The French Revolution of 1830; the events which produced it, and the scenes by which it was accompanied

THE

FRENCH REVOLUTION
OF 1830.

LONDON :

JBOTSON AND PALMEB, PRINTERS, SAVOY STREET, STRAND.

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THE

FRENCH REVOLUTION

OF 1830;

THE EVENTS WHICH PRODUCED IT,

SCENES BY WHICH IT WAS ACCOMPANIED.

BY D. TURNBULL, ESQ.

LONDON :

HENRY COLBURN AND RICHARD BENTLEY,

NEW BURLINGTON STREET.

1830.

PREFACE,

In sending this Volume to its public account,
the Editor relies on some indulgence being ex-
tended to him in consideration of the double
disadvantage under which he has been placed,
in his distance from London, and in the cir-
cumstance of the despatch that has been solicited
of him.

In the course of the narrative the Editor has
purposely avoided pressing the names of his coun-
trymen conspicuously forward, as participators in
the noble struggle which he has undertaken to
describe. The French people are conscious of
the sympathy which has been felt in England,
and still more by the English residents in France,
for the glorious cause which was at issue in the

vi PREFACE.

last week of July, 1830. They are proud of that
sympathy, from the evidence it bears to the good-
ness of their cause, on the part of a people who
have long been habituated to the forms of free-
dom. This feeling has produced, in all the
French accounts of the Revolution, so many state-
ments of the assistance afforded by Englishmen,
that even to transcribe them would be to claim
for our countrymen a degree of merit to which
they cannot be entitled. When uttered by a
Frenchman, such statements are not unbecoming,
although tinged with some degree of generous
exaggeration ; but in an English work it has been
thought necessary to reject unsparingly whatever
could not bear the test of cool examination and
inquiry.

Among the English sufferers were Mr. Madden,
resident at Passy, in the neighbourhood of Paris,
who, after having been dangerously wounded in
the head, was pursued by one of the lancers, and
owed his life to one of his own workmen, who
was fighting by his side, and brought down his
adversary with a pistol shot.

At Lawson's Hotel, in the Rue Saint Honore,
a young Englishman, Mr. Foulkes, was shot in

PREFACE. vn

the balcony which overlooks the street, by a party
of gen-d'armes, on Tuesday afternoon, soon after
the commencement of the contest. It has been
said, that Mr. Foulkes had shared in the struggle,
and had been actively engaged in throwing stones
from the window. On inquiry, however, it ap-
pears that this was not the fact, but that stones
had been thrown on the military from one of the
adjoining houses, and that the party exposed on
the balcony had been mistaken for the actual
assailants. In this hotel there were several
other casualties ; two of the waiters having been
wounded, and a shot having passed through the
hair of one of our fair countrywomen, while sit-
ting near the window of an apartment overlook-
ing the street.

There are a number of English gentlemen of
the medical profession established in Paris, many
of whom distinguished themselves by their atten-
tions to the wounded, and more than one of them
by assistance of a more hazardous nature. Among
those most prominent were Dr. Bradley, Mr.
Shrimpton, of the Rue Vivienne, Mr. Donald-
son, and Mr. Roberts, of the London Dispensary,
in the Place Vendome. Mr. Donaldson was one

viii PREFACE.

of the party who attacked and carried the Swiss
barracks in the Rue de Babylone. He was also
one of the first to enter the Tuileries, and after-
wards formed part of the extraordinary expe-
dition to Rambouillet.

Mr. Smith, the English printer, had long been
spoken of by the French in terms of respect and
attachment, from his disinterested services at
the period of the second restoration, and during
the occupation of the capital by the Allies. As
soon as the ordinances appeared, on the 26th of
July, Mr. Smith shut up his printing-office, dis-
missed the greater part of his workmen, and en-
gaged, heart and hand, in the cause of liberty.
In this he had the more merit, as the success of
the Revolution was certainly to produce the abo-
lition of that monopoly which added so materi-
ally to the value of his licence as a printer.
Having supplied himself and his workmen with
arms and ammunition, he assisted in person at
the construction of the barricades, particularly
those of the Porte Saint Denis, and the Porte
Saint Martin. On the 27th and 28th, he acted
independently as a sharp-shooter on the Boule-
vards ; but, on the 29th, he joined the main body

PREFACE. [x

in the attack on the Louvre, and was afterwards
one of the first who entered the Tuileries. Just
before the capture of that palace, an attempt was
made to dislodge a party of the Royal Guards,
who had entrenched themselves in a house at
the corner of the Rue Saint Nicaise, (which
communicates between the Rue Rivoli, and the
Rue Saint Honor e,) from whence they had
long* been pouring a destructive fire upon the
people.

Mr. Smith had for some time assisted in re-
turning this fire from the opposite corner of the
street, but, finding that in this position he was
fighting at great disadvantage, he rushed across
it, followed by two of his workmen, and two
friends ; and having burst into the house, as-
cended the staircase, entered the room, from the
windows of which the Guards were firing, and,
with a pistol in each hand, required the party to
surrender. Finding themselves thus attacked in
front and rear, the Guards were compelled to
deliver up their arms, but not until one of Mr.
Smith's workmen had been killed by his side, and
one of his friends, M. Leblanc, had been severely
wounded. Fifty or sixty muskets were thus pro-

x PREFACE.

cured, and were immediately handed over to
such of the citizens as were still unprovided with
arms, to assist in the final attack on the last
strong-hold of the royalists.

It is not intended here to attempt an enume-
ration of all the instances of British gallantry
which occurred in the course of this memorable
struggle. But the names of Mr. Workman, Mr.
Mac-Cue, the English restaurateur, of the Palais
Royal, Mr. Goldsmith, the dentist, Mr. Lindo,
of the house of Orr and Goldsmith, and Mr.
Cartwright, of the Quartier du Petit Carreau,
are all mentioned with such applause in the
French accounts of the Revolution, that it would
be injustice to withhold their names.

A full account will be found, in the course
of this work, of the disorderly retreat of the
Royalists, after their expulsion from the capital,
on the 29th of July. A party of the fugitives
of the Royal Guard, instead of joining the co-
lumn which retired by the barrier de l'Etoile,
had concealed themselves for some hours in
the suburbs, and, about five o'clock in the
afternoon, entered the house of Mr. Caton,
clerk to Mr. Sloper, the English solicitor, who

PREFACE. xi

resides in the Allee d'Antin, a small street
connected with the Champs Elysees. They
were upwards of thirty in number. In their
flight from their pursuers, they came to ask for
shelter and protection. Mr. Caton declared
that he was ready to do all he could for men
reduced to such an extremity; but that, being
an Englishman, he was placed in a situation of
great difficulty, if not of personal danger. He
added, that if they would deliver up their arms,
and betake themselves to his cellar, as a place of
temporary security, he would himself be the
bearer of their capitulation ; and to prove his
sincerity, would leave his wife and children
behind him as hostages for their safety. To
this proposal the fugitives readily agreed ; and
their protector, having left the house to execute
his mission, soon met a strong party of the victo-
rious citizens, whom he instantly accosted, an-
nouncing himself as an Englishman and a friend
to liberty, and stating that a party of the van-
quished were then his prisoners. " Trusting to
your generosity," he added, " I have promised
them their lives, and have left my wife and
children as hostages for their safety." On this

xii PREFACE.

appeal the citizens readily agreed to corroborate
the pledge which Mr. Caton had given ; and, on
the prisoners surrendering themselves, provided
them with coloured clothes in exchange for their
uniforms, so as to make it safe for them to sepa-
rate, and return to Paris individually, or pro-
ceed, if they preferred it, to the provisional
camp which had already been established at
Vaugirard, for the reception of deserters from
the royalist cause.

It is satisfactory to the Editor to be able to give
a statement, on the authority of the Minister of the
Interior, of the total number of sufferers by the
events in the French capital during the three
great days of July last. In the nature of things
the statement can only be an approximation to
the truth, since the data it is founded upon have
been obtained only by means of the applications
made to participate in the fund of seven millions
of francs, created by the law of the 30th of August
last, for the purpose of providing a national re-
compense to the wounded, and to the aged
parents, the widows, and children of the dead.

It appears that the number of the wounded
who have not been so mutilated as to be

PREFACE. xiii

rendered incapable of resuming their ordinary
labour, amounts to three thousand five hundred
and sixty-four. Those who have suffered ampu-
tation of a limb, or have been otherwise incapa-
citated from their usual employments, amount to
three hundred and eleven. Three hundred old
men have been found entitled to the benefit of
the fund, from the loss of sons on whom they
depended for support. The number of widows
already admitted is also three hundred ; and of
orphans, five hundred. The manner in which
the three last numbers are stated is not so explicit
as could be wished, but it suffices to show that
the amount of the causualties has been greatly
exaggerated in the statements which have been
published ; since the probability is, that claims
have been advanced, from one quarter or another,
in the great majority of cases; and although a sin-
gle citizen could leave but one widow, it is clear
that one death might produce a claim, not from
the widow merely, but from the parents and the
children of the deceased. The official report
from which these numbers are taken is dated the
9th of October, when the whole of the claims,
arising from the death of relations, amounted to

xiv PREFACE.

eleven hundred ; but no means are afforded for
reducing* this number to its correct amount, in
consequence of a plurality of claims having- arisen
from the death of the same individual.

The widows of the killed are to receive from
the national fund an annuity of five hundred
francs ; fathers and mothers, above sixty years of
age, an annuity of three hundred francs, with
reversion to the survivor ; orphans under seven
years of age, an annuity of two hundred and fifty
francs. Between the ages of seven and eighteen,
the latter are to be educated at the public expense,
in special establishments created for that purpose,
where they are to receive instruction suited to
their sex, and calculated to insure them their
means of livelihood. As to the wounded, those
who have suffered the loss of a limb, or any
equivalent casualty, are to have the option of
being admitted into the Hotel des Invalides, or
of receiving the annuity paid to the out-pen-
sioners of that institution ; and those who have
not been permanently disabled, are to receive a
present payment, as an indemnity, to be fixed
in each particular case by the committee ap-
pointed by the Chamber of Deputies. Of the

PREFACE. xv

seven millions of francs voted by the Chamber,
four millions six hundred thousand have been
applied to the purchase of annuities, and the
remainder to the payment of these immediate
indemnities.

Rue Neuve St. Augustin, No. 59.
26tk October, 1830.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

Remarks on the position and conduct of the Bourbon family in
France; Insincere promises given at the Restoration; Re-
invasion of France, after the Battle of Waterloo ; Anecdote, ex-
planatory of the feeling with regard to the Bourbons, among the
Allies in 1814, and the French people in 1815 ; Summary of the
course pursued by Louis XVIII. ; Recognition of the Charter,
the result of prudence, rather than inclination ; Assassination of
the Duke de Berri, and accession of M. de Villele to the Mi-
nistry ; Influence of the counter-revolutionary Party ; Its increase
through the failure of the Insurrection in Spain ; Commence-
ment of the reign of Charles X. ; The National Guard dis-
banded ; Machinations against the Liberty of the Press ; Crea-
tion of new Peerages, for political purposes ; Its effect counter-
acted by the new Elections to the Chamber of Deputies ;
Accession of the Martignac Ministry ; Its popularity and over-
throw ; The Polignac Administration ; Cabals and quarrels ;
Assembly and Dissolution of the Chambers ; Individual changes
in the Ministry, with the object of furthering the arbitrary mea-
sures in contemplation . . . 1

CHAPTER II.

Containing at full length the Report of the Ministry, and the
Royal Ordinances of the 25th July, 1830 . . .22

b

xviii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER III.

Effects produced among the Parisians by the announcement of the
obnoxious ordinances in the Muniteur; Conduct variously held
by the proprietors of the constitutional journals ; Reasons assigned
for the first hesitation of the influential classes; Prohibitory
measures adopted by the police ; Protest of the Parisian jour-
nalists ; Suspension of commercial confidence ; Confluence of
people at the Palais Royal ; Eccentricities of the Marquis de
Chabannes; Conduct of the gen-d'armerie; Tumultuous assem-
bly in the Champs Elysees, and singular escape of the Prince de
Polignac 40

CHAPTER IV.

Condition of affairs in regard to the new Election of Deputies ;
Meeting of Members at the house of M. Casimir Perier, with
the Protest issued by them ; Crowd attracted by the occasion ;
First scene of bloodshed ; Destruction by the Police of the
printing-presses belonging to the National and the Times ; Anec-
dote ; Legal proceedings between the printers and the proprietors
of certain Journals; Affair of Lapelouze and Chatelain versus
Laguionie ; Command of the Troops assigned to the Duke of
Ragusa ; Preparations for resistance on the part of the people,

56

CHAPTER V.

Positions occupied by the troops of the line ; Punishment inflicted
on certain police agents ; Disinclination of the troops of the line
to act against the people, and causes for this feeling ; Concilia-
tory messages on both sides ; Assignment to the Royal Guard of
the station in front of the Palais Royal; Offensive operations
commenced by them, conjointly with the Lancers ; Anecdotes ;
The guard-house near the Exchange fired by the people ; Active
arrangements for defence made by the populace during the night;
Unpaving and barricading of the streets ; The Marseillois Hymn,
and its exciting effects . . ' . . . .71

CHAPTER VI.

Formidable appearance of Paris on the morning of the 28th of July ;
Organization of the National Guard, on behalf of the popular

CONTENTS. xix

cause; Destruction of various tributes to Royalty; Mean con-
duct of many retainers of the Court; General extension of the
conflict ; Proceedings in the Faubourg St. Antoine ; Charge
made by the Cuirassiers of the Guard, and followed by the ex-
pulsion of the troops from the Rue St. Antoine ; Desperate con-
test in the Boulevard du Temple; An illustrative Letter . 8G

CHAPTER VII.

Successful mode of annoyance practised against the gen-d'armerie;
Desperate struggle near the Porte St. Denis ; Heroism of Captain
Thierri ; Fine trait of coolness and humanity ; Royal Ordinance,
declaring the capital in a state of siege; The Duke of Ragusa
takes the command of the soldiery, heads a charge in person,
and is driven back into the Place des Victoires; Honourable in-
stances of moderation in the people ; Order issued by the Pre-
fect of Police ; The veteran hero and the Lancers ; Want of
provisions among the royal troops ; their growing disinclination
to the service imposed on them ; Resignation of Count La Tour
du Pin, captain of the Royal Guard .... 103

CHAPTER VIII.

Occurrences on the left bank of the Seine ; Popular organization,
directed by the pupils of the Polytechnic School; Generous promp-
titude of the students of law and medicine ; Places of general
rendezvous; Attack on the Swiss barracks in the Rue de Baby-
lone ; Letter descriptive of that movement, and its successful
issue . • • • • • .117

CHAPTER IX.

Popular attack on the Island of La Cite ; Destruction of the Archie-
piscopal Palace ; Sanguinary engagements in the Place de Greve ;
Obstinate contests for the occupation of the Hotel de Ville;
Final expulsion of the royalist forces from that position ; Various
traits of courage ; Conduct of the Duke of Ragusa; Behaviour
of the troops of the Line, contrasted with that of the Royal
Guard ; Conciliation of the former to the national cause ; Enthu-
siastic spirit among the members of the Bar . . . 128

xx CONTENTS.

CHAPTER X.

Proceedings in the vicinity of the Palais Royal ; Amount and distribu-
tion of Marshal Marmont's force ; Various Attacks on the People ;
Increase of the National Guard; Difficulties of the Royalists, and
consequent restriction of their field of operations ; Advantages en-
joyed by the popular side, contrasted with the destitution of the
soldiery, as to provisions, treatment of the wounded, &c. ; Move-
ments of General St. Chamans ; Order of the Day from Marshal
Marmont; Particulars respecting the state of the King and
Court at St. Cloud 141

CHAPTER XL

Measures connected with the Provisional Government ; Proclama-
tion signed in the name of the Deputies of France ; Letters on
that subject ; Unsuccessful Deputation to the Duke of Ragusa :
Announcement from the Provisional Government ; Detail of the
Conferences of M Bayeux, the advocate-general, with the Mi-
nistry and the Duke of Ragusa . 150

CHAPTER XII.

Reflections on the preceding events; Renewed efforts of the
Parisians ; Marmont concentrates his force on the 29th of July,
and issues a Proclamation without effect ; General Gerard as-
sumes the command of the popular forces; Attack on the Louvre,
and dislodgement of the Swiss troops from thence; Hesitation
manifested among the Royal Guard ; Various anecdotes con-
nected with the struggle at the Louvre .... 170

CHAPTER XIII.

Increased defection of the regular troops ; Success of the final po-
pular attack on the Tuileries, conducted by General Gerard;
Causes that facilitated this result; Dislodgment of two regiments
of the Royalists from the garden of the Tuileries ; Generosity
shown towards the Royal Guard ; Release of the persons confined
in the cellars of the Tuileries; Detail of their previous sufferings ;
Cessation of hostilities ; General appearance of things at this pe-
riod; Sentiments and conduct of the people . . . 183

CONTENTS. xxi

CHAPTER XIV.

Progress in the re-organization of the National Guard, and the
arrangement of the Provisional Government; Lafayette's Procla-
mation and Order of the Day; Manifesto from the Municipal
Commission ; account of the individuals who signed it; State of
the Royal Family at St, Cloud; Confused behaviour of Polignac;
Tardy and useless endeavour at conciliation; Reflections on the
posture of affairs ; Treatment of Marmont by the Duke D'An-
gouleme 196

CHAPTER XV.

Hasty rally of the Royal forces, previously to their evacuation of
Paris ; Their departure ; Occupation of the Tuileries by a party
of the National Guard; Attempts at plunder successfully resisted ;
Discoveries in the Royal Apartments; Various anecdotes ; Traits
of female heroism ; incidents connected with the retreat of the
troops through the Champs Elysees 210

CHAPTER XVI.

Proclamation made by the Provisional Government, after the po-
pular triumph ; Submission of the Royalist troops, in conse-
quence ; Instances of humane interposition on the part of indi-
viduals, on behalf of the military ; Fine example of self-sacrifice
shown by a woman ; Characteristic sayings, produced by the cir-
cumstances of the Revolution; an illustraton of the feeling
among the Soldiery; The bombarded house; The interment of
the dead, with the scenes attendant on that office . . 223

CHAPTER XVII.

Proclamation addressed to the troops in the name of Lafayette ;
Historical sketch of the Life of General Lafayette . 033

CHAPTER XVIII.

Historical sketch of the Life of Louis Philip, Duke of Orleans 264

CHAPTER XIX.

Decree of the Provisional Government ; Invitation to the Duke of
Orleans to become Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom; Pro-
clamation in the Moniteur, notifying his acceptance thereof;

xxii CONTENTS.

Explanatory details ; Proclamation by those of the Deputies
who had met in Paris ; Reception of the Duke of Orleans at
the Hotel de Ville; Singular speech on that occasion by Ge-
neral Dubourg; Account of the conduct and merits of that indi-
vidual ; Proclamations for the resumption of the national ban-
ner, for the discipline of the National Guard, and for the collec-
tion of the local tax on provisions; General Lafayette's ad-
_ dress, to announce the opening of the Chamber of Deputies 283

CHAPTER XX.

Proceedings at St. Cloud; Alarm prevalent there; Disordered
flight of the royal party from thence to Versailles ; Arrival of the
royalist troops, and occupation of the town ; the Dauphin com-
pelled to join the King at Versailles ; Attachment shown to the
latter by the pupils of the college of St. Cyr ; Arrival of the King
and his party at Rambouillet, where they are joined by the Dau-
phiness ; the Dauphin's proclamation to the troops ; Useless act
of abdication by the King and the Dauphin, in favour of the Duke
of Bordeaux ; Various regulations adopted by the Provisional
Government . . . . • .301

CHAPTER XXI.

Announcement of the removal of the crown jewels ; Unsuccess-
ful return of the Commissioners sent in consequence to Ram-
bouillet; They are despatched again with an armed force, and
accomplish their object ; the King and his party compelled to
set out on the road to Maintenon ; Incidental particulars ; at-
tachment manifested towards the King in his misfortunes by
the gardes-du-corps ; the King's escort lessened by the dismis-
sal of the remaining troops of the lioyal Guard ; Entry of the
Royal party into Dreux, and dismissal of the artillery ; The
route continued to Melleraut; Anecdotes of the Royal fugi-
tives ; Their straitened resources relieved by the Provisional Go-
vernment ; Inconveniences attendant on the gardes-du-corps 315

CHAPTER XXII.

Uncertainty among the attendants of Charles X. as to the course of
events in Paris ; Intelligence brought to them at Argentan of the
election of the Duke of Orleans ; Progress of the royal retinue;
Mysterious conveyance of the Princess de Polignac and her chil-

CONTENTS. xxiii

dren; Details connected with the arrest of the Prince de Polig-
lac; Hazard incurred by Marmont at Conde; Reasons for the
slow rate of travelling of the royal fugitives; Arrival of the caval-
cade at Vire ; Order of procession, and enumeration of the suite ;
Characteristic proneness to desertion among the courtiers ; En-
try into the town of Saint Lo, contrasted with a former occa-
sion; Progress of the cortege through Carentan and Valognes;
Farewell reception of the gardes-du-corpsby Charles X. ; Change
of costume adopted by some of the fugitive family; Arrival of the
party at Cherbourg, and embarkation for England ; Disbanding
of the gardes-du-corps ..... 330

CHAPTER XXIII.

Account of the individuals forming the new French Administra-
tion, with a sketch of their respective lives ; the Duke de Brog-
lie; M. Dupont de l'Eure : M. Guizot; Count Gerard; Baron
Louis ; Count Mole ; General Count Sebastiani ; Messrs. Lafitte,
Casimir Perier, Dupin, aine, Benjamin Constant, and Bignon

356

CHAPTER XXIV.

Convocation of the Legislative Body ; Account of "the ceremony
observed on the occasion : Cordial reception of the Duke of
Orleans; his speech to the assembled Peers and Deputies;
Letter from the Commissioners sent to Rambouillet; Separate
meetings of the two Chambers ; Proceedings and speeches of
the members ; The declaration, of rights presented to the Duke
of Orleans by the deputies ; Enthusiasm manifested on the occa-
sion • • . . .383

CHAPTER XXV.

Small share taken by the Chamber of Peers in the affairs of the
Revolution ; Their deliberations as to the resolutions passed by
the Deputies ; Chateaubriand's splendid speech on that occasion ;
Assent to the declaration of the Deputies, and deputation in
consequence from the Peers to the Duke of Orleans ; Arrival of
the Duke de Chartres in Paris; Character of the Duke of Or-
leans, as described by Paul Louis Courrier .... 405

xxiv CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXVI.

The Duke of Orleans, as King elect of the French, takes the oath
of Fidelity to the new Constitution ; Particulars of the solem-
nity ; Speech of the new King ; Concluding remarks, and Copy
of the new Constitutional Charter 424

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Portrait of Louis Philip I. . . To face the Title-page.

Plan of the Scene of Action .... page 1

Portrait of General Lafayette . . • 239

PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER I.

Remarks on the position and conduct of the Bourbon family in
France — Insincere promises given at the Restoration — Re-
invasion of France, after the Battle of Waterloo — Anecdote,
explanatory of the feeling with regard to the Bourbons,
among the Allies in 1814, and the French people in 1815
— Summary of the course pursued by Louis XVIII — Re-
cognition of the Charter, the result of prudence, rather
than inclination — Assassination of the Duke de Berri, and
accession of M. de Villele to the Ministry — Influence of the
counter-revolutionary Party — Its increase, through the failure
of the Insurrection in Spain — Commencement of the reign
of Charles X. — The National Guard disbanded — Machi-
nations against the Liberty of the Press — Creation of new
Peerages, for political purposes — Its effect counteracted by
the new Elections to the Chamber of Deputies — Accession
of the Martignac Ministry — Its popularity and overthrow —
The Polignac Administration — Cabals and quarrels — As-
sembly and Dissolution of the Chambers — Individual
changes in the Ministry, with the object of furthering the
arbitrary measures in contemplation.

Of Charles X. and his family it may be said,
with as much truth as of any of their prede-
cessors of the house of Bourbon^ that in pros-
perity as in adversity, they learn nothing, and
they forget nothing. A quarter of a century of

2 PARIS IN 1830.

exile and misfortune proved to them a useless
and unprofitable lesson. Replaced on the throne
of their ancestors, by a train of extraordinary
events which no human foresight could antici-
pate, they brought back with them all the pre-
judices of the ancien regime, and as little know-
ledge of their own interests, or those of the
country they were called to govern, as they
possessed at the period of their first emigration.
Driven for the third time into exile by a revo-
lution which has no parallel in history, it cannot
be said, that they have fallen into the abyss, pre-
pared for them by the faction into whose hands
they had thrown themselves, without due warn-
ing of their danger. But, in place of listening
to the voice of public opinion, as declared by
its organs of the press, or as more solemnly com-
municated through the legitimate medium of the
representative chamber, the king, as if to verify
the words of the poet,

" Quern Deus vult perdere prius dementat,"

set his seal to those illegal ordinances, which
suspended the liberty of the press, dissolved a
legislative body, which had never assembled, and
formally disfranchised three-fourths of the electors.
Independently of the principle which, in a con-
stitutional monarchy, exempts the sovereign from
all personal responsibility for the acts of his go-
vernment, the fallen monarch must, in anv sense,

PARIS IN 1830. 8

be rather regarded as the instrument than the
author of the crime committed in his name.
The princes of this unfortunate family have some
claim to our commiseration, even when they
have not entitled themselves to our respect or es-
teem. We are bound to remember the prejudices
under which they have been educated. The ob-
jects, from their cradle, of every species of homage
and adulation, they grow up, live and die in the
deepest ignorance of their own situation, and of
all that is passing around them. They are
taught to believe that they are the special ob-
jects of the divine protection ; that their origin
and their race are superior to those of other
men. They constantly hear of their rights,
which are unblushingly exaggerated by a train
of flatterers and parasites ; but no one ever ven-
tures to speak to them of their duties. Sur-
rounded by priests and Jesuits, who have pro-
verbially neither family nor country, their first
lesson is to place implicit confidence in their
clerical advisers, and their last consists in

" The right divine of kings to govern wrong."

The military despotism of Napoleon, and the
apprehension lest his downfall might be suc-
ceeded by a state of anarchy and confusion, paved
the way, even more, perhaps, than the arms of
the allies, for the restoration of the Bourbon
dynasty. On the re-appearance of the restored

B 2

4 PARIS IN 1830.

princes on the territory of France, their first
promises were the abolition of the law of con-
scription, by which the people had been an-
nually decimated — and of that oppressive and
inquisitorial system of taxation which, under the
imperial government, had pressed so heavily on
the industry of the people. But as soon as they
found themselves firmly seated on the throne,
their early promises were forgotten, the con-
scription and the droits reunis were re-establish-
ed, or changed but in name ; and the plebeian
soldier, who might formerly, by risking his life,
enjoy the prospect of the highest military honours,
was now condemned to perpetual obscurity ;
rank was now exclusively reserved for the mem-
bers of titled families ; the military household of
the king was exclusively composed of youngs
noblesse ; the regiments were deprived of their
historic names ; and the army, which w^as re-
signed rather than devoted, soon lost all its
moral power and influence.

When the first impulse of enthusiasm had
subsided, after the extraordinary re-appearance
of Napoleon in 1815, the French people did not
fail to remember the evils to which he had for-
merly subjected them ; nor, after proclaiming as
they had done the sovereignty of the nation,
were they disposed to endure the assumption of
the constituent power which he virtually arro-
gated by the imposition of his celebrated arte

PARIS IN 1830. O

additionnel to the constitutions of the empire.
It was not for the sake of Napoleon, after this
new usurpation, that the armed population of
France assembled under his banner ; it was for
the patriotic purpose of driving from the French
frontier the foreign armies, by which their terri-
tory was threatened.

When France was again invaded, after the
battle of Waterloo, the Bourbons re-appeared in
the train of the conquerors, whom they called
their allies. An anecdote, which was widely
circulated in France at the period of the Congress
of Aix-la-Chapelle, and the truth of which, it is
believed, has never been disputed, throws some
light on the circumstances which produced this
restoration ; and confirms the idea, that the
exiled family were not even thought of by the
allies in 1814 ; and that they certainly were not
desired by the nation, on their re-appearance in
France the following year.

The Emperor Alexander, during his residence
at Aix-la-Chapelle, at the time of the Congress,
had announced his resolution to pay a visit to
the great woollen manufactory of M. Ludwig, at
Bois-Pauline, and accepted the dejeune which was
offered to him by the proprietor. The room in
which the entertainment was given, was adorned
with engravings representing the principal events
in the career of Napoleon. The attention of M.
Ludwig's illustrious visitor was particularly at-
tracted by that which exhibited the celebrated in-

6 PARIS IN 1830.

terview between the two emperors on theNiemen.
At that time, it was the fashion to speak of Napo-
leon in the most abusive terms ; and M. Ludwig
naturally waited with some anxiety, until his im-
perial gitest should give some expression to the
feelings which had evidently been excited by his
examination of the engraving. " Very true, very
true," said the emperor, at length ; " but why
did he not do as much on the Loire in 1815,
instead of throwing himself into the hands of the
English ? He might have clone it ; and if he had,
he would still have been emperor of the French."

" But the house of Bourbon ?" — interposed
M. Ludwig.

" The house of Bourbon! — Yes, you are
right," the Emperor Alexander replied ; " the
Bourbons were then an obstacle ; but he might
have done it in 1814, when they had not been
thought of in the war."

Between the two princes of the fallen family,
who have occupied the throne of France since
the period of the restoration, the points of con-
trast are, perhaps, more numerous, than even
those of resemblance, compared with his sur-
viving brother. Louis XVIII. was a man of
talent and intelligence ; he yielded with readi-
ness and grace to the demand for a constitu-
tional charter ; and made no attempt, of his own
motive, to infringe or recall the rights and pri-
vileges conceded by that charter to the nation.
The restored throne was soon surrounded, it is

PARIS IN 1830. 7

true, by a crowd of emigrant noblesse, who, after
suffering- the privations of a long exile, were
employed, endowed, and pensioned at the court
of the prince with whom, and for whom, they
had so long been sufferers. But it was in that
pavilion of the palace of the Tuileries, which
formed the residence of the Count d'Artois and
his family, that the party was formed, which was
known by the name of " the counter-revolu-
tion" whose maxim it was, that a king of France
should depend only on God and his sword,
adopting the favourite device of Louis XIV.,
" Un roi, une loi, unefoi" Louis XVIII. was,
doubtless, as much attached to the principles of
arbitrary powrer as was the heir presumptive to
the throne ; but, more enlightened, or more pru-
dent, he did not venture to carry them into exe-
cution. There was but one member of the royal
family who was completely free from the in-
fluence of the apostolical, or counter-revolu-
tionary faction ; and he, in issuing from a
theatre in the Rue Richelieu, on the 13th of
February, 1820, at eleven o'clock in the even-
ing, fell by the hands of an assassin.

The assassination of the Duke de Berri was
speedily followed by the resignation of M. De-
cazes from the cabinet, and the accession of M.
de Villele, who till then had only been known by
his celebrated protest against the charter, and his
steady opposition to the organization and esta-
blishment of free institutions in France.

K PARIS IN 1830.

Under this new cabinet, which soon acquired
the title of the deplorable administration, the in-
fluence of the Congregation and the Camarilla, (as
the two leading sections of the counter-revolution-
ary party were variously denominated,) was gra-
dually increased. At the head of the Camarilla
was the Prince de Polignac, who earned his title
to that distinction by the obstinacy with which, for
two years, he had refused to take the oath to the
new charter. But the superior tactics of M. de
Villele enabled him, first, to clear the council of
all who were not prepared to yield implicit obe-
dience to its new president, and afterwards to
secure that compact majority of three hundred
in the Chamber of Deputies, which the septennial
act had placed for so many years at his disposal.

The cry for liberty and independence which
arose, for the second time, beyond the Pyrenees,
produced a new triumph for the reigning faction
in France. Tired of a tyranny, as stupid as it
was sanguinary, the Spanish liberals raised once
more the standard of insurrection. A crusade
was resolved on ; a French army was marched
against a people who had risen in defence of
their freedom and their rights ; the Duke d'An-
gouleme was placed at its head ; and, by the suc-
cess of his enterprize, a double triumph was ob-
tained for the faction, whose creature he had
allowed himself to become.

For a year before the death of Louis XVIII.
he had ceased to be the king de facto. Confined

PARIS IN 1830. 9

to a sick bed, he had virtually abandoned the
reins of government, which had been usurped
by the party of the Pavilion Marsan. In the
salons of the Faubourg St. Germain it was
already considered le bon ton to stigmatize the
dying monarch in the midst of his infirmities,
with the titles of jacobin and philosopher and
to such an extremity did the apostolicals carry
their presumption, that the remains of a mo-
narch, who, for twenty-eight years, had borne
the title of his Most Christian Majesty, were
suffered to be interred without Christian burial.

On the accession of Charles X., it became a
serious question, whether the charter, which had
been granted by his predecessor, should be re-
cognized and sworn to by the new monarch on
the occasion of his coronation. The hesitation
which he then evinced may be regarded as at
once a proof of honesty and ignorance. The
party by whom he was surrounded did not feel
themselves strong enough to advise his refusal.
The oath prescribed by the charter was solemnly
pronounced at Rheims ; but, as it now appears,
with some mental reservation, or with the ad-
vantage of that plenary indulgence and dispen-
sation, at the disposal of those who had the
keeping of the royal conscience.

One of the first measures of the new reign
consisted in the arrangements which were made,
in the first instance, for weakening, and, at
length, for finally abolishing, the National Guards

10 PARIS IN 1830.

which had been re-established in the crisis of
1814, and had ever since been maintained. The
chief objection which arose to it, was probably
found in the ready means it afforded of esta-
blishing* a system of communication between the
more respectable inhabitants of the same district,
or the same commune. The first encroachment
consisted in the deprivation of the right of the
privates to elect their own officers : a general
disorganization of this great national armament
was the natural and necessary consequence of
this unpopular arrangement. And, finally,
about three years ago, the regiments of the ca-
pital, and of all those departments where the
remotest danger was to be apprehended, were
formally disbanded. Although the preliminary
arrangements adopted by the ministry for the
attainment of this object had been conducted
with becoming caution, the manner in which the
decisive blow was struck was equally sudden and
unexpected. During the previous reign it had
been customary for Louis XVIII., on the 3rd of
May, the anniversary of his public entry into
Paris, to direct that the service of the Tuileries
should for that day be exclusively performed by
the National Guard, in acknowledgment of the
protection afforded by that body to the royal
family at the period of the restoration. At the
accession of Charles X., the day was only changed
from the 3rd of May, to that on which the
Count d'Artois had entered Paris, which had

PARIS IN 1830. 11

been the 12th of April. On that day in 1827,
as in previous years, the guard performed the
duty of the Tuileries ; and, on the 16th of the
month, a general order was issued by the com-
mander-in-chief, announcing his majesty's satis-
faction with their deportment on the occasion.
By the same general order it was intimated, that
the king had resolved to evince the good opi-
nion he entertained of the National Guard of
Paris, by passing in review the thirteen legions
of which it was composed, on the 29th of April.
On that day, accordingly, the Champ de Mars
presented a display of all the splendour of the
court, and of all that was brilliant or distinguish-
ed in the capital and its environs. The king
was saluted with loud, if not with cordial accla-
mations. The cries of " Vive le Roi!" " Vive la
Charts !" were however occasionally interrupted
by murmurs, not loud, but deep, of " d has les
ministres — a has les Jesuites !"

To each legion the king addressed himself in
terms of approbation. Personally, his majesty
had been perfectly well received, not only by
the national troops, but by the assembled popu-
lation, which was estimated to amount to at
least 200,000 souls. Some kind friend, however,
had doubtless pointed out to him the occasional
and unwelcome cry of "Down with the ministry ;"
and, on his return to the Tuileries, he observed
to one of the marshals in attendance on his per-

12 PARIS IN 1830.

son, that the business of the day had not passed
quite so well as he had expected, but that on the
whole, he was satisfied. On the same day the
commander-in-chief expressed to the troops on
the field the king's entire approbation of their ap-
pearance and deportment ; an order of the day
to the same effect was forthwith prepared, and,
after receiving his majesty's concurrence, was
carried to the office of the Moniteur, for publi-
cation on the following morning. Within a few
hours, however, the business assumed a different
aspect ; the king was made to say, that it was not
advice, but homage that he had gone to receive ;
and instead of the royal approbation appearing
in the Moniteur on the 30th of April, that organ
of government contained an ordonnance, by
which the national guard was disbanded.

The apprehensions entertained by M. de Vil-
lele and his colleagues on this occasion, were
strongly evinced by the military preparations
which had been made on the eve of the review.
A strong park of artillery had been brought
from the castle of Vincennes, on the other side
of Paris, to the Ecole Militaire, which is in the
immediate neighbourhood of the Champ de Mars.
The horses of the train remained in harness, and
the artillerymen stood with lighted matches at
their guns throughout the morning. The regi-
ments of the guard were posted in the Bois de
Boulogne; the courts of the Hotel des Invalides

PARIS IN 1830. 13

were filled with Swiss under arms ; even the
veteran companies were on duty, and nothing-
was left undone in the way of preparation, to
convert the Champ de Mars, on a day of cheer-
fulness and gaiety, into a scene of possible strife
and slaughter. Such was the last meeting of the
brave National Guard.

It was soon after this period, that the ex-
minister, Peyronnet, who was then a member of
the Villele administration, brought down to the
Chamber of peers his celebrated bill for the de-
struction of the liberty of the press. To this
measure, which was called in derision, " La loi
de justice et d'amour," the hereditary chamber
had the courage, or the presumption, to refuse
its sanction ; but M. de Villele, who has always
been so fertile in expedients, thought that by a
fresh infusion of royalism into the upper house —
by the creation of a new batch of peers from
among the retainers of the court, this constitu-
tional majority might easily be overcome. The
idea was accordingly carried into effect on the
1,5th of November 1827, when an ordinance
appeared in the Moniteur, countersigned by the
president of the council, by which, on a single
day, no less than seventy-six new peerages were
created.

It is true, that M. de Villele, in the short
period which had elapsed since the date of the
restoration, had more than one precedent to

14 PARIS IN 1830.

quote for this wholesale process of peer-making.
In 1814, the hereditary Chamber was limited to
ninety-one members ; but in the following year,
it received an addition of eighty-seven. This
was found necessary, in order to enable the re-
stored government to controul the original
ninety-one, most of whom had sitten in the im-
perial senate, or, as successful soldiers, were at-
tached to the cause of the revolution. Under a
new administration, and a new system of govern-
ment in 1819, it was found that sixty additional
peers were required to neutralize the influence
of the last eighty-seven, who, by the unmeasured
violence of their proceedings, had made the
Chamber more royalist than Louis XVIII. him-
self, or the ministry by whose advice he was
at that time directed. To restore the balance
which had thus been disturbed, a further creation
took place in 1824, of twenty-three new peers,
after the accession of M. de Villele to the ca-
binet ; but, as the upper Chamber was still found
to be unmanageable on a question of such vital
importance as the liberty of the press, the pre-
mier adopted the bold expedient of adding such
a number to the peerage, as, with intermediate
creations, converted the original cypher of ninety-
one, into the formidable total of three hundred
and fifty-seven. It will be seen in the sequel,
that the whole of these intruders have been
cleared out of the Chamber at one fell swoop, by

PARIS IN 1830. lo

a single clause of the new charter, declaring the
absolute nullity of all the peerages created dur-
ing the reign of Charles X.

In the meantime, the plans of M. de Villele
and of his colleagues de Peyronnet and Corbiere
were defeated on the dissolution of the Chamber
of Deputies, by a series of elections which left
them no chance of retaining that decisive majo-
rity they had previously been able to command.
The triumvirate were not yet prepared for the
consequences of a decisive coup d'etat, and, they
having retired from office, a new ministry was
formed of less unpopular materials, in which M.
Portalis was called to the department of justice,
M. Martignac to the interior, and M. Roi to the
Treasury. The war department was nominally
assigned to M. de Caux, but with the under-
standing that the patronage should be reserved
to the Duke d' Angouleme ; and M. de Saint-
Cricq was entrusted with the portfolio of com-
merce and the colonies.

The Villele administration remained longer in
power than any cabinet which has been formed
since the restoration. Those by which it was
preceded were each on an average scarcely a
year in possession of office, since between 1814
and 1822 there existed not fewer than eight
distinct administrations. It was thought that, in
deference to public opinion, the members of the
deplorable cabinet would not be distinguished by

16 PARIS IN 1830.

any mark of royal favour ; but the public mind
was speedily disabused of this idea, by the appear-
ance of two separate ordinances, bearing the
same date with that which nominated their suc-
cessors, appointing Villele and Peyronnet, Da-
mas, Clermont, Tonnerre and Corbiere, minis-
ters of state, and members of his majesty's privy
council, and raising to the peerage, with addi-
tional pensions, the three who had chiefly ex-
cited the public indignation, viz. Villele, Cor-
biere, and Peyronnet.

The Martignac ministry having assumed the
reins of government, under the auspices of a
constitutional majority in the representative
Chamber/ appeared to have adopted the resolu-
tion of carrying into effect the principles of the
charter, and pursuing a course in conformity
with public opinion. In fulfilment of the pro-
mises which had been admitted into the speech
from the throne, at the opening of the session of
the legislature, a law was enacted, which emanci-
pated the press from the trammels to which it
had previously been subjected, particularly from
that regulation which made a preliminary sanc-
tion indispensable. To this important ameliora-
tion a series of improvements were added, with
reference to the law of elections.

On the retirement of M. de la Ferronnez from
a situation which he found to be no longer tena-
ble, a variety of changes took place among the

PARTS IN 1830. 17

heads of departments, and an attempt was made
to restore M. de Villele, the representative of
the Congregation, to his former office of presi-
dent of the council. The proposal immediately
produced the tender of his resignation from
every member of the cabinet who attached any
importance to public opinion : and a subsequent
attempt to bring forward the Prince de Polignac
and place him at the head of affairs, was prompt-
ly attended by a similar result.

The monarch, meanwhile, never suffered the
affairs of state, or the changes in his ministry, to
interfere with his ordinary pursuits. His first
duty in the morning was to hear, or, as some
have gravely asserted, to say mass in his private
chapel. After an early breakfast, he would go
out and kill some hundred head of game, which
were driven within range of the royal sports-
man's Manton, by an army of gardes de chasse.
His ordinary dinner-hour was six, and at eight
the Duchess de Berri came to him to make one
of his party at whist, which lasted till ten, when
he went to say his prayers and to sleep, prepa-
ratorily to the renewal of the same routine on the
morrow.

Thus had matters proceeded in the ordinary
train, without any external demonstration of what
was passing in that cabal of absolutism by whose
inspirations the king was at all times ready to be
swayed. The dismissal of the Martignac minis-

18 PARIS IN 1830.

try had, however, been resolved on by this secret
council, long before the design had been entrusted
to the royal ear. On the 7th of August, 1829,
M. Martignac and his colleagues were received
by his majesty with every mark of gracious con-
sideration ; they left the royal presence well
satisfied with their reception ; but on the follow-
ing day they were no longer the ministers of the
crown.

The Moniteur of the 8th of August con-
tained the appointment of Polignac and Labour-
donnaye, Courvoisier and de Rigny, de Montbel,
de Chabrol, and de Bourmont, as the members
of the new cabinet. Admiral de Rigny, how-
ever, refused to act with such colleagues, lest he
should tarnish the laurels he had gained at Na-
varin, or make himself the accomplice of what
was well known to be the result of a court in-
trigue. He was replaced by M. d'Haussez, who
although perhaps better fitted by his previous
administrative functions to conduct the official
details in the bureau of minister of marine,
could neither bring to the new ministry the
popularity they so much needed, nor the know-
ledge of maritime affairs possessed by M. de
Rigny. The admiral's resignation was speedily
followed by that of Viscount de Chateaubriand
of his embassy at the papal see, and of M.
de Belleyme of the most valuable in the gift of
the crown, the important office of prefect of police.

PARIS IN 1830. 1<)

But, although the substitution of M. Mangin for
M. de Belleyme was far from being agreeable to
the inhabitants of Paris, it was not regarded as
so open an insult to the good sense and the
honour of the nation, as the elevation of General
Bourmont, the deserter of Waterloo, to the head
of the war department.

A quarrel at length ensued between Labour-
donnaye and Polignac, the leaders of the two
parties into which the cabinet was known to be
divided. Originally the administration had been
professedly formed on the principle of perfect
equality among the heads of the departments of
which it was composed. The Prince de Polig-
nac, however, soon evinced a disposition to as-
sume the rank and authority of premier. To
this arrangement the Count de Labourdonnaye
refused to submit ; a dispute arose on some in-
significant topic ; the prince was asked by his
colleague, if he was afraid of the revolutionary
party? "Neither of them, nor of you," was
the answer. The appointment of M. de Polignac
as president of the council appeared in next
morning's Moniteur, and M. de Labourdonnaye
retired from the ministry.

In the meantime, the Chambers had assem-
bled ; and the deputies having voted an address,
which was far from being palatable either to the
monarch or his ministers, that Chamber was

c 2

20 PARIS IN 1830.

forthwith prorogued, and soon afterwards dis-
solved.

It was still found, that the cabinet was not
sufficiently self-accordant in its views. It con-
tained a majority, consisting' of de Montbel
and Courvoisier, de Chabrol and d'Haussez,
who were known to be moderate in principle,
and who were almost disposed to be reasonable
in action. It was necessary to get rid of such
of them as entertained some scruples as to the
measures in contemplation — to the effect, at least,
of giving a decided preponderance to those who
were prepared to go all lengths with their chief.
On the resignation of M. de Labourdonnaye, M.
de Montbel exchanged the portfolio of public
instruction, for that of the home department,
and made way for the elevation of an obscure
individual, M. Guernon Ranville, to the super-
intendence of the university, which includes the
whole system of education in France. The
changes which arose on the retirement of Cour-
voisier and de Chabrol were more considerable
and more important. M. de Montbel, with his
usual complaisance, passed from the home de-
partment to the treasury, to make way for the
Count de Peyronnet, who became minister of the
interior. M. de Chantelauze — a kind of second
edition of M. de Ranville — was appointed keeper
of the seals ; and, to give greater weight to the

PARIS IN 1830. 21

party, a new department was created for the
Baron Capelle, by separating the charge of the
canals, highways, and public works, from the
duties of minister of the interior. Courvoisier
and Chabrol retired. By this arrangement, the
premier was supposed to have acquired an ac-
cession of eloquence, in the person of Chante-
lauze — of dexterity, in the Baron Capelle — and
of courage, in the Count de Peyronnet. The
report on which the treasonable edicts pro-
ceed, may be taken as a specimen of the elo-
quence of the cabinet, in their collective capa-
city ; and their dexterity is evinced by the fact,
that on the 24th of July, at the moment when
that report, and these ordinances, must either
have been prepared, or in the act of prepara-
tion, the sign manual of the king, and the
countersign of his advisers, were affixed to the
lettres closes addressed to the peers and the
deputies, requiring them to attend his majesty,
at the opening of the session, on the 3d of
August : and whatever may be said of the other
qualities possessed by the ministers individually,
there seems, at least, to have been no want of
that fatal courage evinced in every line of their
atrocious ordinances.

22

CHAPTER II.

Containing at full length the Report of the Ministry, and the
Royal Ordinances of the 25th July, 1830.

That the ordinances of the 25th of July,
which were the immediate and exciting cause of
the glorious revolution, may be placed in that
conspicuous point of view best fitted to gibbet
them for future fame, the present chapter is ex-
clusively reserved for their reception, and for
that of the Joint report of the cabinet from
which they proceeded.

REPORT, &c.

" Sire,

u Your ministers would be little worthy of the
confidence with which your majesty honours them, if
they longer delayed to place before your eyes a view of
our internal situation, and to point out to your high
wisdom the dangers of the periodical press.

PARIS IN 1830. 23

" At no time for these fifteen years has this situation
presented itself under a more serious and more afflicting
aspect. Notwithstanding an actual prosperity, of which
our annals afford no example, signs of disorganization
and symptoms of anarchy manifest themselves at almost
every point of the kingdom.

" The successive causes which have concurred to
weaken the springs of the monarchical government tend
now to impair and to change the nature of it. Stripped
of its moral force, authority, both in the capital and the
provinces, no longer contends, but at a disadvantage,
with the factions. Pernicious and subversive doctrines,
loudly professed, are spread and propagated among all
classes of the population, Alarms, too generally cre-
dited, agitate people's minds, and trouble society. On
all sides the present is called upon for pledges of security
for the future.

" An active, ardent, indefatigable malevolence, la-
bours to ruin all the foundations of order, and to snatch
from France the happiness she enjoys under the sceptre of
her kings. Skilful in turning to advantage all discon-
tents, and in exciting all hatreds, it foments among the
people a spirit of distrust and hostility towards power,
and endeavours to sow everywhere the seeds of trou-
ble and civil war ; and already, Sire, recent events have
proved that political passions, hitherto confined to the
upper portion of society, begin to penetrate the depths of
it, and to stir up the popular classes. It is proved also,
that these masses can never move without danger, even
to those who endeavour to rouse them from repose.

" A multitude of facts collected in the course of the
electoral operations confirm these data, and would offer
us the too certain presage of new commotions, if it were
not in the power of your majesty to avert the misfor-
tune.

" Everywhere also, if we observe with attention,

£4 PARIS IN 1830.

there exists a necessity for order, for strength, and for
durability ; and the agitations which appear to be the
most opposed to that necessity, are in reality only the ex-
pression and the testimony of its existence.

" It must be acknowledged that these agitations, which
cannot be increased without great dangers, are almost
exclusively produced and excited by the liberty of the
press. A law on the elections, no less fruitful of dis-
orders, has doubtless concurred in maintaining them;
but it would be denying what is evident, to refuse to per-
ceive in the journals the principal focus of a corruption,
the progress of which is every day more sensible, and the
first source of the calamities which threaten the king-
dom.

"Experience, Sire, speaks more loudly than theory.
Men who are doubtless enlightened, and whose good
faith is not suspected, led away by the ill-understood
example of a neighbouring people, may have believed
that the advantages of the periodical press would ba-
lance its inconveniences, and that its excesses would be
neutralized by contrary excesses. It is not so : the proof
is decisive, and the question is now settled in the public
mind.

"At all times, in fact, the periodical press has been,
and it is in its natuhe to be, only an instrument of
disorder and sedition.

■' What numerous and irrefragable proofs may be
brought in support of this truth ! It is by the violent
and incessant action of the press that the too sudden
and too frequent variations of our internal policy are to
be explained. It has not permitted a regular and stable
system of government to be established in France, nor
any constant attention to be devoted to the introduction,
into all the branches of the administration, of those ame-
liorations of which they are susceptible. All the ministries
since 1814, though formed under divers influences, and

PARIS IN 1830. 25

subject to opposite directions, have been exposed to the
same attacks and to the same licence of the passions.
Sacrifices of every kind, concessions of power, alliances
of party — nothing has been able to save them from this
common destiny.

" This comparison alone, so fertile in reflections,
would suffice to assign to the press its true, its invariable
character. It endeavours, by constant, persevering,
daily-repeated efforts, to relax all the bonds of obedience
and subordination, to weaken all the springs of public
authority, to degrade and debase it in the opinion of
the people, to create against it everywhere embarrass-
ment and resistance.

" Its art consists not in substituting for a too easy
submission of mind a prudent liberty of examination,
but in reducing to a problem the most positive truths ;
not in exciting upon political questions frank and useful
controversy, but in placing them in a false light, and
solving them by sophistry.

" The press has thus excited confusion in the most
upright minds, — has shaken the most firm convictions,
and produced, in the midst of society, a confusion of
principles which lends itself to the most fatal attempts.
It is by anarchy in doctrine, that it paves the way for
anarchy in the state. It is worthy of remark, Sire, that
the periodical press has not even fulfilled its most essen-
tial condition, — that of publicity ! It is strange, but
a thing that may be said with truth, that there is no
publicity in France, taking this word in its just and
strict sense. In this state of things, facts, when they are
not entirely fictitious, do not come to the knowledge
of several millions of readers, except when mutilated
and disfigured in the most odious manner. A thick
cloud, raised by the journals, conceals the truth, and in
a manner intercepts the light between the govern-
ment and the people. The kings your predecessors,

26 PARIS IN 1830.

Sire, always loved to communicate with their subjects :
this is a satisfaction which the press has not thought fit
that your majesty should enjoy (!)

" A licentiousness which has passed all bounds has,
in fact, not respected, even on the most solemn occa-
sions, either the express will of the king or the words
pronounced from the throne. Some have been misun-
derstood and misinterpreted ; while others have been the
subject of perfidious commentaries, or of bitter derision.
It is thus that the last act of the royal power, — the pro-
clamation,— was discredited by the public, even before it
was known by the electors.

" Nor is this all. The press tends to no less than
subjugating the sovereignty, and invading the powers of
the state. The pretended organ of public opinion, it
aspires to direct the debates of the two Chambers ; it is
incontestable that it brings into them the weight of an
influence no less fatal than decisive. This domination
has assumed, especially within these two or three years,
in the Chamber of Deputies, a manifest character of
oppression and tyranny. In this interval of time, we
have seen the journals pursue, with their insults and
their outrages, the members whose votes appeared to them
uncertain or suspicious. Too often, Sire, has the free-
dom of debate in that chamber sunk under the reiterated
blows of the press.

" The conduct of the opposition journals during the
most recent circumstances cannot be characterized in
terms less severe. After having themselves called forth an
address derogatory to the prerogative of the throne,
they have not feared to confirm as a principle, the
election of the two hundred and twenty-one deputies
whose work it is : and yet your majesty repulsed the
address as offensive ; you had publicly planned the re-
fusal of concurrence which was expressed in it ; you
had announced your immutable resolution to de-

PARIS IN 1830. 27

fend the rights of your crown, so openly compromised.
The periodical journals have paid no regard to this : on
the contrary, they have taken it upon them to renew, to
perpetuate, and to aggravate the offence. Your ma-
jesty will decide whether this presumptuous attack shall
remain longer unpunished.

" But of all the excesses of the press, the most serious
perhaps remains to be pointed out. From the very be-
ginning of that expedition, the glory of which throws
so pure and so durable a splendour on the noble crown
of France, the press has criticised with unheard-of vio-
lence the causes, the means, the preparations, the
chances of success. Insensible to the national honour,
it was not its fault if our flag did not remain degraded
by the insults of a barbarian. Indifferent to the great
interests of humanity, it has not been its fault if Europe
has not remained subject to a cruel slavery and a shame-
ful tribute.

" This was not enough. By a treachery which our
laws might have reached, the press has eagerly pub-
lished all the secrets of the armament ; brought to the
knowledge of foreigners the state of our forces, the
number of our troops, and that of cur ships; and
pointed out the stations, the means to be employed to
surmount the variableness of the winds, and to approach
the coast. Every thing, even the place of landing, was
divulged, as if to give the enemy more certain means of
defence; and, (a thing unheard-of among civilized
people,) the press has not hesitated, by false alarms as to
the dangers to be incurred, to cause discouragement in
the army ; and, to point to its hatred the commander of
the enterprise, it has, in a manner, excited the soldiers
to raise against him the standard of revolt, or to desert
their colours. This is what the organs of a party which
pretends to be national have dared to do.

44 That which the party dares to do every day in the

c28 PARIS IN 1830.

interior of the kingdom tends to no less than to disperse
the elements of public peace, to dissolve the bands of so-
ciety, and, as it were, to make the ground tremble under
our feet. Let us not fear to disclose here the whole ex-
tent of our evils, in order the better to appreciate the
whole extent of our resources. A system of defamation,
organized on a great scale, and directed with unequalled
perseverance, reaches, either near at hand or at a distance,
the most humble of the agents of the government. None
of your subjects, Sire, is secure from insult, if he re-
ceives from his sovereign the least mark of confidence
or satisfaction. A vast net thrown over France enve-
lopes all the public functionaries. Placed in a constant
state of accusation, they seem to be in a manner cut off
from civil society ; only those are spared whose fidelity
wavers, — only those are praised whose fidelity gives way:
the others are marked by the faction to be in the sequel,
without doubt, sacrificed to popular vengeance.

" The periodical press has not displayed less ardour
in pursuing with its poisoned darts religion and her
priests. Its object is, and always will be, to root out
of the heart of the people even the last germ of religious
sentiments. Sire, do not doubt that it will succeed in
this, by attacking the foundations of the press itself, by
poisoning the sources of public morals, and by covering
the ministers of the altars with derision and contempt.

" No strength, it must be confessed, is able to resist
a dissolving power so active ; since the press at all times,
when it has been freed from its fetters, has made an
irruption and convulsion in the state. One cannot but
be singularly struck with the similitude of its effects
during these last fifteen years, notwithstanding the
change of circumstances, and of the men who have
figured on the political stage. Its destiny, in a word,
is to recommence the revolution, the principles of which
it loudly proclaims. Placed and replaced at various

PARTS IN 1830. 2!)

intervals under the yoke of the censorship, it has always
resumed its liberty only to recommence its interrupted
work. In order to continue it with the more success,
it has found an active auxiliary in the departmental
press, which, engaging in dispute local jealousies
and hatreds, striking terror into the minds of timid
men, and harassing authority by endless intrigues, has
exercised a decisive influence on the elections.

" These last effects, Sire, are transitory ; but effects
more durable are observed in the manners and in the
character of the nation. An ardent, lying, and passion-
ate spirit of contention, the school of scandal and licen-
tiousness, has everywhere produced the most import-
ant alterations : it gives a false direction to people's
minds : it fills them with prejudices — diverts them from
serious studies — retards them in the progress of the
sciences and the arts — excites among us a fermentation,
which is constantly increasing — maintains, even in the
bosom of our families, fatal dissensions- and might, by
degrees, throw us back into barbarism.

u Against so many evils, engendered by the periodi-
cal press, law and justice are equally obliged so confess
their want of power. It would be superfluous to inquire
into the causes which have weakened the power of re-
pression, and have insensibly made it an ineffectual wea-
pon in the hands of authority. It is sufficient to appeal
to experience, and to show the present state of things.

" Judicial for ?ns do not easily lend themselves to an
effectual repression. This truth has long since struck
reflecting minds; it has lately become still more evident.
To satisfy the wants which caused its institution, the
repression ought to be prompt and strong ; it has been
slow, weak, and almost null. When it interferes, the
mischief is already accomplished, and the punishment,
far from repairing it, only adds the scandal of discussion.

" Judicial prosecutions are wearied out, but the se-

30 PARIS IN 1830.

ditious press is never weary. The one stops because
there is too much to prosecute : the other multiplies
its strength by multiplying its transgressions. Under
these divers circumstances the prosecutions have had their
appearances of activity or of relaxation. But what does
the press care for zeal or lukewarmness in the public
prosecutor ? It seeks to find the assurance of multiply-
ing its successes by impunity.

" The insufficiency, or rather the inutility, of the in-
stitutions and of the laws now in force, is demonstrated
by facts. It is equally proved by facts that the pub-
lic safety is endangered by the licentiousness of the
press.

" Give ear, Sire, to the prolonged cry of indignation
and of terror which rises from all points of your king-
dom. All peaceable men, the upright, the friends of
order, stretch to your majesty their suppliant hands.
All implore you to preserve them from the return of the
calamities by which their fathers or themselves have
been so severely afflicted. These alarms are too real not
to be listened to — these wishes are too legitimate not to
be regarded.

" There is but one means to satisfy them : it is to re-
turn to the charter.

" If the terms of the 8th article are ambiguous, its
spirit is manifest. It is certain that the charter has
not asserted the liberty of the journals and of periodical
writings. The right of publishing one's personal opi-
nions certainly does not imply the right of publishing
the opinions of others. The one is the use of a faculty
which the law might leave free or subject to restrictions :
the other is a commercial speculation, which, like others,
and more than others, supposes the superintendence of
the public authority.

" The intentions of the charter on this subject are
accurately explained in the law of the 21st of October,

PARIS IN 1830. 31

1814, which is, in some measure, the appendix to it :
this is the less doubtful, as this law was presented to the
Chambers on the 5th of July — that is to say, one month
after the promulgation of the charter. In 1819, at the
time when a contrary system prevailed in the Cham-
bers, it was openly proclaimed there that the periodical
press was not governed by the enactments of the 8th
article. This truth is, besides, attested by the very laws
which have imposed upon the journals the condition of
giving securities.

" Now, Sire, nothing remains but to inquire how this
return to the charter, and to the law of the 21st of Oc-
tober, 1814, is to be effected. The gravity of the pre-
sent juncture has solved this question.

" We must not deceive ourselves, — we are no longer
in the ordinary condition of a representative govern-
ment. The principles on which such has been established
could not remain entire amidst political vicissitudes. A
turbulent democracy, the principles of which have pene-
trated even into our laws, aims at putting itself in the place
of legitimate power. It disposes of the majority of the
elections by means of the journals, and by the assistance
of numerous artifices. It has paralyzed, as far as it
could do, the regular exercise of the most essential
prerogative of the crown — that of dissolving the elec-
tive chamber. By this very fact the constitution of the
state is shaken. Your majesty alone retains the power
to replace and to consolidate it upon a firm foundation.

" The right as well as the duty of assuring its
maintenance, is the inseparable attribute of the sove-
reignty. No government on earth could remain stand-
ing, if it had not the right to provide for its own secu-
rity. This power exists before the laws, because it is
essentially in the nature of things. These, Sire, are
maxims which have in their favour the sanction of time,
and the assent of all the publicistes of Europe

3C2 PARIS IN 1830.

" But these maxims have another sanction still more
positive— that of the charter itself. The 14th article
has invested your majesty with a sufficient power, not,
undoubtedly, to change our institutions, but to consoli-
date them, and render them more stable.

" Circumstances of imperious necessity do not permit
the exercise of this supreme power to be any longer
deferred. The moment is come for recourse to
measures which are in the spirit of the charter, but
which are beyond the limits of legal order, the resources
whereof have been exhausted in vain.

" These measures, Sire, your ministers, who are to
secure the success of them, do not hesitate to propose to
you, convinced as they are, that justice will retain the
ascendancy.

" We are, with the most profound respect, Sire,
your majesty's most humble and most faithful subjects,
(Signed) " Prince de Polignac.

" Chaxtelauze.
" Baron D'Haussez.
" Count de Peyronnet.

" MoNTBEL.

" Count de Guernon Ranville.
" Baron Capelle.

ORDINANCES OF THE KING.

" Charles, &c.
" To all to whom these presents shall come, health.
" On the report of our council of ministers, we have
ordained and do ordain as follows : —

" Art. 1. The liberty of the periodical press is sus-
pended .

" % The regulations of the articles 1st, 2nd, and 9th,
of the first section of the law of the 21st of October

PARIS IN 1830. 33

1814, are again put in force; in consequence of which no
journal, or periodical, or semi-periodical writing, esta-
blished, or about to be established, without distinction
of the matters therein treated, shall appear in Paris or
in the departments, except by the virtue of an authority
first obtained from us respectively by the authors and
the printer. This authority shall be renewed every
three months. It may also be revoked.

" 3. The authority shall be provisionally granted and
provisionally withdrawn by the prefects from journals
and periodicals, or semi-periodical works, published, or
about to be published, in the departments.

" 4. Journals and writings published in contraven-
tion of article 2, shall be immediately seized. The
presses and types used in the printing of them, shall be
placed in a public depot under seal, or rendered unfit
for use.

" 5. No writing of less than twenty printed pages
shall appear, except with the authority of our minister,
Secretary of State for the Interior at Paris, and of the
prefects in the departments. Every writing of more than
twenty printed pages, which shall not constitute one
single work, must also equally be published under au-
thority only. Writings published without authority
shall be immediately seized, the presses and types used
in printing them shall be placed in a public depot, and
under seal, or rendered unfit for use.

" 6. Memoirs relating to legal process and memoirs
of scientific and literary societies must be previously au-
thorized, if they treat in whole or in part of political
matters, in which case the measures prescribed by art. 5
shall be applicable.

" 7. Every regulation contrary to the present shall be
without effect.

" 8. The execution of the present ordinance shall
take place in conformity with article 4 of the ordinance of

D

34 PARIS IN 1830.

November 27, 1816, and of that which is prescribed by
the ordinance of the 18th of January, 1817.

" 9. Our secretaries of state are charged with the ex-
ecution of this ordinance.

" Given at the Castle of St. Cloud, the 25th of July,
in the year of grace 1830, and the 6th of our reign.
(Signed) 'k CHARLES.

(Countersigned)
" Prince de Polignac, President.
" Chantelauze, Keeper of the Seals.
" Baron D'Haussez, Minister of Marine.
" Montbel, Minister of Finance.
" Count Guernon Ranville, Minister of

Ecclesiastical Affairs.
" Baron Capelle, Secretary of State for Pub-
lic Works."

" Charles,
" To all to whom these presents shall come, &c.
" Having considered art. 50 of the constitutional
Charter ; being informed of the manoeuvres which have
been practised in various parts of our kingdom, to de-
ceive and mislead the electors during the late operations
of the electoral colleges ; having heard our council ; we
have ordained and do ordain as follows : —

" Art. 1. The Chamber of Deputies of departments
is dissolved.

"2. Our Minister Secretary of State of the Interior
is charged with the execution of the present ordinance.

" Given at St. Cloud, the 25th day of July, the year
of grace, 1830, and the sixth of our reign.

" CHARLES."
(Countersigned) " Count de Peyronnet,
Peer of France, Secretary of State for the Interior."

PARTS IN 1830. 35

" Charles,

" To all those who shall see these presents, health.

" Having resolved to prevent the return of the ma-
noeuvres which have exercised a pernicious influence on
the late operations of the electoral colleges, and wishing in
consequence, to reform according to the principles of the
constitutional charter the rules of election, of which ex-
perience has shown the inconvenience, we have recog-
nized the necessity of using the right which belongs to
us, to provide, by acts emanating from ourselves, for the
safety of the state, and for the suppression of every en-
terprize injurious to the dignity of our crown. For
these reasons, having heard our council, we have or-
dained and do ordain —

"Art. 1. Conformably with the articles 15, 86, and
30, of the constitutional charter, the Chamber of Deputies
shall consist only of Deputies of departments.

