  al  Hudsoo 
Itftl;  plunder  EngJIsh  traders,  3UT,  317, 
31S,  333,  337  ;  renegaileB,  301 :  should 
fBtabllsb    new    puBis,     332-33S,    34S  i 


akin 


,    857; 


I  Missouri  tIti 
slavebaldera,  30.  454.  Trade  with 
Indiana  (see  also  Fur  trade).  4,  S, 
18.  21,  29,  33-48,  70,  72,  80,  100, 
108,  140-151,  1B4,  155,  175,  308, 
244,  245,  £48,  253.  2Bfl,  297, 
298— with  Bloui.  141.  18T,  191,  192, 
19e,  190,  198,  100;  Illicit  traders 
(see  al83  Coureurs  de  hols),  201,  262. 
Regarded  by  BSTages  aa  spirits,  50; 
pinndered  by  Indiaiis,  151,  181,  182, 
188,  186;  besieged  at  Detroit,  267 
<»ee  bIbo  Detroit)  ;  alaln  br  Indians, 
101,  114,  118,  118.  120-125,  145,  151, 
lOe.  181,  185,  200,  239,  248,  249, 
254,  255,  261,  2D8,  311,  312,  320, 
398,  430,  445.  450,  451,  404-463.  At- 
gonkins  toke  refugt^  with.  11 ;  (all  to 
protei^t  IluroriH  RtialDst  Iroquois,  14; 
with  Illinois.  3T3;  recalled  trom 
Miami  Tlllase,  304,  305;  boatllltles 
against  Iroquois.  1.  11.  32.  107— at 
peace  with  them.  47 ;  aided  bj  North- 
western  irlto'S  nKalDnt  lrmi\iol,>,  133 
protect  WlcnebugOFS,  7,  Seek  to  de- 
atro;  Foxes  (aee  also  Foies),  283, 
289.  293-205,  2(lft-30t— Inctte  other 
trlbsB  against  them,  318-321,  428.  Pol- 
icy to  ward  liirtlnns,  135,  138-140,  142. 
148,  150,  152-160,  170-173,  177,  222- 
231.  240-242,  247-251,  264,  2CG,  2S9, 
2[I(U307  312,  313,  321-340,  345,  34T- 
34fl,  5fifl-38fl.  430,  441-451,  455,  458, 
403-468 ;  IncKe  SBTages  asainsC  Eng- 
lish, 317,  319.  321;  burn  Indian  cap- 
tives, 447,  407. 
French    regime,    corruption    [a    Its    later 

FroDtenac.  Loula  de  Bunde.  fomle  de. 
110,  183,  178,  200.  2r,0:  KOTernor- 
general  of  Canada.  177 :  sends  JoMet 
to  explore  Mississippi.  80 :  arrests 
Da  Lnth.  109 ;  paclfles  iDdlao  tribes. 
107,  308:  erects  fnrf  l?ft  suporseded, 
111:  sent  back  to  Canadn.  133.  15S. 
138 :  sends  envoy  to  Norlhwealem 
tribes,  135;  recalls  thj.icchts,  151 
seeks  to  maintain  peace  amnnR  tribes. 
154.  157.  161 :  harnngiies  Indiana,  170- 
173  :  leads  expedition  ji-r'liiBt    roijnnlB, 

177:  opiinspB  his  plnns.  177.  179;  let- 
ter by.  173,  174;  cited.  141. 

Fruits,  wild  food  of  Indians.  II,  24. 

FrulalD.  —  de.  Paris  offlrlal.  167. 


ur  trade,  148,  223,  340,  347 ;  French  In 
<see  jiluo  I'TtticliI,  1,  4.  8,  73,  107; 
In  Noribweet.  16,  408:  at  Detroit,  260, 
261  at  llonlrfnl,  S9,  33,  287,  298; 
at  mlsslouft,  K'li  routes,  128,  173; 
Intertribal,  39,  100   (see  also  Trade). 

Articles  of  barter  In,  77,  253,  366 
— jirlii-s,  IDS,  4U0-1UU ;  a  monop- 
(,}y.  ITJ-lTlj,  2l*,  210,  254,  32B— lU 
cliaracter,  ITl-lT.^i ;  sub-let,  472-475; 
how  fonducted,  100,  258,  200,  289,  297, 
357,  389,  437  438,  441,  4tl-17B; 
regulated  and  realrlcU'd.  210,  £62.  267, 
330,  331  —  prohibited  to  French  offi- 
cials, 240,  243,  248,  £65;  oSlcers  en- 
gaged In,  222  (see  also  Command- 
ants) ;  Illicit,  100.  175-177,  104,  201- 
203.  209,  228,  229,  231,  232,  257, 
259,  335,  339,  420  (see  also  Coureurt 
He  bols)  — penalties  tor,  202,  207; 
amount  (ITOB),  258:  pruflt  In,  100; 
liquor  In,  336  (see  aliii>  Kramly,  and 
Liquor  traffic)  :  Importance  ol  beaver 
In,  187, 191  (see  also  Beayer)  :  erlls  at- 
tending, 214-216  ;  coureurs  de  bols  ase- 
tul  In,  260  :  beneflted  b.T  <Kiii:iiui  e  ul  li- 
censes, 209,  800  (see   also   LiceriBfSl 

checked  by  Fox  war,  301  atiundanpe  o( 
peltries  (1717).  349;  supplies  ndlans 
with  guns,  451,  452 ;  Importance  to 
Canada.  133.  240.  298.  Bngltsh  In. 
322.  325,  331,  335,  33G.  476:  their 
goods  cheaper  than  French,  130.  181, 
142,  224.  2Ba,  20t  345  relatlye  prlcei 
■ot  French  gooda,  208,  213,  336 : 
Kngllsh  contro  Trade.  253,  2^8.  292. 
See  also  Peltries.  Trade,  and  Traders. 


CtOKON,  Ernest.  Louli  JoHtet,  cited,  89. 

Oalena,  III.,  mlnea  at.  IGl. 

(Jallfct.  —  de.  328. 

Gal!D(?e,  Ren*  de  Brthant  de.  Sulpltlan, 
PiplnrnllniiB.  63;  sketch,  62. 

■TiBllpys.  rapllye  Iroqunla  sent  to.  138; 
punlstim^nt  tor  illicit  trad«ri.  202. 

Gambling,  nmong  iDdlniik,  Sfi7,  360.  3TS : 
prcTolpnt  Bt  French  posts,  215. 

Game.  8.  22;  on  St.  Clair  river,  1£9; 
abundant  aroand  Great  Lakes.  870, 
.375  In  TVIscnrmtn,  9,  OS.  81  ;  scarcity, 
5    pxtermlnalPd  nt  Detroit,  261. 

<:nv\\i!  {nlilon.  Allium  .  861. 

-CiorrlBonn.  ahnuld  tii'  mt^lntnlned  In  Weit^ 
pn  PObIh.  32S.  shonld  be  withdrawn 
from  Northwest,  173.  ]7fl.  £15,  216; 
withdrawal  from  npper  cnnntry.  230. 

Garters,  87.  374. 

Gary.  George.  sntlquarlaD,  cited.  39,  42. 

Qatlneau,  — ,  supplies  wheat  (or  fvoops. 


384. 


490 


WISCONSIN    HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS. 


Gens  des  Terres    (TOtes  ae   Boule),   Al- 

gonquian  tribe,   attack  Ottawas,   1G7  ; 

hostilities    with    Nor tli western    tribes, 

170;   sketch,    114.   115. 
Gentes,  40.     ^^ee  Claus. 
Germain,  — ,  slain  In  battle,  284. 
Girdles,  87. 

Glacis,  military  term,  defined,  128. 
Gold,    mines   supposed   to  exist   at   Kas- 

kaskia.  ^25. 
Gourds,  49. 

Goyogouans.  315.     Soe  C'nyugas. 
Grand  Torre,  French  appellation  of  Ou- 

hensiwan.  317. 
Grapes,  wild,  in  Wisconsin,  08 ;  quality, 

120.  373;  dried  by  Indians,  150. 
Grass,  height  attained,  120. 
Grasshoppers,  a  pest  at  Detroit,  25G. 
Grease.  384  ;  as  food,  42,  44  ;  on  hair, 

367  ;  prices.  407. 
Green    Hay.    29.    34.    42.    46-48,    55.   62, 

63.    84,    86,    87,    89.    9.3,    05,    06.    99; 

tribes  at.  38.  39.  41,   67;  Jesuits  at, 

65-67,    80 ;    French     post     abandoned, 

206  ;     region    about — tribes    In.    3-10  ;  | 

advantages.  83. 
Green  Lake  county.  Wis.,  42. 
Grenade-mortar,  used  in  Fox  war,  342. 
Grey  Nuns,  hospital  order,  founded,  244. 
Grist-mill,  nt  Cahokia.  332: 
Groceries,  duties  on.  210. 
Groseilllers.    Medard    Chouart    des,    19 ; 

in  Wisconsin.  21. 
Grosse  Polnte,  Foxes  routed  at,  283,  284. 
Grosson.  443.     See  St.  Ango  de  Bellerlve. 
Ont,  French    appellation    of    com    meal, 

355. 
Gnenet.  Jean.  Rouen  merchant,  furnishes 

supplies  for  troops.  384. 
Gueslls.  Francois  Vaillant  de,  Jesuit.  131. 
Gulllet,    Moraut,    furnishes    supplies  for 

troops,  407. 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  91,  92. 
Gum.  for  canoes :  price,  405.     See  Pitch. 
Gunpowder,    199;    brought    to    Canada. 

837:    in   barter.   201:   supplied  to   In- 
dians.   183.    Iv87.    189.    191.    192,    293. 

441  ;   prlcos.   401.   403.  405.      Sec  also 

Ammunition. 
Guns.   45:   fired    to   notify    arrival,   42: 

prices,  401-404.     See  also  Firearms. 


Habitants,  term  defined,  339 ;  of  Illinois, 

439. 
Hair,  why  worn  short.  359. 
Hannibal.  Mo.,  180. 
Hares,  totem  of  clan,  54;  size.  72;  fur 

used  for  hats,  210. 
Harsha  &  Willcox.  Detroit  printers.  267. 


Hatchets,  40,  49 ;  of  stone.  4,  15  ;  given 
to  Sioux,  15  ;  in  barter,  33. 

Hats,  of  fur,  210. 

Havana.   West   Indies,  199. 

Hazelnut,  at  Detroit,  129. 

Ilebberd.  S.  S.,  Wisconsin  under  French 
Dominion,  cited.  2,  283. 

Hennepin.  Ix)uis.  R6collet  priest,  108, 
109;  Description  de  la  Louisiane,  108. 

Henry,  Alexander,  Travels  attd  Adven- 
tures, cited.  115,  128. 

HerlC'e,  370.     See  Lake  Erie. 

Herring,  354  ;  caught  by  Indians,  9. 

Hinhanetons,  194 ;  meaning  of  name, 
193. 

Hoflfman,  W.  J.,  "Grand  Medicine  So- 
ciety,"  367,   370. 

Iloltzkuecht,  J.,  antiquarian,  42. 

Honeoye  Falls,  N.  Y.,  location,  09. 

Horses,  414  ;  at  Detroit,  252;  in  IllinoU, 
374.  452;  trade  in,  475. 

Hospital  Nuns  of  St.  Joseph,  their  work, 
244.     See  Grey   Nuns. 

Hostages,  12;  given  by  Indians,  255; 
Foxes  retjulred  to  furnish,  343,  346 ; 
of  Foxes,  at  Montreal,  378,  oV9. 

Hotel  Dieu  (hospital),  at  Montreal.  244. 

Hough.  Walter.  "Fire-making  Appara- 
tus," cited,  43. 

Houses,  covered  with  thatch,  279 ; 
of  bark,  253,  638;  French,  how  built, 
353. 

Hunter.  General  Robert,  governor  of  New 
York,  336  :  sends  envoy  to  Ouondagas, 
316  ;  writes  to  Ramezay.  317.  337. 

Hunting,  8 ;  tribal.  6 ;  methods  used  by 
Indians.  9 ;  annual  expeditions,  368. 

Hunting-grounds,  apportioned  among 
tribes.  186. 

Hurons.  41.  62.  70.  85,  89,  94.  95,  97, 
98.  113.  II.-),  120.  136.  140.  167. 
171,  205.  238.  241,  268;  location.  211, 
220.  209,  284,  350.  368;  at  Detroit, 
253,  309  — removal  to.  204-206,  217. 
218— why  they  went  to.  257,  262; 
migrations.  17 ;  flee  to  Wisconsin,  17, 
22.  23  — to  Michillimackinac.  80.  83; 
population.  370:  characteristics,  13, 
130.  134,  137.  354.  359.  368— treach- 
ery. 28.  29.  107.  230.  Their  enemies, 
350  :  conspire  against  Foxes.  293  ;  re- 
sponsible for  their  destruction  and  that 
of  Mascoutens.  271.  293;  kill  Foxes, 
366 — killed  by  them,  300;  ask  French 
aid  against  Foxes,  298 :  aid  French 
against  that  tribe,  339,  341 ;  en- 
slaved  by  Iroquois.  12,  14,  137  ;  over- 
thrown by  that  tribe,  339.  341 ;  at- 
tacked by  them,  22 ;  seek  alliance 
with  them,  130,  133.  137,  142,  162, 
291  :    desire    to    settle    among    them. 


lUU:  liOBlllillvi  wllii  Kli:;iai>oa«.  28o  ; 
ulimuc:e  Willi  .Mliiiui«.  iU,  ^lli :  at 
war  with  Ulamis  huJ  UctaRaa,  23^: 
aillance  wltU  Uttuwaa,  li  :  Uumural- 
lied  liy  Utlan-BS,  IM ;  lialvvil  ut  tliem. 
212,  U3»:  atlai'k  tlieiu,  ^;:u:  liosiUI- 
tle*  wltb  Sioux,  lli-lU,  Jii-;:i  III- 
tackwl  by  tbvm,  1!^ :  make  peftce 
Willi  WlDDebagocs,  i.  2 :  at  Detroit. 
■Id  Vnucli,  ■MV-2-,2.  2(M  1  aluue  foe 
murder  ol  VrenPliman,  24  ;  aeud  ea- 
TOfs  to  IjtiauDvllle,  ill.  paclUvd  bj 
Cadiilac,  ml  dlallke  Jllm,  2  jt< :  COD- 
feruni-e  with  VuuareuU,  2^a-21>U ;  t*- 
pruacli  him,  :t21 :  trade  with  KUKllah, 
'iji  lutriguu  with  Eiigllah,  lu<i ;  arek 
alllsui'u  ivltli  them,  212. 

Huron  eonfcdtrai;)'.  overthrown  bj  Iro- 
quolH,    10,  Ti. 

HaroD-lruquoU  Camll}',  .18. 

lIuroLB.  ■■  Xeutral,"  nUaorbed  by  Iro- 
quola,  11. 

Hydrography,  achuol  ot.  at  Ijuebec,  3US  ; 
taught  liy  Jesulia.  o9(I. 

ByroguolE,  1.     t!ee  iroijuals. 


Iberville,  I'lerre  le  Moyue.  aleur  d'.  1T3, 
1U4,  200.  m:< :  fouada  culonUa  on  Uull 
eoaat,  105 ;  friendly  lo  Le  Suetir,  177 ; 
accused  of  illlcll  traffic,  :101 ;  sketch. 
19S. 

Ice-huat.  used  by  FreDcli,  UG. 

IbaaktuDwaa  (Vankton,  lIlQbanetuns), 
mouau  tribe.  1U3 :  cuDtrul  Ited  Stone 
Quarry.  103.  104. 

lie  aux  bolB  blaiir,  location.  36G. 

(.'ochona    (Belle  I»le).  389. 

dlndea  (Turkey),  location,  3B0. 

F:aclave8  (SInvel.  location.  3811. 

poui  (lAiuael,  location.  390. 

llllnola     (Illmouec.     Illnlouek.     Illoueti. 

illlnai'-ta.    lallaola.    Jallnolai.    a.    S-T. 


.   O'J. 


,    107,   lOO, 


111.  113,  128.  132.  141. 
157,  175,  iHi.  nil.  I'll!.  108-200,  228. 
2b».  321 :  location,  41.  G7.  81.  SO, 
2Sri,  373,  375;  flee  from -their  coun- 
try, 112  1  i»o]ialBtlon,  57,  77.  30^.  3T3  : 
language,  57  :  costume.  373  :  charac- 
terUtlca.  fi.  7.  5T.  58.  81.  81,  82.  OO : 
traders.  77* — In  slaves,  30.  00;  ask 
for  mlHslDDsry,  84,  en,  77  (a-e  also 
MIhIods  Jciulia  with,  S4,  no,  04: 
Frentih  «(n<¥ra  visit  324:  aid  French 
at  Detroit  siege,  273  In  Vox  war, 
3.11) ;  ncriisstlnnH  aealnst  roies.  450- 
4(13 :  tall  to  restore  Vox  captlTes.  442. 
444 :  Foica  demand  their  captives 
from.  447-451 ;  must  reatore  Foi  cap- 


tlTcs,  4<>5-4il7 :  li.istilltits  with  Foiaa, 
3liU,  313,  S14,  3111,  3T3,  410-421,  42», 
434.  445.  44tl,  451,  454-4ll» ;  hustlll- 
tles    with     IruMUuhi.   13,   97.   U7,   114, 

132.  310:  4er-Bt  Maycoutens,  311; 
French  strive  to  aecure  peace  between 
Sllamls  and,  3U2-305,  31a ;  hostile 
to  iiacB,  300:  hostilities  with  Sloui, 
57,  150:  stain  liy  TVinnebaiiieB,  0-T; 
de(-iit  W'lnneliBgws,  411,  412  ;  hostili- 
ties with  Wlscuusin  tribes,  tiO,  141, 
3T7,  378.  380,  381,  3»3.  304,  4S9 ; 
make  peace  with  Dt^lgbborlnE  trlbei, 
5.   fl,  303,   304.   31j.  S18.   ;122.  338. 

Illinois  (IllDola)  country.  440,  463; 
fauna,  00 ;  elltuate.  374 ;  tac  exported 
from,  355 ;  slavery  In,  454 :  trana- 
lerred  from  jurisdiction  o(  Canada  to 
that  ii(  [,i>iil<iliijiii.  HV.  French  settlf 
ments  In  danger.  450-452. 

Indlanit    Gfolotiicat    Report,   died,    373. 

Indiana  Historical  Society.  PaMlca- 
llon,.  cited.  443. 

Indians,  tribal  divisions.  40  (see  also 
Clans)  1  ratio  ot  men  to  women,  371 ; 
aKllity.  372 :  cnmpi^ilou.  .WO,  372, 
3T4 ;  beai-dleEH.  34 ;  mode  of  dresa, 
3«8-30l),  371-37fi  ;  food.  0.  18,  20.  34, 
25,  ISB.  310  (see  also  Reona.  ITorn, 
Rice,  and  Tvtpe  de  ruflif  I  :  hunting  tb« 
ui't' 11  nation  of  men,  3U0:  methods  Of 
warfare.  388 :  rarHges  of  Intemper- 
ance among,  RSS.  380.     Trails  of  char- 


il-8.    14. 


.    48.    . 


,    130, 


130.     139-142. 
155.  102.  214.  233,  242.  270.  380,  3 
mlmlrs.  91'    ark  of  dlaclpllnn  among. 


Aid 


Ii'renchmen  In  Illicit  trade, 
war,  320:  value  of  their  aliinnce  with 
French.  180:  pro|)i>sal  lo  enroll,  ID 
Canadian  mllltla.  250.  2.-il,  201 :  so^ 
piy  corn  to  French.  314.  ,115.  318, 
322.  327  :  Incited  by  Knglish  against 
French,  ITU.  lTisi'cT,-ln  Irlhng  at  war, 
222;  Sonthern  tribes  hostile  to  Hd- 
>B.  359 :  peace  among  western  tritxa. 


