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The alio vr symbolic picture, after the master painting of Paul Sinibaldi, explains the secret of the wonderful pi gress of the pas" 

100 ' I i i. Hi- of Industry stands in the centre. 1 o hi r right -.1- Chemistry: to the lell the geniuses ol fclec- 

' tricity with the battery the telephone, the electrii light; there are also the geniuses ol Navigation with the 

propeller, and of Literature and Art. all bringing their prodm ts to Industry who passes t lem 

through the hands of Labor in the foreground to be fashioned lor the u»eot mankin. 

FROM 1800 TO 19()(» 

The Wonderful Story 
of the Century 


A. Marvelous Record of 














Author of "The Aryan Race." "Civilization, Its History, Etc." "The Greater Republic." Etc. 

Embellished With Nearly 100 Full-Pafle Half-Tone Engravings, Illus- 
trating the Greatest Events of the Century, and 165 Portraits of the 
Most Famous Men in the World. 

A. B. KUHLMAN COMPANY, Publishers 





; . *£0*VOIGHT F.NTRV 

<C^ XXo No. 





Kntered according to Act of Congress in the year 1899, by 

in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

Al.l. H1GHTS UlSLliVLIi 



Introduction PAOE 

A Bird's-eye View — Tyranny and Oppression in the Eighteenth Century — Government 
and the Rights of Man in 1900 — Prisons and Punishment in 1900 — The Factory 
System and Oppression of the Workingman — Suffrage and Human Freedom — 
Criminal Law and Prison Discipline in 1S00 — The Era of Wonderful Inventions — 
The Fate of the Horse and the Sail — Education, Discovery and Commerce .... 23 


The Threshold of the Century 

The Age We Live in and its Great Events — True History and the Things Which Make It 
— Two of the World's Greatest Events — The Feudal System and Its Abuses — The 
Climax of Feudalism in France — The States General is Convened — The Fall of the 
Bastille— King and Queen Under the Guillotine — The Reign of Terror — The Wars of 
the French Revolution — Napoleon in Italy and Egypt — England as a Centre of 
Industry and Commerce — The Condition of the German States — Dissension in Italy 
and Decay in Spain — The Partition of Poland by the Robber Nations— Russia and 
Turkey 33 

Napoleon Bonaparte; The Man of Destiny 

A Remarkable and Wonderful Career — The Enemies and Friends of France — Move 
ments of the Armies in Germany and Italy — Napoleon Crosses the Alps at St. 
Bernard Pass — The Situation in Italy — The Famous Field of Marengo — A Great 
Battle Lost and Won — The Result of the Victory of Marengo — Napoleon Returns to 
France — Moreau and the Great Battle of Hohenlinden — The Peace of Luneville — 
The Peace of Amiens — The Punishment of the Conspirators and the Assassination 
of the Duke d'Enghien — Napoleon Crowned Emperor of the French — The Great 
Works Devised By the New Emperor 44 

Europe in the Grasp of the Iron Hand 

Great Preparations for the Invasion of England — Rapid March on Austria — The Sur^ 
render of General Mack — The Eve Before Austerlitz — The Dreadful Lake Horror — 
Treaty of Peace With Austria — Prussian Armies in the Field — Defeat of the Prussians 
at Jena and Auerstadt — Napoleon Divides the Spoils of Victory — The Frightful 
Struggle at Eylau— The Cost of Victory— The Total Defeat of the Russians —The 
Emperors at Tilsit and the Fate of Prussia — The Pope a Captive at Fontainebleau — 
Andreas Hofer and the War in Tyrol — Napoleon Marches Upon Austria — The 




of Eckmuhl and the Capture of Ratisbon — The Campaign in Italy — The 
;le of Essling and Aspern — Napoleon Forced to His First Retreat — The 
sing of the Danube —The Victory at Wagram — The Peace of Vienna — 
The Divorce of Josephine and M arriage of Maria Louisa 57 


The Decline and Fall of Napoleon's Empire 
fTie Causes of the Rise and Decline of Napoleon's Power — Aims and Intrigues in Por- 
tugal and Spain — Spain's Brilliant Vii tory and King Joseph's Flight — The Heroic 
Defence of Saragossa — Wellington's Career in Portugal and Spain — The Invasion of 
Russia by the Grand Army — Smolensk Captured and in Flames — The Battle of 
Borodino — The Grand Army in the Old Russian Capital — The Burning of the Great 
City of Moscow — The Grand Army Begins its Retreat — The Dreadful Crossing of 
the Beresina — Europe in Anns Against Napoleon -The Battle of Dresden, Napo- 
leon's !„i ;t 1 Ireat Victory- -The Fatal Meeting of the Armies at Leipzig — The Break- 
up of Napoleon's Empire -The War in Fi and the Abdication of the Emperor — 
Napoleon Returns From Elba— The Terrible Defeat at Waterloo — Napoleon Meets 
His Fate . ....... 83 


Nelson and Wellington, the Champions of England 

England and France on Land and Sea. -Nelson Discovers the French Fleet in Aboukir 
Bay — The Glorious battle of the Nile — The Fleet Sail penhagen — -The Danish 

Line of Defence — The Attack on the Danish Fleet — How Nelson Answered the- 
Signal to Cease Action — N jlson in ' of the French Fleet — The Allied Fleet 
Leaves Cadiz — Off Cape Trafalgar — The "Victory" and Her Brilliant Fight — The 
Great Battle and its Sad Disaster — Victory for England and Death for Her Famous 
Admiral — The British in Portugal — The Death of Sir John Moore — The Gallant 
Crossing of the Douro— The Victory at 1 ind the Victor's Reward — Welling- 
ton's Impregnable Fines at Torres V,-dras — The S : Capture of the Portuguese 
Fortresses — Wellington Wins at Salamanca and Enters Madrid — Vittoria and the 
Pyrenees — The Gathering of the Forces at Brussels — The Battlefield of Waterloo — > 
The Desperate Charges of the French — Bliicher's Prussians and the Charge of 
Napoleon's Old Guard . . . , : . , . . 101 


From the Napoleonic Wars to the Revolution of 1830 

A Quarter Century of Revolution — Europe After Napoleon's Fall — The Work of the 
Congress — Italy, France and Spain — The ol Man — The Holy Alliance— -Revo- 

lution in Spain and Naples — Metternich and His Congresses — How Order Was 
Restored in Spain — The Revolution in Greece— The Powers Come to the Rescue of 
Greece — The Spirit of Revolution — Charles X. and His Attempt at Despotism — The 
Revolution in Paris— Louis Phillippe Chosen as King — Effect in Europe of the Revo- 
•urlon — The Belgian Uprising and its V Hie Movements in Germany — The 

Condition of Poland- The Revolt of the Pol \ Fatal Lack of Unity — The Fate 
of Poland . ..... ...... 1 16 


Bolivar, the Liberator of Spanish America 

How Spain Treated Her Colonies — The Oppression of the People — Bolivar the Revolu- 
tionary Leader — An Attempt at Assassination — Bolivar Returns to Venezuela— -The 
Savage Cruelty of the Spaniards — The Methods of General Morillo— Paez the 
Guerilla and His Exploits — British Soldiers Join the Insurgents — Bolivar's Plan to 
Invade New Granada — The Crossing of the Andes — The Terror of the Mountains — 
Bolivar's Methods of Fighting — The Victory at Boyaca- -Bolivar and the Peruvians — 
The Freeing of the Other Colonies . . . . 128 

Great Britain as a World Empire 

Napoleonic Wars' — Great Awakening in rce — Developments of the Arts 
— Growth of the Sciences — A Nation Noted for Patriotism — National Pride — Con- 
scious Strength — Political Changes and Their Influence — Great Statesmen of Eng- 
land . . . , . . . . . . . . . 141 

The Great Reform Bill and the Corn Laws 

Causes of Unrest — Demands of the People — The Struggle for Reform in 1830 — The Corn 
Laws — Free Trade in Great Britain — Cobden the Apostle of Free Trade — Other 
Promoters of Reform — England's Enlai 147 

Turkey the "Sick Man" of Europe 

The Sultan's Empire in 1800 — Revolts in Her Dependencies — Greece Gains Her Free- 
dom — The Sympathy of the ts — The Crimean War 
and its Heroes — The War of 1S77 he Nations Warn 
off Russia — War in Crete 17 —The Tottering Nation of to-day — 
The "Sick Man" IS 6 

The European Revolution of 1848 

Corrupt Courts and Rulers — The Spirit of Liberty Among the People — Bourbonism — 
Revolutionary Outbreak in France — Spreads to ountries — The Struggle in 
Italy — In Germany — The Revolt in Hungary — The Career of Kossuth the Patriot, 
Statesman and Orator — His Visit to America — Defeat of the Patriots by Austria and 
Hungary — General Haynan the Cruel T; ..iter History of Hungary 167 

Louis Napoleon and the Second French Empire 

The Power of a Great Name — The French People Love the Name Napoleon — Louis 
Napoleon's Personality — El The Tricks of Hi Ancestor 



Imitated — Makes Himself Emperor— The War With Austria — Sends an Army to 
Mexico — Attempt to Establish an Empire in America — Maximilian Made Emperor in 
the New World — His Sad Fate— War With Germany — Louis Napoleon Dethroned . 178 


Garibaldi and the Unification of Italy 

Fhe Many Little States of Italy — Secret Movements for Union — Mazzini the Revolu- 
tionist — Tyranny of Austria and Naples — War in Sardinia — Victor Emanuel and 
Count Cavour — Garibaldi in Arms — The French in Rome — Fall of the Papal City — 
Rise of the New Italy — Naval War With Austria 194 

Bismarck and the New Empire of Germany 

The State of Prussia — Sudden Rise to Power — Bismarck Prime Minister — War With Den- 
mark — With Austria — With France— Metz and Sedan — Von Moltke — The Fall of 
Paris — William I. Crowned Emperor — United Germany — Bismarck and the Young 
Kaiser — Peculiarities of William II. — Germany of To-Day 207 


Gladstone the Apostle of Liberalism in England 

Sterling Character of the Man— His Steady Progress to Power — Becomes Prime Minister 
— Home and Foreign Affairs Under His Administration — His Long Contest With 
Disraeli — Early Conservatism Later Liberalism — Home Rule Champion — Result of 
Gladstone's Labors 24-5 


Ireland the Downtrodden 

Ancient Ireland — English Domination — Oppression — Patriotic Struggles Against English 
Rule — Robert Emmet and His Sad Fate — Daniel O'Connell — Grattan, Curran and 
Other Patriots— The Fenians — Gladstone's Work for Ireland — Parnell, the Irish 
Leader in Parliament — Ireland of the Present , 


England and Her Indian Empire 

Why England Went to India — Lord Clive and the East India Company— Sir Arthur AVel- 
lesley — Trouble With the Natives— Subjugation of Indian States — The Great Mutiny — 
Havelock — Relief of Lucknow — Repulse From Afghanistan — Conquest of Burmah — 
Queen Victoria Crowned Empress of India— What English Rule Has Done for the 
Orient — A Vast Country Teeming With I on Its Resources and Its Prospecfr 26S 



Thiers, Gambetta and the Rise of the New French Republic ,, AGE 

French Instability of Character — Modern Statesmen of France — Thiers — MacMahon — 
Gambetta — The New Republic — Leaders in Politics — Dangerous Powers of the 
Army — Moral and Religious Decline — Law and Justice — The Dreyfus Case as an 
Index to France's National Character and the Perils Which Beset the Republic . . 277 


Paul Kruger and South Africa 

Review of the Boers — Their Establishment in Cape Colony — The Rise and Progress of 
the Transvaal Republic — Diamond Mines and Gold Discoveries — England's Aggres- 
siveness — The Career of Cecil Rhodes — Attempt to Overthrow the Republic — The 
Zulus and Neighboring Peoples — The Uitlanders — Political Struggle of England and 
Paul Kruger — Chamberlain's Demands — -The Boers' Firm Stand — War of 1899 . . . 295 


The Rise of Japan and the Decline of China 

Former Cloud of Mystery Surrounding These Two Nations — Ancient Civilizations — Closed 
Territory to the Outside World — Their Ignorance of Other Nations — The Breaking 
Down of the Walls in the Nineteenth Century — Japan's Sudden Rise to Power — 
Aptness to Learn — The Yankees of the East — Conditions of Conservatism Holds on 
in China — Li Hung Chang Rises into Prominence — The Corean Trouble — War Be- 
tween China and Japan — The Battle of Yalu River — Admiral Ito's Victory— Japanese 
Army Invades the Celestial Empire — China Surrenders — European Nations Demand 
Open Commerce — Threatened Partition 309 


The Era of Colonies 

Commerce the Promoter of Colonization — England's Wise Policy — The Growth of Her 
Colonies Under Liberal Treatment — India — Australia — Africa — Colonies of France 
and Germany — Partition of Africa — Progress of Russia in Asia — Aggressiveness of 
the Czar's Government — The United States Becomes a Colonizing Power — The 
Colonial Powers and Their Colonies at the Close of the Century , , 323 


How the United States Entered the Century 

A Newly Formed Country — Washington, the National Capital — Peace With France — 
Nations of State Sovereignty — State Legislatures and the National Congress — The 
Influence of Washington — The Supreme Court and its Powers — Population of Less 
Than Four Millions — No City of 50,000 Inhabitants in America — Sparsely Settled 
Country — Savages — Trouble With Algiers —War Declared by Tripoli — Thomas Jeffer- 
son Elected President 343 


Expansion of the United States From Dwarf to Giant 

Ohio Admitted in 1802 — Lou! 1 French 1803 — Admission of the 
States— Florida Transferred to the I ates 1819 — The First Railway in 1826 — 
Indians Cede Their Illinois Lands in 1830 — Invention of Ti [832 — Fremont's 
Exped i of Mexico — Our Domain Established 
Fron» Ocean to of Ala n Russia 1867 — 
Rapid Internal Growth — Cities Spi on the Plains- A Marvelous Fra of 
Peace — Tin 1 Spanish-American Wai 1 ition of First Tropical 
Territory —From East to West America's Do I Sail-way Around the 
World— Three Ci h With Over i, ints jje 


The Development of Democratic Institutions In America 

Colonization and its Re ;hts — Limil a Colonial 
Legi 1 >n — The Franchise — 
Property Qualifications— Growth of Western i een Institutions at 
the I rig and Close of I iry , 36* 

America's Answer to British Doctrine of Right of Search 

Why the War ol tSia Was F ressing American 

Sail nd Outra; tited— 1 ' ' — 

injur, to < Ion Blockadi lilure of 

Canadian Cam titution " and the "Gaerriere" — The "Wasp" and 

the 'Fro Victory -Land Opei 

tien and Plattsburg — 

The Burning of Washington — Baltimore ry at New Orleans — 

Treaty of Peace , • 369 

The United States Sustains Its Dignity Abroad 

First ft P Sam \i>> ised — 

Thrashes the Broughl I 1 Perms 

— A t] 'tain Inj 1 'II 

Sinl lyan r l rouble— I >mes to Term 

■ -.ues beri' an 

Sean e— All's Well That 

Ends Well 38a 


Webster and CI he Preservation of the Union 

The G rea the Century — The Great 

Oral Henry Clay— Ji hn C. < lalhoun 



— Clay's Compromise Measure on the Tariff Question — On S'avery Extension — 
Webster and Calhoun and the Tariff Question — Webster's Reply to Hayne — The 
Union Must and Shall be Preserved 308 

The Annexation of Texas and the War With Mexico 

Texas as a Province of Mexico — Rebellion and War — The Alamo Massacre — Rout of 
Mexicans at San Jacinto — Freedom of Mexico — Annexation to the United States 
— The War With Mexico — Taylor and Buena Vista — Scott and Vera Cruz — Advance 
on and Capture of Mexico — Results of the War 413 

The Negro In America and the Slavery Conflict 

The Negro in America — The First Cargo — Beginning of the Slave Traffic — As a Laborer 
— Increase in Numbers — Slavery ; its Different Character in Different States — Politi- 
cal Disturbances — Agitation and Agitators — John Brown — War and How it Emanci- 
pated the Slave — The Free Negro — -His Rapid Progress 425 

Abraham Lincoln and the Work of Emancipation 

Lincoln's Increasing Fame — Comparison With Washington — The Slave Auction at New 
Orleans—" If I Ever Get a Chance to Hit Slavery, I Will Hit it Hard "—The Young 
Politician — Elected Representative to Congress — His Opposition to Slavery — His 
Famous Debates With Douglas — The Cooper Institute Speech — The Campaign of 
i860 — The Surprise of Lincoln's Nomination — His Triumphant Election — Threats 
of Secession — Firing on Sumter — The Dark Days of the War — The Emancipation 
Question — The Great Proclamation — End of the War — The Great Tragedy — The 
Beauty and Greatness of His Character 436 

Grant and Lee and The Civil War 

Grant a Man for the Occasion — Lincoln's Opinion—" Wherever Grant is Things Move " 
— "Unconditional Surrender" — "Not a Retreating Man" — Lee a Man of Ac- 
knowledged Greatness — His Devotion to Virginia — Great Influence — Simplicity of 
Habits— Shares the Fare of His Soldiers — Lee's Superior Skill — Gratitude and Affec- 
tion of the South — Great Influence in Restoring Good Feeling — The War — Secession 
Not Exclusively a Southern Idea — An Irrepressible Conflict — Coming Events — Lin- 
coln — A Nation in Arms — Sumter — Anderson — -McClellan — Victory and Defeat — 
"Monitor" and " Merrimac " — Antietam — Shiloh — Buell — Grant — George H. 
Thomas — Rosecrans — Porter — Sherman — Sheridan — Lee — Gettysburg —AG reat 
Fight — Sherman's March — The Confederates Weakening — More Victories — Appo- 
mattox — Lee's Surrender — From War to Peace iit> 


The Indian in the Nineteenth Century mtm 

Our Relations and Obligations to the Indian — Conflict between Two Civilizations — Indian 
Bureau — Government Policy — Treaties — Reservation Plan — Removals Under It — • 
Indian Wars — Plan of Concentration — Disturbance and Fighting — Plan of Education 
and Absorption — Its Commencement — Present Condition of Indians — Nature of 
Education and Results— Land in Severalty Law — Missionary Effort — Necessity and 
Duty of Absorption 408 

The Development of the American Navy 

The Origin of the American Navy — Sights on Guns and What They Did — Opening Japan 
— Port Royal — Passing the Forts — The "Monitor" and " Merrimac " — In Mobile 
Bay — The " Kearsarge " and the "Alabama" — Naval Architecture Revolutionized 
— The Samoan Hurricane — Building a New Navy — Great Ships of the Spanish- Amer- 
ican War — The Modern Floating Iron Fortresses — New "Alabama " and "Kearsarge" 482 


America's Conflict With Spain 

A War of Humanity — Bombardment of Matanzas — Dewey's Wonderful Victory at Manila 
— Disaster to the "Winslow" at Cardenas Bay — The First American Loss of Life — 
Bombardment of San Juan, Porto Rico — The Elusive Spanish Fleet — Bottled-up in 
Santiago Harbor — Lieutenant Hobson's Daring Exploit — Second Bombardment of 
Santiago and Arrival of the Army — Gallant Work of the Rough Riders and the 
Regulars — Battles of San Juan and El Caney — Destruction of Cervera's Fleet — 
General Shafter Reinforced in Front of Santiago — Surrender of the City — General 
Miles in Porto Rico — An Easy Conquest — Conquest of the Philippines — Peace Nego- 
tiations and Signing of the Protocol — Its Terms — Members of the National Peace 
Commission — Return of the Troops from Cuba and Porto Rico — The Peace Com- 
mission in Paris — Conclusion of its Work — Terms of the Treaty — P.atified by the 
Senate 406 


The Dominion of Canada 

The Area and Population of Canada — Canada's Early History — Upper and Lower 
Canada — The War of 181 2 — John Strachan and the Family Compact — A Religious 
Quarrel — French Supremacy in Lower Canada — The Revolt of 1S37 — Mackenzie's 
Rebellion — Growth of Population and Industry — Organization of the Dominion of 
Canada — The Riel Revolts — The Canadian Pacific Railway — The Fishery Difficulties 
— The Fur-Seal Question — The Gold of the Klondike — A Boundary Question — 
An International Commission — The Questions at Issue — The Failure of the Com- 
mission-Commerce of Canada with the United States — Railway Progress in Canada 
— Manufacturing Enterprise — Yield of Precious Metals — Extent and Resources of the 
Dominion — The Character of the Canadian Population ...... 509 



Livingstone, Stanley, Peary, Nansen and other Great Discoverers and 

Explorers PAGE 

Ignorance of the Earth's Surface at the Beginning of the Century — Notable Fields of 
Nineteenth Century Travel — Famous African Travelers — Dr. Livingstone's Mission- 
ary Labors — Discovery of Lake Ngami — Livingstone's Journey from the Zambesi to 
the West Coast — The Great Victoria Falls — First Crossing of the Continent — Living 
stone discovers Lake Nyassa — Stanley in Search of Livingstone — Other African 
Travelers — Stanley's Journeys — Stanley Rescues Emin Pasha — The Fxploration of 
the Arctic Zone — The Greely Party — The Fatal "Jeanette " Expedition — Expedi 
tions of Professor Nordenskjold — Peary Crosses North Greenland — Nansen and hi? 
Enterprise — Andrees Fatal Balloon Venture , 523 


Robert Fulton, George Stephenson, and the Triumphs of Invention 

Anglo-Saxon Activity in Invention — James Watt and the Steam Engine — Labor-Saving 
Machinery of the Eighteenth Century — The Steamboat and the Locomotive — The First 
Steamboat Trip up the Hudson — -Development of Ocean Steamers — George Stephen- 
son and the Locomotive — First American Railroads — Development of the Railroad 
— Great Railroad Bridges — The Electric Steel Railway — The Bicycle and the Auto- 
mobile — Marvels in Iron and Woodworking — Progress in Illumination and Heating 
— Howe and the Sewing Machine — Vulcanization of Rubber — Morse and the Tele- 
graph — The Inventions of Edison — Marconi and Wireless Telegraphy — Increase of 
Working Power of the Farmer — The American Reapers and Mowers — Commerce 
of the United States .53.5 

The Evolution in Industry and the Revolt Against Capital 

Mediaeval Industry — Cause of Revolution in the Labor System — Present Aspect of the 
Labor Question — The Trade Union — The International Workingmen's Association — 
The System of the Strike — Arbitration and Profit Sharing — Experiments and Theories 
in Economies — Co-operative Associations — The Theories of Socialism and Anarchism 
—Secular Communistic Experiments — Development of Socialism — Growth of the 
Socialist Party — The Development of the Trust — An Industrial Revolution .... 554 

Charles Darwin and the Development of Science 

Scientific Activity of the Nineteenth Century — Wallace's "Wonderful Century" — Use- 
ful and Scientific Steps of Progress — Foster's Views of Recent Progress — Discoveries 
in Astronomy — The Spectroscope — The Advance of Chemistry — Light and its Phe- 
nomena — Heat as a Mode of Motion — Applications of Electricity — The Principles of 



Magnetism — Progr is in Geology — The Nebular and Meteoric Hypotheses — Biolog- 
ii '1 Sciences Discoveries in Physiology — Pasteur and His Discoveries — Koch and 
the Comma Bacillus — The Science of Hygiene — Darwin and Natural Selection . . . 569 


Literature and Art in the Nineteenth Century 

Literary Giants of Former Times — The Standing of the Fine Arts in the Past and the 
Pre irly American Writers — The Poets of the United States — American Novel- 
ists — American Historians and < (rators — The Poets of Great Britian — British Novelists 
and Historians — Other British Writers — French Novelists and Historians — German 
Poets and Novelists — The Literature of Russia — The Authors of Sweden, Norway 
and Denmark — Writers of Italy— Other Celebrated Authors— The Novel and its 
Development — The Text-Book and Progress of Education — Wide-spread use of Hooks 
and Newspapers 591 


The American Church and the Spirit of Human Brotherhood 

Division of Labor — American Type of Christianity — Distinguishing Feature of American 
Life — The Sunday-school System — The Value of Religion in Politics — Missionary 
Activity — New Religious Movements — The Movement in Ethics — Child Labor in 
Factorie Prevention of Cruelty to Animals— Prison Reform — Public Executions — 
The Spirit of Sympathy — The Growth of Charity — An Advance Spirit of Benevolence 605 


The End of the Century and Its Events 

Swift March of Progress Hawaii, Porto Rico and Cuba — Philippine Islands — The Spring 
Campaign in the Philippines — Dewey's Return Home — The Death of Lawton — 
Guerilla War in the Transvaal — How England and France Treated China — Reform 
in the Chinese Empire — The Boxer Outbreak — Attack on Tal.u Forts — The Rescue 
of the Ministers — Work of the Anarchists — The Political Campaign of 1900 — War in 
the McKinley Administration — President Kruger Visits Europe — General Roberts 
Returns from South Africa 617 


The Dawn of the Twentieth Century 

The Century's Wonderful Stages — Progress in Education — The Education of Women — ■ 
I >. 1 upation and Suffrage for Women — Pea. e Propo rition of the Emperor of Russia — 
The Peace Conference al The Hague — Progress in Science — Political Evolution — 
Territorial Progress of the Nations — Probable future of English Speech — A Telephone 

Newspaper — Am the Dull-Minded Peoples — Limitations to Progress— Probable 

Lines of Future Activity — Industry in the Twentieth Century 031 


Probabilities and Possibilities of the Twentieth Century 

The Prediction of Many Eminent Men — The Basis of Making Forecasts— The Reign of 
Knowledge— Literature of the Future -The Development of Trusts and National 
Control — Probable Uses of Electricity in the Twentieth Century — Great Possibilities 
for tin- Inventor — Changes in S01 ial Relations — The Farmer of the Future -The Wars 
of the Next Century — Modification of Theological Views 651 



Progress of the Nineteenth Century . . . Frontispiece 

Duke of Chartrcs at the Battle of Jemappes . • . . 21 

Battle of Chateau-Gontier 22 

Death of Marat 31 

Last Victims of the Reign of Terror 32 

Marie Antoinette Led to Execution 37 

The Battle of Rivoli 38 

Napoleon Crossing the Alps 47 

Napoleon and the Mummy of Pharaoh 48 

Napoleon Bonaparte . ■ . 53 

The Meeting of Two Sovereigns , 54 

The Death of Admiral Nelson 59 

Murat at the Battle of Jena ...... 60 

The Battle of Eylau 69 

The Battle of Friedland , 70 

The Order to Charge at Friedland 79 

Napoleon and the Queen of Prussia at Tilsit 80 

Marshal Ney Retreating from Russia 89 

General Bliicher's Fall at Ligny , 90 

The Battle of Dresden, August 26 and 27, 1813 94 

Famous English Novelists 95 

The Eve of Waterloo 99 

Wellington at Waterloo Giving the Word to Advance 100 

Retreat of Napoleon from Waterloo 109 

The Remnant ef an Army no 

Illustrious Leaders of England's Navy and Army 119 

James Watt, the Father of the Steam Engine 120 

Great English Historians and Prose Writers 129 

Famous Popes of the Century . 130 

Great English Statesmen (Plate I) . . 139 

Britain's Sovereign and Heir Apparent to the Throne 140 

Popular Writers of Fiction In England . . ... ...... 149 




Great English Statesmen (Plate II) . , , . . 150 

Potentates of the East . . . 159 

Landing in the Crimea and the Battle of Alma 160 

The Congress at Berlin, June 13, 187S . 169 

The Wounding of General Bosquet .... 17c 

The Battle of Champigny 179 

Noble Sons of Poland and Hungary 1S0 

Noted French Authors „ . '. j.89 

Napoleon III. at the Battle of Solferino , , 190 

Great Italian Patriots . 199 

The Zouaves Charging the Barricades at Mentana 200 

Noted German Emperors « 209 

Renowned Sons of Germany 2:0 

The Storming of Garsbergschlosschen 219 

Ciown Prince Frederick at the Battle of Froschwiller , . . 220 

Present Kings of Four Countries „ 229 

Great Men of Modern France 230 

Russia's Royal Family and Her Literary Leader 257 

Four Champions of Ireland's Cause 258 

Dreyfus, His Accusers and Defenders 281 

The Dreyfus Trial ... ... . 282 

The Bombardment of Alexandria ... . , . 291 

Battle Between England and the Zulus. South Africa 202 

The Battle of Majuba Hill, South Africa 301 

Two Opponents in the Transvaal War 302 

Two Illustrious ie ol Century 30S 

Two Powerful Men of the Orient 309 

Four American Presidents . . 409 

Great American Orators and Statesmen 410 

The Battle of Resai a de la Palma 419 

Great American Historians and Biographers , 120 

Great Men of the Civil War in America 445 

The Attack on Fort Donelson ,. 446 

General Lee's Invasion of the North 455 

The Sinking of the Alabama, etc 456 

The Surrender of General Lee 465 

The Electoral 1 'ommission Which Decided Upon Election of President Hayes ... . 466 

Prominent American Political Leaders 475 

Noted American Journalists and Magazine Contributors 476 

The U. S. Battleship "Oregon" . . 483 



In the War-Room at Washington , 484 

Leading Commanders of the American Navy, Spanish- American War 487 

Leading Commanders of the American Army 488 

Prominent Spaniards in 1898 497 

Popular Heroes of the Spanish-American War 498 

The Surrender of Santiago 501 

United States Peace Commissioners of the Spanish-American War 502, 

Illustrious Sons of Canada 521 

Great Explorers in the Tropics ^ , 3d Arctics 522 

Inventors of the Locomotive and the Electric Telegraph 539 

Edison Perfecting the First Phonograph 540 

The Hero of the Strike, Coal Creek, Tenn 557 

Arbitration 558 

Illustrious Men of Science in the Nineteenth Century 575 

Pasteur in His Laboratory 576 

Great Poets of England 589 

Great American Poets 590 

Count Tolstoi at Literary Work 603 

Two Illustrious Personages at Close of Century 604 

Famous Cardinals of the Century 615 

Noted Preachers and Writers of Religious Classics 616 

Greater New York 629 

Delegates to the Universal Peace Conference at The Hague, 1899 630 

Key to above 631 



Abbott, Lyman . 476 

Adams, John Quincy 409 

Agassiz, Louis 575 

Aguinaldo, Emilio 308 

Albert Edward, (Prince of Wales) ... 140 

Austin, Alfred 589 

Balfour, A. J. . 150 

Bancroft, George 420 

Barrie, James M 149 

Beecher, Henry Ward 410 

Besant, Walter 149 

Bismarck, Karl Otto Von 210 

Black, William 149 

Blaine, James G 475 

Blanco, Ramon 497 

Bright, John 139 

Browning, Robert ' . . . 589 

Bryan, William Jennings 475 

Bryant, William Cullen 590 

Bryce, James 150 

Caine, T. Hall 149 

Carlyle, Thomas 129 

Cervera, (Admiral) 497 

Chamberlain, Joseph 302 

Christian IX., (King of Denmark) . 229 

Clay, Henry 410 

Cleveland, Grover 475 

Dana, Charles A 476 

Darwin, Charles 575 

Davis, Cushman K 502 

Davis, Richard Harding 476 

Davitt, Michael 258 

Day, William R 502 

DeLesseps, Ferdinand 230 

Depew, Chauncey M 410 

Dewey, George 487 

Dickens, Charles . , 95 

Disraeli, Benjamin 139 

Dreyfus, (Captain), Alfred 281 

Doyle, A. Conan 149 

Drummond, Henry 616 


Dumas, Alexander 189 

DuMaurier, George 149 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo 590 

Esterhazy, Count Ferdinand W. ... 281 

Everett, Edward 410 

Farrar, Frederick W. , (Canon) ... . 616 

Francis Joseph, ( Emperor of Austria) . 229 

Froude, Richard H 129 

Frye, William P 502 

Gambetta, Leon 230 

Garibaldi, Guiseppe 199 

Gibbon, Edward 129 

Gladstone, William Ewart 139 

Gough, John B , . 410 

Grady, Henry W 410 

Grant, Ulysses S 445 

Gray, George . 502 

Greeley, Horace 476 

Halstead, Murat 476 

Hawthorne, Julian 476 

Healy, T. M 258 

Henry, Patrick 410 

Henry, Lieutenant-Colonel 281 

Hobson, Richmond Pearson ..... 498 

Holmes, Oliver Wendell 590 

Hugo, Victor 189 

Humbert, (King <>f Italy) 229 

Humboldt, F. 11. Alexander von . . . 575 

Huxley, Thomas H. 575 

Jackson, Andrew 409 

Jefferson, Thomas 409 

Kipling, Rudyard 149 

Kosciusko, Thaddeus 180 

Kossuth, Louis • 180 

Kruger, Paul 302 



Labori, Maitre , . 281 

Laurier, Sir Wilfrid 521 

Lee, Robert E 445 

Lee, Fitzhugh . 4.88 

Leo XIII., (Pope) , 130 

Li Hung Chang 308 

Lincoln, Abraham ......... 445 

Livingstone, David 522 

Longfellow, Henry W 590 

Loubet (President of France) .... 230 

Lowell, James Russell .... ... 590 

Lytton, (Lord) Bulwer 95 

McCarthy. Justin , 150 

Macaulay, Thomas B. . 129 

MacDonald, Sir John A 521 

MacDonald, George 149 

McKinley, William 475 

McMaster, John B 420 

Manning, Henry Edward (Cardinal) . . 615 

Mereier, (General of French Army) . . 281 

Merritt, Wesley 488 

Miles, Nelson A 4S.S 

Moltke, H. Karl LS. von 210 

Morley, John ... 150 

Morse, Samuel 1''. 1! 539 

Motley, John 1 420 

Nansen, (Dr.) Frithiof 522 

Napoleon Bonaparte ... 53 

Nelson, (Lord) Horatio 119 

Newman, John Henry (Cardinal) . . . 615 

Nicholas II. and Family, (Czar of Russia) 257 

O'Brien, William 258 

Oscar II., (Ring of Sweden and Norway) 

Otis, Elwell S 498 

Parnell, Charles Stewart 25S 

Parton, James 420 

Pasteur, Louis, in his Laboratory . . 576 

Peary, Lieutenant R. E. 522 

Phillips, Wendell 410 

Pitt, William, (Earl of Chatham) . . 139 

Pius IX., ( Pope I 130 

Prescott, William II 420 


Reid, Whitelaw , 476 

Rios, Montero 497 

Roosevelt, Theodore 498 

Ruskin, John 129 

Roberts, General Lord 309 

Sagasta, Praxedes Mateo 497 

Sampson, William T 487 

Schiey, Winfield Scott ........ 487 

Scott, Sir Walter .......... 95 

Shatter, William R. 488 

Shah of Persia 150 

Shaw, Albert W 476 

Shelley, Percy B 589 

Sherman. William T 445 

Spurgeon, Charles H . 616 

Stanley, Henry M 522 

Stephenson, George 539 

Stevenson, Robert Louis 149 

Sultan of Turkey 159 

Taylor, Zachary , ... 409 

Tennyson, Alfred 589 

Thackeray, William Makepeace .... 95 

Thiers, Louis Adolphe 230 

Thompson, Hon. J. S. D 521 

Tolstoi, Count Lyof Nikolaievitch . . , 603 

Trollope, Anthony 95 

Tupper, Sir Charles 521 

Victor Emmanuel (Ring of Italy) . . . 199 

Victoria (Queen of England) ..... 140 

Watson, John (Ian Maclarcn) .... 616 

Watson, John Crittenden 487 

Watt, James , . 120 

Watterson, Henry W 476 

Webster, Daniel 410 

Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, (Duke) . 119 

Wheeler, Joseph 498 

Whittier, John G 590 

Wilhelmina, Queen of Holland .... 308 

William I., Emperor of Germany . . . 209 

William II. , Emperor of Germany . . . 209 

Wordsworth, William 589 

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IT is the story of a hundred years that we propose to give ; the record 
of the noblest and most marvelous century in the annals of mankind, 

Standing here, at the dawn of the Twentieth Century, as at the summit 
of a lofty peak of time, we may gaze far backward over the road we have 
traversed, losing sight of its minor incidents, but seeing its great events loom 
up in startling prominence before our eyes ; heedless of its thronging mil- 
lions, but proud of those mighty men who have made the history of the 
age and rise like giants above the common throng. History is made up 
of the deeds of great men and the movements of grand events, and there is 
no better or clearer way to tell the marvelous story of the Nineteenth Cen- 
tury than to put upon record the deeds of its heroes and to describe the 
events and achievements in which reside the true history of the age. 