" 2. The electoral rate, and the rate of eligibility,
shall consist exclusively of the sums for which the elec-
tor and the candidate shall be inscribed individually, as
holders of real .or personal property in the roll of the
land-tax, or of personal taxes.

" 3. Each department shall have the number of de-
puties allotted to it by the 36th article of the constitu-
tional charter.

" 4. The deputies shall be elected, and the Chamber
renewed, in the form and for the time fixed by the 37th
article of the constitutional charter.

" 5. The electoral colleges shall be divided into col-
leges of arrondissement, and colleges of departments,
except the case of those electoral colleges of departments
to which only one deputy is allotted.

" 6. The electoral colleges of arrondissement shall
consist of all the electors whose political domicile

D %

36 PARIS IN 1830.

is established in the arrondissement. The electoral col-
leges of departments shall consist of a fourth part of the
most highly taxed of the electors of departments.

" 7. The present limits of the electoral colleges of ar-
rondissements are retained.

" 8. Every electoral college of arrondissement shall
elect a number of candidates equal to the number of de-
partmental deputies.

" 9. The college of arrondissement shall be divided
into as many sections as candidates. Each division shall
be in proportion to the number of sections, and to the
total number of electors, having regard as much as
possible to the convenience of place and neighbourhood.
" 10. The sections of the electoral college of arron-
dissements may assemble in different places.

"11. Every section of the electoral college of arron-
dissements shall choose a candidate, and proceed se-
parately.

" 12. The presidents of the sections of the electoral
college of arrondissement shall be nominated by the
prefects from among the electors of the arrondisse-
ment.

" 13. The college of department shall choose the
deputies; half the deputies of departments shall be
chosen from the general list of candidates proposed by
the colleges of arrondissements ; nevertheless, if the
number of deputies of the department is uneven, the
division shall be made without impeachment of the right
reserved by the college of department.

" 14. In cases where, by the effect of omissions, or of
void or double nominations, the list of candidates pro-
posed by the colleges of arrondissements shall be in-
complete, if the list is reduced below half the number
required, the college of the department shall choose ano-
ther deputy not in the list ; if the list is reduced below a

PARIS IN 1830. 37

fourth, the college of the department may elect the
whole of the deputies of the department.

4 15. The prefects, the sub-prefects, and the general
officers commanding military divisions and departments,
are not to be elected in the departments where they
exercise their functions.

" 16. The list of electors shall be settled by the pre-
fect in the council of prefecture. It shall be posted up
five days before the assembling of the colleges.

"17. Claims regarding the power of voting, which
have not been authorized by the prefects, shall be de-
cided by the Chamber of Deputies ; at the same time
that it shall decide upon the validity of the operations
of the colleges.

" 18. In the electoral colleges of departments, the
two oldest electors, and the two electors who pay
the most taxes, shall execute the duty of scrutators.
The same disposition shall be observed in the sec-
tions of the college of arrondissement, composed, at
most, of only fifty electors. In the other sections, the
functions of scrutators shall be executed by the oldest
and the richest of the electors. The secretary of the
college or section shall be nominated by the president
and the scrutators.

" 19. No person shall be admitted into the college,
or section of college, if he is not inscribed in the list of
electors who compose it. This list will be delivered to
the president, and will remain posted up in the place of
the sitting of the college, during the period of its pro-
ceedings.

" 20. All discussion and deliberation whatever are
forbidden in the bosom of the electoral colleges.

" 91. The police of the college belongs to the
president. No armed force, without his order,
can be placed near the hall of its sittings. The mi-

38 PARIS IN 1830.

litary commandant shall be bound to obey his requisi-
tions.

" 22. The nominations shall be made in the colleges
and sections of colleges, by the absolute majority of the
votes given. Nevertheless, if the nominations are not
finished after two rounds of scrutiny, the bureau shall
determine the list of persons who shall have obtained
the greatest number of suffrages at the second round.
It shall contain a number of names double that of the
nominations which remain to be made. At the third
round, no suffrages can be given except to the persons
inscribed on that list; and the nominations shall be
made by a relative majority.

" 23. The electors shall vote by bulletins ; every
bulletin shall contain as many names as there are nomi-
nations to be made.

" 24. The electors shall write their vote on the
bureau, or cause it to be written by one of the scru-
tators.

"25. The name, the qualification, and the domicile
of each elector who shall deposit his bulletin, shall be
inscribed by the secretary on a list destined to establish
the number of the voters.

" 26. Every scrutiny shall remain open for six hours,
and the result shall be declared during the sitting.

" 27. There shall be drawn up a proces verbal for
each sitting. This proces verbal, or minute, shall be
signed by all the members of the bureau.

" 28. Conformably with article 46 of the Constitu-
tional charter, no amendment can be made upon any
law in the Chamber, unless it has been proposed and
consented to by us, and unless it has been discussed in
the bureau.

" 29- All regulations contrary to the present ordi-
nance shall remain without effect.

PARIS IN 1830. 39

" 30. Our ministers, secretaries of state, are charged
with the execution of the present ordinance.

" Given at St. Cloud, this 25th day of July, in the
year of grace 1830, and 6th of our reign.

" CHARLES."

(Countersigned by all the Ministers.)

40

CHAPTER III.

Effects produced among- the Parisians by the announcement of
the obnoxious ordinances in the Moniteur — Conduct va-
riously held by the proprietors of the constitutional Journals
— Reasons assigned for the first hesitation of the influential
classes — Prohibitory measures adopted by the Police —
Protest of the Parisian journalists — Suspension of commer-
cial confidence — Confluence of people at the Palais Royal
— Eccentricities of the Marquis de Chabannes — Conduct of
the gen-d'armerie — Tumultuous assembly in the Champs
Elysees, and singular escape of the Prince de Polignac.

From the central position and the publicity of
the Palais Royal, its courts and its garden become
a ready rendezvous for the population of Paris
on any emergency of interest or importance.
In the upper part of the garden, near the Cafe
of the Rotonde, there are two little pavilions,
where the public journals are given out for
perusal at a very moderate rate to the numerous
loungers who frequent the precincts of the palace
for the enjoyment of the numerous attractions
of which it is the focus. It was from these
little " Cabinets de Lecture" that the first im-
pulse was given to the revolutionary movement
of which we now witness the effects. As soon

PARIS IN 1830. 11

as it was known that the Moniteur was big with
such important intelligence, the ordinary course
of perusal by successive applicants at the bureaux
in the pavilions was at once abandoned as far too
slow a process for the impatient crowds who
gathered rapidly around as the fatal rumour was
spread through the garden. Every copy of the
official journal became forthwith a separate
centre of excitement, if not of attraction. The
individual who had secured it was compelled
to mount the chairs with which the garden is
supplied, and to read it aloud to the groups
within hearing. When this was accomplished, a
new audience and a new reader were readily
found to supply the place of those who, for-
getting the purposes of pleasure or of business
which had brought them to the spot, were seen
hastening from the palace to communicate what
they had heard to their neighbours and their
friends.

The first feeling produced by the appearance
of these ordinances was a sort of stupefaction
and surprise, which was speedily roused into
contempt and indignation. It was some hours,
however, before a distinct knowledge of the fact
became general throughout the city. The cir-
culation of the Moniteur, like that of the Lon-
don Gazette, to which it is in some degree
analogous, is in itself extremely limited, being
almost exclusively confined to the public offices
of the government, and to a hw of the reading

42 PARTS IN 1830.

rooms, and other places of general resort ; and
as it appears at the same hour with the morning-
papers, the information it communicates is seldom
very widely circulated until the following day.

In the offices of the constitutional journals
the effect produced was far from being uniform.
The spirited proprietors of the National, the
Times, and the Globe, resolved on immediate
resistance to the arbitrary decree which declared
the suspension of their professional freedom. In
the course of the forenoon, second editions of
these journals were printed and posted through-
out the city, and, as they contained the obnoxious
edicts themselves, with an appeal to the people,
inciting them to resistance, and assuring them
that obedience was no longer a duty, the vague-
ness of the rumours which had begun to circulate
at an early hour in the morning was thus made
to assume a definite and intelligible form. But
since the truth must be told in this, as in all the
parts of our narrative, it must not be concealed
that the Constitutionnel and the Journal des
Debats, La Nouvelle France, and several other
journals, professedly liberal, adopted the more
prudent course of passive obedience to the
usurped authority of the government.

To the English reader it may be necessary to
say, that these latter journals, but more parti-
cularly the Constitutionnel and the Debats, are,
in point of circulation, at the head of the
daily press of Paris, while the three that ven-

PARTS IN 1830. 43

tured to appear, are comparatively of recent
origin ; so that the risk they incurred by this
open disregard of the royal authority, was one
of person rather than of property. This dis-
tinction is here taken, from the striking analogy
it bears to all the proceedings of this extraor-
dinary revolution. It was, in fact, with the
sa?is culottes of the press, as of the populace,
that the movement originated. Those who had
any thing but life to lose, were cautious in ex-
posing it ; and of such it may truly be said,
that it was not their " consciences," but their
property, that made " cowards" of them all.

If it must be admitted that the richer and
more influential classes showed some hesitation
at the outset, in throwing themselves into the
breach which had been effected by their poorer
fellow citizens, so neither must it be concealed,
that several brilliant and redeeming exceptions
were to be found among the modern monied
aristocracy, as well as among the old noblesse of
the country. It is true that the Periers, the
Lafittes, and the Lafayettes, were not to be seen
at the first sound of the tocsin ; but it was not
the fault of these noble-minded individuals that
they were absent from Paris at the moment
when the blow was struck. As soon as they
became aware of the attack which had been
made on public liberty, they hastened, as if by
mutual agreement, from various parts of the
country, to present themselves at the post of

44 PARIS IN 1830.

duty and of danger. But — what is believed to
be perfectly unique in the history of the world
— they found, on their arrival, that the French
] revolution of 1830 had already been more than
half accomplished, by the firmness and resolution
of the humbler classes of society, without any
incentive but an innate love of freedom, to
prompt them to action and to lead them to
victory.

The re-appearance of the ordinances, in
second editions of several of the morning- jour-
nals, accompanied by comments, of any thing
but a flattering nature, produced a proclamation
in the course of the day, from the office of the
prefecture of police, authorizing the seizure of
all printed papers which should be sold or dis-
tributed without the true indication of the
name, profession, and residence of the author
and the printer ; and directing the arrest of the
individuals concerned in the distribution. The
keepers of reading-rooms and coffee-houses were
also prohibited from giving out for perusal such
journals as had been printed in contravention of
the royal ordinances ; and it was declared that
they should be prosecuted, as guilty of the mis-
demeanours committed by the journalists them-
selves. At the conclusion of M. Mangin's pro-
clamation, a hint was given at the nature of the
means to be employed in enforcing it. While
the principal commissary of the municipal police
was, with his subordinate officers, directed to

PARTS IN 18.30. 4,5

superintend its execution, the colonel com-
mandant of the royal gen-d'armerie was at the
same time enjoined to concur with the civil
functionaries, in so far as the force at his dispo-
sal was concerned.

The terms of this proclamation, like those of
the ordinances themselves, evinced in the
clearest manner the consciousness of the go-
vernment, that their proceedings were totally
unsupported by that moral strength which is
founded on public opinion. Measures were
immediately taken, in pursuance of . the threats
which were thus held out, to prevent, by actual
violence, the appearance of those journals whose
conductors had refused to submit to the interdict
imposed on them. The proprietors of one
paper, the Journal du Commerce, adopted the
middle course, between submission and disobe-
dience, of appealing to M. de Belleyme, the
president of the civil tribunal of first instance,
and obtained a judgment from him, as against
the printer of the paper, declaring that the or-
dinances were not obligatory on the citizens,
because they had not yet been published, as pre-
scribed by statute, in the Bulletin des Lois. The
ground thus assumed by M. de Belleyme, was
founded on a technical nicety, more consistent
with the habits of a lawyer than with the wider
views of a statesman, or the feelings of an in-
jured citizen. But whatever may have been its
basis, the direction which it gave was practically

46 PARIS IN 1830.

favourable to the cause of freedom, although in
the particular instance to which it applied it was
not attended with the desired effect.

The business of printing in France is, or rather
was, like other trades connected with the disse-
mination of ideas, a strict and close monopoly.
Up to the date of the ordinances, a printer's
licence was an object of some value, as may be
collected from the fact, that in a great capital like
Paris, the centre of French, if not also of Euro-
pean literature, the number of these licences was
limited to eighty. In the case of the Journal du
Commerce, the printer refused to obey the judg-
ment of the court of first instance, and took an
appeal to a higher tribunal, preferring to incur
the risk of a claim of damages at the suit of the
journal, rather than to endanger the safety of
his patent by giving offence to those who were
still at the head of the government.

In this emergency the journalists, as a body,
had the high honour of being the first to com-
bine their efforts in the preparation of a solemn
protest against the measures of the government ;
a translation of which is here subjoined, with the
names of the subscribers annexed to it.

PROTEST OF THE PARISIAN JOURNALISTS.

" It has been frequently announced within the last
six months that the laws would be violated, that a coup
d'etat would be struck. The good sense of the public

PARIS IN 1830. 47

refused to believe in it. The ministry repelled the sup-
position as a calumny. The Moniteur, however, has at
length published these memorable ordinances, in direct
violation of the laws. Legal order is thus interrupted,
and that of force is begun.

" In the situation in which we find ourselves placed,
obedience has ceased to be a duty. The citizens first
called to obey, are the writers of the public journals :
they ought to give the first example of resistance to the
authority which has divested itself of its legal cha-
racter.

" The matters professed to be regulated by the or-
dinances this day published, are such as are not, con-
sistently with the charter, within the exclusive province
of the royal authority. The 8th article of the charter
declares that Frenchmen shall be bound in matters of
the press to conform themselves to ' the laws ? it does
not say to mere ordonnances. The 35th article of
the charter declares that the electoral colleges shall be
regulated by the laws; it does not say by royal or-
donnances.

" These articles have hitherto been recognized by
the crown itself; the idea had not been formed of
arming itself against them either in virtue of a pre-
tended constitutional power, or of a power falsely as-
cribed to the 14th article of the charter.

" Whenever in fact any circumstances, assumed to be
of a serious nature, have appeared to require any modi-
fication of the regulations affecting the press or of the
electoral system, recourse has always been had to the
legislative chambers. When it was required to modify
the charter by the establishment of septennial elections,
and the simultaneous renovation of the whole chamber,
recourse was had, not to the royal authority, as the
author of the charter, but collectively to the whole le-
gislature.

48 PARIS IN 1830.

*< The 8th and 35th articles of the charter have thus
been practically recognized by royalty itself, which, in
regard to them, has not attempted to arrogate either a
constituent authority, or a dictatorial power, which does
not exist.

" These principles have been solemnly recognized by
the tribunal to whom the right of interpretation is en-
trusted. The royal court of Paris and several others,
have condemned the publishers of the declaration of the
Brittany association, as the authors of an outrage against
the government. It was considered an outrage to sup-
pose that the government would employ the authority
of ordinances where the authority of law was alone
admissible.

" The reasons by which they are supported are such
as to make a formal refutation unnecessary.

" The text of the charter, the practice which has
hitherto been followed by the crown, and the judgments
of the tribunals, establish the principle that, as regards
the press and the electoral organization, the laws, or in
other words, the king, and the two chambers, collec-
tively, are the sole source of power.

" Legality has now, therefore, been violated by the
government. We attempt to publish our papers with-
out requiring the authorization imposed on us. We
shall endeavour that for this day, at least, they shall find
their way to all parts of the kingdom.

" Such is the duty imposed on us as citizens, and we
perform it.

" We have not pointed out its duties to the Chamber
illegally dissolved. But we may beseech it, in the name
of France, to maintain itself on its evident right, and to
resist to the utmost, the violation of the laws. This
right is as certain as that on which we rely. The 50th
article of the charter declares, that the king may dissolve
the Chamber of Deputies ; but to that effect it must

PARIS IN 1830. 49

have been assembled and constituted as a Chamber, and
have assumed the form which made it liable to dissolu-
tion. But before the meeting and constitution of the
Chamber, the elections were all that had been accom-
plished. It is nowhere said in the charter that the king
may annul the elections. The dissolution is therefore
illegal, since it is not warranted by the charter.

" The deputies elected and convoked for the 3rd of
August are well and duly elected, and convoked.
Their duty is the same to-day, that it was yesterday.
That duty France beseeches them not to forget. All
that they can do, they ought to do, to give effect to
their right.

" The government has this day lost the character of
legality which commands obedience. We resist it in so
far as we are concerned; it is for France to judge how
far the resistance should be extended.'1

[Here follow the names of the subscribers, in the
order in which they were attached to this extraordinary
document.]

Gafija, editor of the National.

Thiers,

Mignet,

Carrel,

Chambolle,

Peysse,

Albert Stapfe

Dubochet,

Rolle,

Leroua?, editor of the Globe.

De Guizard, contributor to the Globe.

Sarrans Jeune^ editor of the Courrier des Electeurs,

B. Dejean, contributor to the Globe.

uye , i contributors to the Courrier.

Monssette, >

E

>

contributors to the National.

50 PARIS IN 1830.

Auguste Fabre, editor of the Tribune des Departemens,

Atxtxte ~i • • i

„ '. r . J contributors to the Constitutionnel.
Cauchois Lemaire, 3

^"* lot the Times.

Haussmann, 3

Avenel, of the Courrier Francais.

Dussard, of the Times.

Levasseur, of the Revolution.

Evariste Durnoulin, of the Constitutionnel.

Alexis de Jussieu, ? 0 T ~ . -r.

^. , 7 . 5- of the Courrier Francais.

Chatelam, 3

^ " ' [ of the Revolution.
razy, 3

„ , J of the Times.

Barbarous, 5

(Ma*, > of the Times.

J. Billiard, 3

Jtfer, of the Tribune des Departemens.

F. Larreguy, of the Journal du Commerce.

J. F. Dupont, of the Courrier Francais.

C/i. c/e Remusat, of the Globe.

F. c/e Lapelanze, of the Courrier Francais.

Bohain, | of the Figaro.
Roqueplan, 3

Co^' ] of the Times.

J. J. Bande, 3

#er£, of the Journal du Commerce.

Jean Plllet, of the Journal de Paris.

Vaillant, of the Sylphe.

Although the monied interest were not the
most forward in lending their personal assist-
ance to promote the cause of freedom, they were
far from being callous to the consequences which
were to be expected from the unconstitutional

PARTS IN 1830. 51

proceedings of the Government on the value of
the public securities. Long* before the hour of
'change, the speculators, and others interested in
the public funds, had assembled in crowds at the
Cafe Tortoni, on the Boulevard des Italiens ;
where it was soon ascertained, that three per
cent, stock would not bring* a price within three
or four francs of what it was worth when the
market closed on the previous Saturday. As
soon as the regular hour of business arrived, the
magnificent building, in which the merchants of
Paris assemble for the despatch of their pecu-
niary transactions, became crowded to excess.
It was observed, that even those whose interests
were promoted, and whose previous anticipa-
tions were justified by the state of the market,
were unable to rejoice at it. The feeling of
commercial confidence had been suddenly and
entirely suspended ; the bankers had shut up
their shops ; there was an end to all dealings
in merchandise ; and M. Ternaux, the greatest
manufacturer in France, had already dismissed
the whole of his workmen, with a payment of
eight days' wages in advance, as an indemnity
for the loss they were to suffer by the privation
of their means of livelihood without any pre-
vious notice.

The gardens of the Palais Royal, which in
the morning had afforded the first facilities to
the inhabitants, in learning the nature of the

e 2

5% PARTS IN 1830.

outrage which had been committed on them, and
in spreading the alarm throughout the city,
became, in the afternoon and evening, a place of
rendezvous for those who had already begun to
reflect on the probable consequences of the mea-
sures of the Government; as well as for another
class of individuals to be found in every great
city, ready to avail themselves of any public
commotion, and to turn it to their own ad-
vantage.

The mauvais sujets of this latter class found
the ready means of agitation and excitement, in
a shop which had been opened by the mad Mar-
quis de Chabannes, in the splendid Orleans Gal-
lery, which traverses- the centre of the building,
for the purpose of exhibiting the result of his
labours, in the new career he had chosen of an
amateur journalist. More royalist than the King,
or even than the King's Ministers, this poetical
peer conceived that he had discovered a panacea
for all the political evils ; and professed, in prose
and verse, in brochures and in journals, to teach
the Ministry the means of saving the monarchy.
Instead of laughing themselves, or leaving the
public to laugh at the follies of the Marquis de
Chabannes, the myrmidons of M. Mangin had,
on Saturday the 24th of July, made an inroad
on the peer's premises, and a seizure of all the
trash they contained. Deprived of the means of
vengeance through the medium of the press, the

PARES IN 1830. 58

Marquis resolved to wreak his wrath on the
Ministry, and on the journalists, who had re-
fused to notice his lucubrations, by exhibiting*
them in a series of harmless caricatures, which
on Monday evening- were posted up in the front
of his shop, and which some lithographic printer
had enabled him to multiply.

As the evening advanced, the cry of " Vive la
Charte !" was occasionally heard from among the
crowds assembled in the neighbourhood of the
Marquis's Boutique : the moment, it appears, was
thought to be favourable for commencing the
chastisement prepared for the people. A party
of gens-d'armes rushed sword in hand into the
gallery : " Fermez ! fermez !" was heard from
every shop ; the windows were all closed, but
instead of taking flight, as a Parisian mob is ac-
customed to do on the appearance of the armed
police, the assembled crowd deliberately waited,
until they were driven out of the gallery at the
point of the sword — and then only retired into
the garden. The men formed themselves in
something like regular order, along the rails of
the parterre, and the women and children, ad-
vancing in front of the gens-d'armes, as if to pro-
voke them to violence, loaded them with the
most opprobrious epithets ; calling them the
hired agents of tyranny and oppression. Al-
though the minions of authority were little ac-
customed to be thus openly bearded in the exer-

54 PARIS IN 1830.

cise of their disreputable functions, they had not
yet suffered themselves to be provoked to the
commission of any irreparable act of violence.
No blood had yet been shed. Instead of driving
the crowd before them, with their usual inso-
lence, they lowered the points of their sabres,
and, in terms of unwonted gentleness, entreated
the multitude to leave the garden, and dis-
perse.

The Champs Elysees, which, on a summer
evening, present so many joyous groups around
the bands of itinerant musicians, the jugglers,
the marionettes, and other sources of amuse-
ment, so liberally provided for them, presented
on this evening, and alas ! on more evenings than
this, a very different spectacle. Deterred from
indulging in their wonted scenes of gaiety, by
the subject with which every mind and every
tongue was occupied, it was suggested by some
one that the Prince de Polignac, the chief author
of the calamity which had befallen the nation,
would be then on his return from the royal resi-
dence at St. Cloud, and that he must pass through
the Champs Elysees, to proceed to his hotel on
the Boulevard des Capucines. It was resolved
to stop him on his passage, and to punish him
on the spot, for the treason he had committed
against the national liberties. While the crowd
were yet deliberating, a carriage arrived, with
liveries and armorial bearings, which were mis-

PARIS IN 1830. 55

taken for those of the culprit minister. It was
stopped on the instant ; but while those within
were endeavouring to prove that they were not
the enemies of France, the carriage of the prince
drove rapidly past ; and, for this time at least,
the president of the council owed his personal
safety, if not also his life, to the speed of his
horses, and the dexterity of his coachman. His
highness's carriage had entered the courts of his
hotel, before those who pursued it could reach
the Boulevard de la Madelaine. The gates
were instantly closed : and the crowd endea-
voured to indemnify themselves for the disap-
pointment they had sustained, by breaking all
the windows exposed to the Boulevard or the
neighbouring streets, by an attempt to scale the
garden-wall, and by the imprecations which
they addressed to him who had just escaped
from their fury. It is said, that the poor prince,
in the first access of terror, had descended into
one of the subterranean passages of his hotel,
and had there remained concealed, until the ar-
rival of a strong detachment of troops restored
him to a state of comparative safety.

It was in this state of inquietude, that the
people and their oppressors awaited the events
of the following day.

i6 PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER IV.

Condition of affairs in regard to the new Election of Deputies
— Meeting of Members at the house of M. Casimir Perier,
with the Protest issued by them — Crowd attracted by the
occasion — First scene of bloodshed —Destruction by the
Police of the printing-presses belonging to the National
and the Times — Anecdote — Legal Proceedings, between
the printers and the proprietors of certain Journals — Affair
of Lapelouze and Chatelain versus Laguionie — Command
of the Troops assigned to the Duke of Ragusa — Preparations
for resistance on the part of the people.

Of the four hundred and thirty deputies who
form the complement of the representative
chamber, only thirty-two had arrived in Paris
at the date when the liberticidal ordinances
of the 25th of July were proclaimed. The
general election had just been completed ; the
returns from the more distant colleges had as
yet only been communicated by means of the
telegraph ; and the great majority of the depu-
ties were still on their estates in distant parts of
the country, or on their way to the capital to
attend their parliamentary duties at the com-

PARIS IN 1830. 57

mencement of the session, which had been fixed
by ordinance for the 3rd of August.

Such of the constitutional deputies as were
known to be in Paris on the 26th of July, were
hastily summoned to meet on the evening- of
that day in the house of M. Ca^iimir Perier, for
the purpose of taking the measures of Govern-
ment into consideration. A committee was
named to prepare a solemn protest against the
suspension of the liberty of the press, the disso-
lution of a Chamber which had not been regu-
larly constituted, and the attempt to form a
new Chamber in a manner not recognized by the
charter of the laws.

On the morning of the 27th, the protest thus
prepared was submitted to the consideration of
an adjourned meeting of the deputies, who were
already doubled in number ; and, as the docu-
ment, with its interesting signatures, possesses
an historical value, it seems entitled to a place in
the present narrative.

" PROTEST OF THE DEPUTIES.

" The undersigned, regularly elected to the office of
deputy conformably to the constitutional charter, and
to the laws relative to elections, and who are now at
Paris,

" Consider themselves as absolutely obliged by their
duties and their honour, to protest against the measures
which the advisers of the Crown have lately caused to

58 PARIS IN 1830.

be proclaimed for the overthrow of the legal system of
elections, and the ruin of the liberty of the press.

" The measures contained in the ordinances of the
25th of July are, in the opinion of the undersigned, di-
rectly contrary to the constitutional rights of the Cham-
ber of Peers, to the public rights of Frenchmen, to the
attributes and to the decrees of the tribunals, and are
calculated to . throw the state into a confusion, which
equally endangers the peace of the present moment and
the security of the future.

" In consequence, the undersigned, inviolably faith-
ful to their oath, protest in concert, not only against the
said measures, but against all the acts which may result
from them.

" And considering, on the one hand, that the Cham-
ber of Deputies, not having been constituted, could not
be legally dissolved ; on the other, that the attempt to
form a new Chamber of Deputies in a novel and arbi-
trary manner, is directly opposed to the constitutional
charter and to the acquired rights of the electors; the
undersigned declare that they still consider themselves
as the representatives of the people legally elected by
the colleges of the arrondissements and departments
whose suffrages they have obtained, and as incapable of
being replaced except by virtue of elections made ac-
cording to the principles and forms prescribed by law.

" And if the undersigned do not effectually exercise
the rights or perform all the duties which they derive
from their legal election, it is because they are hindered
by absolute violence.

Labbey de Pompiere Audry de Puyraveau

Sebastiani Andre Gollot

Mechin Gaetan de la Rochefoii-

Perier (Casimir) cauld

Guizot Mauguin

PARIS IN 1830.

59

Bernard

Voisin de Gartempe

Froidefond de Bellisle

Villemain

Didot (Firmin)

Daunou

Persil

Villemot

De la Riboissiere

Bondy (Comte de)

Dnris-Defresne

Girod de TAin

Laisne de la Villeveque

Delessert (Benjamin)

March al

Nau de Champlouis

Comte de Lobau

Baron Louis

Millaux

Estourmel (Comte d')

Montguyon (Comte de)

Levaillant

Tronchon

Gerard (le general)

Lafitte (Jacques)

Garcias

Dugas Montbel

Camille Perier

Vassal

Alexandre Delaborde

Jaques Lefebvre

Mathieu Dumas

Eusebe Salverte

De Poulmer

Hernoux

Chardel

Bavoux

Charles Dupin

Hely d'Hoyssel

Eugene d'Harcourt

Baillot

General Lafayette

Georges Lafayette

Jouvencel

Bertin de Vaux

Comte de Lameth

Berard

Duchaffaut

Auguste de Saint-Aignan

Keratry

Ternaux

Jacques Odier

Benjamin Constant."

It soon became known to the inhabitants at
large, for what purpose the deputies had thus
assembled at M. Perier's hotel. A party of
young men having been attracted to the spot,
for the purpose of learning the decision which
might be taken, a detachment of gens-d'armes was
sent to disperse them. On their refusal to obey

CO PARIS IN 1830.

the orders of the police, the latter drew their
swords, and attacked the unarmed citizens.
Thus the first scene of bloodshed took place
under the eyes of the assembled deputies, as
if to prove how clearly the line was drawn be-
tween the pretensions of royalty and the rights
of the people ; and at the same time, to remind
their representatives of the sanguinary nature
of the measures contemplated by the Govern-
ment.

As the constitutional journalists continued to
disregard both the proclamation of M. Mangin
and the suspension of their professional freedom,
which the ordinances had fulminated, strong
parties of gen-d'armerie were sent on the morn-
ing of Tuesday the 27th, to occupy the streets
adjoining the bureaux and printing-offices of
the most refractory. Under the protection of
this armed force, the commissaries of police
made a violent entry into the premises of the
National and the Times, and intimated to the
proprietors, that in virtue of an order from the
prefect, they had come to make a seizure of the
presses employed in printing the journals, in
consequence of the refusal which had been
evinced to submit to the royal ordinances.
To this it was answered, that the Government
having exceeded the powers conferred by law
on the executive, the officers themselves were
committing an act of rebellion, in becoming

PARIS IN 1830. 61

the instruments for enforcing- a mandate incon-
sistent with the freedom guaranteed by the
charter ; and it was intimated to them, that the
seizure they contemplated would be regarded
as a theft and a burglary ; but that as the pro-
prietors possessed no adequate force to repel
the invasion, they could only protest against
the violence to which they were exposed.

This protest was, of course, disregarded.
The printing-presses were dismounted, and
the levers, and other essential parts of the ma-
chinery were broken, or rendered unfit for ser-
vice. The greatest anxiety was displayed to
discover the copies of the papers which were
known to have been printed that morning;
but in this the police were disappointed, from
their ignorance apparently of the very early
hour, (not long after midnight,) when the morn-
ing papers are put to press. Seven thousand
copies of the National had already been issued,
and perhaps a still larger edition of the Times •
but these numbers, although great for journals
of a few months' standing, are not nearly equal
to the daily circulation of the Constitutionnel,
and several others of their senior contempo-
raries.

An incident occurred in the course of this
proceeding, which deserves to be recorded, to
mark the intelligence and the firmness discovered
by individuals of the class of artizans in the

62 PARIS IN 1830,

French metropolis. The proprietors of the
Times having refused to open the doors of the
apartment which contained the printing- presses
of the establishment, an operative blacksmith of
the name of Pein was sent for by the commis-
sary of police, to procure an entrance by forcing
the locks. The commissary, arrayed in his offi-
cial scarf, and with the mandate of the prefect in
his hand, required the blacksmith to execute the
task he had been sent for to perform. The pro-
prietors repeated their protest against the threat-
ened act of violence, and he, taking off his hat
while they read to him the article of the code on
which they founded their resistance to the proceed-
ings of the police, firmly refused to concur in a
measure which appeared to him to be contrary
to law. A second, and younger individual was
then procured from a different workshop, but as
he refused his ministry with equal courage and
simplicity, it was at length found necessary to
procure the assistance of the personage whose
duty it is to rivet the fetters of convicts, on being
sent to the galleys. Such was the worthy in-
strument employed in the perpetration of this
first attack on the liberty of the press ! such the
hands by which the crime was consummated!

During these proceedings, the pressmen and
compositors, who saw themselves exposed to the
immediate privation of their means of existence,
had the rare merit of repressing their feelings

PARIS IN 1830. 68

of indignation, in the belief that force and vio-
lence would not long remain triumphant, when
opposed to right and justice. In spite of the
armed force in the neighbourhood, the printing
offices where these proceedings were conducted,
were soon filled and surrounded by crowds of
citizens, who calmly witnessed the operations of
the police in all their details ; and, without a sug-
gestion that force should be repelled by force,
they in general contented themselves with leav-
ing their names, and places of residence, to ena-
ble the proprietors to call them as witnesses,
when the perpetrators of the violence should be
brought before the tribunal to answer for their
conduct.

In the mean time, the courts of justice were
occupied with the questions which arose between
the licensed printers, and the proprietors of other
journals, who had no separate printing establish-
ment of their own. The former, while they ac-
knowledged the illegality of the measures adopted,
refused to lend their assistance in printing such
journals as had not obtained the sanction of
the police for their appearance, agreeably to the
terms of the recent ordinances ; and the latter
were unable to imitate the example of resistance
which had been set them by their contemporaries,
owing to that division of labour which had placed
in other hands the apparatus of printing. On the
morning of the 27th, the tribunal of commerce,

64 PARIS IN 1830.

under the presidency of M. Gaimeron, was occu-
pied with the affair of Lapelouze and Chatelain,
the proprietors of the Courrier Francais, who had
cited their printer, Lagiiionie, before the court,
to compel him to proceed in the performance of
his agreement to print the paper in question.
The other judges on the bench were MM.
Lemoine-Tacherat, Gisquet, Bonvaultier, Le-
fort, and Truelle. Their names deserve to be
recorded as an honour to the purity and inde-
pendence of the judgment-seat.

M. Merilhou appeared as counsel for the pro-
prietors of the Courrier Francais, and stated "that
the defendant had entered into an agreement
with his clients to print their paper, and till
yesterday he had faithfully fulfilled it ; but he
had then refused to continue his services, in con-
sequence of a pretended ordinance of the 25th
of July, and of an order which had been given
him by M. Mangin, the prefect of police. But
the defendant ought to know that the laws of
France cannot thus be destroyed by ordinances.
It was true that a handful of factious individuals,
in an elevated station of society, had, in their
pride, conceived such a project ; but, insane as
they were, they must soon suffer the conse-
quences of their temerity. It must have been
some illegitimate fancy, some inconceivable ca-
price which had created, he knew not in what
mind, those monstrous ordinances which hadap-

PARTS IN 1830. 65

peared in the Moniteur, and which had roused the
indignation of every one who had the heart of a
citizen in his bosom. They had not contented
themselves with destroying the liberty of writing,
but had even attempted to annul the electoral
operations of the kingdom, and to create a new
system of election in France. But they would
not find a single tribunal which would lend the
aid of its authority to so mad, so sacrilegious a
proceeding; for the magistracy would execute
only such ordinances as were consistent with
law, and not such as were in open violation of
it. The Royal Court of Paris, by its memorable
decree of the 1st of April 1830, in the affair of
MM. Bert and Lapelouze, had declared that
the mere intention to change the existing elec-
toral system illegally, or by ordinance, and to
overturn one of the guarantees which the charter
had consecrated, was a crime. But that crime
is this day consummated by the publication of
the ordinances inserted in the Moniteur.
Does the defendant rely, then, on a crime to
relieve him from the execution of his engage-
ment? To entertain even a doubt on such a
subject w^ould be an obvious absurdity. The
decree of the 1st of April is a beacon by which
all France has been warned and enlightened.
The tribunal of commerce will add to it the
weight of its authority : its justice will recoil
before the sanction of crime." The learned

66 PARIS IN 1830.

counsel concluded by moving- that the defendant
be condemned immediately to print the Courrier
Francais, or to pay five thousand francs of da-
mages to the plaintiffs for each day's delay.

M. Laguionie then appeared at the bar to state
his defence in person. He said that he regarded
the letter he had received from M. Mangin as a
wholesome warning. It enjoined him to desist
from printing the journal under pain of seeing
his presses seized and destroyed. The interest
of the plaintiffs themselves required that he
should yield to actual violence ; for if he had
resisted like some of his brethren, his presses
would have been broken, his types scattered,
and the very means of publicity destroyed. The
position of the proprietors, in braving the danger,
was different from his. All that they compro-
mised was the good will of the journal ; but he
had thirty presses at work, and afforded the
means of support to upwards of one hundred
families. How then could he be called on to
sacrifice, not only the interests of his workmen,
but of two absent co-partners ? He believed
that he had acted for the benefit of all parties ;
but if, contrary to his expectation, the decision
of the tribunal should be against him, he required
that the proprietors of the . Courrier Francais
should be held responsible for the consequences
which might result from it.

Having heard the statement of the defendant,

PARIS IN 1830. 67

the members of the court retired into their
council-chamber to deliberate on the judgment.
After a very short consultation, they resumed
their seats on the bench, and the president having
directed a doorkeeper to close the windows of
the court-room, that his voice might be better
heard amidst the solemn sound of the tocsin,
and the discharges of musketry and artillery by
which he was interrupted, proceeded with calm-
ness and dignity to pronounce the following
judgment : —

" Considering that the defendant, Gaultier-
Laguionie, became bound by a verbal agreement
to print the journal entitled the Courrier Fran-
cais -y that agreements legally entered into, ought
to receive their effect ; that it is in vain that the
defendant, to relieve himself from his obliga-
tions, opposes a notice received from the prefect
of police, containing an injunction to execute an
ordinance of the 25th of the present month ;
that that ordinance, being contrary to the con-
stitutional charter, can neither be obligatory on
the sacred and inviolable person of the king, nor
on the citizens whose rights it infringes : —

" Considering, moreover, that by the very .
terms of the charter, ordinances can only be
made in the execution, or for the preservation of
the laws, and that the ordinance before cited,
would, on the contrary, produce a violation of
the provisions of the law of 28th July, 1828 :

f 2

(><S PARTS IN 1830.

" For these reasons the tribunal ordains that
the agreement between the parties shall be car-
ried into effect ; condemns the defendant per-
sonally, within twenty-four hours, to print the
journal called the Courrier Francais ; and, in case
of failure, reserves to the plaintiffs their right to
insist for the damages, to be afterwards decreed
for ; ordains the provisional execution of this
judgment on the instant, notwithstanding any
appeal which may be entered, and that by the
ministry of Pigace, the officer of the court in at-
tendance ; and subjects the defendant to the costs."

While the representatives of the people, and
the occupants of the judgment-seat, were thus
discharging the high functions confided to them,
in a manner so honourable to their integrity and
independence, the capital and its environs were
every instant assuming a more threatening and
alarming aspect. It was already known that the
command of the troops of the garrison, consist-
ing of 12,000 men of the royal French and Swiss
Guard, the 5th, 50th, and 53rd regiments of the
line, the 15th regiment of light horse, and a for-
midable train of artillery, had been placed under
the command of the Marshal Marmont, Duke
of Ragusa. On the other hand, the most une-
quivocal symptoms of a determined resistance
on the part of the people were everywhere dis-
playing themselves. In spite of the numerous
patrols of gens-d'armerie, and of regular troops,

PARIS IN 1830. 69

both horse and foot, incessantly parading* the
streets, the citizens were to be seen in all direc-
tions, hurrying with arms in their hands, to con-
cert the means of opposition to the measures of
the government. For this purpose meetings
were hastily held in various quarters of the city,
particularly on the Place de Greve, the Place
de Chatelet, the quays, the bridges, and the
boulevards. The students attending the schools
of law and medicine, and the artizans of the
neighbouring faubourgs, assembled on the Place
de l'Odeon and the Place de l'Ecole de Medi-
cine ; but, at an early hour in the day, the pre-
caution had been taken of closing the gates of the
Palais Royal, so that the great thoroughfares
formed by the Rue St. Honore and the Rue
Richelieu, with the adjoining streets, were soon
so encumbered as to have become quite impass-
able by the crowds of workmen, directed towards
the interior courts and garden of the palace, as
to a common centre of attraction. The calm-
ness, approaching to serenity, with which these
unpremeditated meetings were held, places the
character of the working classes in the' French
metropolis above all praise ; but, to account for
it, it must be remembered, that although the
recent ordinances were the immediate and
exciting cause of this insurrectionary movement
among the people, their minds were predisposed
to it by the warnings which for a year before

70 PARIS IN 1830

they had been daily receiving*, through the me-
dium of the periodical press. The ministerial
journals, particularly the Gazette de France,
the Quotidienne, and the Drapeau Blanc, had
been defending, by anticipation, the coups d'etat
predicted and denounced by their liberal con-
temporaries, and the discussion which thus
arose, while it afforded a salutary course of in-
struction to all classes of the people on the most
important branches of political knowledge, and
informed them of the nature of their duties, and
the extent of their rights, at the same time pre-
pared men's minds for that firmness of purpose,
and that promptitude in action, which were most
nobly evinced when the predicted outrage was
so signally realized.

PARIS IN 1830. 71

CHAPTER V.

Positions occupied by the troops of the line— Punishment

inflicted on certain police agents — Disinclination of the
troops of the line to act against the people, and causes for
this feeling — Conciliatory messages on both sides — Assign-
ment to the royal guard of the station in front of the Palais
Royal — Offensive operations commenced by them, conjoint-
ly with the Lancers— Anecdotes — The guard-house near
the Exchange fired by the people— Active arrangements for
defence made by the populace during the night — Unpaving
and barricading of the streets— The Marseillois Hymn, and
its exciting effects.

While the inhabitants were thus engaged in
consultation, the gen-d'armerie and the troops of
the line proceeded in powerful masses to occupy
the Place de Carrousel, the Place de la Bourse,
the Place Vendome, and other open spaces in
various quarters of the city. The more obscure
agents of the police, employed by M. Mangin to
watch the proceedings of the citizens, had by
this time taken the alarm, in consequence of the
recognition of several of their associates, and the

7C2

PARIS IN 1830.

severe chastisement they received at the hands
of the populace.

On the other hand, the troops of the line dis-
covered no anxiety to place themselves in oppo-
sition to the assembled citizens. It was already
ascertained, that a certain degree of hesitation
had been evinced on the part of more than one
of the regiments of the garrison. Nor, if we re-
flect for a moment on the constitution of the
regiments of the French line, and on the man-
ner in which their numbers are recruited, can
we feel much surprise at the symptoms of hesi-
tation which were thus manifested among
them.

The law of conscription, introduced under the
military government of Napoleon, was, with
certain modifications, maintained in force after
the Bourbon restoration. It is true, that the
demand which thus arose on the general popula-
tion to supply the annual contingent of the
army, was of small amount during a long pe-
riod of tranquillity, (interrupted only by the pre-
parations for the Spanish armament under the
Duke d'Angouleme, and by the more recent ex-
pedition to the coast of Africa, under the ex-
minister Bourmont,) when compared with the
constant drain of the best blood of the nation
required to satisfy the wants of an ambitious
military chief. But the principle was still the
same ; the conscripts were selected by ballot

PARIS IN 1830. 78

from the general mass of the population ; and if
the army did not latterly include in its ranks the
representatives of all classes of society, it was
because, under a great variety of restrictions,
the principle of serving by substitute had been
admitted into operation.

Such, however, were the obstacles to the re-
cognition of the remplagant, and such the re-
pugnance to the service among those who had
themselves escaped from the chance of the bal-
lot, that the ordinary premium for a substitute,
with all the necessary qualifications of age and
personal capacity, has for a long time been
as high as fifteen hundred francs ; and as the
principal, after all, continued to be responsible
for the good conduct of his substitute, as well as
for his continuance in the service, it will not be
wondered at if not a few were to be found in the
ranks of the army who could even have afforded
to advance a sum, which, although merely equal
to sixty pounds sterling, is known to be regard-
ed in France as of very considerable amount. In
point of fact, it is believed that the proportion of
those who thus enter the service voluntarily in
the capacity of substitutes, has not amounted on
the average to more than fifteen per cent, of the
aggregate rank and file of the French army ;
and when it is known that these well-paid sub-
stitutes are uniformly distinguished as the very
worst soldiers in their respective regiments, it

74 PARIS IN 1830.

will at once be acknowledged that the materials
out of which the aggregate force is originally
formed, are decidedly superior, as compared
with the rest of the population, to the corre-
sponding elements of the British army.

Looking upwards from the ranks to the offi-
cers and sub-officers in the regiments of the
French line, we shall find that there also a com-
munity of feeling is maintained, not only as be-
tween the army and the rest of the population, but
also between the officers and privates themselves.
In the French army there is no vestige to be
found of that aristocratical spirit, which with us
is perhaps so necessary, from the very constitu-
tion of our military force, and which perempto-
rily forbids a soldier bearing his majesty's com-
mission, to associate with one whom it would be
infra dig. to call his comrade of the ranks.
There is nothing either in the manners of the
country, or in the rules of military discipline, to
prevent the officer and the private, when not on
duty, from mixing in the same society, following
the same pursuits, or enjoying the same amuse-
ments. This freedom of intercourse among
each other, restricted, as of course it must be, by
the accidents of birth and fortune, affords addi-
tional facilities for extending itself throughout
the whole population, and drawing closer the
bands by which the soldier and the citizen are
previously united.

PARIS IN 1830. 15

The barrack system, by which the troops are
kept apart from the rest of the community, and
the principle adopted under the restored govern-
ment of reserving the commissions in the army
for the families of the old noblesse, had doubtless
a considerable tendency to counteract the effect
of what has just been pointed out with reference
to the constitution of the army, and the habits of
the individuals composing it. These counter-
acting influences were not, however, of sufficient
force to destroy the good understanding which
happily existed between the people of Paris and
the troops of the garrison. Some hours before
any blood had been shed, or any actual collision
had taken place between the armed force and
the citizens, innumerable messages of a peaceful
and conciliatory character had been interchanged
between the various barracks in which the troops
were quartered, and their friends and connexions
in the city. The bearers of these messages were
generally either women or children ; and it can-
not be doubted that their effect must have been
great, beyond the possibility of calculation, in
alleviating the list of casualties which arose out
of a struggle of three days' continuance.

The effect of this interchange of civilities was
strikingly evinced on the first appearance of one
of the regiments of the line, on the open space
in the Rue St. Honore, in front of the Palais
Royal. The inhabitants had no idea that any

76 PARIS IN 1830.

attack would be made upon them without some
previous warning-. They expected to see the
commissaries of police, and other civil function-
aries invested with the attributes of office, and
to hear the proclamation read by which meetings
in the street were interdicted, before the com-
mission of any irreparable act of violence. The
fact that the troops were not attended by any
civil officer to sanction the commencement of
hostilities, had only the effect of inspiring the as-
sembled populace with fresh confidence. As
soon as the regiment was drawn up in line, it
was received with cheers and vivats. In place
of retreating as the soldiers advanced, a number
of individuals from the crowd ran up to them,
hat in hand, and adjured them by all that was
sacred in honour, liberty, and patriotism, to spare
their fellow citizens the horrors of a civil war.
The soldiers evidently understood what was ad-
dressed to them, and seemed ready to fraternize
with the people. But the officers, who were not
prepared for this mode of opening the campaign,
were at the same time unable to answer with fire
and sword, the language of peace and friendship,
addressed to them by an unarmed multitude.
They sent to their superior officer, General
Walsh, to represent to him the manner in which
the troops had been received by the citizens, and
to take his orders as to the measures to be
adopted. His orders were, that the troops of

PARIS IN 1830. 77

the line should be distributed in patrols, and
that the ground should be occupied by the
Royal Guard.

When the Guards made their appearance,
they were accompanied by a detachment of
Lancers, who, throughout the three days of
civil war, distinguished themselves, on all occa-
sions, by their unrelenting ferocity. They came
upon the ground, their trumpets sounding, and
their drums beating the charge. No halt or
hesitation was observable in their deportment.
They marched straight up to the unarmed
crowd : the guard fired a volley, the Lancers
made a charge, and, as the inhabitants fell, a
shout was raised from the ranks, of " TTwe le
Hoi ! five Charles X. !" affording a sad pre-
sage that henceforward this cry was only to be
the signal of murder and of civil war. Dis-
persing on the instant, the crowd did not wait
for a second volley, and the soldiers were suf-
fered to pursue their bloody and triumphant
course. The Lancers struck indiscriminately
wherever and whomsoever they could reach.
An old man, who fell mortally wounded in this
first encounter, was heard to exclaim, as he
expired, " Trive la liberie ! J^ive la charte !"

It was here, too, that a woman about thirty-
five years of age was killed by a musket-shot,
which she received in her forehead. A journey-
man baker, of gigantic stature and herculean

78 PARIS IN 1880.

strength, with his arms and his limbs uncovered,
rushed out of his shop, and, laying hold of the
dead body, raised it over his head, and carried
it to the Place des Victoires, shouting vengeance
as he went. After extending it on the ground,
at the foot of the statue of Louis XIV.,
he harangued the multitude by whom he was
surrounded, with an energy which vibrated to
every heart. He then resumed his burden, and
carried it towards the guard-house at the en-
trance of the Bank of France, which is situated
in the neighbourhood of the Place des Victoires ;
and, as soon as he had reached the sentinels
and other soldiers assembled at the gate, he
threw the corpse at the head of the first he met,
exclaiming, " See how your comrades are deal-
ing Avith our wives ! Will you too do the like ?"
" No," replied one of the soldiers, shaking the
baker by the hand; "depend upon the Line;
" but when you come out again, bring arms
with you." The men whose trade was that of
blood, looked pale at the sight of a murdered,
unresisting woman ; and tears were seen to roll
from the eyes of the officer of the guard.
When other dead bodies were soon afterwards
carried past the station, the officer exclaimed,
" Kill me, kill me! for death is preferable to
a situation so horrible as this !"

Another corpse was carried from the front of
the Palais Royal to the Place de la Bourse. On

PARIS IN 1830. 79

seeing it, the indignation of the people there
assembled was suddenly roused to ungovernable
fury. They threw themselves at the party
posted at the Exchange, killed such as offered
any resistance, and, allowing the others to
escape, concluded by setting the guard-house
on fire.

In the course of the afternoon, it was cur-
rently reported that M. de Belleyme, the presi-
dent of the Cour Royale, and M. Ganireron, of
the tribunal of first instance, had been arrested
and sent toVincennes, in consequence of the judg-
ments they had ventured to pronounce in oppo-
sition to the views of the government, on the
subject of the press. Although it afterwards
proved that these rumours were unfounded, the
temporary credit they obtained was highly
favourable to that unity and firmness of pur-
pose which marked the proceedings of the
people.

Throughout the day, the shops in all the prin-
cipal thoroughfares had been closed ; or perhaps,
to speak more correctly, they had, in general,
never been opened. In the course of the after-
noon and evening, the cry became general
among the crowds traversing the streets, for arms
and leaders. As nightfall approached, a general
attack was made on the public lamps of the city,
which were speedily demolished, for the purpose
of enabling the inhabitants to pursue the

80 PARIS IN 1830.

plans which had already been formed for
placing* themselves in a better posture of de-
fence against the attack of disciplined troops.
Visits were then made to the shops of all the
gunsmiths and armourers — to the theatres, which
on Tuesday evening had not been opened for
public representation — and in short, to every
quarter of the capital where it was known or
supposed that arms were to be found. To these
demands it may be said in general that no re-
sistance was made. The possessors of weapons
of offence, of whatever kind, surrendered them
readily, as soon as an application was made for
them, accompanied by a reasonable demonstra-
tion of the power to enforce it.

The soldiery soon found that they would not be
in safety in patrolling the streets on this, as they
had done during the previous night. The arms
obtained by the citizens were not long left un-
employed ; before midnight the outposts and
patroles of the government forces were all driven
into their principal stations on the Place Vendome,
the Place de Carrousel, and the Place Louis XVI.
where their bivouacs were established, so that
in every other quarter the citizens remained in
undisturbed possession of the streets, and at full
liberty to conduct those operations which before
morning were to effect so extraordinary, so
magical a change on the general aspect of the
capital.

PARIS IN 1830. 81

The partial engagements which had taken
place in the course of the afternoon and evening-,
between the military and the populace, were thus
suspended till the return of light. But the
hours of darkness were not attended with their
ordinary effects of tranquillizing men's minds, or
even affording them an intermission from their
labours.

The uniformity and deliberation with which,
in every quarter of Paris, the inhabitants applied
themselves to the construction of those celebrated
barricades which were in fact the means of in-
suring them the victory they so soon, and so sig-
nally achieved, form, without exception or com-
parison, the most remarkable feature in the
French revolution of 1830. Although as yet
there was certainly no council to advise, and no
chief to direct the people in their proceedings,
the corner of every street, and the outlet of
every thoroughfare, became in the course of this
memorable night a formidable barrier, sufficient
to daunt the courage of the best troops in the
world. At first every waggon, diligence, and
omnibus to be found on the street, was laid under
contribution, dismounted, and applied to the
purpose with which all thoughts were occupied.
These, however, were speedily abandoned, either
from an idea of their insufficiency, from a con-
sideration for private property, or in consequence
of the discovery that the streets themselves af-

G

82 PARIS IN 1830.

forded more suitable and more substantial ma-
terials than those which had first presented
themselves. As soon as the idea was started, it
spread from station to station, and from street to
street, with the rapidity of lightning*. With so
many, and such willing hands, the task of un-
paving the crossing of a street, and of building
up a barricade was not long in being accom-
plished. Nor, while thus patriotically occupied,
were stimulants wanting to prompt them to
exertion. It was not, however, in the brandy
cellar or the wine shop that these stimulants
were sought, but in the inspiring air, and, if
possible, still more inspiring words, of that hymn,
the Marseillaise of M. Rouget de Lisle, which,
in spite of prohibition and proscription had never
ceased to be a national favourite, and now, when
it had again become so strikingly applicable to
existing circumstances, burst forth in chorus from
young and old, to encourage the labourers in their
holy and patriotic undertaking. If the intrinsic
merit of the verses did not of itself entitle them
to a place in these pages, it would still be neces-
sary to quote them for the purpose of proving how
much they, and through them the French people,
have hitherto been misrepresented in England.
One of the first acts of the new sovereign of the
French has been to reward the surviving author
of this noble production with a suitable annuity
from his private fortune ; an act of munificence

PARIS IN 1830. 83

universally appreciated and applauded. The
effect produced by his verses on the minds of a
whole nation affords the best of all evidence that
the author's reward has not been unmerited.

LA MARSEILLAISE,

HYMNE PATRIOTJQUE,

Par M. Rouget de Lisle.

Allons, enfans de la Patrie,

Le jour de gloire est arrive ;

Contre nous de la tyrannie

L'etendard sanglant est leve.

Entendez-vous dans les campagnes

Mugir ces feroces soldats ?

lis viennent j usque dans vos bras

Egorger vos fils, vos compagnes !
Aux armes, citoyens ! formez vos bataillons,
Marchons ! . . . qu'un sang impur abreuve nos sillons.

Que veut cette horde d'esclaves

De traitres, de rois conjures ?

Pour qui ces ignobles entraves,

Ces fers des long-temps prepares ?

Francais ! pour nous : ah ! quel outrage !

Quels transports il doit exciter !

C'est nous qu'on ose mediter

De rendre a l'antique esclavage ! . . .
Aux armes, citoyens ! formez vos bataillons,
Marchons ! . . . qu'un sang impur abreuve nos sillons.

G 2

84 PARTS IN 1830.

Quoi ! des cohortes etrangeres
Feraient la loi dans nos foyers !
Quoi ! ces phalanges mercenaires
Terrasseraient nos fiers guerriers !
Grand Dieu ! par des mains enchainees
Nos fronts sous le joug se ploiraient !
De vils despotes deviendraient
Les moteurs de nos destinees ! . . .
Aux armes, citoyens ! formez vos bataillons,
Marchons ! . . . quun sang impur abreuve nos sillons.

Tremblez tyrans ! et vous perfides,
L'opprobre de tous les partis,
Tremblez ! . . . vos projets parricides
Vont enfin recevoir le prix.
Tout est soldat pour vous combattre.
S'ils tombent, nos jeunes heros,
La terre en produit de nouveaux
Contre vous tout prets a se battre ! . . .
Aux armes, citoyens ! formez vos bataillons,
Marchons ! . . . quun sang impur abreuve nos sillons.

Francais, en guerriers magnanimes

Portez, ou retenez vos coups :

Epargnez ces tristes victimes

A regret s'armant contre nous.

Mais le despote sanguinaire,

Mais les complices des Bouille,

Tous ces tigres qui, sans pitie,

Dechirent le sein de leur mere !
Aux armes, citoyens ! formez vos bataillons,
Marchons ! . . . qu'un sang impur abreuve nos sillons.

PARIS IX 1830. 85

Amour sacre de la patrie ;

Conduis, sontiens nos bras vengeurs !

Liber te, Liberte cherie,

Combats avec tes defenseurs.

Sous nos drapeaux que la victoire

Accoure a tes males accens ;

Que tes ermemis expirans

Voient ton triomphe et notre gloire.
Aux armes, citoyens ! formez vos bataillons,
Marchons ! . . . quun sang impur abreuve nos sillons.

86 PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER VI.

Formidable appearance of Paris on the morning of the 28th
of July — Organization of the National Guard, on behalf
of the popular cause— Destruction of various tributes to
Royalty— Mean conduct of many retainers of the Court—
General extension of the conflict — Proceedings in the Fau-
bourg St. Antoine — Charge made by the Cuirassiers of
the Guard, and followed by the expulsion of the troops from
the Rue St. Antoine — Desperate contest in the Boulevard
du Temple — An illustrative Letter.

Had there been any one in Paris unacquainted
with what was passing around him, during the
night of the 27th of July, and had such a person
made his appearance next morning in the streets,
in any quarter of the city, without an idea of
the changes produced on their general aspect
since he retired to his chamber on the evening
before, he must have found it difficult to per-
suade himself, that the formidable fortifications
which everywhere met his eye, were not the
work of enchantment. After the first feeling of
surprise had in some degree subsided, his atten-
tion would be called to less prominent objects.
At the corner of every street, and wherever any

PARIS IN 1830. 87

casual projection afforded a better chance of pub-
licity, three lines of a notice might be seen posted
up, some in manuscript, and others in letter-
press, announcing that the National Guard was
at that moment organising itself.

Like the construction of the barricades, these
notices, conceived in every possible variety of
language, and assuming every imaginable form,
appeared to be the result of some secret instinct
which had been granted to the people for their
mutual preservation. As yet, no chief had been
suggested, no leader had shown himself. The
unity of purpose observable among the people,
was produced by the feeling, now become uni-
versal, that the moment had arrived for asserting
their rights, and for ridding themselves of the
system of tyranny which had so long been threat-
ened, and which had at length been carried into
operation. Already, it is true, the wishes, rather
than the hopes, of the more reflecting and con-
siderate, had pointed to the Duke of Orleans and
his family, as the ultimate dependance of the
nation, and as affording the only probability for
the establishment of a constitutional government,
strong enough to protect itself against internal
anarchy, and calculated at the same time, to con-
ciliate and secure the recognition and respect of
the other great powers of Europe.

It is known that the city of Paris is divided
into twelve arrondissements, each of which is

88 PARIS IN 1830.

provided with a mayor, and other functionaries,
who are only subordinate to the prefect as the
head of the municipal government. The Na-
tional Guard, when in a state of activity, had
consisted of thirteen legions, one of cavalry, and
the other twelve of infantry. The mounted
legion belonged indiscriminately to all the quar-
ters of the city, but the infantry were divided
into arrondissements, a legion being raised in
each. The legions were subdivided into batta-
lions, and these again into companies, the indi-
viduals comprising which were of course perso-
nally known to each other, from the system of
local distribution adopted ; and the acquaintance-
ships which had thus been formed, were strength-
ened, in place of being broken up, by the jealousy
evinced by the government, in disbanding a force
which was felt to be of such vital importance to
the preservation of the national liberties.

It was little more than three years since this
unpopular measure had been carried into effect ;
so that the officers of companies, the commanders
of battalions, and finally, the mairies of arron-
dissements, rather than the mayors themselves,
(who were in general royalists,) became the ready
rallying points for the members of the respective
legions of the Parisian guard. But although the
reorganization of the whole body was thus greatly
facilitated, it was no ordinary act of courage on
the part of the isolated individuals of which it

PARIS IN 1830. 89

was composed, thus deliberately to array them-
selves in the proscribed uniform, and appear
singly on the streets and boulevards, as a mark
for the first patrol they might encounter. The
spirit which prompted to such acts of heroism,
was too general to admit of distinction. In every
district, in every street, there was some one to
take the lead in setting an example, which was
speedily followed by thousands. The first who
showed themselves were loudly cheered, as they
proceeded to their place of rendezvous, with
shouts of " Vive la brave garde! Vive la Garde
Nationale !" and the reception they met with
afforded a fresh indication, if such had been ne-
cessary, of the perfect unanimity which prevailed
on the subject of the resistance which was making
to the measures of the government.

Another symptom of popular feeling which dis-
played itself on the morning of the 28th, consisted
in the obliteration of the various emblems of roy-
alty exhibited on the sign boards of the tradesmen
authorized to assume such distinctions by the offi-
cers of the king's household, and by those of the
princes and princesses of the royal family. The
names of the Duke and Duchess d' Angouleme,
the Duchess de Berri, and the Duke de Bor-
deaux, were uniformly treated with this mark of
popular dislike, wherever they were exposed to
public observation. At this early period, how-
ever, of the revolutionarv movement, the position

90 PARIS IN 1830.

of the Duke of Orleans had not perhaps been
duly considered. The initials prefixed to his
royal highness's name, as they suggested his con-
nexion with the reigning family, were by some
thought to be sufficient to include him in the ban
they were disposed to pronounce against the
whole house of Bourbon. By others it was
thought sufficient to blot out the obnoxious
characters representing the words " Son Al-
tesse Royal," of which there is evidence still
extant in all the principal streets of Paris ;
while, with a third class, the respectable private
character of the Duke of Orleans, still more,
perhaps, than any idea which at that time ex-
isted of his being so soon called to occupy the
vacant throne, protected his name from those
marks of popular indignation with which every
other memorial of royalty had been visited.
When a coat of colour was thought to be insuf-
ficient to express the resolution of the parties,
the sign-board or the armorial bearings con-
demned to destruction, were taken down and
thrown into the kennel ; and if it occurred in
a street where carriages were still suffered to
circulate, the coachmen were directed to pass
their wheels over the degraded trophy, as an
expression of the public contempt.

These proceedings were in general conducted
with the best possible temper, both on the part
of the proprietors and of those who witnessed

PARIS IN 1830. 91

them. They were adopted as a mere expression
of the will of the people to repudiate the reign-
ing monarch and his family. An instance of
this singleness of purpose was evinced in the
case of a young man who had appropriated a
piece of gilded copper, which had formerly
served to decorate the bureau of a public notary,
and which had been torn down and defaced
because it was impressed with the insignia of
royalty. The culprit was compelled to restore
the broken metal to its owner, and was severely
chastised on the spot, for having thus brought
disgrace on what was doubtless regarded as the
majesty of the people.

The re-appearance on the streets of a body so
justly respected as the National Guard, gave
fresh confidence to those who had already em-
barked in the struggle, re-assured the wavering
and irresolute, and utterly extinguished the
hopes of such as were still secretly favourable to
the cause of Charles and his ministers. If the
latter sentiments were entertained on the 28th
of July, they were no longer expressed either
by word or action. Not a single bourgeois or
housekeeper, not a man with a round hat on his
head, was to be seen in the ranks of Marshal
Marmont. Before the appearance of the ordi-
nances, the retainers of the court never ceased
to echo the language ascribed to the king and
the Duke d'Angouleme, that they would mount

92 PARIS IN 1830.

their war-horse, and appear in arms, on the first
call of royalty ; but as the king* himself did not
verify his threat, his courtiers thought themselves
justified in following his prudent example.

To the eternal disgrace of these habitues of
the court, a number of personages of no mean
name, who but yesterday were the most forward
in persuading the adoption of those arbitrary
measures by which the revolution has been pro-
duced, and in training on the infatuated monarch
to his destruction, swearing that they would
conquer or die for him — are to-day the first to
turn their backs on their former master, and to
worship the sun which has just risen on the
other side of the horizon. The antechambers of
the Palais Royal are now encumbered with men
who do not scruple to remind the new king of
the French, that they had served his predecessor
with fidelity and devotion, and to assure him,
with characteristic effrontery, of their readiness
to serve the present occupant of the throne with
the same devotion and the same fidelity. Others
there are, it is true, distinguished for all that is
virtuous and honourable, who cannot so readily
change their political principles, or forget their
attachment to a fallen benefactor. But the
Noailles, the Chateaubriands, and the Martig-
nacs, while they shed a redeeming lustre over
the errors and the crimes of Charles the Tenth,
by the mode of their retirement from public life,

PARIS IN 1830. 93

were not the men to counsel or to approve such
baneful measures as those which produced their
royal master's downfall.

Towards eight o'clock on Wednesday morn-
ing-, the scene of strife had become general in all
those quarters of the town which, during the
previous night, had been occupied by the royal
forces.

As the various attacks were almost simulta-
neous, it is not easy to describe them in the
chronological order in which they occurred,
without some risk of confusion. It is proposed,
therefore, to take up the order of locality, be-
ginning with the struggle on the Boulevards ;
from thence proceeding down the centre of the
city, by the left bank of the Seine, the Place de
Greve, the Palais Royal, the Place des Victoires,
and finally, the Louvre and the Tuileries.

It was said to be in the Faubourg Saint Antoine
that the first three-coloured banner was exhi-
bited so early as Tuesday the 27th ; it was by
the inhabitants of this same faubourg that many
of the atrocities were committed which sullied
the history of the revolution of 1789. But, be
it remembered, that these atrocities were com-
mitted, not by men who had experienced the
blessings of liberty, or who had been instructed
in the rights and the duties which it confers and
enjoins ; but, as has been so well expressed by
the eloquent mover of the resolutions at the

94 PARIS IN 1830.

meeting lately held in Edinburgh to congratulate
the French on their triumph, they were the work
of slaves who had just succeeded in bursting the
fetters by which they had so long been bound in
the ignominious thraldom of darkness and igno-
rance.

On the morning of the 28th, the national
standard was again displayed in the upper part
of the Rue Saint Antoine, supported by the elite
of the district, in young men and householders,
in veterans and in national guards. " But where
are the heroes of your formidable Faubourg ?"
exclaimed an old man who occupied an open
window on the neighbouring boulevard, incapa-
citated by palsy in his limbs from mixing in the
melee : " are they the men I have seen pass
this morning, three-fourths of whom were not
even armed with bludgeons ?" — "What you have
seen is nothing," replied a person who had just
come from the upper part of the suburb ; " in
the course of the morning, you will see the fau-
bourg Saint Antoine !"