348. 


by    ■ 


.  83. 


Indian  chiefs :  Of  war,  44  ;  expected  to 
be  liberal.  3 :  Interred  by  French 
with  military  ceremonies.  322.  323, 
338.  347:  have  hut  little  authority, 
235,  230.  250,  418,  420,  451— except 
among  Hurnna.  3.'S0,  and  Mlamls.  46 ; 
hereditary.  186,  187. 

Indian  customs :  warriors  end  mourner* 
blacken  their  skins.  49,  l-'iO,  180,  100 ; 
bodies  anointed.  71,  380— painted  (aea 


492 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


Paint)  ;  welcome  of  guests,  5,  27,  34- 
36,  43,  44,  58,  71— by  weeping,  13, 
16 ;  canoes  of  victorious  warriors  pil- 
laged, 136 ;  medical  practice,  53,  54 ; 
diyinatlon  by  fasting,  53,  417 ;  atone- 
ment for  murder,  102-104 ;  murder  re- 
venged, 101 ;  dead  cremated,  54  ;  name 
of  dead  "resuscitated,"  79 ;  period  of 
mourning,  to  influence  Great  Spirit,  6. 

Indian  dances,  85,  369,  375,  376;  pro- 
vided for  guests,  5.  Buffalo,  416 ;  cal- 
umet, 57,  58,  61.  90,  123,  368,  396, 
416;  medicine,  367;  scalp,  451,  458, 
461,  462;  scout,  368,  416;  war,  49, 
50,  281 ;  by  women,  367. 

Indian  feasts,  38,  44,  48-50,  58,  81,  160 ; 
"eat-all,"  50,  51 ;  war,  153 ;  in  honor 
of  bear,  417 ;  offered  to  French,  192 ; 
in  honor  of  sun,  46,  51,  53,  54  ;  divin- 
ities impei-sonated  at,  86. 

Indian  games,  374,  376 ;  provided  for 
guests,  5 ;  dish,  lacrosse,  and  straws, 
how  played,  369. 

Indian  manufactures  and  arts :  braided 
worlc,  43  ;  embroidery,  44,  124 ;  spin- 
ning of  buflTalo  wool,  374  ;  mats,  366 ; 
canoes,  370. 

Indian  music,  instrumental,  44  ;  songs — 
calumet,  27,  44 ;  invoking  spirits,  48, 
50  ;  of  medicine-men,  36  ;  war,  49,  281 ; 
of  lamentation,  192. 

Indian  oratory  :  speeches,  145,  163-165  ; 
167-170.  192,  273,  275-278,  282,  290- 
294,  418-420.  456-463  ;  rhetoric,  2,  47. 

Indian  religious  beliefs,  6  (see  also 
Spirits)  ;  of  Algonklns,  50-54,  58 ;  of 
Foxes,  56;  of  Illinois,  58;  divinities, 
31,  32,  416  (see  also  Sky.  and 
Sun) — oflTerings  to  them.  87  (see  klso 
Sacrifices,  and  Tobacco).  Souls — ene 
mies  sacrificed  to,  5 ;  destiny,  187 ; 
fishes  have  immortal,  52. 

Indian  superstitions,  73,  101.  259,  414, 
416 ;  regarding  copper,  52 ;  origin  of 
diseases,  53 ;  bones  of  animals  must 
not  be  burned,  52 ;  cremation  of  dead, 
54. 

Indian  villages,  at  mouth  of  Green 
Bay,  3 ;  abandoned,  6,  273 ;  Inhabited 
by  more  than  one  tribe,  8. 

Indian  women.  2,  6,  7,  12,  29.  45,  49,  55, 
86.  102,  151,  153,  190,  273,  276,  277, 
281,  282.  286,  288,  368,  376,  -378,  430, 
459-461 ;  physical  appearance,  360, 
374  ;  mode  of  dress,  367,  371,  372,  375, 
376;  Industrious,  7;  till  the  soil,  75, 
354  ;  aid  In  making  canoes,  370 :  make 
mats,  366 ;  In  Wisconsin  tribes,  char- 
acterized, 360 :  status,  among  Hurons 
and  Ottawas.  359 :  licentiousness 
among,    215,   361,   362;   take  part   in 


battles,  343;   their  dances,  867. 
also    Adultery,    Divorce,    and    Polyg- 
amy. 

Indies,  West,  English  in,  199. 

Intemperance,  among  Indians,  168,  259,. 
265,  340 — eCTects,  388. 

Interpreters,  228,  347,  348,  354,  469; 
sent  to  live  with  savages,  1 ;  influ- 
ence with  Indians,  1-3 ;  at  Detroit, 
244,  257,  261,  276,  342. 

Inyanbosndata,  Indian  name  for  Cannoik 
river,  184. 

Iowa,  described,  15. 

lowas  (Aiouez,  Aoyest,  Ayavois,  AyoCSp. 
Ayouets.  Ayouez,  Yoals),  15,  95,  ISO,. 
186.  188-190.  320,  362,  413,  466;  lo- 
cation, 186,  190 ;  till  soil,  188 ;  hostili- 
ties with  Peanguichas,  180;  frlendlx 
to  Foxes,  230,  466;  French  make 
peace  with,  459. 

Iron,  34,  35,  44;  Indian  appellation  for 
French  goods,  192 ;  use  of,  introduced 
among  Ottawas,  83;  unknown  to- 
Sioux.  15,  17 ;  regarded  as  a  divinity, 
16 ;  revered  by  Indians,  43 — import- 
ance of.  to  them.  103 ;  mines,  91. 

Iroquois  (Hyroquois,  Irocols,  Irokois,  Ir- 
roquols,  Yrokois),  36,  61.  62,  95,  08, 
116,  120.  126,  128,  145-147,  201,  205, 
211.  217,  231,  239,  261,  318,  323,  326? 
in  mission  colonies,  49,  88,  328 ;  popn- 
latlon,  315,  321.  Trade  at  Detroit, 
206 ;  influence  upon  fur  trade,  180- 
133,  142,  256 ;  trade  with  Lake  tril>e8, 
335 ;  Infest  routes  of  travel,  858 ; 
envoys  of,  at  Quebec,  293 ;  envoy* 
slain,  167 ;  Algonklns  settle  with, 
268 ;  harass  Algonklns,  11 ;  drive 
them  westward,  21 ;  hostilities  with 
them,  13,  26,  132,  133 ;  make  peace 
with  them,  1 ;  Foxes  flee  to,  289 ;  oflTer 
Foxes  an  asylum,  465,  466,  468 ;  Foxes 
their  allies,  361,  417 ;  seek  to  absorb 
Ilurons,  258,  262 ;  absorb  neutral  Hu- 
rons, 11 ;  hostilities  with  Illinois,  57, 
97,  114.  315 ;  with  Mascoutens,  71, 
112;  visit  Mlamis,  213;  their  allies, 
100 ;  hold  council  with  Misslssagu^s, 
263  ;  destroy  Nadoualchs,  3.  4  ;  North- 
western tribes  incited  against.  152, 
157  —  unite  against,  166;  captured  by 
Ojibwas,  47,  48;  killed  by  them,  263; 
communication  with  Ottawas  prevent- 
ed. 297 ;  fall  to  restore  Ottawa  cap- 
tives, 207 :  hostilities  with  them,  353 ; 
with  Southern  tribes,  321 ;  Joined  by 
Tuscaroras,  315,  321 ;  Western  bands 
settle  among.  268 ;  policy  toward  these 
tribes.  361 :  Intrljaies  with  them,  223, 
224,  308,  316.  321.  333,  345,  394,  398, 
399;    hostilities    with,    171,    359-361; 


ahoDld  b«  kept  Irom 
£76 ;  boBtltitlea  witb  Wlaconsln  trlb«n. 
41.  6D.  Oe-Tl.  78.  81:  menace  Detroit, 
219  :  oiuat  be  paclQed.  240-24^  ;  sboutil 
be  deetroTed.  210;  refCralned  from  war 
on  otber  tribes,  230:  raids  ioto  Cbq- 
ada.  1.  14 :  sKalait  Freocb,  I.  11.  14  - 
Invade  Wlaconiln.  10-13.  23 ;  boattlt- 
tlet  wItb  Frencb.  132-13S.  150.  108  ; 
■Id  French  at  Detroit  siege.  284;  In- 
Tlted   Id  Join   (orcea  agalnal   Fi 


310; 


French,     200 : 


Freucb  agent  amang,  240.  247 :  j 
French  vtalt.  337;  enBlaied  b;  Denou  | 
Vllle,  133,  133 :  send  collnr  to  Louis  ; 
XV.  382 :  pramlu  neutrallt;  betveeii  ; 
French  and  Ene'tab.  283  ;  under  Kng- 1 
Ilah  domination,  316;  emisaarlea  of 
Engllah,  31T.  3S2.  390. 
laan-tB-iade,  Sloui  name  tar  Hllle  Lact.  I 

laan-ira-tl  (Santee).  104. 
Islands.  3.  10,  32.  85.  107.  lid,  305,  366. 
40B.  410:  swept  awaj  by  Ice,  8;  In 
Lake  8u[ierlar.  yielding  capper.  74-76. 
Acbemlkouan,  73.  BeaTer.  location, 
3S0:  Inhabited  b;  Indians.  369. 
Cape  Breton,  335.  Hog.  location,  283. 
Huron,  location.  10 ;  Indians  dwell 
on.  10.  11.  Mackinac.  80.  07^ 
■hape.  350 :  described,  SO :  rendes- 
Tous  for  Indians.  80 :  Jeault  mis- 
sion on.  83.  Madeleine.  French  fort 
on,  ITS.  Minltoulln,  83.  84  :  location. 
10:  OttawBH  on.  10,  TQ,  80:  rondei- 
Tons  for  saTagea,  200,  328.  Manltoo- 
mlnls,  yields  copper.  75,  Mlchlplco- 
ten  (MlBslplcouatong).  72.  Montreal. 
rsTSged  by  Iroquois.  133,  138,  1S9, 
Newloundlnnd,  240.  Orleans,  Hurons  , 
dwell  on,  14.  Thunder,  wby  thos  j 
named.  74.  Washington,  dpgcrlbed,  I 
369  :  Inhabited  by  Indians.  10.  | 

lilanders,      Algonqulan      tribe.      NIcolet ; 


their  mUslona,  2  (see  also  Missions)  ; 
]ts  murdered.  9S:  persecuted, 
101 :  tenders  store  goods  wltb,  111 ; 
baptize  condemned  captlvea,  121 :  In- 
dian and  French  council  at  their 
bouse.  144-140:  relatiuns  with  Cadil- 
lac, 204-20S,  211-214,  216-218; 
ready  to  abandon  Ottawa  mission*. 
214:  needed  among  Mlamis,  285; 
more  asked  for  Canada,  302.  398 ;  con- 
duct acbool  of  bydrographj,  3S5.  396 ; 
..   108.   148; 


.    114;    list  c 


,    lai. 


Indian  aBalra,  116,  125,  128,  130,  181, 
134,  137,  138,  157,  1H8,  200,  203,  205- 
208,  211-218,  225,  23B-23T,  240.  245, 
240,  303,  317-310.  333,  334,  432,  440, 
444,  448-4,^0,  453-457,  460.  467-469; 
envoya  to  tribea.  5S ;  methods  In  deal- 
ing with  aavages,  64,  72,  80-84.  D3, 
104  :  teach  agrlcnlture  to  Indiana.  <4, 
179.  J.  M.  J..  Initials  used  In  letters 
by  Jeaulta.  232.  See  also  Hlsslon- 
arlea. 

Jeault  collegea:  Quebec.  80;  St,  Mary't, 
Montreal.  93. 

Jetutt  BeUtlioni,  cited,  xI-zt,  itII,  1-8, 
7,  9,  10,  18,  14.  16,  21-25,  80-32.  84, 
30.  40,  42.  43,  BO-09.  104.  113,  114, 
131,  162.  170,  200,  210.  217,  253.  332, 


lale.  Grande,  deaerlbed,  863.  En  Hn- 
roone.  237.  PelSe,  location  and  Im- 
portance. 10.  Royale  (Rojalle).  S83. 
489:     appellation     of     Cape     Breton 

laland.    335.       Royale    (Mtnong.    Lake 
Saperiorl.  description.  74;  Indian  an- 
peratltlona    regarding,    72-75, 
Ttacoiiglk,    a    MIsslBsagna,    emluarr    of 
English.  811. 


Jbhkb.  a.   E..   "Wild   rice  gatherers  of 

the  Cpper  Lakes,"  cited,  9. 
Jeanlta.  61,  05,   m.  102.   114,  194.  188, 

222,   224.   230;   as  eiplorers,  63,   64: 


;  84. 
lews,  S63 :  Indiana  compared  with,  358, 

350,  361, 
Jllnols      (JlMnols).      373-376.      446-448. 

Bee  Illinois, 
.roannea.    — ,    furnlshea    provisions    lor 

troopa.  407. 
.Follet.    I.OUIB,    22.    42,    90-02;    ezplor« 
MlaalsalppI      river;     89;     death,     886; 

Bketcb,   89. 
■loliet    iZacharle!],    136;    at    Lake   Sn- 

follet.  III.,  terminus  of  canal,  92. 

.loncaire   (Joncquere,  Joncqulere),  Louta 
Thomaa  de.  baya  corn  from  Iroqnols, 
314,  316,  318,  327:  sent  to   Iroquoli, 
240.  248.  321.  337 :  sketch,  228. 
,ToneB,     A.    E..     Bioffraphlcat    ikttoh    of 


ladrf.  c 


I,  86. 


Peter.    Ojebmav    Inaiant,    cited, 

Joseph,   a   renegade   Fox.   aids   French, 

269 :  goes  to  Qnebec,  286. 
Jouachln.  Metchlgamla  chief,  answer  to 

,loncherlneDga.     an     llllnola.    alaln     bj 

Incberean,  NoPI,  eBtabllsbcB  post  on  Hto- 
sisstppi,  211. 


WISCONSIN   IIISTOKICAL   COLLECTIONS. 


31.M;  t„.i.i.Uil..D,  : 
dlMBUt..  tr,.!o  111*  nva.  .175. 
lUikoHklHH  irawnklnB,  CanpaBilnB.  <aa- 
kaciiiK.  rnKkinwrun.  KnBliai-laii.  lias- 
koxln-x.  Illlii"!*  trl'*.  *^'''  *^^-  *''*  ■ 
JPKUllM  with,  HI,  Wl:  Ttmott  TillaKP, 
ITIi '  mlitrnli-  (<>  Ilii>  Mluliisti<l>>.  l'>>8. 
uhliibutldlnR 


Tl>.  315, 

Klueton 

nil.  F.ii  clilef.  377. 

me 

(i,uiiJ*d, 
Bl,    3:1::; 

lintveB. 

124.  :(S4 ;  Bbelln  used  u,  38 

Bt. 


j.'v     Ki'l 


Kaakniin 

KVUUCYW 

n.  '«■ 

IN.    1«0. 

iKunilii    wo 

nnn. 

Kfknkxii 
KfUnlins 

alrla   1 

.'a,  .1 

pli 

a  Hilpf,  c-nnvsrslo 
-  Knvlksuno. 
Krancnla    df.     3 

KMlI.". 

4.->,  -1 

l'" 

•J.  :!l-3 :  'in 

hRrlc 

Dt   Wfl 

104 

K.««  !.»>*■  .K 

.11 

.<ii.'nDn.  Kl 

innan. 

chief,  il 


In,  233. 


a  clan,  30,  85, 
i::4,  1U3,  217.  227:  m*aiiiii( 
:ij3  ;  lucatioD,  30.  «J4  :  number, 
uve  to  Slacklnac,  IIT  ;  Jeaoita 
17:  religious  terror,  84,  97; 
olied.  U2.  04.  77. 
n  Illinois,  captured   by  Foxea, 


aiiiillltHic  {KnulHollIbnua).  Ottawa 
ii-f,  2117.  2:!fl  :  c-imnipndea  bj-  Marcat, 
.7 ;  ppp5  to  Montreal.  20O-2»2 ; 
eerli.  2fi0.  201. 


KIckaiHHiM  r  KfkHpuu*.  Kloapoun.  Klka- 
buus.  Ivlk  lioiia.  SIkapoux.  Qiilvapoui. 
guthnpoiiK  .    Algonquin    trite.    J     -'8, 


IVrrot'B  firt.  1'.7:  migra- 
!l:  r-liorarlerUtlc.  41.  372: 
2N0,  372 :  eubdued  by 
in."  :  caplive.  at  Montreal. 
lUtawn  paptlvea.  2sn ; 
lawottomle  captives.  3BT  ; 
342; 
292: 


4.14.  4I<3,  4U7  : 
boat  HI 
with  1 


lia.  3T7.  .ISfi.  381.  303,  3B6. 
attack    Piber    tribes.    205: 
FoiPB  must   pacify.  378.  S70. 
KlElRwa.  4r.!i, 
KJIatiks.  Miami  trlbp.  )n2. 

IlilnoiB  Kin.  Bcalped.  450. 


Klonlou^-Kolo. 

bee,    164. 
KIrlatlnona.  20.    See  Crees. 


chief. 


IQue 


lilt,  sketch,  a 
Lucl^e. 


n.  1.33;  term  of  olBoe.  IH  ; 
ind  ndmlnlBtratlnn.  132. 
»..  30  :  MInuri.  cited.  32-42. 
re.  Jacques  Qalntla  de.  Jes- 


:  Cbarlea  Aubert  de,  sketch, 

?re.  — ,  Toyagenr,  123. 

I :  massacre  at,  133. 

dlan  Eame.  described.  367. 

tP,  a  contraband  tradec,  231, 


122. 
I.a  ('bern 
Lacbliie.  , 
I.ncr..BHe. 
Ln  IVecou' 

232. 
La  Ini  rant  aye,  Oliver  Morel 

nfflccr.    112:    honeatj,    174 

with    Indiana.   133.    135:   1 


Influence 

Mackinac, 

]2n,  120.  130.   131,   134,  13S :  akctelv 

I.afayetl"-.  Ind..  443. 

La  FertC.  — .  110;  furDlahes  sappllea 
for  troops.  3ft4. 

Lflfleiir,  — ,   plundered   by  Foxes.  468. 

r,Bft.nd.  — ,  Flain  by  Indians.  454. 

1.H  Forest  irielatoret.  nelatorestt,  Qnll- 
Iniime.  SOfl.  241.  3(I4 ;  Id  charge  Of 
Fort   St.   Ixiuls.  175,   178;  deslrea  to 


INDEX. 


495 


establish  post  among  Mlamis,  213 ; 
gives  opinion  as  to  Fox  war,  303 ; 
goes  to  Detroit,  2C8,  291 ;  command- 
ant at  I»ctroit,  30(5.  300.  382;  death, 
311  ;  sketch,  175  :  memoir  by,  307-310. 

La  Forest,  Dame,  342. 

La  Fortune,  115. 

Lafourche,  Indian  chief,  slain  by  Kanzas, 
109,  171. 

La  Galette,  327;  location,  32S ;  suitable 
location  for  military  post,  260. 

La  Glaise  (now  Defiance),  O.,  375. 

La  Gniii,  — ,  attacked  by  Foxes,  457, 
462. 

La  Harpe.  D<?nard  de,  Journal  histor- 
iqur,  cited,  177,  183. 

La  Ilontan,  Armand  Louis  de  Delon- 
darce  de,    Voyages,  cited,   137. 

La  Janvrie,  — ,  Detroit  trader,  pun- 
ished for  illicit  sale  of  brandy,  423- 
420. 

La  Jeunesse,  — ,   Detroit  habitant,   273. 

Lake  Erie  (Esrie,  lleri^.  Derive),  13, 
63,  127,  205,  206,  225,  251,  307.  308, 
304,  365.  369,  370,  375,  409;  de- 
scribed, 351,  352 ;  route  of  travel, 
261  ;   Indian  battle  on,  166-168. 