First of all, in this review, it is important to show in what the great- 
ness of the century consists, to contrast its beginning and its ending, 
and point out the stages of the magnificent progress it has made. It is one 
thing to declare that the Nineteenth has been the greatest and most glorious 
of the centuries ; it is another and more arduous task to trace the develop- 
ment of this greatness and the culmination of this career of glory. This it 
is that we shall endeavor to do in the pages of this work. All of us have 
lived in the century here described, many of us through a great part of it, 
some of us, possibly, through the whole of it. It is in the fullest sense our 
own century, one of which we have a just right to feel proud, and in whose 
career all of us must take a deep and vital interest. 

Before entering upon the history of the age it is well to 
take a bird's-eye view of it, and briefly present its claims to Eye View 
greatness. They are many and mighty, and can only be glanced 
at in these introductory pages ; it would need volumes to show them in full. 
They cover every field of human effort. They have to do with political 
development, the relations of capital and labor, invention, science, literature, 
production, commerce, and a dozen other life interests, all of which will be 
considered in this work. The greatness of the world's progress can be 
most clearly shown by pointing out the state of affairs in the several 



branches of human effort at the opening and closing of the century and 
placing them in sharp contrast. This it is proposed to do in this introduc- 
tory sketch. 

A hundred years ago the political aspect of the world was remarkably 
different from what it is now. Kings, many of them, were tyrants ; peoples, 
as a rule, were slaves — in fact, if not in name. The absolute government 
of the Middle Ages had been in a measure set aside, but the throne had 
_ still immense power, and between the kin<js and the nobles 

Tyranny and x ' 6 

oppression in the people were crushed like grain between the upper and 

the Eighteenth ne ther millstones. Tyranny spread widely; oppression was 
Century i , \ r i 

rampant ; poverty was the common lot ; comfort was confined 
to the rich ; law was merciless ; punishment for trifling offences was swift 
and cruel ; the broad sentiment of human fellowship had just begun to 
develop ; the sun of civilization shone only on a narrow region of the earth, 
beyond which barbarism and savagery prevailed. 

In 1800, the government of the people had just fairly begun. Europe 
had two small republics, Switzerland and the United Netherlands, and in 
the West the republic of the United States was still in its feeble youth. 
The so-called republic of France was virtually the kingdom of Napoleon, 
the autocratic First Consul, and those which he had founded elsewhere 
were the slaves of his imperious will. Government almost everywhere was 
autocratic and arbitrary. In Great Britain, the freest of the monarchies, 
the king's will could still set aside law and justice in many instances and 
parliament represented only a tithe of the people. Not only was universal 
suffrage unknown, but some of the greatest cities of the kingdom had no 
voice in making the laws. 

Government and ^ n IO °c>. a century later, vast changes had taken place 

the Rights of in the political world. The republic of the United States 
had grown from a feeble infant into a powerful giant, and its 
free system of government had spread over the whole great continent of, 
America. Every independent nation of the West had become a republic 
and Canada, still a British colony, was a republic in almost everything but 
the name. In Europe, France was added to the list of firmly-founded 
republics, and throughout that continent, except in Russia and Turkey, the 
power of the monarchs had declined, that of the people had advanced. In 
1S00, the kings almost everywhere seemed firmly seated on their thrones. 
In 1900, the thrones everywhere were shaking, and the whole moss-grown 
institution of kingship was trembling over the rising earthquake of the 
popular will. 

The influence of the people in the government had made a marvelous 


advance. The right of suffrage, greatly restricted in 1800, had become 
universal in most of the civilized lands at the century's end. Throughout 
the American continent every male citizen had the right of voting. The 
same was the case in most of western Europe, and even in far-off Japan, 
which a century before had been held under a seemingly help- suffrage and 
less tyranny. Human slavery, which held captive millions Human 
upon millions of men and women in 1800, had vanished from ree om 
the realms of civilization in 1900, and a vigorous effort was being made to 
banish it from every region of the earth. As will be seen from this hasty 
retrospect, the rights of man had made a wonderful advance during the 
century, far greater than in any other century of human history. 

In the feeling of human fellowship, the sentiment of sympathy and 
benevolence, the growth of altruism, or love for mankind, there had been 
an equal progress. At the beginning of the century law was stern, justice 
severe, punishment frightfully cruel. Small offences met with severe retri- 
bution. Men were hung for a dozen crimes which now call for only a light 

punishment. Thefts which are now thought severely punished „. . ,, 
* . , Criminal Law 

by a year or two in prison then often led to the scaffold. and Prison 
Men are hung now, in the most enlightened nations, only for Discipline in 
murder. Then they were hung for fifty crimes, some so slight 
as to seem petty. A father could not steal a loaf of bread for his starving 
children except at peril of a long term of imprisonment, or, possibly, of 
death on the scaffold. 

And imprisonment then was a different affair from what it is now. The 
prisons of that day were often horrible dens, noisome, filthy, swarming with 
vermin, their best rooms unfit for human residence, their worst duneeons 
a hell upon earth. This not only in the less advanced nations, but even in 
enlightened England. Newgate Prison, in London, for instance, was a sink of 
iniquity, its. inmates given over to the cruel hands of ruthless gaolers, 
forced to pay a high price for the least privilege, and treated worse than 
brute cattle if destitute of money and friends. And these were not alone 
felons who had broken some of the many criminal laws, but men whose 
guilt was not yet proved, and poor debtors whose only crime was their mis- 
fortune. And all this in England, with its boast of high civilization. The 
people were not ignorant of the condition of the prisons ; Parliament was 
appealed to a dozen times to remedy the horrors of the jails ; yet many 
years passed before it could be induced to act. 

Compare this state of criminal law and prison discipline with that of 
the present day. Then cruel punishments were inflicted for small offences ; 
now the. lightest punishments compatible with the well-being of the com- 


munity are the rule. The sentiment of human compassion has become strong 
and compelling ; it is felt in the courts as well as among the people ; public 
opinion has grown powerful, and a punishment to-day too severe for the 
Prisons and crime would be visited with universal condemnation. The 
Punishment treatment of felons has been remarkably ameliorated. The 
in 1900 modern prison is a palace as compared with that of a century 

ago. The terrible jail fever which swept through the old-time prisons like a 
pestilence, and was more fatal to their inmates than the gallows, has been 
stamped out. The idea of sanitation has made its way into the cell and 
the dungeon, cleanliness is enforced, the frightful crowding of the past 
is not permitted, prisoners are given employment, they are not permitted to 
infect one another with vice or disease, kindness instead of cruelty is the 
rule, and in no direction has the world made a greater and more radical 

A century ago labor was sadly oppressed. The factory system had 
recently begun. The independent hand and home work of the earlier cen- 
turies was being replaced by power and machine work. The 
System°andthe steam " en S' ne anc ' tne labor-saving machine, while bringing 
Oppression of blessings to mankind, had brought curses also. Workmen 
the Working- were crowded into factories and mines, and were poorly 
paid, ill-treated, ill-housed, over-worked. Innocent little chil- 
dren were forced to perform hard labor when they should have been at play 
or at school. The whole system was one of white slavery of the most 
oppressive kind. 

To-day this state of affairs no longer exists. Wages have risen, the 
hours of labor have decreased, the comfort of the artisan has grown, what 
were once luxuries beyond his reach have now become necessaries of life. 
Young children are not permitted to work, and older ones not beyond their 
strength. With the influences which have brought this about we are not 
here concerned. Their consideration must be left to a later chapter. It is 
enough here to state the important development that has taken place. 

Perhaps the greatest triumph of the nineteenth century has been in the 
domain of invention. For ages past men have been aiding the work of 
their hands with the work of their brains. But the progress of invention 
continued slow and halting, and many tools centuries old were in common 
use until the nineteenth century dawned. The steam-engine came earlier, 
and it is this which has stimulated all. the rest. A power was given to man 
enormously greater than that of his hands, and he at once began to devise 
means of applying it. Several of the important machines used in manufac- 
ture were invented before 1800 but it was after that year that the great era 


of invention began, and words are hardly strong enough to express the 
marvelous progress which has since taken place. 

To attempt to name all the inventions of the nineteenth The Era of 
century would be like writing a dictionary. Those of great Wonderful 
importance might be named by the hundreds ; those which nven lons 
have proved epoch-making by the dozens. To manufacture, to agriculture, 
to commerce, to all fields of human labor, they extend, and their name is 
legion. Standing on the summit of this century and looking backward, its 
beginning appears pitifully poor and meager. Around us to-day are hun- 
dreds of busy workshops, filled with machinery, pouring out finished prod- 
ucts with extraordinary speed, men no longer makers of goods, but waiters 
upon machines. In the fields the grain is planted and harvested, the grass 
cut and gathered, the ground ploughed and cultivated, everything done by 
machines. Looking back for a century, what do we see ? Men in the fields 
with the scythe and the sickle, in the barn with the flail, working the ground 
with rude old ploughs and harrows, doing a hundred things painfully by 
hand which now they do easily and rapidly by machines. Verily the rate of 
progress on the farm has been marvelous. 

The above are only a few of the directions of the century's progress. 
In some we may name, the development has been more extraordinary still. 
Let us consider the remarkable advance in methods of travel. In the year 
1800, as for hundreds and even thousands of years before, the horse was the 
fastest means known of traveling by land, the sail of traveling by sea. A 
hundred years more have passed over our heads, and what do The Fate of the 
we behold ? On all sides the powerful and swift locomotive, Horse and the 
well named the iron-horse, rushes onward, bound for the ends of 
the earth, hauling men and goods to right and left with a speed and strength 
that would have seemed magical to our forefathers. On the ocean the steam 
engine performs the same service, carrying great ships across the Atlantic in 
less than a week, and laughing at the puny efforts of the sail. The horse 
for ages indispensible to man, is threatened with banishment. Electric 
power has been added to that of steam. The automobile carriage is coming 
to take the place of the horse carriage. The steam plough is replacing the 
horse plough. The time seems approaching when the horse will cease to 
be seen in our streets, and may be relegated to the zoological garden. 

In the conveyance of news the development is more like magic than 
fact. A century ago news could not be transported faster than the horse 
could run or the ship could sail. Now the words of men can be carried 
through space faster than one can breathe. By the aid of the telephone a 
man can speak to his friend a thousand miles away. And with the phono' 


graph we can, as it were, bottle up speech, to be spoken, if desired, a thous- 
and years in the future. Had we whispered those things to our forefathers 
of a century past we should have been set down as wild romancers or insane 
fools, but now they seem like every-day news. 

These are by no means all the marvels of the century At its begin 
ning the constitution of the atmosphere had been recently discovered 
In the preceding period it was merely known as a mysterious gas called air 
To-day we can carry this air about in buckets like so much water, or freeze 
it into a solid like ice. In its gaseous state it has long been used as the 
power to move ships and windmills. In its liquid state it may also soon 
become a leading source of power, and in a measure replace steam, the great 
power of the century before. 

In what else does the beginning of the twentieth stand far in advance 
of that of the nineteenth century ? We may contrast the tallow candle 
with the electric light, the science of to-day with that of a century 
Education Dis- a g°> the methods and the extension of education and the 
covery and dissemination of books with those of the year 1800. Discovery 
and colonization of the once unknown regions of the world 
have gone on with marvelous speed. The progress in mining has been 
enormous, and the production of gold in the nineteenth century perhaps 
surpasses that of all previous time. Production of all kinds has enormously 
increased, and commerce now extends to the utmost regions of the earth, 
bearing the productions of all climes to the central seats of civilization, and 
supplying distant and savage tribes with the products of the loom and the 

Such is a hasty review of the condition of affairs at the end of the 
nineteenth century as compared with that existing at its beginning. No 
effort has been made here to cover the entire field, but enough has been 
said to show the greatness of the world's progress, and we may fairly speak 
of this century as the Glorious Nineteenth. 



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The Threshold of the Century. 

AFTER its long career of triumph and disaster, glory and shame, the 
world stands to-day at the end oi an old and the beginning of a new 
century iooking forward with hope and backward with pride, for it 
has just completed the most wonderful hundred years it has ever known 
and has laid a noble foundation for the twentieth century, now at its 
dawn There can be no more fitting- time than this to review the marvelous 
progress of the closing century through a portion of which TheAgeweLive 
all of us have lived, many of us through a great portion of in and its 
it. Some of the greatest of its events have taken place before rea vents 
our own eyes . in some of them many now living have borne a part ; to 
picture them again to our mental vision cannot fail to be of interest and 
profit to us all. 

When, after a weary climb, we find ourselves on the summit of a lofty 
mountain, and look back from that commanding altitude over the ground 
we have traversed, what is it that we behold ? The minor details of the 
scenery, many of which seemed large and important to us as we passed, are 
now lost to view, and we see only the great and imposing features of the 
landscape, the high elevations, the town-studded valleys, the deep and 
winding streams, the broad forests. It is the same when, from the summit 
of an age, we gaze backward over the plain of time. The myriad of petty 
happenings are lost to sight, and we see only the striking events, the critical 
epochs, the mighty crises through which the world has passed. True History 
These are the things that make true history, not the daily and the Things 
doings in the king's palace or the peasant's hut. What we wn,chMak eit 
should seek to observe and store up in our memories are the turning points 
in human events, the great thoughts which have ripened into noble deeds 
the hands of might which have pushed the world forward in its career ; not 
the trifling occurrences which signify nothing, the passing actions which 
have borne no fruit in human affairs. It is with such turning points, such 
critical periods in the history of the nineteenth century, that this work pro 
poses to deal . not to picture the passing bubbles on the stream of time, but 
to point out the great ships which have sailed up that stream laden deep 
3 33 


with a noble freight. This is history in its deepest and best aspect, and we 
have set our camera to photograph only the men who have made and the 
events which constitute this true history of the nineteenth century. 

On the threshold of the century with which we have to deal two grand 
events stand forth ; two of those masterpieces of political evolution which 
mold the world and fashion the destiny of mankind. These are, in the 
Eastern hemisphere, the French Revolution ; in the Western hemisphere, 
the American Revolution and the founding of the republic of the United 
Two of the States. In the whole history of the world there are no events 

World's Great*, that surpass these in importance, and they may fitly be dwelt 
est Events U p Q n as main foundation stones in the structure we are seek- 
ing to build. The French Revolution shaped the history of Europe for 
nearly a quarter century after 1800. The American Revolution shaped the 
history of America for a still longer period, and is now beginning to shape the 
history of the world. It is important therefore that we dwell on those two 
events sufficiently to show the part they have played in the history of the 
age. Here, however, we shall confine, our attention to the Revolution in 
France. That in America must be left to the American section of our work. 
The Mediaeval Age was the age of Feudalism, that remarkable system 
of government based on military organization which held western Europe 
The Feudal Sys- captive for centuries. The State was an army, the nobility 
tem and Its its captains and generals, the king its commander-in-chief, the 
Abuses people its rank and file. As for the horde of laborers, they 

were hardly considered at all. They were the hewers of wood and drawers 
of water for the armed and fighting class, a base, down-trodden, enslaved 
multitude, destitute of rights and privileges, their only mission in the world 
to provide food for and pay taxes to their masters, and often doomed to 
starve in the midst of the food which their labor produced. 

France, the country in which the Feudal system had its birth, was the 
country in which it had the longest lease of life. It came down to the verge 
of the nineteenth century with little relief from its terrible exactions. We 
see before us in that country the spectacle of a people steeped in misery, 
crushed by tyranny, robbed of all political rights, and without a voice to 
make their sufferings known ; and of an aristocracy lapped in luxury, proud, 
vain, insolent, lavish with the people's money, ruthless with the people's 
blood, and blind to the spectre of retribution which rose higher year by year 
before their eyes. 

One or two statements must suffice to shew the frightful injustice that 
prevailed. The nobility and the Church, those who held the bulk of the 
wealth of the community: were relieved of all taxation, the whole burden n{ 


which fell upon the mercantile and laboring- classes — an unfair exaction that 
threatened to crush industry out of existence. And to picture the condition 
of the peasantry, the tyranny of the feudal customs, it will serve to repeat, 
the oft-told tale of the peasants who, after their day's hard labor in the 
fields, were forced to beat the ponds all night long in order to silence the 
croaking of the frogs that disturbed some noble lady's slumbers. Nothing 
need be added to these two instances to show the oppression under which 
the people of France lay during the long era of Feudalism. 

This era of injustice and oppression reached its climax in The Climax of 
the closing years of the eighteenth century, and went down at Feudalism in 
length in that hideous nightmare of blood and terror known 
as the French Revolution. Frightful as this was, it was unavoidable The 
pride and privilege of the aristocracy had the people by the throat, and only 
the sword or the cnnllotine CO uld loosen their hold. In this terrible instance 
the guillotine did the work. 

It was the need of money for the spendthrift throne that precipitated 
the Revolution. For years the indignation of the people had been growing 
and spreading ; for years the authors of the nation had been adding fuel to 
the flame. The voices of Voltaire, Rousseau and a dozen others had been 
heard in advocacy of the rights of man, and the people were growing daily 
more restive under their load. But still the lavish waste of money wrung 
from the hunger and sweat of the people went on, until the king and his 
advisers found their coffers empty and were without hope of filling them 
without a direct appeal to the .nation at large. 

It was in 1788 that the fatal step was taken. Louis XVI, King of 
France, called a session of the States General, the Parliament The states 
of the kingdom, which had not met for more than a hundred Genera! is 
years. This body was composed of three classes, the repre- 
sentatives of the nobility, of the church, and of the people. In all earlier 
instances they had been docile to the mandate of the throne, and the mon- 
arch, blind to the signs of the times, had no thought but that this assembly 
would vote him the money he asked for, fix by law a system of taxation for 
his future supply, and dissolve at his command. 

He was ignorant of the temper of the people. They had been given a 
voice at last, and were sure to take the opportunity to speak their mind. 
Their representatives, known as the Third Estate, were made up of bold, 
earnest, indignant men, who asked for bread and were not to be put off 
with a crust. They were twice as numerous as the representatives of the 
nobles and the clergy, and thus held control of the situation. They were 
ready to support the throne, but refused to vote a penny until the crying 


evils of the State were reformed. They broke loose from the other two 
Estates, established a separate parliament under the name of the National 
Assembly, and begun that career of revolution which did not cease until it 
had brought monarchy to an end in France and set all Europe aflame. 

The court sought to temporize with the engine of destruction which it 

had called into existence, prevaricated, played fast and loose, and with 

every false move riveted the fetters of revolution more tightly round its 

neck. In |uly, 1789, the people of Paris took a hand in the game. They 

rose and destroyed the Bastille, that grim and terrible State 

? 1. ° ... prison into which so many of the best and noblest of France 

the Bastille ' 

had been cast at the pleasure of the monarch and his min- 
isters, and which the people looked upon as the central fortress of their 
oppression and woe. 

With the fall of the bastille discord everywhere broke loose, the spirit 
of the Revolution spread from Paris through all France, and the popular 
Assembly, now the sole law-making body of the State, repealed the oppres- 
sive laws of which the people complained, and with a word overturned 
aliases man}- of which were a thousand years old. It took from the nobles 
their titles and privileges, and reduced them to the rank of simple citizens. 
It confiscated the vast landed, estates of the church, which embraced nearly 
one-third of France. It abolished the tithes and the unequal taxes, which 
had made the clergy and nobles rich and the people poor. At a later date, 
in the madness oi reaction, it enthroned the Goddess of Reason and sought 
to abolish religion and all the time-honored institutions of the past. 

The Revolution grew, month by month and day by day. New and 
more radical laws were passed ; moss-grown abuses were swept away in an 
hour's sitting , the king, who sought to escape, was seized and held as a 
hostage ; and war was boldly declared against Austria and Prussia, which 
showed a disposition to interfere. In November, 1792, the French army 
gained a brilliant victory at Jemmapes, in Belgium, which eventually led to 
the conquest of that kingdom by France. It was the first important event 
in the career of victory which in the coming years was to make France 
glorious in the annals of war. 

King and Queen The hostility of the surrounding nations added to the 

Underthe revolutionary fury in France. Armies were marching to the 
rescue, of the king, and the unfortunate monarch was seized, 
reviled and insulted by the mob, and incarcerated in the prison called the 
Temple. The queen, Marie Antoinette, daughter of the Emperor of 
Austria, was likewise haled from the palace to the prison. In the following 
year J70^ king and queen alike were taken to the guillotine and their 




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The renowned exploit of Hannibal leading an army across the lofty and frozen passes of ihe Alps was emulated ""iy 

Napoleon in x8oo, when he led his army across the St Bernard Pass, descended like a torrent on the 

Austnans "n Italy, and defeated them in the great battle of Marenyo 


iroyal heads tell into the fatal basket The Revolution was consummated, 
the monarchy was at an end, France had fallen into the hands of the 
people, and from them it descended into the hands of a ruthless and blood- 
thirsty mob. 

At the head of this mob of revolutionists stood three men, Danton. 
Marat, and Robespierre, the triumvirate of the Reign of Terror, under 
which all safety ceased in France, and all those against 

, , , , , r ■ ■ in- The Reign of 

whom the least breath ot suspicion arose were crowded into Terror 
prison, from which hosts of them made their way to the 
dreadful knife of the guillotine. Multitudes of the rich and noble had fled 
from France, among them Lafayette, the friend and aid of Washington in 
the American Revolution, and Talleyrand, the acute statesman who was to 
play a prominent part in later French history. 

Marat, the most savage of the triumvirate, was slain in July, 1793, by 
the knife of Charlotte Corday, a young woman of pious training, who 
offered herself as the instrument of God for the removal of this infamous 
monster His death rather added to than stayed the tide of blood, and in April, 
1794, Danton, who sought to check its ilow, fell a victim to his ferocious 
associate. But the Reign of Terror was nearing its end. In July the 
Assembly awoke from its stupor of fear, Robespierre was denounced, seized, 
and executed, and the frightful carnival of bloodshed came to an end. The 
work of the National Assembly had been fully consummated, Feudalism 
was at an end, monarchy in France had ceased and a republic had taken 
its place, and a new era for Europe had dawned. 

Meanwhile a foreign war was being waged. England had The vvarsof 
formed a coalition with most of the nations of Europe, and the French 
France was threatened by land with the troops of Holland, 
Prussia, Austria, Spain and Portugal, and by sea with the fleet of Great 
Britain. The incompetency of her assailants saved her from destruction. 
Her generals who lost battles were sent to prison or to the guillotine, the 
whole country rose as one man in defence, and a number of brilliant victor- 
ies drove her enemies from her borders and gave the armies of F" ranee a 
position beyond the Rhine. 

These wars soon brought a great man to the front, Napoleon Bona- 
parte, a son of Corsica, with whose nineteenth century career we shall deal at 
length in the following chapters, but of whose earlier exploits some- 
thing must be said here. His career fairly began in 1794, when, under the 
orders of the National Convention — the successor of the National Assembly 
— he quelled the mob in the streets of Paris with loaded cannon and put a 
final end to the Terror which had so long prevailed. 


Placed at the head of the French army in Italy, he quickly astonished 
the world by a series of the most brilliant victories, defeating the Austrians 
and the Sardinians wherever he met them, seizing Venice, the city of the 
lagoon, and forcing almost all Italy to submit to his arms. A republic 
was established here and a new one in Switzerland, while Belgium and the 
left bank of the Rhine were held by France. 

Napoleon in ^is wars here at an end, Napoleon's ambition led him to 

Italy and Egypt, inspired by great designs which he failed to realize, 

gyp ' In his absence anarchy arose in Fiance. The five Directors 

then at the head of the Government, had lost all authority, and Napoleon, 
who had unexpectedly returned, did not hesitate to overthrow them and 
the Assembly which supported them. A new government, with three 
Consuls at its head, was formed, Napoleon as First Consul holding almost 
royal power. Thus France stood in iSoo, at the end of the Eighteenth 

In the remainder of Europe there was nothing to compare with the 
momentous convulsion which had taken place in France. England had 
gone through its two revolutions more than a century before, and its people 
were the freest of any in Europe. Recently it had lost its colonies in 
America, but it still held in that continent the broad domain of Canada, 
and was building for itself a new empire in India, while founding colonies 
in twenty other lands. In commerce and manufactures it entered the nine- 
.. , teenth century as the greatest nation on the earth. The 

c.ngland as a ■" ° 

Centre of hammer and the loom resounded from end to end of the 

industry and island, mighty centres of industry arose where cattle had 

Commerce. , , . ... , . 

grazed a century before, coaf and iron were being torn in 

great quantities from the depths of the earth, and there seemed everywhere 
an endless bustle and whirr. The ships of England haunted all seas and 
visited the most remote ports, laden with the products of her workshops and 
bringing back raw material for her factories and looms. Wealth accumu- 
lated, London became the money market of the world, the riches and pros- 
perity of the island kingdom were growing to be a parable among the 
nations of the earth. 

( )n the continent of Europe, Prussia, which has now grown so great, hail 
ecently emerged from its mediaeval feebleness, mainly under the powerful 
hand of Frederick the Great, whose reign extended until 17S6, and whose 
ambition, daring, and military genius made him a fitting predecessor of 
Napoleon the Great, who so soon succeeded him in the annals of war. 
Unscrupulous in his aims, this warrior king had torn Silesia from Austria, 
added to his kingdom a portion of unfortunate Poland, annexed the princi* 


pality of East Friesland, and lifted Prussia into a leading position among 
the European states. 

Germany, now — with the exception of Austria — a compact The condition 
empire, was then a series of disconnected states, variously of the German 
known as kingdoms, principalities, margravates, electorates, 
and by other titles, the whole forming the so-called Holy Empire, though 
it was " neither holy nor an empire." It had drifted down in this fashion 
from the Middle Ages, and the work of consolidation had but just begun, 
in the conquests of Frederick the Great. A host of petty potentates ruled 
the land, whose states, aside from Prussia and Austria, were too weak to 
have a voice in the councils of Europe. Joseph II., the titular emperor of 
Germany, made an earnest and vigorous effort to combine its elements into 
a powerful unit; but he signally failed, and died in 1790, a disappointed 
and embittered man. 

Austria, then far the most powerful of the German states, was from 
1740 to 1780 under the reign of a woman, Maria Theresa, who struggled 
in vain against her ambitious neighbor, Frederick the Great, his kingdom 
being extended ruthlessly at the expense of her imperial dominions. 
Austria remained a great country, however, including Bohemia and Hun- 
gary among its domains. It was lord of Lombardy and Venice in Italy, and 
was destined to play an important but unfortunate part in the coming 
Napoleonic wars. 

The peninsula of Italy, the central seat of the great Roman Empire, 
was, at the opening of the nineteenth century, as sadly broken up as 
Germany, a dozen weak states taking the place of the one strong one that 
the good of the people demanded. The independent cities of the mediaeval 
period no longer held sway, and we hear no more of wars between Florence, 
Genoa, Milan, Pisa and Rome ; but the country was still made up of minor 
states — Lombardy, Venice and Sardinia in the north, Naples Dissension in 
in the south, Rome in the centre, and various smaller king- Italy and 
doms and dukedoms between. The peninsula was a prey to Decay in 
turmoil and dissension. Germany and France had made it 
their fighting ground for centuries, Spain had filled the south with her 
armies, and the country had been miserably torn and rent by these, frequent 
wars and those between state and state, and was in a condition to welcome 
the coming of Napoleon, whose strong hand for the time promised the 
blessing of peace and union. 

Spain, not many centuries before the greatest nation in Europe, and, as 
such, the greatest nation on the globe, had miserably declined in power and 
place at the opening of the nineteenth century. Under the emperor Charles L 


it had been united with Germany, while its colonies embraced two-thirds 
of the great continent of America. Under Philip II. it continued power- 
ful in Europe, but with his death its decay set in. Intolerance checked 
its growth in civilization, the gold brought from America was swept away 
by more enterprising states, its strength was sapped by a succession of fee- 
ble monarchs, and from first place it fell into a low rank among the nations 
of Europe. It still held its vast colonial area, but this proved a source of 
weakness rather than of strength, and the people of the colonies, exasper- 
ated by injustice and oppression, were ready for the general revolt which 
was soon to take place. Spain presented the aspect of a great nation ruined 
by its innate vices, impoverished by official venality and the decline of 
industry, and fallen into the dry rot of advancing decay. 

Ot the nations of Europe which had once played a prominent part, one 

■n. r> *-.. r was on the point of being swept from the map. The name of 
The Partition of / & I i 

Poland by the Poland, which formerly stood for a great power, now stands 
Robber Na- only for a great crime. The misrule of the kings, the turbu- 
lence of the nobility, and the enslavement of the people had 
brought that state into such a condition of decay that it lay like a rotten 
log amid the powers of Europe. 

1 he ambitious nations surrounding— Russia, Austria, and Prussia — took 
advantage of its weakness, and in 1772 each of them seized the portion of 
Poland that bordered on its own territories. In the remainder of the king- 


dom the influence of Russia grew so great that the Russian, ambassador at 
Warsaw became the real ruler in Poland. A struggle against Russia began 
in 1792, Kosciusko, a brave soldier who had fought under Washington in 
America, being at the head of the patriots. Put the weakness of the king 
tied the hands of the soldiers, the Polish patriots left theil native land in 
despair, and in the following year Prussia and Russia made a further 
division of the state, Russia seizing a broad territory with more than 3,000,- 
000 inhabitants. 

In 1794 a new outbreak began. The patriots returned and a desperate 
struggle took place. But Poland was doomed. Suvoroff, the greatest of 
the Russian generals, swept the land with fire and sword. Kosciusko fell 
wounded, crying, " Poland's end has come," and Warsaw was taken and 
desolated by its assailants. The patriot was right ; the end had come. 
What remained of Poland was divided up between Austria, Prussia and 
Russia, and only a name remained. 

There are two others of the powers of Europe of which we must speak, 
Russia and Turkey. Until th ; seventeenth century Russia had been a do- 
main of barbarians, weak and disunited, and for a long period the vassal of 


the savage Mongol conquerors of Asia. Under Peter the Great (1689- 
1725) it rose into power and prominence, took its place among 
civilized states, and began that career of conquest and expan- " Ss! £ an 
sion which is still Sfoinof on. At the end of the eighteenth 
century it was under the rule of Catharine II., often miscalled Catharine the 
Great, who died in 1796, just as Napoleon was beginning his career. Her 
greatness lay in the ability of her generals, who defeated Turkey and con- 
quered the Crimea, and who added the greater part of Poland to her empire. 
\ Her strength of mind and decision of character were not shared by her 
successor, Paul I., and Russia entered the nineteenth century under the 
weakest sovereign of the Romanoff line. 

Turkey, mice the terror of Europe, and sending its armies into the heart 
of Austria, was now confined within the boundaries it had long before won. 
and had begun its long struggle for existence with its powerful neighbor 
Russia. At the beginning of the nineteenth century it was still a powerful 
state, with a wide domain in Europe, ami continued to defy the Christians 
who coveted its territory ami sought its overthrow. But the canker-worm of 
a weak and barbarous gov< rnment was at its heart, while its cruel treatment 
of its Christian subjects exasperated the strong powers of Europe and 
invited their armed interference. 

As regards the world outside of Europe and America, no part of it had 
yet entered the circle of modern civilization. Africa was an almost unknown 
continent; Asia was little better known; and the; islands of the Eastern seas 
were still in process of discovery. Japan, which was approaching its period 
of manumission from barbarism, was still closed to the world, and China lay 
like a huge and helpless bulk, fast in the fetters of conservatism and blind 

Napoleon Bonaparte; The Man oi Destiny. 

THE first fifteen years of the nineteenth century in Europe yield us the 
history of a man, rather than of a continent. France was the centre 
of Europe; Napoleon, the Corsican, was the centre of France. All the 
affairs of all the nations seemed to gather around this genius of war. He 
was respected, feared, hated ; he had risen with the suddenness of a thunder- 
cloud on a clear horizon, and flashed the lightnings of victory in the dazzled 
eyes of the nations. All the evt its of the period were concentrated into 
one great event, and the name of that event was Napoleon. He seemed 
incarnate war, organized destruction ; sword in hand lie dominated the 
nations, and victory sat on his banners with folded wings. He was, in a full 
sense, the man of destiny, and Europe was his prey. 