At that moment the report of musquetry, at
the distance of two hundred paces, announced
that an engagement had commenced under the
eyes of the observer. He could perceive de-
cided symptoms of commotion in all the neigh-
bouring lanes which opened into the boulevard.
The cry was then heard of "fermez vos fenetres !"
and at the same instant a strong body of troops

PARIS IN 1830. 95

made their appearance, marching* in close column
the whole breadth of the boulevard, and in
double quick time. The column was preceded
by a party of tirailleurs, who fired as they ad-
vanced, sometimes in the air to clear the way on
their approach, and sometimes at the windows,
from the fear, no doubt, lest, if open, the inhabi-
tants should fire from them on the troops. The
jalousies, or outer window-blinds of the old man's
chamber had been left open ; and as they were
fastened to the wall, he was quite unable to rise
for the purpose of closing them. A soldier of
the royal guard, mistaking perhaps the crutches
which stood by him for some instrument of of-
fence, presented his piece at the window, and
fired, but missed his object. A regiment of in-
fantry having thus passed, there followed a
squadron of lancers, with a detachment of cui-
rassiers, and several pieces of artillery. They
were all of the Royal Guard, horse as well as
foot, and amounted, by the observer's estimate, to
some two thousand men. They took up their
position on the Place de la Bastille, and had
scarcely arrived there when the sound of mus-
quetry, first in files, and afterwards in platoons,
announced that the progress of the troops had
been opposed. In so open a space, and under
such circumstances, opposition on the part of the
inhabitants was an unjustifiable act of temerity.
After considerable loss on both sides, they were

96 PARIS IN 1830.

soon obliged to retire before the column, which
then advanced as far as the angle, formed by the
carrefour de JRemlly, There the troops of the
guard received a reinforcement of a battalion of
infantry, and two additional pieces of cannon,
from the garrison at Vincennes.

The upper part of the Rue Saint Antoine was
still occupied by the inhabitants, who had now
rallied in considerable numbers. The cuirassiers
of the guard made a desperate charge upon
them, and succeeded in compelling the greater
part to retire. The young man entrusted with
the popular banner, disdaining to fly, was left
alone in the middle of the street. With a self-
devotion, which was worthy of a better fate, he
deliberately planted his three-coloured ensign in
the ground, and remained beside it unmoved while
his companions sought the advantage afforded by
the steps and pillars of the Protestant church in
the neighbourhood, and such other shelter as
they could find from the charge of cavalry with
which they were threatened. But the cuiras-
siers of the guard were not to be moved by the
heroism of the gallant standard-bearer. He was
instantly sabred and cut down at the post of
honour he had chosen; and, after depriving him
of life, the soldiers took a horrible pleasure in
treading his dead body under the feet of their
horses.

An obstinate engagement took place in front

PARIS IN 1830. 97

of the houses marked Nos. 79 and 80 in the
Rue St. Antoine. The workmen of the fau-
bourg had there entrenched themselves as in a
citadel, from whence they kept up an incessant
fire, accompanied by the fall of every species of
projectile, including paving-stones and house-
hold furniture, the tiles of the roof, and the
other materials of the building. Here the
guards were compelled to retire, leaving behind
them a considerable number of men in killed,
wounded, and prisoners. Some of the inhabit-
ants, exasperated by the slaughter of their rela-
tives and friends, were disposed to take ven-
geance on the prisoners, and to sacrifice them
on the spot ; but the more generous voice of the
majority prevailed, and the wounded were re-
ceived into the house of M. Bardol, a retired
officer of the line, where they met with all the
care and attention which their circumstances
required.

Near the same spot, a bomb- shell having
fallen through the chimney of the house No. 75,
the inhabitants succeeded in extinguishing the
fusee before it had exploded. It was imme-
diately suspended across the street in the man-
ner of the public lamps of the city, at the height
of the third floor windows, where it still
remains, surmounted by a three-coloured flag,
and bearing the inscription —

" Charles X. to his People ?"

H

98 PARIS IN 1830.

On the neighbouring boulevard du Temple, a
combined attack of infantry, cavalry, and artil-
lery, produced a dreadful slaughter. The people
had not yet adopted the resolution of cutting
down the trees on the boulevards, which were
. still therefore open to the passage of every species
of force. As the testimony of an eye-witness is
of more value than any account which could be
prepared at second-hand, no apology is necessary
for introducing the following letter, written, as it
obviously is, on the inspiration of the moment,
and coming from a retired officer, whose military
habits enabled him to be a competent judge of
what he thus records.

Paris, 31 July.
" Sir,

" Having been an eye-witness of so many
deeds of heroism during the days, for ever me-
morable, of the 27th, 28th, and 29th of July,
I would point out one which seems to call for
your particular attention.

" The curiosity of an old soldier made me run
to the various points of attack, to give the aid of
my advice to the courageous bands who were en-
gaged in the defence of our liberties. This was
the only part which remained for me to play,
having been deprived of an arm, which I lost at
Waterloo.

" During the forenoon of the 28th, I found

PARIS IN 1830. 99

myself at the square of the Porte St. Martin,
where I proceeded to examine the position
taken up by our treacherous enemy. 1st. The in-
fantry of the gen-d'armerie were formed in line
along the Rue du faubourg St. Martin, in com-
munication with the neighbouring barrack ; the
cavalry of the same arm were ranged behind
them. 2d. The cuirassiers of the guard were
to be seen in similar order on the boulevard
near the theatre of the Porte St. Martin, from
whence it was to be inferred that a charge was
to be executed as soon as any handful of men
should venture to show themselves.

" I did not leave the square, as I saw a
column arrive, not amounting in all to a hun-
dred-and-fifty men, very badly armed ; and (as I
was informed by the young man who com-
manded them) not possessed of more than four
cartridges a-piece. There was no want of
courage, however, on their part, as you shall
judge. I thought it my duty, in virtue of my
former experience, and of the remarks I had
just made on the position of our two enemies,
the gens-d'armes and the cuirassiers, to entreat
the young chief to call a halt, and to wait for
reinforcements, before entering on the boule-
vard, from the street by which he was ad-
vancing.

" After listening to what I had to say, he
thanked me for the information I had given

h 2

100 PARIS IN 1830.

him. I only did what I felt to be a duty, in
endeavouring* to save them from certain death.
When I came up to them, they were on their
way to attack the gen-d'armerie, and were in
perfect ignorance of the position of the cuiras-
siers. The young- leader yielded to my advice,
in so far as to abandon the attack on the gen-
darmerie ; but as to the waiting for reinforce-
ments, he would not listen to it. He made no
account of the imminent danger to which he
and his followers would expose themselves, by
appearing with so small a force on the open
boulevard. Placing himself at the head of his
men, who were all of the working classes, he
ordered his drummer to beat the charge, ex-
claiming, ' La mort ou la liberie I9

" I could no longer restrain myself from fol-
lowing the intrepid little band. Their leader again
came up to me, and said, ' You have earned a
quittance from your country ; you have already
shed your blood in her cause ; to-day it is our
turn to follow your example. Do not take from
us this satisfaction : to spill it in so good a cause,
to die here, is to live eternally.' On this appeal,
I desisted from my purpose of following him.

" He arrived with his column on the boule-
vard, drew it out in line in front of the cuiras-
siers, and ordered a charge with the bayonet.
Placing himself at their head, he rushed on the
cavalry, who fired without quitting their po-

PARIS IN 1830. 101

sition. The volley brought down several of
these brave fellows ; and, after firing, the cuiras-
siers made a charge, which, however, was not
attended with much success. This feeble co-
lumn— I use the word feeble, with reference to
numbers only — was very slightly shaken. The
firmness and intrepidity they displayed, made
them soon triumph over numbers ; and in their
turn, they killed and wounded with the bayonet,
and without firing a shot, a great proportion of
their opponents : others, seeing themselves ex-
posed to certain death, surrendered to the vic-
tors. It was then that the leader of this little
army, and a part of his surviving followers,
mounted the horses of those who had fallen or
surrendered, and thus drove back the rest of the
regiment as far as the quay des Celestins.

" The number of killed and wounded was
very considerable on both sides ; and the loss of
the cuirassiers would have been much greater
than it was, if, like them, the citizens had been
disposed to indulge in acts of cruelty.

" This was all done in the twinkling of an
eye. I then approached, and begged to know
the name of the young man who commanded.
His name and address were given me by one of
those who fought under his orders. It is Au-
gustin Thomas, manufacturer of haircloth for
furniture, No. 28, Rue des Vinaigriers, fau-

102 PARIS IN 1830.

bourg Saint Martin. From the extent of his
workshops, he must employ a considerable num-
ber of 7ii en, who, for the most part, I under-
stand, have followed his example.

" I have the honour to be, &c.

" Dubourg, ancien Capitaine"

PARIS IN 1830. 103

CHAPTER VII.

Successful mode of annoyance practised against the Gen-d'ar-
merie — Desperate struggle near the Porte St Denis —
Heroism of Captain Thierri — Fine trait of coolness and
humanity — Royal Ordinance, declaring the capital in a
state of siege — The Duke of Ragusa takes the command of
the soldiery ; heads a charge in person, and is driven back
into the Place des Victoires — Honourable instances of mode-
ration in the people — Order issued by the Prefect of Po-
lice— The veteran hero and the Lancers — Want of provi-
sions among the royal troops ; their growing disinclination
to the service imposed on them — Resignation of Count La
Tour du Pin, captain of the Royal Guard.

On that part of the field thus spoken of by Cap-
tain Dubourg, the victory of the citizens was se-
cured by means of a diversion which many may
think inadequate to the result produced by it.
The leading partners in a great carrying esta-
blishment, situated in the Rue du Faubourg St.
Martin, No. 40, Messrs. Levainville and Fas-
cie, accompanied by their clerks and others in
their employment, after actively assisting in a
desperate charge which was made near the

104 PARIS IN 1830.

Porte Saint Martin on a regiment of cavalry of
the guard, returned into their premises, not for
the purposes of safety or repose, but to co-ope-
rate more effectually in the promotion of the
common cause. Provided with an enormous
quantity of stones, to serve as an auxiliary in
case of need, they showed themselves in arms on
the great balcony in front of their establishment,
and succeeded throughout the day in holding in
check the gen-d'armerie, both horse and foot, be-
longing to the neighbouring barrack of Saint
Martin, who were thus prevented from either
firing on the citizens, or from attempting to pass
the house, which, by means apparently so simple,
had been converted into a respectable fortification.
Another desperate struggle took place near
the Porte Saint Denis, where the Royal Guard
commenced an attack with even more than their
accustomed ferocity. It was repelled with cor-
responding vigour. One man in particular, in
the ordinary working dress of an artizan, had
posted himself in the outlet of the Passage de
l'Industrie, and continued without intermission
to fire on the soldiers until his stock of ammuni-
tion was exhausted. The courage and coolness
with which he conducted himself in this insu-
lated position, astonished every one who had an
opportunity of observing him. It seemed as if
the bullets, which were showering around, had re-
spected the personification of so much energy and

PARIS IN 1830. 105

perseverance. Several dead bodies were lying
close beside him, and within sight a much greater
number of persons had been wounded ; but in
the midst of death and bloodshed this bold sharp-
shooter remained untouched.

Here, as elsewhere, victory at length declared
itself on the side of freedom, in spite of all the
efforts made by the guard to maintain their po-
sition. Among those who chiefly contributed to
their defeat, M. Thierry, a retired captain of
the old army, particularly distinguished himself,
fighting without relaxation from one o'clock in
the afternoon till eight in the evening. He did
not even retire on receiving a musket-ball in his
right arm. Efforts such as these were at length
crowned with success, and Captain Thierry had
the glory and the satisfaction of receiving and
returning the last shots which were fired.

In this neighbourhood an instance of courage
of a different description, but, under the circum-
stances, not less valuable to the popular cause,
was evinced by a retired justice of peace from
the town of Nanci, who, in quietly issuing from
a house in the Rue du faubourg du Temple, saw
several individuals wounded by the grape-shot
fired from some pieces of cannon stationed on
the boulevard. Deeply agitated by the sight,
and braving the imminent danger to which he
was himself exposed, he walked straight up to
the officer commanding the battery, and ad-

106 PARIS IN 1830.

dressed him in the name of his country, and
of humanity, with so much pathos and effect,
on the enormity of slaughtering his fellow-citi-
zens, as to persuade the whole party to cease
the firing, and to remove the battery.

In the course of Wednesday morning, a royal
ordinance was issued from the castle of Saint
Cloud, declaring the capital in a state of siege.
As no Moniteur appeared after Tuesday, under
the authority of the government of Charles X.,
this document has never been officially pub-
lished ; but it is said to have been conceived in
the following terms : —

" Charles, by the grace of God, &c.

" To all who shall see these presents, health,

" Having considered the 53d, 101st, 102d, and 103d
articles of the decree of the 24th December 1811 ;

" Seeing that the tranquillity of the city of Paris has
been disturbed by internal sedition, during the 27th day
of the present month ;

" And having heard our council :

" We have ordained, and do ordain, as follows.

" Article 1st. The city of Paris is put in a state of
siege.

" Article 2d. This measure shall be published and
executed immediately.

" Article 3d. Our minister, secretary of state for the
war department, is charged with the execution of the
present ordinance.

" Given in our castle of Saint Cloud, the 28th day of
the month of July, in the year of grace 1830, and of
our reign the sixth.

(Signed) " CHARLES."

PARIS IN 1830. 107

" By the King's authority ;
" The president of the council of ministers, charged
ad interim with the portfolio of the war department.

" Prince de Polignac."

The inhabitants of Paris had been suffering all
the horrors of a siege long before the appear-
ance of the edict by which it was declared. Its
preparation was perhaps called for by the Duke
of Ragusa, as his warrant for assuming the
command of the troops, and entering the city at
their head. This he did at ten o'clock on
Wednesday morning. The column under his
immediate command consisted of six thousand
men and eight pieces of cannon. He entered
the city by the quays on the left bank of the
Seine, ascended that side of the river, took pos-
session of the Pont Neuf, and ordered an attack
on the Hotel de Ville, which was at that time
occupied by the National Guards.

But in marching along the quays, the troops
were still exposed on one side to the attacks of
the citizens, who did not hesitate to fire on this
strong bod^ of men, from the windows of their
houses and from behind the parapets which
occur in various parts of the route. It is said,
however, that the men, who had just arrived
from Sevres, in the neighbourhood of Saint
Cloud, had there received every species of excite-
ment to the performance of their murderous
task. They had been passed in review by the

108 PARIS IN 1830.

Duke d'Angouleme, who had caused a distri-
bution of money, wine, and brandy, to be made
among them. The money was given in the pro-
portion of thirty, forty, and fifty francs a man,
to the privates of the Foot Guards, the Swiss,
and the Lancers, respectively. Crosses of the
Legion of Honour were promised to the officers,
and were actually bestowed on them in great
profusion, before the departure of the royal
family for Rambouillet.

But, to return from this digression to the scene
of operations on the Boulevards : at the head
of the Rue Montmartre an affair took place in
which Marmont commanded in person. During
some part of the day, the Place des Victoires
had been occupied by troops, part of whom, con-
sisting of a detachment of the line, had been
observed to fraternize with the post of National
Guards established at the Petits-Peres. About
two o'clock the Marshal made his appearance on
the Place des Victoires at the head of fresh troops.
These he placed in observation at the openings
of the Rue de Mail, the Rue des Fosses Mont-
martre, the Rue Croix des Petits-Champs, and
the Rue Neuve des Petits-Champs. A charge
was then ordered, which produced a great num-
ber of casualties on the side of the troops as well
as of the people. The detachment placed in the
Rue de Mail was led by Marmont in person. He
entered the Rue Montmartre, and traversed

PARIS IN 1830. 109

some portion of it without much opposition ; but
having- advanced as far as the Rue Joquelet, the
resistance offered by the citizens became so obsti-
nate, and was attended with so much effect, that
the Marshal and those under his command found
it necessary to fall back on their former position
in the Place des Victoires.

Much has been said of the moderation and
forbearance evinced by all classes of the people
during- the period of this memorable struggle.
The instances which have become the subject of
general conversation are apparently as numerous
as the recorded deeds of heroism, but we shall
only feel warranted in giving a selection of such
as appear to be the best authenticated.

At the Bourse, which became successively a
depot for prisoners, and a hospital for the
wounded, two men, apparently of the working
class, had been placed as a guard over a number
of Swiss, and other household troops, who had
been disarmed and taken prisoners. On com-
paring notes, it transpired to the two men on
guard, when in conversation with each other,
that neither of them had eaten any thing for
twelve hours before. They where overheard by
M. Darmaing, a literary gentleman connected
with the Gazette des Tribunaux, who offered
them a five-franc piece, and desired them to go
and get something to eat while he remained to
keep their place. Seeing them hesitate, he in-

110 PARIS IN 1830.

sisted on their accepting what he offered, saying
that in a moment like that, it was right that he
who had anything should share it with those who
wanted. The two men were thus prevailed on
to accept the money ; but in a quarter of an hour
they returned, and insisted on giving back to M.
Darmaing a balance of fifty-five sous, and then
quietly resumed their post at the door of the
apartment in which the prisoners were confined.

In breaking the public lamps for the purpose of
securing an advantage to the inhabitants, and of
discouraging the troops in their movements after
nightfall, a man was about to break the lantern sus-
pended under the arcade of the hotel which had for-
merly been occupied by the Marquis de Pastorel
before his elevation to the office of Chancellor of
France ; " No," said one of the party, " let that
remain ; it belongs to a house where bread is given
to the poor all winter ;" — and on this appeal the
lantern was respected.

The prisons too were visited in the course of
the day ; but not for the purpose of setting the
criminals at liberty. The people required only
that those should be given up to them who had
been arrested by M. Mangin on the first day of
the national movement ; a demand which was at
once complied with by the several jailors and
governors.

In the meantime the ministers continued to
hold their sittings in the Tuileries, and M. Man-

PARIS IN 1830. Ill

gin was still in possession of the prefecture of
police, from whence, in the course of the day, the
following- order was issued : —

" We, councillor of state, prefect of police, &c.

" Since the evening of the day before yesterday,
serious disturbances have taken place in Paris, in conse-
quence of seditious assemblages. Plunder, conflagration,
and assassination, appear to indicate the presence of a
great number of brigands in the capital.

" Inhabitants of Paris, keep yourselves at a distance
from such wretches.

" Let no indiscreet curiosity induce you to assemble
in crowds.

" Remain in your houses.

" In the evening, place lamps in your windows to
lighten the streets.

" Prove, by the wisdom and the prudence of your
conduct, that you are strangers to those excesses which
would dishonour you if you took part in them.

" Measures of severity have already been taken for
their repression. Measures still more severe must be
taken hereafter.

" Take confidence, and be assured that the necessary
force will always remain in the hands of authority.

(Signed) " Mangin."
Paris, July 28, 1830.

When the people were busily engaged on
Wednesday morning in cutting down those trees
which lately shaded and ornamented the Boule-
vard des Italiens, a party of eighteen or twenty
Lancers were stopped by the first barricade,
which had been formed near the Chinese Baths,

112 PARIS IN 1830.

at the corner of the Rue de la Michodiere. It
is stated by the person who communicates this
incident, that he saw an old man in the midst of
the barricade waving an Imperial eagle over his
head, and defying the Lancers with the some-
what incongruous cry of " T^ive la cliarte !"
The latter immediately fired upon the eagle, and
on the man who carried it, but happily without
effect. The Lancers then retired, and our in-
formant approached the veteran standard-bearer,
in whom he was astonished to recognize an old
sergeant-major of the 108th regiment of the
Imperial line, whom he believed to have been
killed at the battle of Waterloo, and with whom
he had fought in Germany. The old man stated
that he had carried the eagle about his person,
sleeping and waking, for the last fifteen years,
and that he now hoped to see it rise again.
" But did you not see those awkward fellows ?"
he added : " although so near their mark, they
have left me without a scratch." This veteran's
name is Fayet ; he has long been a book-keeper
in the house of the widow Grandpre, Rue Saint
Thomas de Louvre, No. 30. With men like
him, who had so often confronted death under
the Imperial banner, the wish was natural that
the symbol of the glorious battles in which they had
shared, should once more be raised over the ruins
of the house of Bourbon. The cry of " Vive Napo-
leon II. !" " Vive V Empereur !" was accordingly

PARTS IN 1830. 113

to be heard occasional!}' on the streets, during
the first days of the struggle ; but so faintly, and
so seldom, as to leave no permanent impression ;
since whenever it was heard, it was immediately
drowned by the more popular exclamation of
" Vive la chart e !"

It appears, that the unexpected obstinacy with
which the troops had been opposed by the inha-
bitants of Paris, had prevented the soldiers from
receiving their regular rations of bread. On
Wednesday afternoon a letter to this effect had
been written by the commander-in-chief to his
Majesty, at Saint Cloud, begging that supplies
might be immediately forwarded from thence.
The following answer is known to have been
received on Wednesday evening : —

" I have had the honour to lay your letter
before the King. In consequence of orders re-
ceived from his Majesty, the chamberlain of the
household has directed every possible effort to be
made both at Sevres and Saint Cloud, to prepare
the bread you require. I have asked for thirty
thousand rations, but I fear it will be difficult to
obtain more than half that quantity during the
night. I have also ordered twenty-five thousand
rations from Versailles. There is reason to ap-
prehend, however, that the bread will not reach
you from either quarter before ten o'clock to-
morrow morning."

The remainder of this letter is filled with

114 PARIS IN 1830.

military details, with reference to the situation
of the troops. It affords evidence that the Bar-
riere des Bons Hommes was no longer in pos-
session of the military, and that the route of
communication from Saint Cloud to Marmont's
head-quarters was in danger of being disturbed.
It states also, that four companies of the gardes
du corps were to assemble at Saint Cloud, and
to proceed towards Paris ; and that the King had
given orders for the scholars in the college of
Saint Cyr to be formed into a battalion, and to
come with six pieces of cannon, to do the duty
of the palace, and, with the artillery and infantry
of the guard, to keep possession of the bridges.
The writer of the letter also intimates to Mar-
mont, that two squadrons of guards were to be
placed at Sevres, for the purpose of keeping the
communications open on the left bank of the
Seine, and that the squadrons of Saint Cloud would
communicate by the bridge of Grenelle with
those at Sevres, and would keep open the Bois
de Boulogne, the road to Neuilly, and even
that to Versailles, on each of which it is stated
that crowds were collected.

Another letter, bearing the same date, and
addressed to the Duke of Ragusa, informs him,
that at half-past twelve, all the posts occupied
by the Sapeurs-Pompiers had been relieved by
detachments of infantry, and had been sent to
receive their further orders at head-quarters.

PARIS IN 1830. 115

The author of the letter proposes, that such as
had been stationed at the prefecture of police,
the barrack of the Rue Culture Sainte Catherine,
and at the barrack of the Rue de la Paix, should
be made to lay down their arms, in consequence,
probably, of the symptons they had discovered of
disinclination for the service on which they had
been employed.

Such symptoms of disinclination were already
discoverable among the troops of all arms. The
Royal Guard, both men and officers, began to
manifest a generous repentance for the deeds of
slaughter of which they had been made the in-
struments. " Let them kill us," they exclaimed ;
" it is our duty to die at our post ; but let us no
longer submit to the unworthy task to which we
have too long been condemned." The following
letter, particularly when taken in connexion with
the subsequent conduct of its noble-minded
author, does equal honour to the head and heart
of the Count la Tour du Pin. It is addressed
to the Prince de Polignac.

" Monseigneur;

" After a day of massacres and disasters, undertaken
contrary to all laws, divine and human, and in which I
have only participated from a feeling of respect with
which I reproach myself, my conscience forbids me to
serve a moment longer.

" My life has afforded proofs of my devotion to the
King, sufficiently numerous to permit me, without my in-
tentions being calumniated, to distinguish between what

12

116 PARIS IN 1830.

emanates from him, and the atrocities committed in his
name. I have the honour then to beg you, Monseigneur,
to lay before his Majesty my resignation as captain of
his guard.

" I have the honour to be,
" Monseigneur,

" Your Excellency's most humble and obedient

" servant,

(Signed) "Le Conte Raoul de la Tour du Pin.1'
" July 28th, 1830."

PARIS IN 1830. 117

CHAPTER VIII.

Occurrences on the left bank of the Seine — Popular organiza-
tion, directed by the pupils of the Poly technic School — Ge-
nerous promptitude of the students of law and medicine —
Places of general rendezvous — Attack on the Swiss bar-
racks in the Rue de Babylone — Letter descriptive of that
movement and its successful issue.

On the left bank of the Seine the same spirit of
determined resistance was equally manifested.
A large proportion of the population in this
quarter of the city had additional motives to
prompt them to action. It is here that the trades
of printing and bookselling are chiefly carried
on ; and, in addition to the inroad on public
freedom to which they were subjected in com-
mon with their fellow-citizens, the numerous
classes of paper-makers and printers, bookbind-
ers and engravers, and all those connected
immediately or remotely with this important
branch of commerce, were made painfully sen-
sible that the existence of themselves and their

118 PARIS IN 1830.

families was seriously compromised by the at-
tack which had been made on the liberty of the
press. They persuaded themselves that they had
only to choose between death by starvation, and
the glorious sacrifice of their lives in the
cause of their country. In the evening of the
27th, a number of companies were already
organized, and an application was made to the
pupils of the Polytechnic School to assist them
in vindicating their independence.

The youth who have been educated at this
respectable establishment, in spite of the attempts
which have from time to time been made to re-
press any ebullition of popular sentiments, have
always evinced a decided attachment to the
cause of freedom, and a corresponding hostility
to arbitrary power. This has doubtless been
the natural result of the studies to which they
apply themselves. In the exact sciences and
their application to the purposes of the architect
and the engineer, whether civil or military,
there is something too positive to admit of mysti-
fication. It was known that the sentiments of
the pupils were universally national. The school
Avas soon surrounded by the armed population,
who, under the conviction of the need thev had
of leaders who had studied the art of war, came
to call upon them to assist in the deliverance of
their country. They hesitated for a moment,
not from personal fear, but from a far purer

PARIS IN 1830. 119

sentiment, which forbade them to be the first to
light the torch of civil war. But when they
learned that Paris was already in arms, and that
the paid soldiers of the government were the
only supporters of a guilty ministry, they no
longer hesitated. Scarcely had they passed the
gates of the establishment, amidst the deafening
shouts of " Vive la charte /" and " Vive la li-
berie !" when the warlike crowd acknowledged
them for chiefs, and received from them their
orders with submission and docility.

The students of law and of medicine, although
less distinguished as military leaders, were not
less zealous, either as combatants in the common
cause, or as performers of the important duty of
administering relief to the wounded. Distinctions
of rank and station were for the moment laid aside,
and among the labourers of the faubourgs, the arti-
zans of the city, and the higher classes of the
inhabitants, the only spirit evinced was that of
emulation of each other in courage and self-
devotion.

The earliest places of rendezvous were the
open spaces in front of the theatre de l'Odeon,
and of the School of Medicine, the Place de
Saint Michel, and the quays which surround the
Island of la Cite. It was there that the mer-
cenary supporters of tyranny first felt the fire of
an indignant and oppressed people.

At Montaign, and at the barracks in the Rue

120 ' PARIS IN 1830.

de Babylone, they offered a resistance which only
added greater glory to the success of the con-
querors. Driven to desperation, the Swiss troops,
expecting a general massacre, had resolved that
they would not surrender, but would die at least
with arms in their hands. In token of this re-
solution, they hoisted a black flag beside their
white Bourbon banner, a proceeding which was
readily understood by those to whom they were
opposed.

It was not without reason that this resolution
was adopted. Isolated by language from the
rest of the community, and enjoying the invi-
dious distinction of superior pay to that of the
other troops of the line, their scarlet uniforms
pointed them out as an object of aversion to the
native soldiers as well as to the citizens.

It was in the Place de l'Odeon that the citi-
zens were rallied for the attack on the Swiss
barracks, in the Rue de Babylone. Two
printers, of the names of Touchart and Vairon,
were here called to the command ; and, judging
from the exclamations which proceeded from
the armed mass, as it proceeded to the attack,
there was reason to believe that the apprehen-
sions of these foreigners were not without foun-
dation.

In order to facilitate the proposed operations,
the people were obliged to take possession of
the house No. 2, Rue des Brodeurs, and to pass

PARIS IN 1830. * 121

through it and the adjoining garden, from which last
the barrack was only separated by a dwarf wall.
Alarmed at the preparations for the engagement,
the occupants of the house made a precipitate
flight, without finding a moment's leisure to
carry with them or conceal any part of their
property. A service of gilt silver plate was left
exposed upon the tables ; but, to their surprise
and gratification, they found all safe on their
return, without their having suffered any other
inconvenience than that which was inseparable
from their house having been made a thorough-
fare for a body of armed men.

Among the instances of disinterested courage
which occurred in this attack, one has been men-
tioned of a young man about twenty-four years
of age, who, with a pistol in one hand, and the
sabre of a gen-d'arme in the other, had just cut
down one of the Swiss defenders of the barrack
wall. Two of the comrades of him who had
fallen rushed on the young man with fixed
bayonets, to avenge the death of their country-
man. One of his assailants the young man
brought down with his pistol, and the other took
to flight ; but he who had performed this feat of
intrepidity retired among the crowd, as if he had
been engaged in some ordinary transaction ; and
to this hour his name remains unknown.

The attack on the Swiss barrack is so well
described in the following letter of M. Jules

122 PARIS IN 1830.

Caron, the commander of the second company,
that it is here subjoined, with thanks to the
writer for all its valuable details.

" Still burning" with the ardour which ani-
mated the Parisians, those who had been spared
in the engagement of the previous evening, and
who had only been driven from the field of
honour by the approach of night, found them-
selves, next morning, at the places indicated,
without any other call than that which was
afforded by a general understanding among the
armed citizens. It was to the Place de l'Odeon
that I proceeded. We soon afterwards dis-
armed the post of the veterans at the Chamber of
Peers, and that of the gen-d'armes in the Rue de
Tournon. The arms which were thus obtained
increased the number of our defenders ; but we
were in want of the ammunition which was ne-
cessary to our enterprize against the barrack in
the Rue de Babylone. The inhabitants of the
neighbourhood, it is true, had wrought all night
in casting thousands of musket balls. This was
already a great deal ; but what was more essen-
tial was wanting : the powder could not be
supplied by the dust of the street, as the balls
had repeatedly been by the pebbles.

" Several thousands of us were assembled in
this painful predicament, when a waggon was
seen to arrive from the powder-mill of Deux-
Moulins, which had been courageously carried

PARIS IN 1830.

1^3

the evening- before. This sight inspired ns with
so much ardour, that there was some difficulty
in preserving us from an explosion, which might
so readily have been produced through the rush
of so many individuals with arms in their hands,
to the use of which they were but little accus-
tomed. The eagerness of the multitude was at
length, however, happily calmed by the promise of
an equal division. I caused a barrel to be carried to
the Hotel Corneille, whose numerous inhabitants
had, I knew, been occupied in the casting of bullets.
They readily applied themselves to the con-
structing of cartridges, of which a large supply
was soon fit for use. Here sentinels were
placed, as well for the protection of the maga-
zine as for the preservation of the other stores
in the guard-house of the Odeon, and in that of
the Rue Voltaire. While these arrangements
were in progress, a piece of cannon arrived,
which was soon followed by another. The dis-
tribution of the ammunition was at length com-
pleted, amidst expressions of gaiety and satisfac-
tion, which were constantly increasing until the
moment of the commencement of our attack.

" The masses of people who had thus sudden-
ly taken up arms were speedily formed into com-
panies. Composed in part of well-dressed indi-
viduals, in part of workmen in their ordinary
habiliments, among whom were interspersed a
few of those soldiers who had tendered their

124 PARIS IN 1830.

submission to the cause of the people, or were
fugitives from that to which they belonged — the
variety perceptible in their outward appearance still
inferred no difference of disposition ; our wishes
were all the same ; we felt that we were called
together by one object — the destruction of despo-
tism. To secure that object, it was necessary to
fight ; every one was ready ; from all sides the
same word was heard — Partons ! A former
student of the Polytechnic School was unani-
mously invested with the supreme command.
That of the companies into which the mass was
divided was, for the most part, entrusted to the
scholars of that fine establishment, with the addi-
tion of some of the towns-people, who, by their
conduct in some of the previous affairs, had
proved how much the word * pekin9 had been
misapplied, when given to the popular leaders by
some of the military, a short time before.

"Of the latter class I happened to be one, having
been called to the command of the 2nd company
of this new regiment. The chiefs took an oath
to conquer or die. The cry was repeated by
such as were willing to submit to our orders.
The march was beaten, and the line led by the
brave firemen.

" On our route, the people received us with
joy, threw themselves into our ranks, and assisted
us in removing the obstacles presented by the
barricades to the passage of our pieces of artil-

PARIS IN 1830. 125

lery, without destroying anything which might
be useful to us in case of retreat, should that be
necessary. Linen and lint were already pre-
pared for the use of the wounded.

" A halt was made at the Rue de Sevres,
to give time for a parley with the officer in
command of the barrack. As our emissaries
did not return, we supposed that they had
been detained, and sent others to ascertain
the fact. Soon afterwards the latter returned
with the former, announcing to us, that such
was the obstinacy of the Swiss, we must prepare
for an immediate engagement. On this intelli-
gence the cry was universal of" Forward!" (" En
avant /") To close up the different outlets, our
men were directed to approach the barrack on
different sides. One company entered by the
Rue des Brodeurs, while the surrounding streets
were occupied by others.

" In the mean time our temporary authority
was found insufficient to prevent the people from
breaking open the doors of a convent which was
said to be a retreat of the Jesuits, and which was
believed with some reason to contain a collection
of arms. A nunnery met with the same fate,
for the purpose of compelling the inmates to
throw out to us the mattresses required for our
wounded, because that which was offered by
others, without being asked, had been by them

126 PARIS IN 1830.

refused to us. They had forgotten for a moment
their usual humanity.

" Having reached the corner of the Rue des
Brodeurs, the Rue de Babylone, and others, the
houses were occupied and the walls scaled ;
a fire of musketry was begun, and kept up for a
long time on both sides ; but the fire of the Swiss,
protected by their mattresses and bedding, proved
most destructive, and our brave fellows, who
were for the most part uncovered and unpro-
tected, could not return it advantageously from
the roofs and sheds in the neighbourhood. At
length the idea was started of setting the barrack
on fire, and was scarcely conceived before it was
put into execution. The straw intended for
the wounded was saturated with turpentine, and
placed in front of the principal entrance. To
this a match was applied, under a shower of bul-
lets, by a lad of eighteen.

" The plan was completely successful. The
dread of being burnt alive induced the Swiss to
take to flight, which they did in tolerable order,
although running at their utmost speed, and ac-
casionally turning to fire upon their pursuers ;
but such was the order with which they were
followed, that many of them fell under the fire
of our brave companions in arms. If the advice
had been taken which I offered before engaging
with the enemy, we should not have missed one

PARIS IN 1830. 127

of them. A few hundred men placed in ambush
at the corner of the boulevard would have taken
them in flank, and by means of these fresh troops
the victory would have been complete. But
whither am I hurrying ? Far be it from me to
lament the chance which saved the lives of those,
who, however contemptible for the venality of
their services, are nevertheless our fellow-
men ! We are now triumphant ! Alas, that
our object could not be attained by other means
than the effusion of blood !"

128 PARIS IN 1830,

CHAPTER IX.

Popular attack on the Island of La Cite — Destruction of the
Archiepiscopal Palace — Sanguinary engagements in the
Place de Greve — Obstinate contests for the occupation of
the Hotel de Ville — Final expulsion of the royalist forces
from that position — Various traits of courage — Conduct of
the Duke of Ragusa — Behaviour of the troops of the Line,
contrasted with that of the Royal Guard — Conciliation of
the former to the national cause — Enthusiastic spirit among
the members of the Bar.

Another column proceeded towards the Island
of la Cite, a position which the regular forces
appeared to be resolved to defend with obsti-
nacy. This column was commanded by M.
Petit-Jean, a member of the French bar, who
resides in the Rue l'Echiquier, No. 30. In the
the course of the forenoon, he had assembled a
crowd of citizens as courageous as himself, and
taken the command of them in the midst of the
melee, wearing a three-coloured scarf, which he
afterwards hoisted as a flag, with his own victo-
rious hands, over the towers of Notre Dame.

PARIS IN 1830. 129

His company consisted of about three hundred
men, among whom he distributed five hundred
cartridges, haranguing them with all that energy
of feeling, so well calculated, at such a moment,
to inspire his fellow citizens with the resolution
to conquer or die. It was in the obstinate en-
gagement which took place on the Place de
Greve that this gallant band so nobly distin-
guished itself.

In the course of the struggle, the residence of
M. de Quelen, the Archbishop of Paris, became
the object of attack on the part of the citizens.
His eminence was accused of abandoning the
cause of the people for that of the court ; he was
reproached with the mandates he had issued to
his clergy, and with the harangues he had ad-
dressed to the King, so little in conformity with
the spirit of the gospel, or with the duties which
he owed, as a Christian pastor, to his flock.
Heated by such recollections, and excited to
frenzy by a rumour, which was doubtless un-
founded, that the priests had fired on the people
through the railing of the garden attached to the
archiepiscopal palace, a number of armed citizens
attacked the building, and drove out the troops
by whom it was defended. A quantity of arms
and ammunition was found in it, which gave
some countenance to the rumour that had
previously been circulated ; and exposed the
valuable property in this sumptuous residence

K

130 PARIS IN 1830.

to reckless destruction, rather than to plunder or
pillage. The rich furniture of the palace was
broken in pieces, and thrown out on the street ;
but the plate and other articles, possessed of an
intrinsic value which could not be annihilated,
were either carried for confiscation to the Hotel
de Ville, or thrown into the river, where, two
days afterwards, a great part of it was fished up,
by order of the provisional government. But
among those who committed these unpardonable
excesses, it is a fact, which deserves to be re-
corded to their honour, that not a thief was to
be found, and that no article of value was known
to have disappeared. Without attempting to jus-
tify such an invasion of private property, it may
be stated, in extenuation of the conduct of an ex-
cited multitude, that it would certainly never
have taken place, had the Catholic clergy in ge-
neral confined themselves to the duties of their sa-
cred office, and had they not exposed themselves,
with too much truth, to the imputation of pros-
tituting their clerical influence to the purposes of
political partizanship.

As the Hotel de Ville was a position of con-
siderable importance, the Place de Greve, and
the other avenues which lead to it, became the
scene of several bloody engagements. In the
course of Wednesday, the 28th, the town-hall
had been taken and retaken, perhaps ten or
twelve different times by the National Guard and

PARIS IN 1830. 131

the citizens on the one hand, and the regular
troops on the other ; and, as the resistance was
as obstinate as the attack was courageous, the
struggle was necessarily attended with a dreadful
slaughter. When the people were the assail-
ants, they rushed out from a number of points
on the Arcade Saint Jean, the streets De la
Tixeranderie and De Mouton, the iron bridge,
and the adjoining quays. The importance of
this central point was felt on all sides, from the
great moral influence it would give to the insur-
gents, through the establishment of a provisional
government. Every effort was in consequence
employed, for securing its permanent possession ;
but, by turns, the chances were favourable and
unfavourable to the popular cause. It was
nightfall when the firing was interrupted, and
then only to be begun again at an early hour on
Thursday morning. So many efforts of heroism
were crowned at length with complete success.
Tired out and disheartened by the constant re-
newal of the masses opposed to them, the royal-
ist forces were finally forced to evacuate this dan-
gerous post; and there also floated the victorious
colours of the nation.

In the course of this affair, about three o'clock,
when the fire was at the hottest, issuing from the
quay de la Greve, and sweeping the opposite
quays, from the Pavilion de l'Horloge, on the
Island of la Cite, to the further extremity of the

K 2

132 PARTS IN 1830.

Isle St. Louis, a party of young men, about
twenty in number, advanced under the protec-
tion of the parapet, and occupied and defended
the outlet of the suspension bridge, which com-
municates with the Place de Greve. From be-
hind this rampart, they succeeded in bringing
down a great number of the Swiss, who were
here opposed to them.

Annoyed at their repeated losses, the latter
thought to unmask the position, and advanced
on the bridge to the number of fifteen or twenty.
Far from thinking of flight, the gallant little band
drew themselves up across the bridge like old
soldiers, gave the Swiss a volley which killed or
wounded three or four of them, and compelled
the others to retire. On this, one of the youth-
ful combatants ran after the retreating party,
and coining up to the place where three of the
Swiss lay dead, or severely wounded, he seized
their firelocks and their cartridge boxes, ex-
claiming, " Here is a supply, my boys, of powder
and shot !"

The contest for the passage of this bridge
produced another trait of courage not less worthy
of notice and admiration. It had already cost
so many lives, that the proposal for a fresh
attempt upon it met with some symptoms of
hesitation. " Follow me !" said a young man,
addressing his companions, while he advanced
on the bridge, " and if I fall, remember that

PARIS IN 1830. 133

my name is Arcole !" With this the youthful
hero marched straight upon the enemy, and fell
at their first volley. But the example was given,
the blood of a martyr in the cause of liberty
was not unfruitful, and the victorious column
advanced on the Place de Greve, amidst tre-
mendous shouts of " Vive la charte !" and
" Gloire a d'Arcole /" His dying wish was exe-
cuted on the instant, the bridge received the
name of him to whose self-devotion its conquest
was due, and a few minutes afterwards the
national flag was flying over the belfry of the
town-hall.

The tocsin of Saint Gervais was now made
to answer to that which was already heard from
the towers of Notre Dame. At this terrible
appeal many a stout heart palpitated. Men,
women, and children, the whole population of
the district, were instantly in motion — some to re-
place those who had fallen or been disabled in
the struggle ; and their wives and mothers, their
sisters and their sweethearts, to assist in caring
for the wounded, or in removing the dead.

In the course of the principal attack on the
Hotel de Ville, its neighbourhood became the
scene of subordinate skirmishes and partial en-
gagements, sufficient of themselves to fill a vo-
lume. Among the citizens who lay in ambush
behind the church of Saint Germain PAuxerrois,
there was a young man from the faubourgs,

134 PARIS IN 1830.

possessed of a good musket, but evidently un-
accustomed to the use of it. A veteran of the
old army begged the loan of it for an instant,
and, sheltering himself behind the porch of the
Cafe Secretaire, he waited the advance of a co-
lumn of Swiss who were about to enter the
Place du Chatelet. He instantly fired and
brought down one of the Swiss ; and, although
the whole column discharged their pieces in the
direction of the porch, the veteran escaped un-
hurt ; then, having reloaded his musket, he fired
a second time, when his aim proved as true as at
first. His example was promptly followed by
the other inhabitants assembled, to the number of
fifty, who by the precision of their fire soon did
such execution on the Swiss column, as to put
them into inextricable confusion, and soon after-
wards to force them to a disorderly retreat,
leaving the ground they had occupied encum-
bered with their dead and wounded.

In the Rue de la Monnaie, a party of troops
of the line had levelled their pieces, and were
about to fire on the people, when one of the
soldiers fell down in a fainting fit. He had
recognized his brother in the group at which his
party had taken aim. Recovering his self-pos-
session before the confusion produced by the
accident had allowed his companions the time
which was necessary to resume their hostile atti-
tude, he rushed from the ranks and threw him-

PARIS IN 1830. 135

self into his brother's arms, never more to return
to a service which had so nearly produced a
casualty of so heart-rending a nature.

It is said, that about one o'clock on Wednes-
day, the 28th, some hesitation was discoverable
in the bearing* and deportment of the Duke of
Ragusa. The officers in command of detach-
ments had, in more than one instance, been com-
pelled to act on their own responsibility, because
they could not obtain the new orders for which
they had applied. Murmurs were every instant
becoming louder, and some had even ventured
to brand their chief with the name of traitor,
comparing his present conduct with the circum-
stances under which, as governor of Paris, he
had fifteen years before surrendered the capital
to the Allies. But soon rousing himself from his
temporary apathy, he seemed to feel that the
decisive moment had arrived, and that it was too
late to adopt a middle course between the cause
of humanity and patriotism on the one hand, and
that of despotism on the other. It was at this
period that he showed himself in the Place de
Carrousel, and, placing himself at the head of a
strong detachment, marched by the Place du
Palais Royal, and the Rue Croix des Petits
Champs, towards the Place des Victoires, as no-
ticed in a previous chapter.

The national guard of the third arrondisse-
ment, and the free battalions of the faubourgs

136 PARIS IN 1830.

Montmartre, Poissonniere, and Saint Denis,
with the people of the markets in arms, were at
this period assembled in the Place des Victoires,
having detachments in possession of the upper
part of the Palais Royal, where it joins the Rue
Vivienne, as well as the Bank of France, the
Petits Peres, and all that neighbourhood. Be-
fore Marmont's arrival, a regiment of the line
had entered into a parley with the patriots, and
had promised that they would fight no longer.
The soldiers and the citizens had embraced each
other, a complete reconciliation had been effected,
and the popular party had posted a column at
each outlet of the place, when the Duke of Ra-
gusa made his appearance, at the head of his
lancers, followed by a detachment of Swiss and
several pieces of artillery.

Before this combined force the citizens retired ;
and Marmont, having taken possession of the
Place des Victoires, and assumed the command
of the regiment which he found there under
arms, posted his united force in front of the
Rue de Mail, the Rue des Fosses Montmartre,
the Rue du Reposoir, the Rue Croix des Petits
Champs, and the Rue Neuve des Petits Champs,
and ordered a simultaneous attack to be made
on all these points. The greater part of the
citizens retreated on the first shock into the
Montmartre, and entrenched themselves in the
Rue de Cadran, the Rue Mandar, the Rue Ti-

PAULS IN 1830. 137

quetonne, the cross streets towards the Halle
aux Bl£s, and the passage de Saumon. There
an obstinate struggle took place, and a party of
Swiss, who had ventured too far in pursuit, were
almost entirely cut off, not so much by the fire
of musketry, as by the paving" stones and other
missiles which were thrown upon them from the
houses.

Among the citizens who here distinguished
themselves was M. Boulet, the keeper of a fur-
nished hotel in the Rue Saint Sauveur, who
brought down several Swiss, and stripping them
of their arms, presented these to such of his
neighbours as were not previously supplied.

The royalists, tired of this unequal struggle,
were gradually losing ground, and had left a
piece of cannon exposed on an open space, which
could not, however, be approached without
danger, on account of the fire of musketry by
which it was still protected. A pupil of the
Polytechnic School, who had for some time
directed the popular movement, ran up to the
piece, and holding it in both his arms exclaimed,
" It is ours, and I shall die upon it rather than
give it up!" His friends from behind called
out to him to return, and not expose himself to
infallible destruction ; but the young hero would
listen to no such counsel, and only embraced the
piece more closely, while the bullets were whist-
ling around him. Encouraged, or put to shame

138 PARIS IN 1830.

by so much intrepidity, the popular party made
a fresh effort, and advancing" to the spot on which
the gun had been abandoned, compelled the
enemy to make good their retreat.

In this, as in other parts of the struggle, the
conduct of the troops of the Line was favourably
contrasted with that of the Lancers, the Swiss,
and other regiments of the Garde Royale. On
the commencement of the firing along the various
lines of street which radiate from the Place des
Vietoires, a number of unarmed individuals
sought shelter in the Rue Baillif, in which there
was a guard-house, at that time occupied by a
detachment of the 53rd of the Line. These
brave fellows received the party who sought
shelter, as brethren, exclaimed against the con-
duct of the household troops in firing on the
people, and promised to defend their guests to
the last extremity. Among the individuals who
were thus protected, were M. Jouault, of the
Rue Neuve Saint Eustache, M. Dru, of the
house of Esnault Pelterie in the same street, M.
Maldan, of the Rue Thibautode, and M. Vui-
llette, of the Rue des Lavandieres, Sainte Op-
pertune.

The efforts which had been made by the citi-
zens drove back the Royal Guard and the Swiss
into the interior of the town, across the streets
called LaVerrerie des Lombards, LaFerronnerie,
and Saint Honor e, as well as through all those

PARIS IN 1830. 139

adjoining-, by which they are connected with the
quays.

It was in the attacks which took place in the
course of this retreat, in the Rue des Prouvaires,
that M. Cassonais, a barrister of the royal court
of Paris, observing that the soldiers of the line
were pacifically disposed, ran up to them amidst
the fire which was still maintained, and address-
ing himself to Captain Marchal, who commanded
the party, exhorted, beseeched, and at length
persuaded him to put an end to the hostilities in
this part of the field. It was not, however,
until he had three times crossed the fire of the
belligerent parties, that he succeeded in con-
cluding the treaty, and in bringing back to his
friends the word of honour of Captain Marchal,
and those under his command, that from that
moment they would cease to fire on the people.

The arrangement, however, had scarcely been
completed, when the colonel of the 15th, who
had heard of it, hastened to the spot, to use his
influence in breaking the treaty, and instantly
gave orders to the men to re-commence the
fire. Seeing them all remain immovable, the
colonel reproached them with their want of fide-
lity, and reminded them of the oath of alle-
giance which they had sworn to the King. " We
have sworn also allegiance to the nation," was
the reply ; " and the nation is here to keep us
to our word, while the King conceals himself,

140 PARIS IN 1830.

and calls upon us to cut the throats of our
brethren."

The bar of Paris, particularly among its
younger members, had many other active and
courageous representatives in various quarters of
the field. Among those whose names have been
mentioned, are M. Tardieu, who was wounded
in an attack on the Louvre ; M. Moulin, who
took an active part in the firing on the Place de
Greve ; and MM. Lefio, Disson, Dellequin, and
Andorre, who, shut up in the Hotel de Ville
during the whole of Wednesday, the 28th, re-
mained throughout the day exposed to the fire of
the Swiss, and of the Garde Royale.

PARIS IN 1830. 141

CHAPTER X.

Proceedings in the vicinity of the Palais Royal — Amount and
distribution of Marshal Marmont's force —Various attacks
on the People — Increase of the National Guard — Difficulties
of the Royalists, and consequent restriction of their field of
operations — Advantages enjoyed by the popular side, con-
trasted with the destitution of the Soldiery, as to provisions,
treatment of the wounded, &c. — Movements of General
St. Chamans — Order of the Day from Marshal Marmont —
Particulars respecting the state of the King and Court at
St. Cloud.

The district in which the Palais Royal is situ-
ated was at no period of the day in the enjoy-
ment of tranquillity. There the danger was
more imminent than elsewhere, from the double
cause of its vicinity to the Place du Carrousel —
which, since the evening- of the 27th, had be-
come the head-quarters of the Duke of Ragusa,
his military depot, and the point from whence
reinforcements were sent to all quarters of the
city — and likewise from the circumstance of the
open spaces in front and within the palace being
the ordinary places of popular rendezvous in

142 PARIS IN 1830.

times of public excitement. During" the night
of the 27th, and afterwards, until the final dis-
comfiture and retreat of the royalist party, the
Place du Carrousel presented the appearance of
a complete military bivouac, encumbered with
troops of all arms, infantry, cavalry, and artil-
lery, with their usual train of warlike stores and
ammunition.

The following is believed to be an accurate
statement of the force which had been placed at
Marmont's disposal: —

Gen-d'armerie of Paris .... 1,400 men

Gen-d'armerie des Chasses . . . . 200 —

1 st and 3d regiments of the Guard . . 3,400 —

Detachment of the 6th, from St. Denis . . 600 —

8th regiment of the Guard, Swiss . . 1,700 —

2d ditto ditto .... 1,700 —
5th, 50th, and 53d of the Line, and 15th

Light Infantry 6,000 —

1st regiment of Horse Grenadiers, 1st regi-
ment of Cuirassiers, and the regiment of

Lancers ...... 1,800 —

A squadron of Carabiniers .... 200 —

Artillery, 12 pieces, with . . . 200 —

17,200 _

These troops were distributed over the Place
Louis XV., the Place Vendome, the Place des
Victoires, the Place du Palais Royal, the Place
du Louvre, the Place de la Bastille, and the
Place de l'Hotel de Ville, each point becoming

PARIS IN 1830. 143

a separate centre, from which smaller detach-
ments were sent out to occupy the crossings of
the principal thoroughfares in its neighbour-
hood, and sweep the streets with their fire.

At an early hour in the morning, the Place du
Carrousel was covered with soldiers under arms.
At eight o'clock, the Lancers made a charge in
the Rue Saint Honore, and killed an unarmed
man in the Passage Delorme, where a number
of people had taken refuge. At nine, it was the
turn of the Swiss and the Royal Guard to do
execution on the citizens ; but, in place of pro-
ducing the expected intimidation, the excesses
committed by the satellites of despotism only
animated the inhabitants with a more determined
spirit of resistance.

In the second arrondissement, as in the other
quarters of the city, the National Guard organ-
ized itself with astonishing rapidity, and, pro-
ceeding towards the Palais Royal and the Rue
Richelieu, at about a quarter to one o'clock, com-
menced a murderous contest, which suffered no
intermission till nine in the evening. The
efforts they made to displace the soldiery were
not, however, attended with success. The troops
succeeded in maintaining their position until
after nightfall, and did not evacuate the Place du
Palais Royal until the approach of day.

To make amends for this failure, the citizens,
on Wednesday evening, had the satisfaction to

144 PARIS IN 1830.

see themselves conquerors in every other district
of the town. At sunset, the royalists, driven
from their posts, were compelled, especially on
the right bank of the river, to confine themselves
within very narrow limits, extending from the
Louvre to the church of Saint Germain l'Auxer-
rois ; from thence continuing their line to the
Palais Royal, and as far along the Rue Saint
Honore as the bottom of the Rue Richelieu.
They were also in possession of the Marche des
Jacobins, from whence they kept their commu-
nications open with the Place Vendome, by
means of the Rue Neuve des Petits Champs, re-
taining the command of the district embraced by
the Rue de la Paix, the Boulevard de la Made-
laine, and the Rue Royale, as far as the Place
Louis XV., the Champs Elysees, and the bridge
in front of the Chamber of Deputies.

In so circumscribed a situation, the Duke of
Ragusa must have felt that the enterprize he had
undertaken was already hopeless. Himself in a
state of siege within these narrow limits, and
master only of the ground on which he stood,
he was obviously in constant danger of being
driven from his last stronghold, and compelled
to make a precipitate retreat. The armed citizens,
on the contrary, were hourly increasing in num-
bers, and still more rapidly in a reasonable con-
fidence in the justice of the cause they had
undertaken to defend. Never was there a more

PARIS IN 1830. 145

striking example of the value of moral influence
in deciding- the fate of a campaign, than in that
now exhibited in the ranks of the contending
parties. The idea and the feeling so happily
expressed by our own immortal bard, were
doubtless present to the minds of many a com-
batant on either side, although the language was
unknown to them :

" Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just,
And he but naked, though locked up in steel.
Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted."

Nor was the spirit of patriotism and the love
of liberty, which animated the ranks of the citi-
zens, confined to those under arms. Every house
was open for the refreshment or repose of those
who were struggling in the cause of indepen-
dence ; they were everywhere treated as sons
and as brothers, and encouraged in the perform-
ance of their task by the good offices of all who
were incapacitated, by age or sex or personal
infirmity, from engaging more actively in the
struggle.

It was very different with the unfortunate
soldiery. It appeared as if their chiefs had for-
gotten that the men would be exposed to hunger
and thirst, and to the common wants of humanity.
Their improvidence was only equalled by that
fatal courage which had led to these unhappy
results. Bread, meat, and wine, were alike

L

146 PARIS IN 1830.

wanting. Brandy, indeed, had been thought of,
and had at first been supplied in profusion; but
although well suited to produce that temporary
excitement which was necessary to determine the
troops to begin the attack on their countrymen,
this maddening liquor had no tendency to satisfy
the wants of men exhausted by the excessive
heat of the weather, by the cravings of hunger,
and by the want of needful repose. Their
wounded too were utterly neglected ; any assist-
ance they received having been obtained from
the inhabitants against whom they had been
directing their fire.

Harrassed with fatigue and inanition, ex-
posed alike to moral and to physical evils, and
involved on all sides in the inexpressible confu-
sion which pervaded their bivouacs, the regiments
of the Guards, as well as of the Line, had become
aware of the state of isolation in which they
had been left by all classes of the community.
No king, no dauphin, no grandee of the realm,
came to countenance their efforts in the cause of
royalty. The noblesse and the aristocracy stood
as far aloof in the hour of trial, as did those
bands of charbonniers who had lately been so
feted and carressed at Saint Cloud. It was no
wonder, then, that the troops were discouraged.
Accused of treason against the laws of the Char-
ter, or at least of fighting in support of traitors,
their consciences told them that the accusation

PARIS JN 1830. 147

was not unfounded. These feelings of bitter-
ness and distrust were speedily ripened into a
resolution, on the part of one entire regiment of
the Line, to stand neutral between the contending
parties, and desist from all further acts of vio-
lence or aggression. The ranks of the other
regiments were hourly attenuated by desertion ;
and those who were still restrained from follow-
ing the example of their comrades, by long habits
of discipline, were held together by a thread
which was every instant liable to be broken. It
was in vain that their officers endeavoured to
console them with the assurance of reinforce-
ments and pecuniary gratifications on the morrow.
Disheartened and dispirited by the events of the
day, it was already too late to recall those senti-
ments of loyalty and devotion by which they
had so lately been animated ; and, piling their
arms on the ground, or carelessly dropping them
on the stones, which were to serve them for a
pillow, they allowed themselves to sink to rest,
overwhelmed at once with mental anxiety and
bodily fatigue.

The column which in the morning had tra-
versed the boulevard, consisted of a battalion of
the first regiment of the Guard, six hundred men
of the sixth, two battalions of the fifth of the
Line, under the command of General Saint Cha-
in ans. It was the object of their commanders, in
entering the Rue Saint Antoine where it meets

l 2

148 PARIS IN 1830.

the boulevard, to have effected a junction with
the troops which were disputing with the citizens
the possession of the Hotel de Ville; but, on
reaching the end of the Rue de Fourcy, they met
with such a formidable resistance, as to make it
prudent for them to fall back on the Place de la
Bastille, from whence they had just advanced.

The Lancers, with some companies of infantry,
were then sent to defend the bridge of Austerlitz
against the citizens of the quarter Saint Marcel,
who were known to be inarching upon it. The
citizens were suffered to pass the bridge, to move
down the quays on the right bank of the river,
and to join their townsmen of the quarter Saint
Antoine, without being charged or disturbed
either by the Lancers or by the infantry of the
Guard, whose ammunition was already exhausted,
and who had long been completely destitute of
provisions or refreshment of any kind. Having
in his turn passed the bridge in front of the Gar-
den of Plants, General Saint Chamans resolved
to avoid the interior of the city, and to retire
by the outer boulevards on the Hotel deslnvalides
and the Ecole Militaire, which he accordingly
reached in the course of the following night.

The idea of dismounting the white flag, which
had floated for fifteen years on the towers of
Notre Dame, and of sounding the tocsin on the
great bell of the cathedral, first occurred, it is
said, to a party of students from the schools of

PARIS IN 1830. 149

law and of medicine, on their return from an
interview with M. Cassimir Perier. " A has
le drapeau blanc !" was their shout as they ap-
proached the venerable pile ; a few minutes suf-
ficed to tear down the banner of despotism ; and
at the same moment the maddening knell of the
tocsin called all Paris to arms.

On the evening of the 28th, an order of the
day was issued, in the name of the Duke of Ra-
gusa, to the troops under his command, conceived
in the following terms :

" The King has charged Marshal Duke of Kagusa
to testify to the troops of the Guard and of the Line
his satisfaction at their good conduct during the two
last days. His Majesty expected no less from the zeal
and the devotion of his brave troops ; and, in proof of
his satisfaction, he grants them a month and a half s pay.
The commanders of corps will prepare their pay lists,
and present them to-morrow at the general head-quar-
ters of the Guard, where this gratification will be distri-
buted.

For the major-general on service,
and by his orders,

the Aide-major-general

Marquis be Choiseul."
" Paris, ZSth July, 1830."

This order throws some light on the views
entertained by the court as to the state of the
popular movement on Wednesday, the 28th.
The money thus paid consisted of two-franc

150 PARIS IN 1830.

pieces fresh from the mint, the soldiers of the
Line receiving* twenty-eight francs, and those of
the Guard thirty -five francs ; but such was the
state of the capital on Thursday morning, or such
the condition of the treasury, that the promises
thus held out were only partially realized.

Although the capital was already suffering all
the horrors of a siege, the court at St. Cloud
still maintained some appearance of tranquillity.
The Duchess de Berri, with all the clear-
sighted apprehension of a mother, was the only
member of the royal family who discovered any
symptoms of uneasiness. Her royal highness
had succeeded, through the Count de Menars,
in obtaining an exact account of all that had
taken place in Paris on the Tuesday evening.
He had not concealed from her the extreme
exasperation of the people, and the danger which
must arise if concessions were not speedily made
for the purpose of restoring tranquillity. On
receiving this intelligence, the Duchess hastened
into the presence of the King, to unburthen her
mind of the load with which it was oppressed.
As yet, however, his Majesty was not prepared
to yield a single point, but was resolved to
show himself, in courtly phraseology, a worthy
descendant of Louis XIV. and Henry IV. In
the course of the interview, a young artist was
announced, who had come from Paris in obedi-
ence to his Majesty's commands ; the King hav-

PARIS IN 1830. lol

ing appointed that morning to sit for his por-
trait. The young' man entered in a state of ex-
treme agitation, having had occasion to pass
through the disturbed districts of the city, where
the contending forces were actively engaged ;
and having actually been bespattered with the
blood and brains of a man whose head had been
shattered to pieces close beside him. The Duchess
de Berri, observing him still pale and trem-
bling, inquired the cause of his emotion, and
drew from him the recital of whatever he had
heard or witnessed on that or the previous day ;
but although his story was told with all the
freshness of conviction and all the force of truth,
it did not in the least disturb the monarch's
equanimity.

" Ce n'est rien" was the only observation
which it produced from his Majesty ; " tout cela
finira ce soir ; ce n'est presque rien. Tenez,
mon cher, ce que vous avez de mieux a faire,
c'est de commencer mon portrait."

The King's features retained their usual self-
satisfied expression : his whole deportment exhi-
bited the most unaccountable immobility ; and
having seated himself in a light and a position to
suit the purpose he had in view, he waited with
exemplary patience until the artist should com-
mence his task. But the old man's nerves were,
it seems, made of sterner stuff than those of the
portrait painter, who, after several ineffectual ef-

152 PARIS IN 1830.

forts, was obliged to declare his utter inability
to proceed.

" Ehbien!" said Charles X. with unruffled com-
posure, " ce sera pour la semaine prochaine !"

As soon as the artist had retired, the Duchess
de Berri gave herself up to an agony of grief.
The King inquired, with an air of kindness and
of unfeigned surprise, what could have occurred
to distress her. The Duchess replied by an allu-
sion to the disturbances in Paris, and asked if
they were not sufficient to excite the liveliest
alarm. " How weak you are," said his Majesty;
" what signifies the outcry of a handful of jour-
nalists, or the ill humour of a few hundred ope-
rative printers ? Will they beat the royal guard,
think you ? and what chance would they have
with my faithful Swiss ?"

" But, sire," interposed the Duchess, " the
National Guard are flying to arms."

" That cannot be," rejoined the King ; " they
are disbanded, and dare not think of re-assem-
bling. Besides, we have Mangin and Peyron-
net ; so make yourself easy on that subject; you
see that I am so."

Far from being tranquillized by* the King's
assurances, the Duchess continued to urge on
his attention the circumstances by which her
own mind had been so deeply impressed; she
drew an alarming picture of the state of popular
effervescence in the capital ; alluded to the want

PARIS IN 1830. 153

of firmness displayed by the regiments of the
Line, and, at length, throwing herself on her
knees, she conjured the King not to compromise
the interests of his grandson, the Duke de
Bordeaux.

At this the King's temper was ruffled ; he
treated his daughter-in-law's apprehensions as
mere weakness and folly ; and, on her persevering
in her appeal, he ended by desiring her to cease
her importunity, and to leave the presence. On
returning to her own apartments, the Duchess
abandoned herself to excessive grief, and, crying
bitterly before all her people, gave unrestrained
utterance to the impulse of terror with which
she had been visited.

Soon afterwards her royal highness received a
visit from the Dauphin, who came by order of
the King, to re-assure and console her, or, as he
expressed it, to make her listen to reason. The
Duke d' Angouleme was as blind as his father
to their present situation, and could see nothing
to cause a moment's uneasiness in the momen-
tary insurrection which had broken out in the
capital !

At two o'clock it was known at St. Cloud
that the Duke of Ragusa had attacked the in-
surgents. The report was immediately spread
that he had obtained a complete victory : so
readily do we believe what we wish to be true !
This delusion continued until the approach of

15 A PARIS IN 1830.

night ; but then, although the truth was not per-
mitted to reach the ears of the royal family, it
was already whispered in the antechambers of
the palace. It was known, at least, that the vic-
tory was not so complete as previous rumour
had described it ; hints were even hazarded that
it was little short of a defeat ; that the Guards
had met with a repulse, and that the whole of
the royal forces were blocked up in the Louvre
and the Tuileries. The veil began to fall from
before the eyes of the members of the household
and the habitues of the court. It was only now that
they thought of bestirring themselves, saying that
an appeal must be made to all good royalists, and
that each must write to his friends in the capital
to induce then to rise en masse for the protec-
tion of the rights of the crown. As to them-
selves, they could take no part in it ; they could
not think of leaving the sacred person of the
King.

In the meantime, the King continued wilfully
ignorant of the imminence of the danger to
which he was exposed. On Wednesday evening
he played his usual party at whist, and ordered
a hunting party for the following day. At inter-
vals, it is true, the general serenity was disturbed
by the sound of the artillery which thundered
in the capital ; but on the King it made no im-
pression, unless we are to believe the too fright-
ful statement which has found its way into so-

PARIS IN 1830. 155

ciety, that at each successive report which an-
nounced the slaughter of his subjects, his Majesty
looked up from his game with a smile of satisfac-
tion, as if to rival his namesake's coolness during
the horrors of Saint Bartholomew, or to esta-
blish a parallel to the historical fact that " Nero
fiddled when Rome was burning.'-

150 PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER XI.

Measures connected with the Provisional Government— Pro-
clamation signed in the name of the Deputies of France —
Letters on that subject — Unsuccessful Deputation to the
Duke of Ragusa— Announcement from the Provisional
Government — Detail of the conferences of M. Bayeux, the
advocate-general, with the Ministry and the Duke of Ra-
gusa.