Butte  des  Morts — Grand,  69;  Lit- 
tle, 30. 

Huron,   13,  32,  55,  63,   79,  84,  85, 


94.  06-98,  113,  127.  128.  131,  147,  305, 
320,  328.  338,  350,  359,  .^64,  371,  408  : 
bays,   10;   size,  351,   370. 

—  Michigan  (MIchlgnan),  3,  12,  55. 
56,  64.  70.  89,  91-93,  96,  161,  289, 
338,  357,  359.  ,362,  364,  372,  408.  410 ; 
size,  351 ;  tides  in,  352 ;  its  shores 
thinly  inhabited,  408. 

—  Mille  Lacs   (Minn.),  193,  194. 

—  Nepigon  (Alimlbegon),  21,  01;  Nip- 


Isslngs  migrate  to,  11. 

—  Niplssing,  21,  80,  97.  305. 

—  of  Knives.     See  Lakes,  Thousand. 

—  of  the    Stinkards,   55.      See   Bays, 
Green. 

—  Ontario    (Ontarlau),    13,   63,    127, 


—  Spirit   (Mille  Lacs),  193. 

—  Superior,  10,  17,  21,  22,  26,  59- 
02,  64,  72,  76,  78,  84,  89,  107-111, 
114-117,  119,  159,  189,  242,  250,  258, 
357,  364,  377.  380,  410,  440,  446; 
named  for  Tracy,  31,  59 ;  described, 
31,  32 ;  size,  351 ;  storms  on,  25 ;  fish- 
eries, 59 ;  source  of  supply  for  pelt- 
ries, 107 :  trading-posts  on,  408 ;  ren- 
dezvous for  Indians,  32,  257. 

—  White,  39. 

—  Winnebago   (Lake  des  Puans),  69, 


430  ;  described,  69  ;  size,  100  ;  abounds 
in  (ish,  412. 

—  Winneconne,  Allouez  at,  69. 

—  Winnipeg,  tribes  about,  189. 


128,  133,  220,  260,  312,  316,  327,  334, 
330,  365,  371 ;  size.  351 ;  route  of 
travel,  261 ;  navigation  on,  246 ;  new 
post  should  be  established  on.  334. 

—  repin,  16,  178,  380:  why  thus 
named,  184  ;  described,  184  ;  forts  at, 
154. 

—  St.   Clair    (Ste.   Claire),   283;   ex- 


tent,   370 ;   deBcrit)ed,    127 ;   game  on, 
129. 

—  St.  Francis,  39,  69;  see  Lake  Win- 
nebago. 

—  St.  Francis,  Little,  Identity.  39. 

—  SImcoe,  127.  128. 


Lakes  of  nortliern  Minnesota,  17,  18. 
Great,    described,   351,    352;    tides 

In,    352 :    route    of   travel.    201,    305 ; 

discharge  through  Niagara  river,  364 ; 

forests,  309. 
,    Thousand    (Isan-ta-mde,    Lake  of 


Knives,     Mille     Lacs,     Spirit     Lake),, 
Minn.,   other   names,    194 ;   tribes   on, 
193,  194;  nints  obtained  at,  194. 

Lalemaut,  Jerome,  Jesuit,  21. 

Lamberville,  Jean  de,  Jesuit,  sketch, 
207. 

La  Mallet,  424. 

LamC'r,  — ,  453. 

Lamima  (Allamima),  Fox  chief,  heada 
attack  on  Detroit,  268 ;  a  peace  chief, 
281. 

La  Morandiere.  —  de,  commandant  at 
Green  Bay,  396,  397. 

Lamothe  (Lamotte),  Cadillac,  162.  See 
Cadillac. 

Land,  measures  for,  2. 

Land  grants,  to  Jesuits.  439. 

Langcvin,  — ,  slain  by  Foxes,  461. 

Langlols,  Ix)uis  Germain,  French  trader, 
captured  by  KIckapoos,  286. 

La  NoUe.  Thomas  de,  French  officer, 
opinion  In  Fox  war,  440. 

La  Node,  Zacharic  Kobutel  de,  sketcb, 
440. 

Lanour,  — ,  French  officer,  sent  to 
Mackinac,  314. 

La  Perrlere,  Marin,  French  officer,  ac- 
companies Louvlgny,  3u5 ;  at  Mon- 
treal, 331,  333;  envoy  to  Sioux,  314; 
sketch,  386. 

La  Petite  Racine,  Ottawa  chief,  envoy 
to  Montreal,  134.  136,  140. 

La  Pierre  ft  fl^che.  459. 

Laplace,  — ,  French  soldier,  slain  by 
Indians,  185. 

La  Pointe,  64,  65,  380. 

La  Potherie.  Bacqueville  de,  49,  50,  99, 
100,  103,  151,  107 ;  sketch,  3 ;  Hi8toir9 


496 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


dc  iAin^rique  Heptentrionale,  cited,  xl, 
3-10,  02-&U,  Ui>-lOo,  134-141,  14a-lt>0. 
Laprairie,  Utt. 

La  Uochelle.  France,  116,  427, 
La  :SHlle  (Sale).  iieii6  Robert  Cavelier, 
sleur  de,  112,  128,  132.  165,  175,  201; 
explorations,  33 ;  at  Lalce  Erie,  63 ; 
builds  Fort  St.  Louis,  UU,  100;  lias 
post  on  Wisconsin  river,  110 ;  com- 
plains against  Du  Luth,  105-110; 
plunders  illicit  traders,  100,  101. 

La  Tour,  — ,   119. 

Lauzon,  Pierre  de,  Jesuit,  slcetcb,  394- 
30G. 

La  VC'rendrye,  Pierre  Gautier,  sieur  de, 
i^'reuch   officer,    his    explorations,    446. 

Law,  John,  440. 

Lawson,  Publlus  V.,  Mistion  of  St. 
Miwk,  cited,  39. 

Lead,  prices,  401,  403-405.  Mines — in 
Sioux  country,  363 ;  on  Chippewa 
river,  183 ;  on  upper  Mississippi,  151, 
157;  discovered  by  Indians,  146.  151; 
discovered  by  Le  Sueur,  173,  170,  178, 
181 :  quality  of  ore,  157. 

League.  French  land  measure,  value,  2, 
42.    181. 

Le  Harbu,  French  appellation  of  Messi- 
tonga,  164. 

Le  Baron,  Huron  chief,  171 ;  his  son 
visits  Senecas.  162 ;  at  Montreal,  162 ; 
settles  among  Mlamis,  166. 

Le  Rlanc,  Jean,  Ottawa  chief,  238,  239, 
249.  250.  291. 

r>e   Boesme,   Louis,   Jesuit   brother,   207. 

Le  Roullenger,  Jean  Antolne,  Jesuit,  let- 
ter. 453-456 ;  sketch,  455. 

Le  Brochet  (French  appellation  of 
Ottawa  chief).  118,  119.  124  ;  Ill-treats 
M<^nard,  23 ;  gives  presents  to  Fox 
oaptive,  460 :  confers  with  Vaudreull, 
240. 

I^   Brun,   Francois,  Jesuit,  sketch,   396. 

Ito  Prold,  French  appellation  of  a  Huron, 
19. 

Le  CJardour  de  St.  Pierre  de  Repentlgny, 
Jean  Paul.  French  ofBcer.  engaged  In 
Indian  affairs.  304,  805,  312,  314. 

Legglns,  124.     See  MItasses. 

T-iepler.  Henry  E..  Henry  de  Tonty, 
cited.  166. 

T/C  Jeune,  Paul,  Jesuit,  2. 

Jj^  Malre.  Jacques,  slain  by  Ottawas,  122. 

Le  Mercler.  Francois,  Jesuit,  61,  64-66. 

I>e  Mire,  — .   115. 

T^molne.  Charles.     See  Longueull. 

Le  Moyne,  Jean  Baptlste.     See  Bienville. 

lie  Moyne,  Pierre.     See  Iberville. 

Le  Pesant,  Ottawa  chief,  227.  241;  In- 
trigues   with    Iroquois,    238 ;    goes   to 


Manltoulin,  290;  French   ask  for  his 
head,  241. 

Le  Petit    Bled    d'    Inde    (Metaminena), 
Indian  appellation  of  Perrot,  143,  144. 

L'Epine,  — ,  slain  by  Indiana,  298. 

Le  Porceau,  a  Pottawattomie,  character^ 
86. 

Le  Rat,  French  appellation  of  two  Huron 
chiefs,   167. 

Le  Robe  Blanche,  Kickapoo  chief,  soin- 
moned  by  Vaudreuil,  379. 

Le  Rocher  (Roche),  Illinois  village,  824, 
341,  374,  451,  459,  4G5,  46T ;  loca- 
tion, 373 ;  forest  of,  461 ;  Foxes  attack 
Illinois  at,  422;  destroyed  by  Foxes, 
454,  460.     See  Starved  Rock. 

L^ry.  Gaspard  Chaussegros  de,  French 
engineer,   cited,   293-295. 

L'Eschaillons.  — ,  French  officer,  ac- 
companies Louvigny,  305.  See  Eschall- 
ions. 

Les  gros,  Oulatanon  tribe,  376. 

Les  majesty,  303. 

Lesueur,  — ,  captured  by  Foxes,  and 
family  slain,  457,  459 ;  slain  by  Foxes, 
454,  460. 

Le  Sueur,  Jacques  Francois,  Jesuit, 
cited.  27. 

Le  Sueur,  Pierre  Charles,  a  trader,  182, 
195.  196,  198,  199,  209;  discovers 
mines  on  upper  Mississippi,  173,  176- 
170;  accused  of  Illicit  trading.  173- 
177 ;  pacifies  Sioux.  180,  181 ;  tries  to 
render  Sioux  sedentary,  191 ;  com- 
mandant at  Chequamegon,  182 ;  voyage 
up  the  Mississippi,  177-200;  sketch, 
173. 

Le  Talllandler,  — ,  at  Fort  Chartres, 
453. 

Le  Talon,  OJlbwa  chief,  120. 

Le  Tonnerre,  Fox  chief,  his  son  killed 
by  Illinois,  313;  slain  by  Hurons,  366. 

L'llulllier,  — ,  French  official,  sends 
Le  Sueur  to  establish  post  on  Mis- 
sissippi, 177;  fort  named  for,  188; 
assays  copper  ore,  189. 

Licenses  (congas,  permits),  385,  433; 
granted  to  voyageurs,  123,  329,  330, 
475;  described,  100;  value,  175.  441; 
regulation  of,  388-391 ;  should  be  In- 
creased, 331 ;  illegally  Issued.  232 ; 
restricted,  437,  441;  suppressed.  176, 
210,  216.  386.  302;  their  restoration, 
258,  262.  265-267,  207,  299,  310,  437. 
See  Fur  trade. 
Licentiousness,  among  savages,  52,  60, 
88 — women.  215,  361,  362;  among 
French  in  Northwest.  215.  216. 
Lichen,    edible,    24,    80.     See    Tripe    de 

Roche. 
Llette,  — ,  302.     See  Desllettes. 


INDEX. 


497 


LIgnery,  —  de,  French  officer,  449, 
450 ;  sent  to  Mackinac,  205 ;  com- 
mandant   at    Mackinac,  302,  304-300, 

314,  318,  322,  327,  331,  838,  445-447, 
450,  401 ;  complaints  against,  454, 
455 ;  asks  payment  for  expenses  in- 
curred in  service,  383,  384,  380,  887; 
extraordinary  expenses  repaid,  470 ; 
his  plan  for  attacking  Foxes,  328 ; 
sent  against  them,  312-315,  320;  pol- 
icy toward  Foxes,  404-400 ;  pacifies 
them,  441,  449,  404-400,  408,  409  ;  aids 
Louvigny,  402  ;  speech  by,  445  ;  sketch, 
380;  letter,  444-440;  cited,  295,  290, 

315,  333,  450. 

LInctot,  Ren6  Godf  roy  de,  423 ;  com- 
mandant at  Detroit,  433 ;  sketch,  380. 

Linden,  bark  used  as  food,  24. 

Lindsay,  Crawford,  cited.  124,  170,  403. 

Lino,  —  de,  agent  of  Company  of  the 
Colony,  210. 

Liquor  traffic,  205 ;  evils  caused  by,  214, 
215 ;  restrictions  on,  253 ;  prohibited 
with  Indians,  230.  See  Brandy,  and 
Intemperance. 

Little  Chute,  Wis.,  08. 

Little  Kakalln,  Wis.,  08. 

Llttre,  Maxlmilien  P.  E.,  cited,  253. 

L'lvetot  (probable  error  for  LInctot), 
— ,  seizes  brandy  kept  unlawfully  on 
sale,  423-420. 

Llvre,  French  money,  value  122,  400. 

Llvre,  French  weight,  value,  195. 

Longuant  (Longecamp),  Ottawa  chief, 
speech  by.  107,  108. 

Longueull  (Longoeul,  Longouil),  Charles 
Lemoine,  baron  de,  French  officer, 
810,  819.  834 ;  honesty,  174  ;  influence 
with  Indians.  313 ;  confers  with  In- 
dian envoys,  811 ;  visits  Iroquois,  314, 
315.  321.  322,  337;  acting  governor 
of  Canada,  404 ;  policy  toward  Foxes, 
405 :  sketch.  313 :  cited,  333-835,  409. 

Lotblnlere  (Loblnlere),  — ,  229,  231,  244. 

Louis  XIV,  of  France,  180,  183,  201, 
231,  232,  235,  297,  299-301.  840; 
policy  toward  Canada.  200,  201 ;  or- 
ders Inspection  of  Western  posts,  242- 
247 ;  grants  fur-trade  licenses.  100 ; 
gives  presents  to  Indians,  227 — 
medal  to  Abenaki  chief.  434 ;  restricts 
trade  In  brandy.  202  ;  pardons  coureurs 
de  bols,  202 ;  death,  348 ;  letters.  202, 
218,  219,  247.  248;  cited,  230,  241. 

Louis  XV,  of  France,  his  minority.  379 ; 
his  accession  to  throne,  848.  382 ; 
cited.  472. 

Louisiana  (Loulslanna),  102,  173.  179, 
104.  332,  304.  443,  448,  452 :  colonized 
by  Iberville,  109,  203 :  rendered  Inde- 
pendent of  Cnnnda,  202,  4o0,  438 ;  be- 

83 


comes  royal  province,  440;  slavery 
introduced,  454.  Appellation  of  Mis- 
sissippi river,  15,  18. 

Loups,  Algonqulan  tribe,  102,  140,  239. 
See  Mohegans. 

Louvigny  (Louvlgnl),  — ,  French  offi- 
cer, 130,  137,  189,  141,  338 ;  Influence 
with  Indians,  289,  290,  295,  298,  320, 
431 ;  sent  to  Mackinac,  295,  302,  304, 
805,  312 ;  commandant  there,  135, 
157,  158,  204,  205,  289,  290,  290; 
commandant-general  in  the  Northwest, 
385,  387,  892 ;  items  of  his  equipment 
for  official  journeys,  402-407  ;  gratuity 
given  to,  380,  387;  Illness,  818,  828, 
839 ;  punished  for  Illicit  trading,  194, 
228,  229;  gives  opinion  as  to  Fox 
war,  808;  Fox  affairs  entrusted  to, 
328-330 ;  expedition  against  Foxes, 
342-344,  340;  leniency  toward  them, 
419,  421,  431;  subdues  them,  403; 
makes  treaty  with  them,  877,  429; 
rewarded  for  conduct  in  Fox  war,  844 ; 
urges  Indians  to  hunt,  349 ;  pacifies 
Wisconsin  tribes,  344,  848;  subdues 
Mascoutens  and  Kickapoos,  295 ; 
sketch,  880;  cited,  337,  839,  840; 
memoir  by,  887-391 ;  letters,  340-349, 
391.  392. 

Lunacy,  among  Indians,  185. 

Lynxes,  72. 


Macatubinia,   an   Illinois,  son  captured 

by  Foxes,  401. 
McFarren.  A.,  Detroit  publisher,  207. 
McGee,  W.  J.,   "Slouan  Indians,*'  cited, 

194. 
Machkoutench.  09,  70.     See  Mascoutens. 
Mackinac.  142,  205,  214,  210,  305 ;  tribes 

at,  30 ;  converts  at,  113.     See  Michllll- 

macklnac. 
Mackinac  county,  Mich..  359. 
Macons,  — ,  voyageur,  115,  119. 
Maha  (Omahas),  Slouan  tribe,  location, 

190. 
Maiden  Rock.  Wis.,  380. 
Malllet   (Mallet).  Pierre,  Montreal  mer- 
chant, marriage,  424. 
Malls,  European,  how  sent,  240. 
Makatemangwas,    Fox   chief   at   Quebec, 

104. 
Maklsable,     Pottawattomle     chief,     aids 

French  In   Detroit  siege.  271 ;  speech 

by.  275 ;  goes  to  Montreal.  285.  280. 
Makouandeby,   Illinois   chief,  speech  by, 

278. 
Makskouteng,  07.     See  Mascoutens. 
Malbouroug,  a  Frenchman,   captured  by 

Indians,  but  ransomed  by  French,  457, 

459. 


498 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


MalhominiB  (Malominet,  Malominli,  Mal- 
onmlnes),  8,  4.  6,  8,  86,  102,  114,  801, 
409.     See  Menomonees. 

Mallet,  Pierre,  merchant,  424. 

Mallet,  la,  his  widow,  424-426.  Bee 
Thun68. 

Mp.mantouenaa  (Mamantolnaa,  Maman- 
touensa,  MamenthotilnBa,  Mamentou- 
enta),  Illinois  chief,  451,  458;  ylslta 
Mlamis,  456,  457. 

Manaht  (Manathe,  Manhattan),  Indian 
name  of  Dutch  settlement,  231,  822. 
See  Manhattan. 

Manawa,  Wis.,  89. 

Mangakekis,  Miami  tribe,  152. 

Manhattan  (New  York),  goTemor  of, 
322. 

Manltoalets,  10,  29.  See  Island,  Manl- 
toulln. 

Manltou,  Algonkln  divinity,  described, 
50,  51 ;  Invoked,  88 ;  white  men  re- 
garded as,  66,  69,  71,  82 ;  causes  dis- 
ease, 53. 

Manltou,  personal  ("medicine"),  Indian 
fetich,  64. 

Manltoulrlnlou,  Indian  appellation  of 
Nlcolet,  2. 

Mankato,  Minn.,  location,  186. 

Mantantons,  Dakotan  band,  189-191 ; 
location,  193 ;  meaning  of  name,  193. 

Manthet  (Mantes,  Menthet),  —  de,  a 
contraband  trader,  231 ;  Influence  oyer 
Indians,  221 ;  accompanies  Du  Luth, 
119,  123. 

Maple,  species  producing  sugar,  197. 

Maps,  cited,  10 ;  of  Mlchllllmacklnac, 
137;  of  New  France,  879;  by  Cadil- 
lac, 359 ;  by  Galln^e,  63  ;  by  Jesuits, 
78;  by  JoUet,  42,  89;  by  Marquette, 
42. 

Marameg  (Marameck,  Maramek),  Indian 
battle  at,  461;  Mlamis  of,  160,  161. 
164,  165.     See  Rivers,  Kalamazoo. 

Marest,  Gabriel,  Jesuit,  letter  by,  180; 
sketch,  179. 

Marest,  Joseph  Jacques  (Jean),  Jesuit, 
240 ;  sent  to  Ottawa  mission,  221 ; 
recalled,  396;  letters,  204-208,  217, 
218,  232-239,  288-292 ;  cited,  295,  332, 
333;  sketch,  205. 