Never has there been a more wonderful career. The earlier great 

conquerors began life at the top; Napoleon began his at the 
A Remarkable ! & , ' . . 

Man and a bottom. Alexander was a king ; Csesar was an aristocrat oi 

Wonderful t i le Roman republic; Napoleon rose from the people, and 

was not even a native of tin.: land which became the scene of 

his exploits. Pure force of military genius lifted him from the lowest to 

the highest place among mankind, and for long and terrible years Europe 

shuddered at his name and trembled beneath the tread of his marching 

legions. As for France, he brought it glory, and left it ruin and dismay. 

We have briefly epitomized Napoleon's early career, his doings in the. 

Revolution, in Italy, and in Egypt, unto the time that France's worship of 

his military genius raised him to the rank of First Consul, and gave him in 

effect the power of a king. Nb> one dared question his word, the army was 

at his beck and call, the nation lay prostrate at his feet — not in fear but in 

admiration. Such was the state of affairs in France in the closing year of 

the eighteenth century. The Revolution was at an end ; the Republic existed 

only as a name ; Napoleon was the autocrat of France and the terror of 

Europe. From this point we resume the story of his career. 

The First Consul began his reign with two enemies in the field, 

The Enemies England and Austria. Prussia was neutral, and he had won 

and Friends of the friendship of Paul, the emperor of Russia, by a shrewd 

France. move. While the oilier nations refused to exchange the 

Russian prisoners they held. Napoleon sent home 6.000 of these captives. 



newly clad and armed, under their own leaders, and without demanding 
ransom. This was enough to win to his side the weak-minded Paul, whose 
delight in soldiers he well knew. 

Napoleon now .had but two enemies in arms to deal with. He wrote 
letters to the king of England and the emperor of Austria, offering peace 
The answers were cold and insulting, asking France to take back her Bour- 
bon kings and return to her old boundaries. Nothing remained but war 
Napoleon prepared for it with his usual rapidity, secrecy, and keenness of 

There were two French armies in the field in the spring of 1800, 
Moreau commanding in Germany, Massena in Italy. Switzerland, which 
was occupied by the French, divided the armies of the enemy, and Napo- 
leon determined to take advantage of the separation of their forces, and 
strike an overwhelming blow. He sent word to Moreau and Massena to 
keep the enemy in check at any cost, and secretly gathered a third army, 
whose corps were dispersed here and there, while the powers of Europe 
were aware only of the army of reserve at Dijon, made up of conscripts and 

Meanwhile the armies in Italy and Germany were doing their best to 

obey orders. Massena was attacked by the Austrians before „ 

' ' Movements of 

he could concentrate his troops, his army was cut in two, and the Armies in 
he was forced to fall back upon Genoa, in which city he was Oermany and 
closely besieged, with a fair prospect of being conquered by 
starvation if not soon relieved. Moreau was more fortunate. He defeated 
the Austrians in a series of battles and drove them back on Ulm, where he 
blockaded them in their camp. All was ready for the great movement 
which Napoleon had in view. 

Twenty centuries before Hannibal had led his army across the great 
mountain barrier of the Alps, and poured down like an avalanche upon the 
fertile plains of Italy. The Corsican determined to repeat this brilliant 
achievement and emulate Hannibal's career. Several passes across the 
mountains seemed favorable to his purpose, especially those of the St. 
Bernard, the Simplon and Mont Cenis. Of these the first was the most 
difficult ; but it was much the shorter, and Napoleon determined to lead the 
main body of his army over this ice-covered mountain pass, despite its 
dangers and difficulties. The enterprise was one to deter any man less 
bold than Hannibal or Napoleon, but it was welcome to the hardihood and 
daring of these men, who rejoiced in the seemingly impossible and spurned 
at hardships and perils. 

The task of the Corsican was greater than that of the Carthaginiaa 


He had cannon to transport, while Hannibal's men carried only swords and 

spears But the genius of Napoleon was equal to the task- 
Napoleon ™ , . . . . , _ . 
Crosses the * ne cannon were taken irom their carnages and placed m the 

AlpsatSt. hollowed-out trunks of trees, which could be dragged with 

ropes over the ice and snow. Mules were used to draw the 

gun-carriages and the wagon-loads of food and munitions of war. Stores 

of provisions had been placed at suitable points along the road. 

Thus prepared, Napoleon, nn the 16th of May, 1800, began his remark 
able march, while smaller divisions of the ai my were sent over the Simplon, 
the St. Gothard and Mont Cenis passes. It was an arduous enterprise. 
The mules proved unequal to the task given to them ; the peasants refused 
to aid in this severe work: the soldiers were obliged to harness themselves 
Lo the cannon, and drag them by main strength over the rocky and ice- 
covered mountain path. The First Consul rode on a mule at the head of 
the rear-guard, serene and cheerful, chatting with his guide as with a friend, 
and keeping up the courage of the soldiers by ids own indomitable spirit. 

A few hours' rest at the hospice of St Bernard, and the descent was 
begun, an enterprise even more difficult than the ascent. For five days the 
dread journey continued, division following division, corps succeeding corps. 
The point of greatest peril was reached at Aosta, where, on a precipitous 
rock, stood the little Austrian fort of Bard, its artillery commanding the 
narrow defile. 

It was night when the vanguard reached this threatening spot. It was 
passed in dead silence, tow being wrapped round the wheels of the carriages 
and a layer of straw and refuse spread on the frozen ground, while the 
troops followed a narrow path over the neighboring mountains. By day- 
break the passage was made and the danger at an end. 

The sudden appearance of the French in Italy was an utter surprise to 

the Austrians. They descended like a torrent into the valley, seized Ivry, 

and hvc days after reaching Italy met and repulsed an Austrian force. The 

divisions which had crossed by other passes one by one joined 

in ital" 3 ' Napoleon. Melas. the Austrian commander, was warned of 

the danger that impended, but refused to credit the seemingly 

preposti rous story. His men were scattered, some besieging Massena, in 

Genoa, some attacking Suchet on the Var. His danger was imminent, for 

Napoleon, leaving Massena to starve in Genoa, had formed the design of 

annihilating the Austrian army at one tremendous blow. 

The people of Lombard}', weary of the Austrian yoke, and hoping for 
liberty under the rule of France, received the new-comers with transport, 
and lent them what aid the) could. On June 9th, Marshall Lannes met 

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and defeated the Austrians at Montebello, after a hot engagement. "I 

heard the bones crackle like a hailstorm on the roofs," he said. On the 14th, 
the two armies met on the plain of Marengo, and one of the most famous 
of Napoleon's battles began. 

Napoleon was not ready for the coming battle, and was taken by sur- 
prise. He had been obliged to break up his army in order to guard all the 
passages open to the enemy. When he entered, on the 13th. the plain be- 
tween the Scrivia and the Bormida, near the little village of The Famous 
Marengo, he was ignorant of tlie movements of the Austri- Field of 
ans, and was not expecting the onset of Melas, who, on the 
following morning, crossed the Bormida by three bridges, rind made a fierce 
assault upon the divisions of generals Victor and Lannes. Victor was vigor- 
ously attacked and driven back, and Marengo was destroyed by the Aus- 
trian cannon. Lannes was surrounded by overwhelming numbers, and, right- 
ing furiously, was forced to retreat. In the heat of the battle Bonaparte 
reached the field with his guard and his staff, and found himself in the thick 
of the terrific affray ami his army virtually beaten. 

The retreat continued. It was impossible to check it. The enemy 
pressed enthusiastically forward. The army was in imminent danger of 
being cut in two. But Napoleon, with obstinate persistance, kept up the 
fight, hoping for some change in the perilous situation. Melas, on the con- 
trary, — an old man, weary of his labors, and confident in the seeming vic- 
tory, — withdrew to his headquarters at Alessandria, whence he sent off 
despatches to the effect that the terrible Corsican had at length met defeat. 

He did not know his man. Napoleon sent an aide-de-camp in all haste 
fdter Desaix, one of his most trusted generals, who had just returned from 
Egypt, and whose corps he had detached towards Novi. All depended upon 
his rapid return. Without Desaix the battle was lost. Fortunately the 
alert general did not wait for the messenger. His ears caught the sound of 
distant cannon and, scenting danger, lie marched back with the utmost speed. 

Napoleon met his welcome officer with eyes of joy and hope. 'You 
see the situation," he said, rapidly explaining the state of affairs. ' What 
is to be done ? " 

!l It is a lost battle," Desaix replied. " But there are some A Qreat Battle 
hours of daylight yet. We have time to win another." Lost and 

While he talked with the commander, his regiments had 
hastily formed, and now presented a threatening front to the Austrians. 
Their presence gave new spirit to the retreating troops. 

" Soldiers and friends," cried Napoleon to them, " remember that it >.s 
my custom to sleep upon the field of battle." 


Back upon their foes turned the retreating troops, with new animation, 
and checked the victorious Austrians. Desaix hurried to his men and placed 
himself at their head. 

" Go and tell the First Consul that I am about to charge," he said to 
an aide. " I need to be supported by cavalry." 

A few minutes afterwards, as he was leading his troops irresistibly for- 
ward, a ball struck him in the breast, inflicting a mortal wound. " I have 
been too long making war in Africa; the bullets of Europe know me no 
more," he sadly said. "Conceal my death from the men ; it might rob them 
of spirit." 

The soldiers had seen him fall, but, instead of being dispirited, they 
were filled with fury, and rushed forward furiously to avenge their beloved 
leader. At the same time Kellermann arrived with his dragoons, impetuously 
hurled them upon the Austrian cavalry, broke through their columns, and 
fell upon the grenadiers who were wavering before the troops of Desaix. 
It was a death-stroke. The cavalry and infantry together swept them back 
in a disorderly retreat. One whole corps, hopeless of escape, threw down 
its arms and surrendered. The late victorious army was everywhere in 
retreat. The Austrians were crowded back upon the Bormida, here block« 
ing tlie bridges, there flinging themselves into the stream, on all sides flying 
from the victorious French. The cannon stuck in the muddy stream and 
were left to the victors. When Melas, apprised of the sudden change in the 
aspect of affairs, hurried back in dismay to the field, the battle was irretriev- 
ably lost, and General Zach, his representative in command, was a prisoner 
in the hands of the French. The field was strewn with thousands of the 
dead. The slain Desaix and the living Kellermann had turned the Austrian 
victory into defeat and saved Napoleon. 

The Result of A ^ ew days afterwards, on the 19th, Moreau in Germany 

the victory won a brilliant victory at Hochstadt, near Blenheim, took 5,000 
prisoners and twenty pieces of cannon, and forced from the 
Austrians an armed truce which left him master of South Germany. A still 
more momentous armistice was signed by Melas in Italy, by which the Aus- 
trians surrendered Piedmont, Lombardy, and all their territory as far as the 
Mincio, leaving France master of Italy. Melas protested against these 
severe terms, but Napoleon was immovable. 

" I did not begin to make war yesterday," he said. *T know your situa- 
tion. You are out of provisions, encumbered with the dead, wounded, and 
sick, and surrounded on all sides. I could exact everything. I ask only 
what the situation of affairs demands. I have no other terms to offer." 

napoleon bonaparte—the man of destine 51 

During the night of the 2d and 3d of July, Napoleon re-entered Pans 
which he had left less than two months before. Brilliant ova- Nap0 i eO n 
tions met him on his route, and all F" ranee would have pros- Returns to 
trated itself at his feet had he permitted. He came crowned rance 
with the kind of glory which is especially dear to the French, that gained on 
the field of battle. 

Five months afterwards, Austria having refused to make peace without 
the concurrence of England, and the truce being at an end, another famous 
victory was added to the list of those which were being inscribed upon the 
annals of France. On the 3d of December the veterans under Moreau met 
an Austrian army under the Archduke John, on the plain of Hohenlinden, 
across which ran the small river Iser. 

The Austrians marched through the forest of Hohen- Moreau and tne 
linden, looking for no resistance, and unaware that Moreau's Great Battle 
army awaited their exit. As they left the shelter of the trees of Hohen- 
and debouched upon the plain, they were attacked by the 
French in force. Two divisions had been despatched to take them in the 
rear, and Moreau held back his men to give them the necessary time. 
The snow was falling in great flakes, yet through it his keen eyes saw 
some signs of confusion in the hostile ranks. 

" Richepanse has struck them in the rear," he said. " the time has come 
to charge." 

Ney rushed forward at the head of his troops, driving the enemy in 
confusion before him. The centre of the Austrian army was hemmed in 
between the two forces. Decaen had struck their left wing in the rear and 
forced it back upon the Inn. Their right was driven into the valley. The 
day was lost to the Austrians, whose killed and wounded numbered 8,000, 
while the French had taken 12,000 prisoners and eighty-seven pieces 
of cannon. 

The victorious French advanced, sweeping back all opposition, until 
Vienna, the Austrian capital, lay before them, only a few leagues away. 
His staff officers urged Moreau to take possession of the city. 

*■ That would be a fine thing to do, no doubt," he said ; " but to my 
fancy to dictate terms of peace will be a finer thing still." 

The Austrians were ready for peace at any price. On Christmas day, 
1800, an armistice was signed which delivered to the French 

The Peace of 

the valley of the Danube, the. country of the Tyrol, a number Luneviiie 
of fortresses, and immense magazines of war materials. The 
war continued in Italy till the end of December, when a truce was signed 
there and the conflict was at an end. 


Thus the nineteenth century dawned with France at truce with ail her 
foes except Great Britain. In February, 1S01, a treaty of peace between 
Austria and France was signed at Luneville, in which the valley of the 
Etsch and the Rhine was acknowledged as the boundary of France, Austria 
\vas forced to relinquish all her possessions in Italy, except the city of 
Venice and a portion of Venetia ; all the remainder of North Italy falling 
into the hands of France. Europe was at peace with the exception of the 
hostile relations still existing between England and France. 

The war between these two countries was mainly confined to Egypt, 

where remained the army which Napoleon had left in his hasty return to 

France. As it became evident in time that neither the British land forces 

aor the Turkish troops could overcome the French veterans in the valley 

of the Nile, a treaty was arranged which stipulated that the 
The Peace of ^. . . . 

Amiens French soldiers, 24,000 iii all, should be taken home in English 

ships, with their arms and ammunition, Egypt being given 

back to the rule of the Sultan. This was followed by the peace of Amiens 

(March 27, 1802), between England and France, and the long war was. foi 

the time, at an end. Napoleoi had conquered peace. 

During the period of peaceful relations that followed Napoleon was by 
no means at rest. His mind was too active to yield him long intervals of 
leisure. There was much to be done in France in sweeping away the traces 
of the revolutionary insanity. One of the first cares of the Consul was to 

ire the Christian worship in the French churches and to abolish the 
Republican festivals. But he had no intention of giving the church back 
its old power and placing another kingship beside his own. He insisted 
that the French church should lose its former supremacy and sink to the 

ion of a servant of the Pope and of the temporal sovereign of France. 

Establishing Ins court as First Consul in the Tuileries, Napoleon 

.\\ to bring back the old court fashions and etiquette, and attempted to 
restore tin- monarchical customs and usages. The elegance of royalty 
reappeared, and it seemed almost as if monarchy had been restored. 

A further step towards the restoration of the kingship was soon taken. 
Napoleon, as yet Consul only for tea years, had himself appointed Consul 
for life, with tin- power of naming his successor. He was king now in 
everything but the name. But lie was not suffered to wear his new honor 
in safety. His ambition had aroused the anger of the republicans, conspi- 
racies rose around him, and more than once his life was in danger. On his 
way to the opera house an infernal machine was exploded, killing several 
persons but leaving him unhurt 



Other plots were organized, and Fouche, the police-agent of the time, 

was kept busy in seeking the plotters, for whom there was 

The Punish- 
brief mercy when found. Even Moreau, the victor at m ent of the 

Hohenlinden, accused of negotiating with the conspirators, Conspirators 

was disgraced, and exiled himself from France. Napoleon eassination" 

dealt with his secret enemies with the same ruthless energy as of the Duke 

he did with his foes in the field of battle. d'Enghien 

His rage at the attempts upon his life, indeed, took a form that has 
been universally condemned. The Duke d'Enghien, a royalist French 
nobleman, grandson of the Prince of Conde, who was believed by Napoleon 
to be the soul of the royalist conspiracies, ventured too near the borders of 
France, and was seized in foreign territory, taken in haste to Paris, and 
shot without form of law or a moment's opportunity for defence. The 
outrage excited the deepest indignation throughout Europe. No name was 
given it but murder, and the historians of to-day speak of the act by no 
other title. 

The opinion of the wcjrld had little effect upon Napoleon. He was a 
law unto himself. The death of one man or of a thousand men weiehed 
nothing to him where his safety or his ambition was concerned. Men were 
the pawns he used in the great game of empire, and he heeded not how 
many of them were sacrificed so that he won the game. 

The culmination of his ambition came in 1804, when the hope he had 

long secretly cherished, that of gaining the imperial dignity, was realized. 

He imitated the example of Ccesar, the Roman conqueror, in 

1 • 1 1 r 1 • 1 1 Napoleon 

seeking the crown as a reward lor his victories, and was elected Crowned 

emperor of the French by an almost unanimous vote. That Emperor of 

the sanction of the church might be obtained for the new 

dignity, the Pope was constrained to come to Paris, and there anointed him 

emperor on December 2, 1804. 

The new emperor hastened to restore the old insignia of royalty. He 
surrounded himself with a brilliant court, brought back the discarded titles 
of nobility, named the members of his family princes and princesses, and 
sought to banish every vestige of republican simplicity. Ten years before 
he had begun his career in the streets of Paris by sweeping away with 
cannon-shot the mob that rose in support of the Reign of Terror. Now he 
had swept away the Republic of France and founded a French empire, with 
himself at its head as Napoleon I. 

But though royalty was restored, it was not a royalty of the old type. 
Feudalism was at an end. The revolution had destroyed the last relics of 
that effete and abominable system and it was an empire on new and modern 

56 N.U'( >L£( W /:< K'V. If. XRTE—THE MAN OF DESTINY 

lines which Napoleon had founded, a royalty voted into existence by a free 

people, not resting upon a nation of slaves. 

The new emperor did not seek to enjoy in leisure his new dignity. His 

restless mind impelled him to broad schemes of public improvement. He 

_, „ sougfht orlory in peace as actively as in war. Important 

The Great & & J , . , . . . 

Works Devised changes were made in the management of the finances in order 

By the New to provide the great sums needed for the government, the 
army, and the state. Vast contracts were made for road and 
canal building, and ambitious architectural labors were set in train. Churches 
were erected, the Pantheon was completed, triumphal arches were built, 
two new bridges were thrown over the Seine, the Louvre was ordered to be 
finished, the Bourse to be constructed, and a temple consecrated to the 
exploits of the army (now the church of the Madeleine) to be built. 
Thousands of workmen were kept busy in erecting these monuments to his 
glory, and all France resounded with his fame. 

Among the most important of these evidences of his activity of intellect 
was the formation of the Code Napoleon, the first organized code of French 
law, and still the basis of jurisprudence in France. First promulgated in 
1S01, as the Civil Code of France, its title was changed to the Code Napoleon 
in 1804, an( ' as such it stands as one of the greatest monuments raised by 
Napoleon to his glory. Thus the Consul, and subsequently the Emperor, 
usefully occupied himself in the brief intervals between his almost incessant 


Europe in the Grasp of the Iron Hand. 

THE peace of Amiens, which for an interval left France without an 
open enemy in Europe, did not long continue. England failed to 
carry out one of the main provisions of this treaty, holding on to the 
island of Malta in despite of the French protests. The feeling between 
the two nations soon grew bitter, and in iScn England again declared war 
against France. William Pitt, the unyielding foe of Napoleon, came again 

to the head of the ministry in 1804, and displayed all his old 

... . . ... . , , ' . „ England 

activity in organizing coalitions against the hated Lorsican. Declares War 

The war thus declared was to last, so far as England was con- 
cerned, until Napoleon was driven from his throne. It was conducted by 
the English mainly through the aid of money paid to their European allies 
and the activity of their fleet. The British Channel remained an insuper- 
able obstacle to Napoleon in his conflict with his island foe, and the utmost 
he could do in the way of revenge was to launch his armies against the 
allies of Great Britain, and to occupy Hanover, the domain of the English 
king on the continent. This he hastened to do. 

The immunity of his persistent enemy was more than the proud con- 
queror felt disposed to endure. Hitherto he had triumphed over all his 
foes in the field. Should these haughty islanders contemn his power and 
defy his armies? He determined to play the role of William of Normandy, 
centuries before, and attack them on their own shores. This design he had 
long entertained, and began actively to prepare for as soon as war was 
declared. An army was encamped at Boulogne, and a great _ . _ 

} x & ' to (ireat Prepara = 

flotilla prepared to convey it across the narrow sea. The war tionsfor the 
material gathered was enormous in quantity ; the army num- invasion of 
bered 120,000 men, with 10,000 horses; 1,800 gunboats of 
various kinds were ready; only the support of the fleet was awaited to 
enable the crossing to be achieved in safety. 

We need not dwell further upon this great enterprise, since it failed to 
yield any result. The French admiral whose concurrence was depended upon 
took sick and died, and the great expedition was necessarily postponed. 
Before new plans could be laid the indefatigable Pitt had succeeded in 
organizing a fresh coalition in Europe, and Napoleon found full employ- 
ment for his army on the continent. 



In April, 1805, a treaty of alliance was made between England and 
Russia. On the 9th of August, Austria joined this alliance. Sweden sub- 
sequently gave in her adhesion, and Prussia alone remained neutral among 
the gnat powers. But the allies were mistaken if they expected to take the 
astute Napoleon unawares. He had foreseen this combination, and, while 
keeping the eyes of all Europe fixed upon his great preparations at Boulogne, 
he was quietly but effectively laying his plans for the expected campaign. 

The Austrians had hastened to take the field, marching an army into 

Bavaria and forcing the Elector, the ally of Napoleon, to fly from his capital. 

The French emperor was seemingly taken by surprise, and apparently was in 

no haste, the Austrians having made much progress before he left his palace 

at Saint Cloud. But meanwhile his troops were quietly but 

on' Austria rapidly in motion, converging from all points towards the 

Rhine, and by the end of September seven divisions of the 

army, commanded by Napoleon's ablest Generals, — Ney, Murat, Lannes, 

Soult and others. — were across that stream and marching rapidly upon the 

enemy. Bernadotte led his troops across Prussian territory in disdain of the 

neutrality of that power, and thereby gave such offence to King Frederick 

William as to turn his mind decidedly in favor of joining the coalition. 

Early in October the French held both banks of the Danube, and 
before the month's end they had gained a notable triumph. Mack, one of the 
Austrian commanders, with remarkable lack of judgment, held his army in 
the fortress of Ulm while the swiftly advancing French were cutting off 
every avenue of retreat, and surrounding his troops. An extraordinary 
result followed. Ney, on the 14th, defeated the Austrians at Elchingen, 
cutting off Mack from the main army and shutting him up hopelessly in 
The Surrender Ulm. Five days afterwards the desparing and incapable 
of General general surrendered his army as prisoners of war. Twenty- 
Mack three thousand soldiers laid their weapons and banners at 
Napoleon's feet and eighteen generals remained as prisoners in his hands. 
It was a triumph which in its way atoned for a great naval disaster which 
took place on the succeeding day, when Nelson, the English admiral, 
attacked and destroyed the whole French fleet at Trafalgar. 

The succeeding events, to the great battle that closed the campaign, 
may be epitomized. An Austrian army had been dispatched to Italy under 
the brave and able Archduke Charles. Here Marshal Massena commanded 
the French and a battle took place near Caldiero on October 30th. The 
Austrians fought stubbornly, but could not withstand the impetuosity of the 
French, and were forced to retreat and abandon northern Italy to Massena 
and bis men. 


In the north the king of Prussia, furious at the violation of his neutral 
territory by the French under Bernadotte, gave free passage to the Russian 
and Swedish troops, and formed a league of friendship with the Czas 
Alexander. He then dispatched his minister Haugwitz to Napoleon, with 
a demand that concealed a threat, requiring him, as a basis of peace, to 
restore the former treaties in Germany, Switzerland, Italy and Holland. 

With utter disregard of this demand Napoleon advanced along the 

Danube towards the Austrian states, meeting and defeating the Austrians 

and Russians in a series of sanguinary conflicts. The Russian army was the 

most ably commanded, and its leader Kutusoff led it backward in slow but 

resolute retreat, fighting only when attacked. The French under Morties 

were caught isolated on the left bank of the Danube, and fiercely assailed by 

the Russians, losing heavily before they could be reinforced. 

Despite all resistance, the French continued to advance. 
i»t i • i .,. i a • The Advance 

Murat soon reaching and occupying Vienna, the Austrian on Vienna 

capital, from which the emperor had hastily withdrawn. Still 
the retreat and pursuit continued, the allies retiring to Moravia, whither the 
French, laden with an immense booty from their victories, rapidly 
followed. Futile negotiations for peace succeeded, and on the 1st of 
December, the two armies, both concentrated in their fullest strength 
(92,000 of the allies to 70,000 French) came face to face on the field of 
Austerlitz, where on the following day was to be fought one of the memor- 
able battles in the history of the world. 

The Emperor Alexander had joined Francis of Austria, and the two 
monarchs, with their staff officers, occupied the castle and village of Auster- 
litz. Their troops hastened to occupy the plateau of Pratzen, 

which Napoleon had designedly left free. His plans of battle ""fEveBefaw 


was already fully made. He had, with the intuition of 

genius, foreseen the probable manceuvers of the enemy, and had left open foi 
them the position which he wished them to occupy. He even announced 
their movement in a proclamation to his troops. 

"The positions that we occupy are formidable," he said, " and while 
the enemy march to turn my right they will present to me their flank." 

This movement to the right was indeed the one that had been decided 
upon by the allies, with the purpose of cutting off the road to Vienna by 
isolating numerous corps dispersed in Austria and Styria. It had beer, 
shrewdly divined by Napoleon in choosing his ground. 

The fact that the 2d of December was the anniversary of the corona 
tion of their emperor filled the French troops with ardor. They celebrated 
it by making great torches of the straw which formed their beds and illumi- 


bating then camp. Early the next morning the allies began their projected 
movement. To the joy of Napoleon his prediction was fulfilled, they were 
advancing towards his right, He felt sure that the victory was in his hands 

He held his own men in readiness while the line of the enemy deployed 
The sun was rising, its rays gleaming through a mist, which dispersed as it 
The Greatest o? rose higher. It now poured its brilliant beams across the 
Napoleon'* field, the afterward famous "sun of Austerlitz." The move 
ment of the allies had the effect of partly withdrawing their 
troops from the plateau of Pratzen. At a signal from the emperor the 
strongly concentrated centre of the French army moved forward in a dense 
mass ; directing their march towards the plateau, which they made all haste 
to occupy. They had reached the foot of the hill before the rising mist 
revealed them to the enemy 

The two emperors watched the movement without divining its intent 
See how the French climb the height without staying to reply to our fire, 
said Prince Czartoryski, who stood near them. 

The emperors were soon to learn why their fire was disdained. Their 
marching columns, thrown out one after another on the slope, found them- 
selves suddenly checked in their movement, and cut off from the two wings 
i! the army. The aliied force had been pierced in its centre, which was 
flung back in disorder., in spite of the efforts of Kutusoff to send it aid. At 
the same time Davout faced the Russians on the right, and Murat and 
Lannes attacked the Russian and Austrian squadrons on the left, while Kel- 
iermann's light cavalry dispersed the squadrons of the Uhlans. 

The Russian guard, checked in its movement, turned towards Pratzen, 
in a desperate effort to retrieve the fortune of the day. It was incautiously 
pursued by a French battalion, which soon found itself isolated and in 
danger. Napoleon perceived its peril and hastily sent Rapp to its sup- 
port, with the Mamelukes and the chasseurs of the guard. They rushed 
forward with energy and quickly drove back tiie enemy, Prince Repnin 
remaining a prisoner in their hands. 

The day was lost to the allies. Everywhere disorder prevailed and 
their troops were in retreat. An isolated Russian division threw down its 
arms and surrendered Two columns were forced back beyond the marshes 
The soldiers rushed in their (light upon the ice of the lake, which the 
intense cold had made thick enough to bear their weight. 

And now a terrible scene was witnessed. War is merci- 
less ; death is its aim ; the slaughter of an enemy by any 

LakeEiorrof ' *» 111 

means is looked upon as admissible. By Napoleon s order the 
French cannon were turned upon the lake. Their plunging balls rent and 


.splintered the ice under the feet of the crowd of fugitives. Soon it broke 
with a crash, and the unhappy soldiers, with shrill cries of despair, sunk to 
death in the chilling waters beneath, thousands of them perishing. It was a 
frightful expedient — one that would be deemed a crime in any other code 
than the merciless one of war. 

A portion of the allied army made a perilous retreat along a narrow 
embankment which separated the two lakes of Melnitz and Falnitz, their 
exposed causeway swept by the fire of the French batteries. Of the whole 
army, the corps of Prince Bagration alone withdrew in order of battle. 

All that dreadful day the roar of battle had resounded. At its close 
the victorious French occupied the field ; the allied army was pouring back 
in disordered flight, the dismayed emperors in its midst ; thousands of dead 
covered the fatal field, the groans of thousands of wounded men filled the 
air. More than 30,000 prisoners, including twenty generals, remained 
in Napoleon's hands, and with them a hundred and twenty pieces of 
cannon and forty flags, including the standards of the Imperial Guard of 

The defeat was a crushing one. Napoleon had won the most famous 
of his battles. The Emperor Francis, in deep depression, Treaty of 
asked for an interview and an armistice. Two days afterward Peace with 
the emperors, — the conqueror and the conquered, — met and us r,a 
an armistice was granted. While the negotiations for peace continued 
Napoleon shrewdly disposed of the hostility of Prussia by offering the state 
of Hanover to that power and signing a treaty with the king. On Decem- 
ber 26th a treaty of peace between France and Austria was signed at 
Presburg. The Emperor Francis yielded all his remaining possessions in 
Italy, and also the Tyrol, the Black Forest, and other districts in Germany, 
which Napoleon presented to his allies, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and Baden ; 
whose monarchs were still more closely united to Napoleon by marriages 
between their children and relatives of himself and his wife Josephine. 
Bavaria and Wurtemberg were made kingdoms, and Baden was raised 
in rank to a grand-duchy; The three months' war was at an end. Austria 
had paid dearly for her subserviency to England. Of the several latt\ 
enemies of France, only two remained in arms, Russia and England. 
And in the latter Pitt, Napoleon's greatest enemy, died during the next 
month, leaving the power in the hands of Fox, an admirer of the Corsican. 
Napoleon was at the summit of his glory and success. 

Napoleon's political changes did not end with the partial dismember- 
ment of Austria. His ambition to become supreme in Europe and to rule 
everywhere lord paramount, inspired him to exalt his family, raising his rela- 


tives to the rank of kings, but keeping them the servants of his imperious 

will. Holland lost its independence, Louis Bonaparte being named its king. 

Joachim Murat, brother-in-law of the emperor, was given a 

Awards King* kingdom on the lower Rhine, with Diisseldorf as its capital. 

doms to His A stroke of Napoleon's pen ended the Bourbon monarchy in 

Brothers and jsj a p] es> anc j Joseph Bonaparte was sent thither as king, with 

a French army to support him. Italy was divided into duke 

doms, ruled over by the marshals and adherents of the emperor, whose hand 

began to move the powers of Europe as a chess-player moves the pieces 

upon his board. 

The story of his political transformations extends farther still. By rais- 
ing the electors of Bavaria and Wurtemberg to the rank of kings, he had 
practically brought to an end the antique German Empire — which indeed 
had long been little more than a name. In July, 1806, he completed this 
work. The states of South and West Germany were organized into a league 
named the Confederation of the Rhine, under the protection of Napoleon. 
Many small principalities were suppressed and their territories added to the 
larger oiks, increasing the power of the latter, and winning the gratitude of 
their rulers for their benefactor. The empire of France was in this manner 
practically extended over Italy, the Netherlands, and the west and south of 
Germany. Francis II., lord of the " Hoi)' Roman Empire," now renounced 
the title which these radical changes had made a mockery, withdrew his 
states from the imperial confederation of German}-, and assumed the title 
of Francis I. of Austria. The Empire of Germany, once powerful, but long 
since reduced to a shadowy pretence, finally ceased to exist. 

These autocratic changes could not fail to arouse the indignation of the 
monarchs of Europe and imperil the prevailing peace. Austria was in no 
The Hostile condition to resume hostilities, but Prussia, which had main- 

Irritation of tained a doubtful neutrality during the recent wars, grew more 
and more exasperated as these high-handed proceedings went 
on. A league which the king of Prussia sought to form with Saxony and 
Hesse-Cassel was thwarted by Napoleon ; who also, in negotiating for peace 
with England, offered to return Hanover to that country, without consulting 
the Prussian King, to whom this electorate had been ceded. Other causes 
of resentment existed, and finally Frederick William of Prussia, irritated 
beyond control, sent a so-called " ultimatum " to Napoleon, demanding the 
evacuation of South Germany by the French. As might have been expected, 
this proposal was rejected with scorn, whereupon Prussia broke off a)J 
communication with France and began preparations for war. 


The Prussians did not know the man with whom they had to deal. It 
was an idle hope that this state could cope alone with the power of Napo- 
leon and his allies, and while Frederick William was slowly The p russ i an 
preparing for the war which he had long sought to avoid, the Armies in 
French troops were on the march and rapidly approaching the e 

borders of his kingdom. Saxony had allied itself with Prussia under com- 
pulsion, and had added 20,000 men to its armies. The elector of Hesse- 
Cassel had also joined the Prussians, and furnished them a contingent of 
troops. But this hastily levied army, composed of men few of whom had 
ever seen a battle, seemed hopeless as matched with the great army of war- 
worn veterans which Napoleon was marching with his accustomed rapidity 
against them. Austria, whom the Prussian King had failed to aid, now 
looked on passively at his peril. The Russians, who still maintained hostile 
relations with France, held their troops immovable upon the Vistula. 
Frederick William was left to face the power of Napoleon alone. 

The fate of the campaign was quickly decided. Through Marcn of tne 
the mountain passes of Franconia Napoleon led his forces French Upon 
against the Prussian army, which was divided into two corps, russ 
under the command of the Duke of Brunswick and the Prince of Hohenlohe. 
The troops of the latter occupied the road from Weimar to Jena. The 
heights which commanded the hitter town were seized by Marshal Lannes 
on his arrival. A second French corps, under Marshals Davout and 
Bernadotte, marched against the Duke of Brunswick and established them- 
selves upon the left bank of the Saale. 