In detailing* the principal events of the struggle
on Tuesday and Wednesday, the 27th and 28th
of July, the narrative has not been interrupted
by any allusion to the circumstances connected
with the nomination of a provisional govern-
ment. The deputies who had put their names
to the protest inserted in a previous chapter,
continued to meet and to deliberate on the mea-
sures to be adopted in the exigency of the mo-
ment. On Tuesday afternoon, it was resolved
that a petition or remonstrance should be ad-
dressed to the King, protesting against the ordi-

PARIS IN 1830. 159

nances, and beseeching- his Majesty to maintain
in their integrity the fundamental compact, and
the laws of the kingdom. M. Gnizot, the pre-
sent minister of the interior, M. Villemain, the
journalist, and M. Dupin, senior, the celebrated
barrister, were each directed to prepare a sepa-
rate draft, or projet, of the proposed remon-
strance. On Wednesday the deputies again
met at the house of M. Audry de Puyraveau,
and adopted the draft prepared by M. Guizot ;
but events had succeeded each other with such
amazing rapidity, that the resolutions of yester-
day were quite unsuited to the circumstances of
to-day. It was already felt that something more
decisive than mere remonstrance was called for
by the existing emergency, although no one was
yet prepared to suggest what that alternative
should be.

This feeling was not confined to the members
of the Chamber of Deputies. Every citizen of
Paris, who had found a moment's leisure to
reflect on the events which were passing around
him, was at once convinced of the urgent neces-
sity which had arisen for some central point of
union, around which the inhabitants might
rally. Suggested, no doubt, by this conviction,
a proclamation, purporting to be signed by " The
Deputies of France," was on Thursday morning
conspicuously posted over all the principal streets
of the capital, announcing that a provisional

158 PARIS IN 1830.

government had been established, consisting of
General Lafayette, the Duke de Choiseul, and
Count Gerard, and that these distinguished indi-
viduals had undertaken the important duties
assigned to them. This proclamation was con-
ceived in the following terms : —

" Brave Citizens of Paris ;

" Your conduct during these days of disaster is above
all praise. When Charles X., abandoning his capital,
had given you up to gen-d'armes and Swiss, you de-
fended your homes with a courage truly heroic. Let us
but persevere, and redouble our ardour. Let us but
put forth a few more efforts, and our enemies will be
overcome. A general panic has already taken posses-
sion of them. We have stopped the courier they had
dispatched to Dijon for reinforcements, and to recom-
mend the Duchess d'Angouleme not to return.

" A provisional government is established ; three
most honourable citizens have undertaken its important
functions. These are MM. Lafayette, Choiseul, and
Gerard, in whom you will find courage, firmness, and
prudence. This day will put an end to all your
anxieties, and crown you with glory.

(Signed) " Les Deputes de la France.11

The history of this document, which, although
totally unauthorized even by a single deputy,
was undoubtedly attended with the very best
effects, is not a little curious, from the light it in-
cidentally throws on the manner in which the
late revolutionary movement was effected. The

PARIS IN 1830. 159

following letters on the subject supersede the
necessity of comment.

" A Messieurs les habitans de la mile de Paris"
" Gentlemen ;

" A proclamation signed by Generals Layfayette and
Gerard, and the Duke de Choiseul, as members of the
provisional government, and as having accepted that
office, was placarded on the 28th of July, and following
days, over all the walls of Paris.

44 The result was then uncertain ; the struggle had
begun ; an imminent danger existed for the subscribers,
in case the royal army had been victorious : their tri-
umph would have been followed by our execution.

" My name had doubtless appeared to be useful. My
consent had not even been applied for. I did nothing, I
ordered nothing; the risk was mine, and I remained
silent : I should have thought it base to have published
the truth, since my life only was compromised ; and I
congratulated myself with the reflection, that the kind-
ness with which my fellow-citizens and the Parisian
Guard had honoured me, should appear to be of some
utility.

" Now that the victory is no longer uncertain, I feel
myself bound to declare that I never formed a part of
the provisional government — that the proposition was
never even made to me. I accepted in silence all the
danger in the hour of combat; I owe a homage to
truth in the hour of victory .

(Signed) " Le Due de Choiseul,"

" Pair de France, ancien Colonel de la lre
legion, et ex-major de la Garde nationale
Parisienne."

" Paris, August 1st, 1830."

160 PARIS IN 1830.

The publication of this address produced the
following letter of explanation : —

" Monsieur le Due ;

"Your noble and generous letter, addressed to the
Parisians, imposes on me the duty of making you ac-
quainted with the manner in which your name was intro-
duced among those of the members of the provisional
government.

On Tuesday the 27th of July, I happened to be at
the house of M. Berard, deputy for the department of
the Seine and Oise, with several of his colleagues, when
we were told that a meeting was to take place at half-
past eight at the house of M. Audry de Puyraveau. I
went thither at nine o'clock ; but very few were there,
The ordinances, and the blood which had been spilt,
were the subject of conversation, but no measure was
adopted. I addressed myself, however, to General
Lafayette, and asked if he would accept the supreme
command of the National Guard. He answered, that
he would not hesitate, if he were required by his fellow-
citizens.

" Having returned home, I reflected on what had
passed, and resolved on saving the cause of the people,
which I saw would be compromised if thus left to itself.
They wanted leaders, and it occurred to me to supply
them, by forming a provisional government among the
men whose names I had heard spoken of as likely to
conciliate all parties. I chose those of Generals Lafay-
ette and Gerard, and yourself.

" On the 28th, at six o'clock in the morning, I saw at
the mairie of the seventh arrondissement the Messrs.
Page, and M. Fessart, a captain of the old National
Guard, and mentioned my project to them, of which
they approved. In less than forty minutes about a

PARIS IN 1830. 161

hundred and twenty members of the National Guard
assembled at the residence of the Messrs. Page, in the
Hotel de Saint Pagnan. I told them that I had assisted
the evening before at a meeting of the Deputies ; that
they had named a provisional government, and had
ordered the re-organization of the National Guard. I
then gave the orders for its formation. In this I was
perfectly seconded by all present ; an adequate force
was sent to take possession of the Hotel de Ville ; a
committee was named to go to General Lafayette to re-
ceive his orders ; and I set out to present them to him.
In passing, I entered the office of the Times Journal,
and having found there M. Billard, one of its conductors,
I begged him to accompany us. Having arrived, at
half past ten, at M. Lafitte's hotel, I sent to General
Lafayette, to inquire if he would receive a deputation
of the National Guard, who had come to offer to march
under his orders, and to proclaim the provisional go-
vernment. M. Lafayette replied, that he wished to
consult the Deputies, who were at that moment assem-
bled with M. Lafitte ; and ten minutes afterwards he
came himself to receive the committee, saying, that the
Deputies approved of his nomination as commander-in-
chief of the National Guard, but that a convenient
place would be necessary to establish his head-quarters.
I proposed to him the Hotel de Ville, which was already
occupied by the National Guard, under the command
of Captain Fessart, my brother-in-law ; and he went
thither on the instant with the deputation.

" All the other arrondissements of Paris were simul-
taneously informed of the formation of the provisional
government, and of the order to organize the National
Guard. M. Billard returned to the office of the Times ;
I went to those of the other journals ; and the names of
Generals Lafayette and Gerard, and of the Duke de
Choiseul, were printed and proclaimed throughout the

M

162 PARIS IN 1830.

city. They inspired the Parisians with new courage,
and the victory of the people was no longer doubtful.
It was then that the Deputies began to name provisional
committees, and that the National Guard was organized.
In a few hours the Hotel de Ville, the Mont de Piete,
the Archives, and all the public establishments, were
under its safeguard.

" Such, M. le Due, is the whole truth regarding the
formation of the provisional government. Allow me to
thank you in the name of my fellow citizens, for the
silence you so generously preserved. How shall I con-
gratulate myself on having so well understood your
noble character ! If the names I selected have been suffi-
ciently powerful to conquer the evils which threatened
us, I doubt not that our success would have been still
more astonishing, if your co-operation had been more
active.

" I have the honour to be, &c.

" Caffin d' Orsigny."

Although not so prompt in their proceedings
as M. d'Orsigny would have had them to be, the
constitutional Deputies were not unmindful of
the important task which had now devolved on
them. On Thursday morning they appointed a
deputation, consisting of General Gerard, the
Count de Lobau, M. Lafitte, M. Casimir Per-
rier, and M. Mauguin, to wait upon the Duke
of Ragusa, and represent to him the frightful
scenes which were every instant occurring in the
capital ; to call upon him to put an end to them
in the name of the assembled Deputies of France,
and, in case of his refusal, to declare that he

PARIS IN 1830. 168

would be personally responsible for the conse-
quences. The gentlemen of the deputation pro-
ceeded from the residence of M. Lafitte, in the
Rue d'Artois, across the fire of musketry, which
was still continued along- the line occupied by
the royal forces, to the head-quarters of Marshal
Marmont ; and having with some difficulty ob-
tained access to him, they proceeded to execute
their mission through the medium of M. Lafitte
as their speaker. Without attempting to justify
or excuse the atrocities committed by the troops,
the Marshal seemed to feel that he had been
personally put on his defence, and immediately
answered the address of M. Lafitte, by observ-
ing, " that military honour consisted in obe-
dience."

" And civil honour," replied M. Lafitte, " for-
bids the massacre of the citizens."

After a moment's reflection, the Duke conti-
nued : — " But, gentlemen, what are the condi-
tions you propose ?"

" We believe we may answer," M. Lafitte
replied, " that good order will be restored on
the following conditions: — the recall of the
illegal ordinances of the 25th of July, the dis-
missal of the ministers, and the convocation of
the Chambers for the 3d of August."

To this the Duke replied, that, as a citizen, he
might not disapprove, nay, might even parti-
cipate in the opinions of the Deputies, but that

m2

164 PARIS IN 1830.

as a soldier he had received his orders, and was
bound to obey them. He undertook to submit
to the King the proposal which had just been
communicated ; but added, that if the deputation
wished to have a conference on the subject with
M. de Polignac, the Prince was then at hand ;
and he offered to go to ask him if he could re-
ceive them. At these words the Duke left the
apartment, and did not return for a quarter of
an hour. The altered expression of his counte-
nance foretold the unsatisfactory nature of the
message with which he was charged. The
Prince's answer was, that the conditions pro-
posed by the Deputies rendered any conference
useless.

" Then we have civil war," said M. Lafitte; the
Duke bowed in silence, and the Deputies retired.

Having returned to the meeting at the resi-
dence of M. Lafitte, the deputation reported
the unsuccessful result of their mission ; and the
Deputies, having resumed their deliberations, re-
solved on the immediate appointment of a com-
mittee to watch over the public interests. An
extraordinary number of the Moniteur soon
afterwards appeared with the following announce-
ment : —

" PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

" The Deputies present at Paris have found it neces-
sary to assemble, to remedy the serious dangers with

PARIS IN 1830. 165

which the security of persons and property is threatened.
In the absence of all regular organization, a commission
has been appointed to watch over the public interests.

" Messrs. Audry de Puyraveau, Count Gerard,
Jacques Lafitte, Count de Lobau, Mauguin, Odier, Casi-
mir Perrier, and De Schonen, compose this commission.

" General Lafayette is commander-in-chief of the Na-
tional Guard.

" The National Guard are masters of Paris at all
points.'1

On the promulgation of the royal ordinance
of Wednesday, the 28th of July, declaring the
capital in a state of siege, it had been formally
communicated to the procureur general, for the
purpose, no doubt, of intimating that his duties
as a civil functionary had been suspended. In
consequence of the absence from Paris of the
chief law officer of the crown, (the office of pro-
cureur general in France being equal to that of
attorney general in England,) the despatch con-
taining the ordinance was transmitted to M. Ba-
yeux, the advocate general, whose station may be
regarded as parallel to that of our solicitor
general. Immediately on receiving the docu-
ment, about three o'clock on Wednesday after-
noon, M. Bayeux attempted, but unsuccessfully,
to obtain an interview with the Prince de Polig-
nac, and the other ministers of the crown. On
Thursday morning he renewed his endeavours,
and found his way to the Tuileries, across the
Rue Saint Honore, at the moment when the

166 PARIS IN 1830.

Swiss had just entered the houses at the corner
of the Rue de TEchelle, and were from thence
directing- a murderous fire on the citizens.

On reaching the palace, M. Bayeux was in-
formed that the ministers were then in the
apartments of M. de Glandeve, the governor of
the Tuileries. On being introduced to them,
he found there Messrs. Chantelauze, Peyronnet,
and d'Haussez. The two first were reclining on
a couch, M. Peyronnet being without his coat,
and all appearing as if they had not been in bed.
M. d'Haussez continued walking about the apart-
ment, with an air of the deepest agitation.

M. Chantelauze inquired of M. Bayeux as to
the state of the capitol. " Admirable," was the
answer ; " full of tranquillity, firmness, and
courage."

" It must be the Federes," observed M. Pey-
ronnet, " who have kept up their old organiza-
tion."

" It is the whole population," M. Bayeux
replied, " who have armed themselves against
you. The women carry the paving-stones to the
upper floors of the houses, and throw them on
the heads of the soldiers ; while their husbands
are fighting in the streets."

This statement having produced some expres-
sion of doubt from the ministers, M. Bayeux
added, with greater earnestness than before, that
in less than two hours the Tuileries would be

PARIS IN 18^0. 167

occupied by the citizens ; that the contest was
so unequal and so hopeless, no resource remain-
ed but a cessation of hostilities, and a speedy
retreat ; that the troops of the Line refused to
fire on the people ; that many of the soldiers
had even given away their cartridges, and it was
with the ammunition thus obtained that the citi-
zens were now fighting. On this, M. d'Haus-
sez took M. Bayeux apart to one of the win-
dows, and pointing out to him some battalions
of the Garde Royale in the Place du Carrousel,
he said, " You are very right; these are indeed
our sole defenders, and they have had nothing
to eat for four-and -twenty hours."

The ministers, after taking coffee in an ad-
joining apartment, carried M. Bayeux with
them to the head-quarters of the commander-in-
chief, which they reached by means of a subter-
raneous passage which communicates between
the governor's residence and the apartments on
the other side of the Place du Carrousel, where
Marmont's staff was established. M. Bayeux
observed, as he passed, that there were prisoners
in the cellars of the palace.

On reaching the apartments occupied by the
staff, with the three ministers, M. Bayeux found
there M. Guernon de Ranville, M. de Montbel,
and the Duke of Ragusa. He repeated to them
what he had already said, but obtained only a

168 PARIS IN 1830.

confirmation of his belief that their situation
was utterly desperate.

One of the ministers inquired for what hour
the King had convoked them at Saint Cloud :
" For eleven o'clock," was the answer. " Then,"
added the individual who had put the question,
" we must send immediately for our carriages to
meet us at the Pont-Tournant."

M. Chantelauze placed an order in the hands
of M. Bayeux, signed by the Duke of Ragusa,
requiring the Royal Court of Paris to assemble in
the castle of the Tuileries. The advocate general
observed, that it was impossible to obey the
order ; and that if the minister wished to meet
the court, he must go to their place of sitting.
" Sir," said M. de Chantelauze, " you are the
procureur general ; I give you the mandate, and
charge you with its execution."

M. Bayeux then asked that an officer might
be appointed to go out with him, that he might
not be fired upon by the soldiers ; observing,
that he felt himself in no danger from the people.
He was answered, that that was impossible ; but
that a passport would be given him. The Duke
of Ragusa accordingly handed him a written
permission to pass the military posts at the Tuile-
ries and the Louvre. M. Bayeux remarked on
the uselessness of a mere piece of paper for
parrying the musket shots which the soldiers

PARIS IN 1830. 169

were firing from all the floors of the houses ;
but it was the only protection he could obtain.

After attempting- unsuccessfully to pass the
gate which leads to the Pont Royale, M. Bayeux
returned as he came, by the Rue de l'Echelle,
convinced that if he escaped the Swiss, the inha-
bitants of the Rue Traversere, in which he re-
sided, would not fire upon him. He succeeded
in reaching his own house in safety ; but an un-
fortunate fruiterer, surprised to see any one pass
at such a moment, put his head out of doors, and
received a mortal wound.

170 PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER XII.

Reflections on the preceding events — Renewed efforts of the
Parisians — JMarmont concentrates his force on the 29th of
July, and issues a proclamation without effect — General Ge-
rard assumes the command of the popular forces — Attack
on the Louvre, and dislodgment of the Swiss troops from
thence — Hesitation manifested among- the Royal Guard —
Various anecdotes connected with the struggle at the
Louvre.

In looking back at the events of this extra-
ordinary week, after an interval sufficient for
calm and quiet reflection, it is obvious to every
one, that the question which had been raised be-
tween the King and his people had been irre-
trievably decided as soon as the royal forces were
compelled to assume a defensive attitude.

But it will easily be believed that the feeling
was very different at the moment when every
mind was agitated by the scenes of deadly strife
which had already occurred, and which, to all
present appearance, were to be renewed on the
morrow. The strength already opposed to them,

PARIS IN 1830. 171

and the reinforcements at the disposal of the
Duke of Ragusa, were equally unknown to the
great body of the people. Tranquillity and re-
pose were as yet therefore out of the question.

During the night between Wednesday and
Thursday, the 28th and 29th, the inhabitants
continued to strengthen their barricades, and to
sacrifice the stately trees which shaded and
adorned the Boulevards, for the purpose of mak-
ing the town, in case of a reverse, completely
impervious to regular forces. Fresh efforts were
made to procure arms and ammunition. The
deserted barracks, and other military stations in
every quarter of the city, were forced and ran-
sacked by the populace ; and such was the for-
midable appearance which the city and its inha-
bitants presented on Thursday morning at sun-
rise, that Marmont thought it advisable to con-
centrate his whole force on the Louvre, the
Tuileries, and the Palais Royal.

With these exceptions, every public building
in the capital was already surmounted by the
tri-coloured flag ; the head-quarters of the Na-
tional Guard had been established at the Hotel
de Ville, and preparations had been made for
the vigorous commencement of offensive opera-
tions. An attempt, in the mean time, was made
by Marmont to conceal his conscious weakness,
by issuing a proclamation which he had not even
the means of printing, but which was distributed

172 PARIS IN 1830.

in manuscript by the officers at the outposts. It
was conceived in the following- terms :

" The Marshal Duke of Ragusa, Governor of Paris,
Major-General of the Garde Roy ale, commanding
the city in a state of siege ;

" Parisians !
" The events of yesterday have caused many tears to
flow ; too much blood has been already shed. For the
sake of humanity, I consent to suspend hostilities, in
the hope that all good citizens will return to their own
homes and resume their business. This I earnestly
conjure them to do.

(Signed,) " Le Marechal Due de Rag^e"

" Head Quarters, Paris929th July, 1830,

It is needless to say, that the contrivance re-
sorted to so obviously for the mere purpose of
gaining time, was totally unsuccessful. General
Gerard, an officer of known merit, had, with the
sanction of the assembled Deputies, already
assumed the command of the popular forces.
The appearance of General Lafayette at the Hotel
de Ville, and the belief which had been spread
by the instrumentality of M. d'Orsigny, that a
provisional government had already been esta-
blished, inspired the citizens with new confidence.
Every arrondissement of the city, every district
of the faubourgs, produced its mass of armed
men, who, with a rapidity and precision which

PARIS IN 1830. L7S

can only be accounted for by reference to the
large proportion of old soldiers to be found
throughout the whole French population, formed
themselves into formidable columns, and marched
in good order to the attack.

General Gerard placed himself at the head of
that part of the force which advanced towards
the Louvre by the right bank of the Seine ; but
the Swiss, who were charged with the defence of
this compact and substantial building, were at
the same time disturbed by other columns, who
approached it from the other side of the river by
the Pont Neuf, the Pont des Arts, and the Pont
Royal. In the gardens, courts, and other open
spaces protected by walls and railings, surround-
ing or adjoining the Louvre, two regiments of
the Guard were stationed, with several pieces of
artillery, while the windows and roofs of the
building were occupied by the Swiss. After a
well sustained and murderous fire from these
strongholds on the one side, and from every
available opening on the other, the national
armament at length forced its way by the quays,
the Rue des Poulies, and all the intermediate
streets and lanes communicating between the
Rue de l'Arbresec and the Place de Jena, and
effected a lodgment in the houses of that place
and of the court in front of the church of Saint
Germain PAuxerrois. There also were stationed
two pieces of artillery which had been taken

174 PARIS IN 1830.

the day before from the enemy, and which ma-
terially contributed to his final defeat. Under
the protection of the fire from this little battery,
and of that of the musketry from the windows
overlooking the Place de Jena, a small party of
citizens, with a young man of twenty, a pupil of
the Polytechnic School, at their head, advanced
to the iron gateway, and, addressing themselves
to a general officer within, required him to sur-
render. Instead of answering the call, the
officer drew a pistol from his belt and fired it on
the leader of this forlorn hope ; but having
missed his aim, the demand was coolly renewed.
Having then no alternative but to open the gate
or expose himself to certain destruction, he chose
the more prudent course of admitting the con-
querors ; and, tearing from his breast the decora-
tion which he wore, he presented it to the young
chief by whom the distinction had been so nobly
earned. In spite of the fire which was still
poured on the popular party from between the
pillars of the colonnade over head, the armed
citizens rushed boldly through the shower of
musketry, and entering the open gateway, were
in instant possession of all the principal stair-
cases. The Swiss, who had previously lost many
of their best officers, were now compelled to
surrender at discretion, and in an instant after-
wards the national colours floated proudly over
a building, which, from its strength and its posi-
tion, may be called the citadel of Paris.

PARIS IN 1830. 175

As soon as this success had been secured, the
citizens hastened to turn it to advantage, by di-
recting their arms against the two regiments of
the Guard, who had just before been in posses-
sion of the strong positions under the windows
of the palace, particularly to the west and the
south. But the Guards had already taken the
alarm, and had retired on the Tuileries, some
finding their way through the great gallery of
the Louvre, some by the quay to the south of it,
and some by the Place du Carrousel. The whole
of the royal troops had now entrenched them-
selves in the Palace of the Tuileries, with the
exception of the «50th and 53rd regiments of
the Line, who, stationed in the Rue Castiglione
and the Place Vendome at an early hour in
the morning, had been ordered from thence to
charge the inhabitants assembled in the Rue
Saint Honore, and afterwards to retire on the
Place du Carrousel. It was known that these
regiments had already shown some hesitation in
firing on the people ; and when it had transpired
that this new order had reached them, a party of
the inhabitants, with a member of the Parisian
bar at their head, walked up to a group of officers
engaged in consultation, and exhorted them to
remember that they had been citizens before being
soldiers, and that in fighting against the people
they were destroying their own liberties. The
answer given to this address by Captain Vernot,

176 PARIS IN 1830.

one of the officers of the group, evinces what had
been the import of their previous consultation :
" It is thirty years," he said, " since I began to
fight the foreign enemies of France ; but never
shall I draw my sword against my countrymen.
We are soldiers, gentlemen, and not execu-
tioners."

In the attack on the Louvre, a man who had
been wounded, and had his horse shot under him
not far from the Pont des Arts, had lain for
some time in the street in great agony, having
made many unsuccessful attempts to disentangle
himself from the body of his fallen steed. In
this awkward predicament he was relieved by the
boldness and address of three lads of fourteen or
fifteen years of age. They first approached him
by scrambling on all fours, under the protection
of the dwarf wall which supports the outer rail-
ing of the palace. When in this situation, they
hesitated for a moment as to which should take
the lead in venturing into the middle of the
street, whereupon one of them, taking his nearest
companion's hat, threw it towards the wounded
man. All three, as if to recover the hat, ran
after it in a body, and succeeded in extricating
the unfortunate horseman from his painful and
perilous position.

In contradiction to those who assert that the
Jews are destitute of patriotism, there are among
the numerous traits of heroism connected with

PARIS IN 1830. 177

this memorable struggle, several well authenti-
cated instances of Israelites by faith, as well as
by descent, exposing their lives, and fighting as
bravely as any of their countrymen, in defence of
the national liberties. Among this number Levi
Abraham has been mentioned, a Jew in humble
circumstances, residing in the Rue des Vieilles-
Audriettes Saint Martin, No. 9. He left his
house without any weapon, but supplied himself
by disarming a wounded lancer, and had the
honour of being the fifth man who entered the
Louvre, where he had the good fortune to secure
a fragment of the Swiss flag. Before returning
home, this brave fellow went to the mayoralty of his
arrondissement, the seventh, to deposit his lance.
There he was offered assistance, which at first he
refused, saying that he did not fight for money.
On being urged to accept ten francs to supply his
immediate wants, he at length consented to re-
ceive them, on condition of his being allowed to
apply the amount out of his first earnings to the
subscription for the orphans and the wounded.

While the Louvre was exposed to the at-
tack on the side of the colonnade, which was
the first to be successful, other bodies of citi-
zens were approaching it on the side of the
Rue Saint Honore, by the Palais Royal, and the
Rue du Coq. One of these bodies was marching
to the attack, when the last of the royal forces
were finally retiring from the Palais Royal, to

N

178 PARIS IN 1830.

effect a junction with the troops in the Place du
Carrousel, and strengthen the defences of the
Louvre and the Tuileries. In the Place du Palais
Royal, a piece of cannon belonging to the artillery
of the Royal Guard became an object of conten-
tion between the two parties. The popular
column was led by a cabriolet driver of the name
of Caillon, who, with a remnant of six or seven of
his party, was left in possession of the disputed
gun, the contest for it having cost the lives of no
less than thirty-five of the inhabitants. After an
obstinate defence, which had produced so much
slaughter, the Guards were induced to retire by
the opportune appearance of another strong body
of the citizens, who had been called to the spot
by the report of musketry, which told them that
their presence might be as useful there as at the
Louvre, whither they were proceeding.

In the Rue de Chartres also, which communi-
cates in a direction almost diagonal between the
Place du Palais Royal, and the Place du Car-
rousel, a continuation of this obstinate and bloody
engagement took place between the advancing
column of citizens, and the troops retiring from
the Palais Royal. At the moment when the
street was strewed with dead and wounded, M.
Thourel, an advocate, residing at No. 8, in that
part of the street which faces the chateau of the
Tuileries, in concert with his porter, whose name
is Monet, had the courage to throw open the

PARIS IN 1830. I79

porte coch^re, or front entrance of his house, and
to convert the court and stable into a temporary
hospital. Among the combatants there hap-
pened to be three students of medicine, who laid
down their arms while they dressed the wounds
of such as were brought to them. Upwards of
fifty individuals were thus lifted from the street
amidst a shower of musketry, and received such
attentions as the limited means of the parties
could bestow; the neighbours throwing to the
young practitioners from their windows the ne-
cessary supplies of linen and lint. In this and in
many similar cases, no distinction of party was
observed towards the individuals who received
these attentions. Fifteen or sixteen privates, and
a captain of the 6th regiment of the Guard, were
among the number thus relieved in the house of
M. Thourel ; their wounds being dressed, and
their cases treated with as much care as the others.

An instance of disinterestedness in the humbler
classes of society, is described in the following
terms by Dr. Fabre Palaprat :

" I was proceeding," he says, " towards the
bottom of the Rue Saint Honor e, where a man
about fifty years of age, carrying in one hand
a musket, and in the other a bloody sword, fell
down close beside me. He had an old shoe on
one foot, and on one only ; he had no coat,
and the rest of his dress was in tatters, and
much stained with blood. His linen was of the

N 2

180 PARIS IN 1830.

very coarsest stuff ; and his face, blackened with
gunpowder, and I know not what besides, pre-
sented an appearance, and an ensemble so hideous,
that I shall not attempt to describe it.

" At first I supposed that he was intoxicated,
but was soon convinced that he had fallen from
fatigue and inanition. I was leaning over him
with a wish to relieve him, when he asked me for
bread. He had eaten nothing all day. A musket-
ball had passed through the fleshy part of his left
leg ; but, in spite of his wound — in spite of heat
and fatigue — in spite of hunger and thirst, he
had fought incessantly all the morning.

" A good lady was kind enough to give me
her handkerchief, and to bring me some water.
I dressed his wound, and, thinking that I had
still a duty to perform, I begged him to accept a
five franc piece, to procure some food.

" At these words the man got up in an excess
of indignation, and seizing his sword, exclaimed,
' Money ! How dare you offer money to me, a
Frenchman, a soldier fighting for his country ?'
He raised his arm, as if to cut me down, but I
threw myself upon him, embraced him, and wept
with admiration. Indeed, I know not what I
did ; but he continued to exclaim, ' De Var-
gent ! a moi ! a mot F Having at length suc-
ceeded in making him understand me, he seemed
to recover his self-possession, and shook me cor-
dially by the hand.

PARIS IN 1S30. 181

" I begged him to come and dine with me ;
but he would only accept the bread which he
needed, and a little water, both of which were
supplied by the lady to whom we were already
indebted for the handkerchief. I urged him at
least to take some wine ; but that he refused
also, saying* that it cost money. On this, he left
us, without even giving us his name. Is not
such disinterestedness worthy of all our admira-
tion ? I shall never forgive myself, that I did
not follow this patriot soldier ; but I was so be-
wildered by the occurrence, that I knew not
what I was doing."

The splendid picture gallery and museum of
the Louvre must have been exposed to very im-
minent danger in the course of this day's pro-
ceedings. The troops, who retreated in that
direction, fired on the people from the windows,
as they passed ; and soon afterwards, when their
places were occupied by the armed inhabitants,
it would not have been wonderful if, in the in-
dignation of the moment, they had committed
excesses to be afterwards deplored. A great
proportion of the conquerors must of course
have consisted of men who had little idea of the
value of those treasures which they now perhaps
visited for the first time in their lives ; and the
discrimination they evinced in the acts of vio-
lence they were tempted to commit, is therefore
so much the more remarkable. The great pic-

182 PARIS IN 1830.

ture, representing the coronation of Charles X.,
when in the act of taking- the oath to the charter,
was literally riddled with musket-balls ; more
than one unpopular monarch was executed in
effigy, by cutting across the canvas of his por-
trait, where it represented the throat, or by
twisting a rope round the neck of his statue.
But it is creditable to the popular feeling, that
the portrait of Louis XVIII. was spared, by
acclamation, expressly on the ground that he
was the author of the charter. As soon as the
first rush was past, a number of young artists,
with M. Prosper Lafaist at their head, placed
themselves as sentinels on the museum, and
remained at their post, in the midst of consider-
able danger, until after the evacuation of the
Tuileries, and the restoration of the public
peace. One of these young men was killed at a
window of the great gallery, which he had im-
prudently approached, to witness the conclusive
struggle in the Place du Carrousel.

PARIS IN 1830. 183

CHAPTER XIII.

Increased defection of the regular troops — Success of the tinal
popular attack on the Tuileries conducted by General
Gerard — Causes that facilitated this result — Dislodgment
of two regiments of the Royalists from the garden of the
Tuileries — Generosity shown towards the Royal Guard —
Release of the persons confined in the cellars of the Tui-
leries— Detail of their previous sufferings — Cessation of
hostilities — General appearance of things at this period —
Sentiments and conduct of the people.

Before the fall of the Louvre, the regular
troops had ceased to act offensively against the
people. Two regiments had agreed, both men
and officers, to suspend hostilities, and the third,
from their manner of obeying the orders they
received to fire, were obviously but ill disposed
to the task assigned to them. Pressed on all
sides by the populace, with cries of " J^ive la
France ! Vive la liberie !" accompanied by ap-
peals to their feelings as fellow-citizens : " Vous,
soldats Francais, tirer contre des Francais!"
the 5th, following the example of the 50th and

184 PARIS IN 1830.

53d, began to fraternize with the people ; while
the officers took the more decided step of wait-
ing on M. Lafitte, and taking the oath of fidelity
to the provisional government. The whole
regiment then proceeded, amidst the acclama-
tions of the people, their drums beating, their
bayonets unfixed, and the muzzles of their mus-
kets adorned with foliage, to the Hotel de Ville,
where they placed themselves under the com-
mand of General Lafayette, and offered to share
all the future dangers of the brave inhabitants of
Paris.

While this scene was taking place at the Hotel
de Ville, General Gerard was leading on the
citizens to the final attack on the Tuileries. The
popular forces advanced simultaneously in sepa-
rate columns, one by the Rue Rivoli and the
Place du Carrousel, another through the inte-
rior of the picture gallery, from which there is a
communication with the Pavilion de Flore, in the
south-west corner of the palace ; and a third,
advancing by the left bank of the river, rushed
boldly forward along the Pont Royal, in face of
a shower of musketry from the southern win-
dows of the pavilion.

This last column, the most formidable of the
three, was drawn into an ambuscade at the mo-
ment of its reaching the quay on the right side
of the river. As formerly noticed, no combat-
ant had been seen on the side of the royalists,

PARIS IN 1830. 185

who was not attired in some sort of military
uniform ; so that a round hat on a man dressed
en bourgeois, was considered, at any distance,
as a sure indication of the political feelings of
the party who approached. In issuing from the
bridge, the third column of citizens was sud-
denly met by a party of officers and soldiers of
the French and Swiss Guard, dressed in coloured
clothes, and armed with pistols and poignards.
Under this disguise, they were naturally mis-
taken for the head of one of the columns ad-
vancing from the other side ; and the citizens
on the bridge were not undeceived until a
number of them fell under the weapons of those
who had resorted to this daring and desperate
stratagem. Its success was but momentary;
the advance of the main body was hastened
rather than retarded by an interruption which
could not for the moment be accounted for by
those behind ; the paid assassins of Polignac
and Ragusa were caught in their own snare,
and, dead or alive, were thrown into the river,
to tell the tale of their disasters to their employers
at Saint Cloud.

In another instant^ the castle was carried at
all points. The breach was effected by the three
different columns, so nearly at the same moment,
that it has been found impossible to assign the
priority to any one of them.

The Tuileries, like the Louvre, presented a

186 PARIS IN 1830.

strong position, and, with a force so considerable
as that assembled in it, might have long held out
against troops so ill supplied with the materials
for a siege ; but, demoralized and discouraged
by the scenes they had witnessed, and the suffer-
ings and privations to which they had been ex-
posed, the household troops, in their defence of
the Tuileries, discovered all that reckless and
self-immolating desperation to which the folly of
their leaders had reduced them.

Many valuable lives were idly sacrificed in
this hopeless struggle, apparently from very
shame that disciplined and well-armed troops
should be compelled to take to flight before a
motley mob of men and boys, in shirts and
smock frocks, and every conceivable incongruity
of arms, apparel, and accoutrement. Beaten in
the Place du Carrousel and the adjoining court ;
again, in the interior of the palace ; and finally,
in the magnificent gardens to the west ; the royal-
ists, harassed and overcome with hunger and
fatigue, with shame and despair, were at length
constrained to retire by the Place Louis XV.,
the only point which now remained open to
them.

The victory was now complete. At two
o'clock on Thursday, the 29th of July, the
national standard was substituted for the Bour-
bon banner, which till then had floated over the
central dome surmounting the Salle des Mare-

PARIS IN 1830. 187

chaux. It was immediately saluted by a general
discharge of musketry and artillery, and by the
joyful acclamations of the victorious inhabitants.

Among the more distinguished of those who
fell in this last attack, were two literary gentle-
men, M. Farey, of the Globe, M. Ader, of the
Mirror, and a pupil of the Polytechnic School,
of the name of Wiemer.

As no immediate demonstration was made of
pursuing the fugitives, two regiments had halted
in the western part of the garden, to take some
refreshment before proceeding on their march.
As soon as it was discovered that they had not
all made good their retreat, a detachment of
citizens advanced to chase them out of the gar-
den, and executed the task with which they
were charged so promptly and effectually, as to
make prize of the canteens and camp-kettles of
the royalists, and of their half-eaten dinner. By
this time, also, the cellars of the Tuileries had
been ransacked, and several pipes of wine were
brought out and rolled into the garden. Here
it was suggested by some one, that the 50th and
53d regiments of the Line, who the day before
had refused to fire on the people, must still be
without provisions, and that the dinner of the
Guards, and the wine from the cellars of the
Tuileries, could not be better bestowed than in
the refreshment of the brave men who had
shown so much temper and moderation. The

188 PARIS IN 1830.

hint was immediately taken ; the provisions and
the wine were soon removed to the Place Ven-
dome, where the neutral regiments had remained
under arms since Wednesday afternoon, and
where the supply was doubtless abundantly
acceptable.

Others there were, it is true, who thought
it no sin to taste the contents of the royal cellar,
and to drink to the downfall of tyranny, and to
the success of the national arms, in the wine
which had already lost its owner. It is said
that some excesses were committed on this occa-
sion ; but if any instances of intoxication oc-
curred, they were probably occasioned quite as
much by the delirium of a popular triumph, as
by the indulgences alluded to ; for if the French
people have any national virtue more conspi-
cuous than another, it consists in a degree of
temperance and sobriety, which, as far as regards
itself, places them far above their insular as well
as their continental neighbours.

In the account which has been given in a pre-
vious chapter, of the visit which was paid by the
Advocate General, Bayeux, to the ministers and
the commander-in-chief at an early hour on Thurs-
day morning, it was stated, that in passing from
the governor's apartments to Marmont's head-
quarters by a subterraneous passage, a number
of prisoners were observed to be confined in
the cellars of the palace. Many of these pri-

PARIS IN 1830. 189

soners were not relieved from their dismal situ-
ation until after the expulsion of the royal
forces, although some of them appear to have
been liberated at the moment of the retreat.
One of their number, M. Frederic Largue, de-
tails the sufferings endured by the prisoners in
their captivity in the following terms : —

" On the 28th, I dressed myself in a uniform
of the National Guard belonging to my brother,
a wine-merchant in the Rue de la Monnaie, at
the corner of the Rue Bethisy, and joined a
strong detachment of the Parisian guard who
were marching with drums beating towards the
Louvre. I was placed as a sentinel with one of
my comrades near the quay. We 'carried arms'
to several officers of the line, who all returned
our salute. We expected that a detachment of
the Royal Guard, who advanced towards us,
would do the same ; but one of the officers
ordered his men to seize and disarm us. He left
us in charge of a party of privates, making them
answerable for us with their heads. ' Carry
them,' said he, ' to head-quarters ; say that we
found them caballing in the street ; and let them
be taken good care of." As soon as the detach-
ment had passed, the soldiers called out to us in
derision, ' Run, now, for your lives, and let us
have a shot at you !' On our reaching the Place
du Carrousel, the guard on duty, drawn out in
line, called out to our escort in a similar spirit :

190 PARIS IN 1830.

' Fall back, fall back, and let us shoot them on the
spot.' We reached head-quarters, however, andan
officer having" made a proces verbal of our arrest,
and caused our persons to be searched, reproached
us with ' our scoundrel uniform. ' We were
first confined in a small prison attached to the
guard-house, near the King's stables, where
eighteen were crowded together. An agent of
the police here came to examine us. M. Harelle,
a hatter in the Rue Saint Honore, at the corner
of the Rue Saint Florentin, an officer of the
National Guard, was one of the prisoners. He
had suffered a severe contusion over the eye in
defending his epaulette, which had been torn from
his shoulder.

" From this place we were conducted by
the commissary of police to a larger apartment,
where we found that our number had increased
to twenty-seven. The officer commanding the
post, who was charged with our safe custody,
presented himself before us with a drawn sabre
in the one hand, and a pistol in the other, de-
claring that he would shoot the first man who
spoke or moved. The night passed in this situa-
tion, leaving us ignorant of the fate reserved for
us, and not a little alarmed at the ferocity of those
who surrounded us.

" On the 29th, at daybreak, we were carried
back to head- quarters, and from thence were
thrown into a cellar under the gateway, dark as

PARIS IN 1830. 191

night, and streaming with moisture. From the
number of prisoners, and the great want of ven-
tilation, the air of the cellar soon became taint-
ed ; and many of ns, overcome with fatigue and
alarm, and with other miseries incident to onr
situation, gave utterance to their lamentations
in such terms as seriously to aggravate the suf-
ferings of their neighbours. While some were
giving way to grief and despair, others were ex-
claiming, across the doorway, for air and nou-
rishment. At length, about ten o'clock, some
bread was brought to us, as well as to our com-
panions in misfortune, confined in a neighbour-
ing cellar. We were fifty in all, confined in so
narrow a space that we were unable to alter our
position ; and, what added greatly to our suffer-
ings, were not permitted a moment's egress, even
singly, on any pretext whatever.

" About one o'clock the commissary of police
made his appearance, and told us that he was
about to liberate a party of our number. We
were then stripped of our uniform ; and had
scarcely left the place when the Royal Guard
loaded us with abuse, and even fired upon us.
On this we were obliged to return, and to beg
to be conducted to the office of the commissary of
police, where we were furnished with passports ;
but the danger would have been as great as before,
had we not been accompanied by a gen-d'arme,
who protected us from the rage of enemies, already

192 PARIS IN 1830.

defeated at almost every point, and ready to take
to flight.

" It is difficult to describe the anguish which
we endured in our confinement, aggravated as it
was by our total ignorance of what was passing
around us."

Before three o'clock hostilities had altogether
ceased, and in half an hour afterwards the streets
were crowded with the more peaceful part of the
population. The course of business, and the
business of visiting, resumed their usual activity.
Shops and warehouses were re-opened, and before
every porte cochere a circle of chairs was placed,
and a kind of salon cle conversation established
for the purpose of interchanging the details, and
recounting the exploits of the last three days.
Where every street had its battle, and every
house its hero, it is more than pardonable if in
the hour of victory and exultation each told his
separate tale ; if

" Thrice lie routed all his foes,
And thrice he slew the slain."

To hear the bursts of laughter which enlivened
these unpremeditated meetings, and the jokes
and jeux d'esprit which called them forth, it
would scarcely have occurred to an unconcerned
observer, who had not been habituated to the
manners of the people, that these were the sallies
of men, and of women too, who had shared, or

PARIS IN 1830. 193

witnessed such scenes of slaughter as it has been
the business of these pages to describe, and that
the individuals who thus indulged in mirth and
gaiety, were, many of them, the very men who
truly told what they had seen, and could as truly
add the assurance

■ et quorum pars magna fui.

In the immediate neighbourhood of the scenes
of actual conflict, less hilarity was no doubt ob-
servable. There the people were occupied in
removing the wounded to the hospitals, in paying
the last duties to the dead, and in weeping with
those disconsolate families who had to mourn the
loss of relatives and friends. Every breast was
agitated in turn by a succession of contending
emotions ; but the first burst of joy for the com-
pleted victory, or of commiseration for the suffer-
ings of those who had so suddenly been bereft of
fathers and of brothers, of husbands and of sons,
was soon succeeded by the satisfactory assurance
that the national liberties had been decisively
vindicated, and that the rights of the people were
henceforth unalterably secured. The form which
the new government was likely to assume, and
the men by whom it was to be administered, were
already a subject of universal consideration and
inquiry.

The spectacle which Paris presented on the
evening of the 29th of July was truly an extra-
ordinary one y — the streets still intersected with

o

194 PARIS IN" 1830.

barricades, and strewed with the missiles which
had been thrown upon them from above — the
houses themselves, with their shattered windows,
and all the other marks of a recent struggle ; and
the parties of armed men who, though harrassed
by fatigue, and disturbed with the apprehension
of a renewal of hostilities on the morrow, were
still on the alert, and assuring to every one, by
the firmness and gentleness of their demeanour,
a safe protection to life and property. It was
not easy to understand by what secret influ-
ence the power of these men was so readily re-
cognized, and the corresponding confidence
created, or how the principle of good order be-
came at once predominant, not allowing the
baser passions even a momentary indulgence, at
a period when the absence of any constituted
authority appeared to threaten this great capital
with all the horrors of anarchy.

It seemed as if every individual had been
taught by some secret instinct that the object for
which they had fought could only be secured by
this exemplary prudence ; and that, if the people
did not show themselves equal to the great work
they had undertaken, the fruits of their victory
might be torn from them in the moment of frui-
tion. It was felt, that all Europe were specta-
tors of the struggle, and that foreign interference
and hostile occupation might be the consequence
of those excesses which are wont to follow in

PARTS IN 1830. 193

the train of revolution ; and finally and chiefly,
it was feared that their perjured monarch and
his dynasty might even now be forced upon
them by another Holy Alliance. Such were the
causes which, joined to the advanced state of
knowledge and information among even the
humbler classes of the population of Paris, pro-
duced that respect for the right of property, and
that moderation in the hour of triumph, which
have so justly excited the applause and admira-
tion of the world.

o 2

196 PARIS IN 1830

CHAPTER XIV.

Progress in the re-organization of the National Guard, and
the arrangement of the Provisional Government— Lafay-
ette's Proclamation and Order of the Day — Manifesto from
the Municipal Commission — Account of the individuals who
signed it — State of the Royal Family at St. Cloud — Con-
fused behaviour of Polignac — Tardy and useless endeavour
at conciliation — Reflections on the posture of affairs — Treat-
ment of Marmont by the Duke d'Angouleme.

While the people were engaged in driving the
ministers and their adherents from the Louvre
and the Tuileries, General Lafayette, and the
commissioners appointed by the meeting of De-
puties, were not less actively occupied in or-
ganizing the National Guard, and in arranging
the basis of a provisional government.

At an early hour in the morning, the follow-
ing proclamation was issued :

" The National Guards of Paris are re-established.
" The colonels and officers are invited to re-organize
immediately the service of the National Guards. The

PARIS UN 1830. 197

sub-officers and privates should be ready to muster at
the first beat of the drum- In the mean time, they are
requested to meet at the residences of the officers and
sub-officers of their former companies, and enter their
names upon the roll. It is important to re-establish
good order, and the Municipal Commission of Paris
relies upon the accustomed zeal of the National Guards
in favour of liberty and public order. The colonels, or,
in their absence, the chiefs of battalions, are requested to
present themselves immediately at the Hotel de Ville, to
consult upon the first steps to be taken for the good of
the service. This 29th of July, 1830.

(Signed) " Lafayette."
" A true copy, &c. Zimmer."

Having speedily collected around him a nu-
merous and respectable staff, General Lafayette
soon afterwards issued the folllowing

" ORDER OF THE DAY.

" The General commanding in chief, on issuing this
his first order of the day, cannot refrain from expressing
his admiration of the patriotic, courageous, and devoted
conduct of the population of Paris. They won their
freedom in 1789, and France will owe them the same
obligation in 1830. The commandant in chief con-
siders it a cause for great satisfaction to the capital and
himself, that he is aided by the co-operation and counsel
of General Gerard, whose name alone promises every
thing for France, and for all Europe; and to
whom the general in chief feels bound to express his
personal gratitude for his conduct towards his old friend
on this important occasion. The generous conduct of
the citizens of the capital is a sufficient guarantee that

198 PARIS IN 1830.

they will maintain that which they have conquered ; but
the necessary repose must be united with the noble
efforts which the country and the cause of liberty still
require from them. The commander in chief is there-
fore occupied in regulating the duty in such a manner,
that a part only of the citizens may need to be underarms
on either day. Orders on this point will be published.

" My dear fellow-citizens and brave comrades ; — The
confidence of the people of Paris has once more called
me to the command of the public forces. I accept with
devotedness and joy the duties entrusted to me ; and, as
in 1789, I feel myself strong in the support derived
from the approbation of my honourable colleagues now
in Paris. I make no profession of my principles : they
are already well known. The conduct of the population
of Paris during the last days of trial, has made me more
than ever proud of being at their head. Liberty shall
triumph, or we will all perish together !

" Vive la liberie ! Vive la patrie !

" July 20/" " Lafayette. ''

About the same time, a manifesto made its
appearance from the Municipal Commission of
the capital, conceived in the following terms :

" Inhabitants of Paris !
" Charles X. has ceased to reign in France. Being
incapable of forgetting the origin of his authority, he has
always considered himself as the enemy of our country
and of its liberties, which he could not understand.
After having secretly attacked our institutions by every
means that hypocrisy and fraud furnished him with,
until he believed himself sufficiently strong to destroy
them openly, he had resolved to drown them in the blood
of Frenchmen. Thanks to your heroism, the crimes of
his power are at an end,

PARIS IN 1830. 199

UA few moments have been sufficient to annihilate this
corrupt government, which has been nothing but a con-
stant conspiracy against the liberty and prosperity of
France. The nation alone is stirring, adorned with her
national colours, which she has won at the expense of
her blood. She wishes for a government and laws
worthy of her.

" What nation in the world deserves liberty better
than she does ? In the battle you have been heroes.

" Victory in you has shown us those sentiments of mo-
deration and humanity, which evidence in so high a de-
gree the progress of our civilization.

" Conquerors and deliverers of yourselves, without
police, without magistrates, your virtue has taken the
place of all organization ; and never were the rights of
every individual more religiously respected. Inhabit-
ants of Paris ! we are proud of being your brothers. In
accepting, under present circumstances, a mandate so
grave and difficult, your municipal commission has de-
sired to associate itself with your devoted efforts. Its
members want means to express to you the admiration
and gratitude of the country.

" Their sentiments, their principles, are yours. In
place of an authority imposed on you by foreign arms, you
will have a government which will owe its origin to your-
selves. Merit is in all classes. All classes have the same
rights ; these rights are assured to them. ' Vive la
France ! Vive le peuple de Paris I Vive la liberte P

" LOBAU, AlJDRY DE PtJYRAVEAU,

" Mauguin, De Sciionen.
" The Secretary of the Municipal Commission,

" Odillon Barrot."

This document is of so decisive a character,
that it may be necessary to say something of the

200 PARIS IN 1830.

individuals who were bold enough to put their
names to it. They had all been members of the
Chamber of Deputies.

The Count de Lobau is a lieutenant-general
in the army, and one of the representatives for
the department of the Meurthe. His character
has always stood high as that of a man of honour
and probity ; he has served in the field with the
greatest distinction, and in the Chamber was not
less courageous in supporting the principles of
the charter, and in defending the rights of the
people.

M. Audry de Puyraveau, one of the repre-
sentatives of the department of the Charente In-
ferior, is a man of extensive property. He was
first returned by the electors of Rochefort ; and
during the sessions of 1828 and 1829, he fully
justified the opinion which his constituents had
formed of his character. His talents as an orator
are not of the first order, but he is nevertheless
a man of great natural shrewdness and discern-
ment, and has uniformly maintained those de-
cidedly constitutional principles which suggested
his nomination as a commissioner, in this na-
tional emergency.

M. Mauguin, one of the representatives of the
Cote d'Or, is a member of the Parisian bar, pos-
sessed of considerable talents as a public speaker,
but unhappily impelled by a restless thirst of dis-
tinction, which renders him constantly unsatisfied

PARIS IN 1830. 201

with his present condition. He first brought
himself into notice by his manner of defending
the parties charged with political delinquencies
during the Villele administration. His plead-
ings became a ready vehicle for the dissemina-
tion of opinions highly offensive to the ministry ;
and on his declamations at the bar, and the pro-
fession which he there made of his political faith,
he raised a reputation which is supposed to be
higher than is warranted by the genius or
judgment of its possessor. His diction is cha-
racterized by subtlety of language and causticity
of expression, combined with a certain spirit of
order and analysis, which is highly favourable to
the clearness and effect of his argumentative and
oratorical displays. He was returned in 1828
for the department of the Deux Sevres, as well
as for that of the Cote d'Or, when he made his
option for that which he represents in the pre-
sent Chamber.

The Baron de Schonen is one of the repre-
sentatives of the metropolitan department of the
Seine, and a councillor in the royal court of
Paris, distinguished in the Cour Royal for the
ultra-liberalism of his political opinions. In
compliance with the custom of the country, he
pronounced a funereal oration over the tomb of
his friend Manuel, which it was thought neces-
sary to denounce before the tribunals. A pam-
phlet, which he published about the time of his

202 PARIS IN 1S30.

marriage with the daughter of M. tie Corcelles,
bears the following- singular and characteristic
title : " De la noblesse Francaise selon la
Charte, et un Mot sur les ordres de Chevalerie,
par un gentUhomme, qui avant tout est Francais
et citoyen" M. de Schonen is a person of ac-
tive and methodical habits, and a firm sup-
porter' of constitutional opinions, in the Cham-
ber as well as on the judgment-seat. He sits on
the extreme left, between M. Demarcay and M.
Bavoux.

The scene at Saint Cloud, during the final
struggle in the capital, was one of confusion,
agitation, and alarm. Their actual condition
was, as much as possible, concealed from the fal-
len monarch and his family. More inquisitive
than his father, but scarcely less incredulous as
to the unfavourable result of the contest, the
Dauphin had obtained more correct information
as to the progress of the revolutionary move-
ment, which had already made such rapid ad-
vances. In spite of the excessive heat of the
weather, he had remained all the morning in a
state of listless inactivity, on the terrace at Saint
Cloud, which commands a distant view of the
capital, and, with a telescope in his hand, was
seen, from time to time, to look through it with
attention, as if inspired with some presentiment
of the intelligence, so fatal to the hopes of his
family, which through that medium was to reach

PARIS IN mo: 203

him. Soon after two o'clock he once more ap-
plied the instrument to his eye, and, changing
colour repeatedly, withdrew it, with the ex-
clamation, that the troops were defeated, for
that the three-coloured flag was already flying
over the palace of the Tuileries !

The disastrous intelligence was forthwith com-
municated to the King, and was speedily spread
over every quarter of the palace. The ministers
had arrived some hours before, and the King
proceeded to interrogate the Prince de Polignac
more closely than he had yet done, as to the
state of affairs in the capital ; but the poor Prince
was already so overwhelmed with the circum-
stances of his own situation, as to be unable to
afford his Majesty any intelligible information —
confounding dates, facts, and places, and twice
interrupting his royal master, as has been se-
riously asserted, to call for post-horses. After
recovering some self-possession, the Prince's only
idea was how he should justify his own conduct,
and his only resource, to throw the whole blame
on the Duke of Ragusa, whom he reproached
with the adoption of half measures, and with a
want of decision in his operations. Yet, through-
out the whole proceeding, the military energies
of the country, in the absence of General Bour-
mont, the minister at war, were entirely at the
disposal of the Prince himself, as provisionally
charged with the portfolio of that department.
Before this telegraphic announcement of the

204 PARIS IN 1830.

defeat of the troops, a council had been held, at
which resolutions of a conciliatory tendency
were adopted, such as two days before might
have had the desired effect of tranquillizing
the public mind, and saving the monarchy.
From this council a communication was trans-
mitted to the Provisional Government, announc-
ing the King's readiness to relinquish the high
ground he had hitherto taken, and to accept the
terms which had previously been proposed on
the part of the Deputies, and which had been so
laconically rejected by the Prince de Polignac.
Some hours had been lost in the morning, through
the difficulty of finding the Duke de Mortemart,
on whom it was proposed to lay the responsibility
of recognizing the government ; and, before the
arrival of the despatches from Saint Cloud at
the Hotel de Ville, the members of the Municipal
Commission had put their names to the manifesto
which has already been quoted, and which, per-
haps, made it impossible for them to recede, even
on the supposition that, after so much bloodshed,
the terms were still admissible.

But it would be unjust to the spirit by which
the commissioners were guided, to make the
personal hazard to which they had exposed
themselves in a crisis of the greatest difficulty
and danger, a point of doubt in the estimate of
any part of their conduct. When the emergency
arose which called for their services, they had
acted as became them, like honest and courageous

PARIS IN 1830. 205

citizens, and had obviously set their lives and
fortunes on the cast which they had thrown.
They were already convinced, from what they
had witnessed during the first two days of the
struggle, that the crown was absolutely and irre-
trievably lost for Charles and his family. It is
very doubtful whether the conditions proposed
by M. Lafitte and the deputation which accom-
panied him to the head-quarters of the Duke of
Ragusa, would have been sanctioned even at
that early period by the inhabitants at large ;
but there is no room for hesitation as to the
judgment which the French people would have
passed on a capitulation like that proposed on
Thursday morning, had it then been possible for
the commissioners to have listened to it.

It would also be unjust to the fallen monarch
to withhold the fact, that before the capture of
the Louvre and the Tuileries, or, which is the
same thing as regards his feelings on the occa-
sion, before the fact was known at St. Cloud, a
proclamation was issued, (and an attempt, at least,
made to give it publicity,) conceived in the follow-
ing terms : —

" Frenchmen !
" The misfortunes of yesterday have deeply afflicted
my heart.

" I order that the firing do instantly cease.

(Signed) "Charles."
" Saint Cloud, July 29."

QQ6 PARIS IN 1830.

Like the previous proclamation of the Duke
of Ragusa, this last was interpreted, and perhaps
in this instance unjustly interpreted, as a mere
attempt at deception. To these addresses an
answer soon appeared. The zeal with which it
was circulated made it obvious that this reply,
although it bore no signature, conveyed the true
sentiments of the great body of the people.

" Brave Citizens ;
" Our enemies, alarmed at your courage, endeavour
to put it to rest by spreading the report that the atro-
cious measures of a government which no longer exists
have been recalled. Their object is to make you lay
down your arms, that they may afterwards take you by
surprise. Do not believe them ; remain in arms and in
good order ; follow the brave generals who march at
your head ; and you will ensure the salvation of the
country, and the possession of that freedom which cre-
dulity would lose you for ever.1'

Throughout these days of trial the hereditary
Counsellors of the crown displayed a degree of
backwardness and timidity which it is impossible
to reconcile with any just idea of the high duties
attached to the peerage. At no period since the
restoration, (with the single exception of their
patriotic interference for the protection of the
liberty of the press against the project of M. de
Villele,) had they assumed that dignified and
energetic attitude prescribed to them alike by
their place in the constitution, and their elevated

PARIS IN 1830. 207

rank in society. At the good pleasure of every
succeeding administration, they had allowed
their members to be arbitrarily decimated, and as
arbitrarily multiplied, with an exemplary degree
of long-suffering and resignation.

Charles X. and his family might undoubtedly
have been saved on Monday the 26th of July,
had the peers come boldly and generously for-
ward to protest against the royal ordinances, and
to declare that they would not ally themselves,
as a legislative body, with the spurious Chamber
which these edicts had created. The silence of
the peers on that occasion will probably prove
to have been an act of self-destruction. The
progress of events seems to point very clearly to
the termination of their hereditary privileges,
and to the paramount ascendancy of the demo-
cratic principle in the French constitution.

In the midst of this general inactivity, a soli-
tary attempt was made by the Grand Referendary,
M. de Semonville, to obtain access to the King,
and to make a candid disclosure of all the infor-
mation he had obtained, and all the opinions he
had formed on the subject of passing events.
But it was Thursday morning before he arrived
at Saint Cloud, and he was still impressed with
the erroneous idea that some accommodation was
practicable. It was he who first suggested the
double abdication of the King and the Dauphin
in favour of the Duke of Bordeaux, a measure

208 - PARIS IN 1830.

which would not at any time have satisfied the
nation, and which involved a personal sacrifice,
for which neither the King nor the Dauphin
had yet prepared himself.

While matters were in this situation, the Duke
of Ragusa made his appearance at Saint Cloud
after his final expulsion from the capital. He
was received by the Duke d'Angouleme with
unequivocal marks of dissatisfaction and displea-
sure ; and, on his attempting some defence of his
conduct, the Dauphin demanded, in a tone of
petulance not very princely or dignified, if he
knew to whom he addressed himself?

" A Monseigneur le Due d'Angouleme," was
Marmont's reply.

" Au generalissime des troupes de France,"
rejoined the Dauphin, "a un homine qui vous
connait enfin, vous, traitre a tous les partis,
miserable ! qui avez vendu la France aux allies,
et nous a la France."

To this tirade the Duke of Ragusa made no
articulate reply, and the Dauphin, losing all com-
mand of his temper, exclaimed —

" Rendez-moi votre epee: donnez-moi votre
epee.

With these words he seized the sword, and, in
attempting to break it, inflicted a wound on his
hand which produced an exclamation loud enough
to bring to the scene of the interview some of
the guards in attendance, when his royal highness

PARIS IN 1830. - 209

directed that Marmont should immediately be
placed under arrest.

The King having been informed of the inci-
dent, expressed his regret at his son's unseason-
able violence, and endeavoured to effect a recon-
ciliation by directing that Marmont's arrest
should be limited to a single hour, and that a
cover should be placed for him at the royal table.
The King's commands having been communi-
cated to the Duke, he ventured to decline the
royal invitation, observing to the officer who
brought it, " that he had lost his appetite !"

210 PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER XV.

Hasty rally of the Royal forces, previously to their evacuation
of Paris — Their departure — Occupation of the Tuileries by
a party of the National Guard — Attempts at plunder suc-
cessfully resisted — Discoveries in the Royal Apartments —
Various anecdotes — Traits of female heroism — Incidents
connected with the retreat of the troops through the Champs
Elysees.

After finally retiring from the gardens of the
Tuileries, the royal forces rallied on the Champs
Elysees, to the number of three or four thou-
sand. At the barriere de l'Etoile, and around
the unfinished triumphal arch which has had
so many destinations, a halt was made, which
created some uneasiness in Paris, and gave rise
to the report of its being Marmont's intention
to bombard the capital during the night. It was
afterwards ascertained, however, that the pause
was occasioned by the commander's knowledge of
the fact, that the inhabitants of Neuilly had
thrown a barricade across their bridge, and had
risen in arms for the purpose of securing for the

PARIS IN 1830. 211

citizens a point of communication, which, in case
of the continuance of hostilities, would un-
doubtedly have proved of very great importance
to the party who might remain in possession
of it.

This patriotic proceeding had the effect of
inducing the royal forces to diverge from the
avenue de Nenilly, after wantonly firing a num-
ber of round shot through the village, in the
direction of the bridge ; and, having entered the
Bois de Boulogne on the left, they proceeded
across the royal preserves towards the bridges
which communicate with Sevres and Saint Cloud.

As soon as the palace had been evacuated, a
party of two hundred National Guards, under
the command of M. Maes, was sent by Colonel
Zimmer, the chief of Lafayette's staff, to take
possession of the building, and protect it from the
excesses which were to be expected in the
hour of victory. M. Maes, with the assistance
of M. Brougniard, a pupil of the Polytechnic
School, after causing all the outer gates to be
shut, insisted on every individual who left the
palace being searched and stript of any property
which might have been unduly appropriated.

Before the arrival of this party some scenes of
disorder had already occurred, excited probably
by such as wished to benefit by the confusion
which they made it their business to create.
The ambuscade which had issued from the Pa-

p 2

212 PARIS IN 1830.

villon de Flore, the town residence of the Duke
and Duchess d'Angouleme, was made a pretext
for commencing the plunder of their royal high-
nesses'apartments, and for throwing many articles
of value from the windows into the garden, and
on the adjoining quay. The more orderly of
the citizens resisted these acts of rapine ; on which
a violent struggle ensued between those who
wished to plunder, and those who were desirous
that the popular triumph should not he thus
dishonoured. In this affray, the friends of good
order proved victorious, and had already posted
sentinels at every practicable outlet, to prevent
the abstraction of the property.

It is of course impossible to say that no losses
were sustained ; but it is a fact which deserves to
be noticed, that a minute or proces verbal was
prepared at the Bourse of all such articles as
were afterwards restored, in compliance with a
suggestion to that effect in the public papers ; and
from this record it appears that gold and silver
plate which had belonged to the Duke d'Angou-
leme, and had been thrown from the windows of
his apartments, has thus been recovered to the
amount of 19,800 ounces.

In the apartments of the Duchess de Berri
no such violence was committed. It is stated
that two men of the class of labourers having
found there a casket of great value, proceeded
with it directly to the Hotel de Ville, and de-

PARIS IN 1830. 213

posited it with the officers of the newly consti-
tuted government, refusing- even to accept any
receipt or acknowledgment for the service they
had performed.

The tastes and habits of the different mem-
bers of the royal family were, in some degree,
discoverable from the state of their places of
abode. The library of the Duchess de Berri
contained a collection of all that was interesting
or important in modern literature ; her residence
was adorned with a good collection of pictures,
and of specimens in almost every department of
modern art. A well-thumbed missal was the
only book to be found in the apartments inhabited
by the King himself; and in those of the Duke
d'Angouleme, the most prominent were a col-
lection of almanacks, beginning as far back as
the fifteenth century.

The appearance which these apartments pre-
sented after the capture of the palace by the
populace, afforded a striking example of the
close alliance which is supposed to exist between
the sublime and the ridiculous. The royal
couch was invaded by half a dozen of the ex-
hausted throng, who, to judge from their rest-
lessness, did not seem to find it a bed of roses.
In the chair of state sat a man with a bottle of
champagne in one hand, and a glass in the other,
which he distributed to all around him in a style
of royal munificence, such as no pencil but

214 PARIS IN 1830.

that of a Hogarth or a Cruickshank could ade-
quately represent. But this caricature of ma-
jesty very readily gave way on the approach of
a party of young men bearing the body of a
pupil of the Polytechnic School, who had been
killed in one of the apartments when the troops
were making their final retreat. His remains
were placed on the throne itself, and there conti-
nued under a covering of crape, until removed
by his fellow-students for interment.

Among the notabilites of Paris, M. de Laborde
was one of the first who on Thursday morning
accepted a command in the National Guard.
He placed himself at the head of the second
arrondissement, and appointed the riding-school
in the Rue Cadet as the place of rendezvous.
Three companies were instantly formed, and se-
lected their old officers by acclamation. In one of
them there served as privates Monsieur Ferrere
Lafitte, M. Eugene Lafitte, M. Adolphe Lafitte,
M. Morlot, M. Bainiere the stockbroker, and
M. Lareguy the banker. They had been di-
rected to halt for fresh orders at the entrance of
the Faubourg Montmartre, and there, in fact,
two separate orders arrived directly contra-
dictory of each other. M. de Laborde commu-
nicated both to the detachment under his com-
mand, saying : — " Comrades ! you see that on
the one hand we are required to remain in our
arrondissement, and to disperse to our several

PARIS IN 1830. 215

homes until further orders ; and on the other,
our assistance is wanted where fighting' is going
on: which order shall we obey? " An feu !
au feu!" was the unanimous answer to this ap-
peal. The party proceeded to the Theatre Fran-
£ais, where a reinforcement had been appointed
to muster, and they reached the Place du Palais
Royal immediately after some brave fellows had
succeeded in securing a piece of cannon. The
victors were riding on it en cheval, the women of
the neighbourhood had strewed it with flowers,
and the column of citizens who had come to the
relief of the captors, were carrying them off in
triumph.