Margry,  Pierre,  182;  defects  In  his  pub- 
lications, 357  ;  Dicouvertes  ct  itahlisae- 
menta  dca  FranQOia,  cited,  xl,  105-113, 
177.  180.  184,  186,  194-200,  204-206, 
208-214,  217,  218,  350-363.  443. 

Marlcourt,  —  de,  French  officer,  hon- 
esty, 174. 

Marls,  colored,  location  of  deposits,  186, 
180 ;  discovered  by  Le  Sueur,  173,  178, 
179 ;  used  for  painting  face,  281. 


Marquette,  Jacques,  Jesuit,  98,  117;  ex- 
ploration of  Mississippi,  86,  88-92; 
at  Arkansaw  river,  454 ;  missionary 
labors,  62 — at  St.  Ignace,  80,  83,  85; 
at  Chequamegon,  64,  65 ;  with  Illinois, 
65,  77  ;  founds  Illinois  mission,  91,  96 ; 
cited,  27,  42;  sketch,  89. 

Marquette  county,  Mich.,  10. 

Marriages,  French  with  Indians,  423, 
459;  intertribal,  7,  13,  29,  40. 

Marsac,  Jacob  de,  sketch,  426. 

Martens,  exterminated  at  Mackinac,  237. 

Marten-skins,  462. 

Mascoutcns  (Machkoutench,  Makskon- 
teng,  Mascoutins,  Maskoutechs,  Mas- 
koutens,  Maskoutins;  Fire  Nation), 
Algonqulan  tribe,  2,  7,  88,  141, 
145-148,  150-155,  157,  164,  165, 
180,  458 ;  various  names,  70 ;  iden- 
tity, 71;  location,  42,  67,  332,  862, 
372,  409;  migrations,  41,  99;  desire 
to  remove  to  St.  Joseph  river,  898, 
399 ;  some  settle  with  Klckapoos, 
289 — others,  near  Perrot*s  fort,  156, 
157  ;  settle  at  Detroit,  293  ;  population, 
81,  87.  99,  872;  characteristics,  41, 
289,  290,  372.  Defeated  by  other 
tribes,  269,  341,  842 ;  captive  at  Mon- 
treal, 370 :  aid  to  free  Pottawattomle 
captives,  397 ;  hostile  to  Sioux,  150 ; 
hostilities  with  Iroquois,  112 — with 
Miamls.  145 ;  allies  of  Foxes,  161,  295, 
801.  310,  842,  843,  463,  467;  Join 
them  In  attack  on  Detroit.  267-282; 
Incited  against  them.  457 ;  Foxes  must 
pacify,  379;  at  war  with  Illinois, 
377,  380.  381,  893,  896,  429.  442; 
other  tribes  settle  with,  81 ;  some 
killed  at  Detroit,  288, —  near  Grand 
river,  289;  village  destroyed.  268; 
tribe  almost  destroyed,  283-289;  vis- 
ited by  Perrot,  42-46,  149,  150 ;  Jesu- 
its among,  42,  65,  66,  84,  87,  88.  90 ; 
conspire  against  French,  141 ;  attack 
French,  200;  bribed  by  English.  268; 
subdued  by  Louvlgny,  295 ;  merged  In 
Fox  tribe,  434. 

Massauga,  Illinois  chief,  speech  by,  456- 
463. 

Masslas,  Onondaga  chief,  friendly  to  Eng- 
lish, 317. 

Matchltache,  locality  on  Lake  Iluron, 
371. 

Mats,  of  reeds,  306.  368. 

Mattocks,  283. 

Maunoir  Ramesay.  — .  slenr  de,  337 : 
envoy  to  Mlamis,  313.  8.^8,  341 ;  mis- 
sion to  Miamls.  317,  319.  321-326. 
833. 

Maurcpas.  Joan  Frederic  Phelypcaux, 
count  de,  452. 


Haiamet   (ctotb),  deflnltioii  and  prices,  |  Meaaiger    <Me»acer),    Cbailea    Michel, 

403.  40S.  I       Jesuit,    letters    to    Dutlsne,    4ie-4G0 ; 

MdewakantonwaDS,  Dakotan  band,  loea-       akelcb,  44G. 

tloa.     193;     atone      for      pIuDdeclDgj  Meaclieti  Odfeba.  105.     See  KiTen,  Wis- 

Ptencb,  lfl2.  voatia. 

Ueaslee,  among  Prentb,  312 ;  ataoug  In- !  Ueaaltonga,  Miami  chief,  apeach  b;,  IM, 

dlBDi,  823-325.  33S.  I       165. 

Mechecwenga,     llllnals    girl,    alaln     bj '  WetaioInenB,   Sac  appellation  o(  Perrot, 


Medals,  glTBD  to  ladlans,  434. 

Uedennne,  danc«  bf 

"Medicine,"  Indian  appellation  tor  a 

of  aorceren,  358. 
Medicine- men,    their    practice  a,   C3, 

dances.  3GT  ;  InBuence,  60  :  Invoke  i 

its,    36 :    as    dlvlaera,    153-IBG ; 

chiefs,  281  ;  oppose  Jesuits,  SG. 
Hediclne-poucb,  described.  16. 
Medicine    Society,    Grand,    dances 

other  rites,  367. 
Hcdicinea,  regarded  as  spirits,  56. 
Hellebauenaa,    a    Kaokla,    son    slain 


Foie 


461. 


Melons,  374  :  raised  br  Indiana.  370. 

MemogoulBaloala.  fabuloua  beings.  T3. 

Menard  (Hesnard),  Maurice,  Interpre- 
ter, 23B,  246:  aids  In  psclfylng  In- 
dians, 233-236 :  condDCts  Foi  envofs 
to  Montreal,  377  ;  money  paid  to,  407. 

Menard,  Bea^.  Jesuit,  among  Ottawaa, 
21-2S.  SO;  letter,  21,  23:  deatb,  22, 
28. 

Menaaha.  WU..  3D.  i 

Uendeouacantona.  IGS.  189.  191,  1B2 :  | 
meaning  of  name.  1B3. 

Mengllcblwa.     an     Illinois,     burned     by 


Foie 


480. 


MeQomonees  (MaJhomInU,  Malbomlny. 
Malomlnes,  Uenomeniei).  Algonqulan 
tribe,  ISO ;  etymology  and  origin  of 
name,  114.  360:  called  Follea-ATolnes 
by  Freocb,  114-124,  160,  164,  292, 
301,  409,  411.  434:  location,  3,  409: 
population,  8,  371:  language,  411;  de- 
scribed. 360,  411;  chars  cteriatlCB.  8. 
9:  make  canaea.  370;  rellsloua  rllea. 
367 :  friendly  to  Winnebagoea.  4,  6 : 
bunt  with  Poxes.  35^hoBllle  to  tbem. 
301 :  at  wsr  with  Pott swattom lea. 
SB:  attack  Ottawaa,  292;  visited  by 
NIcolet.  2 :  by  Perrot,  3.1.  88 ;  by 
Maniuette,  88  ;  Jesuits  with,  88.  93 : 
at  Quebec,  180.  164 :  aid  French  at 
Detroit  alege.  272 ;  depapnlated,  68. 

Herasllla.  Ottavs  chief,  sent  by  Jes- 
ulta  to  Mackinac.  233,  234. 

Mennpt.  Jean,  Jeault.  mlBslonary  to 
the  ItllnnlB.  cited.  317,  310.  333;  let- 
ter. 211-213;  Bketch.  211. 


See  Perrot. 

r  Metchlgamlaa  (Uetcblcamles,  Metchy, 
Meteslgamlaa,    Mltcblgameas),    Algon- 

I       qulan  tribe,    180,    480,   461;    location, 

I       91,     454 ;     their     accusations    against 

I       Foiea.  457^63. 

I  Metempsycbosia,  among  fishes,  D2. 

'  MetouBccprlnloucks,   BlgnlBcatlon,  41, 

I  MeuUea,  JacQues  de.  term  of  olBce.  100. 
Mlamla  (Mtamy,  Myaml,  Myamy.  Oum- 
ami),  Algongulan  tribe,  112,  113,  209, 
213.  238,  237,  241.  321,  322,  824,  838; 
names  of  banda,  102 ;  location,  87,  81, 
146,  ISl.  332,  409;  dwell  with  Ma*- 
coutens,   88;   mlgrstlona,   41,  BB,    127, 

I  285 ;  St  Chicago,  361 ;  settle  at 
St,  Joseph  rlyer.  362,  3B4,  398; 
should  remoie  tbither,  382,  395,  899: 
driven  from  tbence,  373 :  population. 
44.  375:  characterlatlcs.  41,  290,  361, 
362 ;  ravaged  by  disease,  328 ;  claim 
to  know  how  to  make  gunpowder,  187; 
speeches,  228;  hostile  to  Foiea,  812, 
314.  819.  393,  394  ;  make  peace  with 
Illinola.  303,  304.  313.  318;  afflnlty 
with  them,  410;  IIIIdoIb  suspect, 
451 :  hostlllilea  with  Iroqnola,  146, 
150.  165:  decline  Iroquois  solldta- 
tiona,  345  ;  Ottawas  complain  of,  167  ; 
attacked  by  Ottawas,  249  ;  make  peae« 
with  them.  288 :  aeparatlon  of  Ouiat- 
saoas  from,  394:  hostilities  with 
Bloni,  203.  214;  vlalted  by  Perrot, 
42-48 ;  Jesulla  with,  68.  BO,  100,  206, 
208;  paclfled  by  Perrot.  145,  146;  de- 
sire to  kill  him,  186;  confer  with 
Vandreull.  228,  227 :  attack  Detroit. 
232.  238,  239 :  hOBtllitles  with  French. 
254,  255  ;  Cadlllac'a  treatment  of.  261 ; 
aid  French  In  war,  268.  338,  330 ; 
seek  aid  from  French,  298 ;  French 
BtrWe  to  secure  peace  between  Illinola 
and.  302-305,  313:  Engllab  try  to  se- 
duce from  French.  167.  168,  211.  224- 
227:  trade  with  Engliah.  254,  388; 
Tialt  Oreen  Fay.  144:  at  Quebec.  160, 
161.  184.  165;  at  Montreal,  220;  at 
Detroit.  230. 

Mlchabous.  AlKonkln  dltlnlty,  AH. 

Mlchiirnn  (M»chlbla;anlng.  MechSygan. 
M^chlnean,  MIchlEran^),  8,  70,  11«, 
360;  silva,  129:  fauna.  129;  soli,  129. 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS. 


UlcbllllmBcklaui  ( Mlcbeli 


Inuc.     .\[j,-i 


.l,^11h„, 


Mlullloia- 


iDiakliiak.  Mis. 
qulpak,  Mii,»iiiluim|ii-«.ik).  2a,  4S,  118, 
HXI,  li>2.  lo:t,  llu.  114,  IIT.  123,  lao. 
ViH,  130,  lltl,  134.  135.  lllt(-140,  143, 
151,  15T,  138,  1611,  102-ie4,  I«B,  170, 
172,  173.  17U,  201,  204,  200.  ^07,  212, 
213.  217,  318.  221-224,  228.  230,  238, 


240,  243,  247,  24S,  301,  302,  306.  d22. 
324.  327.  334.  342.  340,  34T.  358,  370, 
383.  380,  410.  440,  443,  430.  45H.  402  : 
mi'inlns  of  name,  330:  locatlOD,  2ST, 
387  ;  (Icscrlbrd,  350.  331 :  Importance. 
2;17.  257.  2i;n,  2»U;  sdTBntBBPii.  280; 
hpsllhtul  cllmnte,  356;  Herlllty  of 
Inad.  3118.  300 :  fort  btilll  *t.  387 : 
liDgth  i.f  voyage  to.  328;  trlt»»  ■t,  10, 
4T,  242:  tradprn  at.  244:   Indian  rll- 


a  (ur 


208;    garrlHon     at.     314.    .115,    330— 

bles  at.  232-235 ;  trade  dpcreaaei  at, 
200,  2U1 ;  deierled  by  asTiincB,  142; 
abandaned  by  ftafrl""".  25R,  230;  In- 
dian IHbea  return  tu,  201 :  pout  should 

aided  by  l)eiroli,  ::••■*:  rendezvous  lo 
make  wnr  on  foiea,  209.  See  also 
MImIous  and  Rt.  iKuare. 

MIelRBlppI  OIlclBsypyl.  !'■.  417.  See 
UlTern.  MlralNBlDpl. 

MMland  pourtj-.  MIfh..  10. 

Hlklkoiiets  INlklkoueta).  Otter  tribe,  lo- 
cation. 13:  defeat  IroquolB.  13. 

MlUlunk.  Indian  runner.  207. 

Millinery,  duty  on.  210. 

MIlU.  at  l*p"-o1t.  244:  al  rahokla.  332; 
nt  KaskDBkla,  374 

MlU-atonp,  found  on  Grande  Isle.  308. 

Milwaukee,  wla..  32. 

Mlnchllay.  Vox  chief,  burned  by  Illinois. 


MlacoDiIng,  1 


See  Rlrera.  Wl>- 


Mlaeouky    (Ulacoualiy  7),  Otuvk   chief. 

envoy  to   Vaudreull,  241.   249. 
Ulslraques,  of  Uurons.  388. 
UlMlblil.  Algonkin  divinity.  32.  ~3.    S«S 

Mlcbalwui, 
MlssIoDarlea.  173,  431 :  coloDlie  iDdiana, 

2:t0:  Bided  by  tbem,  234:   a  cbHk  OB 

the    aaiagea.    235,    237 ;    benedted    b; 
raillag  i,o,xs.  286  :  needed  by  UuiatK- 

noDS.  326 ;  aupported  by    government, 

427.  428:  paaaes  for  i 


.    442: 

give  advice  ri-tcurdlDg  Fuies,  453.  Sea 
also  Ji-miiis.  UiVullela,  and  Sulpltlaaa. 

Ulaalon  colonies  on  St.  Lawrence,  32X 
328~St.  Prancola.  337.  431.  434,  430: 
Sanit  au  Kfcollet.  322.  377  :  Sanlt  8t. 
Francois,  239,  341,  395,  434 :  Siller?, 
PS. 

Missions  fStrang^res.  456:  aemtnary,  at 
Queliec.  374:  mlRSlona  on  MliiaiBSlppl. 
430;  eatates.  43». 

Missions,  Jesuit,  field  for,  92 :  Deed  re- 
rrulls.  114;  boiv  supported.  3ST.  437, 
428,  4:tO :  asiong  Abenakla,  334 :  Am- 
IKouPs.  80.  82:  Koies.  58.  57.  61.  65, 
07-70.  82-88 :  llurons,  61.  98,  142 ;  U- 
HdoIb.  89,  96.  288,  303,  311.  317-31B, 
4:in.  455 — dlsrontlnned.  114:  Iroquola, 
267:  Kaiikastas  (Immacnlate  Concep- 
tion), 179,  211,  3«.\  374,  375;  Meaom- 
onees,  86.  03 ;  Mlamla,  66,  00.  100, 
208.  208.  211.  S72  KiplsslQKS.  ■61  ;  Ot- 
tawaa,  21-23.  32.  50-71  77-88,  02-89. 
113.  117.  142.  20K,  206— mined  bj 
Iquor    rafHc,  214     rottawaltomles,  QO. 

81,  88 :  Rloui,  183,  437.  4i» .  Wiscon- 
sin tribes.  42.  56-71,  84,  88-88.  94- 
99,      At  rlieqaameson  (St.  Hsprlt).  60. 

82,  75;  rrlbea  comprised  In,  77.  At 
r.reen  Bay  De  If'ere  Kt.  Francola 
Xavlerl,  r.2.  Bfi.  7S.  so-ss,  -ii-ns.  106. 
111.  208.  415:  chapel  at.  83,  84.  104— 
venerated  by  Indians,  99  ;  Perrot  gitea 

French   and    In- 


Ulnea. 


199: 


cation 


dlan 


See  Copper,  Gold.  Irf-ad,  and  Sliver,  j 
Mlnron.  flsherlea  at.  89.  j 

Minims,  religious  order,  founded,  35S.  | 
Minnesota,     a     region    of    swamps    and  i 

lakes.  17.  18;  severity  of  winter,  197:! 

native  fruits  In.   196.  \ 

ill"nesnta   Iliatorlcnl    Collcctloa),    cited. 


at.   1t4-l4>l, 

it  MlchllUnlR.'klnn.;,  OT. 
I.  .350.  353.  371  :  Irlbes  h1.  117.  At 
.    Ignnce.   85.   94-97,    2.')6 :    founded. 


.    89, 


Mar 


At 


40. 
MInof, 


of    capacity. 


Sault  Ste.  Marie.  62,  97.  113,  232: 
rhurch  erected.  83,  84,  92:  bulldlnga 
burned.  79.  03.  IIG.  See  also  Mlaslou 
colonlCB.  and  the  several  Indian  trtbe«_ 
Mlaalons.  Snlplllsa.  ■62.  83,  133,  229, 
Mlsalaaacuns  -^MhlxDifli'ex,  Mlsslsaguas. 
Mlsslsakla.  Mlsataaapiea).  110.  1.18  ;  lo. 
cation.   1.3.  338.  .378.  371;   population 


and  cbaricter,  3T0 :  migrations,  14 : 
trade  »ltb  Iroquula.  33  J :  atone  lor 
killing  tbrm,  2(93;  leave  Detroit,  291; 
Jesuits  witli.  TO,  84 :  alllea  or  FteDch, 
■MS :  aid  Frentb  In  war,  2S3. 
MlMlSBlppI     (MlulsBlpp;)     colon;,    201- 

203.  aou. 

MlHsiimliiiil  tribes  IGS. 
MlsalEBlppI  TQlley.  132.  16S,  1T3 :  raana, 
UO:  Bilva,  IBU,  JUT.     See  IllTerB,  MU- 

Ulasoiirla    (Mlaaoarlte*),    Sloiun    tribe. 

433:  aid  rn'iU'li  ul  I'l'rroit  alese,  272; 

capture  »  S]»iniHiJ,  ^1:1,  414. 
Hltasaei  (legglngal,  3(14.  384;  described. 

124  ;  prices,  401. 
HltUwll,  307.     See  Medicine  Society. 
illlchiaameuB.  Algonqulan  tribe.  HI.    See 

Mcli'lilKainliu. 
Mobil       Maublllc).  Ala..  laS.  335.  448; 


Mabegans      (Loups,      Wolves).     locnlloD. 

102:    In    WiBcoDsIn,    102;    at    Detroit. 

23S:  boBllle  to  Preucb.  146. 
bioney,  Canadian,   302— card.   407.     See 

?l|[inii|ul.t,     la     !\}T    trade,    granted    b; 

hinjt.  472.  475.     See  Kur  trade. 
HoQtaicnals  tribes,  GO. 
Monteapan.  Madame  de.  340. 
Uontl^rny. 


,    430; 


ncll    1 


B  IndlniiB  to  rrsnce, 

434  ;  speeches  by,  420-422. 
Monlmldy.   —   de.   commaadaDt   at    Ht. 

.loseph  river,  3111.390,  437 
Montreal  (TlllemRrlel.  22.  R2.  03.  T8,  80, 

OS.  101.  107.  ion.  128,  133,  13.'>.  136. 

1(12.   IDB-inf).  17l>,  172,  17H.  170,  201. 

204.  205.  200.  2IS.  220,  227,  239,  23». 

Sno.  2.->R.  2A4.  2n»,  2Sn.  202.  2nn.  300. 

.10.-.,  311.  .tlS.  314,  32H,  330,  331.  333, 

342.  340,  .ISO.  3r.e.  3.-.7,  3(16.  37T-SR0, 


3n;i,  ,q 


i.  423.  424.  427.  432,  435,  43T. 


:  fnunded.  125 :  hospital! 
344  :  missions  near.  230  :  Indian  tribes 

at.  303  :  Iroinols  «t,  14  :  riots  «t,  220  ; 

centre  of  Indian  trade.  2Se.  291.  207. 