On the morning of the 4th of October, 1806, the conflict at Jena, upon 
which hung the destiny of the Prussian Kingdom, began. The troops under 
the Prince of Hohenlohe surpassed in number those of Napoleon, but were 
unfitted to sustain the impetuosity of the French assault. Soult and 
Augereau, in command of the wings of the French army, advanced rapidly, 
enveloping the Prussian forces and driving them back by the vigor of their 
attack. Then on the Prussian center the guard and the reserves fell in a 
compact mass whose tremendous impact the enemy found it impossible to 
endure. The retreat became a rout. The Prussian army broke into a mob 
of fugitives, flying in terror before Napoleon's irresistible veterans. 

They were met by Marshal Biechel with an army of 20,000 men advanc- 
ing in all haste to the aid of the Prince of Hohenlohe. _ _ . .. 
& ... Defeat of the 

Throwing his men across the line of flight, he did his utmost Prussians at 
to rally the fugitives. His effort was a vain one. His men Jena and 
were swept away by the panic-stricken mass and pushed back 
by the triumphant pursuers. Weimar was reached by the French and the 


Germans simultaneosly, the former seizing prisoners in such numbers as 

seriously to hinder their pursuil 

While this battle was going on, another was in progress near Auer 
stadt, where Marshal Davouc had encountered the forces of the Duke of 
Brunswick, with whom was Frederick William, the king, Bernadotte, 
ordered by the emperor to occupy Hamburg, had withdrawn his troops, 
leaving Davout much outnumbered by tin- foe. But heedless of this, he 
threw himself across their road in the defile of Kcesen, and sustained alone 

furious attack made upon him by the duke. Throwing his regiments 
into squares, he poured a murderous fire on the charging troops, hurling 
them back from his immovable lines The old duke fell with a mortal 
wound. The king and his son their troops to a second but equally 

fruitless, attack. Davouc, taking advantage of their repulse, advanced and 
seized the heights of Eckartsberga, where he defended himself with his 
artillery. Frederick William, discouraged by this vigorous resistance 
retired towards Weimar with the purpose of joining his forces with those 
of the Prince of Hohenlohe and renewing the attack 

Davout's men were too exhausted to pursue but Bernadotte was 
encountered and barred the way and the disaster at Jena was soon made 
evident by the panic-stricken mass of fugitives, whose flying multitude, 
hotly pursued by the French, sought safety in the ranks of the kings corps 
which they threw into confusion by their impact It was apparent that the 
battle was irretrievably lost Night was approaching The king inarched 
hastily away, the disorder in his ranks increasing as the darkness fell. In 
that one fatal day he had lost his army and placed his kingdom 'tself in 
jeopardy. ''They can do nothing but gather up the debris" said Napoleon. 

The French lost no time in following up the defeated army, which had 
« _ ... broken into several divisions in its retreat. On the 17th, 

I hs Demorilsza- ^ . 

Hon of the Duke Eugene of Wurti and the reserves under his 

Prussian command were scattered in d< feat, Or. the 28th, the Prince 


of Hohenlohe. with the :• 000 men whom he still held to- 
gether, was forced to surrender Blucher who had seized the free city of 
Liibeck. was d to follow his example On all sides the scattered debris 

of the army was destroyed, and on October 27th Napoleon entered in 
triumph the city of Berlin his first entry into an enemy's capital. 

The battle ended the country occupied, the work of 
Napoleon ; ' 

Divides the revenge ol the victor began. Hie Elector of Hesse was driven 

Spoils of from has throne and his country stricken from the list of the 

Victory . ... . , , 

powers ol Jburope Hanover and the rianseatic towns were 
occupied by the French The English, merchandise found in ports and 


warehouses was seized and confiscated. A heavy war contribution was laid 
upon the defeated state. Severe taxes were laid upon Hamburg, Bremen 
and Leipzig, and from all the leading cities the treasures of art and science 
were carried away to enrich the museums and galleries of France. 

Saxony, whose alliance with Prussia had been a forced one, was alone 
spared. The Saxon prisoners were sent back free to their sovereign, and 
the elector was granted a favorable peace and honored with the title ot 
king. In return for these favors he joined the Confederation of the Rhine; 
and such was his gratitude to Napoleon that he remained his friend and ally 
in the trying days when he had no other friend among the powers of Europe. 

The harsh measures of which we have spoken were not the only ones 
taken by Napoleon against his enemies. England, the most implacable of 
his foes, remained beyond his reach, mistress of the seas as he was lord of 
the land. He could only meet the islanders upon their favorite element, 
and in November 21, 1S06, he sent from Berlin to Talleyrand, his Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, a decree establishing a continental embargo against 
Great Britain. 

''The British Islanders," said this famous edict of reprisal, "are declared 
in a state of blockade. All commerce and all correspondence with them are 
forbidden." All letters or packets addressed to an Englishman or written in 
English were to be seized ; every English subject found in The Emtar , ro 
any country controlled by France was to be made a prisoner on British 
of war ; all commerce in English merchandise was forbidden, 
and all ships coming from England or her colonies were to be refused 
admittance to any port. 

It is hardly necessary to speak here of the distress caused, alike in 
Earope and elsewhere, by this war upon commerce, in which England did 
not fail to meet the harsh decrees of her opponent by others equally severe. 
The effect of these edicts upon American commerce is well known. The 
commerce of neutral nations was almost swept from the seas. One result 
was the American war of 1812, which for a time seemed as likely to be 
directed against France as Great Britain. 

Meanwhile Frederick William of Prussia was a fugitive 
king. He refused to accept the harsh terms of the armistice William a 
offered by Napoleon, and in despair resolved to seek, with the Fugitive in 
remnant of his army, some 25,000 in number, the Russian 
camp, and join his forces with those of Alexander of Russia, 
still in arms against France. 

Napoleon, not content while an enemy remained in arms, with inflex- 
ible resolution resolved to make an end of all his adversaries, and meet in 


battle the great empire of the north. The Russian armies then occupied 
Poland, whose people, burning under the oppression and injustice to which 
they had been subjected, gladly welcomed Napoleon's specious offers to 
bring them back their iost liberties, and rose in his aid when he marched 
his armies into their country. 

Here the French found themselves exposed to unlooked-for privations. 
They had dreamed of abundant stores of food, but discovered that the 
country they had invaded was, in this wintry season, a desert ; a series of 
frozen solitudes incapable of feeding an army, and holding no reward for 
them other than that of battle with and victory over the hardy Russians. 

Napoleon advanced to Warsaw, the Polish capital. The Russians were 
entrenched behind the Narew and the Ukra. The French continued to 
advance. The Russians were beaten and forced back in every battle, several 
furious encounters took place, and Alexander's army fell back upon the 
Pregel, intact and powerful still, despite the French successes. The wintry 
chill and the character of the country seriously interfered with Napoleon's 
plans, the troops being forced to make their way through thick and rain- 
soaked forests, and march over desolate and marshy plains. The winter of 

,_ „ . . the north fought against them like a strong army and many 
The F-rencn in ° ° 

the Dreary of them fell dead without a battle. Warlike movements 
Plains of became almost impossible to the troops of the south, though 

the hardy northeners, accustomed to the climate, continued 
their military operations. 

By the end of January the Russian army was evidently approaching in 
force, and immediate action became necessary. The cold increased. The 
mud was converted into ice. On January 30, 1807, Napoleon left Warsaw 
and marched in search of the enemy. General Benningsen retreated, 
avoiding battle, and on the 7th of February entered the small town of 
Eylau, from which his troops were pushed by the approaching French. He 
encamped outside the town, the French in and about it ; it was evident that 
a great battle was at hand. 

The weather was cold. Snow lay thick upon the ground and still fell 
in great flakes. A sheet of ice covering some small lakes formed part of 
the country upon which the armies were encamped, but was thick enough to 
bear their weight. It was a chill, inhospitable country to which the demon 
of war had come. 

Before daybreak on the 8th Napoleon was in the streets of Eylau, 
forming his line of battle for the coming engagement. Soon the artillery 
of both armies opened, and a rain of cannon balls began to decimate the 
opposing ranks. The Russian lire was concentrated on the town, which 

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was soon in flames. That of the French was directed against a hill which 
the emperor deemed it important to occupy. The two armies, The Fr jg ntfll [ 
nearly equal in numbers, — the French having 75,000 to the struggle at 
Russian 70,000, — were but a short distance apart, and the y au 
slaughter from the fierce cannonade was terrible. 

A series of movements on both sides began, Davout marching upon 
the Russian flank and Augereau upon the centre, while the Russians 
manoeuvred as if with a purpose to outflank the French on the left. At this 
interval an unlooked-for obstacle interfered with the French movements, a 
snow-fall beginning, which grew so dense that the armies lost sight of each 
other, and vision was restricted to a few feet. In this semi-darkness the 
French columns lost their way, and wandered about uncertainly. For half an 
hour the snow continued to fall. When it ceased the French army was in a 
critical position. Its cohesion was lost ; its columns were straggling about 
and incapable of supporting one another; many of its superior officers were 
wounded. The Russians, on the contrary, were on the point of executing 
a vigorous turning movement, with 20,000 infantry, supported by cavalry 
anil artillery. 

" Are you going to let me be devoured by these people ?" cried Napo- 
leon to Murat, his eagle eye discerning the danger. 

He ordered a grand charge of all the cavalry of the army, consisting 
of eighty squadrons. With Murat at their head, they rushed Murat's 
like an avalanche on the Russian lines, breaking through the Mighty 

in f antry and dispersing the cavalry who came to its support. 
The Russian infantry suffered severely from this charge, its two massive 
lines being rent asunder, while the third fell back upon a wood in the rear. 
Finally Davout, whose movement had been hindered by the weather, 
reached the Russian rear, and in an impetuous charge drove them from the 
hilly ground which Napoleon wished to occupy. 

The battle seemed lost to the Russians. They began a retreat, leaving 
the ground strewn thickly with their dead and wounded. But at this critical 
moment a Prussian force, some 8,000 strong, which was being pursued by 
Marshal Ney, arrived on the field and checked the French advance and the 
Russian retreat. Benningsen regained sufficient confidence to prepare for 
final attack, when he was advised of the approach of Ney, who was two or 
three hours behind the Prussians. At this discouraging news a final retreat 
was ordered. 

The French were left masters of the field, though little attempt was 
made to pursue the menacing columns of the enemy, who withdrew in mili- 
tary array. It was a victory that came near being a defeat, and which. 


indeed, both sides claimed. Never before had Napoleon been so stub- 
bornly withstood. His success had been bought at a frightful cost, and 
The Cost of Konigsberg, the old Prussian capital, the goal of his march, 
Victory was still covered by the compact columns of the allies. The 

men were in no condition to pursue. Food was wanting, and 
they were without shelter from the wintry chill. Ney surveyed the terrible 
scene with eyes of gloom. "What a massacre," he exclaimed , "and with 
out result." 

So severe was the exhaustion on both sides from this great battle that 
it was four months before hostilities were resumed. Meanwhile Danzig, 
which had been strongly besieged, surrendered, and more than 30,000 men 
wen- released to reinforce the French army. Negotiations for peace went 
slowly on, without result, and it was June before hostilities again became 

Eylau, which now became Napoleon's headquarters, presented a very 
different aspect at this season from that of four months before. Then all 
was wintry desolation ; now the country presented a beautiful scene of green 
woodland, shining lakes, and attractive villages. The light corps of the army 
were in motion in various directions, their object being to get between the 
Russians and their magazines ami cut off retreat to Konigsberg. On June 
13th Napoleon, with the main body of his army, marched towards Fried- 
land, a town on the River Alle, in the vicinity of Konigsberg, towards which 
the Russians wen; marching. Here, crossing tin- Alle, Benningsen drove 
from the town a regiment of French hussars which had occupied it, and fell 
with all his force on the corps of Marshal Lannes, which alone had reached 
the field. 

Lannes held his ground with his usual heroic fortitude, while sending 

Napoleon on successive messengers for aid to the emperor. Noon had 

the Field of passed when Napoleon and his staff reached the field at full 

gallop, far in advance of the troops. He surveyed the field 

with eyes of hope. "It is the 14th of June, the anniversary of Marengo," 

he said ; " it is a lucky day for us." 

"Give me only a reinforcement," cried Oudinot, " and we will cast all 
the Russians into the water." 

This seemed possible. Renningsen's troops were perilously concen- 
trated within a bend of the river. Some of the French generals advised de- 
ferring the battle till the next day, as the hour was late, but Napoleon was 
too shrewd to let an advantage escape him. 

" No," he said, " one does not surprise the enemy twice in such a blun- 
der," He swept with his field-glass the masses of the enemy before him. 


then seized the arm of Marshal Ney. " You see the Russians and the town 
of Friedland," he said. " March straight forward ; seize the town ; take the 
bridges, whatever it may cost. Do not trouble yourself with what is taking 
place around you. Leave that to me and the army." 

The troops were coming in rapidly, and marching to the places assigned 
them. The hours moved on. It was half-past five in the afternoon when 
the cannon sounded the signal of the coming fray. 

Meanwhile Ney's march upon Friedland had begun. A terrible fire 
from the Russians swept his ranks as he advanced. Aided by The Assau)t of 
cavalry and artillery, he reached a stream defended by the thelndom- 
Russian Imperial Guard. Before those picked troops the <tableNey 
French recoiled in temporary disorder ; but the division of General Dupont 
marching briskly up, broke the Russian guard, and the pursuing French 
rushed into the town. In a short time it was in flames and the fugitive 
Russians were cut off from the bridges, which were seized and set on fire. 

The Russians made a vigorous effort to recover their lost ground, 
General Gortschakoff endeavoring to drive the French from the town, and 
other corps making repeated attacks on the French centre. All their efforts 
were in vain The French columns continued to advance. By ten o'clock 
the battle was at an end. Many of the Russians had been drowned in the 
stream, and the field was covered with their dead, whose numbers were 
estimated by the boastful French bulletins at 15,000 or 18,000 men, while 
they made the improbable claim of having lost no more than The Total 
500 dead. Konigsberg, the prize of victory, was quickly occu- Defeatof the 
pied by Marshal Souk, and yielded the French a vast quantity R uss,a "s 
of food, and a large store of military supplies which had been sent from 
England for Russian use. The King of Prussia had lost the whole of his 
possessions with the exception of the single town of Memel. 

Victorious as Napoleon had been, he had found the Russians no con- 
temptible foes. At Eylau he had come nearer defeat than ever before in 
his career. He was quite ready, therefore, to listen to overtures for peace, 
and early in July a notable interview took place between him and the Czar 
of Russia at Tilsit, on. the Niemen, the two emperors meeting on a raft in 
the centre of the stream. What passed between them is not _. _ 

' ... The Emperors 

known. Some think that they arranged for a division of at Tilsit and 
Europe between their respective empires, Alexander taking the Fate of 
all the east and Napoleon all the west. However that was, 
the treaty of peace, signed July 8th, was a disastrous one for the defeated 
Prussian king, who was punished for his temerity in seeking to fight 


Napoleon alone by the loss of more than half his kingdom, while in addi- 
tion a heavy war indemnity was laid upon his depleted realms. 

He was forced to yield all the countries between the Rhine and the 
Elbe, to consent to the establishment of a Dukedom of Warsaw, under the 
supremacy of the king of Saxony, and to the loss of Danzig and the 
surrounding territory, which were converted into a free State. A new 
kingdom, named Westphalia, was founded by Napoleon, made up of the 
territory taken from Prussia and the states of Hesse, Brunswick and South 
Hanover. His younger brother, ferome Bonaparte, was made its king. It 
was a further step in his policy of founding a western empire. 

Louisa, tlie beautiful and charming queen of Frederick William, sought 
Tilsit, hoping by tin- seduction of her beauty and grace of address to induce 
Napoleon to mitigate his harsh terms. But in vain she brought to bear 
upon him all the resources of her intellect and her attractive charm of man- 
ner. He continued cold and obdurate, and she left Tilsit deeply mortified 
and humiliated. 

In northern Europe only one enemy of Napoleon remained. Sweden 
retained its hostility to France, under the fanatical enmity of Gustavus IV., 
who believed himself the instrument appointed by Providence to reinstate 
tin.' Bourbon monarchs upon their thrones. Denmark, which refused to ally 
itself with England, was visited by a British lleet, which bom- 
barded Copenhagen and carried off all the Daaish ships of 
war, an outrage winch brought this kingdom into close alliance 
with France. The war in Sweden must have ended in the conquest of that 
country, had not the people revolted and dethroned their obstinate king. 
Charles XIII., his uncle was placed on the throne, but was induced to 
adopt Napoleon's marshal Bernadotte as his son. The latter, as crown 
prince, practically succeeded the incapable king in 1S10. 

Events followed each other rapidly. Napoleon, in his desire to add 
kingdom after kingdom to his throne, invaded Portugal and interfered in 
the affairs of Spain, from whose throne he removed the last of the Bourbon 
kings, replacing him by his brother, Joseph Bonaparte. The result was a 
revolt of the- Spanish people which all his efforts proved unable to quell, 
aided, as they were eventually, by the power of England. In Italy his 
intrigues continued. Marshal Murat succeeded foseph Bonaparte on the 
throne of Naples. Eliza, Napoleon's sister, was made queen of Tuscany. 
The Pone a The temporal sovereignity of the Pope was seriously inter- 

Captive at fered with and finally, in 1S00, the pontiff was forcibly 
;!U removed from Rome and the states of the Church were added 
to the French territory, Pius VII., the pope, was eventually brought to 

i)eiimark and 


France and obliged to reside at Fontainebleau, where he persistently refused 
to yield to Napoleon's wishes or perform any act of ecclesiastical authority 
while held in captivity. 

These various arbitrary acts had their natural result, that of active 
hostility. The Austrians beheld them with growing indignation, and at 
length grew so exasperated that, despite their many defeats, they decided 
again to dare the power and genius of th>_ conqueror. In April, 1809, the 
Vienna Cabinet once more declared war against France and made all haste 
to put its armies in the field. Stimulated by this, a revolt broke out in the 
Tyrol, the simple-minded but brave and sturdy mountaineers gathering under 
the leadership of Andreas Hofer, a man of authority among them, and wel- 
coming the Austrian troops sent to their aid. 

As regards this war in the Tyrol, there is no need here to go into 
details. It must suffice to say that the boil peasantry, aided Andreas Hofer 
by the natural advantages of their mountain land, for a time and the War 
freed themselves from French dominion, to the astonishment in e yrc 
and admiration of Europe. But their freedom was of brief duration, fresh 
troops were poured into the country, and though the mountaineers won 
more than one victory, they proved no match for the power of their foes. 
Their country was conquered, and Hofer, their brave leader, was taken by 
the French and remorselessly put to death by the order of Napoleon. 

The struggle in the Tyrol was merely a side issue in the new war with 
Austria, which was conducted on Napoleon's side with his usual celerity of 
movement. The days when soldiers are whisked forward at locomotive 
speed had not yet dawned, yet the French troops made extraordinary prog- 
ress on foot, and war was barely declared before the army of Napoleon 
covered Austria. This army was no longer made up solely of Frenchmen. 
The Confederation of the Rhine practically formed part of Napoleon's 
empire, and Germans now fought side by side with Frenchmen ; Marshal 
Lefebvre leading the Bavarians, Bernadotte the Saxons, An- „. 

& The Army of 

gereau the men of Baden, Wurtemberg, and Hesse. On the Napoleon 
other hand, the Austrians were early in motion, and by the loth Marches 
of April the Archduke Charles had crossed the Inn with his 
f rmy and the King of Bavaria, Napoleon's ally, was in flight from his capital. 
The quick advance of the Austrians had placed the French army in 
langer. Spread out over an extent of twenty-five leagues, it ran serious 
risk of being cut in two by the rapidly marching troops of the Archduke. 
Napoleon, who reached the front on the 17th, was not slow to perceive the 
peril and to take steps of prevention. A hasty concentration of his forces 
was ordered and vigorously begun. 


' Never was there need for more rapidity of movement than now," he 
wrote to Massena. " Activity, activity, speed !" 

Speed was the order of the day. The French generals ably seconded 

the anxious activity of their chief. The soldiers fairly rushed together. 

A brief hesitation robbed the Austrians of the advantage 

A Cir3vc Peril 

Overcome which they had hoped to gain. The Archduke Charles, one 

of the ablest tacticians ever opposed to Napoleon, had the 

weakness of over-prudence, and caution robbed him of the opportunity 

given him by the wide dispersion of the French. 

He was soon and severely punished for his slowness. On the 19th 

Davout defeated the Austrians at Fangen and made a junction with the 

Bavarians. On the 20th and 21st Napoleon met and defeated them in a 

series of engagements. Meanwhile the Archduke Charles fell on Ratisbon, 

held by a single French regiment, occupied that important place, and 

attacked Davout at Eckmuhl. Here a furious battle took place. Davout. 

outnumbered, maintained his position for three days. Napoleon, warned of 

the peril of his marshal, bade him to hold on to the death, as he was 

hastening to his relief with 40,000 men. The day was well advanced when 

the emperor came up and fell with his fresh troops on the Austrians, who, 

still bravely fighting, were forced back upon Ratisbon. During the night 

the Archduke wisely withdrew and marched for Bohemia, where a large 

reinforcement awaited him. On the 23d Napoleon attacked the town, and 

... ™ ... * carried it in spite of a vigorous defence. His proclamation to 
The Battle of . . J & ... 

Eckmuhl and his soldiers perhaps overestimated the prizes of this brief but 

the Capture active campaign, which he declared to be a hundred cannon, 
of Ratisbon r n 111 .11 • 1 

forty nags, all the enemy s artillery, 50,000 prisoners, a large 

number of wagons, etc. Half this loss would have fully justified the Arch- 
duke's retreat. 

In Italy affairs went differently. Prince Eugene Beauharnais, for the 
first time in command of a French army, found himself opposed by the 

Archduke John, and met with a defeat. On April 16th, seeking 
The Campaign . .... . 1 1 1 a 1 1 1 1 1 

In Italy to retrieve his disaster, he attacked the Archduke, but trie 

Austrians bravely held their positions, and the French were 

again obliged to retreat. General Macdonald, an officer of tried ability, 

now joined the prince, who took up a defensive position on the Adige, 

whither the Austrians marched. On the 1st of May Macdonald perceived 

among them indications of withdrawal from their position. 

"Victory in Germany !" he shouted to the prince. " Now is our time 

for a forward march !" 


He was correct, the Archduke John had been recalled hi haste to aid 
his brother in the defence of Vienna, on which the French were advancing 
in force. 

The campaign now became a race for the capital of Austria. During 
its progress several conflicts took place, in each of which the French won. 
The city was defended by the Archduke Maximilian with an army of over 
15,000 men, but he found it expedient to withdraw, and on the 13th the 
troops of Napoleon occupied the place. Meanwhile Charles had concen- 
trated his troops and was marching hastily towards the opposite side of the 
Danube, whither his brother John was advancing from Italy. 

It was important for Napoleon to strike a blow before this junction 
could be made. He resolved to cross the Danube in the suburbs of the 
capital itself, and attack the Austrians before they were reinforced. In the 
vicinity of Vienna the channel of the river is broken by many islets. At the 
island of Lobau, the point chosen for the attempt, the river is broad and 
deep, but Lobau is separated from the opposite bank by only a narrow 
branch, while two smaller islets offered themselves as aids in the construc- 
tion of bridges, there beinir four channels, over each of which a bridge was 

The work was a difficult one. The Danube, swollen by The Bl . id cr es 
the melting snows, imperilled the bridges, erected with dim- over the 
culty and braced by insufficient cordage. But despite this Danube 
peril the crossing began, and on May 20th Marshal Massena reached the 
other side and posted his troops in the two villages of Aspern and Essling, 
and along a deep ditch that connected them. 

As yet only the vanguard of the Austrians had arrived. Other corps 
soon appeared, and by the afternoon of the 21st the entire arm)', from 
70,000 to 80,000 strong, faced the French, still only half their number, and 
in a position of extreme peril, for the bridge over the main channel of the 
river had broken during the night, and the crossing was cut off in its midst. 

Napoleon, however, was straining every nerve to repair the bridge, and 
Massena and Lannes, in command of the advance, fought like men hVhtincr 
for their lives. The Archduke Charles, the ablest soldier Napoleon had yet 
encountered, hurled his troops in masses upon Aspern, which covered the 
bridge to Lobau. Several times it was taken and retaken, but the French 
held on with a death grip, all the strength of the Austrians seeming insuffi- 
cient to break the hold of Lannes upon Essling. An advance in force, 
which nearly cut the communication between the two villages, was checked 
by an impetuous cavalry charge, and night fell, leaving the situation 


At dawn of the next day more than 70,000 French had crossed the 
stream; Marshal 1 hivout's corps, with part of the artillery and most of the 
ammunition, being still on the right bank. At this critical moment the large 
bridge, against which the Austrians had sent fireships, boats laden with 
stone and other floating missiles, broke for the third time, and the engin- 
eers of the French army were again forced to the most strenuous and hasty 
exertions for its repair. 

The struggle of the day that had just begun was one of extraordinary 

_. „ valor and obstinacy. Men went down in multitudes ; now 

The Great ' ' 

Struggle of the Austrians, now the French, were repulsed; the Austrians, 
Esslingand impetuously assailed, slowly fell back; and Lannes was pre- 

Aspern . r . ,...,. 

paring for a vigorous movement designed to pierce their 
centre, when word was brought Napoleon that the great bridge had again 
yielded to the floating debris, carrying with it a regiment of cuirassiers, 
and cutting off the supply of ammunition. Lannes was at oner ordered to 
fall back upon the villages, and simultaneously the Austrians made a 
powerful assault on the French centre, which was checked with great 
difficulty. Five times the charge was renewed, and though the enemy was 
finally repelled, it became evident that Napoleon, for the first time in his 
career, had met with a decided check. Night fell at length, and reluctantly 
he gave the order to retreat. He had lost more than a battle, he had lost 
the brilliant soldier Lannes, who fell with a mortal wound. Back to the 
Napoleon Forced island of Lobau marched the French; Massena, in charge of the 
to his First rear-euard, bringfingf over the last regiments in safety. More 

than 40,000 men lay dead and wounded on that fatal field, 
which remained in Austrian hands. Napoleon, at last, was obliged to 
acknowledge a repulse, if not a defeat, and the nations of Europe held up 
their heads with renewed hope. It had been proved that the Corsican was 
not invincible. 

Some of Napoleon's generals, deeply disheartened, advised an immedi- 
ate retreat, but the emperor had no thought of such a movement. It 
would have brought a thousand disasters in its train. On the contrary, he 
held the island of Lobau with a strong force, and brought all his resources 
to bear on the construction of a bridge that would defy the current of the 
stream. At the same time reinforcements were hurried forward, until by 
the 1st of July, he had around Vienna an arm)* of 150,000 men. The 
Austrians had probably from 135,000 to 140,000. The archduke had, 
morever, strongly fortified the positions of the recent battle, expecting the 
attack upon them to be resumed. 

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MAPOLEON AND THE QUEEN OF PRUSSIA AT TILSIT (from the painting by gros> 

Tilsil i- .1 i it} o\ al i 2= .ooo Mih.Ll.ii.iiit- in Eastern Prussia Here the treaty of Peaci between the French 

and Russian Emperors and ulsn bet wei n Fi ance and Prussia was signed in | n!\ , i 8117. 


Napoleon had no such intention. He had selected the heights ranging 
from Neusiedl to Wagram, strongly occupied by the Austrians, The Second 
but not fortified, as his point of attack, and on the night of Crossing of 
July 4th bridges were thrown from the island of Lobau to the the Danube 
mainland, and the army which had been gathering for several days on the 
island began its advance. It moved as a whole against the heights of 
Wagram, occupying Aspern and Essling in its advance. 

The great battle began on the succeeding day. It was hotly contested 

at all points, but attention may be confined to the movement against the 

plateau of Wagram, which had been entrusted to Marshal Davout. The 

height was gained after a desperate struggle ; the key of the 

battlefield was held bv the French ; the Austrians, impetuously The ^ ,ctor > r 

., , ....' . r r -'at Wagram 

assailed at every point, and driven trom every point ot vantage, 

began a retreat. The Archduke Charles had anxiously looked for the com- 
ing of his brother John, with the army under his command. He waited in 
vain, the laggard prince failed to appear, and retreat became inevitable. The 
battle had already lasted ten hours, and the French held all the strong points 
of the field ; but the Austrians withdrew slowly and in battle array, presenting 
a front that discouraged any effort to pursue. There was nothing resem- 
bling a rout. 

The Archduke Charles retreated to Bohemia. His forces were dis- 
persed during the march, but he had 70,000 men with him when Napoleon 
reached his front at Znaim, on the road to Prague, on the nth of July. 
Further hostilities were checked by a request for a truce, preliminary to a 
peace. The battle, already begun, was stopped, and during the night an 
armistice was signed. The vigor of the Austrian resistance and the doubt- 
ful attitude of the other powers made Napoleon willing enough to treat for 

The peace, which was finally signed at Vienna, October 14. 1809, took 

from Austria 50,000 square miles of territory and 3,000,000 

inhabitants, together with a war contribution of $S=5, 000,000, Th e p eace of 

& _ t .*» > 1 Vienna 

while her army was restricted to 150,000 men. The overthrow 

of the several outbreaks which had taken place in north Germany, the defeat 
of a British expedition against Antwerp, and the suppression of the revolt 
in the Tyrol, ended all organized opposition to Napoleon, who was once 
more master of the European situation. 

Raised by this signal success to the summit of his power, lord para- 
mount of Western Europe, only one thing remained to trouble the mind of 
the victorious emperor. His wife, Josephine, was childless; his throne 
threatened to be left without an heir. Much as he had seemed to love his 


wife, the companion of his early days, when he was an unknown and uncon- 
sidered subaltern, seeking humbly enough for military employment in Paris, 
yet ambition and the thirst for glory were always the ruling passions in his 
nature, and had now grown so dominant as to throw love and wifely devo- 
tion utterly into the shade. He resolved to set aside his wife and seek a 
new bride among the princesses of Europe, hoping in this way to leave an 
heir of his own blood as successor to his imperial throne. 

Negotiations were entered into with the courts of Europe to obtain a 
daughter of one of the proud royal houses as the spouse of the plebeian 
emperor of France. No maiden of less exalted rank than a princess of 
the imperial families of Russia or Austria was high enough to meet the 
ambitious aims of this proud lord of battles, and negotiations were entered 
into with both, ending in the selection of Maria Louisa, daughter of the 
Emperor Francis of Austria, who did not venture to refuse a demand for 
his daughter's hand from the master of half his dominions. 

Napoleon was not lonsj' in finding a plea for setting; aside 
The Divorce of v & , , • a i r • 

Josephineand the wife of his days of poverty and obscurity. A delect in 

Marriage of the marriage was alleged, and the transparent farce went on. 
Maria Louisa ..,, ,. , T ', . , , , , , f 

1 he divorce ot Josephine has awakened the sympathy ot a 

century. It was, indeed, a piteous example of state-craft, and there can be 

no doubt that Napoleon suffered in his heart while yielding to the dictates 

of his unbridled ambition. The marriage with Maria Louisa, on the 2cl of 

April, 1S10, was conducted with all possible pomp and display, no less than 

five queens carrying the train of the bride in the august ceremony. The 

purpose of the marriage did not fail ; the next year a son was born to 

Napoleon. But this imperial youth, who was dignified with the title of 

King of Rome, was destined to an inglorious life, as an unconsidered teiant 

of the gilded halls of his imperial grandfather of Austria. 


The Decline and Fall of Napoleon's Empire. 

AMBITION, unrestrained by caution, uncontrolled by moderation, has 
its inevitable end. An empire built upon victory, trusting solely to 
military genius, prepares for itself the elements of its overthrow. 
This fact Napoleon was to learn. In the outset of his career he opposed a 
new art of war to the obsolete one of his enemies, and his path to empire 
was over the corpses of slaughtered armies and the ruins of fallen king- 
doms. But year by year they learned his art, in war after war their resist- 
ance grew more stringent, each successive victory was won with more 

difficulty and at greater cost, and finally, at the crossing of the 

. The Causes of 

Danube, the energy and genius of Napoleon met their equal, the Rise and 

and the standards of France went back in defeat. It was the Decline of 

tocsin of fate. His career of victory had culminated. From Napo eon s 

that day its decline began. 

It is interesting to find that the first effective check to Napoleon's 

victorious progress came from one of the weaker nations of Europe, a 

power which the conqueror contemned and thought to move as one of the 

minor pieces in his game of empire. Spain at that time had reached almost 

the lowest stage of its decline. Its king was an imbecile , the heir to the 

throne a weakling ; Godoy, the " Prince of the Peace," the monarch's 

favorite, an ambitious intriguer. Napoleon's armies had invaded Portugal 

and forced its monarch to embark for Brazil, his American ., . , 

_' Aims and In. 

domain. A similar movement was attempted in Spain. This trigues In 
country the base Godoy betrayed to Napoleon, and then. Portugal and 
frightened by the consequences of his dishonorable intrigues, 
sought to escape with the king and court to the Spanish dominions in 
America His scheme was prevented by an outbreak of the people of 
Madrid, and Napoleon, ambitiously designing to add the peninsula to his 
empire, induced both Charles IV. and his son Ferdinand to resign from the 
throne. He replaced them by his brother, Joseph Bonaparte, who, on June 
6, i3o8, was named King of Spain. 

Hitherto Napoleon had dealt with emperors and kings, whose overthrow 
carried with it that of their people In Spain he had a new element, the 



people itself, to deal with. The very weakness of Spain proved its strength. 

Deprived of their native monarchs, and given a king not of their own choice. 

. ,. ... ,. the whole people rose in rebellion and defied Napoleon and 

? he Bold Defi- . L l . .,,,... ... 

anceofthe his armies. An insurrection broke out in Madrid in which 

People of 1,200 French soldiers were slain. Juntas were formed in dif 

ferent cities, which assumed the control of affairs and refused 
obedience to the new king. From end to end of Spain the people sprang 
to arms and began a guerilla warfare which the troops of Napoleon sought 
in vain to quell. The bayonets of the French were aide to sustain King 
Joseph and his court in Madrid, but proved powerless to put down the peo- 
ple Each city, each district, became a separate centre of war, each had to 
be conquered separately, and the strength of the troops was consumed in 
petty contests with a people who avoided open warfare and dealt in surprises 
and scattered lights, in which victory counted for little and needed to be re- 
peated a thousand times. 