M. Alexandre Lefebvre, who commanded a
post in the Rue des Martyrs, discovered that
one of his party was a young woman armed with
sword and pistols, and in masculine attire. It
was in vain that M. Lefebvre pointed out to
her the danger to which she was exposing herself.
" I have no children," she said ; " this is my
husband beside me : I share all his sentiments,
and if it be necessary, I am ready to die with
him."

It is attested, also, by the officer in command
of the post at the Tuileries, that among the
National Guards who conducted themselves in a
manner the most brilliant and the most coura-
geous, was a young person, Mademoiselle Jose-
phine Mercier, by profession an accoucheuse,

216 PARIS IN 1830.

residing in the Rue Monsieur le Prince, No. 15.
She was known in the ranks by the name of
Victor, and called herself a student of medicine.
She wore a green frock coat, through the skirts
of which two bullets had passed. Her com-
plexion was delicate, so that she looked like a
boy of fifteen. She was generally the first in
leading a patrol or a party of observation, and
often exposed her life in the attentions she paid
to the wounded.

Another instance of female heroism is that of
Madame Laval, of the Rue Saint Denis, No.
200. The mother of four sons, she had con-
stantly encouraged them, both by exhortation
and example, in constructing the barricades.
When these ramparts were completed, she pro-
vided them with arms, and went with them
herself to see them take their place in the
ranks.

A young woman of the humblest class, who
resides in the Rue de l'Odeon, and who became
known during the days of the revolution by the
name of the " petite vivandiere" observing the
sufferings to which the men under arms were
exposed by the extreme heat of the weather,
and the thirst and exhaustion produced by it,
conceived the idea of making herself useful, by
disposing of her little property, and with the
proceeds purchasing a supply of wine and brandy,
and other more substantial means of refreshment.

PARIS IN 1830. 217

With her basket on her back, and a pitcher of
water in her hand, the zealous little commissary
traversed the ranks of the citizens, distributing
to one a morsel of bread, to another a season-
able draught ; stimulating the courage of some,
and dressing the wounds of others ; and, in
short, making herself so actively useful, that she
seemed to be everywhere present. When vic-
tory had declared for the citizens, they carried
her in triumph through the town ; but, although
she had not hesitated to show herself in the
midst of the carnage, it was evidently with reluc-
tance that she yielded to a ceremony which made
her an object of such general attention.

Of the retreat through the Champs Elysees,
and along the avenue de Neuilly, the following
account is given by the Messrs. Crucy, who re-
side near the barriere de l'Etoile :

On the approach of the troops, these gentle-
men had retired into a wooden shed which over-
looks the avenue, and from thence observed the
extraordinary appearance presented by the fugi-
tives. There were horses without riders, and
soldiers without arms ; foot soldiers on horse-
back, and lancers of the Guard on foot ; some
carrying more than one musket, and others half
naked, and disguised in every conceivable form.
A young man, without hat or shoes, was mount-
ed on a magnificent charger ; another had no-
thing to cover him but a piece of tattered tapes-

£18 PARIS IJN 1830.

try ; and not a few were dressed as women.
In the midst of the crowd were a number of
Avaggons, very heavily loaded with fugitives
mounted on them, probably of some note, but
stripped also of their upper garments, as if afraid
that their dress should lead to their recognition.

Soldiers were seen occasionally to leave the
ranks, as if impelled by rage or despair, and,
halting at the openings of the adjoining streets,
would fire on any one they saw either out of
doors or at the windows. A number of indivi-
duals were thus killed in the Rue de Montaigne,
the Rue du Colysee, the Rue d'Angouleme, and
other parallel streets.

The Messrs. Crucy were not provided with
arms, but had collected a store of paving stones
and other missiles, to throw, if necessary, from
an elevated position within their premises. They
were in this situation when a dismounted cuiras-
sier stopped in front of the shed behind which
they were concealed, raised his sabre, and laid
his hand on one of the boards of the building.
A stone was already raised to crush him, when
they observed that the poor man was wounded
in the arm, that he was presenting his sword,
and begging for life in the name of his poor
mother.

" You are deceiving us," said young Crucy ;
" see where your comrades are firing down the
opposite streets ; if they see us, they will turn

PARIS IN 1830. 219

upon us." — " No," replied the cuirassier, " they
have fought, as I have done, against their will ;
it is in their despair that they seek to sell their
lives, because they know not to whom to surren-
der, and cannot hope for mercy. They will not
fire on their protectors." On this frank avowal
they regarded the wounded cuirassier as a vic-
tim to the rule of discipline ; and, in spite of the
danger to which they exposed themselves, they
opened their gate, took him by the arm, and led
him into the vestibule, where, with the assist-
ance of the porter, his wound was dressed, and
other attentions bestowed on him.

But a genadier, who had misunderstood this
generous movement, and thought that they were
leading in his comrade for the purpose of killing
him, hastened to the gate, and had levelled his
piece at the inmates, when he saw the male in-
habitants surrounding their guest, and the
women bathing his wound. " Are you, then,
the friends of the King ?" exclaimed the grena-
dier.— " No," replied M. Crucy ; " but we are
willing to succour a Frenchman who has been
so far misled as to fire on the people." On this,
the grenadier broke his firelock on the stones,
and repeated that he too, like the others, had
fought against his will. He implored an asy-
lum, which was readily granted, and the door
was closed after him.

The protestations of these unhappy men con-

220 PARIS IN 1830.

vinced their liberators that others might be with-
drawn from the cause of tyranny ; and that with
their muskets and sabres they might arm an equal
number of well-disposed citizens. As soon as
this idea was suggested, they threw open their
folding-doors, and offered an asylum to all
comers. But terror and distrust prevented the
fugitives from understanding this generous ap-
peal. Two others only availed themselves of it,
at the moment when they were absolutely sink-
ing with fatigue.

Soon afterwards, a mounted trooper was stop-
ped in front of the house. He had drawn his
sword and struck a citizen, on which the people
of the neighbourhood threw themselves upon
him, and were about to dispatch him. The
blow of a paving-stone had brought down both
man and horse, and had left him in the ditch be-
tween the trees of the boulevards. On hearing
his cries, M. Crucy ran out and begged of the
group who had gathered around him to have
mercy on the fallen man. " He can no longer
hurt us," said M. Crucy ; " and the victory of
the Parisians is so complete and so noble, that
we can well afford to be generous. Let us not
sully it by a murder, however just it may be."
The idea of vengeance was readily abandoned,
and M. Crucy, taking the unfortunate horseman
by the arm, carried him into the house almost
against his will.

PARIS IN 1830. 221

Observing in the vestibule a collection of arms
and uniforms, he at once formed the idea that
that they must have belonged to men who had
been murdered ; and, swearing like a madman,
he turned towards the door. " If you think
yourself in any danger," said M. Crucy, " you
are at liberty to go ; but first go in with us, and
see your comrades covered with our clothes and
seated at our table ; and after that you may go
if you will." Still trembling with rage, he re-
fused to advance ; but the younger Crucy having
opened the door of the apartment, enabled him
to see his companions in misfortune. At this
sight he asked pardon, and embraced his libera-
tors.

These unhappy men, having cut their mousta-
choes, assisted in making for themselves three-
coloured cockades. The Messrs. Crucy and
their neighbour, M. Devis, provided them with
round hats and coloured clothes, and even the
porter of the house stripped himself of a vest, a
smock-frock, and a pair of shoes, to assist in
providing the poor fellows with disguises. It
was the porter's wife who bathed the wound of
the cuirassier.

On the following day, the men, thus refreshed
and attired, set out in quest of their connexions
in the city, leaving their arms and baggage with
M. Crucy, who gave one of the sabres to a

222 PARIS IN 1830.

neighbour setting out on the expedition to Ram-
bouillet, and delivered the rest of the property
to the mayor of his arrondissement, as goods be-
longing to the state.

PARIS IN 1830. QQ3

CHAPTER XVI.

Proclamation made by the Provisional Government, after the
popular triumph — Submission of the Royalist troops, in
consequence — Instances of humane interposition on the part
of individuals, on behalf of the Military — Fine example of
self-sacrifice shown by a woman — Characteristic sayings,
produced by the circumstances of the Revolution — An illus-
tration of the feeling among the soldiery— The bombarded
house — The interment of the dead, with the scenes attend-
ant on that office.

One of the first measures of the Provisional
Government, after the popular triumph had been
secured, was to issue the following proclamation,
addressed to the misguided soldiery :

" PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

" The troops of the Royal Guard, and of the Line, are
ordered to present themselves within forty-eight hours at
the provisional camp established at Vaugirard.

" We give our word of honour that no harm shall
befall them, and that every soldier shall be treated as a
friend and a brother, receiving rations and lodging until
our farther orders.

" For the Commander-in-Chief,

" GERARD,
" The second in command, PAJOL."

224 PARIS IN 1830.

This order was very generally obeyed ; but
before it had been effectually promulgated, a
number of soldiers, reduced to a state of despe-
ration, after throwing away their arms, had endea-
voured to conceal themselves in the great hotel
of the minister for foreign affairs on the Boule-
vard des Capucines. The place of their retreat
was singularly ill chosen, from its tendency to
rouse all the hostile feelings of the people, as soon
as it was known that the residence of the chief
criminal had become the hiding-place of the in-
struments of his crime. The hotel was attacked
by the citizens, whose vindictive feelings had been
roused by the cruelties they had witnessed. The
cries of vengeance from without, and of mercy
from within, had already excited a very serious
fermentation, when M. Joseph Perier, the bro-
ther of M. Casimir Perier, and M. Gamier Pe-
rille of Loigny, rushed among the assailants, at
great personal hazard, and, by the firmness of
their demeanour, and the severity of the reproof
which they administered, succeeded in rescuing
the unhappy men, who were thus on the point of
being sacrificed to the popular indignation, from
the fate which too surely awaited them.

This is no rare instance of protection afforded
to the military from the exasperation of the popu-
lace, by the firmness and humanity of individuals.
Not far from the Protestant chapel, called the
Oratoire, in the Rue Saint Honore, a man dressed

PARTS IN 1830. 2&5

in coloured clothes was recognized as the officer
who, on the Tuesday before, had commanded the
post of gen-d'armes at the prefecture of police. It
was said so, at least, as he passed ; and the report
having speedily circulated from mouth to mouth,
the supposed gen-d'arme was loaded with impre-
cation and abuse, and some one was heard to ex-
claim that justice should be done upon him — that
he ought to be exterminated. Pistols were already
produced, and naked swords had made their ap-
pearance, when M. Paul Caife, one of the house
surgeons of the Hotel Dieu, succeeded in pene-
trating the crowd which had collected, exclaim-
ing that there was no more need of victims, and
that it would be shameful thus to massacre an
unarmed man. He then pulled a small pistol
from his pocket, and, seizing the man by the
collar, declared that he would blow out the brains
of the first who injured him, adding that he would
himself carry the prisoner to the Hotel de Ville,
and ascertain his identity. The crowd were de-
terred from farther interference by M. Caffe's
determined attitude ; and a person of superior ap-
pearance, who had witnessed the transaction, pre-
sented him with a highly-mounted pistol of larger
calibre, saying : " Since you make such good use
of your arms, young man, here is one which will
better serve your present purpose." It was with
this weapon that M. Caffe continued to escort
his protege to the Place de Greve, where the

Q

22(3 PARTS IN 1830.

man was recognized as a retired custom-house
officer, who had thus so nearly fallen a victim to
the mistake of an excited populace.

The following- incident is also stated on M.
Caffe's authority. He was returning at ten
o'clock on Tuesday morning from the mairie of
his arrondissement in the Rue Geoffroy Lasnier,
when, in passing under the arcade of the Hotel
de Ville, he met a detachment of gen-d'armerie,
who had surrendered the post at the Town Hall,
without resistance, to a large body of citizens,
most of whom were armed with firelocks. In
passing along the Place de Greve he found
there also a strong body of citizens, and, con-
tinuing his route by the bridge of Notre Dame,
he saw a party make their appearance of about
twenty-five grenadiers of the Royal Guard,
under the command of a lieutenant. M. CafFe
informed the officer that the post of the Hotel
de Ville was no longer hi the hands of the royal
troops, and that if he were so imprudent as to
go thither, his party would undoubtedly be cut to
pieces. The officer replied that he knew his
orders, and that it was no part of his duty to
obey the first stranger he met. He then gave
the word " forward" to his men, in a tone
which forbade any further interference. M.
Caffe turned back to observe the issue, and shel-
tered himself within the doorway of the wine-
shop which forms the corner of the quay, and of

PARIS IN 1830. W

the Place de Greve. Scarcely had the soldiers
of the Guard turned this corner, when the citi-
zens called out to them to lay down their arms.
The lieutenant ordered his men to present their
pieces, and to fire. A murderous discharge im-
mediately took place on either side : ten of the
soldiers were killed, and not one of them escaped
unwounded. The event which M. CafFe had
anticipated was thus painfully verified. Pro-
vided with his surgical instruments, he hastened
to the relief of both parties : the officer he found
with his thigh broken by a musket-ball, and
with two bayonet wounds in his breast ; he lived
only an hour and a half, and repeatedly pressed
the young surgeon's hand, as if to ask pardon
for the rudeness with which he had repulsed
the seasonable advice which had been given to
him.

Another party of the Royal Guard, after long
contending against superior numbers, continued
to persist in the unequal contest with so much
resolution, as seriously to try the firmness of
those opposed to them. At one moment the
citizens had given way, but having afterwards
rallied, the detachment of the Guards, who were
now reduced to ten in number, advanced and
offered to surrender. " No quarter for these
cut-throats !" the popular party exclaimed, and
were about to put their threat in execution, had
not M. Pelars, a young man who had mixed in

q 2

228 PARIS IN 1830.

the crowd for the purpose of assisting- one of the
wounded, thrown himself between the two par-
ties, and turning towards the citizens, exclaimed,
— " What would you do, spilling more blood ?
Are they not Frenchmen ? Are they not our
fellow-citizens, our brothers, and would you be
so barbarous as to murder them after they have
laid down their arms ?" " But look, sir !" ex-
claimed one of the most furious, pointing to a
bloody corpse on the ground, " that is my bro-
ther : he fell beside me, and it was these cut-
throats who killed him. No quarter ! no
quarter !" and the word was repeated from every
mouth. " They shall not perish, or I shall die
the first !" exclaimed the generous young man,
placing himself in front of the royalists : and, lay-
ing hold of the fixed bayonet of one of the
levelled muskets, he called out, " Fire on me if
you dare." Those whose passions were most in-
flamed were calmed and disarmed by this heroic
interference, and the lives of the guardsmen were
spared.

An incident which occurred in the Rue Saint
Honore, at the corner of the Rue de PEchelle,
where similar heroism was displayed by a woman
whose name remains unknown, had unhappily
a very different termination. She had observed
with what dreadful effect a piece of artillery had
been fired along this great thoroughfare, and
conceived the idea of stopping the slaughter, by

PARIS IN 1830. 229

appealing to the humanity of the gunners. She
went up to them, exclaiming : — " Epargnez-
nous, je vous en supplie : epargnez vos conci-
toyens : ne tirez plus." Having observed that
the piece had just been recharged, and that the
match was ready to be applied to it, she re-
doubled her supplications, but in vain : — " Eh
bien," she said, throwing herself before the
mouth of the gun, " c'est sur moi que vous
tirerez ! Aurez vous bien le coeur de massacrer
une fern me qui s'offre a vos coups ?" The
astonished gunner, taking her by the arm,
replied : — " Ma petite dame, otez vous que je
fasse mon devoir : tout ceci ne vous regarde
pas > vous allez vous faire echarper." But she
persisted in clinging to the mouth of the gun,
and embraced it so closely, that she could
not be removed from it. " Non," she cried ;
" non, vous ne tirerez pas ; ou bien ce sera sur
moi." The gunner was deeply affected, and
hesitated, not knowing what to do ; cursing this
civil war and all its horrors from the bottom
of his heart. The officer who commanded, ob-
serving that the populace were preparing to avail
themselves of the gunner's hesitation, in order to
lay hold of the piece, exclaimed, " Malheur eux,
feu, ou je te passe mon sabre au travers du ventre."
Either from long habits of obedience, or from
fear of this menace, the gunner applied the
match to the piece, and the body of the un-

230 PARIS IN 1830.

fortunate woman was scattered in a thousand
fragments.

" Voila les precepteurs du peuple !" is the ob-
servation ascribed to M. de Peyronnet, on the
first appearance of the artillery. The princes at
Saint Cloud were soon afterwards regaled with
this atrocious pleasantry. How sadly must it
now have lost its relish both for prince and peer !

Witticisms of a less offensive character were
to be heard too on the popular side. On the
quay de la Greve, at the corner of the Rue des
Barres, an eight pound bullet is suspended by
a three-coloured ribbon, surmounted by a large
cockade, and bearing the inscription,

" Prune de Monsieur, 28 Juillet, 1830."

In the Rue Saint Antoine also, a number of
round shot have been attached, in the style of a
lady's necklace, to one of the ropes which tra-
verse the street, and from which the public lamps
of the city are suspended, with a scroll attached
to it, whereon is scratched in large characters :

" Paroles touchantes du bon roi Charles X.

Among the chronological coincidencies which
have been observed between the two French re-
volutions, the Parisians delight to remind you,
that the 28th of July 1830 corresponds with the
9th Thermidor in the year three, and that the

PARIS IN 1830. 231

fall of Charles X. thus took place on the anni-
versary of that of Robespierre.

" They may say what they please," said some
one, " of the 14th of July," which is considered a
white day in the French calendar, from its mark-
ing the fall of the Bastile, " but it will never be
more than the half of the 28th"

Almost every great personage in France has
some clever saying associated with his name.
That of Charles X. is said to have been uttered
on his entering Paris at the period of the resto-
ration : " II n'est qu'un Francais de plus." This
royal mot has suggested the idea of a song, with
the burden,

" Eh bien ! qu'il reparte aussitot ;
Ce n'est plus qu'un Francois de trop"

In the Catholic liturgy, the daily prayer for
the King is " domine, salvum fac regem." A
cure in the neighbourhood of Paris in reading
the regular routine from his prayer-book, was
startled when he came to the word regem, and
making a pause while he thought of some sub-
stitute, found his latinity at fault, and at length
shouted out, amidst the ill-concealed laughter of
his audience, " domine, salvum fac le gouverne-
ment provisoire."

It was Louis XI. who first assumed the title
of his most Christian Majesty. The people of
Paris now say that Philippe le Bel was not quite

232 PARIS IN 1830.

so good a Christian as Louis XI. ; that Charles
IX. was a little better ; but that Charles X.
has surpassed them all.

A note is said to have been found in the ar-
chiepiscopal palace, at the time when it was
entered by the citizens, conceived in the follow-
ing- terms : —

"Mon cher archeveque, venez me voir demain;
nous lirons ensemble le pseaume LX.

" Charles."

The following incident is stated on the autho-
rity of the two associated poets, Barthelemy and
Mery.

" On the 28th, at three o'clock, attacks were
made on all points. A battalion of the National
Guard had formed itself in the Rue Croix des
Petits Champs, and on the Place des Vietoires.
The crowd, thinking that all was finished, were
mad with joy ; the battalion descended towards
the Rue Saint Honore.

" We had entered a neighbouring house to
take some refreshment, and were congratulating
ourselves on the success of the Parisians, when an
alarming fire of musketry burst over the Rue
Croix des Petits Champs. The volleys of pla-
toons, which were fired with technical precision,
led us to suppose that it was a regiment of
the Guard, which had issued by the Rue Bailliff.
We descended by the Rue Coquilliere ; the

PARIS IN 1830. c233

smoke was there so dense, that it was impossible
to distinguish any thing' at the distance of six
paces. The fire suddenly ceased, and our hearts
sank within us, when we recognized those troops
of the Line on whom we had founded such de-
lightful hopes. On the benches placed at the
two corners of the street, groups of soldiers were
seated, quietly smoking their pipes. This was
their conversation : ' What a rascally trade is
ours ! I have a mind to send the musket to the
devil.' c They sent me to the guard-house this
morning ; they might have let me remain there
for two or three days : it would have been more
to my taste.' — ' Ah! 9a,' said the first speaker,
' and why should we fire on the bourgeois ?
Do they think we have no bowels?' — ' If this
lasts,' cried another, I for one shall move my
camp. I am not engaged for that.' Each of
these observations, so contrary to all discipline,
was received with signs of approbation, by the
soldiers collected around the speaker. We then
ventured to inquire, why, with such sentiments,
they had sometimes consented to fire upon the
towns-people ? The question produced an in-
describable smile on the rough and masculine
features of the party ; and a Serjeant said to us,
' Gentlemen, take the trouble to turn the corner
of the street, and count your dead !'

" The street in all its breadth was unstained

234 PARIS IN 1830.

with blood : these brave fellows had fired in the
air !"

The house which is thought to have suffered
the most, during- this short campaign, is that
which is situated in the Grande Rue du Fau-
bourg Saint Antoine, facing the Rue de Cha-
ronne, bearing the Nos. 78, 80, and 82. Three
officers of rank had been killed on the street in
front of this house ; and that circumstance had
probably exasperated the artillery-men, who im-
mediately directed upon it their battery of twelve
pounders, and two twenty-four inch howitzers.
The first cannon shot brought down one of the
great beams of the roof; the second swept
away the ridge of another ; and a third passed
through a wall, which supported a great stack of
chimneys. After so much success, it seemed as
if they had resolved to demolish the whole
building, as they then pointed one of the howit-
zers on the stack of chimnies, which rested on
the wall. The first shell took the wall at an
angle, making a considerable breach in it, and
afterwards, falling on the roof, exploded as it
sank. The second shell, directed against the
centre of the wall, traversed three of the chim-
nies, and falling down through the fourth, de-
scended to the first floor, where it burst, break-
ing the windows and looking-glasses, levelling
the partition-walls, and destroying the furniture.

PARIS IN 1830. 235

The proprietor found it necessary, so great was
the damage, to prop up the exterior walls, in
consequence of their shattered condition, lest
more serious accidents should be occasioned by
its falling into the street. Only one individual
was killed by this bombardment, and he was a
stranger, attracted to the spot by curiosity.

The excellent municipal regulation, which for-
bids the interment of the dead within the walls
of Paris, was necessarily departed from on this
distressing occasion. The excessive heat of the
weather increased the urgency of the case ; and
the existence of the barricades created obstacles
at every step. On the evening of the 29th, and
the morning of the following day, many a sad
sight was witnessed on the streets of Paris ; but
in every case, the most solemn respect, the most
touching solicitude, attended the victims who
had fallen on the field of honour. A number of
individuals were privately interred in courts and
gardens. The piece of enclosed ground which
forms the terrace, under the colonnade of the
Louvre, became a general burying-place. At
the end next the quay, eighty unclaimed bodies
were placed in two large pits, between two beds
of quick lime. It was during this mournful
operation, that a brother was recognized by his
brother : his remains were so covered with blood,
as to make his person almost undistinguish-
able. The brother threw himself on the body,

236 PARIS IN 1830.

with cries and wailing, and would not be sepa-
rated, until he had cut a lock of his hair. — The
bodies of the dead received all the honours due
to soldiers, and to Christians ; discharges of mus-
ketry were fired over this great tomb, and the
Abb6 Paravey, of Saint Germain l'Auxerrois,
dressed in his sacerdotal habit, pronounced a
benediction on their resting-place, and was recon-
ducted to the gate of his church by the armed
men. The ground is marked by a broken column
covered with flowers and laurels, and three-
coloured flags, and the whole is surmounted by a
black cross, inscribed with the legend —

i
" Aux Francais morts tour la liberte !"

On the 30th of July, an equally melancholy
spectacle was presented to the inhabitants of
Paris. At the Morgue, a large vessel was moored,
with a black flag floating over it, to receive
the bodies of the victims of the previous days.
They were carried down in hand barrows, some
in coffins, and others quite naked. In the vessel
they were ranged in piles, and, after covering
them with straw, the whole was strewed with
quick lime, to stay the process of putrefaction.
In this mass there were old men, women, and
children of ten or twelve years of age. The
crowd which occupied the quays and parapets,
to contemplate the sad embarkation, seemed as
if frozen with horror ; their silence being from

PARIS IN 1830. 237

time to time interrupted by a solitary imprecation
from among- the throng. Weeping mothers were
there, indulging in silent grief, while others were
passionately embracing their infants, as if happy
to think that they were yet too young to engage
in these bloody quarrels. " Legitimacy," ex-
claimed the eloquent M. Bernard de Rennes,
at the tribune of the Chamber of Deputies —
" La legitimite etait enter ree sous ces cada-
vres !"

The funeral bark was carried to the Champ de
Mars, where the remains of these patriots were
interred.

238 PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER XVII.

Proclamation addressed to the troops in the name of Lafayette
— Historical Sketch of the Life of General Lafayette.

As a happy issue to the revolution, or a pro-
longation of the horrors of civil war, depended,
in a great measure, on the disposition of the
troops, it was resolved, that another proclama-
tion should be addressed to them, in the name of
Lafayette, and on the part of the municipal go-
vernment of Paris. It was conceived in the fol-
lowing terms :

" Beaye Soldiers !
" The inhabitants of Paris do not make you responsi-
ble for the orders which have been given to you. Come
to us ; we will receive you as brethren : come and range
yourselves under the command of one of those brave
generals who have so often shed their blood in the de-

PARIS IN 1830. 239

fence of the country. The cause of the army cannot
long be separated from that of the nation and of liberty;
its glory is our dearest patrimony. But the army will
never forget, that the defence of our independence, and
our liberties, ought to be its first duty. Let us then be
friends, since our interests, and our rights, are the same.
General Lafayette declares, in the name of the whole
population of Paris, that no feeling of hostility is re-
tained towards the soldiers of France : the inhabitants
are ready to fraternize with all those who will return to
the cause of the country and of liberty ; and they long
for the moment, when soldiers and citizens, united by
the same sentiments, and assembled under the same
banner, may at length realize the welfare5 and the glo-
rious destinies of our common country.
66 Vive la France !

(Signed) " Le General Lafayette."

The large space which this single-minded in-
dividual has filled in the revolutionary history of
France, seems to call for some notice of his long,
diversified, and honourable career. Marie-Paul-
Jean-Roch-Yves-Gilbert-Motier, Marquis de La-
fayette, was born at Chavagnac in Auvergne, on
the 6th of September, 17 57. The issue of an
illustrious house, he received an education suited
to the rank he was destined to hold in society ;
and when arrived at the age which called on
him to enter the world, his studies were so far
advanced, as to enable him to make his election
between the career of letters and of arms. He
chose that in which the name of his family had al-
ready been distinguished, by his celebrated ancestor

240 PARIS IN 1830.

the Mareschal Lafayette, by his uncle, who was
killed in Italy, and by his father, who also died
gloriously, at the battle of Minden. Already
also he had lost his mother, when, at the early
age of sixteen, he was united in marriage to
Mademoiselle de Noailles, the daughter of the
Due d'Ayen. By means of this alliance with a
family at once rich and powerful, and in high
credit at court, the Marquis de Lafayette might
have rapidly advanced in the career of honours
and dignities ; but, disdaining his hereditary and
adventitious advantages, he refused to avail him-
self of a distinction, which was not founded on
personal merit.

The American colonies of Great Britain had
risen in insurrection, for the purpose of resisting
the right of the mother country to levy taxes
from subjects who were not represented. They
had created an independent government, had
published a declaration of rights, and had con-
stituted themselves into a federative republic.
Success, however, had not attended their arms ;
they had lost the battle of Brooklyn, and had
sustained many serious defeats, when Washing-
ton was invested with the dictatorship, and
Franklin was sent to Paris, to ask for the assist-
ance of Louis XVI.

The French government had not yet avowed
their satisfaction at the injury which England was
suffering in her dearest interests. They had re-

PARIS IN 1830. 241

fused all assistance, even indirectly, to the Ame-
rican insurgents. It was at a moment so dan-
gerous for Lafayette, that he tore himself from
the arms of his young wife, and set out to fight
in the cause of independence. He had begged
the American envoy to obtain a vessel for him,
to carry him to the republican army. Franklin
had the generosity to try to turn him from a
project, which savoured of temerity, at a mo-
ment when the insurgents were beaten at all
points. Disregarding the opposition of the court,
and the friendly dissuasions of Franklin, he
freighted a ship at his own expense, and landed
at George Town, during the summer of 1777,
carrying with him important dispatches, and a
supply of arms and ammunition.

At this period, the American army in New
Jersey was waiting until some great movement
on the part of the royalists should discover to
them the plan of the British ministry. This
soon became known, by the landing of General
Howe, the British commander, on the coast of
Maryland, and the attack which he made on
Washington, in the neighbourhood of Philadel-
phia. In this engagement the Americans were
compelled to yield, and Lafayette was wounded
in the leg, while endeavouring, by language and
example, to rally the fugitives.

It was after the battle of Brandywine, when
the cause of the confederation was almost des-

242 PARIS IN 1830.

perate, that the court of Versailles resolved to
recognize the independence of the United States.
Lafayette was then appointed to the command
of the army of the North ; but being assured that
his presence there could be attended with no
useful result, he solicited his recall to the chief
scene of operations, and resumed his place under
the orders of Washington. The English troops
under General Clinton having at length been
driven out of Philadelphia, by the hatred of the
population, and the indefatigable activity of Wash-
ington, were pursued in their retreat, and over-
taken in the defiles of Freehold, near Monmouth.
A great battle there took place ; Washington was
victorious, and Lafayette contributed to the
triumph, by leading the advanced guard.

The Count d'Estaing having received orders to
act against the English, an attack was to be made on
Rhode Island, and the command of Sullivan's army
was given to Lafayette ; but the retreat of the
French squadron on Boston prevented the com-
bined operations from being carried into effect.

During the suspension of hostilities, Lafayette
returned to France, to hasten the dispatch of re-
inforcements; and, Avhile a corps of 6,000 men
was in preparation under the command of Count
Rochambeau, he proceeded to Spain, and con-
cluded a treaty of commerce with the court of
Madrid, which was soon afterwards changed into
a declaration of war against England.

PARIS IN 1830. L2io

On his return to America he rejoined the
camp of Washington, and took an active part in
the operations of the war. Having been ap-
pointed to the command of the Virginian army,
he received notice from Washington that the
English were about to march against him with
all their forces in Carolina, and he was directed
to defend the frontier to the last extremity. In
this critical situation, with a force which scarcely
amounted to 5,000 men, without funds, without
clothes, and almost without provisions, he bor-
rowed money in his own name, and mortgaged
his estates in Europe, to provide the means of
carrying on the war. After a five months' strug-
gle, the object of which was to avoid a general
engagement with Lord Cornwallis, he succeeded
by a train of masterly manoeuvres, and some par-
tial actions, in enclosing that General in a position
from which it was impossible for him to escape.
The capitulation of York Town, in October 1781,
decided the fate of the war ; the joy of the
Americans was at its height ; and the name of
Lafayette was mingled in all their rejoicings.

He returned to France on board an Ameri-
can frigate, and again applied himself with zeal
and assiduity to the despatch of fresh succours.
At his entreaty a great expedition was formed at
Cadiz under the command of Count d' Estaing,
which he prepared to join, at the head of 8,000
men, who were to sail with him from Brest. It

r 2

244 PARIS IN 1830.

was proposed to make a descent on Jamaica with
an army of 24,000 men, embarked on board a
French and Spanish fleet of sixty-six sail of the
line. Lafayette was appointed commander-in-
chief of the combined forces. From Jamaica he
was to have proceeded to New York, and with
6,000 men embarked on the St. Laurence, have
attempted the revolution of the Canadas. Every-
thing- was ready for the despatch of the expedi-
tion, when the treaty of peace was concluded.
He was the first to communicate the intelligence
to Congress, and set out himself for Madrid,
to restore the political relations which had been
casually interrupted.

After these important events, Lafayette paid a
visit to America, where he was received with
enthusiasm by a liberated people. His name
was given to two counties, and to a number of
fortresses ; and, as if in exchange, that of George
Washington was bestowed on Lafayette's eldest
son. He refused a splendid offer of territorial
aggrandizement, and, on his return to Europe,
the frank and simple manners of the American,
tempered by the early polish he had acquired in
the French court, made him an object of univer-
sal attraction. He traversed the states of Ger-
many, where he was received with distinction by
Joseph II. and Frederic the Great. In conjunc-
tion with Malesherbes, he applied himself to the
amelioration of the lot of two classes of sufferers,

PARIS IN 1830. 2A5

the Protestants of France, and the negroes of the
colonies. In this last undertaking1 he was warmly
seconded by Madame Lafayette ; but unhappily,
six years afterwards, on the triumph of a faction
in France, the slaves which he had bought at
Cayenne for the purpose of emancipation, were
re-sold and sent back to the thraldom from which
he had rescued them.

The state of the Catholics of Ireland, the vic-
tims of the Barbary states, and an expedition
against Egypt, successively occupied his attention,
when the convocation of the Notables of France
in 1787 and 1788, directed him to objects nearer
home. In the assembly over which the Count
d'Artois presided, Lafayette distinguished himself
by the generous boldness with which he insisted
on the suppression of state prisons, and of lettres
de cachet. It was he also who proposed the con-
vocation of the States General, or, in other words,
that the people should be represented by manda-
tories of their own appointment. The second
assembly of Notables having discovered a disposi-
tion inconsistent with the general interests of the
nation, a necessity arose for the convocation of
the States General. Lafayette was named a de-
puty, and spoke for the first time on the 8th of
July 1789, in support of the celebrated motion
of Mirabeau for the removal of the troops. Dur-
ing the violent crisis which succeeded the decla-
ration of rights, Lafayette was named Vice-pre-

246 PARIS IN 1830.

sident of the National Assembly, and occupied
the chair during the two terrible nights of the
13th and 14th of July. It was then that the re-
sponsibility of ministers was decreed, and that
the existence of a representative system received
its first and most important guarantee.

On the 15th of July, Lafayette proceeded to
Paris at the head of a deputation of fifty members
of the assembly. The taking of the Bastille on
the day before had left the capital in a state of
violent fermentation. In the midst of this move-
ment the idea arose, and for the moment pre-
vailed, that the liberty which had been thus
gained, could only be secured by the re-establish-
ment of public order. This vital principle was
communicated throughout a mass of at least
100,000 armed men, like a spark of electri-
city. Thus the National Guard was created ;
and when the body was yet deliberating on the
choice of a leader, a bust which stood by sug-
gested the name of Lafayette : he was at once
appointed by acclamation, and under his auspices
it soon acquired that consistency, regularity, and
discipline, which, after so many changes, it still
happily enjoys. His first order, on taking the
command, was directed to the demolition of the
Bastille. On the 16th of July this work was
commenced, and on the 26th, Lafayette, having
joined the Bourbon lily to the colours of the
city of Paris, which were red and blue, pre-

PARIS IN 1830. ^1?

sented the three-coloured cockade to the assem-
bled electors, with the prediction, " that it would
make the tour of the world."

When more serious disturbances arose, many
individuals owed their lives to the courage of
Lafayette, and to the power which his popularity
had given him. Finding" that he was not strong-
enough to save those of Foulon and Berthier,
he resigned his command, but was afterwards
persuaded to resume it. On the 5th of October,
after the most dreadful commotion which had
yet been witnessed, he inarched with the Na-
tional Guard to Versailles, where the populace
of Paris had already assembled. On the 6th he
succeeded in saving the lives of the royal family,
and brought them in safety to the capital, where
the Constituent Assembly had already established
themselves.

Lafayette was too much devoted to the cause
of liberty, not to have many enemies at court ;
but Louis XVI. was also too just to withhold
from him the most striking tokens of his satis-
faction. When the Queen was compelled, amidst
the popular violence to appear on the balcony of
the Tuileries, first surrounded by her children,
and afterwards apart from them, Lafayette at
the decisive moment presented himself before
her, and, on his appearance, the insulting cla-
mours of the multitude were suddenly changed
into shouts of applause. He took the Queen's

248 PARIS IN 1830.

hand and respectfully kissed it, as it trembled in
his : the excited populace was completely dis-
armed. It was at once the signal and the pledge
of reconciliation. During the subsequent capti-
vity of the royal family, the Princess Elizabeth
repeatedly expressed her belief that all their
lives had been saved by Lafayette's interposition
at Versailles, and severally reproached those
around her who had blamed him as the cause of
the popular insurrection.

Although the names of Mirabeau and the Duke
of Orleans were both compromised in the violent
proceedings of the 5th and 6th of October, they
succeeded in freeing themselves from the accusa-
tion which was brought against them on the
part of the municipal authorities. But Lafay-
ette was still convinced of the culpability of the
Duke of Orleans ; and, at an interview which is
described by M. de Segur as " tresimperieuse
d'une part, trestimide de l'autre," he insisted
on the Prince's immediately quitting the king-
dom.

In spite of the opposition which he met with,
and the blame which was cast upon him, Lafay-
ette continued to serve the cause of the Revolu-
tion without departing from those principles of
justice and moderation which have always dis-
tinguished his character. In the proceedings
against Favras, two witnesses deposed that the
accused had projected the assassination of the

PARIS IN 1830. 2A9

Mayor, and the Commander in-chief of the Na-
tional Guard ; but Lafayette undertook to inva-
lidate their testimony, and had them both con-
victed of conspiracy. Soon afterwards he caused
a man to be released who had fired upon him in
the Champ de Mars. After refusing the offices
of Constable, Dictator, and Lieutenant-General
of the kingdom, he had it decreed that the same
individual should never command the National
Guards of more than a single department — at
the very moment when several millions of these
Guards were demanding him for their chief.

When Louis XVI. took to flight, after he had
pledged his royal word that he would not with-
draw himself from the constitutional surveil-
lance, Lafayette was exposed to serious danger
in consequence of having agreed to answer with
his head that the King should not leave the
French territory. In this situation he was sub-
jected to the double accusation of having con-
nived at the King's flight, as the Jacobins pre-
tended on the one hand, and of having him
arrested, according to the aristocrats, on the
other.

The decree which re-established the unfortu-
nate monarch on his throne, on condition of his
acceptance of the constitution proposed to him,
was the cause of a new commotion. Crowds
had collected on the Champ de Mars to sign a
petition of a factious nature, but were dispersed

250 PARIS IN 1830.

by Lafayette after the proclamation of martial
law. On the 8th of October 1791, having caused
the amnesty to be accepted which had been pro-
posed by Louis XVI., Lafayette resigned his
command, and took leave of the National Guard.
As soon as he had retired, an attempt was made
to bring him back by electing him Mayor of
Paris in the room of Bailly ; but the Jacobins
were triumphant, and Petion was appointed.

It was at this period that the first emigrant
coalition was formed. Lafayette was appointed
to the command of one of the three armies
directed to repel it. He attacked and beat
the enemy at Philippe ville, Maubeuge, and
Florennes, and was proceeding prosperously,
when his success was interrupted by the course
of events at Paris. A party had been formed
against him, with Dumouriez and Collot d'Her-
bois at its head, which soon became irresis-
tible. He addressed a letter to the Legislative
Assembly denouncing this counter-revolutionary
party, and appeared at the bar to support his de-
nunciation. He was invited to the honours of
the sitting, and afterwards proceeded to the
Tuileries, where he received the thanks of the
King and Queen.

On the following day the King was to have
reviewed four thousand of the National Guards.
Lafayette asked leave to accompany him, and an-
nounced his intention of addressing himself to

PARIS IN 1830. c251

the armed citizens in such terms as he thought
calculated to promote the cause of good order
and constitutional opinions ; but Louis XVI. was
as usual circumvented, and induced, during the
night, to countermand the review. Lafayette
despaired of effecting further good, and, after ad-
dressing a second letter to the Assembly, rejoined
the army under his command.

On the 30th of June, Lafayette had the honour
of being burned in effigy at the Palais Royal, and
was formally accused by the Jacobins before the
Assembly ; but the question was resolved in his
favour by a decisive majority, amidst the threats
and exclamations of the galleries. On leaving
the chamber, the members were assailed with
sticks, stones, and sabres ; and, on the following
day, the Assembly declared, almost unanimously,
that their deliberations were no longer free. An
appeal to the army was spoken of ; but, in Paris
at least, even that was too late. Lafayette then
conceived the idea of a Departmental Congress,
but in this he was disappointed. The spirit of
Jacobinism advanced so rapidly, that only a single
Department consented to concur with him. Find-
ing the struggle hopeless, he resolved on retiring
to a neutral territory, taking with him only the
small number of officers whose lives would be
compromised by remaining ; but he and his com-
panions, to the number of twenty-two, having
fallen upon a post of Austrians, they were carried

252 PARIS IN 1830.

before a superior officer, and four of them, La-
tour- Maubourg, Lameth, Puzy, and Lafayette,
were sent to Wezel as prisoners of state. From
Wezel Lafayette was transferred to Magdebourg,
where he was plunged for a year into a dark,
damp, and subterranean dungeon. From thence
he was carried successively to Glatz and Neiss,
and finally to Olmutz, which became his prison
when the King of Prussia made peace with
France.

Indignant at the unheard-of sufferings which
Lafayette was made to endure after the Austrians
became his jailors, a young Hanoverian physician,
Bollman, and Huger, a young American, the son
of an officer of Carolina, with whom Lafayette
had resided after his first voyage to America, re-
solved to attempt his rescue. They effected a
communication with the prisoner, and attended
with horses under the ramparts, at a moment
when most of his guards were absent from duty.
He succeeded in disarming the nearest sentinel,
but not before the man, in the course of the
struggle, had severely wounded him in the hand
with his teeth. His generous liberators then placed
him on horseback, but were so forgetful of their
own safety, that the other horses had escaped.
Huger was immediately taken, and sacrificed
himself with heroic devotion. Lafayette and
Bollman agreed to separate, the better to evade
pursuit. Bollman succeeded in reaching the

PARIS IN 1830. 253

Prussian territory, but was there arrested and
given up to Austria. Lafayette was retaken
within eight leagues of Olmutz, and from that
moment was treated with increased barbarity,
being left, while sick, without light, without
linen, and without the means of external com-
munication, or assistance of any kind. After
sixteen months imprisonment in the dungeons of
Robespierre, his virtuous and affectionate wife
was at length allowed to come to him, with her
daughters, to share his captivity. In the British
parliament a motion was made for an address to
the crown to interpose the mediation of Great
Britain with the Emperor of Germany, for the
purpose of obtaining the liberation of the pri-
soners of Olmutz ; but, although supported by
Fox and other parliamentary orators of distinc-
tion, it was successfully resisted by Pitt and his
adherents, on the frigid footing of state policy.
It was equally in vain that the government of the
United States employed its intercession to termi-
nate this iniquitous imprisonment. Austria re-
mained inexorable, and it was not until after five
years of suffering, that the chances of war pro-
cured him his deliverance.

At the period of Lafayette's proscription, Bo-
naparte was an inferior and unknown officer ;
but when the public wish, and the voice of the
Directory were applied with effect to his relief,
Bonaparte had risen to the supreme command of

2.54 PARIS IN 1830.

the army of Italy. When employed in conjunc-
tion with General Clarke to negotiate the treaty
of peace, Bonaparte was directed to stipulate for
the liberation of the prisoners at Olmutz ; but it
was not until after five months' negotiation that
this was agreed to. On obtaining their liberty,
they were carried to Hamburgh ; and, in compli-
ance with a strange fancy of the Austrian court,
were there delivered over, not to the French
ambassador, but to the Consul of the United
States.

In the course of these negociations, the 18th
Fructidor had arrived ; and although Talleyrand,
their minister for foreign affairs, had written to
Generals Bonaparte and Clarke to continue, not-
withstanding the changes in the government, to
urge the liberation of the prisoners, Lafayette
refused to adhere to what was passing in Paris.
He resolved, therefore, to remain on neutral
ground, and, having mounted the three-coloured
cockade, he was treated by the republican autho-
rities, not as an emigrant, or an exile, but as a
French citizen.

After some stay in Holstein, he established
himself at Utrecht, where he remained until
after the events of the 18th Brumaire, when,
thinking that the principles of liberty were at
length to be established in France, he hastened
to Paris without waiting for the consent of the
consular government.

PARIS IN 1830. 255

On his return to France, Lafayette withdrew
from public affairs, and lived in retirement in the
Upper Loire. Although elected to the council-
general of his department, he spoke but on one
occasion, and then only to make a declaration of
principles in opposition to those of the govern-
ment.

Before the arrival of the period when Napoleon
caused himself to be declared Consul for life, La-
fayette was earnestly entreated to become a mem-
ber of the senate ; but he steadily resisted the
application, and when asked to vote for that mea-
sure, his answer was, that he could not support
a Consulate for life until he saw sufficient gua-
rantees for the public liberty.

After the imperial throne was erected, it was
an observation of Napoleon's, that all but one
man in France had abandoned extreme ideas on
the subject of liberty, and that that man was La-
fayette. " You see him quiet at present," said
Napoleon ; " but if an opportunity should arise
of promoting his favourite chimera, he will re-
appear more ardent than ever."

At the period of the restoration in 1814, La-
fayette presented himself at the Tuileries, and
was well received by the King and Monsieur ;
but he had no further communication with these
princes until the landing of Napoleon from Elba,
when he caused it to be announced to them, that
he and his friends were ready to do all in their

256 PARIS IN 1830.

power to promote their cause, consistently with
the principles of public liberty. When a new
invasion of France was threatened by the allies,
Lafayette again left his retreat to join his efforts to
those who prepared to defend the territory and the
independence of the country. At an interview
with Joseph Bonaparte, on behalf of Napoleon, it
was agreed to accept the guarantees which were
then proposed, as, without believing in his com-
plete conversion, it was thought that at least
his cordial co-operation might be relied on
against invasion and foreign influence ; and
against any external attempt that might be made,
to attack the national freedom and independ-
ence. Lafayette refused the peerage, which
was offered him, because it was inconsistent
with his principles ; but, after protesting in his
commune, and in the electoral college of the
Seine and Marne, against the constitution of the
empire, and the acte aclcUtionnel, which destroy-
ed the sovereignty of the nation, and the indi-
vidual rights of the citizens, he offered himself
as a candidate to the constituent body, that he
might be armed with the powers of a representa-
tive, in insisting for their popular institutions,
which he conceived to be indispensable ; as well
as in giving to the actual chief of the state the
means which were necessary to defend it against
foreign invasion.

These duties he fulfilled conscientiouslv, until

PARIS IN 1830. 257

Napoleon's return to Paris, after his defeat at
Waterloo. It was then feared that he would
assume the dictatorship, and sacrifice the na-
tional interests to his personal views. On the
21st of June, Lafayette ascended the tribune, to
prepare the means of averting* the anticipated
evil ; but, on the following day, Napoleon sent
his abdication to the Chamber.

An intrigue prevented Lafayette from be-
coming a member of the Provisional Government.
It was his intention to have called the whole
nation to arms, and not to have treated with the
enemies of the country, until they had been
driven from the French territory ; but other and
less wholesome counsel prevailed. It was also
thought, that the National Guard would have
chosen him as their chief; or that the choice
would have been left to the Assembly. That
chief would, in either case, have been the gene-
ral, by whom the body had been created twenty-
six years before. But the Duke of Otranto had
suggested Massena, by whom France had been
served at Zurich and at Genoa ; and Lafayette
at once declared that he was ready to serve in
the capacity of aide-de-camp.

The Provisional Government, however, with a
view to get rid of Lafayette, had him sent as a
commissioner to the allied powers, to treat for a
suspension of hostilities. His colleagues and he
addressed themselves for passports to the Duke

258 PARIS IN 1830.

of Wellington, and Field Marshal Blucher ; bnt
were told that they could not be granted, until
the principal fortresses in Flanders, along the
frontiers, including Metz and Thionville, were
surrendered to the Allies.

On his return, Lafayette became acquainted
with the capitulation of the capital, and the
retreat of the army on the Loire. On the 6th
of July he gave an account of his mission to the
Assembly ; but two days afterwards the Deputies
found the doors of the Chamber shut against
them, and in the hands of a post of Prussians.
Lafayette assembled a number of the Deputies at
his residence, and went with them to the house
of the president Languinais, where a proces
verbal was prepared to verify this act of vio-
lence.

After this proceeding was adopted, Lafayette
retired to his property of Lagrange, where he
continued to reside till proposed as a deputy in
1817, by the electoral college of Paris. On that
occasion the obstacles raised by the government
to the election of this champion of liberty were
successful. They were again successful in op-
posing his return at Melun ; but in 1818, in
spite of all opposition, he was elected by the
department of the Sarthe. Lafayette then proved
himself to be what he had always been, the
steady friend of a wise and rational liberty ; and
persevered in resisting every attempt to impair

PARTS IN 1830. 2.59

it. In 1818 and 1819, lie strenuously opposed
the attempts Avhich were made to alter the law
of election. On the 17th of May in the latter
year, he supported the petition which was then
presented, for the restoration of the exiles. In
the discussion on the war budget, on the 3rd of
June, he recalled the attention of the Chamber
to the organization of a civic force, the three
essential conditions of which are, that the whole
nation be armed — that the armed force be sub-
ordinate to the civil authority — and that the
nomination of the officers be reserved to the citi-
zens themselves. On the 10th of February, and
2nd of March 1820, he spoke with great force
against the abuse of the power which was then
exercised to crush the right of petition ; and on
the 8th of March, during the debate on the law
by which individual liberty was suspended, he
spoke and voted against its re-establishment. It
was on this occasion that he proclaimed insur-
rection, under certain circumstances, to be a public
duty, as in the case of the Vendeans, when de-
prived of their religious privileges, and of the
city of Lyons, when exposed to bloodshed and
massacre.

From this period he spoke regularly on every
question of public importance which arose in the
Chamber, and never without the happiest effect.
For a year that he was representative of Meaux,
and five years that he sat for the department of

s 2

260 PARIS IN 1830.

the Sartlie, lie never lost an opportunity of de-
claring that the smallest violation of the engage-
ments undertaken by the government would
have the effect of restoring to the citizens the
entire independence of their rights and privileges.
When thus appealing to the patriotism and the
energy of the people, he has been taxed with a
desire to put in practice the doctrine of insur-
rection against arbitrary power ; but that doc-
trine does not exclude the principle of obedience
to laws which emanate from the sovereignty of
the people — a principle which Lafayette has never
ceased to recognize and maintain.

In consequence of his open support of these
doctrines, it has often been attempted to impli-
cate Lafayette in some plot or conspiracy. This
attempt was renewed in the proceedings against
Berton; and when Madame Chauvet was arrested,
the desire of treating him as a party to the ac-
cusation was not concealed. In the end, how-
ever, the minister was compelled to abandon that
idea, and to content himself with calling Lafay-
ette as a witness on the trial. The president of
the court having addressed him as the Marquis
de Lafayette, he refused to answer the interro-
gatory, declaring that since 1791 he had re-
nounced that title ; and would give no reply,
unless addressed by the simple appellation of the
Sieur Lafayette.

The agents of the ministry were, at length,

PARIS IN 1830. 2G1

tired of disturbing the repose of this patriarch
of the constitution ; and he was living in tran-
quillity on his property of Lagrange, when the
invitation which, on former occasions, he had
been obliged to decline, that he should revisit
the United States, was renewed to him on the
part of the President and the Congress. He
would not wait for the ship of war which was
offered him, but without any suite save his son
and his friend, embarked as a private individual
on board the Cadmus, at Havre, for New York,
on the 13th of July 1824. Between the period
of his arrival and the 7th of September of the
following year, when he embarked on board the
Brandywine frigate to return to Europe, he was
successively entertained by all the States of the
Union. The Congress awarded him honours
which had never been granted to Washington.
A bill was passed to bestow on him a sum of
200,000 dollars, in consideration of the services
he had rendered, and the sacrifices he had made,
during the war of independence. By the same
act a territorial grant was made to him of a por-
tion of the national domains. It was not till
four years after his return, that M. Levasseur,
the friend who accompanied him, and who acted
as his private secretary on the journey, pub-
lished an account of Lafayette's triumphant pro-
gress through the various States of the Union — a
work which has met with great success in France

262 PARIS IN 1830.

and America, but which has not yet been pre-
sented to the English public*

On his return, after an absence of fifteen
months, the inhabitants of the neighbouring-
communes assembled to entertain him, on his
passage to Lagrange, in spite of the unworthy
conduct of the authorities, who attempted to
curb, by means of violence, this expression of
the public enthusiasm.

In June, 1 827, Lafayette was returned for the
third time, to the Chamber of Deputies, by the
arrondissement of Meaux. In 1829, it was an-
nounced, that Charles X. was about to make a
royal progress to the west of France, as he had pre-
viously done into the eastern departments ; but it
being feared, probably, that in that part of France
there might be too open a manifestation of popular
sentiments, the journey was suddenly counter-
manded. About that period, Lafayette was on
his way to Lyons, and orders were immediately
transmitted to the authorities on his route, to
stifle, as much as possible, the expression of pub-
lic opinion. It was intimated by the Mayor of
Lyons, that serenades and popular meetings
were punishable by the penal code ; but the in-
habitants were not to be prevented from ex-

* Lafayette en Amerique en 1824 et 1825, ou Journal
d'un Voyage aux Etats-unis : par A. Levasseur, Secretaire du
General Lafayette pendant son voyage. Deux tomes en 8vo.
orne de onze gravures et d'une carte.

PARIS IN 1830. V6o

pressing their admiration for the character of
Lafayette, by means of illuminations, entertain-
ments, and such other manifestations of rejoic-
ing, as did not subject them or their guest to
magisterial interference.

On the 27th of July, 1830, Lafayette an-
nounced that, if required by his fellow citizens,
he would not hesitate to place himself at the
head of the National Guard. On the 28th, the
command was offered to him, by a deputation of
that body ; and on the approval of his nomina-
tion by the Deputies, then assembled at the house
of M. Lafitte, he immediately proceeded to the
Hotel de Ville, where he fixed his head quarters.
France is happily aware of the value of his
name and character, his wisdom, and his long
experience, in providing for the future peace and
security of the country. His known singleness
of purpose places him far above the suspicion of
a desire for personal aggrandisement. It has
been said that, during the late revolution, his
power might have been perverted to the in-
jury of public freedom ; but, without stopping to
repel an insinuated and gratuitous calumny, it
may be doubted, whether public liberty could
ever have been endangered by a man whose
whole influence has arisen from a long life of
unstained purity.

264 PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Historical Sketch of the Life of Louis Philip, Duke of
Orleans.

The elevated station to which the Duke of Or-
leans has been raised, by the events of the late
revolution, has been thought also to create a
requisition for some notice of his former his-
tory.

Louis Philippe d'Orleans, Due d'Orleans, the
son of Louis Philippe Joseph d'Orleans, Due
d'Orleans, was born at Paris, on the 6th October,
1773. His first title was that of Due de Valois;
but on the death of his grandfather, he assumed
that of the Due de Chartres. The first care of
his infancy was given successively to the Cheva-
lier de Bonnard, and to Madame De Genlis.
Nothing was neglected in forming his heart, en-
lightening his mind, or even in facilitating the

PARIS IN 1830. 265

developement of his physical powers. Gym-
nastic exercises were joined to his intellectual
labours ; his teachers taking for their rule the
ancient maxim,

" Mens sana in corpore sano."

At the commencement of the revolution of
1789, the Due de Chartres, then scarcely sixteen
years of age, adopted the opinions of his father
with all the enthusiasm of youth. Colonel-pro-
prietor of the 14th regiment of dragoons, he did
not hesitate between the choice which was left
him by the decrees of the Constituent Assembly,
of giving in his resignation, or of assuming the
actual command of the regiment. He went into
garrison at Vendome, where, in various brilliant
actions, he earned the civic crown which was
decreed to him.

In 1791 he set out for Valenciennes, and was
placed under the command of the celebrated
General Biron. His first proofs of bravery and
military talent were given at the battles of
Boussu and Quaragnon ; and he succeeded in
rallying the troops which had been suddenly
seized with a panic in the neighbourhood of
Quievrain. On the 7th of May in the same
year, the Due de Chartres received from the
Count de Grave, then minister at war, his com-
mission as Major-General. He fought at the
head of a brigade of dragoons under the com-

266 PARIS IN 1830.

mand of Luckner, and assisted in the taking- of
Courtray. On the 11th of September following,
he obtained the rank of Lieutenant-General, and
was appointed to the command of Strasbourg-.
" I am too young," he replied, " to be enclosed
in a fortress; and I beg to be allowed to remain
in active service." The ministry applauded the
warlike disposition thus evinced, and on the
20th of the same month the Due de Chartres
again distinguished himself, by the intrepidity
with which, throughout the day, he defended a
difficult position on which the enemy was con-
stantly directing his efforts. Six days after-
wards he was appointed second in command of
the troops of the new levy under General La-
bour donnaye, by whom they had been organized
in the northern departments. This promotion
was not agreeable to him ; he liked better to
fight in the front of the battle, although in a
less elevated situation ; and as it had been found
necessary to replace him in the army of Luckner,
he passed into that of Dumouriez, who was pre-
paring for the invasion of Belgium. It was
then that his name was to be inscribed in inde-
lible characters in the military annals of France.
On the 6th of November, at the celebrated battle
of Jemappes, he preserved the army from a
serious disaster, and suddenly changed a shame-
ful flight into a complete triumph, by bringing
back several fugitive regiments, and with them

PARIS IN 1830. 267

renewing the column, afterwards known by the
name of the battalion de Mons. This brilliant
day decided the fate of Belgium ; and the army
having taking up its cantonments, the Due de
Chartres, in compliance with a letter from his
father, hastened to Paris, where his sister, who had
been regarded as an emigrant in consequence
of her journey to England, was waiting his
arrival to go into exile, in conformity with
the orders of the republican government. In
the performance of this fraternal duty he re-
mained with the princess at Tour nay for several
days, and it was there that he was made ac-
quainted with the decree of banishment which
the Convention had pronounced against all the
members of the royal family, without exception.
His first resolution was to proceed to America,
and he hastened to state it to his father. But
the decree having been revoked, in so far as it
applied to the house of Orleans, the Due de
Chartres resumed his place on the field of honour,
and reaped fresh laurels at the siege of Maas-
tricht, under the command of General Miranda.
On the 18th of March J 793, the Duke com-
manded the centre of the French army at the
battle of Ner winde . Amidst the general disorder
of the flight, he effected his retreat in good or-
der, and by the bold countenance he assumed at
Tirlemont, prevented this great reverse from

268 PARIS IN 1830.

being still more disastrous than it proved to the
French arms.

It was then that Dumouriez, ashamed of being
beaten, and preferring, as it is believed, to be
thought a traitor to the Convention, rather than
an incapable commander, conceived the idea of
giving to his defeat the show of connivance with
the conquerors. He declared himself against the
sovereign Assembly by which France was then
governed, and entertained the object, it is said,
of dissolving the national representation, abolish-
ing the republican form of government, and re-
establishing the constitutional monarchy, on the
basis of that of 1791, in favour of the Due de
Chartres.

Whether the prince was acquainted or not
with the real designs of Dumouriez, it is at least
certain, that, when in this predicament, he con-
nected his fate with that of his military chief.
To this, perhaps, he was in some degree com-
pelled by the community of interest which the Con-
vention endeavoured to establish between them,
and by the contumely which had been heaped
on a name, brought forward by the accusers
of Dumouriez in every detail of their grievances.
The prince proceeded to the head-quarters of
the Austrians, to ask for passports. It was in
vain that Prince Charles used every means of
entreaty to attach the Duke de Chartres to the

PARIS IN 1830. 269

service of the Emperor. Still a Frenchman in
principle, although no longer allowed to fight in
the service of France, he refused to sully the
glory he had acquired in the defence of his
country, by becoming the auxiliary of her ene-
mies. He retired into Switzerland with Made-
moiselle d'Orleans, his sister, and Madame de
Genlis, but could not there find an asylum.
The Helvetic aristocracy thought that its existence
would be endangered by the presence of a repub-
lican General, whose high birth had not preserved
him from the contagion of constitutional principles.
The influence of General Montesquieu, then
living in retirement at Bremgarten, could only
obtain an asylum for the Princess and her gover-
ness in the convent of Sainte Claire. " And as
for you," he said to the Duke de Chartres, " there
is no choice but to wander among the mountains,
and to fix yourself in no permanent abode until
the course of events shall assume a more favour-
able aspect. Should fortune prove propitious, this
will be to you a sort of Odyssey, the details of
which will hereafter be collected with avidity."

The Duke de Chartres pursued the advice of
General Montesquieu, and, parting with the com-
panions of his exile, he traversed on foot the
various cantons of Switzerland, explored the
highest ridges of the Alps, and although reduced
to very limited pecuniary resources, he made
these laborious journeys subservient to his in-

c270 PARIS IN 1830.

struction, at the same time that he found in them
the source of numerous enjoyments, with which
till then he was unacquainted. In the midst of
his journeyings he received a letter from General
Montesquieu, proposing to him a professorship
in the college of Reicheneau. This offer he ac-
cepted, and obtained the appointment, after un-
dergoing a preliminary examination. In this
academy he continued for eight months, under a
borrowed name, and without being recognized,
to teach geography and history, the French and
English languages, and the mathematics.

It was at the college of Reicheneau that the
Duke de Chartres was apprised of the death of
his father. Soon after this tragical event, he
resigned his professional functions, and, after pay-
ing a visit to General Montesquieu at Brem-
garten, he resolved on going to Hamburgh, there
to embark for America. On his arrival at Ham-
burgh, he was compelled by the slenderness of
his pecuniary resources to abandon the idea of
crossing the Atlantic, and to direct his steps to-
wards the northern countries of Europe. He
visited successively Denmark, Sweden, Norway,
and Lapland, and, after approaching five degrees
nearer to the pole than Maupertuis, or any former
French traveller had done, he returned into Ger-
many in the course of the year 1796.

He was in the duchy of Holstein when he
received a letter from his mother through the

PARIS IN 1830. 271

medium of the charge d'affaires of the French
republic to the Hanseatic towns. His mother
informed him that the Directory would not con-
sent to alleviate the rigours to which she and her
family were subjected, as long as her eldest son
remained on European ground, and she beg-
ged of him in consequence to give this new proof
of his devotion to all that was dearest to him on
earth. The Duke of Orleans hastened to reply :
" When my dear mother receives this letter, her
orders will have been obeyed, and I shall have
set out for America. I shall embark in the first
vessel which sails for the United States. And
what would I not do, after the letter I have just
received ? I shall no longer believe that happi-
ness is lost to me beyond resource, since I have
still the means of softening the hardships of a
mother so justly dear to me, whose situation
and whose sufferings have so long torn my heart.
I think myself in a dream when I am told that I
am so soon to embrace and be united to my
brothers ; for I can scarcely yet believe what
but yesterday appeared impossible. It is not,
however, that I would complain of my destiny.
I feel too well how much more dreadful it might
have been. I shall not even think myself un-
happy, if, after meeting my brothers, I shall find
that my dear mother is as well as she might be ;
and if I may still serve my country by contribut-
ing to its tranquillity, and consequently to its

227 PARIS IN 1830.

happiness. There is no sacrifice which would
be too costly for the sake of France ; and as long-
as I live, there is none which I shall not be ready
to make for her."

The Duke of Orleans left Hamburgh on the
24th of September 1796, and arrived at Phila-
delphia on the 21st of October following. His
two brothers, the Dukes de Montpensier and de
Beaujolais, joined him there, in the month of
February 1797« They visited together the va-
rious states of the American Union, and even
some of the Indian tribes. In the month of
December 1797> they set out for New Orleans,
by the Ohio and Mississippi, and arrived there
in the month of February 1798. On passing
over to the Havannah, they found themselves
exposed to the persecutions of the Spanish go-
vernment, by whom they were ordered to be
carried back to New Orleans. But the three
young Princes refused to return, and succeeded
in reaching the English West India settlements.
The Duke of Kent received them there with dis-
tinction; but his royal highness did not think
himself at liberty to provide them with the means
of returning to Europe.

They then embarked for New York, from
whence they sailed in an English packet for
Falmouth. On their arrival in London at the
beginning of the year 1800, they joined the mem-
bers of the royal family then in exile in England,

PARIS IN 1830. 273

whose political principles they had never adopt-
ed, but with whom they found themselves con-
nected by community of misfortune. The Duke
of Orleans there saw the Count d'Artois, who
had then, after the death of Louis XVII. as-
sumed the title of Monsieur, and addressed him-
self by letter to Louis XVIIL, whose wandering-,
and almost deserted court, was at that period
stationed at Miltau. This reconciliation having
been effected, he set sail for Minorca, for the pur-
pose of joining- his mother, who had taken refuge
at Barcelona. Having landed at Mahon, it was
proposed to him to go into Germany, to serve
the cause of the emigrants. This he refused to
do, for the same reasons which induced him, in
1794, to submit to persecution, and go into
exile, rather than carry arms against France :
for although his personal misfortunes in the
course of the revolution, and the terrible vicis-
situdes of that stormy period, had brought
about a reconciliation with the elder branch
of his family, these considerations were not
sufficiently powerful to eradicate the sentiments
of his youth.

The state of warfare which then existed be-
tween England and Spain, prevented him from
landing in Catalonia ; so that he and his brothers
were compelled to return to London, without
effecting the object they had in view. They

T

2?4 PARIS IN 1830.

fixed themselves at Twickenham, where they
lived in retirement, enjoying the respect and
esteem of the neighbourhood : but their domes-
tic happiness was painfully disturbed in 1807, by
the illness of the Duke de Montpensier, who fell
an early victim to pulmonary consumption. The
grief which the Duke of Orleans experienced,
under this distressing bereavement, was greatly
increased by the fear that the germs of the same
disease were already implanted in the constitu-
tion of his younger brother. By the advice of
his medical attendants, he carried the Duke de
Beaujolais to Malta ; but, on his arrival in that
island, the physicians there assured him that the
climate was unfavourable to consumptive pa-
tients. He then thought of Mount Etna, and
immediately wrote to the King of Sicily for
permission to enter his territories, Before the
arrival of that prince's answer, the Duke de
Beaujolais had expired ; and it was at Messina
that the Duke of Orleans received it, having
quitted Malta precipitately, as soon as his brother
had breathed his last. Ferdinand IV. having
invited him to come to his court, he proceeded
to Palermo, where he soon conciliated the affec-
tions of the King and Queen. On observing the
sentiments which their daughter, the Princess
Amelia, had inspired in the breast of their guest,
they did not object to cement the attachment by

PARIS IN 1830. 275

marriage ; but, before accomplishing the union,
the King of Sicily expressed a wish that the
Duke of Orleans should go with his son Leo-
pold into Spain, to defend the cause of the
Bourbons against the family of Bonaparte. In
that family, the Duke of Orleans saw only the
oppressors of Europe, and especially of France ;
and he believed that he was serving the cause of
his country, in going to oppose the conquests
of Napoleon. He yielded, therefore, to the
wish of the King of Sicily, and set sail for a
Spanish port, but was carried by a British cruizer
to England.