473 :  Indians  trade  at.  2B.  33-38.  47- 

no,   2118:   Indians   cesse  to  trad*   at, 

207. 
Mnon.   personified.  62. 
Moose,  hi'nted.  SO:  fat  eaten.  3.%5. 
Ilortnr  fcannon),  brass,  price.  40S.    8e« 

nl»"  fsnnon. 
Mnrlar,  nooden.  corn  pounded  In.  3.15. 


Mount  Uerls 


1   (Ger, 


J  by  I 


Mucu:eman;Soiia,     Inolan    chief,    MCtlaa 

amung  Iruquols,  2a8. 
Uukwa,   Wis.,  39. 
Mullet.  — ,  Detroit  ■eltter.  200. 
Murder,  prvvalsnt  nmung  Indians,  380; 

pi'Esenta  atune  for,  123.  124,  140-161 ; 

evcased  llton  relnllves,  ItU:  vengeane* 

lakvu  by  Juurderer'B  relatives,  110.  8m 

Indlaa  customs. 
MuBuoutini.  :101.     See  Maseoutena. 
MuHsels,  slivllu  uned  as  knives,  30. 
Mutilation  of  corpsea,  400,  461. 


Xapol-aii-hs.  location,  3 :  destroyed  by 
Iroguola,  4. 

NsdonalBBloui  ( Nadoueclous,  N'adone- 
duDi,  ^'ndoiiecla,  .S'sdoutsslous.  Nad- 
au^Bsioui,  Kadoueggln).  B7,  09-71, 
77  loi,  lOn,  IOT-111.  114,  117.  141, 
14n.  H4.  l.''ia-I54,  IBI-IGO;  meantnf 
of  term,  103.     Kee  Sloui. 

NHgoga,  an  Iroquois,  carries  rem  to  Fort 
Fronlenac,  330. 

NsQoudohout.  Abenaki  chief.  431. 

Nanrantaouak  ( NurrUltfcwwk).  Abenaki 
village.  334. 

>'arnngonnIk.  Fox  chief,  clemency  to  II- 

Nn9.<inunbuetoun,  Ottawa  tribe,  why  thai 


with 

Naiches  ItrafllnB-post),  distance  from  Il- 
linois, 3T5. 
Nstcbei.  Miss..  332. 
N'fltlon  ot  Flr>.  origin  of  name.  400. 
Xeaps  (iegalniwl.  124.     See  MItassea. 
Negroes.  Unit  enslaved  In  I^oalsiana.  454  ; 

ns  slaves  In  Illinois.  401. 
Nelll.     R     n_     works     died,     DahtotoK 

I.nni.  104  :  nutnni  of  Ulni'fi'ntit.  178, 

IfiT,    ISO.    104:    Iflnnraotn  Cfplorsrs, 

183.  184. 
XennneoHsBlk  (Nennnioiinlkoii).  Abenaki 

chief,     dwells    with    Foxes.    434-486; 

enroy  of  Foxes  to  Abenakls.  433,  4SS. 
Xeni'hwlnniitr'iva,    an    Illinois,    atetn    by 

Foxes.  450. 
N'epslB.  an  Illinois,  burned  by  Foxes,  460. 
Nenlrirlnlons   (Nepisslngs),  21,  26,  1S6, 

130,  143.     Bee  NIplsslDgs. 
Senrnii  (Neveo)  family,  slain  by  Indiana, 

4S4.  461. 


502 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS. 


Neskambeoui  (Nesgambewuit.  Nessegam- 
bewalt),  Abenaki  chief.  434,  486;  en- 
voy of  Foxes  to  Abenakls.  432,  435; 
Tlslta  France,  434. 

Nets,  used  by  Indians  In  hunting,  9,  19, 
68,  124  :  In  barter,  21. 

Neveu,  — ,  Imprisoned  for  giving  Infor- 
mation against  contraband  traders, 
229. 

Newfoundland,  banks  of,  178. 

New  France.  1,  32.  61.  62,  76.  94.  109. 
110.  131,  200,  210.  220.  240.  242,  307, 
S.'iO :  conquered  by  English,  xIU,  xvl ; 
governor-generalship  of,  231. 

New  London,  Wis.  39. 

New  Mexico.  413.  414.  417. 

New  Orleans,  199,  443 ;  superior  coun- 
cil, 466. 

New  York.  38.  132.  202:  name  substi- 
tuted for  New  Netherland,  Dutch  col- 
ony. 231. 

Ve^r  York  Colonial  Documents,  cited,  xl, 
10,  40.  160-173.  200,  203.  218-232, 
240-251,   260-267,   301,   807-310,   440. 

Nez  Perc^z.  appellation  of  Ottawas,  why 
given.  358. 

Niagara.  6.1.  251.  334.  336;  Importance, 
246 ;  portage-trail  described,  363. 

Nicolas,  Louis,  Jesuit,  sketch,  61. 

Nlcolet,  Jean,  French  Interpreter,  voy- 
age to  Wisconsin,  xUl,  1-3 ;  sojourns 
with  Indians.  1 — Influence  with  them, 
1-3  :  his  route  to  the  Northwest,  805. 

Nicollet,  J.  N.,  cited,  184,  189. 

Nlklkouets  (MIklkouets?),  Algonqulans, 
13. 

Niplsslncs  (Neplclrlnlens.  Neplsslngs,  Nl- 
plsslrlnlens),  Algonqulan  tribe,  driv- 
en westward  by  Iroquois,  11 ;  flee  to 
Lako  Neplgon.  21.  61 :  at  Sault  Ste. 
Marie,  20 ;  Nlcolet  among,  1 ;  Jesuits 
with,  61  ;  allies  of  French,  136,  139. 

Nockf.  117.     See  Nouquets. 

Nontafs  (Nontagu^s),  315,  317,  322. 

Nonthyo,  458.     See  Onontlo. 

Norrldgewock,  Me.,  334.  See  Nanrant- 
Bouak. 

North  Sea,  63.     See  Hudson  Bay. 

Northwest,  10,  59.  61,  64,  76,  89,  98, 
107.  110,  115,  216:  appropriated  by 
Oalln^e  for  France,  68 — by  St.  Lusson, 
78,  79,  89 :  by  Du  Luth,  107. 

Northwest  passage.  418. 

Nose.  Ottawas  wear  pendant  In,  358. 

Nouquets  (Nock^).  Algonqulan  tribe,  lo- 
cation. 409.  410 :  language.  411 ; 
merged  In  Ojibwas,  117 — In  other 
tribes,  360. 

Nonvel.  Henri.  Jesuit,  aire.  207 :  mis- 
sionary labors  among  Indians,  82,  88, 


97,    113.    208;    life    endanirered,    85; 
sketch,  82;  cited,   10. 
Noyelle,  — ,  sketch,  886. 


Oak  Obchard  Creek,  location,  365. 

Oaks,    kinds.    127;    "openlnsa,"    81;    at 

Niagara,  363 ;  bark  used  as  food,  24. 
Oau,  wild.  360.     See  Rice,  wild. 

O'Callaghan,  E.  B.,  editor,  xll ;  Jiew 
York  Colonial  Documents,  cited,  10, 
168,  307,  375. 

Ocatamenetons,  Dakotan  band,  mean- 
ing of  name,  193. 

Octotatas,  418.     See  Otoes. 

Ogdensburg,  N.  Y.,  328. 

Ohio,  64,  91. 

Oil,  384 ;  body  anointed  with,  71.  Sea 
Grease,  and  Indian  customs. 

Ojibwas  (Chlppewas,  OJebways,  Sau- 
teurs),  8,  34,  117,  467;  location,  20, 
26,  178,  340.  351;  early  home,  408; 
migrations.  14;  leave  Detroit,  291; 
language,  411 ;  hold  council  with  Green 
Bay  tribes,  306,  397;  hostilities  with 
Foxes,  268,  361,  430.  434,  485.  441; 
chiefs  slain  in  Fox  war,  880 ;  kill  Iro- 
quois, 263 :  defeat  Iroquois,  18 ;  at- 
tack Mlamls,  166,  168;  make  peace 
with  Sioux,  107,  108,  178;  at  war 
with  Wisconsin  tribes,  444;  allies  of 
French,  269 :  aid  French  in  war,  283 ; 
send  envoys  to  Montreal,  377 ;  supply 
pelts  to  Canada,   107. 

Oklnaouassent,  Fox  chief,  speech  by,  379. 

Omahas  (Mahas),  Slouan  tribe,  location, 
190. 

Onablmanlton.  281.    See  Onablmanltou. 

Onanguiss^  (Ounanghlss^).  Pottawatto- 
mle  chief.  Intrigues  against  French. 
Ill :  speeches  by,  168-165,  168,  169. 

OnBPk<i.  Ottawa  chief,  friendly  to  French, 
237,  238. 

Onenous.  an  OJlbway,  117. 

Onghetgeodatons,  meaning  of  name,  193. 

Onlnetonam,  Indian  chief,  settles  anions 
Iroqaols,  268. 

Onondagas  (Onnontagues).  Iroquois 
tribe,  confers  with  Vaudreull,  263, 
264  :  French  visit,  815-817 ;  should  be 
under  French  control.  816:  English  to 
build  fort  among.  316.  817. 

Onontlo  (Nonthyo.  Ononthyo),  Indian  ap- 
pellation of  French  king  and  gover- 
nors, 88,  47,  111.  116.  120.  138-140, 
143,  146.  150,  159,  160,  162-165,  185, 
214,  217.  235.  264.  290.  292,  315,  336, 
34.5.  419-422.  433.  458-463. 

Ooukocltlmlng.  portage  on  Fox  river,  68. 


INDEX. 


503 


Orange,  166,  223,  231,  307,  308,  336; 
Mlamls  trade  at,  383,  390.  See  Al- 
bany and  Fort  Orange. 

Order  of  St.  Louis,  cross  of,  asked  for 
Dubulsson,  383. 

Orleans,  Philippe,  due  d*,  regent  of 
France,  379,  386,  306-390. 

Osages  (Ozages),  Slouan  tribe,  180;  lo- 
cation, 157 ;  aid  B'rench  at  Detroit 
siege,  272. 

Oshkosb,  northwestern,  cited,  42. 

Ostensorlum,  given  by  Perrot  to  mission, 
10. 

Otcetl-ca-kowln,  appellation  of  Dakotas, 
meaning,  103. 

Otchagras,  Slouan  name  of  Wlnnebagoes, 
409,  411,  413. 

Otchlpouac,  an  Indian,  death,  285. 

Otoes  (Octotatas),  Slouan  tribe,  allied  to 
lowas.  413;  location,  186,  190;  till 
soil,  188. 

Ottagamfes.  267,  268.  See  Foxes  and 
Outagamfes. 

Ottawas  (Oatouats,  Outaols,  Outaouacks, 
Outaouacs,  Outaouaes,  Outaouals, 
Outaouaks,  Outaouas,  Outaouats,  Out- 
aouax,  Outaous,  Outawais,  Outawas, 
Outawes,  Outhaoua,  Outouas,  Outtaols, 
Outtaouis,  Outtauois,  Ytay^s)  4,  8, 
10-17,  19-21.  25-27,  29,  30.  82,  33, 
47,  50,  55,  75,  77,  80.  82,  84,  89,  07. 
98.  100,  102.  103.  107,  115,  117,  119, 
120.  124,  125.  130,  131,  134-137.  139- 
142,  147,  148.  157-160,  163,  166.  171, 
177,  201,  203,  205,  207,  212.  217, 
220-223,  227,  230-2,'?2,  234,  237,  239- 
245,  247-249.  254,  256,  257.  259,  261- 
265,  268,  290,  291,  297,  298,  300,  303. 
320,  358.  444,  467 ;  meaning  of  word, 
358:  location,  10,  22,  23,  25-29,  120, 
160,  171,  220,  309,  338.  350.  369; 
migrations,  15-17,  29 ;  take  refuge 
with  Hurons.  10 ;  dispersed,  14 ; 
flee  to  Chequamegon,  32 ;  flee  to 
Manltoulln  Island.  79 ;  removal  to  De- 
troit, 207.  217,  218,  222.  223;  some, 
quit  Detroit,  259.  286;  retreat  to 
Manltoulln.  290 ;  population,  77.  370 ; 
various  tribes.  353 ;  of  Saginaw, 
mode  of  life,  370 ;  wear  nose-pendants, 
358  ;  their  unruly  nature.  371 ;  char- 
acteristics, 13.  20,  21.  64.  345,  359: 
perfldy,  29.  30 ;  mediators  for  other 
tribes,  257;  hostilities  with  other 
tribes.  242 :  alliances.  4,  17 ;  conspire 
against  Foxes.  293 :  hostilities  with 
them.  310,  428;  aid  French  against 
them,  313 ;  treatment  of  Hurons.  257. 
359 ;  8P<»k  alliance  with  Iroquois,  130, 
133,     135.    138-142.    157,    103;    hos- 


tilities with  them,  11,  12,  230,  231 ;  de- 
feat Kickapoos,  285 ;  defeat  Mascou- 
tens,  269;  hostilities  with  MlamU, 
141,  236,  237,  239,  249 ;  attack  North- 
em  tribes,  258 ;  hostilities  with  Slooz, 
15-17,  26-31,  203;  treacherously  slay 
Sioux,  93 :  at  war  with  Wlnnebagoes, 
4 ;  attack  Wisconsin  trll)es,  444 ; 
trade  with  French,  4,  8,  100 — at  Mon- 
treal, 107  ;  Jesuits  with,  59-65,  77  (see 
also  Missions)  ;  atone  for  murder  of 
Frenchman,  124 ;  pacified  by  Perrot, 
157-160;  send  envoys  to  Denonville, 
131;  confer  with  Vaudreuil,  221-228. 
227.  263;  intrigue  against  French. 
147 ;  attack  Detroit,  232-239,  241,  243. 
248  ;  friendly  to  French,  240-242,  254  ; 
aid  French  In  war,  208-270,  272,  283. 
339.     See  also  Sinagos. 

Otter,  13 ;  girdles  of  otter-skin,  49. 

Ouabache,  209 ;  name  applied  to  Ohio 
river,  375. 

Ouftbess^bou  (Chat  blanc.  White  Cat), 
an  Illinois,  envoy  to  Kaskaskla.  446- 
451. 

Ouabimaniton  (misprinted  Onablmanl- 
ton),  Mascouten  chief,  at  siege  of  De- 
troit, 281. 

Ouacantapai.  Sioux  chief  (1700).  con- 
fers with  Le  Sueur,  187,  190-192.  See 
Wakandapl. 

Ouacantap(^,  Sioux  chief  (1720).  for- 
sakes Fox  alliance,  394. 

Ouachala  (Ouachalas.  Ouashala,  Ouech- 
ela,  Vechala),  Fox  chief.  377,  399. 
430 ;  clemency  to  foes,  419,  421 ; 
friendly  to  French,  393 ;  asks  for 
French  resident  among  Foxes,  466. 
467;   speech  by,  418-420;   cited,  466. 

Ouadebatons,  Dakotan  band,  meaning 
of  name,  193. 

Ouaepetons,  meaning  of  name,  193. 

Ouaouiartanons,  152.     See  Oulatanons. 

Ouaslcoutetons.  meaning  of  name,  193. 

Ouayalameque  (Oulameque),  Fox  chief, 
attacks   Illinois.   448. 

Ouenamek,  Pottawattomle  chief,  his  son 
freed  by  Kickapoos,  397. 

Ouepac6,  an  Illinois,  son  captured  by 
Foxes,  461. 

Ouostatinong,  residence  of  Foxes,  67. 

Ouhensiwan  (Grand  Terre),  Onondaga 
chief,  friendly  to  English,  317. 

Oulatanons  (Ouaouiartanons,  Ouyatanes. 
Ouyatanons,  Wawalatinons,  Wewala- 
tlon,  Weas),  Miami  tribe,  location. 
152,  376,  409;  should  be  removed  to 
Chicago,  326,  373 ;  should  remove  to 
Kankakee,  382,  395 — some,  remove  to 
this  river,  394.  398 ;  refuse  to  remove. 


504 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


399  ;  why  separated  from  Mlamls,  394  ; 
Dames  of  tribes,  376 ;  population,  376 ; 
mode  of  life,  376 ;  allies  of  Foxes, 
810;  hostile  to  Foxes,  313.  314,  393; 
aid  French  a^^alnst  them,  319 ;  hostile 
to  Illinois,  373,  436 ;  make  peace  with 
Illinois,  303,  304,  313,  318,  322,  326, 
338 ;  ask  for  missionary  and  black- 
smith, 345 ;  send  envoys  to  Montreal, 
377 ;  French  post  among,  382.  See 
Mlamis. 

Ouinlpeg,  3.     See  Winnipeg. 

Oulsconcning  (Oulsconsing,  Ouiskenslng, 
Oulskonche),  15.  105,  106,  109,  110, 
146,  151,  209.     See  Klyers.  Wisconsin. 

Oujalespoltons,  Slouan  tribe,  188,  190 ; 
meaning  of  name,  103. 

Oulameque,  448.     See  Ouayalameque. 

Oulamex,  Wisconsin  chief,  confers  with 
Vaudreuil,  301. 

Oumamcns.  Amlkou^  chief,  120. 

Oomaml,  67.     See  Mlamis. 

Ounanghl88(^,  111.     See  Onangufsse. 

Ounelchlnsa,  an  Illinois,  burned  by  Foxes, 
460. 

Ounensllechl,  Illinois  chief,  burned  at 
stake  by  Foxes,  460. 

Ounsachachaiwa.  Illinois  chief,  burned 
by  Foxes.  460. 

Ouroniowlta,  Metchigamla  woman,  slain 
by  Foxes,  461. 

Ousaki,  56,  57,  67.     See  Sacs. 

Outagamles  (Ui^nards,  Foxes),  4,  7,  35, 
38,  39,  41,  52,  56.  65,  67,  69,  82,  95, 
99.  102,  103,  106.  112.  141,  143, 
144,  147-150.  152-150,  158,  160.  161, 
163-166,  181.  184.  222;  why  thus 
named.  360:  called  R^nards,  300,  302, 
321,  409.     See  Foxes. 

Ouyatanons,  321.     See  Oulatanons. 

Ovenlbljroutz.   67.     See  Wlnnebagoes. 

Owabechacanensa.  an  Illinois,  his  son 
slain  by  Foxes,  460. 

Oyou  (Oyo).  285,  345.  See  Rivers,  Ohio 
and  Wabash. 

Ozas^e.  157.     See  Osages. 


Pachot.  — ,  French  soldier,  rewarded 
for  bravery.  342 :  recommended  aa 
oommnmlnnt  among  Sioux,  428 :  money 
paid  to.  407. 

Paddles,  nrlcea.  400.  402.  403. 

Paint,  288 ;  used  by  Indians.  38,  49.  366. 
367.     See  Vermilion. 

Pal  T'tes  (Padoukaa.  Paout(ie8).  Shoaho- 
nean  tribe,   location.   180. 

Panis  (Panya).  appellation  of  Indian 
slavea,  27,  .30,  31.     See  Pawnees. 


Parent,  — ,  blacksmith  at  Detroit,  252. 

Parhelia  ("sun-dogs"),  80. 

Paris,  10,  178,  189. 

Parkman,  Francis,  works  cited — Fron- 
U'Hoc,  167  ;  Half  Century,  283. 

Parkman  Club,  Publications,  cited,  23, 
32.  42,  165. 

Paroquet,  Caiollna,  location,  372,  373. 

Pascou^,  Ojlbwa  chief,  secedes  from  hit 
tribe.  263. 

Pauoirlgouelouhak,  Algonkin  name  of 
OJlbwas.  408. 

Pawnees  (Pauls),  location.  27,  31;  calu- 
met originates  with,  27 ;  enslaved  by 
Illinois,  30,  31. 