The Spanish did more than this. They put an army in the field which 

. . „ . was defeated by the French, but they revenged themselves 

Spam's BriL J .... , _° , _ 

liant Victory brilliantly at Baylen, in Andalusia, where General Dupont, 

and King Jo- with a corps 20,000 strong, was surrounded in a position from 

sepli's Fiight , . . . , , , 1 1 • ir 

which there was no escape, and forced to surrender himself 
and Ids men as prisoners of war. 

This undisciplined people had gained a victory over France which none 
of the great powers of Europe could match. The Spaniards were filled 
with enthusiasm ; King Joseph hastily abandoned Madrid ; the French armies 
retreated across the Ebro. Soon encouraging news came from Portugal. 
The English, hitherto mainly confining themselves to naval warfare and to 
aiding the enemies of Napoleon with money, had landed an army in that 
country under Sir Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Lord Wellington) and other 
generals, which would have captured the entire French army had it not 
capitulated on the terms of a free passage to France. For the time being 
the peninsula of Spain and Portugal was free from Napoleon's power. 

The humiliating revise to his arms called Napoleon himself into the 

field. He marched at the head of an army into Spain, defeated the insur- 

The Heroic gents wherever met, and reinstated his brother on the throne. 

Defence of The city of Saragossa, which made one ot tne most heroic 

defences known in history, was taken, and the advance of th< 

British armies was checked. And yet, though Spam was widely overrun, 

the people did not yield. The junta at Cadiz defied the French, the 

guerillas continued in the field, and the invaders found themselves baffled 

nemy who was felt oftener than seen. 


The Austrian war called away the emperor and the bulk of his troops, 
but after it was over he tilled Spain with his veterans, increasing the 
strength of the army there to 300,000 men, under his ablest generals, Soult, 
Massena, Ney, Marmont, Macdonald and others. They marched through 
Spain from end to end, yet, though they held all the salient points, the 
people refused to submit, but from their mountain fastnesses kept up a 
petty and annoying war. 

Massena, in 181 1, invaded Portugal, when- Wellington with an English 

army awaited him behind the strong lines of Torres Vedras, „, ... 

/ , & ' Wellington's 

which the ever-victorious French sought in vain to carry by Career in 
assault. Massena was compelled to retreat, and Soult, by Portugal and 
whom the emperor replaced him, was no more successful 
against the shrewd English general. At length Spain won the reward of 
her patriotic defence. The Russian campaign of 1812 compelled the 
emperor to deplete his army in that country, and Wellington came to the 
aid of the patriots, defeated Marmont at Salamanca, entered Madrid, and 
forced King Joseph once more to flee from his unquiet throne. 

For a brief interval he was restored by the French army under Soult 
and Suchet, but the disasters of the Russian campaign brought the reign 
of King Joseph to a final end, and forced him to give up the pretence "I 
reigning over a people who were unflinchingly determined The Reward 
to have no king but one of their own choice. The story of of Patriotic 
the Spanish war ends in 1813, when Wellington defeated the 
French at Vittoria, pursued them across the Pyrenees, and set foot upon the 
soil of France. 

While these events were taking place in Spain the power of Napoleon 

was being shattered to fragments in the north. On the banks of the Nie- 

men, a river that flows between Prussia and Poland, there gath- 

, , . c j , A Record of 

ered near the end 01 June, 1M2, an immense army 01 more Disaster 

than 600,000 men, attended by an enormous multitude of non- 
combatants, their purpose being the invasion of the empire of Russia. Of 
this great army, made up of troops from halt the nations of Europe, there 
reappeared six months later on that broad stream about 16,000 armed men, 
almost all that were left of that stupendous host. The remainder had per- 
ished on the desert soil or in the frozen rivers of Russia, few of them sur- 
viving as prisoners in Russian hands. Such was the character of the dread 
catastrophe that broke the power of the mighty conqueror and delivered 
Europe from his autocratic grasp. 

The breach of relations between Napoleon and Alexander was largely 
due to the arbitrary and high-handed proceedings of the French emperor, 


who was accustomed to deal with the map of Europe as if it represented his 
private domain. He offended Alexander by enlarging the duchy of Warsaw 
Napoleon and — one °f h' s own creations — and deeply incensed him by ex- 
theCzarat tending the French empire to the shores of the Baltic, thus 
robbing of his dominion the Duke of Oldenburg, a near rela- 
tive of Alexander. On the other hand the Czar declined to submit the com- 
mercial interests of his country to the rigor of Napoleon's "continental 
blockade," and made a new tariff, which interfered with the importation of 
French and favored that of English goods. These and other acts in which 
Alexander chose to place his own interests in advance of those of Napoleon 
were as wormwood to the haughty soul of the latter, and he determined to 
punish the Russian autocrat as he had done the other monarchs of Europe 
who refused to submit to his dictation. 

For a year or two before war was declared Napoleon had been prepar- 
ing for the- greatest struggle of his life, adding to his army by the most rig 
orous methods of conscription and collecting great magazines of war mate- 
rial, though still professing friendship for Alexander. The latter, however, 
was not deceived. lie prepared, on his part, for the threatened struggle, 
made peace with the Turks, and formed an alliance with Bernadotte, the 
crown prince of Sweden, who had good reason to be offended witli his former 
lord and master. Napoleon, on his side, allied himself with Prussia and 
Austria, and added to Ins army large contingents of troops from the German 
states. At length the great conflict was ready to begin between the two 
autocrats, the Emperors of the East and the West, and Europe resounded 
with the tread of marching feet. 

In the closing days of June the grand army crossed the Niemen, its last 
The invasion of regiments reaching Russian soil by the opening of July. Na- 
Russia by the poleon, with the advance, pressed on to Wilna, the capital of 
Grand Army Lithuania. On all sides the Poles rose in enthusiastic hope, 
and joined the ranks of the man whom they looked upon as their deliverer. 
Onward went the great army, marching with Napoleon's accustomed rapid- 
ity, seeking to prevent the concentration of the divided Russian forces, and 
advancing daily deeper into the dominions of the czar. 

The French emperor had his plans well laid. He proposed to meet the 
Russians in force on some interior field, win from them one of his accus- 
tomed brilliant victories, crush them with his enormous columns, and force 
the dismayed czar to sue for peace on his own terms. But plans need two 
jides for their consummation, and the Russian leaders did not propose to 
lose the advantage given them by nature. On and on went Napoleon, 
deeper and deeper into (hat desolate land, but the great army he was to 


crush failed to loom up before him, the broad plains still spread onward 
empty of soldiers, and disquiet began to assail his imperious soul as he foutW 
the Russian hosts keeping constantly beyond his reach, luring . 

him ever deeper into their vast territory. In truth Barclay de Baffled by 
Tolly, the czar's chief in command, had adopted a policy theRussian 
which was sure to prove fatal to Napoleon's purpose, that of 
persistently avoiding battle and keeping the French In pursuit of a fleeting/ 
will-of-the-wisp, while their army wasted away from natural disintegration in 
that inhospitable clime. 

He was correct in his views. Desertion, illness, the death of young 
recruits who could not endure the hardships of a rapid march in the severe 
heat of midsummer, began their fatal work. Napoleon's plan of campaign 
proved a total failure. The Russians would not wait to be defeated, and 
each day's march opened a wider circle of operations before the advancing 
host, whom the interminable plain filled with a sense of hopelessness. The 
heat was overpowering, and men dropped from the ranks as rapidly as 
though on a field of battle. At Vitebsk the army was inspected, and the 
emperor was alarmed at the rapid decrease in his forces. Some of the divi- 
sions had lost more than a fourth of their men, in every corps the ranks 
were depleted, and reinforcements already had to be set on the march. 

Onward they went, here and there bringing the Russians to bay in a 
minor engagement, but nowhere meeting them in numbers, Europe waited 
in vain for tidings of a great battle, and Napoleon began to look upon his 
proud army with a feeling akin to despair. He was not alone in his eager- 
ness for battle. Some of the high-spirited Russians, among them Prince 
Bagration, were as eager, but as yet the prudent policy of Barclay de Tolly 

On the 14th of August, the army crossed the Dnieper, and marched, 
now 175,000 strong, upon Smolensk, which was reached on the 16th. This 
ancient and venerable town was dear to the Russians, and Smolensk Cap- 
they made their first determined stand in its defence, fighting tured and in 
behind its walls all day of the 17th. Finding that the assault Flame s 
was likely to succeed, they set fire to the town at night and withdrew, 
leaving to the French a city in flames. The bridge was cut, the Russian 
army was beyond pursuit on the road to Moscow, nothing had been gained 
by the struggle but the ruins of a town. 

The situation was growing desperate. For two months the army had 
advanced without a battle of importance, and was soon in the heart of 
Russia, reduced to half its numbers, while the hoped-for victory seemed 
as far off as ever. And the short summer of the north was nearing its end. 


The severe winter of that climate would soon begin. Discouragement 
everywhere prevailed. Efforts were made by Napoleon's marshals to 
induce him to give up the losing game and retreat, but he was not to be 
moved from his purpose. A march on Moscow, the old capital of the 
empire, he felt sure would bring the Russians to bay. Once within its 
walls he hoped to dictate terms of peace 

Napoleon was soon to have the battle for which his soul craved. Bar- 
clay's prudent and successful policy was not to the taste of many of the 
Russian leaders, and the czar was at length induced to replace him by fiery 
old Kutusoff, who had commanded the Russians at Austerlitz. A change 
in the situation was soon apparent. On the 5th of September the French 
army debouched upon the plain of Borodino, on the road to Moscow, and 
the emperor saw with joy the Russian army drawn up to dispute the way 
to the " Holy City" of the Muscovites. The dark columns of troops were 
strongly intrenched behind a small stream, frowning rows of guns threat- 
ened the advancing foe, and hope returned to the emperor's heart. 

Battle began early on the 7th, and continued all day 

long, the Russians defending their ground with unyielding 
Borodino ■ ' __ . . ... 

stubborness, the French attacking their positions with all 

their old impetuous dash and energy. Murat and Ney were the heroes of 

the day. Again and, again the emperor was implored to send the imperial 

guard ami overwhelm the foe, but he persistently refused. "If there is a 

second battle to-morrow," he said, "what troops shall I fight it with? It is 

not when one is eight hundred leagues from home that he risks his last 


The guard was not net (led. On the following day Kutusoff was obliged 

to withdraw, leaving no less than 40,000 dead or wounded on the field 

Among the killed was the brave Prince Bagration. The retreat was an 

orderly one. Napoleon found it expedient not to pursue. His own losses 

aggregated over 30,000, among them an unusual number of generals, of 

whom ten were killed and thirty-nine wounded. Three days proved a brief 

time to attend to the burial of the dead and the needs of the wounded. 

Napoleon named the' engagement the Battle of the Moskwa, from the rivet 

that crossed the plain, and honored Ney, as the hero of the day. with the 

title of l'rince of Moskwa 

„, „ „. . On the 15th the Holv City was reached. A shout of 

The First Sight ,, ' 

of the Holy "Moscow! Moscow!" went up from the whole army as they 

Cityoif gazed on the gilded cupolas and magnificent buildings of that 

Russio . 

famous city, brilliantly lit up by the afternoon sun. Twenty 
. in circumference, dazzling with the green of its copper domes and 

f f 

^ ?J « 
c ra 

t: u ^ 

i. <.j= 

C C C 

~ = a 

■ - "-it 

■5 *_ 

■" v c 


its minarets of yellow stone, the towers and walls of the famous Kremlin 
rising above its palaces and gardens, it seemed like some fabled city of the 
Arabian Nights. With reviewed enthusiasm the troops rushed towards it. 
while whole regiments of Poles fell on their knees, thanking God for deliver- 
ing this stronghold of their oppressors into their hands. 

It was an empty city into which the French marched ; its streets 
deserted, its dwellings silent, Its busy life had vanished like a morning 

mist. Kutusoff had marched his army througfh it and left it _. _ 

. The Grand 

to his foes. The inhabitants were gone, with what they could Army in the 
carry of their treasures. The city, like the empire, seemed old Russian 

C 3 o i t "i t 

likely to be a barren conquest, for here, as elsewhere, the 

policy of retreat, so fatal to Napoleon's hopes, was put into effect. The 

emperor took up his abode in the Kremlin, within whose ample precincts he 

found quarters for the whole imperial guard. The remainder of the army 

was stationed at chosen points about the city. Provisions were abundant, 

the houses and stores of the city being amply supplied. The army enjoyed 

a luxury of which it had been long deprived, while Napoleon confidently 

awaited a triumphant result from his victorious progress. 

A terrible disenchantment awaited the invader. Early on the following 

morning word was brought him that Moscow was on fire. Flames arose 

from houses that had not been opened. It was evidently a premeditated 

conflagration. The fire burst out at once in a dozen quarters, and a high 

wind carried the flames from street to street, from house to house, from 

church to church. Russians were captured who boasted that they had fired 

the town under orders and who met death unflinchingly. The _, 

• J , The Burning of 

governor had left them behind for this fell purpose. The the Great 
poorer people, many of whom had remained hidden in their Cit y of 
huts, now fled in terror, taking with them what cherished 
possessions they could carry. Soon the city was a seething mass of flames. 

The Kremlin did not escape. A tower burst into flames. In vain the 
imperial guard sought to check the fire. No fire-engines were to be found 
in the town. Napoleon hastily left the palace and sought shelter outside' 
the city, where for three days the flames ran riot, feeding on ancient palaces 
and destroying untold treasures. Then the wind sank and rain poured upon 
the smouldering embers. The great city had become a desolate heap of 
smoking ruins, into which the soldiers daringly stole back in search of 
valuables that might have escaped the flames. 

This frightful conflagration was not due to the czar, but to Count 
Rostopchin, the governor of Moscow, who was subsequently driven from 
Russia by the execrations of those he had ruined. But it served as a procla 


mation to Europe of the implacable resolution of the Muscovites and 
their determination to resist to the bitter end. 

Napoleon, sadly troubled in soul, sent letters to Alexander, suggesting 
the advisability of peace. Alexander left his letters unanswered. Until 
October 18th the emperor waited, hoping against hope, willing to grant 
almost any terms for an opportunity to escape from .he fatal trap into which 
his overweening ambition had led him. No answer came from the czar. 
He was inflexible in his determination not to treat with these invaders of 
his country. In deep dejection Napoleon at length gave the order to 
retreat — too late, as it was to prove, since the terrible Russian winter was 
ready to descend upon them in all its frightful strength. 

The army that left that ruined city was a sadly depleted one. It had 
The Grand been reduced to 103,000 men. The army followers had also 

Army Begins become greatly decreased in numbers, but still formed a host, 
among them delicate ladies, thinly clad, who gazed with terri- 
fied eyes from their traveling carriages upon the dejected troops. Articles 
of plunder of all kinds were carried by the soldiers, even the wounded in the 
wagons lying amid the spoil they had gathered. The Kremlin was destroyed 
by the rear guard, under Napoleon's orders, and over the drear Russian 
plains the retreat began. 

It was no sooner under way than the Russian policy changed. From 
retreating, they everywhere advanced, seeking to annoy and cut off the 
enemy, and utterly to destroy the fugitive army if possible. A stand was 
made at the town of Maloi-Yaroslavitz, where a sanguinary combat took 
jlace. The French captured the town, but ten thousand men lay dead or 
wounded on the field, while Napoleon was forced to abandon his projected 
line of march, and to return by the route he had followed in his advance 
on Moscow. From the bloody scene of contest the retreat continued, the 
battlefield of Borodino being crossed, and, by the middle of November, the 
ruins of Smolensk reached. 

Winter was now upon the French in all its fury. The food brought 

from Moscow had been exhausted. Famine, frost, and fatigue had proved 

more fatal than the bullets of the enemy In fourteen days after reachin 

_ „ , R Moscow the army lost 43,000 men, leaving it only 60,000 strong. 

nant of the On reaching Smolensk it numbered but 42,000, having lost 

Army of (8,ooo more within eight days. The unarmed followers are 

said to have still numbered 60,000 Worse still, the supply 

of arms and provisions ordered to be ready at Smolensk was in great part 

lacking, only rye-flour and rice being found. Starvation threatened to aid the 

winter cold in the destruction of the feeble remnant of the "Grand Army." 



Onward went the despairing host, at every step harassed by the Russians, 
who followed like wolves on their path. Ney, in command of the rear- 
guard, was the hero of the retreat. Cut off by the Russians from the main 
column, and apparently lost beyond hope, he made a wonderful escape by 
crossing the Dnieper on the ice during the night and rejoining his compan- 
ions, who had given up the hope of ever seeing him again. 

On the 26th the ice-cold river Beresina was reached, destined to be the 
most terrible point on the whole dreadful march. Two bridges The Dreadful 
were thrown in all haste across the stream, and most of the Crossing of 
men under arms crossed, but 18,000 stragglers fell into the the Beresina 
hands of the enemy. How many were trodden to death in the press or were 
crowded from the bridge into the icy river cannot be told. It is said that 
when spring thawed the ice 30,000 bodies were found and burned on the 
banks of the stream. A mere fragment of the great army remained alive. 
Ney was the last man to cross that frightful stream. 

On the 3d of December Napoleon issued a bulletin which has become 
famous, telling the anxious nations of Europe that the grand army was anni- 
hilated, but the emperor was safe. Two days afterwards he surrendered the 
command of the army to Murat and set out at all speed for Paris, where 
his presence was indispensibly necessary. On the 13th of December some 
16,000 haggard and staggering men, almost too weak to hold the arms to 
which they still despairingly clung, recrossed the Niemen, which the grand 
army had passed in such magnificent strength and with such abounding 
resources less than six months before. It was the greatest and most astound- 
ing disaster in the military history of the world. 

This tale of terror may be fitly closed by a dramatic story told by 
General Mathieu Dumas, who, while sitting at breakfast in Gumbinnen, 
saw enter a haggard man, with long beard, blackened face, and red and 
glaring eyes. 

" I am here at last," he exclaimed. " Don't you know me?" 

" No," said the general. "Who are you ?" 

" I am the rear-guard of the Grand Army. I have fired the last musket- 
shot on the bridge of Kowno. I have thrown the last of our arms into the 
Niemen, and came hither through the woods. I am Marshal Ney." 

" This is the beginning of the end," said the shrewd Talleyrand, when 
Napoleon set out on his Russian campaign. The remark proved true, the 
disaster in Russia had loosened the grasp of the Corsican on the throat of 
Europe, and the nations, which hated as much as they feared their ruthless 
enemy, made active preparations for his overthrow. While he was in 
France, actively gathering men and materials for a renewed struggle, signs 


of an implacable hostility began to manifest themselves on all sides in the 
surrounding states. Belief in the invincibility of Napoleon had vanished, 
and little fear was entertained of the raw conscripts whom he was forcing 
Furope in Arms nito tne ranks to replace his slaughtered veterans. 
Against Prussia was the first to break the bonds of alliance with 

Napoleon France, to ally itself with Russia, and to call its people to 

arms against their oppressor. They responded with the utmost enthusiasm, 
men of all ranks ami all professions hastened to their country's defence, and 
the noble ami the peasant stood side by side as privates in the same regi- 
ment. In March, 1S13, the French left Berlin, which was immediately 
occupied by the Russian and Prussian allies. The king of Saxony, how- 
ever, refused to desert Napoleon, to whom he owed many favors and 
whose anger lie feared ; and his State, in consequence, became the theatre 
of the war. 

Across the opposite 1 borders of this kingdom poured the hostile hosts, 
The Opening meeting in battle at Liitzen and Buntzen. Here the French 
of the held the field, driving their adversaries across the Oder, but 

Final struggle nQt j n ^ w jjj dismay seen at Jena. A new spirit had been 
aroused in the Prussian heart, and they left thousands of their enemies 
dead upon the field, among whom Napoleon saw with grief his especial 
friend and favorite Duroc. 

A truce followed, which the French emperor utilized in gathering fresh 
levies. Prince Metternich, the able chancellor of the Austrian empire, 
sought to make peace, but his demands upon Napoleon were much greater 
than the proud conqueror was prepared to grant, and he decisively refused 
to cede the territory held by him as the spoils ol war. His refusal brought 
upon him another powerful foe, Austria allied itself with his enemies, 
formally declaring war on August 12, 1813, and an active and terrible 
struggle began. 

Napoleon's army was rapidly concentrated at Dresden, upon whose 

„ „ ^ M works of defence the allied army precipitated itself in a vmor- 
Jhe Battle of 1 • 

Dresden, Na- ous assault on August 26th. Its strength was wasted against 

poleon's Last tne vigorous!)' held fortifications of the city, and in the end 
Great Victory , ,, , , ....... 

the gates were Hung open and the serried battalions 01 the 

Old Guard appeared in battle array. From every gate of the city these 

tried soldiers poured, and rushed upon the unprepared wings of the hostile 

host. Before this resistless charge the enemy recoiled, retreating with heavy 

loss to the heights beyond the city, and leaving Napoleon master of the field. 

On the next morning the battle was resumed. The allies, strongly 

posted, still outnumbered the French, and had abundant reason to expect 

' 3 O 

'-.'< c 

'-. in 

'i ?H 

•3 i 0) 




victory. But Napoleon's eagle eye quickly saw that their left wing lacked 
the strength of the remainder of the line, and upon this he poured the bulk 
of his forces, while keeping their centre and right actively engaged. The 
result justified the instinct of his genius, the enemy was driven back in 
disastrous defeat, and once again a glorious victory was inscribed upon the 
banners of France — the final one in Napoleon's career of fame. 

Yet the fruits of this victory were largely lost in the events of the 
remainder of the month. On the 26th Bliicher brilliantly defeated Marshal 
Macdonald on the Katzbach, in Silesia ; on the 30th General A Ser i es f 
Vandamme, with 10,000 French soldiers, was surrounded and French 
captured at Culm, in Bohemia; and on the 27th Hirschfeld, at Disasters 
Hagelsberg, with a corps of volunteers, defeated Girard. The Prussian- 
Swedish army similarly won victories on August 25th and September 6th, 
and a few weeks afterward the Prussian general, Count York, supported by 
the troops of General Horn, crossed the Elbe in the face of the enemy, 
and gained a brilliant victory at Wartenburg. Where Napoleon was 
present victory inclined to his banner. Where he was absent his lieute- 
nants suffered defeat. The struggle was everywhere fierce and desperate, 
but the end was at hand. 

The rulers of the Rhine Confederation now began to desert Napoleon 

and all Germany to join against him. The first to secede was Bavaria, 

which allied itself with Austria and joined its forces to those of the allies. 

During October the hostile armies concentrated in front of ^ L 

, . . , The Fatal 

Leipzig, where was to be fought the decisive battle of the war. Meeting of 

The strutrcrle promised was the most ciofantic one in which tne Armies 

Napoleon had ever been engaged. Against his 100,000 men 

was gathered a host of 300,000 Austrians, Prussians, Russians, and 


We have not space to describe the multitudinous details of this mighty 
struggle, which continued with unabated fury for three days, October 16th, 
17th, and 18th. It need scarcely be said that the generalship shown by Na- 
poleon in this famous contest lacked nothing of his usual brilliancy, and 
that he was ably seconded by Ney, Murat, Augereau, and others of his 
famous generals, yet the overwhelming numbers of the enemy enabled them 
to defy all the valor of the French and the resources of their great leader, 
and at evening of the iSth the armies still faced each other in battle array, 
the fate of the field yet undecided. 

Napoleon was in no condition to renew the combat. During the long 
affray the French had expended no less than 250,000 cannon balls. They had 
but 16,000 left, which two hours' firing would exhaust. Reluctantly he gave 


the order to retreat, and all that night the wearied and disheartened troops 
filed through the gates of Leipzig, leaving a rear-guard in the city, who de- 
fended it bravely against the swarming multitude of the foe. A disastrous 
blunder terminated their stubborn defence. Orders had been left to blow up 
the bridge across the Elster, but the mine was, by mistake, set off too soon, 
and the gallant garrison, 12,000 in number, with a multitude of sick and 
wounded, was forced to surrender as prisoners of war. 

The end was drawing near. Vigorously pursued, the French reached 
the Rhine by forced marches, defeating with heavy loss the army of Austri- 
ans and Bavarians which sought to block their way. The stream was crossed 
and the French were once more upon their own soil. After years of contest, 
Germany was finally freed from Napoleon's long-victorious hosts. 

Marked results followed. The carefully organized work of Napoleon's 

policy quickly fell to pieces. The kingdom of Westphalia was dissolved. 

_. _ , The elector of Hesse and the dukes of Brunswick and Olden- 

The Break-up 

of Napoleon's burg returned to the thrones from which they had been driven. 
European ^he Confederation of the Rhine ceased to exist, and its states 

allied themselves with Austria. Denmark, long faithful to 
France, renounced its alliance in January, 1814. Austria regained posses- 
sion of Lombardy, the duke of Tuscany returned to his capital, and the 
Pope, Pius VII., long held captive- by Napoleon, came back in triumph to 
Rome. A few months sufficed to break down the edifice of empire slowly 
reared through so many years, ami almost all Europe outside of France 
united itself in hostility to its hated foe. 

Napoleon was offered peace if he would accept the Rhine as the French 
frontier, but his old infatuation and trust in his genius prevailed over the dic- 
tates of prudence, he treated the offer in his usual double-dealing way, and 
the allies, convinced that there could be no stable peace while he remained 
on the throne, decided to cross the Rhine and invade France. 

Blucher led his columns across the stream on the first day of 1 S 14, 

Schwarzenberg marched through Switzerland into France, and Wellington 

crossed the Pyrenees. Napoleon, like a wolf brought to bav, 
The War in , . . r , . . r . , , , . . ' 

France and sought to dispose ol his scattered toes before the)' would unite, . 

the Abdiea- and began with Blucher, whom he defeated five times within 

tionofthe as m ^ays. -phe a u; es st jH ; n dread of their great 

Emperor ■> J ... . 

opponent, once more offered him peace, but his success 

robbed him of wisdom, he demanded more than they were willing to give, 

and his enemies, encouraged by a success gained by Blucher, broke off the 

negotiations and marched on Paris, now bent on the dethronement of their 

dreaded antagonist. 


A few words will bring the story of this contest to an end. France 
was exhausted, its army was incapable of coping with the serried battalions 
marshalled against it, Paris surrendered before Napoleon could come to it? 
defence, and in the end the emperor, vacillating and in despair, was obliged, 
on April 7, 1814, to sign an unconditional act of abdication. The powers of 
Europe awarded him as a kingdom the diminutive island of Elba, in the 
Mediterranean, with an annual income of 2,000,000 francs and an army 
composed of 400 of his famous guard. The next heir to the throne 
returned as Louis XVIII. France was given back its old frontier of 1492, 
the foreign armies withdrew from her soil, and the career of the great 
Corsican seemed at an end. 

In spite of their long experience with Napoleon, the event proved that 
the powers of Europe knew not all the audacity and mental resources of the 
man with whom they had to deal. They had made what might have proved 
a fatal error in giving him an asylum so near the coast of France, whose 
people, intoxicated with the dream of glory through which he had so long 
led them, would be sure to respond enthusiastically to an appeal to rally to 
his support. 

The powers were soon to learn their error. While the Congress of 
Vienna, convened to restore the old constitution of Europe, was deliber- 
ating and disputing, its members were startled by the news that the de- 
throned emperor was again upon the soil of France, and that Napoleon 
Louis XVIII. was in full flight for the frontier. Napoleon Returns 
had landed on March 1, 1815, and set out on his return to rom a 
Paris, the army and the people rapidly gathering to his support. On the 
30th he entered the Tuileries in a Dlaze of triumph, the citizens, thoroughly 
dissatisfied with their brief experience of Bourbon rule, going mad with 
enthusiasm in his welcome. 

Thus began the famous period of the "Hundred Days." The powers 
declared Napoleon to be the "enemy of nations," and armed a half million 
of men for his final overthrow. The fate of his desperate attempt was 
soon decided. For the first time he was to meet the British in battle, and 
in Wellington to encounter the only man who had definitely made head 
against his legions. A British army was dispatched in all haste to Belgium, 
Bliicher with his Prussians hastened to the same region, and the mighty 
final struggle was at hand. The persistent and unrelenting enemies of the 
Corsican conqueror, the British islanders, were destined to be the agents of 
his overthrow. 

The little kingdom of Belgium was the scene of the momentous contest 
that brought Napoleon's marvelous career to an end Thither he led his 


army, largely made up of new conscripts ; and thither the English and the 
Prussians hastened to meet him. On June 16, 1815, the prelude to the 
The Gathering great battle took place. Napoleon met Blucher at Ligny and 
of the Armies defeated him ; then, leaving Grouchy to pursue the Prussians, 
in e gium j K , turned against his island foes. On the same day Ney en- 
countered the forces of Wellington at Ouatre Bras, but failed to drive them 
back. On the 1 7th Wellington took a new position at Waterloo, and awaited 
there his great antagonist. 

June iSth was the crucial day in Napoleon's career, the one in which 
his power was to fall, never to rise again. Here we shall but sketch in out- 
line this famous battle, reserving a fuller account of it for our next chapter, 
The Terrible under the story of Wellington, the victor in the fray. The 
Defeat at stupendous struggle, as Wellington himself described it, 

Waterloo wag „ a battle of giants." Long the result wavered in the 

balance. All day long the British sustained the desperate assaults of their 
antagonists. Terrible was the contest, frightful the loss of life. Hour 
after hour passed, charge after charge was hurled by Napoleon against the 
British lines, which still closed up over the dead and stood firm ; and it 
seemed as if night would fall with the two armies unflinchingly face to face, 
neither of them victor in the terrible fray. 

The arrival of Blucher with his Prussians turned the scale. To Napo- 
leon's bitter disappointment Grouchy, who should have been close on the 
heels of the Prussians, failed to appear, and the weary and dejected French 
were left to face these fresh troops without support. Napoleon's Old Guard 
in vain flung itself into the gap, and the French nation long repeated in 
pride the saying attributed to the commander of this famous corps 
"The guard dies, but it never surrenders." 

In the end the French army broke and fled in disastrous rout, three- 
fourths of the whole force being left dead, wounded, or prisoners, while all 
its artillery became the prize of the victors. Napoleon, pale and confused, 
was led by Soult from the battlefield. It was his last fight. 

Mapo eon eets His abdication was demanded, and he resigned the crown in 
His Fate ° 

favor of his son. A hopeless and unnerved fugitive, he fled 

from Parts to Rochefort, hoping to escape to America. But the British fleet 

held that port, and in despair he went on board a vessel of the fleet, trusting 

himself to the honor of the British nation. But the statesmen of England 

had no sympathy with the vanquished adventurer, from whose ambition 

Europe had suffered so terribly. He was sent as a state prisoner to the 

island of St. Helena, there to end his days. His final hour ot glory came 

in 1842 when his ashes were brought in pomp and display to Paris. 



This spirited illustration u ures the final even! in the mighty struggle at Waterloo, when the French, after hurling themselves a dozen 

times against the unyielding British ranks, like storm waves up. mi a rock-bound shore, staggered bai k in despair, and Welling t< n 

gave the magh word of command : " Let .ill the line advam e I" Those words signified the final downfall of Napoleon 


Nelson and Wellington, the Champions of England. 

FOR nearly twenty years went on the stupendous struggle between 
Napoleon the Great and the powers of Europe, but in all that time, 
and among the multitude of men who met the forces of France in 
battle, only two names emerge which the world cares to remember, those 
of Horatio Nelson, the most famous of the admirals of England, and Lord 
Wellington, who alone seemed able to overthrow the greatest military 
genius of modern times. On land the efforts of Napoleon were seconded 
by the intrepidity of a galaxy of heroes, Ney, Murat, Moreau, Massena, and 
other men of fame. At sea the story reads differently. That era of stress 
and strain raised no great admiral in the service of France; England and 
her ships were feebly commanded, and the fleet of Great France on 
Britain, under the daring Nelson, kept its proud place as Land and Sea 
mistress of the sea. 

The first proof of this came before the opening of the century, when 
Napoleon, led by the ardor of his ambition, landed in Egypt, with vague 
hopes of rivaling in the East the far-famed exploits of Alexander the 
Great. The fleet which bore him thither remained moored 
in Aboukir Bay, where Nelson, scouring the Mediterranean in covers the 
quest of it, first came in sight of its serried line of ships on French Fleet 

Aucrust i, 1798. One alternative alone dwelt in his cour- m Aboukir 

ageous soul, that of a heroic death or a glorious victory. 

" Before this time to-morrow I shall have gained a victory or Westminster 
Abbey," he said. 

In the mighty contest that followed, the French had the advantage in 
numbers, alike of ships, guns, and men. They were drawn up in a strong and 
compact line of battle, moored in a manner that promised to bid defiance to 
a force double their own. They lay in an open roadstead, but had every 
advantage of situation, the British fleet being obliged to attack them in a 
position carefully chosen for defence. Only the genius of Nelson enabled him 
to overcome those advantages of the enemy. "If we succeed, what will the 
world say ?" asked Captain Berry, on hearing the admiral's plan of battle. 
' There is no if in the case," answered the admiral. " That we shall succeed 
is certain : who may live to tell the story, is a very different question." 



The story of the " Battle of the Nile " belongs to the record of 
The Glorious eighteenth century affairs. All we need say here is that it 
Battle of the ended in a glorious victory for the English fleet. Of thirteen 
ships of the line in the French fleet, only two escaped. Of 
four frigates, one was sunk and one burned. The British loss was S95 men 
Of the French, 5.225 perished in the terrible fray. Nelson sprang, in a 
moment, from the position of a man without fame into that of the naval 
hero of the world — as Dewey did in as famous a fray almost exactly a century 
later. Congratulations and honors were showered upon him, the Sultan of 
Turkey rewarded him with costly presents, valuable testimonials came from 
other quarters, and his own country honored him with the title of Baron 
Nelson of the Nile, and settled upon him for life a pension of ,£2,000. 