The Duke of Orleans then applied to the
British government for permission to rejoin his
mother at Figuiera ; and, with his sister, who had
come to meet him at Portsmouth, set sail for
Malta, where he landed at the commencement
of 1809. After many unsuccessful efforts to
reach the Duchess of Orleans, he returned to
the court of Palermo, where his marriage was
decided. Anxious that his mother should be
present at the marriage ceremony, he solicited
and at once obtained permission to proceed to
Mahon, in order to induce the Princess to return
with him into Sicily. Having effected this ob-
ject, his nuptials with the Princess Amelia were
solemnly celebrated on the 25th of November,
1809.

About a year afterwards, an envoy from the

t c2

276 PARIS IN 1830.

regency of Cadiz came to offer him a command
in Catalonia. Believing- it still to be his duty to
accept it, he set sail, and landed at Tarragona,
but was prevented, it is said, by English in-
fluence, from either penetrating into the interior,
or proceeding towards Cadiz. Compelled to
return to the court of Palermo, in the month of
October following, he there became a father, by
the birth of the Duke de Chartres. Daring
his stay in Sicily, he steadily resisted the impa-
tience of the Queen to attempt the recovery of
the kingdom of Naples ; and having held himself
apart from the internal broils between the par-
liament and the ministry, he hastened, in 1814, to
avail himself of the revolution which had taken
place in France, to revisit his native country. On
the 17th of May he presented himself at the
Tuileries in the uniform of a lieutenant-general
of France, and, in the month of July following,
he took his leave of the King to go to Palermo
for the Princess. His absence was short : before
the end of August he had re-entered the Palais
Royal, and was there enjoying the most perfect
domestic happiness, when a new political storm
arose to disturb the reigning dynasty.

On the 1st of March, 1815, Napoleon landed
at Cannes from the island of Elba, and marched
upon Paris. The Duke of Orleans was sent to meet
him ; but had scarcely arrived at Lyons, when,
finding resistance impossible, he was obliged to

PARIS IN 1830. 277

return to the capital. On reaching Paris, his
first care was to send off his family to England.
On the 16th of March he appeared beside the
King at the royal sitting of the Chambers, and in
the evening of the same day he set out to assume
the supreme command of the army of the north,
then under the orders of Marshal Mortier. He
traversed the frontier, visited Peronne, and the
principal fortresses, recommending everywhere
that private opinions should yield to the exigen-
cies of the country, that the horrors of civil war
might be avoided, and that under no pretext
should foreign troops be admitted into the places
of strength.

The arrival of Louis XVIII. at Lille having
apprised him of the complete success which had
attended this bold exploit of Napoleon, and the
King having reached the territory of Belgium
without the communication of any order to the
Duke, he found himself again obliged to leave the
country. On the eve of his departure, he ad-
dressed the following letter, dated the 24th of
March, to the Duke de Trevise :

" I am about, my dear Marshal, to resign into
your hands the entire command which I have en-
joyed with you in the Department Du Nord. I am
too good a Frenchman to sacrifice the interests of
my country because new dangers compel me to
leave it. I go to bury myself in retirement. The
King having left France, I can no longer give you

278 PARIS IN 1830.

orders in his name ; and it only remains for me to
relieve you from the observance of all those I
have hitherto given you, and to recommend to
you to do whatever your patriotism and your ex-
cellent judgment may suggest to you as most
conducive to the interests of France. Adieu, my
dear Marshal; my heart beats as I write the
word. Retain your friendship for me wherever
fortune may lead you, and reckon always on
mine. I shall never forget what I have seen of
you during the too short period we have passed
together."

If credit be due to what is stated by M. Fleury
de Chaboulon in his Memoirs of the Hundred
Days, the Duke of Orleans did not confine the
expression of his regret in leaving France to
the sentiments contained in his letter to the
Marechal Mortier. To his aide-de-camp, Co-
lonel Athalin, he stated that he dispensed with
his passing the frontier, and accompanying him
in his exile ; and that he would think himself
happy to remain on the territory of France,
and resume the glorious emblems which he
wore at Jemappes.

Twickenham, however, after so many vicissi-
tudes, became again the place of his retreat.
While residing there, certain protestations and
professions of faith, unworthy of his character,
were ascribed to him in the English newspapers,
the truth of which he hastened to disavow.

PARIS IN 1830. 279

The battle of Waterloo having replaced the
Bourbons on the throne, the Duke of Orleans
left England, and arrived in Paris at the end of
July. He procured the removal of the seques-
tration which the imperial government had im-
posed on his property, and recrossed the channel
to bring back his wife and children.

On his return he availed himself of the royal
ordinance, which authorized the princes of the
blood to sit in the Chamber of Peers, and de-
clared himself energetically against the tendency
to reaction which the majority of the Chamber
wished to impress on the ministry, by claiming
the purgation of the public offices, and the pu-
nishment of political delinquencies : — " Let us
leave it to the King," exclaimed the Duke of
Orleans, " to take the necessary constitutional
measures for the maintenance of public order;
and let us not make demands which might be
converted, by a spirit of malevolence, into the
means of disturbing the tranquillity of the state.
The judicial functions we may be called on to
perforin impose on us an absolute silence with
regard to the parties who may thus be brought
before us. The anterior expression of our opi-
nion would infer a prejudication of their case,
and would subject us to the anomaly of being,
at once, their accusers and their judges.''

The views which he thus expressed, although
supported by the ministry, were not agreeable to

280 PARIS IN 1830.

the party who then assumed the ascendancy.
The Duke of Orleans determined, in conse-
quence, on returning to England, where he re-
mained until after the ordinance of the 5th of
September.

Since that period he has lived constantly
either at Paris, or on his estates. Men of all
parties, without reference to their political opi-
nions, have been honoured with the Prince's
friendship ; and his house has been frequently
the asylum of the victims of power. He has
given the grandees of the kingdom a salutary
example, in preferring a public education for his
children to the claustral and exclusive system of
the palace. On one occasion, however, it must
not be concealed that there was some incon-
sistency between his conduct and his principles,
in the course of the proceedings which arose
between him and the purchaser of certain pro-
perty which he had lost at the revolution. It
was generally believed that he had been induced
by perfidious counsels to challenge, in one in-
stance, the sale which had been effected of the
national domains, for the purpose of depriving
him of the great popularity he deservedly en-
joyed. But the hopes of his enemies were hap-
pily defeated by an arrangement of the difference,
on generous and honourable principles.

On every change of administration, and on
the approach of every new political crisis, the

PARIS IN 1830. 281

name of the Duke of Orleans had been employed
as a rallying* point among- the discontented of the
higher classes. But it may be said of him, as was
formerly observed of his father, that he has never
been himself of his own party. It was for de-
monstrating this truth, in a spirited and argu-
mentative pamphlet, that M. Cauchois Lemaire,
under the Villele administration, was subjected
to fifteen months imprisonment.

Since that period the name of the Duke of
Orleans has not been introduced into any poli-
tical discussion. Living in tranquillity and
retirement, he has devoted his whole attention
to the improvement of his extensive property,
for the purpose of securing a more brilliant in-
heritance to his numerous family.

At the opening of the parliamentary session
in 1829, it was remarked that the King had
allowed his crown to fall, and that the Duke
of Orleans, who stood at his left, stooped down
to pick it up. — The visit of his brother-in-law,
the King of Naples, to Paris, was for some days
a source of public attraction. The Duke of
Orleans entertained their Neapolitan majesties
with a magnificent fete, to which all the most
brilliant society of the capital gave their pre-
sence. An expression, which is said to have
fallen from M. de Salvandy, on that occasion,
may now be regarded as a sort of presage of
what has since occurred. On being challenged

282 PARIS IN 1830.

to admire the brilliant illuminations of the Palais
Royal, and all the splendour of the spectacle, by
some one who made the observation that it was
quite " a Neapolitan entertainment :" " No
doubt," replied M. de Salvandy ; " we are here
on the brink of a volcano."

PARIS IN 1830. 283

CHAPTER XIX.

Decree of the Provisional Government — Invitation to the
Duke of Orleans to become Lieutenant-General of the king-
dom— Proclamation in the Moniteur, notifying his accept-
ance thereof — Explanatory details — Proclamation by those
of the Deputies who had met in Paris — Reception of the
Duke of Orleans at the Hotel de Ville — Singular speech on
that occasion by General Dubourg — Account of the conduct
and merits of that individual — Proclamations for the resump-
tion of the National Banner, for the discipline of the Na-
tional Guard, and for the collection of the Local Tax on
Provisions — General Lafayette's address, to announce the
opening of the Chamber of Deputies.

Salus populi suprema lea:, was the principle
recognized and adopted by France, in first calling-
the Duke of Orleans to the temporary office of
Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, and in after-
wards placing him at the head of a constitutional
monarchy. The first of these measures was called
for by the members of the Provisional Govern-
ment themselves, who soon found that they
wanted that unity of purpose indispensable to the
efficient exercise of the executive power. This
became at once apparent, when the necessity

284 PARIS IN 1830.

arose for a government in itself so transitory and
ephemeral, to proceed to the nomination of Pro-
visional Commissioners to fulfil the urgent duties
of the ministry in all its various departments.
More than one version of the decree which this
urgency created, was put into circulation at this
period ; but the following has been duly authen-
ticated :

" It has been necessary to designate for each branch
of the public administration, commissioners to replace,
provisionally, the administration which has just fallen
with the power of Charles X.

" The following are appointed Provisional Commis-
sioners : —

" For the Department of Justice, M. Dupont de
PEure.

" Finance, Baron Louis.

" War, General Gerard.

" Marine, M. de Rigny.

" Foreign Affairs, M. Bignon.

" Public Instruction, M. Guizot.

" Interior, and Public Works, Due de Broglie.
(Signed) " Lobau. A. De Puyraveau.

" Mauguin. De Schonen.

" Paris, Hotel de Ville, July 31."

Before this measure was adopted, the assem-
bled Deputies had resolved on requesting the
Duke of Orleans to come to Paris, to discharge
the duties of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom.
With this view M. Mechin, fils, had been sent to
the Prince's residence at Neuilly, about two
leagues distant from Paris, on the evening of
Thursday the 29th of July. It is said that on

PARIS IN 1830. 285

that day also a detachment of the Royal Guard
had been sent across the river with orders to carry
the Prince as a prisoner to Saint Cloud. The
hostile and the friendly mission were both unsuc-
cessful. The Prince was from home on Thurs-
day ; but early on Friday morning- he proceeded
to the Palais Royal, as some say, on foot ; but at
this period was so little aware of the important
nature of M. Mechin's mission, that he had again
left Paris for Neuilly before the arrival of the
Deputies, who came in a body to wait upon him.
An interview at length took place, on the morn-
ing of Saturday the 31st of July. On being made
acquainted with the resolution of the Deputies,
the Prince required only an hour's delay, to afford
him an opportunity of again consulting his coun-
cil, and soon afterwards his acceptance was an-
nounced by the appearance of an extraordinary
supplement to the Moniteur, which contained a
proclamation, conceived in the following terms :

" Paris, July 31, noon.
" Inhabitants of Paris !

" The Deputies of France at this moment assembled
at Paris have expressed to me the desire that I should
repair to this capital to exercise the functions of Lieu-
tenant-General of the kingdom.

" I have not hesitated to come and share your dan-
gers, to place myself in the midst of your heroic popula-
tion, and to exert all my efforts to preserve you from the
calamities of civil war and anarchy.

" On returning to the city of Paris, I wear with pride
those glorious colours which you have resumed, and
which I myself long wore.

286 PARIS IN 1830.

" The Chambers are going to assemble; they will con-
sider of the means of securing the reign of the laws, and
the maintenance of the rights of the nation.

" The charter will henceforward be a reality.

" Louis-Philippe D'Orleans."

Some light is incidentally thrown on the history
of this nomination by the answer of the elder
Dnpin to the attacks which were made on him in
some of the public journals, accusing him of some-
thing like double dealing in his manner of treating
the individuals who had been the first to stir dur-
ing the early days of the revolution. After giving
a detailed and interesting narrative of all his per-
sonal movements from an early hour on Monday
morning, when he was consulted by the journal-
ists as to the legality of their resistance to the
royal ordinances, up to Friday the 30th, he
thus proceeds : —

" The question as to the Duke of Orleans was
now openly agitated, and it was not for a member
of his council to institute a commencement. So far
from that, it is greatly to the Prince's credit, that
nothing was suggested on his part. The nation
found him when it called j but neither he, nor
any one belonging to him, conspired to provoke
the call : he answered only to the national wish ;
he took the helm when every one else had quitted
it ; and who can doubt, amidst the enthusiasm
excited by this Prince's accession, that I had a
right to count myself among those who were most
highly satisfied, and who founded on it the surest

PARIS IN 1830. 287

hopes for the welfare of the country ? During"
twelve years of constant service, I have had the
means of convincing myself how deeply the love
of the country is imprinted in the heart of this
admirable family. On the 30th, at one o'clock,
I went to the Chamber of Deputies, after return-
ing from Neuilly, whither I had gone on foot with
my friend M. Persil. I should have regretted not
to have accomplished this honourable mission —
I ought to say this duty. In the secret com-
mittee of the Chamber, I expressed my opinion
that, the same evening before we broke up, the
question as to the form of government should be
decided. The Lieutenant-General was then ap-
pointed. On the 31st, at six o'clock in the morn-
ing, having been sent for to the Palais Royal,
I had the honour of giving my cockade to the
King*, in exchange for the three ribbons which
had been attached to his button-hole by his
noble sister, at the moment of his departure for
Paris ; they were my first and my finest decora-
tion.

" The Municipal Commission was acquainted
with all these facts when it did me the honour,
unknown to me, and without solicitation on my
part, to name me Provisional Commissioner in
the department of justice. Why did not my
enemies then raise their voice ? I did not think
it my duty to accept that nomination ; and my
honourable colleague, M. Dupont de l'Eure, has

288 PARIS IN 1830.

not forgotten the earnestness with which I urged
him to accept an office that his modesty alone
had induced him to refuse."

Soon after the appearance of the Lieutenant-
General's proclamation, the following was pre-
pared by the representatives of the people.

" PROCLAMATION

ADDRESSED TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE BY THE DEPUTIES
OF DEPARTMENTS ASSEMBLED AT PARIS.

" Frenchmen! — France is free. Absolute power
raised its standard — the heroic population of Paris has
overthrown it. Paris, attacked, has made the sacred
cause triumph, by means which had triumphed in vain
in the elections. A power which usurped our rights and
disturbed our repose, threatened at once both liberty and
order. We return to the possession of order and liberty.
There is no more fear for acquired rights— no further
barrier between us and the rights which we still require.
A government which may, without delay, secure to us
these advantages, is now the first want of our country.
Frenchmen ! those of your Deputies who are already at
Paris have assembled, and, till the Chambers can regu-
larly intervene, they have invited a Frenchman who has
never fought but for France— the Duke of Orleans— to
exercise the functions of Lieutenant-General of the
kingdom. This is, in their opinion, the surest means
promptly to accomplish, by peace, the success of the most
legitimate defence.

" The Duke of Orleans is devoted to the national and
constitutional cause. He has always defended its in-
terests, and professed its principles. He will respect
our rights, for he will derive his own from us. We shall
secure to ourselves, by laws, all the guarantees necessary
to strong and durable liberty : —

PARIS IN 1830. 289

" The re-establishment of the National Guard, with
the intervention of the National Guards in the choice of
the officers :

" The intervention of the citizens in the formation of
the departmental and municipal administrations :

" The jury for the transgressions of the press ; the
legally organized responsibility of the ministers, and of
the secondary agents of the administration :

" The situation and rank of the military legally se-
cured. And

" The re-election of Deputies in the place of those ap-
pointed to public offices. Such guarantees will, at length,
give to our institutions, in concert with the head of the
state, the developments of which they have need.

" Frenchmen!— The Duke of Orleans himself has
already spoken, and his language is that which is
suitable to a free country.

" « The Chambers,'' he says, « are going to assemble ;
they will consider of means to insure the reign of the
laws, and the maintenance of the rights of the nation.

" ' The charter will henceforward be a reality. ' "

Before the publication of this address, the De-
puties proceeded with it to the Palais Royal,
escorted by the National Guard, and by the band
of veterans who have been accustomed to act
as a guard of honour at the chamber. On their
arrival at the palace, the proclamation was read
to the Duke by M. Lafitte, one of the vice-
presidents, in the absence of the president, M.
Casimir Perier, from indisposition. At its con-
clusion the Prince asked for a copy of it, and
declared that it would be the most valuable
document in his archives. " I am deeply sen-

290 PARIS IN 1830.

Bible," he continued, " of this high testimony
of your confidence and esteem, although I must
ever deplore the painful circumstances out of
which it has arisen. As a Frenchman I have
felt the wrongs by which France has been op-
pressed— as a Prince, I rejoice in the hope of
being able to contribute to the reparation of the
mischief which has been done."

The Duke, in the uniform of a general officer,
and wearing the cordon of the Legion of Honour,
then mounted his horse, and, surrounded by the
Deputies, passed along the quays to the Hotel de
Ville. Count Alexandre de Laborde had gone
before to announce his approach. The mem-
bers of the Municipal Commission, with Lafayette
at their head, assembled in the great hall of the
building, accompanied by a detachment of the
National Guards, and the pupils of the Poly-
technic School, and descended to receive the
Prince at the foot of the staircase. The Duke
and Lafayette embraced each other, and the
united procession ascended to the great hall.
On perceiving the pupils of the Polytechnic
School, the Duke advanced towards them, and
expressed to them his admiration of their noble
conduct. The proclamation of the Deputies
was then read by M. Viennet, and the Duke re-
newed his declaration of his entire and unqua-
lified concurrence in the principles it expressed.
After several individuals had taken this occasion

PARTS IN 1830. %9t

to address the Prince, General Dubourg, an
officer who had made himself conspicuous on
more than one occasion in the course of the
revolutionary movement, stepped forward and
said : — " We hope you will keep your oaths ;
should you do otherwise, you know the conse-
quences. The nation has achieved its liberty
at the price of its blood, and it well knows how
to re-achieve it, if the odious example of the
fallen monarch shall be followed ; and if bad
men shall attempt to rob them of it." To this
extraordinary address the Prince replied with
warmth and dignity : — " General, if you were
better acquainted with me, you would know that
threats are not necessary to insure my fidelity.
I am a Frenchman, and a man of honour. The
future will prove that I know how to keep my
engagements." The General was now, per-
haps, aware that he had advanced a step too far,
and as soon as the Prince had concluded, he
was the first to exclaim, " Vive le Due d> Or-
leans r a cry which was instantly repeated,
first by the audience in the hall, and after-
wards by the numerous throng assembled on
the outside. When the murmurs excited by
this incident had subsided, the Prince walked
out on the balcony, where he again embraced
Lafayette, and, seizing the national flag, waved
it over his head, in presence of the multitude.

u 2

292 PARIS IN 1830.

He was then reconducted to the foot of the
great staircase, where, amidst the acclamations
of the people, he was saluted by discharges
of musketry, and by two pieces of artillery,
which had been stationed on the Place de Greve.
The Prince was carried, rather than conducted,
back to the Palais Royal, and the Municipal
Commission resumed its functions, at the Hotel
de Ville.

In justice to all parties, it is necessary to state,
that whatever may have been the views of Gene-
ral Dubourg, he was certainly one of the first,
if not the very first individual, with the rank of
a general officer, who took up arms in the popu-
lar cause. As early as Wednesday evening, the
28th of July, he had appeared at the Bourse, in
company with M. Evariste Dumoulin, and pro-
ceeded, as he then was, in plain clothes, with a
number of other citizens, to the scene of action.
On the following morning, he again appeared at
the successive attacks on the Louvre and the
Tuileries, in the uniform of a lieutenant-general,
a circumstance with which he has been reproach-
ed, as an act of presumption ; his rank in the
army having never been higher than that of
marechal du camp. But for this he had some
excuse in the hurry and confusion of the mo-
ment. It is more difficult to explain the procla-
mation with which the walls of Paris were

PARIS IN 1830. 293

covered, in the course of Thursday. It was as
follows :

" Fellow Citizens !

" You have chosen me, by universal acclamation, to
be your general. I will be worthy of the choice of the
noble National Guard of Paris. We fight for our laws
and liberties. Fellow citizens ! our triumph is certain.

" I entreat you to respect the orders of the chiefs
who are to be assigned to you, and to obey them.

" The troops of the Line have already surrendered ;
and the Guards are ready to follow their example. The
traitors who excited this civil war, and who thought to
massacre the people with impunity, will soon be com-
pelled to account before the tribunals for their violation
of the laws, and for the whole of their bloody con-
spiracy.

" From the head-quarters on the Place de la Bourse,
which is the general rendezvous, this 29th of July, 1830.
(Signed) " Le General Dubourg."

In this proceeding also, it is probable that
General Dubourg was already aware that he
had overshot the mark ; as may be inferred,
from the following letter, which he soon after-
wards addressed to General Lafayette :

" Mon. General,
" I resign into your hands the command with
which the citizens invested me by universal ac-
clamation ; and I give you my word, that from
this instant I shall not only give no order, but
that I shall not again wear the uniform which

294 PARIS IN 1830.

was brought me by the citizens. I thought, and
I persist in thinking, my conduct worthy of a
national reward ; for if I, an obscure individual,
was raised to the command by the spontaneous
acclamation of the citizens, because the brave
fellows saw me in the front rank wherever there
was danger, it is certain, that if they had seen
another more forward, they would have given it
to him. From whence then can these injurious
suspicions proceed, if not from a sentiment of
jealousy? I went to Ghent, it is true ; but if I
had been at Fontainebleau, when Napoleon was
deserted there, I for one should not have de-
serted him. I showed sufficiently my contempt
for cowards and traitors, when, in 1815, I had
the command of the department of the Pas de
Calais, and General Bourmont was governor of
the division. I refused to see him, and quitted
my command, that I might have no communica-
tion with the traitor. This example has not,
as far as I am aware, been very generally imitated.
I might long ago have been lieutenant-general, if
I had chosen to follow the court.

" I am no courtier, and never shall be so. I
resign the command with which I was invested
by acclamation ; a sort of appointment which I
prefer to the marshal's baton which has been
given to Bourmont. If I am not treated by the
government as I think that I deserve, I am sure,
at least, of the friendship and esteem of all the

PARIS IN 1830. 295

brave citizens at whose head I had the honour

and the happiness to march, to the destruction

of a power, which had made itself hateful to

every generous heart.

" Accept, General, the assurance of my utmost

respect.

(Signed) " Dubourg."

" 1st August, 1830."

The answer of General Lafayette was to the
following effect :

" I send you, General, the extract of an order
of the day, which I have just published. It will
be with pleasure that I shall see those services re-
warded as to which I do you this act of justice ;
and to which, be assured, that I shall myself be
ready to contribute.

" Hotel de Ville, 8th August, 1830.

" ORDER OF THE DAY.

k' The General commanding in chief owes to General
Dubourg the justice to say, that in the moment of dan-
ger he answered with devotedness the appeal of a num-
ber of good patriots ; that in these memorable days he
gave orders in conformity with the generous enthusiasm
of the people, and with the maintenance of public order ;
and that I found him established at the Hotel de Ville,
where he expressed to me the pleasure he had in seeing me
brought thither by the confidence of my fellow citizens.
(Signed) " Lafayett e."

296 PARIS IN 1830.

The first act of authority performed by the
Duke of Orleans after his acceptance of the office
of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, was to
announce the resumption of the national banner,
and to signify his approbation of the ministry
provisionally appointed by the members of the
Municipal Commission. Both of these objects
were accomplished by the following proclama-
tion : —

" LIEUTENANCY OF THE KINGDOM.

" Article 1st The French nation resumes her co-
lours. No other cockade shall henceforth be worn but
the three-coloured one.

" Article 2nd. The commissioners charged provisi-
onally with the various departments of the ministry,
shall each, in what concerns him, watch over the execu-
tion of the present ordinance.

(Signed) " Louis Philippe d'ORLEANs."

" Paris, 1st August, 1830. "

" The commissioner charged provisionally with the
ministry of the war department,

(Signed) " Couxt Gerard."

Measures were also immediately taken for
placing the National Guard in a respectable state
of defence, as well as for providing the means of
subsistence for such of the working classes as had
been thrown out of employment by the events
of the revolution. These objects were provided
for by the two orders which follow.

PARIS IN 1830. 297

" MUNICIPAL COMMISSION OF PARIS.

" General Lafayette and the Municipal Commission
of Paris have resolved,

" 1 st. That there shall be formed a moveable Na-
tional Guard, to consist of twenty regiments, and to be
employed beyond the walls of Paris for the defence of
the country.

" 2nd. Every citizen fit to carry arms is invited to
enrol himself, and for this purpose to appear at his
Mairie, where the necessary lists will be opened.

" 3rd. The moveable National Guard shall receive
pay, the rate of which shall hereafter be fixed for the
officers and non-commissioned officers ; for the soldiers
it shall be thirty sous a day. The pay shall continue
till the regiments are disbanded, and for fifteen days
afterwards : they shall be disbanded as soon as the force
shall be no longer necessary.

" 4th. The moveable National Guard is placed under
the orders of General Gerard, who has already the com-
mand of the troops of the Line ; he will do all that is
necessary for its formation and organization, and to this
effect will appoint such a number of officers as he shall
judge requisite. The lists at the Mairies and the
Bureau of the National Guard, at the Hotel de Ville,
are placed at his disposal.

(Signed) " Lafayette.

" The members of the commission,

" LOBAU : AUDRY DE PuYRAVEAU :
" MAUGUIN : DE SCHONEN.

" One of the Secretaries of the Commission,

" Aylies."
" Hotel de Ville, 31st July 1830."

298 PARIS IN 1830.

" NATIONAL GUARD OF PARIS.

" ORDER OF SERVICE.

" The General commanding in chief requests the
chiefs of legions to take all necessary measures for the
maintenance of public tranquillity. To this effect they
will appoint numerous patrols, and reinforce the posts
which are not sufficient for the service. They are each
directed to send a non-commissioned officer and a party
of privates to the Hotel de Ville, to receive a supply of
ammunition. They will attend as soon as possible to
the designation of the posts, and to the state of the men
who compose them.

" The chiefs of legions who have barriers in their
command, will immediately double the posts at the
principal barriers, and will direct their several officers
to take all necessary measures for ensuring the receipt
of the duties."

It is known that at the barriers of Paris a tax
of considerable amount is levied on tlie import of
vivres (provisions) of all kinds, which cannot fail
at all times to press severely on the lower classes
of society. On meat this local burthen amounts
to three sous a pound, and on wine, without dis-
tinction as to quality, it is at the rate of five sous
a bottle. It deserves to be stated to the credit
of the inhabitants, that although this tax is na-
turally regarded as an odious burthen, particu-
larly by those who live in the neighbourhood
of the barriers ; yet, in place of conspiring

PARIS IN 1830. 299

to evade it during the days of commotion, the
places of the collecting' officers were voluntarily
supplied by the respectable householders of the
neighbourhood ; and in point of fact, the amount
of duty which was levied during the week of the
revolution, in place of falling below the average,
was considerably above it. The zeal of the inha-
bitants was, no doubt, stimulated by the follow-
ing intimation : —

" MINISTRY OF FINANCE.

" To the Citizens,
" The Provisional Commissioner in the department of
Finance requests all the authorities to protect the col-
lection of the taxes legally established.

" The citizens, by the punctual payment of these
taxes, will evince their readiness to assist the government
during the present emergency.

(Signed) " Le Baron Louis.11

The opening of the Chamber was announced
in the following address of General Lafayette :

"TO THE CITIZENS OF PARIS.

" Paris, Slst July, 1830.
" The deputies now assembled in Paris have commu-
nicated to the General in Chief the resolution, by which,
from the urgency of existing circumstances, the Duke
of Orleans has been appointed Lieutenant-General of
the kingdom. In three days, the Deputies will be in
regular session, conformably to the mandate of their
constituents; and will have applied themselves to their

300 PARIS IN 1830.

patriotic duties, rendered still more important and exten-
sive by the glorious event which has restored the French
people to the plenitude of their imprescriptible rights.
Honour to the population of Paris !

" It will be then that the representatives of the Elec-
toral Colleges, with the concurrence of the whole king-
dom, will assure to the country all the guarantees of
liberty, equality, and public order, which are called for
by the sovereign nature of our rights, and the firm de-
termination of the French people.

" Under a government which was foreign to us
alike in its origin and its influence, it was already under-
stood that the demand for the re-establishment of elec-
tive, communal, and departmental administrations, the
formation of the National Guards of France on the
basis of the law of 1791, the extension of trial by jury,
the questions on the subject of the law of elections, the
freedom of education, the responsibility of the agents of
power, and the mode by which that responsibility was to
be realized, were each to become the subject of legisla-
tive discussion before the vote of any pecuniary supplies.
How much more necessary is it that these guarantees,
and all others which liberty and equality may require,
should precede the concession of the definite powers
which France may judge it right to confer ! In the
mean time it is known that the Lieutenant-General of
the kingdom, appointed by the Chamber, was one of
the young patriots of 1789, and one of the first generals
who caused the three-coloured flag to triumph.

" Liberty, equality, and public order, have always
been my motto : I shall continue faithful to it.

(Signed) " Lafayette.'"

PARIS IN 1830. 301

CHAPTER XX.

Proceedings at Saint Cloud — Alarm prevalent there — Dis-
ordered flight of the royal party from thence to Versailles
— Arrival of the royalist troops, and occupation of the town
— The Dauphin compelled to join the King at Versailles —
Attachment shown to the latter by the pupils of the college
of St. Cyr — Arrival of the King and his party at Rambouillet,
where they are joined by the Dauphiness — The Dauphin's
proclamation to the troops — Useless act of abdication by
the King and the Dauphin, in favour of the Duke of Bor-
deaux— Various regulations adopted by the Provisional
Government.

Saint Cloud was in a constant state of alarm
during the whole of Friday, the 30th of July.
A strong- detachment of armed men passed close
by the palace on their way to Paris, from the
Ville d'Avray, in the course of the morning, and
a regiment of the Line, which had been stationed
at the entrance of the Park, abandoned their
bivouac, destroyed the greater part of their arms,
and proceeded towards the bridge of Sevres.
In the meantime the most preposterous reports
were propagated, and believed in the palace. It
was known that the Duke de Montemart had
been invested with the office of president of the
council, and it was stated, that he having gone to

302 PARIS IN 1830.

Paris to negociate with the inhabitants, the re-
sult had been that a difference of opinion had
arisen between the National Guard and the other
citizens, that the whole town was in a state of
anarchy and confusion, and that rapine and pil-
lage were the order of the day. To give more
consistency to this rumour, it was confidently
asserted that the King had been heard to say,
" lis se battent entre eux ; attendons qu'ils nous
rappellent pour aller mettre l'ordre."

The Baron Weyler de Navas, one of the mili-
tary attendants of the royal household, had been
charged to provide for the subsistence of the
troops as they arrived. The state of disorgani-
zation and misery in which the fugitives appeared,
and the probability that they would soon be fol-
lowed by the vengeance of the citizens, deter-
mined the royal family to think of immediate
flight. At eight o'clock in the evening the
gardes-du-corps were directed to hold themselves
in readiness to start at a moment's notice. At
two o'clock in the morning of the 31st, they
were ordered to bridle their horses, bring them
out, and mount without noise ; and it was inti-
mated to them that the King was about to leave
Saint Cloud. The whole body was then drawn
out in line behind the palace, in front of the
orangery, and at half past three the King, the
Duchess de Berri, and her two children, entered
one of the royal carriages, and, followed by a

PARIS IN 1S30. 303

numerous train of attendants, and surrounded
by the garde-du-corps, immediately proceeded on
the road to Versailles.

The disorder and confusion of the flight are re-
presented to have been extreme. At every out-
let baggage-carts and horses made their appear-
ance, in defiance of all regularity, and so com-
pletely blocked up the passage, as for some time
to interrupt the movement of such of the troops
as remained faithful to the royal cause. On ar-
riving at the Ville d'Avray, the ground was
found strewed with the fragments of arms, which,
here too, had been destroyed by a disbanded
regiment of the Line. The sentiments of the
inhabitants of this village were evinced as they
had been at Paris, by blotting out of their sign-
boards every emblem of royalty ; as in the case of
the auberge " A la Chasse Roy ale," and of the
wine-shop " du Garde a Pied." With these ex-
ceptions, there was nothing which occurred on
the route to disturb the respect that was due to
the fallen fortunes of Charles X. and his family.
On arriving at Versailles by the Avenue de
Saint Cloud, the pupils of the college of St. Cyr,
who have always distinguished themselves by
their attachment to the cause of royalty, were
found drawn up in line near their pieces of artil-
lery in the Allee de Trianon, and on the left were
the colours of the 50th regiment of the Line car-
ried by the Colonel, and escorted only by a few

304 PARIS IN 1830.

of the non-commissioned officers who had main-
tained their fidelity.

The King established himself provisionally at
the little palace of the Trianon, in the park of
Versailles. The troops, as they arrived on their
retreat, placed themselves in front, with the artil-
lery at their head, to cover the chateau. It ap-
peared that the town of Versailles had been in a
state of insurrection during the whole of Friday,
but that the commotion had fortunately been
repressed. This, however, had not been effected
until after the hotels of the gardes-du-corps, and
the barracks of the other troops had been carried,
and, as some say, plundered by the inhabitants. A
few of the gardes-du-corps, who had been left in
the depot of their company, owed their lives to
the intervention of the National Guard, whose
conduct on the occasion is acknowledged by the
household troops themselves to have been worthy
of all praise. On the arrival of General Vincent,
who presented himself in the course of the insur-
rection with several squadrons of cavalry, the in-
habitants refused to open their gates, fearing,
perhaps, that reprisals might be made upon them
for the hostility they had displayed towards men
who, for the last fifteen years, had been regarded
as members of the community. In the course of
the evening General Bordesoulle arrived with a
park of artillery, and one thousand five hundred
cavalry. After some previous negociation, Ge-

PARIS IN 1830. 305

neral Bordesoulle was admitted, the town was
occupied, and the King- was in safety to pass on
Saturday morning'.

The Dauphin had remained at Saint Cloud,
with a part of the troops, to guard the approaches
of the bridge ; but about nine o'clock in the
morning was attacked by the armed peasantry
from Anteuil, Boulogne, and the adjoining vil-
lages on the right bank of the Seine. The de-
parture of the King was already known in Paris,
from whence an armed force was sent towards
the bridge of Sevres, which was forthwith aban-
doned. It was then easy to cut off the commu-
nication between Saint Cloud and Versailles.
Firing had already commenced in the town of
Sevres ; and the Duke d'Esclignac, Lieutenant-
Colonel of the Lancers of the Guard, was there
severely wounded. It had previously been the
Dauphin's intention to maintain himself in his
position at Saint Cloud, and he had advised the
King to remain at Trianon ; but this movement
of the Parisians compelled him to think of re-
treat, and before mid-day he had joined his father
in the park of Versailles.

It was now obvious that the spirit of insur-
rection was spreading rapidly, and that the whole
country was flying to arms. Within an hour
after the Dauphin's arrival, it was resolved to
proceed immediately to Rambouillet. This
movement was probably hastened by the occa-

x

306 PARIS IN 1830.

sional firing- of musketry in the faubourgs of
Versailles ; and by the fact that several bullets
had fallen in the alleys of the Trianon, within a
few yards of the royal resting-place.

In passing the college of St. Cyr, the remains
of the gen-d'armerie of Paris were drawn out to
receive the King. The students had offered to
accompany his Majesty, but after the King had
stopped to thank them for the zeal they had
displayed, they returned into their college by his
Majesty's command, and the cortege proceeded.
At the Trianon, the King had mounted his horse
and placed himself at the head of the Luxem-
bourg company of the body-guard. At nine
o'clock in the evening he reached Rambouillet,
where nothing was known of the movement an
hour before his arrival. The gardes- du-corps
formed their bivouac in the English gardens which
surround the chateau, the troops of the guard
and the artillery in the park, and on the heights
which command Rambouillet, as far as the village
of Perey, which was occupied as a military post.

On Sunday morning, the 1st of August, the
Dauphiness arrived at Rambouillet, where a
thousand rumours as to her personal safety had
preceded her. She had been at the waters of
Vichy since the commencement of July ; and it
was at Dijon, on her way to Saint Cloud, that
she received, at the same moment, the first in-
telligence of the events of Paris, and of their

PARIS IN 1830. 307

disastrous issue. Her journey to Vichy is be-
lieved to have been involuntary on her part,
and to have been taken in compliance with an
order of Charles X., to get rid probably of the
embarrassment which her presence, and the
known activity of her disposition, might have
created during the preparations for the coup
d'etat of the 25th of July. In spite of the agi-
tation which prevailed in the town of Dijon at
the moment of her arrival, her Royal Highness
persisted in going to the theatre, and remained
there throughout the performance, amidst the
tumult excited by her presence. The officers of the
eleventh regiment of Chasseurs surrounded her
on her exit, and conducted her in safety to her
hotel ; but, in the course of the night, finding
that all Burgundy was in arms, she set out for
Tonnerre, with three of her retinue, the Count
de Faucigny Lucinge, M. de Conflans, and Ma-
dame de Saint Maure. At Tonnerre, the Dau-
phiness disguised herself as a femme-de-cham-
bre, and, with a single attendant, M. de Faucigny,
in the dress also of a domestic, arrived at Fon-
tainebleau, where the three-coloured flag was al-
ready displayed ; and where it was, in conse-
quence, thought unsafe for the Princess to remain.
Orders were given for the departure of the
cortege at nine o'clock in the evening ; and, at
that hour, a carriage set out on the road to
Orleans, with a strong escort of gen-d'armerie.

x 2

308 PARIS IN 1830.

It was believed in the town, that this carriage
had contained the Princess, bnt it was filled with
her female attendants ; and, at a later hour in
the night, her Royal Highness took the road to
Paris, without any other precaution but that of
the strictest incognito. On her arrival at La
Belle Epine, her carriage took the road from
Choisy to Versailles. At Bernis, she was in-
formed of the evacuation of Saint Cloud, and
the occupation of Versailles by the Parisians.
She persisted, however, in pursuing her route,
and, repelling the advice of her companion, she
gave orders for setting out immediately. On her
entrance into the town of Versailles, her carriage
was surrounded by an armed multitude, who re-
ceived her with shouts of Vive la Charte ! Vive
la liberte! An officer of the garde-du- corps,
who had joined her at Bernis, and who sat on
the box, waved his hat in the air, and repeated
the popular shout ; but the Princess did not stop
at the post-house, proceeding with the same
horses, and waiting for relays on the road to
Rambouillet.

In his capacity of generalissimo, the Dauphin,
on the 1st of August, issued an order of the day,
which was read at the head of each regiment at
Rambouillet. It was in the following terms :

" The King informs the army, in an official manner,
that he has entered into an arrangement with the Pro-
visional Government ; and that every thing leads to the

PARIS IN 1830. 309

belief that this arrangement is on the point of being
coneluded. His Majesty communicates this intelligence
to the army, in order to calm the agitation which some
regiments have displayed. The army will feel, that it
ought to remain unmoved, and await the progress of
events with tranquillity.

(Signed) " Louis Antojne.
" By his Royal Highness's command,

" The assistant Major-General,

" Baron de Gressot."

The act of abdication by the King and the
Dauphin, in favour of the Duke de Bordeaux,
was dated the 2d of August, and was addressed
as follows : " To my cousin, the Duke of Or-
leans, Lieutenant-General of the kingdom." As
if to account for the king's recognition of the
Provisional Government, the abdication was pre-
ceded by a document in the following terms :

" The King, being desirous to put an end to the dis-
turbances which exist in the capital, and in a part of
France, and counting on the sincere attachment of his
cousin, the Duke of Orleans, appoints him Lieutenant-
General of the kingdom.

" The King, having thought proper to recall his ordi-
nances of the 25th of July, approves of the Chambers
assembling on the 3d of August ; and he hopes that they
will establish tranquillity in France.

" The King will wait here the return of the person
charged to carry this declaration to Paris.

" Should the life or liberty of the King or his family
be attempted, he will defend them to the last extremity.

" Done at Rambouillet, the 2d of August, 1830.
(Signed) " Charles:1

310 PARIS IN 1830.

The act of abdication is as follows :

" RambouiUet, 2 August, 1830.
" My Cousin,

" I am too deeply distressed at the evils with which
my people are afflicted and threatened, not to seek the
means of removing them. I have therefore resolved to
abdicate the crown, in favour of my grandson, the Duke
de Bordeaux.

" The Dauphin, who shares my sentiments, renounces
his rights also, in favour of his nephew.

" You will, therefore, in your capacity of Lieutenant-
General of the kingdom, cause the accession of Henry V.
to the crown to be proclaimed. You will take all the
other measures which concern you, for regulating the
forms of the government, during the minority of the
new King. I now confine myself to the communication
of these arrangements, as the means of avoiding a great
variety of evils.

" You will communicate my intentions to the diplo-
matic body ; and you will take the earliest opportunity
of making known to me the proclamation by which
my grandson is recognized as King, under the title of
Henry V.

" I charge Lieutenant General Viscount de Foissac
Latour with this letter to you. He has orders to con-
sult with you as to the arrangements to be made in fa-
vour of those persons who have accompanied me, as well
as those which may be suitable for myself and the rest
of my family.

" We shall afterwards regulate the other measures
which may become necessary in consequence of the
change of the reign.

" I renew to you, my cousin, the assurance of the
sentiments with which I am your affectionate cousin,
(Signed) " Charles.

" Louis-^ntoine."

PARIS IN 1830. 311

It is known that this conditional abdication
was ultimately disregarded ; but before we reach
the period of its arrival in Paris, there are other
public documents which now require to be no-
ticed. The first is a decree of the Provisional
Government, suspending the operation of bills of
exchange, in consequence of the interruption
which all pecuniary transactions had suffered by
the events of the revolution.

"THE MUNICIPAL COMMISSION OF PARIS,

" Considering that since the 26th of July the circula-
tion of letters, and the negociation of commercial bills,
have in a great measure been suspended ; that since the
28th of July the sittings of the Tribunal of Commerce
have been interrupted ; and that the citizens engaged in
the common defence have been forcibly compelled to
suspend the ordinary course of their business ; having
heard the president of the Tribunal of Commerce, and
considered the urgency of the circumstances ;

" Ordains, 1st. That commercial bills payable at
Paris from the 26th of July to the 15th of August, both
days included, shall become due on the 10th day after
they are payable in the ordinary course ; bills payable
on the 26th of July becoming due on the 5th of August,
and so forth.

" 2nd. The protests of commercial bills referred to in
Article 1st shall likewise be suspended.

" Done at the Hotel de Ville, 31st July 1830.

" lobau : audry de puyraveau :
" De Schonen : Mauguin."

The prefecture of police, which, in the hands
of M. Mangin, had fallen into such extreme dis-
repute, does not necessarily require the exercise

312 PARIS IN 1830.

of any duty inconsistent with the principles of a
man of honour. M. Debelleyme had performed
its functions under the Martignac administration,
so as to conciliate the respect and esteem of the
inhabitants of Paris. M. Bavoux was the first
prefect of police appointed by the Provisional
Government. His acceptance of office was an-
nounced by the following proclamation :

" PREFECTURE OF POLICE.

" Parisians !
" Having been entrusted by the Municipal Commis-
sion with the duty of watching over your safety, my
first care has been to take the necessary measures for
insuring your free intercourse.

" The sacred cause of liberty is gained. The country
now appeals to your devotion to her interests. Continue
your service in the National Guards, and remain at ease
as to the safety of your property. Public tranquillity,
and the preservation of those institutions which form the
bulwark of the liberty which you have won with a
courage above all praise, will be the reward of your
generous efforts.

" The Prefect of Police, Deputy for the Depart-
ment of the Seine,

" Bavoux."

This officer was succeeded by M. Girod de
l'Ain, who, in entering upon office, announced
the fact by the following proclamation :

" Inhabitants of Paris !
" The Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom has con-
fided to me the functions of Prefect of Police, which M.
Bavoux had consented to exercise provisionally, and of

PARIS IN 1830. 313

which he acquitted himself with his well-known zeal and
patriotism. Listening only to the call of duty, and for-
getful of my own wishes, I have accepted these functions.

" Inhabitants of Paris ! — You have known me as
a deputy, as one of your magistrates, and as an old
friend of liberty. On these grounds I ask a confidence
which I shall never betray.

" After displaying your intrepidity in battle, continue
to set the example of all the civic virtues ; maintain pub-
lic order and tranquillity ; preserve with care all your
means of defence, and even increase them : so that if an
attempt should be made to wrest from you the fruits of
your victory, you may still be found such as you were
in the memorable days of July.
" The Prefect of Police,

" A. GlROD DE L'AlN.

" The Secretary General,

" P. Malleval."

The Prefect of the Seine, whose duties in the
French capital place him at the head of the local
magistracy, published the following address to the
inhabitants : —

"Brave Inhabitants of Paris! — Dear Fellow
Citizens !
" The Municipal Commission, in charging me pro-
visionally with the Prefecture of the Seine, has assigned
me a duty at once very agreeable and very difficult to
perform. Who can flatter himself with deserving the
rank of first magistrate of a population whose heroic
conduct has saved France, liberty, and civilization ? — of
a population which contains all that is distinguished in
wealth, property, and commerce; in the magistracy,
the sciences, or the arts? But it was you especially,
whose eulogium can never be adequately pronounced,

314 PARIS IN 1830.

and whose interests cannot be too well protected — indus-
trious citizens of all professions, it was you whose spon-
taneous efforts, without guide or plan, found the means
of resisting oppression, and of gaining the victory, with-
out sullying it with a single stain. Ingenious and bold
in danger, benevolent and simple in triumph, believe
that if / have learned the extent of my duties, it has
only been by appreciating the extent of your sacrifices.
A summary of these glorious actions will hereafter be pre-
pared, as well as of the losses and misfortunes with which
they have been accompanied. Public beneficence has
already been engaged in repairing these. Electors of
Paris, who for the third time have called me to repre-
sent you in the legislature! may I hope that your suf-
frages will again support me in the new functions with
which I am invested ? Inhabitants of the capital! your
magistrates do not wish to make their presence felt but
by benefits ; you will doubly honour your triumph by
the calmness and good order which agree so well with
success. Assist us yourselves in making you happy : it
is the only premium, the only recompense which we ask
for our labours.

(Signed) " Alex. Delaborde,

" Charged provisionally with the Prefecture
of the Seine."

PARIS IN 1830. 315

CHAPTER XXI.

Announcement of the removal of the Crown Jewels — Unsuc-
cessful return of the Commissioners sent in consequence to
Rambouillet — They are despatched again with an armed
force, and accomplish their object — The King- and his party
compelled to set out on the road to Maintenon — Incidental
particulars — Attachment manifested towards the King in
his misfortunes by the gardes-du-corps — The King's escort
lessened by the dismissal of the remaining troops of the
Royal Guard — Entry of the Royal party into Dreux, and
dismissal of the Artillery — The route continued to Melle-
raut — Anecdotes of the Royal fugitives — Their straitened
resources relieved by the Provisional Government — Incon-
veniences attendant on the gardes-du-corps.

Soon after the royal family had left Saint Cloud,
it was ascertained that the crown jewels, a na-
tional property of very great value, had been
removed from their usual place of deposit. The
fact was publicly announced in the following
terms :

" MUNICIPAL COMMISSION OF PARIS.

" The Municipal Commission has found it necessary
to take measures for securing the crown diamonds. The
usual depositary of this valuable public property has
declared that it was removed by the Marquis de la
Bonillerie, whose receipt has been deposited at the mu-

316 PARIS IN 1830.

nicipality. The court has left Saint Cloud precipitately.
It is hoped that the crown jewels will be restored to their
former place of deposit, as it is a question of personal
probity, independent altogether of political considera-
tions, and from which princes are not more exempt than
private individuals. Moreover, M. de la Bonillerie, who
has signed the receipt, has made himself personally re-
sponsible, and all the rigour of the law must be enforced
against him.

" Paris, August 2, 1830."

In pursuance of this announcement, the Mar 6-
chal Maison, Messrs. Odillon, Barret, and de
Schonen, were appointed commissioners, with in-
structions to proceed to Rambouillet, require the
restoration of the jewels, and offer the King and
the royal family a safe conduct to the frontiers.
At this period, however, it appears that the King
had not yet abandoned the idea of attempting
to excite some popular movement in La Vendee.
The commissioners, on their arrival at Rambouil-
let on Tuesday morning the 3rd of August,
were refused admission into the royal presence,
and immediately returned to Paris.

On their arrival, soon after mid-day, at the
seat of the Provisional Government, an order was
instantly issued to each of the twelve legions of
the National Guard, to furnish five hundred men,
who were to put themselves in readiness to pro-
ceed forthwith to Rambouillet. In order to ac-
celerate this movement, the whole of the hackney
coaches, and cabriolets, diligences, omnibuses,
and other public carriages which ply in the streets,

PARIS IN 1830. 317

were instantly put in requisition, and carried to
the Champs Ely sees, which had been appointed
as the place of rendezvous. But in place of six
thousand men, the number which had been con-
sidered sufficient by the Provisional Government
to accomplish the object in view, before three
o'clock at least three times that number had as-
sembled at the place of rendezvous, an*d pro-
ceeded on the road to Rambouillet.

The rumour of the approach of this formidable
column preceded them by several hours, having
reached Rambouillet by seven o'clock in the
evening*.

At eight o'clock the commissioners arrived
once more at the chateau, and on this occasion
were treated with more courtesy than on their
first appearance in the morning. At the ad-
vanced post they had been readily permitted to
pass with their three-coloured cockades, and on
being admitted into the presence of the King,
they explained to him the serious dangers which
he and his family would incur by offering any
resistance to the powerful body of armed men
who were then on their march to enforce the
restoration of the national property, and to com-
pel his Majesty and his family to quit the king-
dom. The ultima ratio was found effectual ; the
crown jewels were restored, and at nine o'clock
the King set out, under the protection of three
unarmed men, on the road to Maintenon !

318 PARIS IN 1830.

This retreat was precipitated by the King's
knowledge of the fact that the desertion which
had been begun in Paris was every instant be-
coming more extensive, the farther the troops
were removed from the capital. To complete
his misfortunes, it was known that his pecuniary
resources were so nearly exhausted, that the
common purse of the family, when collected to-
gether, was found to amount only to 100,000
francs; and that in the inconvenient form of
notes of a thousand francs, each. The lives and
fortunes of so many of his courtiers, which a few
days before had been at his Majesty's disposal,
were now so little available, that the plate of the
royal table was put in pawn to provide the sup-
plies of meat and flour for the immediate con-
sumption of his retinue. The bakers of the dif-
ferent regiments were immediately employed in
making bread ; but such was the state of starva-
tion of many of the men, that it was forcibly
carried off from the ovens before it was half
baked.

The village of Perey, about three miles from
Rambouillet, had been occupied by a regiment,
which deserted en masse. The whole position
of the royalists was thought to be compromised
by this circumstance, as the advanced post was
now only protected by a single company of
gardes-du-corps, and a small detachment of
Swiss. The King was surrounded by a number

PARIS IN 1830. 319

of general officers, many of whom had been left
absolutely without troops. One of these, General
Vincent, had proceeded to the post at Perey,
and there met Colonel Poques, an aide-de-camp
of General Lafayette's, who, it was said, had been
actively engaged in persuading the troops to re-
turn to Paris, and take the oath of fidelity to the
Provisional Government. After some alterca-
tion between the two officers, the General or-
dered Colonel Poques to retire, and threatened,
it is said, to fire upon him if he did not instantly
comply. Colonel Poques remained where he
was — the threatened order was given, and was
immediately obeyed by the Swiss, when Colonel
Poques, who had calmly crossed his arms, fell
wounded in the leg. This incident is given on
the authority of the journal of an ex-garde- du-
corps, M. Theodore Anne, who states, in pallia-
tion of General Vincent's conduct, that the dust
was so dense at the moment, that it was impos-
sible to tell whether Colonel Poques was or was
not 'accompanied by an armed force ; and he
congratulates himself that the deed had not been
committed by Frenchmen.

The company of gardes-du-corps under the
command of Colonel Dupille were ordered to
make a charge in the direction from which Colo-
nel Poques had arrived, on which it was ascer-
tained that he had been wholly unaccompanied.
When removed on the muskets of the Swiss, the

320 PARIS IN 1830.

wounded officer is stated to have expressed no
concern about his personal sufferings, but to have
exclaimed, " Quelle atrocite ! des Francais com-
mettre un pareil acte ! si je gemis, ce n'est pas sur
moi, mais sur vous, sur la responsabilite terrible
que vous attirez sur vos tetes : jamais je n' aurais
cru qu'on osat se porter a cette extremite !"

On the squadron being relieved, to which M.
Anne was attached, the King's letter of abdica-
tion was read to them, accompanied by an order
of the day by the Duke de Luxembourg, the
captain of the guard on duty, in which the corps
was reminded, that whether they considered
themselves the guards of Charles X., or of
Henry V., their situation remained unchanged.

It is creditable to this select body, that, with
very few exceptions, they remained faithful to
their royal master in his misfortunes. After
breaking up their bivouac at Rambouillet, a
garde-du-corps of the Luxembourg company was
directed to return for the protection of some
effects which had been left on the spot wliere
they had rested. The young man remonstrated
with his officer, representing the probability of
an attack being made during the night, and
urging it as his right and his duty to share the
dangers of his companions. This remonstrance
was disregarded by his commanding officer, who
repeated the order ; but the young garde-du-
corps had scarcely reached the deserted bivouac,

PARIS IN 1830. 321

when, thinking himself dishonoured, he pulled
his pistol from his holster and blew out his
brains.

The Duke de Mouchy, the captain of the com-
pany de Noailles, understood the point of honour
differently. At the time of the revolution, this
officer was not on duty at Saint Cloud, but re-
joined his company on the 2nd of August at
Rambouillet. On his arrival he visited the
bivouac, congratulated his troop on their conduct,
shook hands with several of the guardsmen, and
observed that henceforward between them and
him it was " a la vie, a la mort" Before next
morning, however, his Excellence had found occa-
sion to change his views on the subject. At an
early hour in the morning he passed his troop in a
post-chaise for Paris, on a mission, it was under-
stood, from the King to the Chamber of Peers.
If such were the case, it is certain at least that
he never returned ; that on his arrival in Paris
he assumed the three-coloured cockade, and took
the oath of allegiance to Louis Philippe I., while
his company, under the command of Lieutenant-
Major the Marquis de Bonneval, was on its
march to Cherbourg with the white cockade, to
do the farewell honours to the King in his mis-
fortunes. The Duke de Mouchy thought, per-
haps, to retain his pay as a Lieutenant -General
in the army ; but in this he has been disappointed.
His ingratitude to his former master has secured

v

322 PARIS IN 1830.

him no favour at the new court, and his name
has actually been erased from the army list.

On the 4th of August, at three o'clock in the
morning, the King arrived at the residence of
the Duke de Noailles, where he alighted. The
troops proceeded to the town of Maintenon,
where it was announced to them that the King
was thenceforward to retain only the four com-
panies of the garde-du-corps, and two pieces of
artillery. At nine o'clock in the morning, the
remains of the Royal Guard were drawn out in
line on the road to Dreux, where they paid the
last honours, and received the last adieus of their
royal master. The Colonels of the different
corps here returned their colours to the King,
and the royal carriage was surrounded by the
officers, many of whom broke their swords, and
swore never to serve any other master. After
this mournful ceremony, the following order of
the day was issued by the Duke of Ragusa.

" Maintenon, August 4th, 1830.

" Immediately after the King's departure, all the re-
giments of infantry, artillery of the guard, and gens-
d'armerie will march on Chartres, where they will receive
all necessary supplies of provisions.

" The chiefs of corps, after assembling their respec-
tive regiments, will declare to them that it is with the
liveliest sorrow that his Majesty sees himself obliged to
separate from them ; that they are charged to testify his
satisfaction with the troops ; and that he will ever retain
the recollection of their good conduct, and of their con-

PARIS IN 1830. 323

stancy and firmness in supporting the fatigues and pri-
vations with which they have been overwhelmed during
the late unhappy circumstances.

" The King, for the last time, transmits his orders to
the brave troops of the Guard, and to those of the Line,
who have accompanied him ; they are to proceed to
Paris, where they are to make their submission to the
Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, who has taken all
necessary measures for their safety, and their future wel-
fare.

(Signed) "Le Marechal Due de Raguse."

"The Chief of the Staff,

" Marquis de Choiseul."

On breaking up from their bivouac at Ram-
bouillet, it was understood among the troops
that the King was to proceed with them to
Chartres, and from thence, after being joined by
the troops encamped at St. Omer, towards the
southern provinces of France. Orders to this
effect had been communicated at Rambouillet,
to the gardes-du- corps ; but, after the publica-
tion of the general order, by which the other
troops were disbanded, it was announced to
them, that instead of Chartres, they were to
proceed to Dreux, where they would sleep on
the night of the 4th of August.

After passing Maintenon, the three-coloured
cockade was frequently observed on the road.
A number of travellers passed with it indivi-
dually through the midst of the cortege, which
was now reduced to eight hundred horsemen

y 2

324 PARIS IN 1830.

of the garde-du-corps ; a few of the officers
and sub- officers of the Royal Guard ; a small
party of Chasseurs ; and the carriages of the
royal family and their suite.

In the course of the day, the Commissioners
took the lead, and went forward to Dreux, to pre-
pare for the King's reception, a halt being made
about a league outside the town, to wait for their
return ; during this period a rumour obtained
currency, that the inhabitants of Dreux had risen
in arms, to resist their entrance. It had, in fact,
required some intercession on'the part of the Com-
missioners, to obtain permission for the King and
the gardes-du-corps to pass through the town with-
out dismounting the white colours and the white
cockade, which were displayed by the royal fugi-
tives and the suite. The point, however, was at
length conceded ; and the royal party entered be-
tween two lines of National Guards, decorated
with three-coloured ribbons, and three-coloured
cockades. This was the first occasion that such
a spectacle had been presented to the cavalcade,
and must have produced among them the feeling,
that the King and his family were in the situa-
tion of prisoners of state ; and that his military
attendants were a mere guard of honour. The
National Guard, however, presented arms, on
the approach of the King ; and the gardes-du
corps bivouacked on the public promenades of
Dreux. The artillery of the Royal Guard were

PARIS IN 1830< 3C25

here dismissed, by order of the Commissioners,
with the exception of two pieces of cannon,
which continued to close the march.

On the 5th of August, the halt for the night
was at Verneuil, where the population was tran-
quil, and the only feeling evinced was that of
curiosity to see the royal fugitives. The next
day's march was to PAigle, where the gardes-du-
corps were, for the first time, billetted on the
inhabitants, six billets being given to every party
of thirty men. As PAigle is a manufacturing
town, some disturbance was anticipated ; but the
principal inhabitants had placed themselves at the
head of the popular movement. The military
posts were already occupied by a well-organised
National Guard ; and a proclamation of the au-
thorities had enjoined the calmness and quiet
which was rigidly observed. The crowd was so
great, as to leave scarcely room for the cavalcade
to pass ; but although the King must have seen
very few friendly countenances among them, at
least he did not hear a single word of insult ;
nor could he be dissatisfied with the demeanor
of the populace, unless he misconstrued it into
a parade of generosity. The National Guards
again carried arms as the King advanced, and
the salute was returned on the part of his attend-
ants, with the usual military honours.

The column left PAigle at an early hour in
the morning of the 7th of August, and proceeded

326 PARIS IN 1830.

towards Melleraut, which is only seven leagues
distant. The heat was this day excessive ; and
its inconvenience was greatly aggravated by the
clouds of dust, thrown up by a thousand horse-
men, and a crowd of carriages pressed together,
as they advanced.

In the course of the journey, the royal family
often left their carriages ; the King and the
Dauphin mounted on horseback, while the Prin-
cesses and the children proceeded on foot. On
this day, for instance, the Dauphiness, accompa-
nied by Madame de Saint Maure, walked at
least two leagues, speaking as she went to the
gardes-du-corps, and praising the zeal and the
good conduct they had displayed. She entered
also into conversation with the peasantry on
the road, who were far from recognizing the
descendant of so many kings in a person so plainly
attired, and so covered with dust ; who came,
perhaps, to ask them for a glass of water to
quench her thirst. In this manner the Dauphi-
ness passed through two considerable villages, in
which the tree of liberty had been planted a few
hours before. The images whieh they presented
to the mind of this heroine of misfortune, must
have been sufficiently heart-rending ; but in her
countenance there was nothing to be seen but an
expression of becoming resignation.

At Melleraut, the King was lodged in the
house of M. de la Roque, a retired garde -du-

PARIS IN 1830. 327

corps. His Majesty occupied a single chamber
on the rez de chaussee, or ground floor ; and the
porter on duty, in the costume he had worn at
Saint Cloud, placed himself at the outside of the
door in the court of M. de la Roque's " petite
maison de campagne," to introduce such persons
of the King's suite as were to be admitted to the
royal presence. On the first floor one bed-room
was reserved for the Dauphin and Dauphiness \
a second for the Duchess de Berri and her
daughter Mademoiselle ; and the third, and only
remaining one, for the Duke de Bordeaux and
his governor. The royal party dined in the
King's bed-room, and, when dinner was over, the
King and the Princes were obliged to go out to
walk through the bivouac, that the servants
might have an opportunity of preparing the apart-
ment for its subsequent destination during the
night. The King condescended to converse with
several of his guards ; inquired if they were not
too much fatigued, and if their horses supported
the journey well, and thanked them for the fide-
lity and good conduct they had displayed. Dur-
ing this conversation, two carriages arrived, be-
longing to the Dauphiness, which had been stop-
ped by the inhabitants of Tonnerre, and had been
afterwards sent forward by the Provisional Go-
vernment. As soon as the Princess heard of
their arrival, she came down stairs, and observed
to M. O'Hegerty, the garde -du-corps on duty :

328 PARIS IN 1830.

" Je suis tres contente de Parrivee de ces voi-
tures ; non pour les voitures en elles-memes, qui
sont lourdes et roulent difficilement ; mais au
moins a present j'anrai des chemises I" The
Duchess de Berri was so narrowly lodged, that
she and her daughter sat for several hours on the
grass amidst the bivouac of the gardes-du-corps,
and employed themselves in sewing such articles
of dress as they required for their immediate use.
These statements are made on rather better au-
thority than the preposterous rumours which
were circulated with so much activity, in Paris as
well as in London, at the period when this jour-
ney was performed.

The military Intendant, Baron Weyler de
Navas, had left the King at Rambouillet, to go
to Paris to give the Provisional Government his
testimony, as an eye witness, to the state of de-
stitution in which the King and his followers had
been left. His representations were listened to
with becoming attention by the Duke of Orleans
and General Gerard, who readily granted all that
was asked of them ; and M. de Navas rejoined the
cortege at Melleraut, bringing with him very
welcome intelligence for Charles X. as well as for
his attendants. The pay of the gardes-du-corps
was greatly in arrear. They had received no
part of what was due to them for the month of
July, with the exception of fifty francs each,
which had been paid on their leaving Saint Cloud,

PARIS IN 1830. 329

and ten francs more on their arrival at Melle-
raut.

Till this day the weather had been fine ; at least
no rain had fallen ; but on the night of the 7th it
rained incessantly, to the great annoyance, no
doubt, of a corps of gentlemen who were little
accustomed to sleep 'in an open bivouac, cook
their own victuals, and dress their own horses, as
during this journey they had been compelled to
do. It is mentioned by a member of the corps,
that, having stopped for an instant at a little au-
berge to give his horse a feed of oats, the stable-
boy, who had been carefully observing the column
as it passed, and had been tired with the sight of
so many epaulettes, exclaimed with apparent sur-
prise :

" Monsieur, dans votre regiment il n'y a done
pas des soldats ?"— " Non ; chez nous les soldats
sont officiers."— " Ma foi !" rejoined the stable-
boy ; " si je l'avais su, j'aurais voulu servir dans
ce corps la !"

330 PARIS IN 1830,

CHAPTER XXII.

Uncertainty among the attendants of Charles X. as to the
course of events in Paris— Intelligence brought to them at
Argentan of the election of the Duke of Orleans— Progress
of the royal retinue — Mysterious conveyance of the Prin-
cess de Polignac and her children — Details connected with
the arrest of the Prince de Polignac — Hazard incurred by
Marmont at Conde — Reasons for the slow rate of travel-
ling of the royal fugitives — Arrival of the cavalcade at
Vire — Order of procession and enumeration of the suite —
Characteristic proneness to desertion among the courtiers —
Entry into the town of Saint Lo : contrasted with a former
occasion — Progress of the cortege through Carentan and
Valognes — Farewell reception of the gardes-du- corps by
Charles X. — Change of costume adopted by some of the fu-
gitive family — Arrival of the party at Cherbourg, and em-
barkation for England — Disbanding of the gardes- du-corps.

The Moniteur was forwarded every morning to
Charles X., but his attendants had little better
than public rumour to guide them as to the
events which were taking place at Paris. At
Melleraut it was believed that hostilities had
recommenced in the capital, and that the Duke
of Orleans, at the head of one party, was claim-

PARIS IN 1830. 331

ing the crown, while Lafayette, by another, had
been proclaimed president of the republic.

On the 8th of August, however, an estafette
arrived, announcing that the Duke of Orleans
had been called to the throne, and proclaimed
by the two Chambers King of the French, under
the title of Louis Philippe I.