Peangulchas  ( Plangulchias,  Pianke- 
shaws  ;  misprinted  Sanglestas  ;  same 
as  Oulatanons),  376;  defeated  by 
Sioux,  180;  Illinois  French  Intrigue 
with,  394. 

Peangulselns,  Indian  band,   362. 

Peas,  392;  raised  by  Indians.  354,  363, 
367.  368;  prices.  402,  403,  406. 

Pelletier  (Peletler.  Peltier),  Frangoit 
(dlt  Antaya),  sells  brandy  illegally, 
423-426 ;  marriage.  424. 

Peltries.  134.  243,  364  ;  robes  of.  373 ;  as 
presents.  21 ;  prices,  401,  405.  See 
Fur  trade. 

Pemaou.  Indian  chief,  170;  slain  by  Iro- 
quois. 172. 

Pcmoussa.  Fox  chief,  377  ;  heads  attack 
on  Detroit,  268 ;  a  war  chief.  281 ; 
speech    by,    276. 

POnlcaut.  — ,  writes  history  of  Louisi- 
ana colony,  194  ;  cited,  177,  179,  186, 
104-200;  sketch.  194. 

Peninsula,  between  Lakes  Michigan  and 
Huron.  408.  410 ;  near  Detroit,  283. 

Pennetacoton,  Sac  chief,  intrigues  against 
Foxes.   433. 

Pennsylvania  (Pensllvanla),  English  col- 
ony. 345. 

Pentagouet,  334.     See  Rivers.  Penobscot. 

Peoria,  111..  179. 

Peorlas  (Peaouarlas),  Illinois  tribe,  362; 

Jeaults  with.  91. 
Peplkokls      (Peplcoquls).     Miami     tribe, 

152,    165. 
P(ipln  brothers,  voyageurs.  in  the  North- 
west. 184. 
Perch,  yellow  (paUaon  dor6),  354. 
P<^r<i.  Jean.  209  :  accompanies  Du  Luth, 

116.     117.     119,     122:     praised,    123; 

cited.  113:  sketch.  115. 
Porow(^,  an  Illinois,  slain  by  Foxes.  460. 
Perlllan,     — ,     clerk,     recommended     by 

Dntlsn^  4.'>2. 
Perrot.    Nicolas.    199 :    shrewdness.    104, 

105 ;    influence   with    Indians.    34-47, 


INDEX. 


505 


101-103,  133-141,  143-lCO,  165 ;  takes 
possession  of  Northwest,  205 ;  brings 
Indian  envoys  to  Quebec,  160;  seized 
and  robbed  by  Miamls,  166,  167,  170; 
services  to  Canada,  33 ;  speeches  by, 
45 ;  money  paid  to,  407  ;  slcetch,  386 ; 
Memoire,  cited,  xf.  10-21,  23-31,  236. 
Pestilence,  among  Indians,  4,  51,  79 ;  at 
Green  Bay,  10.  See  Epidemics,  and 
Smallpox. 
Petechechenoucta,  Illinois  woman,  slain 

by  Foxes,  459. 
Peticotias,  Ouiatanon  tribe,  376. 
Petit,  — ,  French  official,  406. 
Petun   (Tobacco)   tribe,  called  *'the  real 

Hurons,"  166. 
Pheasants,  in  Indiana,  372. 
Piclcerel,  other  names,  354. 
Pictures,  employed  in  missionary  worlc, 

84. 
Pierson,     Phlllippe,     Jesuit,     95;     with 

Ilurons,  97  ;  sketch,  98. 
Pigeons,  24  ;  caught  in  nets,  9. 
Pike.  354. 

Pilemou.   Pottawattomie  chief,   at  Mon- 
treal. 308. 
Pilote  (Pelotte.  Pilot.  Pilotte).  name  of 
a  French-Canadian  family,  423 ;  a  De- 
troit trader.  423,  425. 
Pimithouy       (Pemetewoy.     Pimytesouy). 
Illinois  village.  location,  374,  459 ;  de- 
stroyed by  Foxes,  454. 
Pindilkosan,  46.     See  Medicine-pouch. 
Pinet,  — .  gunsmith  at  Detroit,  262. 
Pirogues,  279.     See  Canoes. 
PlBtole,  French  money,  value,  252. 
Pistols.    Indians    alarmed    by,    2 ;    Cata- 
lan,  found   among   Winnebagoes,   413. 
414. 
Pitch  rgum),  canoes  fastened  with,  411 ; 

prices,  401,  402,  405. 
Placentln.  N.  F.,  resort  for  French  ves- 
sels, 240,  300. 
Plalne,  —  de.  231. 
Plaine.    Canadian    appellation     for    red 

maple.  197. 
Plaisance,  300.     See  Placentla. 
Plum,  wild.  .^00:  at  Detroit.  129. 

Point  PelOe,  cape  in  Lake  Erie,  described, 
365. 

Poison,  used  by  Ottawas,  12.  13. 
Pohfton     fforS     (perch),     application    of 
term,  354. 

Polygarry.  among  Indians,  23.  55,  62, 
69.  83-85.  187.  410. 

Pommes  d'api  ("bee  apples"),  366. 

Pontchartrain.  Louis  Phelypeaux.  comt€i 
dp.  Intendnnt  of  finance  in  France, 
127,  200,  220.  240:  letters,  228.  260- 
262.     See  also  Fort  Pontchartraln. 


Porcelain,   236,   259;   meaning  of  term, 
12;   collars,   104,   160,   161 — las  pres- 
ents, 36,  124.  12o ;  as  ornaments,  867. 
See  also  Presents,  and  Wampum. 
Port  Arthur.  Ont.,  440. 
Portages,  70.  328;  described,  351,  367; 
Calumet-Des    Plalnes,    372 ;    Chicago- 
Des   Plalnes,   92,   372;    Des    Chesnei, 
372;    Des    Perches.    372;    along    Fox 
river,  68 ;  Fox-Wisconsin,  42,  90,  105, 
106,  151,  181.  871 ;  Genesee-Alleghany, 
365 ;    across    Keweenaw    Point,    122 ; 
Kekaling   (Kaukauna),   106;  on  Mau- 
mee   river,    375 ;    Maumee-Ohlo.    285 ; 
Niagara,     363,     364;     Toronto,     127, 
128 — length,      371;      St.      Anthony't 
Falls,  186;  St.  Joseph-Kankakee.  127, 
372;    Sturgeon    Bay,    96;    on    upper 
Wabash,  211. 
Portage-collars,  prices.  400,  404. 
Post  Ouiatanon,  449 ;  founded,  443. 

Vincennes,  founded,  443. 

Posts,  military.  456.  458,  462;  why  es- 
tablished, xvl,  437 ;  on  Lake  Superior, 
440 ;     on     Missouri     river,     443 ;     on 
Wabash.   394 ;   to    be    inspected.  349, 
385.  386,  392 ;  among  Sioux.  441.  442. 
468 :  purchased  by  commandants,  468. 
Pot.  French  liquid  measure,  value,  424. 
Pottawattomies  (Potawatamies,  Potouat- 
mls.  Pottawatamies.  Pou?s,  Pouteata- 
mis,      Pouteouatemls.      Poutewatamis, 
Poutoatomis,      Poutouatamis.     Poux), 
Alfconqualn   tribe,  3,   7,  8,   10,   29.  30. 
34-36.    38-42.   46-48.   55,    56.    67,    70, 
06.  110.  146.  160.  163.  164,  160,   168, 
171,  181.  230.  263,  269.  321,  366-371, 
454 :     location.     3,     8,     34.     55,     87, 
366.    409,    410:    population,    55.    870; 
language,    55;    characteristics.    7.    8. 
5.5.     CO.     359;     Insolence,    110;    stat- 
ure,  411 :   other   tribes   compared   to, 
371 ;    allies    of    Sacs.    8 ;    intermarry 
with      Winnebagoes.      7 ;     understand 
Illinois    tongue,    373 :    captive,    freed 
by      Kickapoos.      397;      affront      Iro- 
quois.  263 :   reconciled   with   Iroquois, 
284:    hostile   to    Foxes.   393,    419;   at 
war  with  Menomonees,  35 :  hostIlltIe« 
with    Sioux,    181.    230;    defeated    by 
Sioux.  29.  30:   abandon  their  village, 
286:    visited    by    Nicolet.    2— by   Per- 
rot.  34-38:  Jesuits  with.  60.  61.  86; 
pnclfled   by   Perrot.    146.    147;   hostile 
to   French,    111:    friendly   to   French, 
410,    412:    reproach    Vaudreull.    ,321; 
aid   French    against    Foxes,  271.  272, 
27.\   ,341:   at   Quebec,    160.   163.   171; 
at  St.  Joseph  river.  397-399.  433,  436 ; 
9<^tt\Q  at  Detroit.  290,  309;  trade  at 
Montreal,  47-50. 


5o6 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


Pottery,  UBed  by  Ottawas,  159. 

Pouanklklas,  Ouiatanon  band,  162. 

Pouce,  B^rench  linear  measure,  valne, 
853. 

Powder,  capacity  of  barrel,  287 ;  price, 
400. 

Powder-horns,  cords  for,  374. 

Powell,  J.  W.,  Indian  Linguistic  Fomi- 
lies,  cited,  104. 

Prairie  du  Chlen,  Wis.,  90. 

Presents,  12,  15,  16,  21,  22,  29,  39,  41, 
45.  47.  48,  65,  100,  140,  141,  144-151, 
155.  159-165,  180,  185,  188,  192. 
198,  218,  222,  227,  255,  259,  268, 
276,  280,  284.  460,  466 ;  to  console  the 
afflicted,  6,  36,  172 ;  to  atone  for  mur- 
der, 104 :  at  councils,  138 ;  offered  by 
ambassadors.  2:  French  to  Indians, 
284-236,  287,  288.  297,  304-306,  308, 
811,  312,  327,  334.  337,  339,  342, 
884-386,  895,  397,  403,  407,  439,  459, 
464,  471,  472,  476;  Indians  demoral- 
ized by,  215;  "underground,"  345, 
882.  See  Collars,  Porcelain,  and 
Wampum. 

Presq'Isle  (peninsula),  near  Detroit,  288. 

Prices,  augers.  406 ;  axes,  401.  402,  405 ; 
bacon,  402,  403,  406;  balsam,  402; 
bark,  404;  barrels,  400,  404;  bayon- 
ets. 404 ;  beads,  401-403.  405 ; 
beayer-sklns,  258;  beef,  402,  408, 
406;  biscuit.  402,  403,  406;  bistoury, 
404;  blankets,  288,  292.  400,  402. 
404 ;  bomb-fusees,  405 ;  brandy,  258, 
403.  406;  bread,  402,  403.  406;  buf- 
falo-tongues, 406;  bullet-ladles.  406; 
buttons,  402 ;  candles,  404 ;  cannon, 
406 ;  canoe-sails.  402 :  canoes,  400, 
404 ;  canyas.  402.  406 ;  canyas  bag. 
403 ;  canvas  pouches,  405 :  chemises. 
401.  404:  chlflM.  404:  elder.  403; 
cloaks,  401,  404;  cloth,  401-404, 
406,  407 ;  collars,  404 ;  corn,  288, 
403,  407,  471,  474.  475;  deer- 
skins. 401,  405;  doublets.  401,  405; 
flre-steels.  400.  403 :  fish-hook  guts, 
403-405:  flsh-IInes,  405:  flints.  288; 
flour,  406 :  earters,  403 :  grease,  384, 
407 :  grenade-fusees.  40.*) :  gum  for 
canoes.  405 :  guns.  288.  401,  402.  404  ; 
gun-flints,  401.  403,  405:  gnn-sheaths. 
404 :  arun-worms,  402.  406 :  hams, 
406 :  hats.  401.  402 :  hinges.  405 ; 
hoofl.  405  :  Jerkin.  401 :  kersey.  401 ; 
kettles.  401.  402.  404:  knives,  28«, 
400.  401,  402.  404:  lance-blades.  403: 
lancpts.  405 :  lead.  401.  403.  405 : 
lead  balls.  288.  404:  linen,  402,  406: 
looks.  405 :  match-tuhs.  405.  406 : 
mazamet.    403,    405 ;    medicine,    405 ; 


mirror,  403;  mltasses  (leggings),  288, 

401,  405 ;  mortar  and  ammunition, 
406 ;  nails,  4(K ;  needles,  404 ;  pad- 
dles, 400,  402,  403 ;  paper,  405 ;  peaa, 

402,  403,  406;  picks,  405;  pins, 
404 ;  pitch,  401,  402 ;  portage-collars, 
400;  pouches,  401,  403;  powder,  287, 
401,  403,  405;  powder  barrels,  400: 
priming  horns,  405 ;  rammer-heads, 
406;  rice,  405;  rope.  401;  salt,  405; 
shirts,  288,  401,  402,  404 ;  shoes, 
402 ;  shot-gauges,  406 ;  sleeves,  401, 
405 ;  slow-match,  405 ;  soap,  405 ; 
spades,  404 ;  sponges,  401,  404 ;  steel- 
yard, 406  ;  stockings,  400  ;  sugar,  405  ; 
sulphur,  405 ;  tarpaulins,  402 ;  thread, 
401,  404;  tinsel  lace,  401,  402; 
tobacco,  288,  292,  402,  403,  405,  406 ; 
toWcco-box,  402;  twine,  401,  404; 
veal,  406 ;  vermilion,  288.  402.  403, 
406 ;  wad-hooks,  406 ;  waist-cloths, 
400:  wheat,  384;  wine,  403,  406; 
wrapping  paper,  405 ;  yam,  404 ; 
rent.  254 ;  for  repairing  gun,  252 ;  for 
grinding  flour.  252. 

Princeton.  Wis..  42. 

Prisoner's  base,  a  game,  352. 

Prouvllle,  31.     See  Tracy. 

Provost,  Grand,  of  Canada,  107. 

Prunes,  Indians  regard  as  delicacy,  38. 

Pslnchatons,  Dakotan  band,  meaning  of 
name,  193. 

Psinoumanltons,  Dakotan  band,  meaning 
of  name,  193. 

Pslnoutanhlnhlntons,  Siouan  band,  mean- 
ing of  name.  193. 

Puants  (Puans),  French  appellation  of 
Wlnnebagoes.  4-7.  35,  39,  68,  148, 
144.  158.  160.  164.  301,  430;  origin 
of  name.  3,  360,  412.  See  also  Wln- 
nebagoes. 

Pumpkins,  raised  by  Indians,   354.  376. 

Punishment,  corporal,  applied  *to  cou- 
reurs  de  bols,  297. 


Quail.  372. 

Quarante  Sols  (Quarante-sous).  Huron 
chief.  205:  Identity,  211;  Intrigues, 
171.  211.  212.  218,  220,  223.  225, 
239:  sketch,  171. 

Quart,  French  measure  of  capacity, 
vnhie.  253. 

Quebec  (Quebekle).  14.  21.  61.  63.  64. 
66.  77.  81,  89,  92.  98,  108,  109,  111. 
115.  124.  l.m  142.  162,  166,  167. 
175.  208,  212.  217,  220,  242,  244, 
245.  292.  309.  310.  342.  387.  396, 
434:  castle  (Chateau  St.  Louis),  109; 


INDEX. 


507 


Iroquois  envoys  at,   203;   tribes  seek 

aid  at,  298;  centre  of  Indian  trade, 

478. 
4)uebec  company,  202. 
Quemet,  — ,  expedition  by,  334. 
•Queylus,    Abb6    Gabriel    de,    desires   to 

open  missions  In  West,  62,  03. 
<Qalcapous  (Qulkapoox,  Qulncapoux,  Qal- 

quapous,  Qulyquapous),  180,  205,  397, 

429,  442,  457,  458.     See  Klckapoos. 
4)nioepetons,  Dakotan  band,  meaning  of 

name,  103. 
Qnlyers,  49. 


JUccooN  (wild  cat,  chat  aauvage),  skin 
used  as  garment,  144.  See  also  Cat, 
wild. 

Badisson,  Pierre  Esprit,  In  Wisconsin, 
21;  cited,  19. 

Raisins,  a  delicacy  to  Indians,  38. 

Bamezay  (Ramesay),  Claude  de,  331; 
censured,  267  ;  acting  governor  of  Can- 
ada, 326 ;  opinion  as  to  Fox  war,  303 ; 
confers  with  Mlsslssaguas,  336 ;  ac- 
cused of  complicity  In  Illicit  trade, 
426 ;  corresponds  with  Goyemor  Hun- 
ter, 317,  336 ;  letters  to  minister,  300- 
303,  310-338;  death,  444;  sketch, 
300. 

Randin,  — ,  envoy  of  Frontenac,  107. 

Rapids,  dangers  of  navigation  In,  328, 
357;  In  Fox  river,  68.  81,  83,  87, 
106,  409;  In  Ohio  river,  364;  in  St. 
Croix  river,  108 ;  in  St.  Lawrence 
river,  328;  De  Pere,  81,  83;  Little, 
68;  Sault  Ste.  Marie.  408;  described, 
31 ;  canoes  can  run,  351. 

Raspberries,  24. 

Rassade  (beads),  402;  defined.  45.  See 
also  Canons,  Porcelain,  and  Wampum. 

Rattlesnakes,  described,  184 ;  deaths 
caused  by,  59. 

Raudot,  Antolne  I>enls,  and  Jacques,  261, 
262,  456;  Intendanta  of  New  France, 
240.  242-247:  Antolne  returns  to 
France,  264  ;  sketches,  228. 

Reaume,  Pierre,  Interpreter,  at  Montreal, 
377. 

Reaume,  Simon,  voyageur.  Influence  with 
Indians,  395. 

R^collets  (Recolets),  with  La  Salle.  99, 
108;  at  Detroit.  249,  272,  284.  288; 
with  Miamls,  208. 

Red  stone  quarry,  Minn.,  controlled  by 
Yankton  RIoux,  193,  194. 

Red  Wing.  Minn.,  16.  187:  French  fort 
near.  173. 

R^nards.     See  Foxes,   and  Outagamles. 

Rennes.  France,  thread  of.  401,  404. 


Repentlgny,  —  de,  accompanies  Da 
Luth,  119,  123. 

Bevue  de  Montreal,  cited,  300. 

Rice,  wild,  17,  19.  90 ;  quality,  18 ;  food 
of  Indians,  9,  10,  18,  81,  109,  190, 
192,  193,  411;  how  used  by  them, 
360;  how  gathered,  25;  abounds  In 
Minnesota,  17,  18;  food  of  wild  fowl, 
9,  68,  69. 

Richard,  Edouard,  cited,  210.  241. 

RIggs,  S.  R.,  Dakota  Grammar,  cited, 
194. 