The first great achievement of Nelson in the nineteenth century was 
the result of a daring resolution of the statesmen of England, in their 
desperate contest with the Corsican conqueror. By his exploit at the Nile 
the admiral had very seriously weakened the sea-power of France. But 
there were powers then in alliance with France-— Russia, Sweden and Den- 
mark — which had formed a confederacy to make England respect their 
naval rights, and whose combined fleet, if it should come to the aid ol 
F ranee, might prove sufficient to sweep the ships of England from the seas. 
The weakest of these powers, and the one most firmly allied to France, 
was Denmark, whose fleet, consisting of twenty-three ships of the line and 
about thirty-one frigates and smaller vessels, lay at Copenhagen. At any 
moment this powerful fleet might be put at the disposal of Napoleon. This 
possible danger the British cabinet resolved to avoid. A plan was laid to 
destroy the fleet of the Danes, and on the 12th of March, 1801, the British 
fleet sailed with the purpose of putting this resolution into eliect. 
r he Fleet Nelson, then bearing the rank of vice-admiral, went with 

Sails for the fleet, but only as second in command. To the disgust 

Copenhagen <)f the Engl ; sh peop l e( Sir Hyde Parker, a brave and able 

seaman, but one whose name history has let sink into oblivion, was given 
chief command — a fact which would have insured the failure of the expedi 
tion if Nelson had not set aside precedent, and put glory before duty. 
Parker, indeed, soon set Nelson chafing by long drawn-out negotiations, 
which proved useless, wasted time, and saved the Danes from being taken 
by surprise. When, on the morning of April 30th, the British fleet at 
length advanced through the Sound and came in sight of the Danish line 
of defence, they beheld formidable preparations to meet them. 

Eighteen vessels, including full-rigged ships and hulks, were moored in 
a line nearly a mile and a half in length flanked to the northward by two 


artificial islands mounted with sixty-eight heavy cannon and supplied with 
furnaces for heating shot. Near by lay two large block-ships. The D an j sh 
Across the harbor's mouth extended a massive chain, and Line of 
shore batteries commanded the channel. Outside the harbor's Defe "c e 
mouth were moored two 74-gun ships, a 40-gun frigate, and some smaller 
vessels. In addition to these defences, which stretched for nearly four 
miles in length, was the difficulty of the channel, always hazardous from its 
shoals, and now beaconed with false buoys for the purpose of luring the 
British ships to destruction. 

With modern defences — rapid-fire guns and steel-clad batteries — the 
enterprise would have been hopeless, but the art of defence was then at a 
far lower level. Nelson, who led the van in the 74-gun ship Elephant, gazed 
on these preparations with admiration, but with no evidence of doubt as to 
the result. The British fleet consisted of eighteen line of battle ships, with 
a large number of frigates and other craft, and with this force, and his in- 
domitable spirit, he felt confident of breaking these formidable lines. 

At ten o'clock on the morning of April 2d the battle began, two of the 
British ships running aground almost before a gun was fired, the Attack on 
At sight of this disaster Nelson instantly changed his plan of the Danish 
sailing, starboarded his helm, and sailed in, dropping anchor et 

within a cable's length of the Danncbrog, of 62 guns. The other ships fol- 
lowed his example, avoiding the shoals on which the Esllona and R7tssell \\a.d 
grounded, and taking position at the close quarters of 100 fathoms from the 
Danish ships. 

A terrific cannonade followed, kept up by both sides with unrelenting 
fury for three hours, and with terrible effect on the contesting ships and 
their crews. At this juncture took place an event that has made Nelson's 
name immortal among naval heroes. Admiral Parker, whose flag-ship lay 
at a distance from the hot fight, but who heard the incessant and furious fire 
and saw the grounded ships (lying signals of distress, began to fear that Nel- 
son was in serious danger, from which it was his duty to withdraw him. At 
about one o'clock he reluctantly hoisted a signal for the action to cease. 

At this moment Nelson was pacing the quarter-deck of the Elephant, 
inspired with all the fury of the fight: " It is a warm business," he said to 
Colonel Stewart, who was on the ship with him ; "and any moment may be 
the last of either of us ; but, mark you, I would not for thousands be any- 
where else." 

As he spoke the flag-lieutenant reported that the signal to cease action 
was shown on the mast-head of the flag-ship London, and asked if he should 
report it to the fleet 



" No," was the stern answer ; " merely acknowledge it. Is our sigoai 

tor 'close action ' still flying?" 

" Yes," replied the officer. 

„ ., , " Then see that you keep it so," said Nelson, the stump 

How Nelson _ . . 11-11 

Answered the of his amputated arm working as it usually did when he was 

Signal to agitated. "D<> you know," he asked Colonel Stewart, " the 

meaning of signal No. 39, shown by Parker's ships?" 

'•'■ No. What does it mean ? 

'To leave off action!" He was silent a moment, then burst out, 
Now damn me if I do !" 

Turning to Captain Foley who stood near him, he said: "Foley, you 
know I have only one eye ; I have a right to be blind sometimes." He raised 
his telescope, applied it to his blind eye, and said " 1 really do not see the 

On roared the guns, overhead on the Elephant still streamed the signal 
for "close action,' and still the torrent of British balls rent the Danish ships, 
in hall an hour more the fire of the Danes was fast weakening. In an hour 
it had nearly ceased. They had suffered frightfully, in ships and lives, and 
only the continued fire of the shore batteries now kept the contest alive. It 
was impossible to take possession of the prizes, and Nelson sent a flag ol 
truce ashore witli a letter in which he threatened to burn the vessels, with 
all on board, unless the shore fire was stopped. This threat proved effec- 
tive, the fire ended, the great battle was at an end. 

At four o'clock Nelson went on board the Loudon, to meet the admiral 
He was depressed in spirit, and said : " I have fought contrary to orders, and 
may be hanged ; never mind, let them." 

There was no dancer f this ; Parker was not that kind of man. He 
had raised the signal through fear for Nelson's safety and now gloried in 
his success, giving congratulations where his subordinate looked for blame. 
The Danes had fought bravely and stubbornly, but they had no commander 
of the spirit and genius of Nelson, and were forced to yield to British pluck 
and endurance. Until June 13th, Nelson remained in the Baltic, watching 
the Russian fleet which he might still have to fight. Then came orders for 
his return home, and word reached him that he had been created Viscount 
Nelson for his services. 

There remains to describe the last and most famous of Nelson's 
exploits, that in which he put an end to the sea-power of France, by destroy- 
ing the remainder of her fleet at Trafalgar, and met death at the moment of 
victory. Four years had passed since the fight at Copenhagen. During 
much of that time Nelson had kept his fleet on guard off T oulon, impatiently 


waiting- until the enemy should venture from that port of refuge. At length, 
die combined fleet of France and Spain, now in alliance, escaped his vigil- 
ance, and sailed to the West Indies to work havoc in the Nelson in Chase 
British colonies. He followed them thither in all haste ; and of the French 
subsequently, on their return to France, he chased them back ee 

across the seas, burning with eagerness to bring them to bay. 

On the 19th of October, 1805, the allied fleet put to sea from the 
harbor of Cadiz, confident that its great strength would enable it to meet 
any force the British had upon the waves. Admiral De Villeneuve, with 
thirty-three ships of the line and a considerable number of smaller craft, had 
orders to force the straits of Gibraltar, land troops at Naples, sweep 
British cruisers and commerce from the Mediterranean, and then seek the 
port of Toulon to refit. As it turned out, he never reached the straits, his 
fleet meeting its fate before it could leave the Atlantic waves. Nelson had 
reached the coast of Europe again, and was close at hand when the doomed 
ships of the allies appeared. Two swift ocean scouts saw The Allied 
the movements, and hastened to Lord Nelson with the wel- Fleet Leaves 
come news that the long-deferred moment was at hand. On a lz 
the 21st, the British fleet came within view, and the following signal was 
set on the mast-head of the flag-ship: 

" The French and Spaniards are out. at last ; they outnumber us in 
ships and guns and men ; we are on the eve of the greatest sea-fight in 

On came the ships, great lumbering craft, strangely unlike the war- 
vessels of to-day. Instead of the trim, grim, steel-clad, steam-driven 
modern battle-ship, with its revolving turret, and great frowning, breech- 
loading guns, sending their balls through miles of air, those were bluff- 
bowed, ungainly hulks, with bellying sides towering like black walls above 
the sea as if to make the largest mark possible for hostile shot, with a great 
show of muzzle-loading guns of small range, while overhead rose lofty spars 
and spreading sails. Ships they were that to-day would be sent to the 
bottom in five minutes of fight, but which, mated against others of the same 
build, were capable of giving a gallant account of themselves. 

It was off the shoals of Cape Trafalgar, near the southern 
extremity of Spain, that the two fleets met, and such a tornado 0< „ c * p ® 
of fire as has rarely been seen upon the ocean waves was poured 
from their broad and lofty sides. As they came together there floated from 
the masthead of the Victory, Nelson's flagship, that signal which has become 
the watchword of the British isles : " England expects that every man will 
do his duty." 


We cannot follow the fortunes of all the vessels in that stupendous 
fray, the most famous sea-fight in history It must serve to follow the 
Victory in her course in which Nelson eagerly sought to thrust himself into 
The "Victory' tn< --' heart of tlie tight and dare death in his quest for victory, 
and Her Brii- He was not long iu meeting his wish. Soon he found himself 
in a nest of enemies, eight ships at once pouring their fire 
upon his devoted vessel, which could not bring a gun to bear in return, 
the wind having died away and the ship lying almost motionless upon 
the waves. 

Before the Victory was able to fire a shot fifty of her men had fallen 
killed or wounded, and her canvas was pierced and rent till it looked like a 
series of fishing nets. But the men stuck to their guns with unyielding 
tenacity, and at length their opportunity came. A 68-pounder carronade, 
loaded with a round shot and 500 musket balls, was fired into the cabin 
windows of the Bucentaure, with such terrible effect as to disable 400 men 
and 20 guns, and put the ship practically out of the fight. 

The Victory next turned upon the Neptune and the Redoubtable, of the 
enemy's fleet. The Neptune, not liking her looks, kept off, but she collided 
and locked spars with the Redoubtable, and a terrific fight began. On the 
opposite side of the Redoubtable came the British ship Temeraire, and 
opposite it again a second ship of the enemy, the four vessels lying bow to 
bow, and rending one another's sides with an incessant hail of balls. On 
the / 'ictory the gunners were ordered to depress their pieces, that the balls 
should not go through and wound the Temeraire beyond. The muzzles of 
their cannon fairly touched the enemy's side, and after each shot a bucket 
of water was dashed into the rent, that they may not set fire to the vessel 
which they confidently expected to take as a prize. 

In the midst of the hot contest came the disaster already spoken of. 
Brass swivels were mounted in the French ship's tops to sweep with their 
lire the deck of their foe, and as Nelson and Captain Hardy paced together 
their poop deck, regardless of danger, the admiral suddenly fell. A ball 
Iron) one of these guns had reached the noblest mark on the fleet. 
The Csreat Battle "They have done for me at last, Hardy," the fallen 

and its Sad man said. 

" Don't say you are hit ! " cried Hardy in dismay. 

•' Yes, my backbone is shot through." 

His words were not far from the truth. He never arose from that 
fatal shot. Yet. dying as he was, his spirit survived. 

" I hope none of our ships have struck, Hardy," he feebly asked, in a 
later interval of the fight. 


" No, my lord. There is small fear of that," 

" I'm a dead man, Hardy, but I'm glad of what you say. Whip them now 
you've got them. Whip them as they've never been whipped before." 

Another hour passed. Hardy came below again to say that fourteen 
or fifteen of the enemy's ships had struck. 

" That's better, though I bargained foi twenty," said the dying man. 
"And now, anchor, Hardy — anchor." 

" I suppose, my lord, that Admiral Collingwood will now take the direc- 
tion of affairs." 

" Not while I live," exclaimed Nelson, with a momentary return of 
energy. " Do you anchor, Hardy." 

"Then shall we make the signal, my lord." 

"Yes, for if I live, I'll anchor." 

That was the end. Five minutes later Horatio Nelson, victory for 
England's greatest sea champion, was dead. He had won England and 

00 ± Death for Her 

—not "Victory and Westminster Abbey" — but victory and a Famous 
noble resting place in St. Paul's Cathedral. Admiral 

Collingwood did not anchor, but stood out to sea with the eighteen prize.' 
of the hard fought fray. In the gale that followed many of the results of 
victory were lost, four of the ships being retaken, some wrecked on shore, 
some foundering at sea, only four reaching British waters in Gibraltar Bay. 
But whatever was lost, Nelson's fame was secure, and the victory at Trafalgar 
is treasured as one of the most famous triumphs of British arms. 

The naval battle at Copenhagen, won by Nelson, was followed, six years 
later, by a combined land and naval expedition in which Wellington, Eng- 
land's other champion, took part. Again inspired by the fear that Napoleon 
might use the Danish fleet for his own purposes, the British government, 
though at peace with Denmark, sent a fleet to Copenhagen, bombarded 
and captured the city, and seized the Danish ships. A battle took place on 
land in which Wellington (then Sir Arthur Wellesley) won an easy victory 
and, captured 10,000 men. The whole business was an inglorious one. a 
dishonorable incident in a struggle in which the defeat of Napaleon stood 
first, honor second. Among the English themselves some defended it on the 
plea of policy, some called it piracy and murder. 

Not long afterwards England prepared to take a serious 
part on land in the desperate contest with Napoleon, and sent Th e Britlsh,n 

. . l i Portugal 

a British force to Portugal, then held by the French army of 
invasion under Marshal Junot. This force, 10.000 strong, was commanded 
by Sir Arthur Wellesley, and landed July 30, 1808, at Mondego Bay. He 
was soon joined by General Spencer from Cadiz with 13,000 men. 


The French, far from home and without support, were seriously alarmed 
at this invasion, and justly so, for they met with defeat in a sharp battle at 
Vimeira, and would probably have been forced to surrender as prisoners of 
war had not the troops been called off from pursuit by Sir Harry Burrard, 
who had been sent out to supersede Wellesley in command. The end of it 
all was a truce, and a convention under whose terms the French troops 
were permitted to evacuate Portugal with their arms and baggage and return 
to France. This release of Junot from a situation which precluded escape 
so disgusted Wellesley that he threw up his command and returned to 
TheDeathof England. Other troops sent out under Sir John Moore and 
Sir John Sir David Baird met a superior force of French in Spain, and 

their expedition ended in disaster. Moore was killed while 
the troops were embarking to return home, and the memory of this affair 
has been preserved in the famous ode, "The burial of Sir John Moore," 
from which we quote : 

"We buried him darkly at dead of night, 
The sod with our bayonets turning. 
By the glimmering moonbeams' misty light 
And the lanterns dimly burning." 

In April, 1809, Wellesley returned to Portugal, now chief in command, 
to begin a struggle which was to continue until the fall of Napoleon. There 
were at that time about 20,000 British soldiers at Lisbon, while the French 
had in Spain more than 300,000 men, under such generals as Ney, Soult, and 
Victor. The British, indeed, were aided by a large number of natives in 
arms. But these, though of service as guerillas, were almost useless in reg- 
ular warfare. 

Wellesley was at Lisbon. Oporto, 170 miles north, was held by Mar- 
shal Soult, who had recently taken it. Without delay Wellington marched 
The Gallant thither, and drove the French outposts across the river Douro. 

Crossing of But in their retreat they burned the bridge of boats across 
the river, seized every boat they could find, and rested in 
security, defying their foes to cross. Soult, veteran officer though he was, 
fancied that he had disposed of Wellesley, and massed his forces on the sea- 
coast side of tlie town, in which quarter alone he looked for an attack. 

He did not know his antagonist. A few skiffs were secured, and a 
small party of British was sent across the stream. The French attacked 
them, but they held their ground till some others joined them, and by the 
time Soult was informed of the danger Wellesley had landed a large force 
and controlled a good supply ol boats. A battle followed in which the 
French were routed and forced to retreat. But the only road by which theii 


DC "-a 


I- M-° 

s s>g 

LI Q«u« 

K I? 

bl C 2 

I " ■ 




artillery or baggage could be moved had been seized by General Beresford, 
and was strongly held. In consequence Soult was forced to abandon all his 
wagons and cannon and make his escape by bye-roads into Spain. 

This signal victory was followed by another on July 27, 1809, when 
Welleslev, with 20,000 British soldiers and about 40,000 Span- _. ,,, . 

■> . Tne Victory at 

ish allies, met a French army of 60,000 men at Talavera in Talavera and 
Spain. The battle that succeeded lasted two days. The brunt the Victor's 
of it fell upon the British, the Spaniards proving of little use, 
yet it ended in the defeat of the French, who retired unmolested, the British 
being too exhausted to pursue. 

The tidings of this victory were received with the utmost enthusiasm 
in England. It was shown by it that British valor could win battles against 
Napoleon's on land as well as on sea. Wellesley received the warmest 
thanks of the king, and, like Nelson, was rewarded by being raised to the 
peerage, being given the titles of Baron D.ouro of Wellesley and Viscount 
Wellington of Talavera. In future we shall call him by his historic title of 

Men and supplies just then would have served Wellington better than 
titles. With strong support he could have marched on and taken Madrid. 
As it was, he felt obliged to retire upon the fortress of Badajoz, near the 
frontier of Portugal. Spain was swarming with French soldiers, who were 
gradually collected there until they exceeded 350,000 men. Of these, 
under the command of Massena, were sent to act against the British. Before 
this strong force Wellington found it necessary to draw back, and the frontier 
fortresses of Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo were taken by the French. Well- 
ington's first stand was on the heights of Busaco, September, 1810. Here, 
with 30,000 men, he withstood all the attacks of the French, who in the end 
were forced to withdraw. Massena then tried to gain the road between 
Lisbon and Oporto, whereupon Wellington quickly retreated towards Lisbon. 

The British general had during the winter been very usefully employed. 

The road by which Lisbon must be approached passes the village, of Torres 

Vedras, and here two strong lines of earthworks were con- ... , 

• & Wellington s 

structed, some twenty-five miles in length, stretching from impregnable 
the sea to the Tao;us, and effectually securing; Lisbon against Lines at 

° ... Torres Vedras 

attack. These works had been built with such secrecy and 

despatch that the French were quite ignorant of their existence, and 
Massena, marching in confidence upon th& Portuguese capital, was amazed 
and chagrined on finding before him this formidable barrier. 

It was strongly defended, and all his efforts to take it proved in vain. 
He then tried to reduce the British by famine, but in this he was equally 


baffled, food being poured into Lisbon from the sea. He tried by a feigned 
retreat to draw the British from their works, but this stratagem failed of 
effect, and for four months more the armies remained inactive. At length 
tlie exhaustion of the country of provisions made necessary a real retreat, 
and Massena withdrew across the Spanish frontier, halting near Salamanca. 
Of the proud force with which Napoleon proposed to "drive the British 
leopards into the sea," more than half had vanished in this luckless cam- 

But though the French army had withdrawn from Portugal, the frontier 
fortresses were still in French hands, and of these Almeida, near the 

borders, was the first to be attacked by Wellington's forces. 
The Siesje and . T . . . . ...",, 

Capture of Massena advanced with 50,000 men to its relief, and the two 

the Por- armies met at Fuentes-de-Onoro, May 4, 181 1; The French 

made attacks on the 5th and 6th, 'but were each time repulsed 
Fortresses - 1 _ ' 

and on the 7th Massena retreated, sending orders to the gov- 
ernor of Almeida to destroy the fortifications and leave the place. 

Another battle was fought in front of Badajoz of the most sanguinary 
character, the total loss of the two armies being 15,000 killed and wounded. 
For a time the British seemed threatened with inevitable defeat, but the 
fortune of the day was turned into victory by a desperate charge. Subse- 
quently Ciudad Rodrigo was attacked, and was carried by storm, in January, 
181 2. Wellington then returned to Badajoz, which was also taken by 
storm, after a desperate combat in which the victors lost 5,000 men. a number 
exceeding that of the whole French garrison. 

These continued successes of the British were seriously out of conso- 
nance with the usual exploits of Napoleon's armies. He was furious with 
his marshals, blaming them severely, and might have taken their place in 
the struggle with Wellington but that his fatal march to Russia was about 

... ... to begin. The fortress taken, Wellington advanced into 

Wellington & => 

WinsatSala- Spain, and on fuly 21st encountered the French army under 

mancaanj Marmont before the famous old town of Salamanca. The 
Enters Madrid . . , . . , . , . . . , ... ... 

battle, one 01 the most stubbornly contested 111 which Welling- 
ton had yet been engaged, ended in the repulse of the French, and on August 
1 2th the British army marched into Madrid, the capital of Spain, from 
which King Joseph Bonaparte had just made his second flight. 

Wellington's next effort was a siege of the strong fortress of Burgos. 
This proved the one failure in his military career, he being obliged to raise 
the siege after several weeks of effort. In the following year lie 1 was strongly 
reinforced, and with an army numbering nearly 200,000 men he marched on 
the retreating enemy, meeting them at Vittoria, near the boundary o< 


France and Spain, on June 21, 1813. The French were for the first time 
in this war in a minority. They were also heavily encumbered with baggage, 
the spoils of their occupation of Spain. The battle ended in 

, . , ... „. 1 1 Vittona and the 

a complete victory for Wellington, who captured 157 cannon Pyrenees 
and a vast quantity of plunder, including the spoils of Madrid 
and of the palace of the kings of Spain. The specie, of which a large sum 
was taken, quickly disappeared among the troops, and failed to reach the 
treasure chests of the army. 

The French were now everywhere on the retreat Soult, after a vigor- 
ous effort to drive the British from the passes of the Pyrenees, withdrew, 
and Wellington and his army soon stood on the soil of France. A victory 
over Soult at Nivelle, and a series of successes in the following spring, ended 
the long Peninsular War, the abdication of Napoleon closing the long and 
terrible drama of battle. In the whole six years of struggle Wellington had 
not once been defeated on the battlefield. 

His military career had not yet ended. His great day of glory was 
still to come, that in which he was to meet Napoleon himself in the field, 
and, for the first time in the history of the great Corsican, drive back his 
army in utter rout. 

A year or more had passed since the events just narrated. In June, 
1815. Wellington found himself at the head of an army some 100,000 strong, 
encamped around Brussels, the capital of Belgium. It was a The Gathering 
mingded o-roup of British, Dutch, Belgian, Hanoverian, Ger- of the Forces 
man, and other troops, hastily got together, and many of them 
not safely to be depended upon. Of the British, numbers had never been 
under fire. Marshal Bliicher, with an equal force of Prussian troops, was 
near at hand , the two forces prepared to meet the rapidly advancing 

We have already told of the defeat of Bliicher at Ligny, and the attack 

on Wellington at Ouatre Bras. On the evening of the 17th the army, re 

treating from Quatre Bras, encamped on the historic field of Waterloo in a 

drenching rain, that turned the roads into streams, the fields into swamps. 

fAll night long the rain came down, the soldiers enduring the flood with what 

patience they could. In the morning it ceased, fires were kindled, and active 

preparations began for the terrible struggle at hand. 

Here ran a shallow vallev, bounded by two ridees, the 
1 r , • , • , , , t, • • , , 1 m 1 The Battlefield 

northern of which was occupied by the British, while Napoleon ot - Waterloo 

posted his army on its arrival along the southern ridge. On 

the slope before the British centre was the white-walled farm house of La 

Haye Sainte, and in front of the right wing the chateau of Hougoumont, 


with its various stout stone buildings Both of these were occupied by men 
of Wellington's army, and became leading points in the struggle of the day 

It was nine o'clock in the morning before the van-guard of the French 
army made its appearance on the crest of the southern ridge. By half-past 
ten 61,000 soldiers, — infantry, cavalry, and artillery — lay encamped in full 
sight. About half-past eleven came the first attack of that remarkable day, 
during which the French waged an aggressive battle, the British stood on 
the defensive 

This first attack was directed against Hougoumont, around which there 

The Desperate was a desperate contest. At this point the affray went on, in 

Charges of successive waves of attack and repulse, all day long ; yet still 

the British held the buildings, and all the fierce valor of the 

French failed to gain them a foothold within. 

About two o'clock came a second attack, preceded by a frightful can- 
nonade upon the British left and centre. Four massive columns, led by 
Ney, poured steadily forward straight for the ridge, sweeping upon and 
around the farm-stead of La Haye Sainte, but met at every point by the 
sabres and bayonets of the British lines. Nearly 24,000 men took part in 
this great movement, the struggle lasting more than an hour before the 
French staggered back in repulse. Then from the French lines came a 
stupendous cavalry charge, the massive columns composed of no less than 
forty squadrons of cuirassiers and dragoons, filling almost all the space 
between Hougoumont and La Haye Sainte as they poured like a torrent 
upon the British lines. Torn by artillery, rent by musketry . checked, 
reformed; charging again, and again driven hack, they expended their 
strength and their lives on the infantry squares that held their ground with 
the grimmest obstinacy, Once more, now strengthened by the cavalry 
of the Imperial Guard, they came on to carnage and death, shattering 
themselves against those unyielding squares, and in the end repulsed with 
frightful loss. 

The day was now well advanced, it being half-past four in the after- 
noon ; the British had been fearfully shaken by the furious efforts of the 
French ; when, emerging from the woods at St. Lambert, 

uc ers appeared the head of a column of fresh troops. Who were 

Prussians rJ ^ __ r 

and the they? Blticher's Prussians, or Grouchy's pursuing French? 

Charge of Q n t ] lc . answer t,, tli is question depended the issue of that 

Napoleon's .. , . „,, , . . . . , 

Old Guard terrible day. the question was soon decided ; they were the 

Prussians ; no sign appeared of the French ; the hearts of the 

British beat high with hope and those of the French sank low in despair, 

for these fresh troops could not fail to decide the fate of that mighty 


/ield of battle. Soon the final struggle came. Napoleon, driven to despera- 
tion, launched his grand reserve corps, the far-famed Imperial Guard, upon 
his enemies. On they come, with Ney at their head; on them pours a 
terrible torrent of flame ; from a distance the front ranks appear stationary, 
but only because they meet a death-line as they come, and fall in bleeding 
rows. Then on them, in a wild charge, rush the British Foot Guards, take 
them in flank, and soon all is over. " The Guard dies, but never surrenders,'" 
says their commander. Die they do, few of them surviving to take part in 
that mad flight which swept Napoleon from the field and closed the fatal 
day of Waterloo. England has won the great victory, now nearly a century 
old, and Wellington from that day of triumph takes rank with the greatest 
of British heroes. 


From the Napoleonic Wars to the Revolution of 1830. 

THE terrific struggle of the "Hundred Days." which followed Napo- 
leon's return from Elba and preceded his exile to St. Helena, made 
a serious break in the deliberations of the Congress of Vienna, con- 
vened for the purpose of recasting the map of Europe, which Napoleon 
had so sadly transformed, of setting aside the radical work of the French 
A Quarter Revolution, and, in a word, of turning back the hands of the 

Century of clock of time. Twenty-five years of such turmoiJ and volcanic 
disturbance as Europe had rarely known were at an end ; the 
ruling powers were secure of their own again ; the people, worn-out with 
the long and bitter struggle, welcomed eagerly the return of rest and peace, 
and the emperors and kings deemed it a suitable time to throw overboard 
the load of new ideas under which the European "ship of state " seemed 
to them likely to founder. 

The Congress of Vienna was, in its way, a brilliant gathering. It 
included, mainly as handsome ornaments, the emperors of Russia and 
Austria, the kings of Prussia, Denmark, Bavaria and Wurtemberg ; and, as 
its working element, the leading statesmen of Europe, including the Eng- 
lish Castlereagh and Wellington, the French Talleyrand, the 

rhe Congress p russ j ari Hardenberg, and the Austrian Metternich. Checked 
of Vienna ( . . ° 

in its deliberations for a time by Napoleon's fierce hundred 

days' death struggle, it quickly settled down to work again, having before 
it the vast task of undoing the mighty results of a quarter of a century of 
revolution. For the French Revolution had broadened into an European 
revolution, with Napoleon and his armies as its great instruments.. The 
Whole continent had been sown thickly during the long era of war with the 
Napoleonic ideas, and a crop of new demands and conditions had grown up 
not easily to be uprooted. 

Reaction was the order of the day in the Vienna Congress. The 
shaken power of the monarchs was to be restored, the map of Europe to be 
readjusted, the people to be put back into the submissive condition which 
they occupied before that eventful 1789, when the States-General of France 

in its momentous work ol overturning the equilibrium oi the world. 



As for the people, deeply infected as they were with the new ideas of 
liberty and the rights of man, which had made their way g urope After 
far beyond the borders of France, they were for the time worn- Napoleon's 
out with strife and turmoil, and settled back supinely to a 
enjoy the welcome era of rest, leaving their fate in the hands of the astute 
plenipotentiaries who were gathered in their wisdom at Vienna. 

These worthy tools of the monarchs had an immense task before 
them — too large a one, as it proved. It was easy to talk about restoring to 
the nations the territory they had possessed before Napoleon began his 
career as a map-maker ; but it was not easy to do so except at the cost of 
new wars. The territories of many of the powers had been added to by 
the French emperor, and they were not likely to give up their new posses- 
sions without a vigorous protest. In Germany the changes had been 
enormous. Napoleon had found there more than three hundred separate 
states, some no larger than a small American county, yet each possessed of 
the paraphernalia of a court and sovereign, a capital, an army and a public 
debt. And these were feebly combined into the phantasm known as the 
Holy Roman Empire. When Napoleon had finished his work this empire 
had ceased to exist, except as a tradition, and the great galaxy of sovereign 
states was reduced to thirty-nine. These included the great dominions of 
Austria and Prussia ; the smaller states of Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover and 
Wurtemberg, which Napoleon had raised into kingdoms ; and a vastly 
reduced group of minor states. The work done here it was somewhat 
dangerous to meddle with. The small potentates of Germany were like so 
many bull-dogs, glaring jealously across their new borders, and ready to fly 
at one another's throats at any suggestion of a change. The 

utmost they would yield was to be united into a confederacy ® orkof 
11 1 /•> 7 • • r t» e C°n«xess 

called the Blind, with a Diet meeting at Frankfurt. But 

as the delegates to the Diet were given no law-making power, the Bund 

became an empty farce. 

The great powers took care to regain their lost possessions, or to 
replace them with an equal amount of territory. Prussia and Austria spread 
©ut again to their old size, though they did not cover quite the old ground. 
Most of their domains in Poland were given up, Prussia getting new terri- 
tory in West Germany and Austria in Italy. Their provinces in Poland were 
ceded to Alexander of Russia, who added to them some of his own Polish 
dominions, and formed a new kingdom of Poland, he beingfits kinsf. So in a 
shadowy way Poland was brought to life again. England got for her share in 
the spoils a number of French and Dutch colonies, including Malta and the 
Cape Colony in Africa. Thus each of the great powers repaid itself for its losses. 


In Italy a variety of changes were made. The Pope got back the 
Scates of the Church ; Tuscany was restored to its king ; the same was the 

case with Naples, King Murat being driven from his throne 
and Spain ' :int ' P ut to death. Piedmont, increased by the Republic of 

Genoa, was restored to the king of Sardinia. Some smaller 
states were formed, as Parma, Modena, and Lucca. Finally, Lombardy and 
Venice, much the richest regions of Italy, were given to Austria, which 
country was made the dominant power in the Italian peninsula. 

Louis XVIII. , the Bourbon king, brother of Louis XVI., who had 
reigned while Napoleon was at Elba, came back to the throne of France. 
The title of Louis XVII. was given to the poor boy, son of Louis XVI., 
who died from cruel treatment in the dungeons of the Revolution. In Spain 
the feeble Ferdinand returned to the throne which he had given up without 
a protest at the command of Napoleon. Portugal was given a monarch of 
its old dynasty. All seemed to have floated back into the old conditions 
As for the rights of the people, what had become of them ? Had they 
been swept away and the old wrongs of the people been brought back? Not 
quite. The frenzied enthusiasm for liberty and human rights of the past 

twenty-five years could not go altogether for nothing. The 
of Man lingering relics of feudalism had vanished, not only from 

France but from all Europe, and no monarch or congress could 
bring them back again. In its place the principles of democracy had spread 
from France far among the peoples of Europe. The principle of class 
privilege had been destroyed in France, and that of social equality had 
replaced it. The principle of the liberty of the individual, especially in his 
religious opinions, and the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, had 
been proclaimed. These had still a battle before them. They needed to 
fi >hi their way. Absolutism and the spirit of feudalism were arrayed 
against them. Put they were too deeply implanted in the minds of the 
people to be eradicated, and their establishment as actual conditions has 
been the most important part of the political development of the nineteenth 

Revolution was the one thing that the great powers of Europe feared 
and hated ; this was the monster against which the; Congress of Vienna 
directed its efforts. The cause of quiet and order, the preservation of the 
established state of things, the authority of rulers, the subordination of 
peoples, must be firmly maintained, and revolutionary disturbers must be put 
down with a strong hand. Such was the political dogma of the Congress. 
And yet, in spite of its assembled wisdom and the principles it promul 





I 5 

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It is to iIk- steam - ngin< that ihe wonderful produ< 1 1 ^ < progress of recent times is largely due and 

i . I,, n - Scotch engineer. James Watt, belongs the honor of inventing th< first 

, H. i tive st i am engine. His idea of i onden' ing ihe <-team Irom In- engin< in 

a - . parate vessel 1 ame to him in 1765, .mm! with this fortunate - oncep- 

1 hit b< -'.iii the wonderful sene* ol improvements which have 

given us the magnify 1 nl - rig t" lo-dav 


gated, the nineteenth century has been especially the century of revolutions, 
actual or virtual, the result being an extraordinary growth in the liberties 
and prerogatives of the people. 

The plan devised by the Congress for the suppression of revolution 
was the establishment of an association of monarchs, which became known 
as the Holy Alliance. Alexander of Russia, Francis of 

. XBie Holv 

Austria, and Frederick William of Prussia formed a cove- Alliance 
nant to rule in accordance with the precepts of the Bible, to 
stand by each other in a true fraternity, to rule their subjects as loving 
parents, and to see that peace, justice, and religion should flourish in their 
dominions. An ideal scheme it was, but its promulgators soon won the 
name of hypocrites and the hatred of those whom they were to deal with 
on the principle of love and brotherhood. Reaction was the watchword, 
absolute sovereignty the purpose, the eradication of the doctrine of popular 
sovereignty the sentiment, which animated these powerful monarchs ; and 
the Holy Alliance meant practically the determination to unite their forces 
against democracy and revolution wherever they should show themselves. 