It was at Argentan that this intelligence was
brought to the fallen family ; and in the course
of the day it was known throughout the King's
retinue by the arrival of a Parisian journal, an-
nouncing the fact.

At Argentan, a halt was made for the day,
the King having resolved on going to hear mass
in the cathedral. In the course of their stay, it
was reported in the neighbourhood that the in-
habitants had been attacked by the gardes-du-
corps, and that the town had been exposed to
fire and sword. As the rumour spread over the
country, the peasantry armed themselves with
scythes and pitchforks, and hastened to the relief
of the town's-people. On their arrival, they
were soon convinced of the public tranquillity,
and of the good understanding which existed
between the inhabitants and the royal escort;
but this popular effervescence had produced the
greatest alarm among the royal fugitives, from
whom an order had been three times given in the
course of the morning, to set out for Guibray,
and had as often been recalled.

332 PARIS IN 1830.

At Argentan, the two pieces of cannon,
which had hitherto brought up the rear, were
dismissed by order of the Commissioners. Here
also a close carriage, which till now had imme-
diately followed that of the King, under the
escort of a party of gens-d'armes des chasses, dis-
appeared from the cortege. It had been ob-
served always to stop wherever the King lodged ;
but it had never been opened. After its depar-
ture, it was known among the King's suite that
it had contained the Princess de Polignac and her
children, who had proceeded to the coast in the
neighbourhood of Valognes, and had there em-
barked for England. During its stay, the car-
riage, from the mystery which seemed to hang
over it, had excited the greatest curiosity among
the King's retinue, most of whom believed that
it contained the Prince de Polignac himself. If
it did not, it is difficult to account for the ex-
treme circumspection observed in concealing the
persons of the travellers ; but, on the suppo-
sition that it did, it is easy to understand why
the Prince should have thought it safer to em-
bark near Granville, where he was arrested, than
at the extremity of the peninsula, where the
Commissioners must have been made acquainted
with his presence, and might not perhaps have
been able to prevent the inhabitants of Cher-
bourg from laying violent hands on the culprit
minister.

PARIS IN 1830. 333

When the Prince made his appearance at
Granville, he was disguised as a domestic, and
formed part of the suite of Madame Lepelletier
de Saint Fargeau, but maintained his incognito
so imperfectly as to occupy the best chamber in
the inn where the party was lodged, to wear
several rings of great value on his fingers, and
to make frequent use of a valuable gold snuff-
box. The hauteur with which he spoke to those
around him, and the attentions he received from
the lady whose servant he professed to be, at-
tracted attention to these other circumstances of
suspicion ; and, amidst the conjectures which
his appearance had created, a waggoner, to
whom he had spoken more haughtily than was
necessary, exclaimed to some of his companions,
" If this now should be Polignac !" On this the
ex-minister was arrested without further evi-
dence than he had himself afforded by his own
imprudence. As long as he remained in the
prison of Saint Lo, to which he was carried
from Granville, he seemed to have very little
idea of the serious situation in which he stood.
On the return of the Commissioners from Cher-
bourg, he was visted by M. de Schonen, who is
reported to have said to him : " Eh bien ! Prince,
vous avez perdu une belle partie." The Prince's
answer was, " Monsieur, je prendrai ma re-
vanche."

While the gardes-du-corps were still at Saint
Lo, on their return from Cherbourg, waiting the

334 PARIS IN 1830.

arrangements which were necessary as preparatory
to their being* disbanded, a fire broke out in one
of the quarters of the town not far from the
prison in which the Prince de Polignac was
confined. This circumstance gave rise to the
supposition that it had been raised by the
gardes-du-corps in the hope of providing for
the Prince's escape in the confusion which must
ensue. In this rumour there was certainly not
a shadow of truth, as is proved by the testimony
which is borne to the good conduct of these per-
sons by the Commissioners, and still more by the
zeal with which they assisted in extinguishing
the flames ; not less than ten of their number
having been seriously hurt on the occasion.

It appears that Madame de Saint Fargeau
had been resident for a few days before the
Prince's arrest at the house of Madame Mar-
temere, in the commune of Duce, at a short
distance from the town of Granville. A small
vessel had been hired to convey the fugitive to
the island of Jersey ; but, having been caught
by the ebb tide, the Prince had discovered his
impatience to get away by insisting on imme-
diate embarkation, although the vessel could not
possibly sail until floated by the morning tide.

On his arrest, the suspicion as to his identity
was strengthened by the extreme anxiety dis-
played by his pretended mistress, and the con-
tradictory accounts they mutually gave of each
other : the lady saying that the Prince had been

PARIS IN 1830. 335

but two years in her service, while the latter
extended it to seven. The following letter, ad-
dressed by the Prince to the President of the
Chamber of Peers, seems entitled to a place, from
the singularity of the circumstances under which
it was written, as well as from the peculiarity
of the style :

Saint Lo, Aug. 17, 1830.
" Monsieur le Baron,

" Having been arrested at Granville, at the
moment when I was flying from the deplorable
events that have just taken place, and seeking
an opportunity to retire to the island of Jersey,
I am detained a prisoner in the hands of the
provisional commission of the prefecture of the
department of La Manche ; neither the procu-
reur du roi for the arrondissement of Saint Lo,
nor the examining magistrate, having any power,
according to the terms of the charter, to issue
a warrant against me, even on the supposition of
the government, (of which however I am igno-
rant,) having given orders for my arrest. ' It is
only by the authority of the Chamber of Peers,'
says article 29 of the new charter, and which in
this respect is conformable to the old charter,
* that a member of the Chamber of Peers can be
arrested.'

" I know not what steps the Chamber of Peers
may take on this subject, or whether it will
charge me with the lamentable events of the

336 PARIS IN 1830.

three days, which I deplore more than any man,
which came on with a rapidity equalling that of
the fall of a thunderbolt in the midst of the tem-
pest, and which no human strength or prudence
could arrest — since in those terrible moments it
was impossible to know to whom to listen, or
to whom to apply ; and all one's efforts were
required to defend one's own life !

" My only desire, M. le Baron, is, that I may
be permitted to retire to my own home, and
there resume those peaceful habits of private life,
which alone are suited to my taste, and from
which I was torn in spite of myself, as is well
known to all who are acquainted with me. I
have seen enough of vicissitudes ; my head is
whitened with the reverses of a life of storms
and changes ; but at least, I cannot be reproach-
ed, in the time of my prosperity, with the vindic-
tive exercise of power, against those who treated
me with undue severity, during my adverse for-
tunes.

" In what situation should we all be placed,
M. le Baron, surrounded as we are by the
changes of the age in which we live5 if the poli-
tical opinions of those who are smitten by the
tempest, were to become crimes or misdemeanors
in the eyes of those who have embraced a more
fortunate side of the question ? If I cannot ob-
tain permission to retire quietly to my home, I
beg to be allowed to withdraw to a foreign
country, with my wife and children : or, finally,

PARIS IN 1830. 337

if the Chamber of Peers determine to decree my
imprisonment, I request that the fortress of
Ham, in Picardy, may be chosen as the place of
my detention, where I was long- in captivity in
my youth ; or some other fortress, at once
spacious and commodious. That of Ham would
agree better than any other with the state of my
health, which has been for some time enfeebled,
and has been greatly injured by recent events.

" The misfortunes of an honest man should
meet with some sympathy in France. But, at all
events, M. le Baron, I may venture to say, that
it would be barbarous to bring me into the
capital at a time when so many prejudices have
been raised against me — prejudices which my
own unsupported voice cannot appease, and
which time alone can tranquillize. I have been
too long and too well accustomed to see all my
intentions misrepresented, and placed in the most
odious light.

" To you, M. le Baron, I have submitted all
my wishes, not knowing to whom I ought to
address myself. I beg you to submit the matter
to the consideration of those to whom the deci-
sion of right belongs ; and that you will accept
the assurance of my high consideration.

(Signed) " The Prince de Polignac."

" P. S. I beg you may do me the favour to
acknowledge the receipt of this letter."

338 PARIS IN 1830.

As the great fair was to be held at Guibray,
on the 10th of August, it was resolved by the
King, and the Commissioners, (who consulted, as
far as possible, his Majesty's wishes on the sub-
ject,) to pass through that town, and the neigh-
bouring one of Falaise, and to double the day's
march, by proceeding to Conde-sur-Noireau, in
the hopes of obtaining better accommodation at a
distance from the fair. At Falaise, the party was
joined by M. de la Pommeraye, the deputy of the
department of La Manche, and Colonel Chatry-
Lafosse, who had been sent by the town of Caen
to represent to the Commissioners the state of
irritation which the slowness of the King's jour-
ney had excited throughout the population of
Normandy. It was the wish of the Commission-
ers to have proceeded by Caen, in place of
Conde, and that some port in the neighbourhood
of Granville should, in preference to Cherbourg,
have been the point of embarkation. But his
Majesty persisted in pursuing the route by
Conde, which, being filled with a manufacturing
population, evinced, as the Commissioners had
probably anticipated, a greater degree of hostility
than elsewhere, to the King and his retinue.
At Conde the National Guard did not present,
or pay any military honours to the King or the
gardes-du-corps. On the contrary, the appear-
ance of Marmont excited a serious fermentation
among them, and preparations had been made,

PARIS IN 1830. 339

by a strong party of the armed inhabitants, to
carry off the Marshal during- the night, as a
prisoner, from the house in which he was lodged.
The scheme, however, having been discovered
by the Commissioners, the assemblage was dis-
persed by the timely interference of Marshal
Mai son. From that period the Duke of Ragusa
ceased to wear the numerous decorations with
which he was covered, retaining only that of the
Saint Esprit, and lodging always afterwards in
the house occupied by the King.

The impatience manifested by the inhabitants
of Normandy to get speedily rid of Charles X.
and his retinue, was probably excited by an idea
that, their object was to gain the time which
might be necessary for exciting a royalist insur-
rection in some other part of the country. It
is obvious, however, that a sufficient cause ex-
isted, apart from all other considerations, for the
moderate speed at which the King travelled, in
the mere number of his followers, and the con-
sequent difficulty of finding provender and pro-
visions for them, in the small towns through
which they passed. Full rations were never
procured for the horses ; a truss of hay, and two
or three handfuls of oats, were in general all
that could be obtained after a day's journey of
ten or twelve leagues. The gardes-du-corps
had attended the Dauphin in his Spanish cam-
paign in 1823, but they were then provided

z2

340 PARIS IN 1830.

every man with his groom. These gentry, how-
ever, had all deserted, many of them not with-
out robbing their masters, at the moment of the
King's departure. If any remained, they were
in the service of the superior officers ; and their
fidelity may be judged of from the fact, that on
the day when the corps was disbanded, there
were only fifteen grooms to eight hundred gardes-
du-corps.

At Conde-sur-Noireau, the King was lodged
in the house of a protestant gentleman, because
it happened to be the best in the town. Pre-
viously to his arrival, the Mayor had issued a pro-
clamation, calling on the inhabitants to respect
the misfortunes of Charles X., and to abstain
from any exclamations which might hurt the
feelings of the fallen monarch. The same pre-
cautions were taken at Vire, where the cavalcade
arrived on the 11th, and where it was remarked
by the King that he had seen a greater number
of three-coloured cockades than any where else
on his route. The occasion for this remark was
probably produced by the circumstance of the
Mayor, in his anxiety to prevent disturbance,
having assembled an extraordinary national guard
of some three hundred men, who, being as yet
without arms, or uniforms, were furnished with
batons and three-coloured cockades as mere em-
blems of authority.

The neighbourhood of Vire, and some districts

PARIS IN 1830. 341

in the department of Calvados, had been exposed
to the dreadful conflagrations by which Nor-
mandy had been ravaged in the months of April,
May, June, and July, of the present year. The
royalist and constitutional parties in France were
mutually accused by each other of having insti-
gated the commission of these frightful offences.
A solemn judicial investigation had failed to dis-
cover the perpetrators ; but since the overthrow
of the power of Charles X., and his ministers, a
woman, who had been previously interrogated
judicially, but till then had refused to make any
disclosures, affirmed that she had contributed to
the work of destruction, and had acted by the
orders of a Cure, whom she named. The minis-
try were long ago pointed to as the prime movers
in this system of devastation; so that in Normandy,
at this period, the names of Polignac and incen-
diary had become synonymous terms.

The royal cavalcade was regularly marshalled
every morning in the following order : In front
was an advanced guard, followed at some distanee
by two of the four companies of gardes-du-corps.
Then came the carriages of the Princes. In the
first was the Duke de Bordeaux, with his gover-
nor the Baron de Damas, his under-governors the
Marquis de Barbancois and the Count de Mau-
pas, and M. de Villatte, his first valet-de-chambre.
In the second was Mademoiselle, with her gover-
ness the Duchess de Gontaut, and her under-

342 PARIS IN 1830.

governess the Baroness de Charette. In the
third was the Duchess de Berri, with the Count
de Mesnard, her first equerry, the Count de
Brissac, her chevalier d'honneur ; and the Coun-
tess de Bouille, her first lady in waiting*. In the
fourth was the Duchess d'Angouleme, with Ma-
dame de Saint-Maure, her first lady in waiting,
and M. O'Hegerty,^, her first equerry. Behind
the carriage of the Duchess d'Angouleme rode
the Duke d'Angouleme on horseback, attended
by the Duke de Guiche, his premier Menin, and
the Duke de Levis, his first aide-de-camp. Then
followed the third company of the gardes-du-
corps, after which rode the King in his carriage,
with the Duke de Luxembourg, and the Prince
de Croi-Solre, two of the captains of his guard.
The King every morning, about half a league
from the town at which he had slept, made a
halt, and, mounting his horse, continued his route
a chevaly until within half a league of the end of
the day's march, when he again got into his car-
riage, and thus entered the town where he was
to remain for the night. The Duke of Ragusa
rode on horseback, sometimes behind the King's
carriage, and sometimes on the flank of the
column, attended by his aides-de-camp.

The other persons of note in the royal retinue
were the Count de Trogoff, one of the King's
aides-de-camp, and governor of the chateau of
Saint Cloud ; Lieutenant-General the Count de

PARIS IN 1830.

343

Lassalle, another of the King's aides-de-camp, and
governor of Compeigne ; the Marquis de Cour-
bon-Blenac, major of the gardes-du-corps j the
Marquis de la Maisonfort, aide-major of the
gardes-du-eorps ; the Baron de Gressot, and the
Marquis de Choiseul-Beaupre, majors general of
the royal guard ; Major General Count Auguste
Larochejaquelein ; Major-General Baron de Cros-
sart ; Colonel de Fontenilles, of the royal horse
guards ; the Baron Weyler de Navas, under-
steward of the King's military household; the
Duke Armand de Polignac, the King's first
equerry; the Count O'Hegerty, equerry com-
mandant ; the Viscount Hocquart, chamberlain
and maitre-d'otel. To these may be added the
Count de Chateaubriand, colonel of the 4th chas-
seurs, who, with one of his sub-lieutenants, were
the only officers of the line who accompanied the
King to Cherbourg. In the rear of the fourth
company of the gardes-du-corps, followed the
numerous carriages of the suite, escorted by the
gens-d'armes des chasses, a splendid body of men,
who, without exception, retained their fidelity to
the last moment.

The distinguished individuals, whose names
are here given, form of course but a very small
proportion of the regular habitues of the palace.
The desertion began on the King's moving from
Saint Cloud ; it was continued at the Trianon,
and completed at Rambouillet, where there was

o44 PARIS IN 1830.

still, perhaps, a hope that some chance might
turn up in favour of the Duke de Bordeaux.
The idea which seemed to prevail among
those who thus hastened to Paris was, that he
who should first arrive would secure the best
place ; but, alas ! for the parasites, the new King
of the French desires no court, and encourages
no courtiers ; farewell then to the grand equer-
ries, the chamberlains, and intendants, the grand
and small menins, and gentlemen of the bed-
chamber— their occupation in France is gone ! It
is a sad libel, not on the French court merely,
but on courtiers in general, that not one of the
first gentlemen of the bedchamber went further
than Rambouillet — and scarcely a single represen-
tative from the leading departments in the civil
household. The chasse was totally unrepresented,
as were also the department of the ceremonies,
and that of the wardrobe. The stables indeed sent
two of their equerries, and General Vincent,
ecuyer cavalcador, went as far as Dreux ; but he
was there dismissed in consequence, it is said, of
the order he had given, in the neighbourhood of
Rambouillet, to fire on Lafayette's unfortunate
aide-de-camp, Colonel Poques.

On the arrival of the cortege at Vire, the
King found it necessary to yield to the entrea-
ties which had been made to him to hasten his
progress. It was ascertained that two regiments
of infantry had arrived from Bayeux and Caen,

PARIS IN 1830. 345

and had established their bivouac within a quar-
ter of a league from the line of road by which
the retinue was to pass ; but whether for the
purpose of protection, or to accelerate the King's
movements, was not made apparent. They did
not come within sight, as a body, but a number of
the officers made their appearance at the junction
of the roads to look at the cortege as it passed.

Instead of stopping at Vire, the King pro-
ceeded by Thorigny to Saint Lo, where he was
lodged more commodiously than elsewhere, at
the hotel of the prefecture of the department.
The Count d'Estourmel, the prefect of La
Manche, had already resigned his office, but
came out accompanied by the Prince de Leo
and the Count de Bourbon-Busset, to meet the
King, and conduct him to his hotel. At the
entrance of the town, the 6th Light Infantry
made its appearance, and was the first regiment
which the King had yet seen under the tri-
coloured flag. — The Duke and Duchess d'An-
goul£me had visited Cherbourg in 1828 and
1829, and, in passing on these occasions, they
had made some stay in the town of Saint Lo,
where they had been received with all the exter-
nal marks of popular welcome. On this occa-
sion they entered amidst the display of three-
coloured flags, and a disdainful silence, inter-
rupted only by an occasional cry of Vive la
Charte ! or Vive la Liberie ! which the local

346 PARIS IN 1830.

authorities were unable wholly to repress ; and
the Dauphiness was heard to exclaim, as she
passed under the gateway of the hotel, while tears
ran down her cheeks, " Ah ! mon Dieu ! quelle
difference !"

Soon after the King's arrival, it was known
that in the small town of Carentan, which lay
on the proposed route, there had assembled a
strong party of National Guards, to the number,
it was said, of six or seven thousand, who had
been made to believe that the King was accom-
panied by twenty thousand Swiss and forty
pieces of cannon, and that it was the intention
of Charles X. to establish himself in the penin-
sula of Cotentin, of which Carentan is the key,
and to fix his head-quarters at Cherbourg, which
was to become the seat of the Bourbon govern-
ment. This absurd rumour had gained credence
even at Saint Lo, where the National Guards
had prepared to join those who had assembled
at Carentan, there to form a barrier against
the King's further progress, unless he should
consent to dismiss his whole escort, and proceed
to his place of embarkation under the exclu-
sive protection of the National Guard.

Although the phantom which had thus been
created was compelled to disappear, at Saint
Lo, before the demonstration afforded by the
King's arrival, it was found extremely difficult
to eradicate the idea from the minds of the

PARIS IN 1830. 347

people assembled at Carentan. After several
messengers from Saint Lo had failed to induce
them to separate, the Commissioners found it
necessary to advance in person, but could only
succeed in prevailing on the armed inhabitants
to evacuate the town, in order to march on
Valognes, a place of greater strength within
the peninsula, and through which the King
must also pass on his way to Cherbourg. Their
idea now was, that the port of Cherbourg was
to be thrown open to the English, and that a
royalist insurrection was to be excited in Brit-
tany. The cortege passed through Carentan on
the 13th of August, and arrived at six o'clock
the same evening at Valognes, after a day's jour-
ney of fourteen leagues, having halted for an
hour at Saint Cosme, a large village near the
bridge over the watercourse, called Quatre Ri-
vieres, which forms the barrier of the peninsula.
The only demonstration of a feeling of popular
attachment to the fallen family which occurred
throughout this melancholy journey, was evinced
at Montebourg, a considerable village near the
coast, where the carriage of the Duke de Bor-
deaux was surrounded by the inhabitants, some
of whom exclaimed, with tears in their eyes,
" On nous a bien defendu vous temoigner de
Pinteret ; mais c'est regal : Vive le Due de
Bourdeauou ! revenez bientot."

At Valognes, the royal family were lodged in

348 PARIS IN 1830.

the house of M. Dumenildot, and it was resolved
that they should remain there until the day of
embarkation, which was fixed for the 16th. Two
American vessels, the Great Britain and the
Charles Carrol, which were at Havre at the
period of the King's departure from Saint Cloud,
and which were said to be the property of
Joseph Bonaparte, but which in fact belonged to
his father-in-law Mr. Patterson, had been char-
tered for his Majesty's use, and had already
arrived at Cherbourg fully equipped even for a
long voyage.

On the 15th, it was intimated to the gardes-
du-corps, that the King was to take from thence
the four white standards which they had hitherto
retained, and was to receive a deputation con-
sisting of the officers and the twenty-four oldest
members of each company, for the purpose of
giving them a last adieu. They were introduced,
according to seniority, into the King's apart-
ment, where the Dauphin and Dauphiness, the
Duchess de Berri, and her two children, were
with his Majesty, to assist in the performance of
this mournful ceremony. The King received
the standards, and, after embracing the officers
who carried them, he said " Je reprends vos
drapeaux ; ils sont sans tache : mon petit-fils
vous les rendra : je vous remercie de votre de-
vouement, de votre fidelite et de votre sagesse.
Je n'oublierai jamais les preuves d' attachement

PARIS IN 1830. 349

que vous m'avez donnees, ainsi qu'a ma famille.
Adieu ! soyez heureux." — In the course of the
evening a printed copy of the following order of
the day, was delivered to each member of the
corps.

" The King, in quitting the French territory, could
wish that he were able to give to each of his gardes-du-
corps, and to every officer and soldier who has accom-
panied him to his place of embarkation, a proof of his
attachment and remembrance.

" But the circumstances by which the King is afflict-
ed, make it impossible for him to listen to the wish of
his heart. Deprived of the means of acknowledging a
fidelity so affecting, his Majesty has caused to be brought
to him the muster-rolls of the companies of his gardes-
du-corps, and the lists of the officers, non-commissioned
officers, and soldiers, who have followed him. Their
names will be preserved by the Duke de Bordeaux,
and will remain inscribed in the archives of the royal
family, to attest for ever the misfortunes of the King,
and the consolation he has found in so much disinte-
rested devotion

" Valognes, 15th August, 1830.

" (Signed) Chaiiles.
" The Major-General,

" Marechal Due de Raguse."

On the 16th of August, at nine o'clock in the
morning, the King and the royal family, escorted
by seven of the eight squadrons of the gardes-du-
corps, left Valognes for Cherbourg, which is five
leagues distant. The unfavourable feelings en-

350 PARIS IN 1830.

tertained by the inhabitants were evinced by the
return of two general officers, who had proceed-
ed to Cherbourg a few hours before, but were
refused admittance into the town, in consequence
of their wearing the white cockade.

Hitherto the King had worn the same style of
dress to which he had been accustomed since
his accession to the throne, viz. a blue coat, of a
military form, with two large gold epaulettes,
surmounted by the royal crown, the crosses of
the Legion of Honour, and Saint Louis, and the
star of the order of the Holy Ghost. On this
day, however, he had laid aside these insignia,
and appeared in the ordinary dress of a private
gentleman. The Dauphin, also, who till then
had worn, as he had been accustomed to do at
the Tuileries and Saint Cloud, the uniform of
his own regiment of cuirassiers, viz. a blue coat,
crimson collar, white buttons, and silver epau-
lettes, now appeared like the King, in coloured
clothes, and with no decoration but a red ribbon
at his button-hole. Those he had formerly worn,
were the cross of Saint Louis, the Lily, the
Brassard of Bordeaux, in commemoration of
his entrance into that town, on the 12th of March
1814, the gold cross of the Legion of Honour,
and the star of the order of the Holy Ghost.

The Duke de Bordeaux was generally dressed
in a bluejacket, and white trowsers, with the
collar of his shirt folded over, a grey hat, and no

PARIS IN 1830. 351

decoration. According- to the usage established
for the elder branch of the royal family, it was
on the day of his first communion, that the King
would have presented him with the blue ribbon,
and the cross of Saint Louis. It was on the previous
Whitsunday that the prince saw the Duke de Ne-
mours created a chevalier of the order of the
Holy Ghost, on attaining his fifteenth year ; and
he no doubt thought that his turn was approach-
ing. He had then, certainly, very little idea
that in three months he was to go into exile, and
that his place was so soon to be occupied by his
youthful relative. At Saint Cloud, on Sundays,
the Duke de Bordeaux was generally dressed in
the uniform of his regiment, the 3d curassiers,
dark blue turned up with yellow, and silver epau-
lettes. But this practice was not observed on the
journey — not even at Rambouillet, at the period
when it was proposed that he should be pro-
claimed King of France by the title of Henry V.
It has been stated, but incorrectly, that in the
course of the journey he was addressed as Sire,
and " Your Majesty :" Charles X. alone was so
treated, and the Duke de Bordeaux was called, as
at Saint Cloud, " Your Royal Highness," and
" Monseigneur."

On approaching the coast, near the entrance of
the town, some marks of hesitation were observ-
able at the head of the column. The leading

352 PARIS IN 1830.

company of the gardes-du-corps having halted,
the whole cortege were obliged to do the same ;
and the King having inquired with some indica-
tion of surprise as to the cause of the interrup-
tion, was answered by the Marquis de Courbon,
the major of the guards, near the royal person,
that a considerable crowd had been formed close
to the beach ; but that as yet no hostile intention
had been manifested. " Marchez toujours," was
the King's reply, and M. de Courbon, having
bowed in acquiescence, addressed himself in a
low tone to the Duke of Ragusa, who was then
on horseback at the door of the King's car-
riage. An apprehension was probably entertained
that the object of this crowd was to lay violent
hands on Marmont, who contented himself with
retiring to his usual position, behind the royal
carriage, from which he did not stir during the
passage through the town.

The 64th regiment of the Line was drawn out
to receive the King on his entrance into Cher-
bourg ; the soldiers presented arms to him as
he passed, and the officers saluted him with their
sabres. An officer, not on duty, who happened
to be on the road as the King passed, was ob-
served to pull off his chako, and conceal it behind
his person, that the royal family might not see
the three-coloured cockade with which it was
decorated ; a movement which must have been

PARIS IN 1830. 353

inspired by a sentiment of delicacy highly ho-
nourable to the individual, who was a captain of
the 64th of the Line.

The cortege passed rapidly through the town,
and entered the naval dock-yard, where a ship
of the line, which had twice been named the
King of Rome, and was then known as the Duke
de Bordeaux, was still on the stocks. The
royal family alighted in front of the Great Bri-
tain. The king was the first to embark ; the Dau-
phin followed, leading the Duke de Bordeaux by
the hand ; Madame de Gontaut and Mademoi-
selle were the next in order ; the Duchess de
Berri took the arm of M. de Charrotte, and the
Dauphiness that of M. de Larochejaquelein, a
distinguished royalist, whose brothers, Henry
and Louis, had fallen in the cause of the Bour-
bons, the former in 1793, and the latter in 1815.

The maritime prefect presented Captain Du-
mont Durville, of the Great Britain, to the
King. Captain Durville expressed his readiness
to convey his Majesty to whatever place he chose to
name ; the latter answered that he wished, in
the first instance, to proceed to Spithead. After
paying the last adieus to those officers who had
entered the Great Britain, and who were not to
remain, the King and the royal family retired
into the principal cabin.

Besides the royal family and their personal
attendants, there sailed in the Great Britain

A A

354 PARIS IN 1830.

the Duke de Luxembourg and the Duke de
Ragusa, the governor and two under-governors
of the Duke de Bordeaux, and the Duchess de
Gontaut. On board the Charles Carroll were
the Duke Armand de Polignac, the Count
O'Hegerty and his son, Madame de Bouille
and her son, an under-governor of the Duke
de Bordeaux, and Messrs. de Choiseul, de Cha-
rette, and de Larochejaquelein.

At half-past two o'clock, the Great Britain
and the Carroll got under weigh, escorted by
the French frigate la Seine, Captain d'Urville,
and the cutter le Rodeur.

As soon as the ships were out of sight, the
gardes-du-corps, who had been drawn up in
front of the spot where the embarkation had
taken place, removed the white cockades from
their hats, and proceeded, without halting at
Cherbourg, on their return to Carentan, where
they slept on the 17th, and were next day dis-
banded at Saint Lo, in terms of the following

" ORDER OF THE DAY.

" The Commissioners appointed to accompany King
Charles X. and his family to Cherbourg, feel them-
selves called upon, at the termination of their mission,
to give their testimony to the faithful and honourable
manner in which the gardes-du-corps have conducted
themselves on this important occasion. In fulfilling the
duty which honour and fidelity required of them, they

PARIS IN 1830. 355

have perfectly succeeded in reconciling it with the re-
spect which is due to the established government. It is
satisfactory to the Commissioners to be able to declare,
that it is to this sentiment of propriety and reserve that
they owe, in a great measure, the successful accomplish-
ment of a mission, the issue of which was of so much
importance to the honour of France.

" Saint Lo, August 1830.

(Signed) " Le Marechal Marquis Maison.
De Schonen.
Odillon-Barrot."

AA'2

356 PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Account of the individuals forming the new French Adminis-
tration, with a sketch of their respective lives — The Duke
de Broglie — M. Dupont de l'Eure — M. Guizot — Count
Gerard — Baron Louis— Count Mole — General Count Se-
bastiani — Messrs. Lafitte, Casimir Perier, Dupin, aine, Ben-
jamin Constant, and Bignon.

After the episode in the history of the late
revolution, which has formed the subject of the
two last chapters, it is necessary to return to
the point from which we set out ; but, before
proceeding to the last scene of the drama, it
may be well to take some further notice than
has yet been done, of the men who have been
called to administer the affairs of the State at
a period of so much difficulty and importance.
If there seem any anachronism in introducing the
notice in this place, it is in some degree re-
moved by the fact that the same ministry who
were appointed by the Provisional Government,
and were recognized by the Lieutenant-General

PARIS IN 1830. 357

of the kingdom, have remained in office after
the accession of the Duke of Orleans to the
throne.

The Duke de Broglie, president of the coun-
cil, and secretary of state in the department of
Public Instruction and of Worship, was born in
1785. He is the son of the Prince de Ravel,
and consequently the grandson of the Marshal
of that name. His early studies were begun
at the central school of Paris, and he was only
nine years of age when his father ascended the
scaffold. When yet a youth, he applied himself
with ardour to literary pursuits, and wrote habi-
tually for the public journals, in a style which
was characterized by a degree of firmness and
vigour which arrested the public attention.
When Napoleon, who sought to sustain his
power by means of all who recommended them-
selves through birth, fortune, or talents, called a
number of young men to the council of state
in the capacity of auditors, he cast his eyes on
the Duke de Broglie, and attached him to the
section of the Interior.

After fulfilling a variety of administrative
functions up to the period of the restoration,
in the countries occupied by the armies of
France, he amassed a fund of information which
he now applies to the great social theory of
government, not without being stigmatized by
the opponents of his ministry, as being a doc-

358 PARIS IN 1830.

trinaire in principle — a term which is nearly
synonymous with that of theorist in its most
unfavourable acceptation ; and, as applied poli-
tically, is placed in opposition to those tastes
and habits which point to practical, rather than
to radical reform.

In the month of June, 1814, the Duke de
Broglie was raised to the peerage ; but being
then only in his twenty -ninth year, he was dis-
qualified from taking part in the deliberations of
the Chamber. His first public appearance was
on the occasion of the trial of the unfortunate
Marshal Ney — an opportunity which he seized,
with all the enthusiasm of his character, to strug-
gle, with the courage of conviction, in favour of the
accused. Soon afterwards, he boldly attacked
the numerous exceptions of the celebrated act
of amnesty — those exceptions by which it was in
fact converted into an act of proscription.

About this period he obtained in marriage
the hand of the daughter of Madame de Stael,
and granddaughter of Necker, the finance
minister of Louis XVI. This union was con-
tracted in Italy, the ceremony having been per-
formed first by a Catholic priest, and after-
wards by a Protestant clergyman— a circum-
stance which affords some evidence of moderate
and tolerant principles in matters of religion.
The elevation of the Duke de Broglie to the
office of premier has been regarded with public

PARIS IN 1830. 359

satisfaction, much less from his hereditary titles
and his illustrious descent — advantages which
are not now regarded in France at more than
their just value, — than from the rank which he has
created for himself by his personal merit, and
from the extent of his acquirements, which pecu-
liarly fit him for the special department to which
he has been appointed, including, as it does, the
superintendence of the University, and the
general system of education in France.

M. Dupont de PEure, the keeper of the seals,
is decidedly the most popular member of the new
administration. Born at Nieubourg, in 1767*
Jacques Charles Dupont was admitted as an ad-
vocate by the parliament of Normandy, in 1789.
He soon embraced the cause of the people as dis-
tinguished from that of the privileged classes, and
asserted their rights with an intrepidity and per-
severance which fully proved the sincerity of his
attachment to the interests of public liberty.
Throughout a life of activity and usefulness, he
has never failed to conciliate the respect and
esteem of his fellow-citizens. Appointed in suc-
cession to the mayoralty of his commune, to the
administration of the district of Louviers, to the
office of substitute for the commissioner of the
executive directory, to that of counsellor in the
appellant tribunal of Rouen, and finally, to the
presidency of the criminal tribunal of Evereux ;
he has proved himself, in every department

360 PARIS IN 1830.

through which he has passed, a devoted citizen,
and a just and faithful functionary. When called
to the presidency of the imperial court of Rouen,
the qualities which so eminently distinguish the
character of M. Dupont — his sound judgment, and
his severe integrity — were not less conspicuous
than they had ever been throughout his public
career. But M. Pasquier, who had himself been
prefect of police under the government of Napo-
leon, thought it necessary, at the restoration, to
remove M. Dupont from the presidency, without
the smallest pension, after twenty-seven years of
administrative, judicial, and legislative services.

Since the year 1817, the esteem of his fellow-
citizens has secured him a seat in the Chamber of
Deputies. It was during his first session that he
so energetically supported the principle which,
under his auspices, as ministerial head of the
judicial departments, is now about to be carried
into effect — that the intervention of a jury should
be indispensable in the trial of all political
offences, and particularly of those of the press.
Faithful to his own duties as a representative of
the people, Joseph M. Dupont never ceased to
oppose, with all his energy and influence, the
arbitrary acts of a ministry whose object, too
evidently, was to destroy the institutions of the
country, and to pave the way for the introduc-
tion of absolute power. He could never witness
the unconstitutional measures which were so

PARIS IN 1830. 3G1

often presented to the consideration of the Cham-
ber, without mounting the tribune, and, with that
talent for invective which he so eminently pos-
sesses, exposing- them, in terms of virtuous indig-
nation, to the hatred and contempt of his col-
leagues, and of the nation. To enumerate his
public appearances would be to refer to every
occasion when a question of constitutional im-
portance, or of public interest, was at issue.
Supported by such men as the venerable Labbey
de Pompier es, M. Benjamin Constant, and M.
Mechin, his voice was to be heard in the cause of
freedom, during a period when the very word
had become displeasing to a great majority of the
representatives of the people.

With the office of keeper of the seals, M. Du-
pont now holds that of minister secretary of
state in the department of justice, for the duties
of which he is peculiarly qualified by his previous
habits as a judge, a legislator, and an eminent
publiciste. The situation which he now occupies,
in place of being regarded as a recompense for
past services, is held, as it ought to be, an addi-
tional guarantee for the future prosperity of his
country.

The minister of the home department, M.
Guizot, occupies a very different place in public
estimation from that of M. Dupont. He was
born at Nismes, in 1787, and, after applying him-
self at Geneva to the study of German literature,

362 PARIS IN 1830.

he went to Paris, where he became a regular con-
tributor to several of the public journals, and par-
ticularly to that of " The Empire." At the period
of the restoration, he was admitted into office,
and became the secretary general, or rather the
director of the Abbe Montesquieu, then minister
of the interior. He followed the King to Ghent,
and, after the second restoration, he became
secretary general in the department of justice, and
master of requests in extraordinary service. In
1816, he resigned the office of secretary general
on being appointed master of requests in ordi-
nary service ; and, on the re-organization of the
ministry in 1817, he was raised to the dignity of
counsellor of state, under the ministry of M. De-
cazes ; he was appointed a royal commissioner,
to support, at the bar of the Chamber of Depu-
ties, the law which was then introduced on the
subject of the periodical press. The service
which he then performed to the ministry was
appropriately rewarded by his appointment to
the censorship — a circumstance which sufficiently
accounts for his present want of popularity.

The retirement of M. Decazes brought with it
that of his protege, M. Guizot, who applied him-
self with renewed ardour to his former duties as
a writer for the public press ; and, for several
years, under the protection of the faculty of
letters, he delivered a course of lectures on the
subject of general history, which were numer-

PARIS IN 1830. 363

ously attended, and were well worthy of being
so.

M. Guizot is unquestionably a man of talent
and erudition ; and, like most public men in
France, lie writes much better than he speaks.
Independently of his more ephemeral productions,
his dictionary of synonymes, his lives of the
French poets of the age, and of Louis XIV., and
his Essays on the liberty of the press, and on the
history and present state of public education in
France, are all well worthy of attention. It is
understood that for many years M. Guizot has
renounced his former political heresies ; but the
sin of the censorship has left a stain on his pub-
lic character, which is, perhaps, incompatible
with his strength or efficiency as a minister of
the crown ; yet such was the opinion which had
been formed of his political regeneration, when
returned as a deputy, in 1828, that his election
was regarded as a triumph for the constitutional
party. At the date of the revolution he was
one of the proprietors of the new journal, " Le
Temps."

Etienne Maurice, Count Gerard, Marechal
de France, and minister at war, was born at
Damvilliers, in the department of the Meuse, on
the 4th of April, 1773. He is regarded in the
present cabinet as the representative of the army,
or rather of those interests which had their origin
under the reign of Napoleon. In his eighteenth

364 PARIS IN 1830.

year he entered as a volunteer in the 2nd bat-
talion of the regiment which was raised in his
native department. He soon obtained the rank
of sub-lieutenant ; and, having been successively
promoted to a lieutenancy and a captaincy in the
army of Dumouriez, he so distinguished himself
at the battle of Fleurus, at the affairs of the
Sambre-et-Meuse, and especially at the passage of
the Roer, as to be appointed aide-de-camp to
General Bernadotte, and colonel and command-
ant of the Legion of Honour. He accompanied
Bernadotte in all his campaigns in Italy, and on
the Rhine ; was general of brigade during the
war in Prussia ; general of division after the
Russian campaign; commander of the 11th corps
of the grand army before the battle of Leipsic ;
commander-in-chief of the reserves of Paris, to-
wards the end of 1813 ; inspector general of in-
fantry before the first restoration ; peer of France ;
and commander of the army of the Moselle,
during the hundred days.

It was at the celebrated battle of the Moskwa,
and in the subsequent retreat, that General
Gerard earned his chief title to military re-
nown. After the death of General Gudin, who
was killed in the engagement, he succeeded to
the command of the 2nd division, and gathered
new laurels at the bridge of Frankfort, on the
Oder, by the overthrow of a great part of the
Russian cavalry who attempted to intercept him

PARIS IN 1830. 365

on the route to Berlin. Dieuville, Nogent, Nau-
gis, and Montereau, became the scenes of subse-
quent exploits ; and at Troyes, where he com-
manded in 1814, he succeeded in preserving the
town from conflagration, by the skill he displayed
in treating with General Wrede, who afterwards
occupied the place on the part of the Allies.

On the abdication of Napoleon, General Ge-
rard took the oath of fidelity to Louis XVIII.,
by whom he was entrusted with the difficult and
important duty of bringing back into France the
corps d'armee, which was then at Hamburgh.
As a reward for its successful execution, he was
appointed chevalier of Saint Louis, and grand
cross of the Legion of Honour.

During the hundred days, he was intrusted
with the functions of inspector general at Stras-
bourg, from whence he proceeded to Belfort
to act as governor of the town. It was after
he had been appointed to the command of the
army of the Moselle, that he distinguished him-
self at the battle of Ligny ; and the defeat of Na-
poleon at Waterloo is generally ascribed by
Frenchmen to Marshal Grouchy's neglect of the
advice which was offered to him by General Ge-
rard on the morning of the 18th of June. He
joined the Marshal about eleven o'clock, at the
village of Walin, where, on hearing the artillery
in the direction of the forest of Soignies, the
truth at once occurred to him that a general

366 PARIS IN 1830.

engagement had begun, and he proposed to
Grouchy to proceed to the assistance of the Em-
peror, from whom they were about three leagues
distant. These facts having been disputed by the
friends of Grouchy, have been publicly stated by
General Gerard himself, in a manner, and accom-
panied by evidence, which forbid all doubt as to
their authenticity.

When Paris had capitulated after the battle of
Waterloo, General Gerard was one of the gene-
ral officers appointed by the army to present
their submission to the King. In 1816 he was
resident at Brussels, and was then married to
Mademoiselle de Valence, the grand-daughter of
Madame de Genlis. On his return to France,
in 1817, he went to reside on his estate of Vil-
lers, in the department of the Oise, where he
lived in retirement until the year 1821, when he
was elected a deputy by the department of the
Seine. In 1828 he was re-elected for the two
departments of the Oise, and the Dordogne,
between which he took his option of sitting for
the latter. In the Chamber, General Gerard has
always taken his seat at the extreme left, and, by
the late administration, was regarded, with reason,
as one of their most formidable opponents. It
was he, however, who, during the hundred days,
solicited an employment for his predecessor in
the war department, the too celebrated General
Bourmont — offering, it is said, to answer with

PARIS IN 1830. 367

his head for Bourmont's fidelity. The great man's
answer to the application, discovered his dis-
trust : " Mon cher Gerard," he said, " qui a ete
blanc restera blanc : qui a ete bleu restera bleu ;"
but he yielded at length to the general's impor-
tunity, and was doubtless much less surprised
than Gerard at the base desertion of Bourmont
on the field of Waterloo.

The minister of finance, Baron Louis, was
born at Toul, in the department of the Meurthe,
in the year 17<55, and was clerk to the parliament
of Paris at the period of the revolution of 1789.
Before that period he had evinced his predilec-
tion for the new order of things, by the consti-
tutional zeal he displayed in the year 1788, in
the provincial assembly of Orleans ; and when
Talleyrand, then the Bishop of Autun, per-
formed his celebrated mass at the Champ de
Mars on the 14th of July, 1790, M. Louis
assisted as a deacon in conducting the cere-
mony. Soon after this period, he was em-
ployed by Louis XVI. in several important
diplomatic missions. At the commencement
of the reign of terror he retired to England,
and did not appear again in France until
Napoleon had established himself in power.
Under the patronage of Talleyrand, he became
an employe in the war department, and after-
wards in the chancellerie of the Legion of Ho-
nour. At a later period he was appointed

368 PARIS IN 1830.

master of requests in the Council of State, and
in 1810 was named president of the Council of
Liquidation in Holland. In 1814, before the
fall of Bonaparte, he was appointed minister of
finance, and retained the office under the re-
stored government, where he submitted to the
Chamber the united budget for the years 1814
and 1815.

On the re-appearance of Napoleon, M. Louis
accompanied the King to Ghent ; and, on the
second restoration, he resumed his former place in
the ministry, but retained it only for three
months, when he was succeeded by M. Corvetto.
He had then a seat in the Chamber of Deputies,
as the representative of his native department,
Meurthe, and consoled himself for his loss of
office by voting steadily against the administra-
tion. He returned to place in 1818, but again
retired from it in the following year ; soon
after which he was returned to the Chamber
by the department of the Seine. Since that
period he has constantly sitten on the benches of
the left, and has been faithful to the principles
of the constitutional party.

The minister for foreign affairs, Louis Mathieu
Count Mole, was born in I78O. Like several
other members of the Cabinet, his first public
appearance was that of a political writer. His
" Essais de Morale et de Politique " created for
him a name which secured him the attention of

PARIS IN 1830. 369

the Imperial Government, by which he was first
appointed auditor to the council of state, then
master of requests, and successively counsellor
of state, director-general of bridges and high-
ways, and, (after the retirement of Reigner,
Duke of Massa,) minister of justice, with the
title of count and a peerage. He is accused of
having risen so rapidly by the address with
which he contrived to flatter the prejudices
of his imperial master. During the first resto-
ration, M. Mole had no ministerial employ-
ment ; but, as a member of the municipal body of
Paris, he signed the address presented by that
body to the King a few days before the 20th of
March, 1815. On the return of Napoleon from
Elba, he resumed the direction of the bridges
and highways, and his place in the council of
state ; but he refused to sign the famous declara-
tion of the 25th of March, or to take any part
in the deliberations of that sitting of the council
— a circumstance which did not hinder Napoleon
from creating him a peer of France.

Having withdrawn from public affairs, he re-
tired to the waters of Plombieres, where he
remained until after the battle of Waterloo ; but,
in spite of the delicacy of his health, which had
been the apology for his retirement, he was one
of the first in Paris to compliment the King on
his return. This promptitude did not long re-
main unrewarded ; his rank as a counsellor of

B B

370 PARIS IN 1830.

state, his former office of director-general of
bridges and highways, his title and his peerage,
being immediately secured to him.

On the trial of Marshal Ney, M. Mole voted
with the majority. When Mons. Gouvion de Saint
Cyr became minister of war, Mons. Mole received
the portfolio of the marine department ; an office
for which, in popular estimation, he was as little
fitted as for that of foreign affairs, with which he
is at present invested.

The minister of marine, General Count Horace
Francois Sebastiani, was born in the island of
Corsica, on the 11th of November, 177^> and is
related, according to some of the biographers of
Napoleon, to the Bonaparte family. At an early
age he embraced the military profession, and
soon rose to the rank of colonel. The talents
he displayed in the campaigns of Germany and
Spain induced Napoleon to employ him, with the
rank of lieutenant-general, on a diplomatic mis-
sion to the Levant, the ostensible object of which
was the re-establishment of a good understanding
between Sweden and the Regency of Tripoli,
but with secret instructions to inquire into the
state of Egypt and Syria, and of the Barbary
States, at the period when he meditated their
occupation, as subservient to his views on British
India. Although this mission was not attended
with any practical results, it had the effect of
proving to Napoleon that his agent was as active,

PARTS IN 1830. 371

adroit, and intelligent in the mysteries of diplo-
macy, as lie was able, resolute, and circumspect
in the field of battle. After the battle of Auster-
litz, Sebastiani was appointed ambassador to
Constantinople, where he is said to have saved
the Turkish capital from the bombardment which
was prepared for it by an English squadron,
(which with that view had passed the Dardanelles,)
by the dexterity with which, under his instruc-
tions, the Turkish negociations were conducted
with the British commander. On his return to
France, he received the rewards which were due
to him, and was soon afterwards sent to Spain,
from whence he went to join the army in Ger-
many, when preparing for the celebrated cam-
paign in Russia, in the whole of which Sebastiani
was actively employed.

He did not enter into the service of the re-
stored government, but promptly rejoined Napo-
leon on his return from Elba. It was then that
he commenced his career as legislator, having
been elected as the representative of the depart-
ment of the Aisne ; but the Chamber was dis-
solved on the approach of the Allies, and he left
France at the period of the second restoration,
and remained for a year in England. In 1819,
he was re-elected a deputy by the electoral col-
lege of his native island, and since then has never
ceased to have a seat in the Chamber, where he
has constantly voted with the party of the cote

bb2

37^ PARIS IN 1830.

gauche. His talents as a statesman undoubtedly
entitle him to a seat in the cabinet ; and his ap-
pointment would have been highly popular, but
for a feeling, which is not unnatural, that the de-
partment of Marine should have been entrusted
to a naval officer, such as De Rigny, or Duperre,
in preference to one who has been educated in a
service, between which and the navy there is
supposed to exist a latent feeling of jealousy.

Besides the ministers entrusted with portfolios,
there are four other members of the cabinet, who,
without any active duties, have a voice in its de-
liberations, and partake in its general responsi-
bility.

At the head of these may be placed M. La-
fitte, the eminent banker, a native of Bayonne,
where he was born in the year I767. He applied
himself, at a very early age, to commercial pur-
suits, having been educated in the house of Per-
rigaux, the banker, who was not long in giving
him a personal interest in his business. After the
death of M. Perrigaux, M. Lafitte continued for
ten years to take the active management of the
business, while the son of his former principal be-
came a sleeping partner in the concern. Under
his management the business of the house was so
much increased as to have at length become one
of the first in Europe.

M. Lafitte was first elected a deputy in 1815 ;
and, at the period of the second capitulation of

PARIS IN 1830. 373

Paris in that year, when the public treasury was
exhausted, he advanced from his own resources
a sum of two millions of francs for the purpose
of securing- the internal peace of the country by
facilitating- the retreat of the French army beyond
the Loire. In 1820, he accepted the office of
governor of the bank of France, but refused the
emoluments attached to it — an instance of disin-
terestedness which was not imitated by his suc-
cessor the Duke de Gaete.

Having- risen to the rank which he now holds
in the state by his own personal merit, M. Lafitte
has been often assailed by the calumnies of those
who are jealous of his well-earned reputation.
He has been accused of employing an abler pen
than his own in preparing for his public appear-
ances in the Chamber ; when he performs a good
or generous action, it is ascribed to unworthy
feelings of ostentation ; and when his daughter
was married to the son of Marshal Ney, the insinu-
ation was not spared, that it was that he might
atone for his own plebeian origin, by having a
prince for a son-in-law. But he can well af-
ford to treat such unworthy imputations with
contempt, and to throw into the opposite scale his
unblemished character for integrity and disinter-
estedness, and the able manner in which he has
fulfilled the duties of president of the Chamber
of Deputies, inconsistent as they are with the use
of those borrowed speeches, which are said, with

374 PARIS IN 1830.

some show of probability, to be not unfrequently
delivered at the tribunes of the French legisla-
tive Chambers.

M. Casimir Perier, another member of the
Cabinet, without any special department, is, like
M. Lafitte, a banker by profession. He is the son
of Claude Perier, a rich merchant of Grenoble,
where he was born in the month of October,
1777. His first profession was that of arms ;
having served as an engineer in the Italian cam-
paigns of 1799 and 1800. He soon afterwards
abandoned the military profession, and, in con-
nexion with his brother Scipio, established a
banking-house in Paris ; but has not confined
himself exclusively to financial transactions, hav-
ing engaged extensively in various departments
of commerce and manufactures, particularly those
of cotton spinning, glass making, and the refining
of sugar — a department of industry which is very
extensively pursued in the neighbourhood of the
capital.

In the month of October, 1817, on the very
day when he became eligible as a deputy, by the
attainment of his fortieth year, he was chosen by
the electors of the Seine, as one of their repre-
sentatives ; since which period, he has boldly and
steadily opposed the measures of each successive
cabinet, up to the date of the revolution, and is
justly regarded as one of the ablest speakers in
the Chamber to which he belongs. M. Casimir

PARIS IN 1830. 375

Perier has three brothers in the Chamber ; Au-
gustin, who sits for the Isere ; Alexandre, for
the Loiret ; and Camille, for the Sarthe. He is
himself the representative of the department of
the Aube. He was called to the chair of the
Chamber of Deputies as soon as it was consti-
tuted, at the period of the revolution, but the
state of his health compelled him soon after to
resign — when M. Lafitte was elected by a very
great majority.

Andre Marie Jean Jacques Dupin, better
known by the name of M. Dupin, aine, to dis-
tinguish him from his younger brothers, was
born at Varzy, in the department of the Nievre,
on the 1st of February, 1783. His early educa-
tion was conducted by his mother, and completed
under the superintendence of his father, Charles
Andre Dupin, a member of the first legislative
assembly, on obtaining his liberation from the
prisons of the reign of terror. At that unhappy
period there could not be said to be any thing
like public education in France. On the re-es-
tablishment of the schools of law, M. Dupin,
aine, took his degrees, and, having sustained the
first thesis as a graduate, found himself, at twenty-
three years of age, the senior of all the doctors
of the modern schools. After practising for
eight years at the bar, he stood as a candidate, in
1810, for the chairs of several professorships
which were then vacant ; but although his repu-

370 PARIS IN 1830.

tation was already great as an author, as well as
a lawyer and an orator, he did not succeed in
these objects of his ambition. In 1812 he was
proposed to the government by M. Merlin, pro-
cureur-general, for the office of avocat-general,
in the Court of Cassation, but was again unsuc-
cessful, M. Jaubert having obtained the appoint-
ment, through the influence of M. Fontanes.
Soon afterwards M. Dupin was added, by the
grand judge, the Duke de Massa, to the cele-
brated commission entrusted with the important
task of arranging and classifying the laws of the
empire.

In 1815 he was elected a deputy by his native
department of the Nievre, and boldly combated
the opinion of those who proposed to give to
Napoleon the title of " Saviour of the Country."
He insisted on the Chamber declaring itself a
national assembly, opposed the proclamation of
Napoleon II., and submitted as the formula of
the oath to be taken by the members of the Pro-
visional Government — " I swear obedience to
the laws, and fidelity to the nation."

After the second restoration, he was appointed
President of the electoral colleges of Chateau-
Chinon, and of Clamecy, through the influence
of the royalist party, with a view to his re-elec-
tion to the Chamber of Deputies ; but was unsuc-
cessful in both cases, and was not provided with
a seat until the year 1827, when he was returned

PARIS IN 1830. 377

by three different colleges, those of the depart-
ment of the Sarthe, and of two of the arrondisse-
ments of the Nievre. In the mean time, however,
he was in some degree compensated by his suc-
cess at the bar, which has been as brilliant as it
must have been lucrative. He was entrusted
with the defence of Marshal Ney, of Generals
Alix, Savary, Gilly, Caulaincourt, and Forest
de Morvan, and of Messrs. Boyer, Fievee,
Bavoux, Merillion, de Jouy, Madier, deMontjean
de Beranger, and de Pradt, all accused of politi-
cal offences. He was also counsel for Sir Robert
Wilson, and Messrs. Hutchinson and Bruce,
when put on their defence for assisting in the
escape of M. de Lavalette. His superior talents
induced the ministry of 1819 to offer him the
office of under secretary of state, in the depart-
ment of justice, with the title of master of re-
quests ; but, having refused to connect himself
with that administration, he was soon afterwards
appointed by the Duke of Orleans a member of
his royal highness's council.

With all his talents, however, (and they are un-
doubtedly of the very first order,) public opinion
is far from being unanimous as to his political in-
tegrity. The royalists think him a concealed Jaco-
bin, and the liberals regard him as little better than
a Jesuit ; but he must be a strange Jesuit, who
thunders against the order like M. Dupin in his
public declamations ; and as strange a Jacobin, to

378 PARIS IN 1830.

walk as he does, uncovered, in the processions of
the church, and to maintain a private chapel,
with all its adjuncts, on his estate. Since the
date of the revolution, M. Dupin has been vio-
lently attacked by all the liberal journalists, for
the want of resolution he is supposed to have
evinced in the first days of the struggle ; and he
has thought it necessary to publish a defence,
which, as a piece of special pleading, is ingenious,
if not conclusive, and well calculated to maintain
his high character as a lawyer ; although it has
not certainly been very successful in giving him
the place which he desires to occupy in public
estimation, as an unflinching supporter of the
principles of the revolution.

Henri Benjamin Constant de Rebecque, the
president of the committee of legislation, and of
administrative justice, and one of the members
of the cabinet, was born at Lausanne, in the
year I767. He belongs to a family of Protestant
refugees, who are said to be descended from a
Baron Augustin Constant, who, after having
saved the life of Henry IV., abandoned his
standard, on that Prince declaring himself a con-
vert to the Catholic religion. After M. Con-
stant had completed his studies at the universities
of Gottingen and Edinburgh, he was employed
for some time at the court of the Grand Duke of
Brunswick, which he left in 1795, to come to
Paris, where he became connected with some of

PARIS IN 1830. 379

the most distinguished men of the period. His
first literary production was a work published in
179(), entitled, " De la force du gouvernement
actuel de la France, et de la necessite de s'y
rallier," which procured him the acquaintance of
Madame de Stael, a friendship which he retained
until her death. In 1798 he became a member
of the " club de salut," and continued to oppose
the successive assumptions of arbitrary power by
the conqueror of Italy. He was, in consequence,
sent into exile, which he shared with his illustri-
ous friend the authoress of Corinna, with whom
he travelled over various countries of Europe, and
ended by fixing himself at Gottingen, where, in
1808, he married a young lady of the family
of Hardenberg. M. Constant did not return
to France until the date of the restoration,
when he published a number of papers favour-
able to liberty, and consequently hostile to the
power of Napoleon. After the return of the
Emperor from Elba, he was induced to accept
the office of counsellor of state, and is accused
of having assisted in the preparation of the ce-
lebrated " Acte additionel aux constitutions de
l'Empire." On the final overthrow of the power
of Napoleon by the battle of Waterloo, he re-
turned first to Brussels, and afterwards to Eng-
land, where he remained until after the 5th of
September, 1816, when he returned to France,
and applied himself to literary pursuits, which

380 PARIS IN 1830.

have chiefly been directed to the department of
politics. In 1819, he was chosen as a deputy by
the electors of the Sarthe, in spite of all the ef-
forts of the ministry to defeat his return. In
1824, he was re-elected by the department of
the Seine, when his return was opposed by
M. Dudon, on the ground of his being disqua-
lified by the place of his birth ; an objection
which was ultimately over-ruled.

The personal appearance of M. Constant is far
from prepossessing. Although not perceptibly
lame, he uses a crutch in walking, in consequence
of weakness in his limbs. His hair is red, and he
wears it so long as to hang down over his shoul-
ders. He uses spectacles habitually, and, in
speaking, he is so precipitate, and his voice is
so rough, that he is not understood without great
difficulty. Yet with all these disadvantages, his
countenance is mild, open, ingenuous, and intel-
ligent ; his manners are those of a man of let-
ters rather than a man of the world : in conver-
sation he is lively and unaffected ; and, as Dupin
has been said to resemble Brougham in the ex-
tent of his acquirements, although far behind
his illustrious rival in moral reputation — so
has Constant been placed by his Parisian con-
temporaries on a level with Sir James Mackin-
tosh.

M. Bignon was born at la Meilleraie, in the
department of the Seine Inferieure, in 1771-

PARIS IN 1830. 381

He is of a distinguished family, and, although
extremely well educated, he resolved, in 1793,
to enter the army as a private soldier. He
found himself in the 128th demi-brigade, under
the command of General Huet, who soon at-
tached him to his own person in the capacity
of private secretary. After five years of mili-
tary service, he entered on the diplomatic career,
and in 1799 was appointed secretary to the
Prussian legation ; after which he became charge-
d'affaires at Berlin, and, in 1803, was appointed
minister plenipotentiary at the court of the Elec-
tor of Hesse Cassel. In 1807, be was named
military intendant of Berlin ; and afterwards, in
conjunction with Count Dam, was placed at
the head of the administration of the armies in
the Austrian territory. In 1810, he was the
French resident at Warsaw, having been em-
ployed by Napoleon to stir up the insurrec-
tion of the Poles against the Russians, for which
purpose he proceeded to Wilna as the commis-
sioner of the Imperial Government. He is said
to have displayed the greatest talent and intelli-
gence in the performance of this mission ; but, on
the retreat of the French army, he was made a
prisoner at Dresden.

During the first restoration he remained un-
employed ; but having been elected a deputy, in
1815, by the department of the Seine Inferieure,
he was entrusted, during the hundred days, with

382 PARTS IN 1830.

the portfolio of foreign affairs, which he aban-
doned on the entrance of the Allies into Paris ;
and he has never since held any official appoint-
ment. In 1822, M. Bignon lost his seat in the
Chamber, but in 1827 was re-elected by the
College of Rouen. He is universally respected
for the steadiness with which he has maintained
his constitutional principles ; and, besides being
an author of some repute, has the honour of
being exempted from the place which has been
given to more than one of his ministerial col-
leagues in the " Dictionnaire des Girouettes."

PARIS IN 1830. 383

CHAPTER XXIV.

Convocation of the Legislative Body — Account of the cere-
mony observed on the occasion — Cordial reception of the
Duke of Orleans — His speech to the assembled Peers and
Deputies — Letter from the Commissioners sent to Rambouil-
let — Separate meetings of the two Chambers — Proceedings
and speeches of the Members— The Declaration of Rights
presented to the Duke of Orleans by the Deputies — En-
thusiasm manifested on the occasion.

The 3rd of August was the day originally
named by Charles X. for the convocation of
the legislative body. According to former
usage, the royal sitting should have taken place
in the palace of the Louvre, which was selected
as a place where the Peers and the Deputies
could meet on neutral ground. At ten o'clock
on the morning of the day thus appointed, the
meeting accordingly took place ; but, as if
to indicate fhe ascendancy which had been pro-
duced by the events of the revolution in favour
of the representatives of the people, it was not
at the Louvre, or the Luxembourg, that this
important meeting was held, but in the tempo-

384 PARIS IN 1830.

rary wooden building prepared for the accom-
modation of the representatives of the people.

At a very early hour in the morning, the va-
rious approaches to the Palais Bourbon, where
this building is situated, were besieged by an
anxious crowd ; and as soon as the doors were
opened, the galleries, which are destined for the
public accommodation, were instantly filled.
The chair of the president, the table of the se-
cretaries, and the tribune, from which the mem-
bers address the Chamber, were, on this occasion,
removed, to make way for a magnificent chair of
state, which, with two tabourets for the Princes,
occupied that portion of the hall. The throne,
with its splendid canopy of velvet, was the same
which had formerly been employed at the Louvre ;
and, as it was adorned with golden fleurs de lis,
and other distinctions peculiar to the house of
Bourbon, a number of three-coloured banners
were so arranged, as to mask the insignia of the
repudiated family.

In front of the throne were the two stools of
privilege ; one for the Duke of Orleans, as
Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, on the
right, and the other for the Duke de Nemours,
his second son, on the left of the throne. The
chair of the Chancellor of France, covered with
violet-coloured velvet, was placed on the left of
the seat appropriated to the Duke de Nemours.
One of the galleries was reserved for the Duchess

PARIS IN 1S30. 385

of Orleans and the Princesses of her family,
and another for the corps diplomatique. In the
latter, although no regular accredited ambassador
appeared, there were five secretaries, two charges
d'affaires, the one of Denmark, and the other of
the United States of America, and a great num-
ber of the attaches to the various embassies.

Soon after the public galleries had been filled,
the Deputies, and especially those of the cote
gauche, began to enter. At a later hour in the
morning, a small group arrived, including M.
Berryer, M. Jacquinot Pamplune, M. de Meffrey,
M. de Conny, M. de Murat, M. de Boisbertrand,
M. de Belissen, M. Bizien du Lezard, M. d'Aut-
poul, and M. Roger, who were all that now
remained to represent the former party of the
cote droit, now described as the Carlists.

About twelve o'clock, the Peers began to ar-
rive ; and among their number were observed
the Dukes de Mortemart, de Bellune, de Valmy,
de Choiseul, de Caraman, and de Trevise ; the
Marechal Jourdan, the Marquis de Dreux Breze,
and the Viscount de Chateaubriand, Messrs. Por-
talis, Seguier, Pasquier, Chaptal, de Montalivet,
de Simonville, Lanjuinais, Roy, and Bastard de
l'Estang. The costume of the legislative cham-
bers was not worn on this occasion, either by
Peers or Deputies ; blue and black were the pre-
vailing colours : the grand cordon of the Legion
of Honor was occasionally visible, but the blue

c c

386 PARIS IN 1830.

ribbon had entirely disappeared. M. Lafitte
and General Lafayette arrived about the same
moment, and had engaged the general attention?
when the guns of the Invalides gave notice of the
approach of the Duke of Orleans. His Royal
Highness was preceded by the Duchess and her
daughters, who took their places in the gallery
reserved for them. On a given signal, the two
grand deputations from the Peers and the Depu-
ties, whose names had previously been drawn by
ballot, went out to receive the Lieutenant-Ge-
neral of the kingdom at the foot of the principal
staircase ; the one with M. Lafitte, as vice-pre-
sident, and the other with M. de Simonville, as
grand referendary, at its head, in the absence of
M. Perier, the President of the Chamber of De-
puties, and of the Chancellor of France, the Pre-
sident of the Chamber of Peers. The Commis-
sioners then entrusted provisionally with the
different departments of the ministry, remained
with the officers of the Prince's household, at
the inner entrance of the hall.

The Duke, on his entrance, was received with
unanimous acclamations of " Vive le Prince,
Lieutenant General ! Vive le Due d'Orleans !"
He was dressed in a military uniform, and, on
his reaching the tabouret assigned to him, he
put on his hat — a circumstance which excited
some criticism at the period — and, addressing
himself to the two legislative bodies without dis-

PARIS IN 1830. 387

tinction, desired them to be seated. The old
ceremonial consisted in the King's turning round
to the Chamber of Peers, and saying, " Messieurs,
asseyez-vous " after which, the Chancellor, ad-
dressing the Deputies, informed them that his
Majesty permitted them to take their seats. The
most perfect silence prevailed within the hall ;
but the artillery of the Invalides continued to
peal in salvos while the Prince pronounced the
following speech :
" Messieurs les Pairs, et Messieurs les Deputes !

" Paris, disturbed in its repose by a deplorable viola-
tion of the charter and the laws, defended them with an
heroic courage ! In the midst of this bloody struggle,
the guarantees of social order no longer existed. Per-
sons, property, rights, all that is precious and dear to
men and citizens, were exposed to the most imminent
danger.

" In the absence of all public power, the wishes of my
fellow-citizens have been directed towards me. They
have deemed me worthy of concurring with them in
saving the country ; they have invited me to exercise
the functions of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom.

" To me their cause hasappeared to be just ; the perils
immense, the necessity imperative, my duty sacred. I
hastened into the midst of this valiant people, followed
by my family, and wearing those colours, which, for
the second time, have marked among us the triumph of
liberty.

" I have come with the firm resolution of devoting
my efforts to every thing that circumstances might re-
quire of me, in the situation in which I have been placed,
to re-establish the empire of the laws, save, protect
endangered liberty, and render the recurrence impossi-

cc2

388 PARTS IN 1830.

ble of such great evils, by securing for ever the power of
that charter, whose name, invoked during the combat,
was repeated after victory.