Rivers:  Alleghany,  366.  Arkansas,  27, 
91.  Asslnlbolne,  tribes  on,  189.  Aa 
Sable  (Mich.),  120.  Bad  Axe,  182. 
Black  (Noire,  (Hiabadeba),  described, 
107;  always  navigable,  183;  Hurons 
settle  on,  17.  Blue  Earth  (Blue),  188, 
191,  194:  why  thus  named,  186; 
other  names,  189.  Bols  Brul6  (Nem- 
Itsakouat),  173;  a  trade-route,  108. 
Buffalo  (des  Boeufs),  180;  location, 
183,  365;  described,  107.  Cannon, 
Sioux  appellation  of,  184.  Casqul- 
nanpo,  364,  376 ;  see  below,  Tennes- 
see. Chaouenons,  376.  Chicago  (Chi- 
kagon).  91,  96,  145;  source,  409;  In- 
dian battle  at,  146,  150.  Chippewa, 
game  abundant  on,  183.  Connecticot, 
102.  Des  Plalnes,  91.  Detroit,  127- 
129.  211.  366;  tribes  on,  268. 
Essolon,  359.  Fox  (Kakaling),  42, 
66,  69,  83.  86,  89.  90,  104.  838,  412 ; 
various  names,  68 ;  described,  106 ; 
width,  68;  rapids  in,  68,  81,  88, 
87,  106,  409;  apparent  tides  in, 
87;  abounds  In  fish,  360:  Indian 
villages  on,  65.  French,  120,  805. 
Galena  (Fever,  RIyI6re  &  la  Mine), 
described,  181;  mines  on,  1*6.  Gar- 
lic. 361 ;  see  above,  Chicago.  Gene- 
see, rl8t;8  near  Allegheny,  865. 
Grand  (Mich.),  290:  Indian  battle 
at.  289.  Grape,  183.  Great,  105. 
Hlhanbouxeat^.  meaning  of  name,  184. 
Hudson,  tribes  on,  102;  controlled  by 
English.  317.  Illinois,  91.  92.  Ill, 
127,  165,  178-180 :  Infested  by  hostile 
Indians,  417.  Iowa  (AyoCs).  Ottawas 
on,  15.  Iowa.  Upper,  location,  182. 
Kakaling,  106 ;  see  above.  Fox.  Kala- 
mazoo (Marameg),  location,  161. 
Kankakee.  127,  382.  Kennebec  (Nan- 
rantsouak),  334:  English  fort  on, 
335.  La  CroB!«e.  1«2.  I^  Sueur, 
(St.  Remis),  180.  Little  Wolf,  89. 
Ix>lre.  129.  Manlstlque  (Manlstle, 
OnlamanlRtlk).  location.  36.  87; 
abounds  In  fish.  410.  Marameg  (Mar»- 
mek).    early     name    for    Kalamazoo 


5o8 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


river,  ICl.  Marquette,  Marquette's 
death  at,  89.  Mattawan,  305.  Mau- 
mee  (of  Miamls).  211,  286,  409;  de- 
scribed, 375 ;  Miamls  settle  at,  285. 
Menominee,  93 ;  separates  Wiscon- 
sin and  Michigan,  3G0 ;  sturgeon  In, 
8.  Minnesota  (St.  Peter's),  when 
thus  named,  186.  Mississippi  (Mlcls- 
slpl,  Mlslssypy,  Mlsslsslpy,  Mlssls- 
slppy.  Mlssysypy),  18.  33,  41,  42,  63, 
81,  105,  107,  108,  127,  146,  150,  154. 
155,  173,  177,  178.  180-186,  189, 
193.  196-199,  202,  203,  209.  319, 
364,  365,  371.  409,  429,  436,  440- 
443;  also  called  Loulslanna.  15;  ex- 
plored by  Jollet  and  Marquette,  89- 
92- — \bj  Perrot.  33 ;  spring  freshets 
In.  197;  obstructions  at  Its  mouth, 
203  :  current,  375 :  upper  waters,  10, 
93,  178,  187  ;  Infested  by  hostile  In- 
dians, 417 ;  Ottawas  take  refu&re  be- 
yond, 15;  colonies  on.  440.  Missouri 
(Missoury),  64.  90,  179,  187,  190, 
413;  westward  route  by.  91,  92,  417, 
418 ;  Le  Sueur  at,  179 ;  Indian  slaves 
brought  from.  332 :  tribes  on,  31 ; 
French  on.  443.  Mobile  (Mobllle), 
Kngllsh  fort  at,  319.  Xanrnntsouak, 
335 ;  see  above,  Kennebec.  Nantouna- 
gan,  76 ;  see  below,  Ontonagon.  Nem- 
Itsakouat.  108:  see  above,  Bols  Brull*. 
Niagara,  128.  132;  extent.  364.  Nio- 
brara, 27.  Oconto,  68.  Ohio  (Auyo. 
Oio,  Oyo,  Oyou),  .332,  375,  376:  called 
Wabash.  365 :  described.  364  ;  source, 
.S65 ;  route  for  Iroquois.  376.  Onion, 
182.  Ontonagon  (Nantounagan).  cop- 
per at,  76.  Orange  (Hudson).  317. 
Ottawa  (OutAoua).  tribes  on.  11 :  a 
route  of  travel.  .305.  Ouabache,  211, 
304  :  see  below,  Wabash.  Oulsconsln. 
181.  182:  see  below,  Wisconsin. 
Oulamanlstlk,  36:  see  above.  Manls- 
tlqne.  OntaflramI,  412:  see  above. 
Fox.  Qnlncapoufl.  Identity,  182.  Port- 
age. 122.  Of  Puans,  68;  see  above. 
Fox.  Red.  Indian  appellation  of 
Black  river,  183.  Red,  of  the  North, 
tribes  on.  189.  Of  R^nards,  why 
thus  named.  409 :  see  above.  Fox. 
Root.  location.  182.  Saco,  Indians 
on,  102.  St.  Clair,  described,  127: 
French  post  on.  126-131.  St.  Croix. 
18.  173,  178:  why  thus  named.  185;  a 
trade-route.  108.  St.  Francis  (Ark.). 
French  at.  91  :  St.  Francois.  68 :  see 
above.  Fox.  St.  Joseph  (St.  .Tosephe), 
lO.'i.  206,  208.  211.  212.  224.  236-2.39. 
.362.  371.  444.  445.  462:  a  route  to 
the    Mississippi.    127:    tribes    on.    99, 


269,  408,  409:  French  post  on,. 
4.'»0,  458,  468,  470.  St.  Lawrence,  63,. 
66,  107,  134,  142,  316 ;  rapids  In.  328. 
St.  Mary's,  tribes  on,  30 ;  finest  white- 
flsh  in,  26.  St.  Maurice,  115.  St. 
Peter,  tributaries,  18 ;  see  above,  Min- 
nesota. St.  Uemls,  189 :  see  above.  Le 
Sueur.  Salt,  location,  180.  Sandusky 
(Sandosquet),  365;  route  for  war- 
parties.  364.  Saskatchewan,  tribetf. 
on,  189.  Scioto,  364.  Severn,  127. 
Suamico,  tribes  on,  86.  Tamarois, 
186.  Tennessee  (Casqulnanpo),  364; 
a  route  to  Carolina.  376.  Tlttlbawat- 
see,  10.  Wabash  (Ouabache,  Ouabeche, 
Oyo),  152.  161,  211.  322;  application 
of  name,  365 ;  confused  with  Ohio, 
409 ;  hostile  acts  of  Indians  on,  462 ; 
French  post  at,  332,  334  ;  Kngllsh  fort 
on,  317,  319,  335,  345.  Waal  Ozu, 
Identity,  183.  Wing,  Identity,  82. 
Wisconsin  (MIsconsIng,  Ouisconchlng, 
Oulsconsln),  146:  other  names,  105; 
described,  105-107.  181,  182 ;  Ottawas 
at,  15.  Wolf,  42,  69,  83.  86;  Indian 
villages  on,  65.  Znmbro,  location,  183. 
Rivli^re  de  I'All  (Garlic  river),  appella- 
tion of  Chicago  river.  361. 

aux  Ailes.   Identity,   182. 

aux  Beefs     (N.     Y.),     180;     Iden- 
tity, 365. 

de  Bon  Secours,  Identity,  183. 

Cach(^,   Identity.  182. 

aux  Canots,  Identity.  182. 

a  la  Mine,  description,  181. 

des  Paquitanettes,  Identity,  183. 

des  Raisins,  Identity,   183. 


ICobbtel,  440.     See  La  NoOe. 

Rochelle  (La.),  178. 

Rock-pictures,  on   Mississippi  shore,   90. 

Rock  village,  285.     See  Starved  Rock. 

Roger,  — ,  a  clerk,  452. 

Rolnsac     (Rouainsac,    Rouensac,    Rouln- 

sac),   Illinois  chief,   375;   his  village, 

315,  374,  375.     See  Kaskaskias. 
RAme,  336.     See  Rum. 
Rood.  252.     See  Arpent. 
Rose,    — .    furnishes    presents    for    In« 

dians,  384. 
Itoy,  — ,  Detroit  habitant.  269,  274. 
Ruffs,    white,   worn   by   French   officers, 

462. 
Rum,  traded  to  Indians  by  English,  886. 
Rushford   township,    Winnebago   county, 

42. 

SAnRKvoiR  de  Bleury.  Jacques  Cliarles, 
commandant  at  Detroit.  .311-314,  316, 
310.  .330.  334.  337;  memoir  by,  868- 
376;  sketch,  311. 


INDEX. 


509 


Sacrifices,  of  tobacco,  34  ;  to  spirits,  46, 
51,  52,  56,  67,  50,  64,  71,  82,  87, 
93,  99 ;  to  souls  of  dead,  5 ;  offered 
to  Lake  Superior,  31. 

Sacs  (Sakis,  Saky,  Saquis,  Saskls),  3, 
7,  8,  20.  30,  39,  40,  48,  68,  104,  105. 
145-147,  163,  166,  222,  373,  397,  430, 
436 ;  meaning  of  name,  360 ;  location, 
3.  10,  371.  409,  412,  434  ;  population, 
280,  371 ;  language.  56 ;  characteris- 
tics, 8,  30,  57,  414  :  method  of  fishing, 
68 ;  factions  among,  412 ;  allies  of 
Kickapoos,  381 :  Intermarry  with  Wln- 
nebagoes,  7 :  relations  with  Pottawat- 
tomles,  8,  40 :  w^lth  Sioux.  29, 104, 105, 
164,  181;  with  Foxes,  164,  301,  393, 
418,  434.  464.  467  ;  with  Mlamis,  236 ; 
hostilities  with  OJibwas.  340,  344 ; 
at  war  with  Illinois,  442 ;  Jesuits 
with,  56,  57,  61 ;  at  Chequamegon, 
61 :  pacified  by  Perrot,  146,  147 ;  at 
Quebec,  160.  164 ;  at  Detroit  siege, 
272.  281,  288:  send  envoys  to  Mon- 
treal, 377 ;  reduced  by  wars.  360 ;  de- 
sire to  abandon  their  homes,  393. 

Sagamlt^.  Indian  name  for  commeal  por- 
ridge, meaning  of  word,  355. 

Saghinan  (Saglnan,  Sagulnan,  Saklnan, 
Sanklnon),  324,  428,  430.  See  Bays, 
Saginaw. 

Saginaw  county.  Mich.,  10. 

Sagulna  (Sagulnaw),  Ottawa  chief,  285: 
defeats  Mascoutens.  269 ;  settles  at 
Mackinac.  280 :  his  wife,  captured  by 
Foxes.  272,  276 — ivrestored,  277  :  aids 
French  at  siege  of  Detroit,  272.  See 
Saklma. 

St.  Ange  de  Rellerlve,  Jean  do,  sketch, 
386,  443. 

St.  Ange  de  Bellerive,  Louis  de,  453 ; 
attacked  by  Foxes,  454,  460 ;  sketch, 
443. 

St.    Clalr  county,    111.,    179. 

St.  Denis,  — ,  F'rench  officer,  commands 
Fort  La  IJoulaye.  199,  200. 

St.  Esprit,  name  of  point  In  Chequame- 
gon  Bay,  22,  67. 

St.  Hive  (St.  Yves),  — ,  slain  by  In- 
dians. 454,  459. 

St.  Ignace,  1.36 ;  a  mission  centre,  97. 

St.  Louis.   229;   founded,  443. 

St.  Lusson,  Simon  Francois  Daumont, 
sleur  de,  takes  possession  of  Northwest 
for  France.  78,  79,  89. 

Ste.  Marie.  Wis..  42. 

St.  Michel,  — ,  213. 

St.  V^,  Jpan  Baptlste,  Jesuit,  at  Green 
Bav,  444. 

St.  Pierre.  — .  winters  with  Mlsslssa- 
guas,   336 :   escorts  OJibwa  envoys  to 


j  Montreal,  377  :  infiuence  with  OJlbwaa, 
380 ;  establishes  post  at  Chequamegon, 
380. 

St.   Iloc,  — ,   clerk,   452. 

Sakima  (Sagulna?),  trip  to  Montreal, 
289,  290. 

Salmon,  26.     See  Whlteflsh. 

Salt,  prices.  405. 

Saltpetre,  found  near  Lake  Pepin,   184. 

Sanglestas.  180.     See  I'eangulchas. 

Santees.  Siouan  tribes,  origin  of  name, 
194. 

Sataretsy  (Sasteratsi,  Sataresky),  name 
of  line  of  Huron  chiefs.  166.  224,  225, 
359. 

Sault  au  R^collet  (au  Recolet,  aux  R^ 
collets),  Sulpitlan  mission  near  Mon- 
treal. 322;  Indians  of,  230;  Indian 
colony,   377. 

Sault  St.  Ix)uls,  Indian  colony  near  Mon- 
treal, 49.  50.  377;  Indians  at,  In  Fox 
war,  341. 

Sault  Ste.  Marie,  31.  6.1-66,  72,  78, 
85.  92-94,  98,  114,  115,  143;  Sul- 
pitlans  at.  63 :  fisheries  at,  26 ;  ren- 
dezvous for  savages,  8,  26,  63.  See 
also  Missions. 

Sauteurs  (Saulteaux,  Saulteurs,  Santera, 
Sauteux,  Soteux).  French  appellation 
of  OJlhwas.  8,  14,  20,  26,  48,  102, 
10.3.  107,  108,  112,  114.  115.  117.  119, 
120,  12.%,  1.39.  141.  15.3.  166.  171, 
222.  292,  .340,  361,  444;  origin  of 
name.  8 — meaning,  408.  See  OJib- 
was. 

Scalping,  145,  169,  170.  451,  454.  458- 
462. 

Schoolcraft  county,  Mich.,  37. 

Serecas  (Senontouans),  Iroquois  tribe, 
130,  132,  142.  228;  at  Niagara.  363; 
raid  Fox  village.  60 ;  at  war  with  Mas- 
coutens, 71 :  Ottawas  seek  alliance 
with.  130.  134  ;  hostilities  with  North- 
western tribes,  166,  167;  French 
visit,  315 :  should  be  under  French 
control,  316:  confer  with  Vaudreull, 
240;  attacked  by  French,  132.  140; 
French  expedition  n?alnst,  145 :  act 
as  carriers  for  French,  363,  364 ;  at 
Montreal.  263. 

Serpent,  legends  concerning.  411. 

Shad,  354. 

Shawnese  (C^aouanons.  Chauanons).  71, 
364  :  Iroquois  raid  against.  48. 

Shpa.  John  O.,  cited,  177-193. 

Sheldon.  Mrs.  E.  M.,  Earlj/  TTMory  of 
Michirjnn.  cited.  232.  251,  256.  288. 

Shells,  as  utensils.  67. 
Shins,   king's  sent   annually  to  Canada, 
.302 ;  should  be  built  on  Lake  Ontario, 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


335,  3S1,  "Glronae."  171 ;  "L«  Prln- 
c«BHi,"  33T;  "Lb  Proildence,"  31S, 
888:    '■  Benommie,"    17T ;    "St.    J«- 


rOnu 


■  337. 


BblrtH.  364  :  prlc«a,  401,  402,  404. 

SboRlioneaD  tamlL;.  ISO. 

81 11  err.  mlulOD  colour,  OS. 

Silver,  mlnei,  luppoaed  to  tiltt  at  Su- 

kukla,  325. 
SIlTT,    AntolDf.    Jeralt,    05,    07-99;     In 

WlicoDBln,  9T  :  aketch,  94. 
8Iii>go>i  Ottawa  chief,  treacberr  toward 

BIdui     enTOf  ■,     26-20 ;     turturtd    to  | 

deatb.  30. 
Blnagoa     tClnagoa,     Slnas"ui,    Slagoa), 

Ottawa  clBD,  119,  ISO,  218,  221,  S63. 

See  Ottawa*. 

Blouan  rtmllj,  19T :  application  ol  name, 
103 :  tribea  included  In,  103,  104 ;  clt>- 
tlani  resardlng,  194 ;  langniBC,  186, 
188,  101. 

filoui  (Claa,  Sclou.  Scioua.  SIoqb,  Syou, 
Sjoai.  NadaualsElona),  16-20,  22.  26, 
28-30,  67.  59,  61,  66.  09,  78-80,  83- 
85.  88,  93,  S5,  98,  106,  107,  ISO,  170, 
172,  173,  176-184.  186-191,  205.  224. 
236.  227,  230,  364,  422.  441,  442, 
468 :  orlglD  of  term,  193  ;  location,  26, 
178.  442:  population,  18.  187;  cbar- 
aeteclatlcB,  17,  10.  20,  382  ;  mi>d<i  of 
lire.  187,  106,  108  :  weep  over  gueats, 
166.  188,  IBO,  101 :  weep  at  will, 
382 :  method  ot  warfare.  IB,  10 ;  their 
vlllagea  amall.  IS;  routes  to  their 
muDtry,  109 ;  treatment  ot  captlrei. 
OB:  hoe  til  It  1»  with  Algonklns,  83. 
SO.  88 :  with  Foiea,  170 ;  with 
Hurona,  18-10 ;  with  Hurona  and  Ot- 
tawaa,  28-31  :  with  Illlnola  tribes, 
180:  with  Mlamla.  168.  203;  with 
Northern  tribes.  20;  with  Ottawaa, 
15-17,  03;  with  Weatem  trlttes,  224, 
226,  227  ;  with  Wisconsin  tribes,  70, 
77-80,  150,  152-184,  178.  178.  181, 
183.  184.  193  :  enemies  of  Foies,  381 ; 
Incited  Bsalnat  them,  306,  314.  4BT, 
464,  466,  468  :  torsRhe  them,  398.  304  ; 
allies  of  FoTes,  442.  467;  Foies  may 
flee  to,  486.  488:  enemies  of  Hurons, 
360 ;      make     peace     with     ojlbwaa, 

107.  108 ;  obltjted  by  Perrot  to 
retrain  from  attacking  Foxes,  1B3-J67  ; 
form  alliance  with  French.  178 ; 
trade  with   them,   143.   144.  161.   164, 

108,  209 :  Jesuits  open  tnlsslon  aroanv. 
427,  428 :  post  established  amonjt.  441. 
442.  488:  at  Green  Bay.  417:  In 
Wisconsin.  103:  Infest  upper  Missis 
stppl.  417 ;  mmpared  to  Iroquois.  65. 
80.     Sloqi    ot    the    Flait     (Istn-ya-tl. 


Santee),  location,  104;  eDnmeratloll, 
103 :  dominate  other  tribes,  188,  187 ; 
rob  French,  188.  Sloui  ot  the  Wtmt, 
location,  188,  187;  enumeration,  JOS, 
occupations,  87. 

BUtiQuog,  rattle  o(  medlclne-man,  do- 
scribed,  367. 

Skins,  wrapped  around  medic Ine-ponch, 
46 :  used  to  cover  bouaea,  270. 

Skank*cabba.Ba  (8vnipiDcariiu'  /ostidiu), 
361. 

8ki',  revered  as  a  divinity,  16,  34,  36. 

Slavery,  the  lot  ot  captlvea.  7 :  alml- 
lahed  In  Canada,  31.  See  alao  Cap- 
Slaves,  80,  46,  102,  284,  308,  846,  410, 
420,  434,  436,  444^61,  454.  467 ; 
u  presents,  123 :  amoni  Indiana,  70, 
276,  343;  held  by  French.  30.  295, 
332.  340,  378,  370,  4S4,  461'_by  BUK- 
Ush,  332. 

Sleeves,  an  article  of  trade.  384. 

Bmallpoi,  among  Indians,  237,  346,  347; 
among  French,  347.  See  also  Epidem- 
ics, and  Pestilence. 

Smith,  William  R.,  Hiitorji  ot  WtocoH- 
»(«,  cited,  287. 

Snake- root,  00. 

Soap,  prices,  405. 

Sodomy,  practiced  among  Wlnnebagoes,  4. 

Bokokls  (Sokokl),  Atgonqulan  tribe,  lo- 
cation, 102. 

Sol  (aoa),  French  coin,  value.  400. 