It was not long before the people began to move. The attempt to 
re-establish absolute governments shook them out of their sluggish quiet. 
Revolution lifted its head again in the face of the Holy devolution in 
Alliance, its first field being Spain. Ferdinand VII., on Spain and 
returning to his throne, hail but one purpose in his weak 
mind, which was to rule as an autocrat, as his ancestors had done. He 
swore to govern according to a constitution, and began his reign with a 
perjury. The patriots had formed a constitution during his absence, and 
this he set aside and never replaced by another. On the contrary, he set 
out to abolish all the reforms made by Napoleon, and to restore the monas- 
teries, to bring back the inquisition, and to prosecute the patriots. Five 
years of this reaction made the state of affairs in Spain so intolerable that 
the liberals refused to submit to it any longer. In 1820 they rose in revolt, 
and the king, a coward under all his show of bravery, at once gave way and 
restored the constitution he had set aside. 

The shock given the Holy Alliance by the news from Spain was quickly 
followed by another coming from Naples. The Bourbon king who had 
been replaced upon the throne of that country, another Ferdinand, was one 
of the most despicable men of his not greatly esteemed race. His govern- 
ment, while weak, was harshly oppressive. But it did not need a revolution 
to frighten this royal dastard. A mere general celebration of the victory 
of the liberals in Spain was enough, and in his alarm he hastened to give 
his people a constitution similar to that which the Spaniards had gained. 


These awkward affairs sadly disturbed the equanimity of those states- 
men who fancied that they had fully restored the divine right of kings. 
Metternich, the Austrian advocate of reaction, hastened to call a new Con- 
Metternkh gross, in 1820, and another in 1S21. The question he put to 

and His Con- these assemblies was, Should revolution be permitted, or should 
Europe interfere in Spain and Naples, and pledge herself to 
uphold everywhere the sacred powers of legitimate monarchs ? His old 
friends of the Holy Alliance backed him up in this suggestion, both Con 
gresses adopted it, a policy of repression of revolutions became the pro- 
gramme, ami Austria was charged to restore what Metternich called 
"order " in Naples. 

He did so. The liberals of Naples were far too weak to oppose the 
power of Austria. Their government fell to pieces as soon as the Austrian 
army appeared, and the impotent but cruel Ferdinand was made an absolute 
king again. The radicals in Piedmont started an insurrection which was 
quickly put down, and Austria became practically the lord and master of Italy. 

Proud of his success, Metternich called a new Congress in 1822, in 
which it was resolved to repeat in Spain what had been done in Naples. 
h ix-i^ ,-c France was now made the instrument of the absolutists. A 

now vJriier Wiis 

Restored in French army marched across the Pyrenees, put down the gov- 
Spa,n eminent of the liberals, and gave the king back his despotic 

rule. He celebrated his return to power by a series of cruel executions. The 
Holy Alliance was in the ascendant, the liberals had been bitterly repaid for 
their daring, terror seized upon the liberty-loving peoples, and Europe 
seemed thrown fully into the grasp of the absolute kings; 

Only in two regions did the spirit of revolt triumph during this period 
of reaction. These were Greece and Spanish America. The 
historic land of Greece had long been in the hands of a des- 
potism with which even the Holy Alliance was not in sympa- 
thy -that of Turkey. Its very name, as a modern country, had almost van- 
ished, ami Europe heard with astonishment in 1S21 that the descendants of 
the ancient Greeks had risen against the tyranny under which they had been 
.rushed for centuries. 

The struiride was a bitter one. The sultan was atrocious in his cruel- 
ties. In the island of Chios alone he brutally murdered 20,000 Greeks. But 
the spirit of the old Athenians and Spartans was in the people, and they 
kept on fighting in the face of defeat. For four years this went on, while 
the powers of Europe looked on without raising a hand. Some of their 
people indeed took part, among them Ford Byron, who died in Greece in 
1S24 ; but the governments failed to warm up to their duty. 


Their apathy vanished in 1 825, when the sultan, growing weary of the 
struggle, and bent on bringing it to a rapid end, called in the aid of his power- 
ful vassal, Mehemed Ali, Pasha of Egypt. Mehemed responded by sending a 
strong army under his son Ibrahim, who landed in the Morea (the ancient 
Peloponnesus), where he treated the people with shocking cruelty. 

A year of this was as much as Christian Europe could stand. England 

first aroused herself. Cannine. the English prime minister, _. r, 

&'_ & 1 The Powers 

persuaded Nicholas, who had just succeeded Alexander as Come to the 

Czar of Russia, to join with him in stopping this horrible busi- Rescue of 

. Greece 

ness. France also lent her aid, and the combined powers 

warned Ibrahim to cease his cruel work. On his refusal, the fleets of Eng- 
land and France attacked and annihilated the Turkish-Egyptian fleet in the 
battle of Navarino. 

The Sultan still hesitated, and the czar, impatient at the delay, declared 
war and invaded with his army the Turkish provinces on the Danube. The 
next year, 1829, the Russians crossed the Balkans and descended upon Con- 
stantinople. That city was in such imminent danger of capture that the 
obstinacy of the sultan completely disappeared and he humbly consented to 
all the demands of the powers. Servia, Moldavia and Wallachia, the chief 
provinces of the Balkan peninsula, were put under the rule of Christian 
governors, and the independence of Greece was fully acknowledged. Prince 
Otto of Bavaria was made king, and ruled until 1862. In Greece lib- 
eralism had conquered, but elsewhere in Europe the reaction established by 
the Congress of Vienna still held sway. 

The people merely bided their time. The good seed sown could 
not fail to bear fruit in its season. The spirit of revolution was in the air, 
and any attempt to rob the people of the degree of liberty 
which they enjoyed was very likely to precipitate a revolt against * Vf" 
the tyranny of courts and kings. It came at length in France, 
that country the ripest among the nations for revolution. Louis XVIII. 
an easy, good-natured old soul, of kindly disposition towards the people, 
passed from life in 1824, and was succeeded by his brother. Count of 
Artois, as Charles X. 

The new king had been the head of the ultra-royalist faction, an advo- 
cate of despotism and feudalism, and quickly doubled the hate which the 
people bore him. Louis XVIII. had been liberal in his charlesX. and 
policy, and had given increased privileges to the people. His Attempt 
Under Charles reaction set in. A vast sum of money was at Despotism 
voted to the nobles to repay their losses during the Revolution. Steps 
were taken to muzzle the press and gag the universities. This was 


more than the Chamber of Deputies was willing to do, and it was dis- 
solved. But the tyrant at the head of the government went on, blind 
to the signs in the air, deaf to the people's voice. If he could not get 
laws from the Chamber, he would make them himself in the old arbitary 
fashion, and on July 26, 1830, lie issued, under the advice of his prime 
minister, four decrees, which limited the list of voters and put an end to 
the freedom of the press. Practically the constitution was set aside, the 
work of the Revolution ignored, and absolutism re-established in France. 

King Charles had taken a step too far. He did not know the spirit of 
the French. In a moment Paris blazed into insurrection. Tumult arose 
on every side. Workmen and students paraded the streets with enthusi- 
astic cheers for the constitution. Hut under their voices there were soon 
heard deeper and more ominous cries. " Down with the ministers !" came 
the demand. And then, as the throng increased and grew more violent, 
arose the revolutionary slogan, " Down with the Bourbons !" The infatu- 
ated old king was amusing himself in his palace of St, Cloud. 

°] e j$ ev . 0,ution and did not discover that the crown was tottering: upon his 
in Paris . 

head. He knew that the people of Pans had risen, but 

looked upon it as a passing ebullition of French temper. 1 le did not awake 
to the true significance of the movement until he heard that there had been 
fighting between his troops and the people, that; man)' of the citizens lay 
dead in the streets, and that the soldiers had been driven from the city 
which remained in the hands of the insurrectionists. 

Then the old imbecile', who had fondly fancied that the Revolution of 
1789 could be set aside by a stroke of his pen, made frantic efforts to lay 
the demon he had called into life. He hastily cancelled the tyrannical 
decrees. Finding that this would not have the desired effect, he abdicated 
the throne in favor of his grandson. Put all was of no avail. France had 
had enough of him and his house. 1 lis envoys were turned back from the 
gates of Paris unheard. Remembering the fate of Louis XVI., his unhappy 
brother, Charles X., turned his back upon France and hastened to seek a 
refuse in England. 

Meanwhile a meeting of prominent citizens had been held in Paris, the 
result of their deliberations being that Charles X. and his heirs should be 
deposed and the crown offered to Louis Philippe, duke of Orleans. There 
Louis Philippe ^ad Deen a Louis Philippe in the Revolution of 1789, a radical 
Chosen as member of the royal house of Bourbon, who, under the title 

of Egalite, had joined the revolutionists, voted for the death 
of Louis XVI., and in the end had his own head cut off by the guillotine. 
His son as a young man had served in the revolutionary army and had 


been one of its leaders in the important victory of Jemappes. But when 
the terror came he hastened from France, which had become a very unsafe 
place for one of his blood. He had the reputation of being liberal in his views, 
and was the first man thought of for the vacant crown. When the Chamber 
of Deputies met in August and offered it to him, he did not hesitate to 
accept. He swore to observe and reign under the constitution, and took 
the throne under the title of Louis Philippe, king of the French. Thus 
.speedily and happily ended the second Revolution in France. 

But Paris again proved itself the political centre of Europe. The 
deposition of Charles X. was like a stone thrown into the seething waters 
of European politics, and its effects spread far and wide be- Effect in Europe 
yond the borders of France. The nations had been bound of the Revo= 
hand and foot by the Congress of Vienna. The people bad 
writhed uneasily in their fetters, but now in more than one locality they rose 
in their might to break them, here demanding a greater degree of liberty, 
there overthrowing the government. 

The latter was the case in Belgium. Its people had suffered severely 
from the work of the Congress of Vienna. Without even a pretence of 
consulting their wishes, their country had been incorporated with Holland 
as the kingdom of the Netherlands, the two countries being fused into one 
under a kingf of the old Dutch House of Orange. The idea was good 
enough in itself. It was intended to make a kingdom strong enough to 
help keep Franre in order. But an attempt to fuse these two stages was like 
an endeavor to mix oil and water. The people of the two countries had long 
since drifted apart from each other, and had irreconcilable ideas and inter- 
ests. Holland was a colonizing and commercial country, Belgium art indus- 
trial country ; Holland was Protestant, Belgium was Catholic ; I lolland was 
Teutonic in blood, Belgium was a mixture of the Teutonic and French, 
but wholly French in feeling and customs. 

The Belgians, therefore, were generally discontented with the act of 
fusion, and in 1830 they imitated the French by a revolt against The Belgian 
King William of Holland. A tumult followed in Brussels, Uprising and 
iwhich ended in the Dutch soldiers being driven from the city. Its Result 
King William, finding that the Belgians insisted on independence, decided 
to bring them back to their allegiance by force of arms. The powers of 
Europe now took the matter in hand, and, after some difference of opinion, 
decided to grant the Belgians the independence they demanded, ddiis was a 
meddling with his royal authority to which King William did not propose to 
submit, but when the navy of Great Britain and the army of France ap- 
proached his borders he changed his mind, and since 1833 Holland and Bel- 


gium have gone their own way under separate kings. A limited monarchy, 

with a suitable constitution, was organized for Belgium by the powers, and 

Prince Leopold, of the German house of Saxo-Coburg, was placed upon the 


The Movements Y\~\a spirit of revolution extended into Germany and 

in Germany Italy, but only with partial results. Neither in Austria nor 

Prussia did the people stir, but in man)' of the smaller states. 

a demand was made for a constitution on liberal lines, and in ever)' instance 

the princes had to give way. Each of these states gained a representative 

form of government, the monarchs of Prussia and Austria alone retaining 

their old despotic power. 

In Italy there were many signs of revolutionary feeling ; but Austria 

still dominated that peninsula, and Metternich kept a close watch upon the 

movements of its people. There was much agitation. The great secret 

society of the Carbonari sought to combine the patriots of all Italy in a 

grand stroke for liberty and union, but nothing came of their efforts. In 

the States of the Church alone the people rose in revolt against their rulers. 

but they were soon put down by the Austrians, who invaded their territory, 

dispersed their weak bands, and restored the old tyranny. The hatred of the 

Italians for the Austrians grew more intense, but their time had not yet 

come; they sank back in submission and awaited a leader and an opportunity. 

There was one country in which the resolution in France called forth a 

more active response, though, unhappily, only to double the weight of the 

chains under which its people groaned. This was unfortunate 

The Condition ,, , , . . , . . .. , . 

of Poland roland ; once a great and proud kingdom, now dismembered 

and swallowed up by the land-greed of its powerful neighbors. 
It had been in part restored by Napoleon, in his kingdom of Warsaw, and 
his work had been in a measure recognized by the' Congress of Vienna. The 
Czar Alexander, kindly in disposition and moved by pit)' for the unhappy 
Poles, had re-established their old kingdom, persuading Austria and Prussia 
to give up the bulk of their Polish territory in re-turn for equal areas else- 
where. II Poland a constitution, its own army, and its own adminis-, 
tration, making himself iu king, but promising to rule as a constitutional 

This did not satisfy the Poles. It was not the independence they 
craved. They could not forget that they had been a great power in Europe 

when Russia was still the weak and frozen duchy of Muscovy. 
the Poles When the warm-hearted Alexander died and the cokbhearted 

Nicholas took his place, their discontent grew to dangerous 
proportions. The news oj the outbreak in France was like a firebrand 


thrown in their midst. In November, 1830. a few young hot-heads sounded 
the note of revolt, and Warsaw rose in insurrection against the Russians. 

For a time they were successful. Constantine, the czar's brothei 
governor uf Poland, was scared by the riot, and deserted the capital 
leavino- the revolutionists in full control. Towards the frontier he hastened, 
winged by alarm, while the provinces rose in rebellion behind him as he 
passed Less than a week had passed before the Russian power was with 
drawn from Poland, and its people were once more lords of their own land. 
They set up a provisional government in Warsaw, and prepared co defend 
themselves against the armies that were sure to come. 

What was needed now was unity. A single fixed and resolute purpose 
under able and suitable leaders, formed the only conceivable condition of 
success. But Poland was. of all countries, the least capable 
of such unity. The landed nobility was full of its old feudal of unity 
notions ; the democracy of the city was inspired by modern 
sentiments. They could not agree ; they quarreled in castle and court 
while their hasty levies of troops were marching to meet the Russians in 
the field. Under such conditions success was a thing beyond hope. 

Yet the Poles fought well. Kosciusko, their former hero, would have 
been proud of their courage and willingness to die for their country But 
against the powerful and ably led Russian armies their gallantry was of no 
avail, and their lack of unity fatal. In May, 1831, they were overwhelmed 
at Ostrolenka by the Russian hosts In September a traitor betrayed 
Warsaw, and the Russian army entered its gates The cevolt was at an 
end, and Poland again in fetters. 

Nicholas the Czar fancied that he had spoiled these people by kindness 

and clemency. They should not be spoiled in that way any longer. Under 

his harsh decrees the Kingdom of Poland vanished. He 

The Fat£ ot 
ordeied that it should be made a Russian province, and held Poland 

by a Russian army of occupation. The very language of the 

Poles was forbidden to be spoken, and their religion was to be replaced by 

the Orthodox Russian faith. Those brief months of revolution and inde 

pendence were fatal to the liberty-loving people. Since then, except during 

their brief revolt in 1863, they have lain in fetters at the feet of Russia, 

nothing remaining to them but their patriotic memories and their undying 

aspiration for freedom and independence. 

Bolivar, the Liberator of Spanish America. 

IN the preceding chapter mention was made of two regions in which the 
spirit of revolt triumphed during the period of reaction after the Napo- 
leonic wars — Greece and Spanish America. The revolt in Greece was 
there described; that in Spanish America awaits description. It had its 
hero, one of the great soldiers of the Spanish race, perhaps the greatest 
and ablest of guerilla leaders ; " Bolivar the Liberator." as he was known on 
his native soil. 

Spain had long treated her colonists in a manner that was difficult for a 
How Spain high-spirited people to endure. Only two thoughts seemed 

Treated Her to rule in their management, the one being to derive from the 
Colonies colonies all possible profit for the government at home, the 

other to make use of them as a means by which the leaders in Spain could 
pay their political debts. The former purpose was sought to be carried out 
by severe taxation, commercial restriction, and the other methods in which 
a short-sighted country seeks to enrich itself by tying the hands and check- 
ing the industries of its colonists. To achieve the latter purpose all im- 
portant official positions in the colonies were held by natives of Spain. 
Posts in the government, in the customs, in all salaried offices were oiven 
to strangers, who knew nothing of the work they were to do or the con- 
ditions of the country to which they were sent, and whose single thought 
was to fill their purses as speedily as possible and return to enjoy their 
wealth in Spain. 

All this was galling to the colonists, who claimed to be loyal Span- 
iards , and they rebelled in spirit against this swarm of 

, p P'" e>s, °" human locusts which descended annually upon them, practic- 
of the People . . . . 

ing ever)' species of extortion and fraud in their eagerness to 

grow rich speedily and carrying much of the wealth of the country back 

to the mother land. Add to this the severe restrictions on industry and 

commerce, the prohibition of trade except with Spain, the exactions of 

every kind, legal and illegal, to which the people were forced to submit, and 

llu sr deep-seated dissatisfaction is easy to understand 


















The war for independence in the United States had no apparent 
influence upon the colonies of Spanish America. They remained loyal to 
Spain. The French Revolution seemed also without effect. But during 
the long Napoleonic wars, when Spain remained for years in the grip of the 
Corsican, and the people of Spanish America were left largely to govern 
themselves, a thirst for liberty arose, and a spirit of revolt showed itself 
about 1810 throughout the length a nd breadth of the colonies. 

Chief among the revolutionists was Simon Bolivar, a native of Caracas, 
the capital of Venezuela. In iSiowe find him in London, Bolivar, the 
seeking the aid of the British mvernment in favor of the Revolutionary 
rebels against Spain. In 181 1 he served as governor of 
Puerto Cabello, the strongest fortress in Venezuela. He was at that time 
subordinate to General Miranda, whom he afterwards accused of treason, 
and who died in a dungeon in Spain. In the year named Venezuela pro- 
claimed its independence, but in 1813, Bolivar, who had been entitled its 
" Liberator," was a refugee in Jamaica, and his country again a vassal 
of Spain. 

The leaders of affairs in Spain knew well where to seek the backbone 

of the insurrection Bolivar was the one man whom they feared. He 

removed, there was not a man in sight capable of leading the rebels to 

victory. To dispose of him, a spy was sent to Jamaica, his 

purpose being to take the Liberator's life. This man, after A " Attempl * l 
r A . Assassination 

gaining a knowledge of Bolivar's habits and movements. 
bribed a negro to murder him, and in the dead of night the assassin stole up 
to Bolivar's hammock and plunged his knife into the sleeper's breast. As 
it proved, it was not Bolivar, but his secretary, who lay there, and the hope 
of the American insurrectionists escaped. 

Leaving Jamaica, Bolivar proceeded to San Domingo, where he found 
a warm supporter in the president, Petion Here, too, he met Luis Brion, 
a Dutch shipbuilder of great wealth. His zeal for the principles of liberty 
infused Brion with a like zeal. The result was that Brion fitted out seven 
schooners and placed thorn at Bolivar's disposal, supplied 3,500 muskets to 
arm recruits who should join Bolivar's standard, anil devoted his own life 
and services to the sacred cause. Thus slenderly equipped, Bolivar com- 
menced operations in 1816 at the port of Cayos de San Luis, where the 
leading refugees from Cartagena, New Granada, and Venezuela Bo | ivar Re . 
had sought sanctuary. By them he was accepted as leader. turns to 
and Brion, with the title of " Admiral of Venezuela," was given Venez " ela 
command of the squadron he had himself furnished. The growing expedi- 
tion now made for the island of Margarita,, which Arismendi had wrested 


from the Spanish governor; and here, at a convention of officers, Bolivar 
was named "Supreme Chief," and the third Venezuelan war began. It 
was marked by many a disaster to the patriot arms, and so numerous 
vicissitudes that, until the culminating- triumph of Boyaca on August 7th 
S819, it remained doubtful upon which side victory would ultimately rest. 

The war was conducted on the part of the Spaniards with the most 

ndish cruelty, prisoners taken in war anil the unarmed people of the 

country alike being tortured and murdered under circumstances of revolting 

barbarity. 'The people of Margarita," writes an English officer who 

served in Venezuela, "saw their liberties threatened and endangered; their 

The Savage wives, children, and kindred daily butchered and murdered; 

Cruelty of the and the reeking members of beings most dear to them 

exposed to their gaze on every tree and crag of their native 

forests and mountains; nor was it until hundreds had been thus slaughtered 

that the)' pursued the same course. The result was that the Spaniards 

were routed. I myself saw upwards of seven thousand of their skulls, 

dried and heaped together in one place, which is not inaptly termed 

'Golgotha,' as a trophy of victory." 

Another writer tells us : " 1 saw several women whose ears and noses 
had been cut off, their eyes torn from their sockets, their tongues cut out, 
and the soles of their feet pared by the orders of Monteverde, a Spanish. 
brigadier-general." The result of these excesses of cruelty was an implacable 
hatred of the Spaniard, and a determination to carry on the war unto death. 

In 1815 Ferdinand of Spain determined to put an end once for all to 
the movement for independence that, in varying forms, had been agitating 
for five years the whole of Spanish America. Accordingly, strong rein- 
forcements to the royalist armies were sent out, under General Morillo. 
These arrived at Puerto Cabello, and, besides ships of war, comprised 12,000 
troops- -a force in itself many times larger than ,all the scattered bands of 
patriots then under arms put together. Morillo soon had Venezuela under 
his thumb, and, planting garrisons throughout it, proceeded to lay siege to 
The Methods Cartagena. Capturing this city in four months, he marched 
of General unopposed to Santa Fe de Bogota, the capital of New 
Granada, ruin and devastation marking his progress. In a 
despatch to Ferdinand, which was intercepted, he wrote : " Ever)- person of 
either sex who was capable of reading and writing was put to death. By 
thus cutting off all who were in any way educs^ed, I hoped to effectually 
arrest the spirit of revolution." 

An insight into Morillo's methods of coping with the ' spirit of revo- 
lution " is furnished by his treatment of those he found in the opulent city 


of Maturin on its capture. Dissatisfied with the treasure he found there, he 
suspected the people of wealth to have anticipated his arrival by burying 
their property. To find out the supposed buried treasure, he had all those 
whom he regarded as likely to know where it was hidden collected together 
and, to make them confess, had the soles of their feet cut off, and then had 
them driven over hot sand. Many of the victims of this horrid piece of 
cruelty survived, and were subsequently seen by those that have narrated it 

At the commencement of the war, with the exception of the little band 
on the island of Margarita, the patriotic cause was represented by a few 
scattered groups along the banks of the Orinoco, on the plains of Barcelona 
and of Casanare. These groups pursued a kind of guerilla warfare, quite 
independently of one another, and without any plan to achieve. They were 
kept together by the fact that submission meant death. The leader of one 
of these groups, Paez by name, presents one of the most pic- p ae z the Guer- 
turesque and striking characters that history has produced. lilaandHis 
He was a Llanero, or native of the elevated plains of Barinas, Exploits 
and quite illiterate. As owner of herds of half-wild cattle, he became chief 
of a band of herdsmen, which he organized into an army, known as the 
" Guides of the Apure,' ; a tributary of the Orinoco, and whose banks were 
the base of Paez's operations. Only one of his many daring exploits can be 
here recorded. That occurred on the 3rd of June, 1819, when Paez was 
opposing the advance of Morillo himself. With 150 picked horsemen, he 
swam the river Orinoco and galloped towards the Spanish camp. "Eight 
hundred of the royalist cavalry," writes W. Pilling, General Mitre's trans- 
lator, "with two small guns, sillied out to meet him. He slowly retreated, 
drawing them on to a place called Las Oueseras del Medio, where a bat 
talion of infantry lay in ambush by the river. Then, splitting his men into 
groups of twenty, he charged die enemy on all sides, forcing them under 
the fire of the infantry, and recrossed the river with two killed and a fev; 
wounded, leaving the plain strewn with the dead of the enemy." 

While Paez's dashing exploits were inspiring the revolutionary leaders 
with fresh courage, which enabled them at least to hold their own, a system 
t»i enlisting volunteers was instituted in London by Don Luis Lopes 
Mendez, representative of th~ republic. The Naouleonic wars being over, 
the European powers were enable to reduce their r.wollen armaments, and 
English and German officers entered into contracts with Mendez to take out 
to Venezuela organized corps of artillery, lancers, hussars, and rifles. On 
enlisting, soldiers received a bounty of £20 , their pay was 2s. a day and 
rations, and at the end of the war they were promised ,£125 and an allot 
ment of land. The first expedition to leave England comprised 120 hussars 


and lancers, under Colonel Hippisley; this body became the basis of a corps 
of regular cavalry. The nucleus of a battalion of riflemen was taken out 
British Soldiers ' J >' Colonel Campbell , and a subaltern, named Gilmour, with 

Join the ln= the title of colonel, formed with 90 men the basis of a brigade 
of artillery. General English, who had served in the Peninsular 
War under Wellington, contracted with Mendez to take out a force of 1,200 
Englishmen ; soo more went out under Colonel Elsom, who also brought 
out 300 Germans under Colonel Uzlar. General MacGregor took 800, and 
General Devereux took out the Irish Legion, in which was a son of the 
Irish tribune, Daniel O'Connell. Smaller contingents also went to the seat 
of war; these mentioned, however, were the chief, and without their aid 
Bolivar was wont to confess that he would have failed. 

Now it was that a brilliant idea occurred to Bolivar. He had already 
sent 1,200 muskets and a group of officers to General Santander, who was 
the leader of the patriots on the plains of Casanare. This enabled Sant- 
ander to increase Ins forces from amongst the scattered patriots in that 
neighborhood. He thereupon began to threaten the frontier of New 
Granada, with the result that General Barreiro, who had been left in com- 
mand of that province by Morillo, deemed it advisable to march against him 
and crush his growing power, Santander's forces, however, though inferior 
in number, were, too full of enthusiasm for Barreiro's soldiers — reduced to 
a half-hearted condition from being forced to take part in cruelties that they 
gained nothing from, except the odium of the people they moved amongst 
Boiivar's Plan Barreiro, accordingly, was diiven back, and, on receiving the 

to invade news of Santander's success, Bolivar at once formed the con- 

ception of crossing the Amies and driving the Spaniards out 
of New Granada The event proved that this was the true plan of cam 
paign for the patriots. Already they had lost three campaigns through en- 
deavoring to dislodge the Spaniards from their strongest positions, which 
were in Venezuela , now, by gaining New Granada, they would win prestige 
and consolidate their power there for whatever further efforts circumstances 
might demand. 

Thus, as it has been described, did the veil drop from Bolivar's eyes; 
and so confident was lie of ultimate success, that he issued to the people of 
New Granada this proclamation The day of America has come; no 
human power can stay the course of Nature guided by Providence. Before 
the sun has again run his annual course, altars to Liberty will arise through 
out your land." 

Bolivar immediately prepaid to carry out his idea, and on the nth of 
June, 1859, he joined Sanl ><n)tr at the foot of the Andes, bringing with 


L J0 

him four battalions of infantry, of which one — -the "Albion " — was composed 
entirely of English soldiers — two squadrons of lancers, one of carabineers, 
and a regiment called the " Guides of the Apure," part of which were Eng- 
lish — in all 2,500 men. To join Santander was no easy task, for it involved 
the crossing of an immense plain covered with water at this season of the 
year, and the swimming of seven deep rivers — war materials, of course, 
having to be taken along as well. This, however, was only a foretaste of 
the still greater difficulties that lay before the venturesome band. 

General Santander led the van with his Casanare troops, and entered 
the mountain defiles by a road leading to the centre of the province of 
Tunja, which was held by Colonel Barreiro with 2,000 infantry 
and 400 horse. The royalists had also a reserve of 1,000 of the An"<te 
troops at Bogota, the capital of New Granada ; at Cartagena, 
and in the valley of Cauca were other detachments, and there was another 
royalist army at Quito. Bolivar, however, trusted to surprise and to the 
support of the inhabitants to overcome the odds that were against him. As 
the invading army left the plains for the mountains the scene changed. The 
snowy peaks of the eastern range of the Cordillera appeared in the dis- 
tance, while, instead of the peaceful lake through which they had waded, 
they were met by great masses of water tumbling from the heights. The 
roads ran along the edge of precipices and were bordered by gigantic trees, 
upon whose tops rested the clouds, which dissolved themselves in incessant 
rain. After four days' march the horses were foundered ; an entire squad- 
ron of Llaneros deserted on finding themselves on foot. The torrents were 
crossed on narrow trembling bridges formed of trunks of trees, or by means 
of the aerial " taravitas."* Where they were fordable, the current was so 
strong that the infantry had to pass two by two with their arms thrown 
round each other's shoulders ; and woe to him who lost his footing — he lost 
his life too. Bolivar frequently passed and re-passed these torrents on horse- 
back, carrying behind him the sick and weakly, or the women who accom- 
panied his men. 

The temperature was moist and warm; life was supportable with the ah 
of a little firewood ; but as they ascended the mountain the scene chano-ed 
again. Immense rocks piled one upon another, and hills of snow, bounded 
the view on every side ; below lay the clouds, veiling the depths of the 
abyss ; an ice-cold wind cut through the stoutest clothing. At these heights 
no other noise is heard save that of the roaring torrents left behind, and the 

•Bridges made of several thongs of hide twisted into a stout rope well greased and secured to trees on opposite banks. On 
the rope Is suspended a cradle or hammock to huld two, and drawn backwards and forwards by long lines. Horses and mules were 
also thus conveyed, suspended by long girths round their bodies, 



scream of the condor circling round the snowy peaks above. Vegetation 
disappears ; only lichens are to be seen clinging to the rock, and a tall plant, 
bearing plumes instead of leaves, and crowned with yellow flowers, resembling 
a funeral torch. To make the scene more dreary yet, the path was marked 
out by crosses erected in memory of travellers who had perished by the 

On entering this glacial region the provisions gave out ; the cattle they 
had brought with them as their chief resource could go no farther. They 
reached the summit by the Paya pass, where a battalion could hold an army 
in check. It was held by an outpost of 300 men, who were dislodged by 
the vanguard under Santander without much difficulty. 

The Terror of Now the men began to murmur, and Bolivar called a 

the Moun- council of war, to which he showed that still greater difficul- 

tains ties lay before them, and asked if they would persevere or 

return. All were of opinion that they should go on, a decision which infused 

fresh spirit into the weary troops. 

In this passage more than one hundred men died of cold, fifty of whom 
were Englishmen ; no horse had survived. It was necessary to leave the 
spare arms, and even some of those that were carried by the soldiers. It 
was a mere skeleton of an army which reached the beautiful valley of Saga- 
:noso, in the heart of the province of Tunja, on the 6th of July, 1819 
From this point Bolivar sent back assistance to the stragglers left behind, 
collected horses, and detached parties to scour the country around and 
communicate with some few guerillas who still roamed about. 

Meanwhile, Barreiro was still in ignorance of Bolivar's arrival. Indeed, 
he had supposed the passage of the Cordillera at that season impossible. 
As soon, however, as he did learn of his enemy's proximity, he collected his 
forces and took possession of the heights above the plains of Vargas, thus 
interposing between the patriots and the town of Tunja, which, being at- 
tached to the independent cause, Bolivar was anxious to enter. The oppos- 
ing armies met on the 25th of July, and engaged in battle for five hours. 
The patriots won, chiefly through the English infantry, led by Colonel 
James Rooke, who was himself wounded and had an arm shot off. Still, 
the action had been indecisive, and the royalist power remained unbroken. 
Bolivar's Meth- Bolivar now deceived Barreiro by retreating in the daytime, 
ods of Fight- rapidly counter-marching, and passing the royalist army in the 
,ng dark through by-roads. On August 5th he captured Tunja, 

where he found an abundance of war material, and by holding which he cut 
Barreiro's communication with Bogota, the capital. It was in rapid movements 
like these that the strength of Bolivar's generalship lay. Freed from the 


shackles of military routine that enslaved the Spanish officers, he astonished 
them by forced marches over roads previously deemed impracticable to a 
regular army. While they were manoeuvring, hesitating, calculating, guard- 
ing the customary avenues of approach, he surprised them by concentrating 
a superior force upon a point where they least expected an attack, threw 
them into confusion, and cut up their troops in detail. Thus it happens 
that Bolivar's actions in the field do not lend themselves to the same im- 
pressive exposition as do those of less notable generals. 

Barreiro, finding himself shut out from Tunja, fell back upon Venta 
Quemada, where a general action took place. The country was mountain- 
ous and woody, and well suited to Bolivar's characteristic tactics. He placed 
a large part of his troops in ambush, got his cavalry in the enemy's rear, and 
presented only a small front. This the enemy attacked furiously, and with 
apparent success. It was only a stratagem, however, for as they drove back 
Bolivar's front, the troops in ambush sallied forth and attacked them in the 
flanks, while the cavalry attacked them in the rear. Thus were the Span- 
iards surrounded. General Barreiro was taken prisoner on the field of battle. 
On finding his capture to be inevitable, he threw away his sword that he 
might not have the mortification of surrenderin<r it to Bolivar. His second 
in command, Colonel Ximenes, was also taken, as were also almost all the 
commandants and majors of the corps, a multitude of inferior officers, and 
more than 1,600 men. All their arms, ammunition, artillery, horses, etc., 
likewise fell into the patriots' hands. Hardly fifty men escaped, and among 
these were some chiefs and officers of cavalry, who fled before 
the battle was decided. Those who escaped, however, had of u oyaca 
only the surrounding country to escape into, and there they were 
captured by the peasantry, who bound them and brought them in as prisoners, 
The patriot loss was incredibly small — only 13 killed and 53 wounded. 

At Boyaca the English auxiliaries were seen for the first time under fire, 
and so gratified was Bolivar with their behavior, that he made them all mem- 
bers of the Order of the Liberator. 

Thus was won Boyaca, which, after Maypu, is the great battle of South 
iVmerica. It gave the preponderance to the patriot arms in the north of the 
continent, as Maypu had done in the south. It gave N-ew Granada to the 
patriots, and isolated Morillo in Venezuela. 