" In the fulfilment of this noble task, it belongs to the
Chambers to guide me. Every right should be sub-
stantially guaranteed ; all the institutions necessary to
their full and free exercise should receive the develop-
ments of which they have need. Attached with my
whole heart, and from conviction, to the principles of
a free government, I accept all its consequences before-
hand. I deem it my duty, even now, to call your at-
tention to the organization of the National Guards, the
application of the Jury to offences by the press, the
formation of departmental and municipal administra-
tions, and, above all, to the 14th Article of the Charter,
which has been so odiously interpreted.

" With these sentiments, Gentlemen, I come to open
this Session.

u The past is painful to me ; I deplore disasters
which I should have wished to prevent; but in the
midst of this magnanimous excitement of the capital,
and of all other French cities, at the aspect of order re-
viving with such astonishing promptitude, after a resist-
ance free from all excess, a just national pride affects
my heart, and I look with confidence on the future des-
tiny of the country.

" Yes, Gentlemen, this land of France, so dear tome,
will be happy and free : it will prove to Europe, that,
solely engaged in promoting its internal prosperity, it
cherishes peace as much as liberty, and only wishes for
the happiness and repose of its neighbours.

" Respect for the rights of all, attention to every in-
terest, and good faith in the Government, are the best
means of disarming parties, and of restoring to the pub-
lic mind that confidence, and to the institutions that
stability, which are the only sure pledges of the happi-
ness of the people, and the strength of states.

PARIS IN 1830. 389

" Peers and Deputies ! — As soon as the Chambers are
constituted, I will communicate to you the act of abdi-
cation of his Majesty King Charles X. ; by the same
act, his Royal Highness Louis Antoine of France, the
Dauphin, likewise renounces his rights. This act was
placed in my hands last night, the 2nd of August, at
eleven o'clock. This morning, I have ordered it to be de-
posited among the archives of the Chamber of Peers, and
to be inserted in the official part of the Moniteur?

The acclamations with which the Duke had
been received on his entrance were renewed at
the conclusion of his speech. On his rising to
retire, the two grand deputations surrounded
him, and accompanied him to the outer entrance,
where he and the Duke de Nemours mounted
their horses amidst a detachment of the National
Guards a cheval. The Duchess and her daugh-
ters followed in an open carriage, drawn by a
pair of horses, and escorted by a party of young
men on horseback, wearing three-coloured
scarfs. The procession returned as it came, by
the quays, the Pont Royal, and the Place de Car-
rousel, to the Palais Royal, the band playing the
favourite airs of the " Marseillaise" and " La
Victoire est a nous."

On the following morning, the Prince Lieu-
tenant-General received the following letter from
the Commissioners who had been sent to Ram-
bouillet, communicating the happy and bloodless
issue of that extraordinary expedition : —

390 PARIS IN 1830.

" MONSEIGNEUR,

" We are happy to announce to you the success
of our mission. The King has resolved to depart
with all his family. We shall bring you all the
incidents and details of the journey with the
utmost exactness. May it end happily ! We
take the road to Cherbourg, and are to set out in
half an hour. All the troops are sent towards
Epernon, and to-morrow morning it will be de-
termined which of them shall definitively follow
the King.

" We are, with respect and devotedness, Mon-
seigneur, &c.

(Signed) " Le Marechal Maison.
" Odillon-Barrot.
" De Schonen.

" Rambouillet, 3d August, 10 o'clock, p. m."

The publication of this letter, and of the
speech of the Duke of Orleans at the opening of
the session, contributed materially to the restora-
tion of public tranquillity, after the renewal of
the excitement produced by the obstinacy of
Charles X. and the measures which had been
found necessary to hasten his departure.

On the 4th of August the two legislative
bodies assembled in their respective chambers.
The sitting of the Deputies was confined to the
appointment of committees, and to the arrange-

PARIS IN 1830. 391

ment of those preliminary forms required by the
constitution of the Chamber, for facilitating the
progress of the business of the session. In former
years these forms had generally occupied a period
of eight or ten days ; but on this occasion they
were completed on the 4th of August, when the
Chamber adjourned to the 6th, in order to afford
some interval of preparation for the important
business which was then to be transacted.

The Peers, after appointing the Marquis de
Mont em art, the Duke de Plaisance, Marshal
Maison, and Count Lanjuinais, secretaries of the
Chamber, proceeded to ballot for a committee to
prepare an address in answer to the Lieutenant-
General's opening speech. In the course of the
debate which arose on this question, a speech
was delivered by the Duke de Choiseul, of which
the following is an abstract.

" Under the serious circumstances in which
we are placed, to waver in our conduct would be
culpable and pusillanimous. We can no longer
confine ourselves to a mere echo of the phrases
in the speech from the head of the government ;
we must express our sentiments with loyalty and
frankness. It is to things, and not to persons,
that our attention must hereafter be directed ;
and I am prepared to say, with M. Cazales, that
if we must choose between the monarch and the
monarchy, it is the monarchy alone which ought
to be regarded. But we are called to the exer-

392 PARIS IN 1830.

cise of higher duties — to establish the government
on a solid basis, and to remove all uncertainty as
to the exercise of power. The Chamber of
Peers I conceive to be of incontestable necessity;
but it must demonstrate that necessity by placing
itself at the head of public opinion, and by recall-
ing those glorious and happy days when, instead
of being dragged in the train of power, this
Chamber was honoured in public opinion by the
constitutional opposition which it maintained
against the measures of a ministry supported by
a Chamber of Deputies distinguished by the name
of ' introuvable.9 The title of Peer of France
was then synonymous with that of father of the
country. But times have since changed : I will
not mention the causes ; they are unfortunately
too well known. To day I confine myself to the
proposition, that in preparing the address in
answer to the speech from the head of the govern-
ment, the committee should abstain from a ser-
vile repetition of the phrases of the speech ; that
it should lay aside those fawning protestations
which it has been the fashion to introduce ; and
that it should express itself clearly as to the
urgency of the measures to be proposed for in-
suring the stability of the government, and as to
the importance of the laws which are required
by the present order of things."

The committee on the address was composed of
Counts Mole, Simeon, and d'Argout, Barons de

PARIS IN 1830. 393

Barante and Seguier, the Marquises de Marbois
and Jaucourt : and, after its appointment, the
Chamber adjourned.

On the 6th of August, the Deputies having
assembled under the presidency of M. Labbey
de Pompieres, the temporary chairman in right
of seniority, it was announced to the Chamber
that the Lieutenant-General, in obedience to the
existing law, had selected M. Casimir Perier as
president, from the list of candidates prepared by
the Deputies at their former sitting, but that the
Lieutenant-General had expressed his wish that
this might be the last occasion on which such
a controul should be exercised.

The chair was then taken by M. Lafitte, as
one of the vice-presidents, when a letter was read
from M. Perier, apologizing for his absence, and
saying that the state of his health would have in-
duced him to decline the distinguished office to
which he had been nominated, had not the
urgency of circumstances rendered it important
that the proceedings of the Chamber should not
be delayed by a new ballot. Messrs. Cunin,
Gridaine, Jacqueminot, Paveede Vandoeuvre, and
Jars, then took their places as secretaries.

A proposition to the following effect was read
from the chair :

" I accuse of high treason the ex-ministers,
authors of the report to the King, and subscribers

394 PARIS IN 1830.

( contre-signataires ) of the ordinances of the
26th of July.

(Signed) " Eusebe Salverte."

M. Salverte having been called upon to sup-
port his proposition, stated, that as the Chamber
had more important business before it, he would
content himself with moving that it be referred
to the committees.

M. Berard then ascended the tribune, and ad-
dressed the Chamber to the following effect :

" The people of France were united to their
monarch by a solemn tie, which has just been
torn asunder. The violator of the contract can
have no right to claim its execution. It is in
vain that Charles X. and his son affect to trans-
mit a right which no longer belongs to them.
That right has been dissolved in the blood of
thousands of victims. The deed of abdication
communicated to the Legislature is but a new
act of perfidy ; the semblance of legality with
which it is clothed, is a mere deception ; it has
been thrown among us, that it may become a
brand of discord. We have been called upon by
the same law of necessity, which placed arms in
the hands of the citizens of Paris for the resist-
ance of oppression, to adopt a Prince for our tem-
porary chief, who is a sincere friend to free insti-
tutions. We are required by the same necessity to
adopt, without delay, a permanent chief as the

PARIS IN 1830. 395

head of the government. But, however implicit
the confidence with which this Prince has inspired
us, the rights we are chosen to defend require
that we should fix the conditions on which he is
to be admitted to power. Repeatedly and shame-
fully deceived, we are warranted in stipulating
for the strictest terms. In some respects our
institutions are incomplete, in others they are
vicious ; it is our duty to extend and purify them.
The Prince now at our head has already done
more than we have required of him ; the funda-
mental principles of popular right have been
already propounded and acknowledged ; other
principles, and other rights are equally indispen-
sable, and will be equally acknowledged, We are
the chosen of the people ; to us they have con-
fided their interests and their wants. Their first
want, their dearest interest, is liberty and repose.
They have themselves won their liberty from the
hands of tyranny, by force of arms ; it is for us to
secure their repose, by giving them a just and
stable government."

M. Berard concluded by moving a series of
resolutions, by the first of which it was proposed
to declare, " That the throne is vacant, and that
it is indispensably necessary to make provision
accordingly." By the succeeding articles it was
proposed, that in pursuance of the wishes, and in
furtherance of the interests of the French people,
the preamble of the constitutional charter should

396 PARIS IN 1830.

be suppressed, and its clauses modified in the
manner detailed in the resolutions submitted to
the Chamber. The modifications ultimately
adopted will at once be understood by the com-
parative view of the old and the new charter,
which will be found at the end of the volume.
By the last of M. Berard's resolutions, it was
proposed, " That in consideration of the accept-
ance of the conditions proposed, the Chamber of
Deputies declares, that the universal and urgent
interests of the French people call to the throne
his Royal Highness Louis Philippe d'Orleans,
Due d'Orleans, Lieutenant-General of the king-
dom, and his descendants for ever, from male to
male, in the order of primogeniture, to the per-
petual exclusion of females, and their descendants.

" That his Royal Highness be therefore invited
to accept, and swear to the clauses and engage-
ments expressed in the previous resolutions, and
to the observance of the constitutional charter,
with the modifications thus agreed to, and, after
having taken the oath, in the presence of the
assembled Chambers, to assume the title of the
King of the French."

After this proposition had been made by M.
Berard, a discussion arose as to the subsequent
forms of proceeding, in which M. Mathieu Du-
mas, M. Etienne, and General Demarcay, parti-
cipated. It was ultimately decided that the pro-
position should first be referred to the ordinary

PARIS IN 1830. 397

committees of the Chamber, and that it should
afterwards be examined by a special committee,
in connexion with that appointed to prepare the
address. When these arrangements had been
made, an adjournment of the Chamber took place
until the evening.

On the arrival of the Deputies about eight
o'clock, to attend the second extraordinary sitting
of the Chamber, the avenues which lead to the
building were already occupied with crowds,
anxious to learn the result of the day's proceed-
ings. These crowds were chiefly composed of
young men belonging to the middle classes of
society ; and the exclamations in which they in-
dulged, as the Deputies entered, were for the most
part directed to the abolition of the hereditary
peerage, which seems still to be associated in the
public mind with that system of privilege which,
under the ancien regime, made the French no-
blesse an object of popular jealousy and detesta-
tion. The agitation on the outside was regarded
by some of the members as an attempt to over-
awe the deliberations of the Chamber. An ad-
journment was proposed by M. Augustin Perier;
and M. Benjamin Constant having gone out to
address the crowd, in the hope of tranquillizing
them, the chair was taken by M. Lafitte ; but, as
the tumult remained undiminished, General La-
fayette, after consulting with the President,

398 PARIS IN 1830.

retired to second the efforts of M. Constant, by
expostulating with the people on the disturbance
which was thus created. The General was, as
usual, received with acclamations by the crowd ;
and, after complimenting them on their heroism
during the great week of the revolution, he
added, " I am entitled, my friends, to your at-
tention, because the opinions which have induced
you to come here are my own. I know how to
support them ; but I fear that you may fall into
errors. In addition to so many other motives,
let me beg you to consider my personal feelings.
I have engaged my honour that no disturbance
shall interrupt the proceedings of the Chamber.
Should any interruption take place, and be at-
tended with any painful occurrence at the doors,
I shall be regarded as in some degree responsible.
It is with me a point of honour, and I place my
honour under the protection of your friendship."
This address produced the desired effect ; tran-
quillity was restored, and the sitting was resumed
at half-past eight o'clock.

The act of abdication of Charles X. having been
communicated to the Chamber on the part of the
government, the question arose, whether its
reception should be acknowledged ; and whether
it should be deposited among the archives of the
Chamber ; both of which were ultimately resolved
in the affirmative.

PARIS IN 1830. 399

On the motion of M. Bavonx, supported
by M. Berryer, the following* resolution was
adopted :

" The Chamber of Deputies votes thanks to
the city of Paris ; it invites the government to
erect a monument, for the purpose of transmit-
ting to the remotest posterity the event which it
shall be destined to consecrate. It shall bear this
inscription — A la Trille de Paris, la patrie re-
connoissante"

At ten o'clock the report of the committee
was brought up by M. Dupin, aine, which,
with the modifications it received in passing
through the Chamber, having been ultimately
embodied in the charter itself, needs not here to
be repeated.

After the report had been read, it was moved
by M. Guizot, after an animated debate as to the
propriety of proceeding forthwith to its conside-
ration, in which M. de Corselles, M. de Ram-
buteau, M. Benjamin Constant, M. Eusebe Sal-
verte, M. Mauguin, and M. Demarcay, took part,
" That the report be printed and distributed, and
that the Chamber do take it into consideration
to-morrow morning at ten o'clock." This reso-
lution having been adopted, the Chamber ad-
journed at the unusually late hour of eleven
o'clock at night.

On the following morning, the 7th of August,
the discussion was opened at the hour appointed.

400 PARIS IN 1830.

The most remarkable speech was that of M. cle
Martignac, when called up by some expressions
employed in supporting a resolution, " That the
throne is vacant in consequence of the violation
of the Charter and the laws." M. Podenas took
occasion to observe, " that the ex-King was the
worthy heir of Charles the Ninth's ferocity, but
that he had not the courage to show himself in
the hour of danger." " I feel compelled," said
M. de Martignac, " on behalf of a family plunged
in misfortune, to raise a voice which defended it
in the height of its power. I could not hear the
words which fell from the last speaker without
the deepest sorrow. Ah, gentlemen ! had you
known this Prince as I have done, had you been
admitted to his intimacy, you could not have
heard him accused of ferocity without indigna-
tion. No, gentlemen, this man was not ferocious ;
he has been deceived. It was not his heart
which dictated these infamous ordinances.
They were the work of perfidious counsellors,
whom I freely abandon to you. Let not your
indignation fall upon him ; but believe me, gen-
tlemen, believe one who has lived in habits of
the closest intimacy with him, that his heart was
animated by the love of his country. I have not
been astonished at the truly heroic resistance
called forth by these iniquitous ordinances; but
I ask again, why words should be uttered, after
the power which produced them has fallen, which

PARIS IN 1830. 401

will be an an additional sting- to a heart already
overwhelmed with misfortune. I do not know,
gentlemen, whether in what I have said I have
followed the dictates of prudence and modera-
tion ; I have consulted only my heart."

This speech was repeatedly interrupted by the
applause of the cote droit, and the murmurs of the
cote gauche.

Towards the conclusion of the discussion,
General Lafayette addressed the Chamber to the
following effect :

" In ascending this tribune to speak on a sub-
ject of such vast importance, I am neither yield-
ing to the impulse of the moment, nor courting
an idle popularity, which I shall never prefer to
the suggestions of duty. It is well known that
I have all my life professed republican principles ;
but they have not been such as to prevent me
from supporting a constitutional throne, created
by the will of the people. Under existing cir-
cumstances, whereby it is desirable to raise the
Prince Lieutenant-General to a constitutional
throne, I feel myself animated by the same sen-
timents ; and I am bound to avow, that the more
I become acquainted with the Duke of Orleans,
the more perfectly does the choice fulfil my
wishes. On the subject of an hereditary peerage,
I do not share the opinion entertained by many
of my fellow-citizens. I have always thought it
necessary that the legislative body should be

D D

402 PARIS IN 1830.

divided into two Chambers, differently con-
stituted; but I have never seen the utility of
creating- legislators who, in some cases, become
judges, invested with hereditary rights. I have
always thought that aristocracy is a bad ingre-
dient to introduce into our public institutions. It
is with great satisfaction, therefore, that I find
you occupied with a project which meets the sen-
timents I have all my life professed. My con-
science now compels me to repeat them, and to
declare, that I hope shortly to see the hereditary
peerage suppressed. My fellow-citizens will do
me the justice to acknowledge, that if I have
always maintained the principles of freedom, I
have supported public order with equal uni-
formity."

M. Mauguin proposed that the judges should
cease their functions in six months, if before that
time they did not receive a new investiture ; and
thus argued in support of the proposition : — " Do
not forget, gentlemen, that you are the offspring
of revolution. It is the revolution yoi* are now
met to consecrate. A fortnight ago you were
under the empire of legitimacy and divine right :
to-day you are under the influence of national
sovereignty. Do you think, then, that bodies
which have been formed under the empire of the
congregation, will support you, or offer you no
resistance ? No, gentlemen ; the reform must
descend to the lowest ranks of the magistracy.

PARIS IN 1830. 403

To establish it substantially, resistance must
cease everywhere. The judges, you say, are ap-
pointed for life 5 but did not that appointment
originate in the charter of Louis XVIII ? And
is not that charter destroyed ?"

The amendment of M. Mauguin, and a sub-
amendment proposed by M. Eusebe Salverte,
that the judges appointed during the reign of
Charles X. should be submitted to a new orga-
nization, were successively put and rejected.

As soon as the discussion was concluded, the
Deputies proceeded in a body, and on foot, to the
Palais Royal, to present to the Duke of Orleans
the bill of rights, or declaration of principles,
which had just been agreed to. The Deputies
were instantly admitted to his Royal Highness's
presence, and the resolutions of the Chamber
having been read by M. Lafitte, the Duke of
Orleans, surrounded by his family, made the fol-
lowing reply :

" I receive the declaration which you now
present to me, with profound emotion. I regard
it as the expression of the national will ; and it
appears to me to be in conformity with the po-
litical principles I have all my life professed.

" Impressed with recollections which have al-
ways made me desire that I might never be des-
tined to ascend the throne ; exempt from am-
bition, and accustomed to the peaceful life which
I lead in my family, I cannot conceal the senti-

D D<2

404 PARIS IN 1830.

merits which agitate my heart in this great con-
juncture : but there is one which is predominant
— it is the love of my country. I feel what it
prescribes to me, and I shall not fail in the per-
formance."

In delivering his answer, the Prince was af-
fected to tears. At its conclusion, he embraced
M. Lafitte, amidst enthusiastic exclamations of
" Vive le Roi ! Vive la Reine ! Vive la famille
Royale I" which burst from all present, and were
repeated by the thousands collected in the courts
of the palace. In answer to the call of the peo-
ple, the Prince appeared on the balcony, accom-
panied by General Lafayette. They were both
received with acclamations, which were redoubled
when the Duchess of Orleans presented her chil-
dren to the people. Impressed with the unani-
mity of feeling which was thus manifested, La-
fayette took the hand of the Duke of Orleans,
and exclaimed, " We have performed a good
work ! Here, Gentlemen, is the Prince we
need! This is the best of Republics l"

PARIS IN 1830. 405

CHAPTER XXV.

Small share taken by the Chamber of Peers in the affairs
of the Revolution — Their deliberations as to the resolutions
passed by the Deputies — Chateaubriand's splendid speech
on that occasion— Assent to the declaration of the Deputies,
and deputation in consequence from the Peers to the Duke
of Orleans — Arrival of the Duke de Chartres in Paris-1-
Anecdote — Character of the Duke of Orleans, as described
by Paul Louis Courrier.

In the last act of the drama, as at its commence-
ment, the Chamber of Peers performed a mere
secondary part. At a late hour on Saturday
evening, the 7th of August, they assembled at
their Palace of Luxembourg-, for the professed
purpose of taking into consideration the resolu-
tions which had been passed by the Deputies ;
but, in effect, to register a decision which they
had no power to controul. The only hesitation
which they discovered in adopting the resolutions
of the Representative Chamber, was expressed in
a vote to the following effect.

" The Chamber of Peers declares that it can-

406 PARIS IN 1830.

not deliberate on that article of the declaration
of the Chamber of Deputies which provides, that
all the nominations and creations of peers made
during- the reign of Charles X. are null and
void.

" The Chamber of Peers declares that it leaves
the decision of this question to the high prudence
of the Prince Lieutenant-General."

The sitting was, however, distinguished by a
splendid speech of the Viscount Chateaubriand,
which, as no abridgment or analysis could do it
justice, is here introduced entire, translated from
a copy submitted to the revision of the noble
Viscount.

" Gentlemen! — The declaration which has been
brought to this Chamber is to me much less com-
plicated than it appears to those of my noble col-
leagues who profess an opinion different from
mine. There is one fact in this declaration which
appears to me to govern all the others, or rather
to destroy them. Were we under a regular order
of things, I should doubtless carefully examine
the various changes which it is proposed to make
in the Charter. Many of these changes have
been proposed by myself. I am only surprised
that the re-actionary measure, regarding the
peers created by Charles X., should have been
proposed to this Chamber. I shall not be sus-
pected of any fondness for the system by which
these batches (Jburnees) were created ; and you

PARIS IN 1830. 107

know, that when threatened with them, I com-
bated the very menace : but to make ourselves
the judges of our colleagues, and to erase whom
we please from the list of the peerage, whenever
we find ourselves the stronger party, would seem
to me to savour of proscription. It is thought
necessary that the peerage be annihilated. Then
be it so : it better becomes us to surrender our
existence, than to beg for our lives.

" I reproach myself already for the few words
I have uttered on a point, which, important as it
is, becomes insignificant when merged in the
great proposition before us. France is without
a guide ; and I am now to consider what must be
added to or cut away from the masts of a vessel
which has lost its rudder! I lay aside, then,
whatever is of a secondary interest in the de-
claration of the Elective Chamber ; and, fixing on
the single enunciated fact of the vacancy of the
throne, whether true or pretended, I advance
directly to my object.

" But a previous question ought first to be
attended to. If the throne be vacant, we are
free to choose the future form of our govern-
ment.

" Before offering the crown to any individual
whatever, it may be well to ascertain under what
political system the social body is to be consti-
tuted. Are we to establish a republic, or a new
monarchy ?

408 PARIS IN 1830.

" Does a republic or a new monarchy offer
sufficient guarantees to France, of strength, dura-
bility, and repose ?

" A republic would first of all have the recol-
lections of the republic itself to contend with.
These recollections are far from being effaced.
The time is not yet forgotten, when Death
made his frightful progress among us, with Li-
berty and Equality for supporters. When plunged
again into anarchy, how are you to reanimate
the Hercules on his rock, who alone was able
to stifle the monster ? In the history of the
world, there have been five or six such men.
In the course of a thousand years, your posterity
may see another Napoleon ; but as for you, you
must not expect it.

" In the present state of our manners, and of
our relations with surrounding states, the idea of a
republic seems to me to be wholly untenable. The
first difficulty would be to bring* the people to a
unanimous vote on the subject. What right
has the population of Paris to constrain the
population of Marseilles to adopt the forms
of a republic ? Is there to be but oue repub-
lic, or are we to have twenty or thirty ? And
are they to be federative or independent ?

" Let us suppose these obstacles to be re-
moved, and that there is to be but one repub-
lic. Can you imagine for a moment, with the
habitual familiarity of our manners, that a pre-

PARIS IN 1*30. 109

sident, however grave, however talented, and
however respectable he may be, could remain
for a year at the head of the government, with*
out wishing or endeavouring to retire from it ?
Ill protected by the laws, and unsupported by
previous recollections, insulted and vilified, morn-
ing, noon, and night, by secret rivals and by
the agents'of faction, he would not inspire the
confidence which property and commerce re-
quire ; he would neither possess becoming dig-
nity, in treating with foreign governments, nor
the power which is indispensable to the mainte-
nance of internal tranquillity. If he resorted to
revolutionary measures, the republic would be-
come odious, all Europe would become disturb-
ed, would avail itself of the divisions which
would follow, first to foment them, and after-
wards to interfere in the quarrel ; and the state
would again be involved in an interminable
struggle. A representative republic is perhaps
to be the future condition of the world ; but
the period for its establishment has not yet
arrived>

" I proceed to the question of a monarchy.
" A king, named by the Chambers, or
elected by the people, whatever may be done,
will always be a novelty. I take it for granted,
that freedom is sought for, and especially the
freedom of the press ; by which, and for which,
the people have obtained so brilliant a triumph.

410 PARIS IN 1830.

Every new monarchy will, sooner or later, be
compelled to gag this liberty. Could Napo-
leon himself admit of it ? The offspring of our
misfortunes, and the slave of our glory, the
liberty of the press can only exist, in security,
under a government whose roots are deeply
seated. A monarchy, the illegitimate offspring
of one bloody night, must always have some-
thing to fear from the free and independent
expression of public opinion. While this man
proclaims republican opinions, and that some
equally Utopian system, is it not to be feared
that laws of exception must soon be resorted to,
in spite of the eight words which have been
expunged from the 8th Article of the Charter ?

" What, then, will the friends of regulated liberty
have gained by the change which is now pro-
posed to you ? You must sink, of necessity,
either at once into a republic, or into a system
of legal slavery. The monarch will be surround-
ed and overwhelmed by factions, or the monar-
chy itself will be swept away by a torrent of
democratical enactments.

" In the first moments of success we suppose
that every thing is easy ; we hope to satisfy
every exigency, interest, and humour ; we flatter
ourselves that every one will lay aside his per-
sonal views and vanities ; we believe that the
superior intelligence and the wisdom of the go-
vernment will surmount the innumerable diffi-

PARIS IN 1830. 411

culties with which it is beset ; but at the end of
a few months, we find that all our theories have
been belied by the event.

" I present to you, gentlemen, only a few of
the inconveniences which must arise from the
formation of a republic, or of a new monarchy.
If either has its perils, there remains a third
course ; and one which well deserves your con-
sideration.

" The crown has been trampled on by its
savage ministers, who have supported, by mur-
der, their violation of good faith. They have
trifled with oaths made to heaven, and with laws
sworn to on earth.

" Foreigners, who have twice entered Paris
without resistance, learn the true cause of your
success ! You presented yourselves in the name
of legal authority. If you were now to fly to
the assistance of tyranny, do you think that the
gates of the capital, of the civilized world, would
open as readily before you ? The French race
has grown, since your departure, under the influ-
ence of constitutional laws ; our children of four-
teen years of age are a race of giants ; our con-
scripts at Algiers, and our school-boys at Paris,
have shown you that they are the sons of the
conquerors of Austerlitz, Marengo, and Jena —
but sons strengthened by all that liberty adds to
glory.

" Never was a defence more just, or more

412 PARIS IN 1830.

heroic, than that of the people of Paris. They
rose, not against the law, but for the law. As
long as the social compact was respected, the
people remained peaceable ; they bore insults,
provocations, and threats, without complaining.
Their property and their blood were the price
they owed for the Charter, and both have been
lavished in abundance. But when, after a sys-
tem of falsehood pursued to the latest moment,
slavery was suddenly proclaimed ; when the con-
spiracy of folly and hypocrisy burst forth ; when
the panic of the palace, organized by eunuchs,
was prepared as a substitute for the terror of the
republic, and the iron yoke of the empire ; — then
it was that the people armed themselves with
their courage and their intelligence. It was then
found that these shopkeepers could breathe
amidst the smoke of gunpowder, and that it re-
quired rather more than "four soldiers and a
corporal " to subue them. A century could not
have ripened the destinies of a nation so com-
pletely as the three last suns which have shone
over France. A great crime was committed,
which produced the violent explosion of a power-
ful principle. Was it necessary, on account of
this crime, and the moral and political triumph
which has resulted from it, that the established
order of things should be overthrown ? Let us
examine. Charles X. and his son have forfeited,
or have abdicated, the throne, — understand it

PARIS IN 1830. 413

which way you will : but the throne is not
vacant ; after them came a child, whose inno-
cence ought not to be condemned.

" What blood now rises against him ? Will
you venture to say that it is that of his father ?
This orphan, educated in the schools of his
country, in the love of a constitutional govern-
ment, and with the ideas of the age, would have
become a king well suited to our future wants.
The guardian of his youth would have sworn to
the declaration on which you are about to vote ;
on arriving at the age of majority, the young
monarch would have renewed his oath. In the
mean time, the actual and reigning sovereign
would have been the Duke of Orleans, as regent
of the kingdom ; a prince who has lived among
the people, and who knows, that a monarchy, in
the present age, can only exist by consent and
reason. This natural arrangement, as it appears
to me, would have united the means of re-
conciliation, and would have presented the pros-
pect of saving those agitations to France, which
are too surely the result of all violent changes.

" To say that this child, when separated from
his masters, would not have had time to forget
their very names, before arriving at manhood ;
to say that he would remain infatuated with cer-
tain hereditary dignities, after a long course of
popular education, and after the terrible lesson

414 PARIS IN 1830.

which in two nights has hurled two kings from
the throne, is, at least, not very reasonable.

" It is not from a feeling of sentimental de-
votedness, transmitted from the swaddling clothes
of Saint Louis to the cradle of the young Henry,
that I plead a cause where every thing would
again turn against me if it triumphed. I am no
believer in chivalry or romance. I have no
faith in the right divine of royalty ; but I believe
in the power of facts, and of revolutions. I do
not even invoke the Charter : I take my ideas
from a higher source ; I draw them from the
sphere of philosophy, from the period at which
my life terminates. I propose the Duke de Bor-
deaux merely as a necessity of a purer kind than
that which is now in question.

" I know that, by passing over this child, it is
intended to establish the principle of the sove-
reignty of the people ; an absurdity of the old
school, which proves, that our veteran demo-
crats have advanced no farther in political know-
ledge than our superannuated royalists. There
is no absolute sovereignty anywhere : liberty
does not flow from political right, as was sup-
posed in the eighteenth century ; it is derived
from natural right, so that it exists under all
forms of government ; and a monarchy may be
free, nay, much more free than a republic. But
this is neither the time nor the place to deliver
a political lecture.

PARIS IN 1830. 415

" I shall content myself with observing*, that
when the people dispose of thrones, they often
also dispose of their own liberty. I shall remark
that the principle of an hereditary monarchy,
however absurd it may at first appear, has been
recognized, in practice, as preferable to that of
an elective monarchy. The reasons for it are so
obvious, that I need not enlarge upon them.
You choose one king to-day, and who shall hin-
der you from choosing another to-morrow ? The
law, you will say. The law? And it is you
yourselves who make it !

" There is still a simpler mode of treating the
question : it is to say, we repudiate the elder
branch of the Bourbons. And why ? Because
we are victorious : we have triumphed in a just
and holy cause ; we use a double right of conquest.
Very well. You proclaim the sovereignty of
might : then take good care of this might ; for
if in a few months it escapes from you, you will
have much to complain of. Such is human
nature ! The most enlightened and the purest
minds do not always rise above success. Such
minds were the first to invoke the principles of
right in opposition to violence ; they supported
them with all the superiority of talent ; and, at
the very moment when the truth of what they
have said has been demonstrated by the most
abominable abuse of power, and by its signal
overthrow, the conquerors recur to those arms

41 G PARIS IN 1830.

they have broken ! They will find them to be
dangerous weapons, which will wound their
own hands without serving their cause.

" I have carried the scene of war to the terri-
tory of my adversaries. I do not mean to
bivouac under the old banner of the dead ; a
banner which has not been inglorious, but which
droops by the flag-staff which supports it, because
no breath of life is there to raise it. When I
move the dust of thirty-five Capets, I do not
draw from it an argument which should exclu-
sively be listened to. The idolatry of a name is
abolished ; monarchy is no longer a tenet of re-
ligious belief. It is a political form, which is
preferable at this moment to every other, because
it has the greatest tendency to reconcile good
order with public liberty.

" Useless Cassandra ! How often have I
fatigued the throne and the peerage with disre-
garded warnings! It only remains for me to sit
down on the last fragment of the shipwreck I
have so often foretold. In misfortune I acknow-
ledge everv species of power except that of ab-
solving me from my oaths of allegiance. It is my
duty to make my life uniform. After all that I
have done, said, and written for the Bourbons,
I should be the meanest of wretches if I denied
them at the moment when, for the third and last
time, they are on the road to exile. Fear I leave
to those generous royalists who have never

PARIS IN 1830. 417

sacrificed a coin or a place to their loyalty ; to
those champions of the altar and the throne who
lately treated me as a renegade, an apostate, and
a revolutionist. Pious libellers, the renegade
now calls upon you ! Come, then, and stammer
out a word, a single word, with him for the un-
fortunate master you have lost, and who loaded
you with benefits. Instigators of coups d'etat,
and preachers of constituent power, where are
you ? You hide yourselves in the mire, from
under which you raised your heads to calumniate
the faithful servants of the King. Your silence
to-day is worthy of your language of yesterday.
Ye gallant paladins, whose projected exploits
have made the descendants of Henry IV. be
driven from their throne at the point of the
pitchfork, tremble now as ye crouch under the
three-coloured cockade ! The noble colours you
display will protect your persons, but will not
cover your cowardice.

" In thus frankly expressing my sentiments at
the tribune, I have no idea that I am per-
forming an act of heroism. Those times are
past when opinions were expressed at personal
hazard. If such were now the case, I should
speak in a tone a hundred times louder. The
best buckler is a breast which does not fear to
show itself uncovered to the enemy. No, gen-
tlemen, we have neither to fear a people whose
reason is equal to their courage, nor that gene-

E E

418 PARIS IN 1830.

rous rising- generation whom I admire, with
whom I sympathize with all the faculties of my
soul, and to whom, as to my country, I wish
honour, glory, and liberty.

" Far from me, above all things, be the
thought of serving the ends of discord in France.
The spirit of this declaration has been my motive
for excluding from what I have said every accent
of passion. If I could convince myself that this
child should be left in the happy ranks of obscurity,
in order to procure the peace of thirty -three mil-
lions of men, I should have regarded every word
as criminal which was not consistent with the
wants of the nation. But I do not feel this
conviction. Had I the disposal of a crown, I
would willingly lay it at the feet of the Duke of
Orleans. But all that I see vacant, is— not a
throne, but a tomb at Saint Denis !

" Whatever destiny may await the Lieut e-
nant-General of the kingdom, I shall never be
his enemy, if he promotes my country's welfare.
I only ask to retain my liberty of conscience,
and the right of going to die where I shall find
independence and repose.

" I vote against the declaration."

The other speakers in the debate were the
Dukes de Choiseul, de Broglie, de Lorges, and
Decazes, the Marquis de Verac, the Counts
Mole, d' Audlau de Bouille, Hocquart, de Ponte-
coulant, de Grosbois, de Bastard, de Tascher,

PARTS IN 1830. 419

de Rouge, de Saint Maure, d'Audigne, and
Forbin-des-Issart, the Viscount de Castel-Bajae,
and the Baron de Barante. The total number
of peers present was one hundred and fourteen,
eighty-nine of whom voted for the declaration,
ten against it, and fifteen declined voting. It
was then decided that the declaration, as adopt-
ed by the Chamber, should be immediately car-
ried to the Prince-Lieutenant-General by a
grand deputation, which any other peer might
have liberty to join. The deputation was im-
mediately formed, and, with the Baron Pasquier
at its head, proceeded to the Palais Royal, at-
tended by the great body of the Chamber. It
was ten o'clock in the evening when the discus-
sion was closed, and some time after that hour
when the Peers were received by the Duke of
Orleans. On their being admitted, the follow-
ing address was delivered by M. Pasquier :

" The Chamber of Peers are come to present
to your Royal Highness the act which is to se-
cure our future destiny. You formerly defended
in arms our new and inexperienced liberties ; to-
day you are about to consecrate them by laws
and institutions. We have the assurance in your
exalted understanding, in your personal feelings,
and in the recollections of your whole life, that
we shall find in you a citizen King. You will
respect those guarantees which are yours as well
as ours. The noble family we see around you,

e e 2

420 PARIS IN 1830.

brought up in the love of their country, of jus-
tice, and of truth, will insure to our descendants
the peaceable enjoyment of that Charter to the
maintenance of which you are about to swear,
and with it the benefits of a government, at once
firm and free."

The Duke's answer to this address was to the
following effect : —

" By presenting this declaration to me, you
have testified a confidence with which I am
deeply affected. Attached, from conviction, to
constitutional principles, I desire nothing so
much as a good understanding between the two
Chambers. I thank you for this assurance that
I shall not be disappointed. You have imposed
a great task upon me : I shall endeavour to
prove myself worthy of it."

On the following day, the 8th of August, the
Duke de Chartres arrived in Paris, at the head
of his regiment, the 1st Hussars. His father,
and his younger brother, the Duke de Nemours,
went out to meet him, surrounded by crowds of
the working classes, in their holiday attire.
The heat of the day was excessive ; and, as the
progress of the cavalry was retarded by the state
of the streets through which they had to pass,
occasioned by the construction of the barricades,
the Duke de Nemours was repeatedly heard to
complain of excessive thirst. One of the work-
men, engaged in replacing the stones which had

PARIS IN 1830. 421

contributed so essentially to the recent victory,
presented the young Prince with a bottle of wine.
The latter accepted it eagerly ; and, having
quenched his thirst, offered the bottle to his
father, who followed his example, and returned
it to the worthy paviour, with all that bon-hom-
mie and affability which agree so well with the
character of the Duke of Orleans, and which
have suggested his resembance to his popular an-
cestor " le bon Henri IV."

The portrait of Louis Philippe has been so
admirably drawn by the original and inimitable
pen of Paul Louis Courrier, that no apology will
be expected for here introducing it.

" I love the Duke of Orleans, because, al-
though born a prince, he condescended to become
an honest man. He never made any promise to
me ; but had the occasion occurred, I would have
trusted in him ; and the compact once made, I
believe that he would have kept his word, with-
out any mental reserve or deliberation, and with-
out consulting with the Jesuits. My reason for
thinking so is this : — he is of our own time ; he
belongs to this century, and not to the last, hav-
ing seen little of what we call the ancien regime.
He has fought in our ranks, so that our Serjeants and
corporals are not a bugbear to him. An emigrant
without his own consent, he never fought against
us, knowing too well what was due to his native
soil, and that no one can be right with his coun-

422 PARIS IN 1830.

try against him. He knows that, and many other
things which are not easily found out in the rank
to which he belongs. It was his good fortune
which decided that he should descend from that
rank, and live like ourselves, in his youth. From
a prince he became a man. In France he fought
our common enemies ; out of France he laboured
for his daily bread. Of him it cannot be said,
" Rien oublie, ni rien appris" He instructed
foreigners, instead of begging from them. He did
not beseech a Pitt, nor supplicate a Cobourg to
avenge the cause of aristocracy, by ravaging our
fields, and burning- our villages. On his return
he did not make it his business to found masses,
and endow convents at our expense ; but, wise in
his conduct, and respectable in his morals, he has
given an example which preaches better than the
missionaries. In a word, he is an honest man.
I wish, for my part, that all princes were like him ;
none of them would lose, and we should be
gainers, by it. If he should ever govern, he will
put many things in order, not merely by his good
sense and prudence, but by another virtue which,
although little celebrated, is not less valuable — I
mean his economy — a homely, citizen-like quality,
if you will, which the court abhors in a prince ;
but which to us, who pay the taxes, is so valu-
able, so admirable — shall I say so divine ? — that
with it I should almost pardon him for every
other want.

PARIS IN 1830. 423

" I speak of him as I now do, not because I
know him better than you, nor perhaps so well,
having never even seen him. I know only what
is said of him ; but the public is not so stupid as
to be unfit to form a correct opinion of princes,
when they live in public. Neither is it because
lam his partisan — having- never been of any party.
I am no man's follower, not seeking- my fortune
in revolutions and counter-revolutions, which
some are so dexterous in turning- to their advan-
tage. One of the people by birth, I remain
among- them by choice ; and, were I called upon
to choose, I would still be one of them — a pea-
sant as I am."

424 PARIS IN 1830.

CHAPTER XXVI.

The Duke of Orleans, as King elect of the French, takes the
oath of fidelity to the new Constitution — Particulars of the
solemnity — Speech of the new King — Concluding remarks,
and Copy of the new Constitutional Charter.

The 9th of August was the day appointed for
completing- the great work of the revolution, by
the oath of fidelity which the Monarch elect was
then to take to the new constitution, in presence
of the assembled Chambers. The scene of this
solemnity, like that at the opening of the session,
was the temporary structure prepared for the
accommodation of the Deputies. At an early
hour in the morning every avenue was crowded,
and, as soon as the doors were opened, the public
galleries were filled. The diplomatic tribune was
chiefly occupied by ladies. The throne was the
same which had been erected for the opening of
the session ; but the fleur-de-lis had been removed

PARIS IN 1830. 425

from the drapery, and other decorations. Four
large three-coloured flags were displayed on
either side of the throne, and in front of it three
tabourets were placed, one for the monarch elect,
and the others for the Dukes de Chartres and de
Nemours. Two seats, similar in form, and
covered with red silk, were placed in the centre
of the hall for the Presidents of the respective
Chambers. The crown, the sceptre, the sword
of state, and the other insignia of royalty, were
brought in upon a rich cushion, and placed upon
a table at the right of the throne, behind which
stood four of the Marshals of France, the Dukes
of Tarentum, Trevisa, and Reggio, and the Count
Molitor.

The gallery prepared for the reception of the
royal family was opened at a quarter before two
o'clock, when all eyes were turned towards it,
to greet the entrance of her who was to enter
Duchess of Orleans, and to go forth Queen of the
French. The Princess was accompanied by Ma-
demoiselle of Orleans, the sister of the Duke,
and followed by the Princesses, and the Prince
de Joinville, and the Duke de Montpensier.

The number of peers present was sixty-seven,
among whom were the Baron Pasquier, the pre-
sident ; Messrs. de Richelieu, de Lanjuinais, de
Montville, de Montalivet, d'Aligre, Chaptal, Du-
breton, Dupuis, Bastard de l'Etang, Chateau-
briand, de Valmy, de Vence, Barbe-Marbois,

426 PARIS IN 1830.

d'Osmond, de St. Aulaire, de la Ville Gontier,
du Coudray, de Boissy, de Plaisance, Dejean, de
Montmorency, de Montesquieu, de Matlian, de
Choiseul, de Car am an, Mollien, d'Avaray, de
Talleyrand, de Castries, Tascher-de-la-Pagerie,
M. Matbieu, Klein, de Nicolai, Fruguet, Seguier,
Delaplace, Clement de Ris, Dode de la Brunerie,
de Cadore, de Praslin, de Montebello, Belliard,
Simeon, de Louvois, de Montemart, Roy, Cla-
parede, Portal, Portalis, d'Haussonville, &c. Of
the deputies of the cote gauche there was a full
attendance, but the only members of the cote
droit who made their appearance on this occa-
sion, were M. Berry er, fils, M. de Lardem-
elle, M. de Murat, and M. Paul de Chateau-
Double.

At half past two o'clock, the Duke of Orleans
entered the hall, dressed, as at the opening of the
sessions, in the uniform of Lieutenant-General.
He was followed by his two sons, the Duke de
Chartres, in the uniform of the hussars of Char-
tres, and the Duke de Nemours, in that of the
chasseurs of Nemours. Attended by the two
grand deputations, the Prince and his sons ap-
proached the tabourets in front of the throne,
amidst the exclamations, from all parts of the
house, of " Vive le Due d' Orleans ! Vive le
Prince Lieutenant-General ! Vive sa Famille."
The Prince, having bowed repeatedly in acknow-
ledgment of these salutations, sat down on the

PARIS IN 1830. 427

stool or tabouret prepared for him, and, having
desired the members of both Chambers to be
seated, he put on his hat, as on the former occa-
sion, and directed the president of the Cham-
ber of Deputies to read the declaration of the
Chamber.

M. Casimir Perier, who appeared at this sit-
ting, for the first and only time before his resigna-
tion of the office of president, then rose and read
the declaration, or bill of rights, which had
passed the Chamber on the previous Saturday.
On concluding it, he ascended the steps of the
platform on which the Prince was seated, placed
the declaration in his Royal Highness's hands, and
returned to his seat. The prince then directed
the President of the Chamber of Peers to bring
him the act which attested the concurrence of
the Peers of France in the declaration of the
Chamber of Deputies. This ceremony was per-
formed by the Baron Pasquier, with the same
forms which had been observed by M. Casimir
Perier. The Prince Lieutenant-General then ad-
dressed the two Chambers to the following effect :

"Messieurs les Pairs et Messieurs les Deputes!

" I have read with close attention the declara-
tion of the Chamber of Deputies, and the act
of concurrence by the Chamber of Peers. I have
weighed and considered all their expressions. I
accede, without restraint or reserve, to the

428 PARTS IN 1830.

clauses and engagements contained in the de-
claration. I accept the title of King of the
French, which it confers upon me ; and I am
ready to make oath to its observance."

This address was received with shouts of
" Vive le Roi ! Vive Philippe L !" And the
Duke, having raised his right hand, pronounced
the following oath :

" In the presence of God, I swear faithfully
to observe the constitutional Charter, with the
changes and modifications expressed in the de-
claration of the Chamber of Deputies ; to govern
by the laws alone, and according to the laws ;
to cause due and exact justice to be administered
to every one, according to his right ; and, in all
things, to act with the sole view of promoting
the happiness and glory of the French people."

After pronouncing the words of the oath, the
King proceeded to the table, and signed the de-
claration, the act of concurrence, and the for-
mula of the oath which he had just taken, amidst
shouts of " Vive le Roi ! Vive la Reine ! Vive
la Famille Roy ale ! " In the mean time, the
stool on which he had sitten having been re-
moved, he ascended the throne, and pronounced
the following speech :

" Messieurs les Pairs etMessieursles Deputes !

" I have maturely reflected on the important

duties which are laid upon me ; I trust that I

PARIS IN 1830. 429

shall be able to discharge them, by observing the
compact which has now been entered into.

" I could have sincerely desired never to
occupy the throne to which the will of the nation
has now called me; but I yield to the wish
expressed by the Chambers, in the name of the
French people, for the maintenance of the charter
and the laws.

" The future happiness and security of France
are guaranteed by the modifications which we
have just made in the Charter. Prosperous at
home, respected abroad, and at peace with
Europe, the interests of the nation will be more
and more consolidated."

Thus the key-stone of the broken arch was
replaced. Let us hope that the materials em-
ployed in rebuilding the social fabric may prove
sound and durable, and reciprocally well adapt-
ed. It does not enter into the plan of the
present volume to pursue the subject farther.
Subjoined is a copy of the new constitutional
Charter, extracted from the Bulletin des Lois ;
and, in order to afford the means of comparing
the new charter with its predecessor of 1814, the
suppressed clauses, with notices of the other alte-
rations, will be found in notes at the bottom of
the pages.

430 PARIS IN 1830.

THE NEW CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTER.

Louis Philip, King of the French.

To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting ;*
We have ordained, and do ordain, that the constitu-
tional charter of 1814, as amended by the two Chambers
on the 7th of August, and accepted by us on the 9th,
shall be published anew, in the following terms : —

PUBLIC RTGHTS OF THE FRENCH.

Art 1. Frenchmen are eo^ial before the lawT, whatever
may be their titles or their rank.

* The assertion of a paramount or constitutional power in
the crown, originating in divine right, and in effect supersed-
ing the will of the people as the source of the regal authority,
made the preamble of the former charter particularly objection-
able. It has accordingly been altogether suppressed. The
following are the terms in which it was conceived : —

" Louis, by the Grace of God, King of France, and
Navarre ;

a To all who shall see these presents, health ;

" Divine Providence, by recalling us to our states after a
long absence, has imposed on us great obligations. The first
want of our people was peace ; with that subject we have
been occupied without relaxation ; and the peace which was
so necessary to France is now concluded. A constitutional
Charter was required by the present state of the kingdom ; we
have promised, and now publish it. We have considered,
that although in France the whole power of the state resides
in the person of the King, our predecessors have not hesitated
to modify its exercise according to the difference of the periods;
that, thus, the communes owed their emancipation to Louis-le-
Gros; the confirmation, and extension of their rights to Saint
Louis and Philippe-le-Bel ; that the judicial system was esta-
blished and developed by the laws of Louis XI., Henry II.,
and Charles IX. ; and that Louis XIV. by various ordinances,

PARTS IN 1830. 431

2. They contribute indiscriminately, in proportion to
their fortune, to the charges of the state.

which have never been surpassed for wisdom, regulated almost
all parts of the public administration.

" We owe it to the example of the Kings our predecessors, to
appreciate the constant progress of knowledge, the new rela-
tions which that progress has introduced into society, the
direction which the public mind has received within the last
half century, and the serious alterations which have resulted
from it. We are convinced, that the wish of our subjects for
a constitutional Charter is the expression of a real want ; but,
in yielding to this wish, we have taken care that the present
Charter should be worthy of us, and of the people whom we
are proud to govern. Wise men, selected from the first bodies
of the state, have been joined to the commissioners of our
council, to labour at this important work.

u At the same time that we acknowledge that a free and
monarchical constitution ought to fulfil the expectation of en-
lightened Europe, we ought to remember, that our first duty
towards our people, was to preserve, for their own interest, the
rights and prerogatives of our crown. We have cherished
the hope that, instructed by experience, they would be con-
vinced that supreme authority alone can give to the insti-
tutions which it establishes, the strength, the permanence, the
majesty with which it is itself invested ; that thus, when the
wisdom of kings is in concord with the wishes of their people,
a constitutional charter may be of long duration; but that
when concessions are exacted from the weakness of govern-
ment, by deeds of violence, public liberty is not less in danger
than the throne itself. We have sought for the principles of
this constitutional charter in the French character, and in the
venerable monuments of past ages. Thus, in the renewal of
the peerage, we have had regard to a truly national institution,
which, by uniting ancient with modern times, should unite the
recollections with the hopes of the nation.

" By means of the Chamber of Deputies, we have replaced

432 PARIS IN 1830.

3. They are all equally admissible to civil and military
employments.

4. Their individual liberty is alike guaranteed, no
one being liable to be prosecuted or arrested, except in
the cases provided, and in the form prescribed, by law.

5. Every man professes his religion with equal
liberty, and obtains for his worship the same protection

6. * The ministers of the catholic, apostolic, and Ro-

those ancient assemblies of the fields of March and May, and
those Chambers of the third estate, which have so often afforded
evidence of zeal for the interest of the people, of fidelity and
respect for the authority of the King . By thus endeavouring
to restore the continuity of the chain of time, which sad events
have interrupted, we have effaced from our remembrance, as
we could wish to be able to efface from the page of history,
all the evils which, during our absence, have afflicted the
country. Happy to find ourselves once more in the bosom of
the great family, we have thought that we should best answer
the affection of which we receive so many testimonies, by pro-
nouncing the words of peace and consolation. The wish
dearest to our heart is that Frenchmen should live as brothers,
and that no bitter recollection should ever disturb the security
which ought to follow the solemn act which we now grant to
them.

" Sure of our intentions, and strong in our conscience, we
engage, before the assembly which now listens to us, to be
faithful to this constitutional Charter, reserving to ourselves to
swear to its maintenance with new solemnity, before the altars
of Him who weighs kings and nations in the same balance.

" For these reasons we have voluntarily, and in the free
exercise of our royal authority, granted, and now grant, and
make gift and concession of, to our subjects, for ourselves, and
our successors for ever, the following Constitutional Charter."

* This article is substituted for the two following in the
original Charter : —

PARIS IN 1830. 433

man religion, professed by the majority of the French,
and those of other forms of Christian worship, receive
stipends from the public treasury.

7. * Frenchmen have the right to publish and print
their opinions, on conforming themselves to the laws.
The censorship can never be re-established.

8. All property is inviolable, without excepting that
which is called national, the law making no difference in
this respect.

9. The state may require the sacrifice of property
for the sake of the public interest legally proved, but
with a previous indemnity.

10. All inquisition respecting opinions expressed, and
votes given, previously to the restoration, is interdicted.
The same oblivion is enjoined to the tribunals, and to
the citizens.

11. The conscription is abolished. The mode of
recruiting the land and sea forces is determined by law.

FORMS OF THE KING^ GOVERNMENT.

12. The King's person is inviolable and sacred. His
Ministers are responsible. To the King alone belongs
the executive power.

" 6. However, the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion,
is the religion of the state.

u 7. The ministers of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman
religion, and those of other forms of Christian worship, alone
receive stipends from the royal treasury."

* The corresponding article of the original Charter, was in
the following terms :

" 8. Frenchmen have the right to publish and print their
opinions, on conforming themselves to the laws, which ought to
repress the abuses of this liberty."

F F

434 PARIS IN 1830.

13.* The King is the supreme head of the state;
he commands the forces by land and sea, declares war,
makes treaties of peace, alliance, and commerce, appoints
to all employments in the public administration, and makes
the regulations and ordinances necessary for the execu-
tion of the laws, without ever having the power either to
suspend the laws themselves, or to dispense with their
execution. No foreign troops, however, can be admitted
into the service of the state but by virtue of a law.

14.f The legislative power is exercised collectively by
the King, the Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of
Deputies.

15. J The proposition of laws belongs to the King, the

* The following is the corresponding article in the original
Charter : —

" 14. The King is the supreme head of the state ; he com-
mands the forces by land and sea ; makes treaties of peace, alli-
ance, and commerce ; appoints to all employments in the public
administration ; and makes the regulations and ordinances
necessary for the execution of the laws and the safety of the
state."

It will be seen from the ministerial report, on which the
ordinances of the 25th of July are professedly founded, that
great reliance was placed on the words which are here sup-
pressed, as authorizing the coup d'etat which produced the
late revolution.

f "15. The legislative power is exercised collectively by
the King, the Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies
of departments.

% The two following articles of the original Charter are
those for which the 15th has been substituted : —

" 16. The King proposes the law.

" 17. The proposition of the law is carried, at the King's
pleasure, to the Chamber of Peers, or to the Chamber of
Deputies ; except the law of taxation, which must first be
addressed to the Chamber of Deputies."

PARIS IN 1830. 435

Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies.
Nevertheless, every law of taxes must be first voted by
the Chamber of Deputies.

16. Every law must be freely discussed, and voted by
the majority of each of the two Chambers.

17.# If the proposition of a law has been rejected by
one of the three powers, it cannot be brought forward
again in the same session.

18. The King alone sanctions and promulgates the
laws.

19. The civil list is fixed for the whole duration of
the reign, by the first legislative assembly after the
King's accession.

OF THE CHAMBER OF PEERS.

20. The Chamber of Peers is an essential portion of
the legislative power.

21. It is convoked by the King at the same time as
the Chamber of Deputies. The session of the one com-
mences and finishes at the same time as that of the
other.

* The three following clauses of the old Charter are those
which have been replaced by the 17th of the new :

"19. The Chambers have the faculty of petitioning the
King to propose a law on any subject whatever, and of pointing
out what, to them, it appears proper that the law should con-
tain.

" 20. This application may be made by each of the two
Chambers, but after having been discussed in secret com-
mittee. It shall not be sent to the other Chamber, by that
which shall have proposed it, until after a delay of ten days.

"21. If the proposition be adopted by the other Chamber, it
shall be submitted to the King ; if it be rejected, it shall not
be presented again during the same session."

FF c2

436 PARIS IN 1830.

22. * Every assembly of the Chamber of Peers, which
shall be held at a period beyond that of the session of
the Chamber of Deputies, is illegal, void, and of no
effect ; except the single case in which it meets as a
court of justice, and then it can only exercise judicial
functions.

23. The nomination of the Peers of France belongs to
the King. Their number is unlimited. He can vary
their dignities, create them for life, or render them here-
ditary, according to his will.

24. Peers are admissible to the Chamber at twenty-
five years of age, but have a deliberative voice at thirty
years only.

25. The Chancellor of France is President of the
Chamber of Peers, and, in his absence, a peer nominated
by the King.

26. -f- The Princes of the blood are peers in right of
their birth ; they take their seats immediately after the
President.

27-j The sittings of the Chamber of Peers are pub-
lic, like those of the Chamber of Deputies.

* "26. (Corresponding to the 22nd.) Every meeting of the
Chamber of Peers which shall be held at a period beyond that
of the session of the Chamber of Deputies, or which shall not
be ordained by the King, is illegal and void."

f " 30. (Corresponding to the 26th.) The members of the
royal family, and the princes of the blood, are peers by right
of birth. They take their seats immediately after the presi-
dent, but they have no deliberative voice until after their twenty-
fifth year.

"31. (Suppressed.) The Princes cannot take their seats
in the Chamber but by order of the King, expressed each
session by a message, under pain of the nullity of all which
shall have been done in their presence."

t " 32. (Substituted for the 27th.) All the deliberations of
the Chamber of Peers shall be secret."

PARIS IN 1830. 137

28. * The Chamber of Peers takes cognizance of
crimes against the safety of the state, and of crimes of
high treason, which shall be defined by law.

29- No Peer can be arrested but upon the authority
of the Chamber, nor tried in criminal matters but by that
Assembly.

OF THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.

30. The Chamber of Deputies shall be composed of
the Deputies elected by the Electoral College, the or-
ganization of which shall be determined by law.

31. -f* The Deputies are elected for five years.

32. % No Deputy can be admitted into the Chamber if
he be not thirty years of age, and if he do not possess
the other qualifications prescribed bylaw.

33. § Nevertheless, if there should not be in the de-
partment fifty persons of the age specified, paying the
amount of taxation for eligibility as fixed by law, their
number shall be completed by those who pay the high-
est amount of taxes, under the amount of the qualify-

* " 33. (Answering to the 28th.) The Chamber of Peers
takes cognizance of crimes of high treason, and attempts
against the safety of the state, which shall be defined by law."

-J- The two following articles, which had been previously
repealed, are replaced by the 31st :

" 36. Each department shall have the same number of
Deputies which it has had till now.

" 37. The Deputies shall be elected for five years, so as
that the Chamber may be renewed each year by a fifth."

X " 38. (Answering to the 32nd.) No Deputy can be ad-
mitted into the Chamber if he be not forty years of age ; and
if he do not pay direct taxes to the amount of a thousand francs."

§ " 39. (Answering to the 33rd.) Nevertheless, if there
should not be fifty persons in the department of the specified
age, paying at least a thousand francs of direct taxes, their
number shall be completed by those who pay the highest

438 PARIS IN 1830.

mg taxation, and these may be elected in concurrence
with the former.

34. * No man is an elector under twenty-five years of
age, nor without the other qualifications prescribed by
law.

*35.f The Presidents of the Electoral Colleges are ap-
pointed by the electors.

36. The moiety, at least, of the Deputies, shall be
chosen from among the persons eligible, who have their
political residence in the department.

37. t The President of the Chamber of Deputies is
elected by the Chamber at the opening of each Session.

38. The sittings of the Chamber are public ; but on
the demand of five members, it resolves into a secret
committee.

39. The Chamber divides itself into bureau (divi-
sions or committees) for the discussion of laws which
have been presented to it on the part of the King. §

amount of taxes under a thousand francs ; and these may be
elected in concurrence with the former."

* " 40. (Answering to the 34th.) The electors who con-
cur in the nomination of Deputies can have no right of suf-
frage if they do not pay direct taxes to the amount of three hun-
dred francs, and if they be under thirty years of age."

t "41. (Answering to the 35th.) The Presidents of the Elec-
toral Colleges shall be named by the King, and shall have right
as members of the College.''

t " 43. (Answering to the 37th.) The President of the
Chamber of Deputies is named by the King from a list of five
members presented by the Chamber."

§ "46. (Suppressed.) No amendment of a law can be
made if it has not been proposed or consented to by the King,
and if it has not been discussed in committee." (This clause in
the original Charter immediately followed that which is now
the 39th.)

PARIS IN 1830 . 439

40. No tax can be established or collected if it has not
been consented to by the two Chambers, and sanctioned
by the King.

41. The land tax is only agreed to for one year.
The indirect taxes may be voted for several years.

42. The King convokes the two Chambers every
year. He prorogues them, and may dissolve that of the
Deputies ; but in this case he must convoke a new one
within the space of three months.

43. No bodily constraint can be exercised against a
member of the Chamber during the session, or within
the six weeks which shall immediately precede or follow
it.

44. No member of the Chamber can, during the ses-
sion, be prosecuted or arrested for criminal matters, ex-
cept taken in the fact, until after the Chamber has
authorized his prosecution.

45. No petition can be made and presented to either
of the Chambers but in writing. The law interdicts any
petitions being carried in person to the bar.

OF THE MINISTERS.

46. Ministers may be members of the Chamber of
Peers or of the Chamber of Deputies. They have, more-
over, the right of entrance into either Chamber, and
must be heard when they demand it.

47. The Chamber of Deputies has the right to im-
peach Ministers, and send them for trial before the
Chamber of Peers, which alone has the right of judging
them.*

" 47. (Suppressed.) The Chamber of Deputies receives all
propositions for taxes. It is only after these propositions have
been admitted, that they can be carried to the Chamber of
Peers.

* " 56. (Suppressed.) They cannot be accused but for an

440 PARIS IN 1830.

OF THE JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT.

48. All justice emanates from the King; it is admi-
nistered in his name by Judges, whom he appoints and
institutes.

49. The Judges nominated by the King are appoint-
ed for life.

50. The ordinary courts and tribunals actually
existing are maintained ; no charge shall be made there-
in but in virtue of a law.

51. The existing institution of Judges of Commerce
is preserved.

52. The office of justice of peace is likewise preserved.
Justices of peace, although nominated by the King, are
not necessarily appointed for life.

53. No one can be deprived of his natural judges.

54. # Consequently no extraordinary commissions and
tribunals can be created under any title or denomina-
tion whatsoever.

55. The proceedings in criminal matters shall be pub-
lic, unless this publicity be dangerous to good order and
morality ; and in this case the tribunals shall so declare
it by their judgment.

56. The institution of juries is preserved. The
changes which longer experience may show to be neces-
sary, can only be effected by a law.

57. The penalty of confiscation of goods is abolished,
and cannot be re-established.

58. The King has a right to grant pardon and to
commute punishment.

act of treason or exaction. The nature of these offences shall
be specified by separate laws, which shall determine the form
of prosecution." (This article follows the 47th.)

* "63. (Answering to 54th.) Consequently no extraordi-
nary commissions or tribunals can be created. The prevotal
jurisdictions are not included under this denomination, if their
re -establishment shall be judged necessary.''

PARIS IN 1830. 1M

59. The civil code and the laws actually existing,
which are not contrary to the present Charter, remain in
force until they be legally repealed.

SPECIAL RIGHTS GUARANTEED BY THE STATE,

60. Military men in active service, officers, and pri-
vates on the retired list, widows, pensioned officers, and
privates, shall retain their rank, honours, and pensions.

61. The public debt is guaranteed. Every kind of
engagement entered into by the State, with its creditors,
is inviolable.

62. The ancient noblesse resume their titles, and the
new retain theirs. The King creates nobles at pleasure ;
but he only grants them rank and honour, without any
exemption from the charges and duties of society.

63. The Legion of Honour is maintained. The King
shall determine the regulations and decorations.

64.* The colonies are governed by special laws.

65.\ The King and his successor shall swear, at their
accession, in presence of the assembled Chambers, to ob-
serve faithfully the constitutional Charter.

66. The present Charter, and all the rights which it
consecrates, remain entrusted to the patriotism and cou-
rage of the National Guards, and all French citizens.

ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.

67. France resumes her colours. In future, no cock-
ade shall be worn but the three-coloured.

* u 73. (Answering to 64th.) The colonies shall be governed
by special laws and regulations."

■f- " 74 (Answering to 65th.) The King and his successors
shall swear, at the solemnity of their coronation, to observe
faithfully the present constitutional Charter."

442 PARIS IN 1830.

SPECIAL PROVISIONS.

68. All the new nominations and creations of Peers
made under the reign of Kins; Charles X. are declared
null and void. The 23rd Article of the Charter shall
be subjected to a new examination in the session of
1831.

69- Provision shall be made in succession, by distinct
laws, and within the shortest period possible, for the fol-
lowing objects : — 1st. The application of the jury to
offences by the press, and political offences ; 2ndly, the
responsibility of Ministers and other Government agents ;
3rdly, re-election in place of such Deputies as are appointed
to public offices, with salaries ; 4thly, the annual vote
of the contingent of the Army ; 5thly, the organization
of the National Guard, with the intervention of the
members in the choice of their officers ; 6thly, provi-
sions securing, in a legal manner, the situation of the
officers of the land and sea forces of every rank ; Tthly,
departmental and municipal institutions, founded upon
an elective system ; 8thly, public education, and freedom
of education ; 9thly, the abolition of the double vote,
and the definition of the qualification to become Elec-
tors and Deputies.

70. All former laws and ordinances, so far as they
are contrary to the provisions adopted for the reform of
the Charter, are from henceforth, and remain, annulled
and abrogated.

We command our courts and tribunals, adminis-
trative bodies, and all others, to keep and maintain the
present constitutional Charter, and cause it to be kept,
observed, and maintained ; and, in order that all persons
may become acquainted with it, to cause it to be pub-
lished in all the municipalities of the kingdom, and
wherever need may be ; and, to the end that it may be

PARIS IN 1830. 1 13

a thing firm and stable for ever, we have hereunto affixed
our seal.

Given at the Palais Royal, at Paris, the fourteenth
day of August, 1830.

Louis Philippe.

By the King : The Minister Secretary of State for

the Department of the Interior —

Guizot.

Seen and sealed with the great seal : The Keeper of
the Seals, Minister Secretary of State for the Depart-
ment of Justice —

Dupont (De L'IEure.)

THE END.

LONDON:
IBOTSON AxND PALMER, PRINTERS, SAVOY STP.EET, STRAND.

ERRATA.

Page 10, line 13, for regiments, read legions.

16, 3, from the bottom,ybr Ferronnez, read Ferronnays.

33, 18 and 22, for pages, read sheets.

50, 22, for Lapelanze, read Lapelouze.

50, 28, for Jean, read Leon.

57, 14, for of the laws, read or the laws.

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