Soldiers,  80,  81;  In  fur  trade,  1^6:  Il- 
licit tradera,  174,  175 :  treatment  of, 
244  :  allowed  lo  marry,  333  ;  desertera, 
444  :  their  pay,  472. 

SongaxiultoQi,  Dakotan  band.  103,  194. 
See  ChonkasketoDB. 

Songs,   employed    by    medicine-men,    36. 

SonnontousQ,  Seneca  village,  location, 
60. 

BonontouBns  (SonnoDtwan),  a  Seneca 
band,  130,  316,  373.     See  Senecaa. 

Sorcery,  among  Indians,  411 ;  dreaded  by 


!  dead.     See  Indian  religious  be- 


liefs, 

SouoIbs,    Huron   chief,   envoy   t 
nac,   187. 

South  Bend,  Ind..  127,  372. 

South  Sea.  appellation  ot  Pacific  Ocean, 
48,  86.  BS,  418. 

SpaalardB,  92,  414 ;  aeek  to  control  Mia- 
sisslppl.  203  ;  search  tor  gold  at  Eas- 
kaskla,  325 :  relics  at,  fannd  among 
Indians.  413,  414:  defeated  by  Otoea. 
413 :  colonlra  at,  supposed  to  exist 
north  of  New  Mexico,  417;  St.  Lodla 
belongs  to,  443. 


INDEX. 


511 


SpeaxB,  used  by  Indians  In  fishing,  8. 
Spirit,  Great,  liow  regarded  by  Indians, 

6. 
Spirits,  good  and  evil,  50;  involved,  43, 

48,  40,  51,  93 ;  guardian  of  animals, 

416 ;  Frenchmen  regarded  as,  38,  34 ; 

possessors  of  firearms  regarded  as,  15, 

16. 
Squashes,  cultivated  by  Indians,  67,  363, 

367 ;  at  Chequamegon,  20. 
SUrved  Rocic,  324  ;  La  Salle's  fort  on, 

99,  100.     See  Le  Rocher. 
Stickney,    G.    P.,    Indian    Use    of    Wild 

Rice,  cited,  9. 
Stone  Implements,  15,  45 ;  used  by  Win- 

nebagoes,   4 — by   Ottawas,    159. 
Strachey,  William,  cited,  71. 
Straits,  Lake  Erie,  126,  131 ;  Mackinac, 

width,  351. 
Sturgeon.    37,    38,    410;    attains    great 

size,  365 ;  abundant  at  Green  Bay,  86 ; 

in  Great  Lakes,  354  ;  how  captured,  8, 

68 ;  caught  by  Indians,  9. 
Sugar,  prices,  405 ;  how  made  from  ma- 
ple-sap, 197. 
Suicide,  among  Indians,  460. 
Sulphur,  prices,  405. 
Sulpltlan     missionaries,     230 ;     explora- 
tions by,  63. 
Suite,     Benjamin,     M6lange$     d'histoire, 

cited,  2. 
Sun,  honors  paid  to.  36.  43,  44,  46,  51, 

53.   54 ;   personified,  51.  52 ;   regarded 

as  divinity,    16,  34,   36,   38,   82,  416; 

Invoked.  93,  156,  157 ;  bestows  calumet 

on  Pawnees,  27. 
Sun-dogs,  80.     See  Parhelia. 
Sunflower   (Helianthua),  roots  eaten  by 

Indians,  196.     See  also  Artichoke. 
Surgeons,  maintained  at  posts.  472. 
Swans,  feed  on  wild  rice,  68.  69. 
Swine,  raised  by  habitants.  374. 
Swivel-puns    (cannon),    at   Detroit,   270, 

272.  275,  283.     See  also  Cannon. 


Tailhan,  Jules,  Jesuit  editor,  cited, 
10,  25,  33. 

Talllandler,  — ,  453. 

Talon.  Jean.  Intendant  of  New  Prance, 
88,  115  :  sends  Jollet  to  explore  Mis- 
sissippi, 89 :  sketch,  76. 

Tamaroas  (Tamarols.  Thamarols),  Illi- 
nois tribe.  180,  181 ;  location,  179 ; 
coureurs  de  bols  resort  to.  331,  332 ; 
Joined  by  Metchlgamlas.  454. 

Tanguay,  Abb6  Cyprlen,  cited,  440. 

Tarento.  127.     See  Toronto. 


Tattooing,  374  ;  employed  by  Wlsconsla 
tribes,  43. 

Taxes,  levied  by  fur-trade  monopolista, 
210 — in  Detroit  colony,  264 ;  farmed, 
473. 

Tchiduakouingoues,  Miami  band,  152. 

Teatiky,  394,  399.  See  Elvers.  Kanka- 
kee and  Theakiki. 

Teeoskahtay,  178.     See  Tioscat6. 

Teganlsorens,  Iroquois  chief,  bring! 
rum  to  Fort  Frontenac,  336. 

T&tes  de  Boule,  French  appellation  of 
Algonquian  tribe,  history,  114,  115. 

TCtes  plattes  (Testes  plattes),  376;  ap- 
pellation of  Southern  tribes,  315; 
tribes  included,  364;  at  war  witk 
Foxes,  422,  423 ;  attacked  by  Iroqnoli, 
321. 

Thamarols,  331.     See  Tamaroas. 

Thaumur  (Thomur)  de  la  Source,  Semi- 
nary priest,  superior  of  Illinois  mis- 
sions, 453 ;  at  Cahokla.  461 ;  letter  to 
Dutlsne,  453-455 ;  sketch,  456. 

Theakiki  (Teatiky,  Tatlky),  382.  See 
Rivers,  Kankakee. 

Three  Rivers,  Que..  French  post.  2,  14, 
23  ;  Algonkins  take  refuge  at,  11. 

Thunder,  revered  by  Indians,  416. 

Thun^s,  Madeleine,  marriages.  424  ;  sells 
brandy  Illegally,  424-426 ;  sketch,  424. 

Thwaltes,  R.  G.,  works  cited — Father 
Marquette,  89;  "Story  of  Chequame- 
gon," 380.     See  also  Jesuit  Relations, 

Tinder,  used  in  making  fire,  43. 

Tinsel  lace,  prices,  401,  402. 

Tlntanaoughlatons.  Slouan  tribe,  mean- 
ing of  name,  193. 

TIntons,  Indian  band,  362. 

Tlonnontates  (Tlonnontatez,  Tlonon- 
tat^),  77,  166,  167,  224.  See  Tobacco 
Hurons. 

Tloscat^  (Teeoskahtay),  Sioux  chlet 
dies  at  Montreal,  178,  190. 

Tobacco,  124,  273.  283,  368;  varieties, 
384  ;  cultivated  by  Indians,  67 ;  offered 
to  deities,  34— to  spirits.  44,  51,  66, 
71,  93,  99:  smoked  at  councils,  118; 
Slouan  mode  of  smoking,  187 :  as  pres- 
ents, 41,  145 :  supplied  by  French  to 
savages,  356 ;  used  as  money,  22 ; 
prices,  198,  402-406. 

Tobacco  Hurons,  Jesuits  with,  85. 

Tobacco  Nation,  60.     See  Wyandots. 

Tobacco-pipes,  as  presents,  284. 

Tolse,  French  linear  measure,  value. 
342. 

Toll,  paid  at  grist-mill,  252. 

Tomahawks,   164,   165,  234,  236,  254. 

Tonnere,  313.     See  Le  Tonnerre. 


512 


WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS. 


Tonty.  Alphonse  de.  241,  433  ;  complaints 
against.  243  ;  commands  Fort  Fronte- 
nac,  247  ;  accused  of  contraband  trad- 
ing, 247  :  commandant  of  Detroit,  427  ; 
difficulties  with  Detroit  habitants  re- 
garding Indian  trade,  471-475 :  loses 
Detroit  post,  475 ;  plundered  by  Foxes, 
459 ;  sketch,  201 :  letter  to  Itamezay, 
422-427;  cited,  303. 

Tonty,  Henri  de,  111,  175,  285;  desires 
to  establish  post  among  Mlamis,  213 ; 
sltetch,  165. 

Tooker,  W.  W.,  BocootatcanaMkes,  cited, 
71. 

Tools,  prices,  401-406. 

Toronto  (Tarento,  Torento),  128;  appli- 
cation of  name,  127. 

Totems,  clan  symbols,  40. 

Touchouaesintons,  Siouan  tribe,  mean- 
ing of  name,  103. 

Toulouse  (Toulouse),  comte  de,  340,  386. 
See  liourbon,  L.  A.  de. 

Toupikanich,  an  Indian,  232,  233,  236. 

Touraine.  French  province,  location,  129. 

Tracy,  Alexandre  de  ProuvlUe,  marquis 
de,  14 ;  sends  Alloues  to  Algonkin 
tribes,  69 ;  Lake  Superior  named  for, 
31. 

Trade  (Intertribal),  4,  12;  among  tribes 
about  Lake  Superior,  32,  59;  North- 
western tribes,  64,  77,  78;  Ottawas 
and  Northern  tribes,  21 ;  Ottawas  and 
Pottawattomies,  47,  48;  Sioux  and 
OJibwas.  108;  Sioux  and  Ottawas,  19. 
See  Commerce  and  Fur  trade. 

Trade-permits,  granted  by  governor,  110. 
See  Licenses. 

Traders,  at  Green  Bay,  80 ;  maltreat  In- 
dians, 70 ;  complaints  against,  451 ; 
unscrupulous  conduct,  462. 

Travel,  routes  of,  to  Northwest,  305. 

Treaties,  Algonquins  and  Iroquois,  1 ; 
French  and  Indians,  11.  200,  21C,  223, 
otl,  346;  Ottawas  and  Iroquois,  12, 
02  :  Ottawas  and  Sioux,  28 ;  Wlnneba- 
goes  and  Tlurons,  1,  2;  Ryswlck 
(1697),  178;  Utrecht,  292,  290,  317; 
cited.  310. 

'»'re«»8.  split  by  cold.  197. 

Trempealeau,  Wis.,  Perrot's  fort  near, 
154. 

Trlpr  de  rochc  (rock  tripe),  described. 
24  ;  as  food,  80. 

Trout,  size,  354. 

Tsonnontouan,  69,  134,  140.  See  Senecas, 
and  Sonnontouan. 

Tnllle.  France,  guns  of,  401. 

Turkey,  wild,  366;  described,  69. 


Turner,  A.  J.,  antiquarian,  cited,   42. 
Tuscaroras.  Iroquois  tribe,  history,  315; 

join  Iroquois.  321. 
Twine,  for  nets.  124  ;  prices,  401.  404. 

U.  S.  Bit  REAL'  or  Ethnology,  Reports, 
cited,  9,  40,  194,  367,  370. 

U.  fi.  Catholic  UiHtorical  Mapctsfne,  cited, 
6U. 

U.  S.  Geographical  and  Geological  Sur- 
vey, publications,  cited.  194. 

U.  8.  National  museum.  Report,  cited* 
43. 

Upper  Nations,  201,  220,  432.  See  Al- 
gonkins. 

Utensils,  shells,  67 ;  of  bark.  72. 

Utlca,  La  Salle  county.  III.,  96,  100. 

Vaillant  de  Gueslls,  Francois,  Jesuit,  In 
Iroquois  mission,  131 ;  letter  to  Cad- 
illac. 206. 

Valloln.  Brother  — ,  at  Mackinac,  131. 

Varlet,  Dominique  Marie,  French  priest* 
missionary  to  Illinois.  374 ;  sketch* 
374. 

Vaudreull  (Veaudreuil),  Philippe  de  Bl- 
gault.  marquis  de,  governor  of  New 
France,  232,  259.  261,  30(V-302.  346. 
386,  387.  391.  392.  398.  427,  445,  447, 
440 ;  king's  instructions  to.  230 ;  offi- 
cial conduct,  242-248 ;  censured  by 
French  government,  229-232 ;  accusa- 
tions against.  245,  246,  259.  262,  433 ; 
reproached  by  savages,  321  ;  restrains 
Abenakis.  432 ;  policy  towards  Foxes, 
298-307 :  plans  for  expedition  against 
them,  318  :  confers  with  Fox  envoys, 
378,  379 :  rt^stralns  Iroquois,  241 :  re- 
port of  his  conference  with  Indian  en- 
voys, 221-227 :  got^n  to  France.  .'^20, 
320 :  sketch.  220 :  letters  by,  220.  221, 
240-242,  249.  250,  263-265,  298-300, 
30.S-307.  341-345,  377-383,  392-400, 
428-431,  433-444;  cited.  241,  385- 
,387,  391,   422-426,  443.   463. 

Vaudreull,  Mme.  de.  her  relatives,  231. 

YensR.  a  Metchigamia,  captured  by 
Foxes.    464. 

Vermillion,  376;  used  as  paint.  41,  .366. 
367;  prices,  288,  402.  403.  406.  See 
also  Paint. 

Verwyst.  Chrysostom,  MiAsionttry  JLo- 
horn,  cited,  32,  .39.  42. 

Villaire,  the  social  unit  of  New  France, 
350. 

Vllle.  Jean  Marie  de.  Jesuit,  mission- 
ary  to  the  Illinois.  311 ;  cited,  303, 
317,  318,  325. 


INDEX. 


513 


TilIedonn6  (Vlldonnfi),  —  de,  com- 
mandant at  St.  Joseph,  445-^50,  456 ; 
letter,  448,  440. 

Vlllemarle  ("city  of  Mary"),  origin  of 
name,  125.    See  Montreal. 

VilUers.  —  de,  commandant  at  St.  Jo- 
seph river,  extraordinary  expenses 
repaid,  470. 

Villiers,  Louis  Coulon  de,  sketch,  386. 

YiUiers,  Neyon  de.  sketch,  386. 

Vincennes,  Francois  Morgane,  sleur  de, 
founder  of  Post  Vincennes,  influence 
with  Indians,  443 ;  should  be  pro- 
moted, 444. 

Vincennes  (Vlncenne,  Vinsenne),  Jean 
Baptlste  Rissot,  sieur  de,  231,  268, 
302,  323,  325,  450;  despatched  to 
Quebec.  267;  at  Detroit,  270,  283 — at 
siege  of,  294 ;  at  Maumee  river,  286 ; 
commended  by  Dubuisson,  287 ;  pun- 
ished for  contraband  trading,  228, 
220,  231 ;  subdues  Foxes,  204 ;  com- 
mandant among  Miamis,  306 ;  escorts 
them  to  Montreal,  377 ;  attempts  to 
pacify  Indians,  302,  304 ;  secures 
peace  between  the  Miamis  and  Illi- 
nois, 313  ;  pacifies  Ouiatanons,  436 ; 
death,  382;  sketch,  228;  cited,  317, 
325,  345. 

Virginia.  57,  325;  English  colony,  345. 

Voyageurs.  10,  170,  287,  333.  423,  426 ; 
hardships  of  their  life,  357 ;  food  pro- 
vided for.  302;  plundered,  437,  438; 
act  as  militia,  160 ;  recalled,  173 ;  law- 
less, abandon  upper  country.  348,  340 ; 
illicit  traders.  388;  in  war  against 
Foxes.  200.  320-331,  330.  See  also 
Coureurs  de  bois. 


Wabasha  county,  Minn.,  183. 
Wabecoukeasata,   an   Illinois,   burned  by 

Foxes.  460. 
Wabecoupiseta,    an    Illinois,    burned    by 

Foxes,  460. 
Wachatech^,  a  Fox.  treachery,  460. 
Wages,  of  canoemen,  407. 
Waknndapl   (Ouacantapai,  Wahkantape), 

hereditary  Siouan  appellation  of  chief. 

187. 
Wahpetons    (Ouaepetons),    Santee   band. 

193.   104. 
Waist-clothn,     how     made.     371,     872 ; 

price,  400.     See  Breech-clouts. 
Walnuts,  wild,  360:  at  Detroit,  120. 
Wampum,     as     ornament.     281 ;     beads, 

woven   Into   a  belt,   161.     See   Beads, 

Porcelain,  and  Presents. 
War-Pl!ibs.    40,    43.    145,   444.   445.    440. 

459.  464. 


Wars :  Iroquois  and  Illinois,  13  ;  Iro- 
quois and  French,  14 ;  Ottawas  and 
Iroquois,  11,  12 ;  Sioux  and  Ottawas, 
15-17 ;  Sioux  and  Ilurona,  16-10 ; 
Sioux  and  Northern  tribes.  20 ;  among 
Wisconsin  Indians.  3-6 ;  tribes  near 
Lake  Superior,  114 ;  French  and  Eng- 
lish, 224-227  ;  Fox  plan  for,  306,  307. 

Waseganensa,  an  Illinois,  burned  by 
Foxes,  460. 

Watermelons,  raised  by  Indians,  354, 
363;   367. 

Waupaca  county.  Wis.,  30. 

Wawaiatlon,  152,  161.     See  Ouiatanons. 

Wazl-Kute  (Ouasicoutetons),  Santee 
band,  103,  104. 

Weas.  152.     See  Ouiatanons. 

Western  Sea,  route  to,  01.  408,  441. 

Wheat,  124;  raised  by  Indians,  368. 
374 ;  sown  in  autumn,  374. 

Whlteflsh.  370 ;  described.  354 :  finest, 
in  St.  Mary's  river,  26;  taken  by  In- 
dians. 8;  cooked  with  cornmeal.  855. 

Wilamak,  Pottawattomie  chief,  301.  See 
Oulamex. 

Wildcat.  365.     See  Cat,  wild. 

Wine,  prices,  403. 

Winnebago  county.  Wis.,  42;  beauty,  81. 

Wlnnebagoes  (Ovenlbigoutz.  Puants), 
Siouan  tribe.  41.  66-68.  05;  etymol- 
ogy of  name,  3:  location,  1,  2.  66, 
181.  400.  411.  412.  434;  population, 
7,  289.  371;  language.  412;  charac- 
ter. 4.  7.  412.  414  ;  agility,  416 ;  clean- 
est among  savages,  360;  a  powerful 
tribe,  4 ;  dependent  on  French,  7 ; 
traits  of  their  women.  7 ;  make  peace 
with  Hurons.  1,  2;  their  chief 
thwarts  Fox  conspiracy.  143.  144 ;  al- 
lies of  Foxes.  464,  467;  hostliltlee 
with  OJIbwas.  340,  444 ;  attack  Sioux, 
181:  def«»nted  by  Illinois.  411.  412; 
.Jesuits  with.  66:  chief  friendly  to 
French.  158;  depopulated,  66;  early 
history,  4-7.     See  also  Puants. 

Winnipeg  (Oulnlpeg).  etymology  of 
name,  3. 

Wisconsin.  15.  65,  84,  87,  04.  05.  07- 
09.  113.  146.  360;  climate,  22; 
beauty  of  eastern  and  southern  parts, 
409.  411:  Indian  tribes  In.  2.  80: 
Nlcolet  visits.  1-3:  Radlsson  and 
Grosellllers  visit,  20.  21  ;  French  forts 
In.  10;  Ilurons  flee  to.  17.  22,  28; 
Iroquois  raid  into.  10-13,  132;  pos- 
session taken  by  France.  346. 

WiMoon^tn  HUtnriral  CoUeriionn,  cited, 
1.  10.  19.  21.  79.  141,  151.  154.  104. 
228.  .^44,  380.  386.  463.  472. 

Witchcraft,  missionaries  accused  of,  101. 


514  WISCONSIN   HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 

Wom«D,  barn«d  at  itake,  239,  272.    Sec  Taxktoxs.  Dakotan  band.  1S9.  194. 

also  Indian  woman.  ;  Yellow  ferer.  at  Mobile,  165. 

Wool,  of  buffalo,  span  by  Indiana.  374.    |  Toala.  459.     See  lowaa. 
Wjandota,  Tarloaa  namea.  77 ;  near  Cbe- 1  Ttay^a,  444.     See  Ottawaa. 

qoamegon.  60 ;  at  Lake  Saperior,  77.  ['"'^    • 


'. 


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