Nothing now remained for Bolivar to do but to reach Bogota, the capi- 
tal, and assume the reins of government, for already the Spanish officials, 
much to the relief of the inhabitants, had fled. So, with a small escort, he 
rode forward, and entered the city on August 10th, amid the acclamations 
of the populace 


The final battle in this implacable war took place in 182 1 at Carabobo, 
where the Spaniards met with a total defeat, losing more than 
Peruvians 6,ooo men. This closed the struggle, the Spaniards withdrew, 
and a republic was organized with Bolivar as president. In 
1823 he aided the Peruvians in gaining their independence, and was de- 
clared their liberator and given supreme authority. For two years he ruled 
as dictator, and then resigned, giving the country a republican constitution. 
The people of the upper section of Peru organized a commonwealth of their 
own, which they named Bolivia, in honor of their liberator, while the con- 
gress of Lima elected him president for life. 

Meanwhile Chili had won its liberty in 181 7 as a result of the victory 
The Freeing of °^ Maypu, above mentioned, and Buenos Ayres had similarly 
the other fought for and rained independence. In North America a 

similar struggle for liberty had gone on, and with like result, 
Central America and Mexico winning their freedom after years of struggle 
and scenes of devastation and cruelty such as those above mentioned. At 
the opening of the nineteenth century Spain held a dominion of continental 
dimensions in America. At the close of the first quarter of the century, as 
a result of her med'ajval methods of administration, she had lost all her posses- 
sions on the western continent except the two islands of Cuba and Porto 
Rico, Yet, learning nothing from her losses, she pursued the same methods 
in these fragments of her dominions, and before the close of the century 
these also were torn from her hands. Cruelty and oppression had borne 
rheir legitimate fruits, and Spain, solely through her own fault, had lost the 
final relics of her magnificent colonial empire 

U II. 1. 1 \\I I' \\ ART I .I.AI 'S I i IN K 


I I \ 1 USRAELI \\ II. 1. 1 \.\l PI I 


1 1 

> a. 

a x 


















Great Britain as a World Empire. 

ON the western edge of the continent of Europe lies the island of 
Great Britain, in the remote past a part of the continent, but long 
ages ago cut off by the British Channel. Divorced from the mainland, 
left like a waif in the western sea, peopled by men with their own interests 
and aims, it might naturally be expected to have enough to attend to at 
home and to take no part in continental affairs. 

Such was the case originally. The island lay apart, almost unknown, 
and was, in a sense, "discovered" by the Roman conquerors. But new 
people came to it, the Anglo-Saxons, and subsequently the The Adventur . 
Normans, both of them scions of that stirring race of Vikings ous Disposi- 

who made the seas their own centuries ago and descended tion of the 

i 11 i i c £ u-l 4.U • British People 

in conquering inroads on all the shores or Europe, while their 

darings keels cut the waters of far-off Greenland and touched upon the 

American coast. This people — stirring, aggressive, fearless — made a new 

destiny for Great Britain. Their island shores were too narrow to hold 

them, and they set out on bold ventures in all seas. Their situation was a 

happy one for a nation of daring navigators and aggressive warriors. 

Europe lay to the east, the world to the west. As a result the British 

islands have played a leading part alike in the affairs of Europe and of the 


France, the next door neighbor of Great Britain, was long its prey. 
While, after the memorable invasion of William of Normandy, France never 
succeeded in transporting an army to the island shores, and Hosti iit y of 
even Napoleon failed utterly in his stupendous expedition, England to 
the islanders sent army after army to France, defeated its 
chivalry on many a hard-fought field, ravaged its most fertile domains, and 
for a time held it as a vassal realm of the British King. 

All this is matter of far-past history. But the old feeling was promi- 
nently shown again in the Napoleonic wars, when Great Britain resumed 
her attitude of enmity to France, and pursued the conqueror with an 
unrelenting hostility that finally ended in his overthrow. Only for this 
aggressive island Europe might have remained the bound slave of Napo- 



leon's whims. He could conquer his enemies on land, but the people of 
England lay beyond his reach. Every fleet he sent to sea was annihilated 
by his island foes. They held the empire of the waters as he did that of 
the land. Enraged against these ocean hornets, he sought to repeat the 
enterprise of William of Normany, but if his mighty Boulogne expedition 
had put to sea it would probably have met the fate of the Armada of Spain. 
Great Britain was impregnable. The conqueror of Europe chafed against 
its assaults in vain. This little island of the west was destined to be the 
main agent in overthrowing the great empire, that his military genius had built. 
The Vast in. Great Britain, small as it was, had grown, by the open- 

dustries of ing of the nineteenth century, to be the leading power in 
Great Britain p; ur0 p ( , Its industries, its commerce, its enterprise had ex- 
panded enormously. It had become the great workshop and the chief 
distributor of the world. The raw material of the nations flowed through 
its ports, the finished products of mankind poured from its looms. London 
became the great money centre of the world, and the industrious and enter- 
prising islanders grew enormously rich, while few steps of progress and 
enterprise showed themselves in any of the nations of the continent. 

It was with its money-bags that England fought against the conqueror. 
It could not conveniently send men, but it could send money and supplies 
to the warring nations, and by its influence and aid it formed coalition after 
coalition against Napoleon, each harder to overthrow than the last. Every 
peace that the Corsican won by his victories was overthrown by England's 
influence. Her envoys haunted every court, whispering hostility in the 

ears of monarchs, planning", intriguing instigating, threaten- 
How England . l & ' . & . ' . & & 

Fought mg, in a thousand ways working against his plans, and unre- 

Against Na- lentingly bent upon his overthrow. It was fitting, then, that 
an English general should give Napoleon the coup de grace, 
and that he should die a prisoner in English hands. 

Chief among those to whom Napoleon owes his overthrow was William 
Pitt, prime minister of England during the first period of his career of con- 
quest, and his unrelenting enemy. It was Pitt that organized Europe 
against him, that kept the British fleet alert and expended the British 
revenues without stint against this disturber of the peace of the nations, 
and that formed the policy which Great Britain, after the short interval 
of the ministry of Fox, continued to pursue until his final defeat was 

Whether this policy was a wise one is open to question. It may be 
that Great Britain caused more harm than it cured. Only for its persistant 
hostility the rapid succession of Napoleonic wars might not have taken place, 


and much of the terrible bloodshed and misery caused by them might have 
been obviated. It seems to have been, in its way, disastrous was England's 
to the interests of mankind. Napoleon, it is true, had no Policy a Wise 
regard for the stability of dynasties and kingdoms, but he e 

wrought for the overthrow of the old-time tyranny, and his marches and 
campaigns had the effect of stirring up the dormant peoples of Europe, and 
spreading far and wide that doctrine of human equality and the rights of 
man which was the outcome of the French Revolution. Had he beer 
permitted to die in peace upon the throne and transmit his crown to his 
descendant, the long era of reaction would doubtless have been avoided 
and the people of Europe have become the freer and happier as a result of 
Napoleon's work. 

The people of Great Britain had no reason to thank their ministers for 
their policy. The cost of the war, fought largely with the purse, had been 
enormous, and the public debt of the kingdom was so greatly increased 
that its annual interest amounted to $150,000,000. But the country 
emerged from the mighty struggle with a vast growth in power and pres- 
tige. It was recognized as the true leader in the great contest and had 
lifted itself to the foremost position in European politics. The Prestige 
On land it had waged the only successful campaign against Gained by 
Napoleon previous to that of the disastrous Russian expedi- Great Britain 
tion. At sea it had destroyed all opposing fleets, and reigned the unques- 
tioned mistress of the ocean except in American waters, where alone its 
proud ships had met defeat. 

The islands of Great Britain and Ireland had ceased to represent the 
dominions under the rule of the British king. In the West Indies new 
islands had been added to his colonial possessions. In the East Indies he 
had become master of an imperial domain far surpassing the mother 
country in size and population, and with untold possibilities of wealth. In 
North America the great colony of Canada was growing in population 
and prosperity. Island after island was being added to his possessions in 
the Eastern seas. Among these was the continental island of Australia 
then in its early stage of colonization. The possession of Q reat Extension 
Gibraltar and Malta, the protectorate over the Ionian Islands, ot England's 
and the right of free navigation on the Dardanells gave Great Co,onie * 
Britain the controlling power in the Mediterranean! And Cape Colony, 
which she received as a result of the Treaty of Vienna, was the entering 
wedge for a great dominion in South Africa. 

Thus Great Britain had attained the position and dimensions of a 


world-empire. Her colonies lay in all continents and spread through all 
The Wars of seas, and they were to grow during the century until they 
the World- enormously excelled the home country in dimensions, popu- 
Empire lation, and natural wealth. The British Islands were merely 

the heart, the vital centre of the great system, while the body and limbs 
lay afar, in Canada, India, South Africa, Australia and elsewhere. 

But the world-empire of Great Britain was not alone one of peaceful, 
trade and rapid accumulation of wealth, but of wars spread through all the 
continents, war becoming a permanent feature of its history in the nine- 
teenth century. After the Napoleonic period England waged only one 
war in Europe, the Crimean ; but elsewhere her troops were almost con- 
stantly engaged. Now they were fighting with the Boers and the Zulus 
of South Africa, now with the Arabs on the Nile, now with the wild tribes 
of the Himalayas, now with the natives of New Zealand, now with the 
half savage Abyssinians. Hardly a year has passed without a fight of some 
sort, far from the centre of this vast dominion, while for years England 
and Russia have stood face to face on the northern borders of India, 
threatening at any moment to become involved in a terrible struggle for 

And the standing of Great Britain as a world power lay not alone in 
her vast colonial dominion and her earth-wide wars, but also in the extra- 
ordinary enterprise that carried her ships to all seas, and made her the 
commercial emporium of the world. Not only to her own colonies, but to 
all lands, sailed her enormous fleet cf merchantmen, gathering the products 
of the earth, to be consumed at home or distributed again to the nations of 
Europe and America. She had assumed the position of the purveyor and 
carrier for mankind. 

This was not all. Great Britain was in a large measure, the producer 
for mankind. Manufacturing enterprise and industry had grown im- 
mensely on her soil, and countless factories, forges and other workshops 
turned out finished goods with a speed and profusion undreamed of before. 
The preceding century had been one of active invention, its vital product 
ibeinsr the steam engine, that wonder-worker which at a touch was to over- 
turn the old individual labor system of the world, and replace it with the 
congregate, factory system that has revolutionized the industries of man- 
kind. The steam engine stimulated invention extraordinarily. Machines for 
Manufacturing spinning, weaving, iron-making, and a thousand other pur- 
and Inventive poses came rapidly into use, and by their aid one of the greatest 
Activity steps of progress in the history of mankind took place, the 

grand nineteenth century revolution in methods of production. 


Great Britain did not content herself with going abroad for the ma- 
terials of her active industries. She dug her way into the bowels of the 
earth, tore from the rock its treasures of coal and iron, and thus obtained 
the necessary fuel for her furnaces and metal for her machines. The whole 
island resounded with the ringing of hammers and rattle of wheels, goods were 
produced very far beyond the capacity of the island for their consump- 
tion, and the vast surplus was sent abroad to all quarters of the earth, to 
;clothe savages in far-off regions and to furnish articles of use and luxury 
to the most enlightened of the nations. To the ship as a carrier was soon 
added the locomotive and its cars, conveying these products 

inland with unprecedented speed from a thousand ports. And Co " 1 " 1ercI - al 
• 11 1 • Enterprise 

from America came the parallel discovery of the steamship, 

signalling the close of the long centuries of dominion of the sail. Years 
went on and still the power and prestige of Great Britain grew, still its 
industry and commerce spread and expanded, still its colonies increased in 
population and new lands were added to the sum, until the island-empire 
stood foremost in industry and enterprise among the nations of the world, 
and its people reached the summit of their prosperity. From this lofty 
elevation was to come, in the later years of the century, a slow but inevi- 
table decline, as the United States and the leading European nations 
developed in industry, and rivals to the productive and commercial supre- 
macy of the British islanders began to arise in various quarters of the earth. 
It cannot be said that the industrial prosperity of Great Britain, while 
of advantage to her people as a whole, was necessarily so to individuals. 
While one portion of the nation amassed enormous wealth, the bulk of the 
people sank into the deepest poverty. The factory system brought with it 
oppression and misery which it would need a century of indus- 
trial revolt to overcome. The costly wars, the crushing taxa- Effect on the 
tion, the oppressive corn-laws, which forbade the importation People of the 

of foreign corn, the extravagant expenses of the court and 

o i tions 

salaries of officials, all conspired to depress the people. Manu- 
lacturies fell into the hands of the few, and a vast number of artisans were 
forced to live from hand to mouth, and to labor for long hours on pinching 
wages. Estates were similarly accumulated in the hands of the few, and 
the small land-owner and trader tended to disappear. Everything was 
taxed to the utmost it would bear, while government remained blind to 
the needs and sufferings of the people and made no effort to decrease the 
prevailing misery. 

Thus it came about that the era of Great Britain's greatest prosperity 
and supremacy as a world-power was the one of greatest industrial oppres- 


'Mori and misery at hoine, a period marked by rebellious uprisings among 
the people, to be repressed with cruel and bloody severity. It was a 
period of industrial transition, in which the government flourished and the 
people suffered, and in which the seeds of revolt and revolution were 
widely spread on every hand. 

This state of affairs cannot be said to have ended. In truth the pre- 
sent condition of affairs is one that tends to its aggravation. Neither the 
manufacturing nor commercial supremacy of Great Britain are what they once 
were. In Europe, Germany has come into the field as a formidable com- 
petitor, and is gaining a good development in manufacturing industry. The 
same must be said of the United States, the products of whose workshops 
have increased to an enormous extent., and whose commerce promises to 
surpass that of any other nation on the earth. The laboring population of 
Great Britian has severely fell; the effects of this active rivalry, and is but 
slowly adapting itself to the new conditions which it has brought about, the 
slow but sure revolution in the status of the world's industries. 


The Great Reform Bill and the Corn Laws. 

AT the close of the last chapter we depicted the miseries of the people 
of Great Britain, due to the revolution in the system of industry, 
the vast expenses of the Napoleonic wars, the extravagance of the 
eovernment, and the blindness of Parliament to the condition of the 
working classes. The situation had grown intolerable ; and it was widely felt 
that something must be done ; if affairs were allowed to go on as they were 
the people might rise in a revolt that would widen into revolution. A 
general outbreak seemed at hand. To use the language of 4 Period of 
the times, the " Red Cock" was crowing in the rural districts. Riot and 
That is, incendiary fires were being kindled in a hundred umu 
places. In the centres of manufacture similar signs of discontent ap- 
peared. Tumultuous meetings were held, riots broke out, bloody collisions 
with the troops took place. Daily and hourly the situation was growing 
more critical. The people were in that state of exasperation that is the 
preliminary stage of insurrection. 

Two things they strongly demanded, reform in Parliament and repeal 
of the Corn Laws. It is with these two questions, reform and repeal, that 
we propose to deal in this chapter. 

The British Parliament, it is scarcely necessary to say, is composed of 
two bodies, the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The former 
represents the aristocratic element of the nation ; — in short, it The p ar i; ament 
represents simply its members, since they hold their seats as of Great 
a privilege of their titles, and have only their own inter- " ain 
ests to consider, though the interests of their class eo with their own. 
The latter is supposed to represent the people, but up to the time with 
which we are now concerned it had never fully done so, and did so now 
less than ever, since the right to vote for its members was reserved to a 
few thousands of the rich. 

In the year 1830, indeed, the House of Commons had almost ceased to 
represent the people at all. Its seats were distributed in accordance with 
a system that had scarcely changed in the least for two hundred years. 



The idea of distributing- the members in accordance with the population 
was scarcely thought of, and a state of affairs had arisen which was as 
absurd as it was unjust, For during these two hundred years great changes 
Two Centu= na d taken place in England. What were mere villages or 
riesof open plains had become flourishing commercial or manufactur- 

ing cities. Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield, Liverpool, and 
other centres of industry had become seats of great and busy populations. 
On the other hand, flourishing towns had decayed, ancient boroughs had 
become practically extinct. Thus there had been great changes in the dis- 
tribution of population, but the distribution of seats in Parliament remained 
the same. 

As a result of this state of affairs the great industrial towns, Manches- 
ter, Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds, and others, with their hundreds of thou- 
sands of people, did not send a single member to Parliament, while places 
with only a handful of voters were duly represented, and even places with 

,„. c .no voters at all sent members to Parliament. Land-holdiny 

Disfranchised *> 

-Cities and lords nominated and elected those, generally selecting the 

Rotten Bo- younger sons of noble families, and thus a large number of 
roughs , r , . „ ., . 

the " representatives of the people really represented no one 

but the gentry to whom they owed their places. " Rotten " boroughs these 

were justly called, but they were retained by the stolid conservatism with 

which the genuine Briton clings to things and conditions of the past. 

The peculiar state of affairs was picturesquely pointed out by Lord 
John Russell in a speech in 1831. "A stranger," he said, "who was told 
that this country is unparalleled in wealth and industry, and more civilized 
and enlightened than any country was before it — that it is a country which 
prides itself upon its freedom, and which once in seven years elects repre- 
sentatives from its population to act as the guardians and preservers of that 
freedom — would be anxious and curious to see how that representation is 
formed, and how the people choose their representatives. 

"Such a person would be very much astonished if he were taken to a 

ruined mound and told that that mound sent two representatives to Parlia- 

„. ,, ment ; if he were taken to a stone wall and told that these 

rented by niches in it sent two representatives to Parliament ; if he were 

Lord John taken to a park, where no houses were to be seen' and told 
Russell 111 • of r> . 

that that park sent two representatives to Parliament, but 

he would be still more astonished if he were to see large and opulent towns, 
full of enterprise and industry and intelligence, containing vast magazines 
of every species of manufacture, and were then told that these towns sent 
no representatives to Parliament 


T. HAI.I. i AIM-: 

A CON AN I" )\ I I 





J \MES II- N i I 




"Such a person would be still more astonished if he were taken to 
Liverpool, where there is a large constituency, and told, ' Here you will 
have a fine specimen of a popular election.' He would see bribery 
employed to the greatest extent and in the most unblushing manner ; he 
would see every voter receiving a number of guineas in a bag as the price 
of his corruption ; and after such a spectacle he would be, no doubt, much 
astonished that a nation whose representatives are thus chosen, could per 
form the functions of legislation at all, or enjoy respect in any degree." 

Such was the state of affairs when there came to England the news of 

the quiet but effective French Revolution of 1S30. Its effect in England 

was a stern demand for the reform of this mockery miscalled House of 

Commons, of this lie that claimed to represent the English people. We 

have not told the whole story of the transparent falsehood. Two years 

before no man could be a member of Parliament who did not belong to the 

Church of England. No Dissenter could hold any public office in the 

kingdom. The multitudes of Methodists, Presbyterians, Baptists, and 

other dissenting sects were excluded from any share in the _,. 

' Dissenters anC 

government. The same was the case with the Catholics, Catholics 
few in England, but forming the bulk of the population of Admitted to 
Ireland. This evil, so far as all but the Catholics were con- 
cerned, was removed by Act of Parliament in 1828. The struggle for 
Catholic liberation was conducted in Ireland by Daniel O'Connell, the most 
eloquent and patriotic of its orators. He was sneered at by Lord Welling- 
ton, then prime minister of Great Britain. But when it was seen that all 
Ireland was backing her orator the Iron Duke gave way, and a Catholic 
Relief Bill was passed in 1829, giving Catholics the right to hold all but the 
highest offices of the realm. In 1830, instigated by the revolution in 
France, the great fight for the reform of Parliamentary representation begaa. 

The question was not a new one. It had been raised by Cromwell, 
nearly two hundred years before. It had been brought forward a number 
of times during the eighteenth century. It was revived in 1809 and again 
in 1821, but public opinion did not come strongly to its support until 1830 
George IV., its strong opponent, died in that year; William IV., a kin^ 
more in its favor, came to the throne ; the government of the bitterly con- 
servative Duke of Wellington was defeated and Earl Grey, a Liberal 
minister, took his place ; the time was evidently ripe for reform, and soon 
the great fight was on. 

The people of England looked upon the reform of Parliament as a 
restoring to them of their lost liberties, and their feelings were deeply 
enlisted in the event. When, on the 1st of March, 183 1, the bill was 


brought into the House of Commons, the public interest was intense. For 

hours eager crowds waited in the streets, and when the doors of the 

Parliament house were opened every inch of room in the 

introduced galleries was quickly filled, while for hundreds of others no 
room was to be had. 
The debate opened with the speech by Lord John Russell from which 
we have quoted. In the bill offered by him he proposed to disfranchise 
entirely sixty-two of the rotten boroughs, each of which had less than 2,000 
inhabitants; to reduce forty-seven others, with less than 4,000 inhabitants, 
to one member each; and to distribute the 16S members thus unseated 
among the populous towns, districts, and counties which either had no 
members at all, or a number out of all proportion to their population. 
Also the suffrage was to be extended, the hours for voting shortened, and 
other reforms adopted. 

The bill was debated, pro and con, with all the eloquence then in Par- 
liament. Vigorously as it was presented, the opposing elements were too 
strong, and its consideration ended in defeat by a majority of eight. Par- 
The Fate ot liament was immediately dissolved by the premier, and an 

Reform en appeal was made to the people. The result showed the 

Parliament strength of the public sentiment, limited as the suffrage then 
was. The new Parliament contained a large majority of reformers, and 
when the bill was again presented it was carried by a majority of 106. On 
the evening of its passage it was taken by Pari Grey into the House of 
Lords, where it was eloquently presented by the prime minister and bitterly 
attacked 1)}- Lord Brougham, who declared that it would utterly over- 
whelm the aristocratic part of the House. His view was that of his 
fellows, and the Reform Bill was thrown out by a majority of forty-one. 

Instantly, on the news of this action of the Lords, the whole country 
blazed into a state of excitement and disorder only surpassed by that of 
civil war. The people were bitterly in earnest in their demand for reform, 
fingland on the tne ' r feelings being wrought up to an intense pitch of excite- 

Verge of merit. Riots broke out in all sections of the country. 

London seethed with excitement. The peers were mobbed 
in the streets and hustled and assaulted wherever seen. They made their 
way to the House only through a throng howling for reform. Those 
known to have voted against the bill were in peril of their lives, some being 
forced to fly over housetops to escape the fury of the people. Angry 
debates arose in the House of Lords in which even the Bishops took an 
excited part. The Commons was like a bear-pit, a mass of furiously 


wrangling opponents. England was shaken to the centre by the defeat of 
the bill, and Parliament reflected the sentiment of the people. 

On December 12th, Russell presented a third Reform Bill to the 
House, almost the same in its provisions as those which had been defeated 
The debate now was brief, and the result certain. It was felt to be no longer 
safe to juggle with the people. On the iSth the bill was passed, with a 
greatly increased majority, now amounting to 162. To the Lords again it 
went, where the Tories, led by Lord Wellington, were in a decided, majority 
against it. It had no chance of passage, unless the king would create 
enough new peers to outvote the opposition. This King William refused to 
do, and Earl Grey resigned the ministry, leaving the Tories to bear the brunt 
of the situation they had produced. 

The result was one barely short of civil war. The people rose in fury 
determined upon reform or revolution. Organized unions How the Re- 
sprang up in every town. Threats of marching an army form Bill 
upon London were made. Lord Wellington was mobbed in 
the streets and was in peril of his life. The maddened populace went so 
far as to curse and stone the king himself, one stone striking him in the 
forehead. The country was indeed on the verge of insurrection against 
the government, and unless quick action was taken it was impossible to 
foresee the result. 

William IV., perhaps with the recent experience of Charles X. of 
France before his eyes, gave way, and promised to create enough new 
peers to insure the passing of the bill. To escape this unwelcome necessity 
Wellington and others of the Tories agreed to stay away from Parliament, 
and the Lords, pocketing their dignity as best they could, passed the bill 
by a safe majority, and reform was attained. Similar bills were passed for 
Scotland and Ireland, and thus was achieved the greatest measure of reform 
in the history of the British Parliament. It was essentially a revolution, 
the first great step in the evolution of a truly representative assembly in 
Great Britain. 

The second great step was taken in 1867, in response to a popular 
demonstration almost as great and threatening as that of 1S30. The Tories 
themselves, under their leader Mr. Disraeli, were obliged to bring in this 
bill, which extended the suffrage to millions of the people, The Extension 
and made it almost universal among; the commercial and oftheSuf. 
industrial classes. Nearly twenty years later, in 1884, a new ge 

crusade was made in favor of the extension of the suffrage to agricultural 
laborers, previously disfranchised. The accomplishment of this reform 
ended the great struggle, and for the first time in their history the peopie 


of Great Britain were adequately represented in their Parliament, which 
had ceased to be the instrument of a class and at last stood for the whole 

The question of Parliamentary reform settled, a second great question, 
that of the Corn Laws, rose up prominently before the people. It was one 
that appealed more immediately to them than that of representation. The 
benefits to come from the latter were distant and problematical ; those tc 
come from a repeal of the Corn Laws were evident and immediate. Every 
poor man and woman felt each day of his life the crushing effect of these 
laws, which bore upon the food on their tables, making still more scarce 
and high-priced their scanty means of existence. 

For centuries commerce in grain had been a subject of legislation. In 

1361 its exportation from England was forbidden, and in 1463 its 

importation was prohibited unless the price of wheat was 

e " orn greater than 6s. 3d. per quarter. As time went on changes 

were made in these laws, but the tariff charges kept up the 

price of grain until late in the nineteenth century, and added greatly to 

the miseries of the working classes. 

The farming land of England was not held by the common people, but by 
the aristocracy, who fought bitterly against the repeal of the Corn Laws, which, 
by laying a large duty on grain, added materially to their profits. But 
while the aristocrats were benefited, the workers suffered, the price of the 
loaf being decidedly raised and their scanty fare correspondingly dim- 

More than once they rose in riot against these laws, and occasional 
changes were made in them, but many years passed after the era of parlia- 
mentary reform before public opinion prevailed in this second field of 
Cobden and the effort. Richard Cobden, one of the greatest of England's 
Anti-Corn orators, was the apostle of the crusade against these misery- 

Law Crusade p roc }ucing laws. He advocated their repeal with a power 
and influence that in time grew irresistible. He was not affiliated with 
either of the great parties, but stood apart as an independent Radical, a 
man with a party of his own, and that party, Free Trade. For the crusade 
against the Corn Laws widened into one against the whole principle of 
protection. Backed by the public demand for cheap food, the movement 
went on, until in 1S46 Cobden brought over to his side the government 
forces under Sir Robert Peel, by whose aid the Corn Laws were swept 
away and the ports of England thrown open to the free entrance of food 
from any part of the world. The result was a serious one to English agri- 
culture, but it was of great benefit to the English people in their status as 


the greatest of manufacturing and commercial nations. Supplying the 
world with goods, as they did, it was but just that the world should supply 
them with food. With the repeal of the duties on grain Great Britain 
the whole system of protection was dropped and in its place Adopts Free 
was adopted that system of free trade in which Great Britain rt 
stands alone among the nations of the world. It was a system especially 
adapted to a nation whose market was the world at lar^e, and under it 
British commerce spread and flourished until it became one of the wonders 
of the world. 

Turkey, the "Sick Man' 1 of Europe. 

MONG the most interesting phases of nineteenth-century history 

is that of the conflict between Russia and Turkey, a straggle for 

dominion that came down from the preceding centuries, and still 

seems only temporarily laid aside for final settlement in the years to come. 

In the eighteenth century the Turks proved quite able to hold their own 

against all the power of Russia and all the armies of Catharine the Great, 

and they entered the nineteenth century with their ancient do- 
The "Sick Man" ..... r . . ..... , 

of Europe minion large!)' intact, but they were declining in strength 

while Russia was growing, and long before 1900 the empire 
of the Sultan would have become the prey of the Czar had not the other powers 
of Europe come to the rescue-. The Czar Nicholas designated the Sultanas 
"the sick man " of Europe, and such he and his empire have truly become. 

The ambitious designs of Russia found abundant warrant in the cruel 
treatment of the Christian people of Turkey. A number of Christian king- 
doms lay under the Sultan's rule, in the south inhabited by Greeks, in the 
north by Slavs ; their people treated always with harshness and tyranny ; 
their every attempt at revolt repressed with savage cruelty. We have seen 
how the Greeks rebelled against their oppressors in 182 1, and, with the aid 
The Result of °^ Europe, won their freedom in 1S29. Stirred by this strug- 
theWarof gle, Russia declared war against Turkey in 1S2S, and in the 
1 29 treaty of peace signed at Adrianople in 1829 secured not only 

the independence of Greece, but a large degree of home-rule for the north- 
ern principalities of Servia, Moldavia, and Wallachia. Turkey was forced 
in a measure to loosen her grip on Christian Europe. But the Russians 
were not satisfied with this. They had got next to nothing- for themselves. 
England and the other Western powers, fearful of seeing Russia in posses- 
sion of Constantinople, had forced her to release the fruits of her victory. 
It was the first step in that jealous watchfulness of England over Constanti- 
nople which was to have a more decided outcome in later years. The new- 
born idea of maintaining the balance of power in Europe stood in Russia's 
way, the nations of the West viewing in alarm the threatening growth of 
the great Muscovite Empire. 


The ambitious Czar Nicholas looked upon Turkey as his destined prey, 
and waited with impatience a sufficient excuse to send his armies again to 
the Balkan Peninsula, whose mountain barrier formed the great natural bul- 
wark of Turkey in the north. Though the Turkish government at this 
time avoided direct oppression of its Christian subjects, the fanatical Mo- 
hammedans were difficult to restrain, and the robl >ery and oppression of 
murder of Christians was of common occurrence. A source the Christian:; 
of hostility at length arose from the question of protecting 
diese ill-treated peoples. By favor of old treaties the czar claimed a certain 
right to protect the Christians of the Greek faith. France assumed a 
lar protectorate over the Roman Catholics of Palestine, but the greater 
number of Greek Christians in the Holy Land, and the powerful support of 
the czar, gave those the advantage in the frequent quarrels which arose in 
Jerusalem between the pilgrims from the East and the West. 

Nicholas, instigated by his advantage in this quarter, determined to de 
clare himself the protector of all the Christians in the Turkish Empire, a 
claim which the sultan dared not admit if he wished to hold The Balance ot 
control over his Mohammedan subjects. War was in the Power in 
air, and England and France, resolute to preserve the uro P« 

balance of power" sent their fleets to the Dardanelles as useful 

The sultan had already rejected the Russian demand, and Nicholas lost 
no time in sending an army, led by Prince Gortchakoff, with orders to cross 
the Pruth and take possession of the Turkish provinces on the Danube 
The gauntlet had been thrown down. War was inevitable. The English 
newspapers demanded of their government a vigorous policy. The old 
Turkish party in Constantinople was equally urgent in its demand for hos- 
tilities. At length, on October 4, 1853, the sultan declared The5u!tanDe . 
war against Russia unless the Danubian principalities were at clarea War 

once evacuated. Instead of doino- so, Nicholas ordered his Aga-.nst 
1 • , , ™ ,, . - 1 1 1 1 Russia 

generals to invade the Balkan territory, and on the other hand 

France and England entered into alliance with the Porte and sent then 

.fleets to the Bosporus. Shortly afterwards the Russian Admiral Nachi 

moff surprised a Turkish squadron in the harbor of Sinope, attacked it, 

and — though the Turks fought with the greatest courage — the fleet was 

destroyed and nearly the whole of its crews were slain 

This turned the tide in Eneland and France, which declared war in 

March, 1854, while Prussia and Austria maintained a waiting attitude. No 

event of special importance took place early in the war. In April Lord 

P.aglan, wit'' 1 English armv ^ c 20.000 men landed in T-?rkev an^ th* 


siege of the Russian city of Odessa was begun. Meanwhile the Russians 
who had crossed the Danube, found it advisable to retreat and withdraw 
~ . . across the Pruth, on a threat of hostilities from Austria and 

England and # ' 

France Come Prussia unless the principalities were evacuated. 

to the Aid of The FYench had met with heavy losses in an advance 

from Varna, and the British fleet had made an expedition 
against St. Petersburg, but had been checked before the powerful fortress 
of Cronstadt. Such was the state of affairs in the summer of 1854, when 
the allies determined to carry the war into the enemy's territory, attack the 
maritime city of Sebastopol in the Crimea, and seek to destroy the Russian 
naval power in the Black Sea. 

Of the allied armies 15,000 men had already perished. With the 
remaining forces, rather more than 50,000 British and French and 6,000 
Turks, the fleet set sail in September across the Black Sea, and landed near 
Eupatoria on the west coast of the Crimean peninsula, on the 4th of Sep- 
tember, 1854. Southwards of Eupatoria the sea forms a bay, 
The War in the . . . , , . r , , , r , , . 

Crimea lllto which, near the rums of the old town of Inkermann, the 

little river Tschernaja pours itself. On its southern side 
lies the fortified town of Sebastopol, on its northern side strong fortifica- 
tions were raised for the defence of the fleet of war which lay at anchor in 
the bay. Farther north the western mountain range is intersected by the 
river Alma, over which Prince Menzikoff, governor of the Crimea, garrisoned 
the heights with an army of 30,000 men. Against the latter the allies first 
directed their attack, and, in spite of the strong position of the Russians 
on the rocky slopes, Menzikoff was compelled to retreat, owing his escape 
from entire destruction only to the want of cavalry in the army of the allies. 
This dearly bought and bloody battle on the Alma gave rise to hopes of a 

!y termination of the campaign ; but the allies, weakened and wearied 
by the fearful struggle, delayed a further attack, and Menzikoff gained time 
to strengthen his garrison, and to surround Sebastopol with strong fortifica- 
tions. When the allies approached the town they were soon convinced that 
any attack on such formidable defences would be fruitless, and that they 
must await the arrival of fresh reinforcements and ammunition. The Eng 
lish took up their position on the Bay of Balaklava, and the French to the 
west, on the Kamiesch. 

There now commenced a sier>e such as has seldom occurred in the 
history of the world. The first attempt to storm by a united attack of the 
land army and the fleet showed the resistance to be much more formidable 
than had been expected by the allies. Eight days later the English were 

sition nea ' ' by General Liprandi. 





















B 7. 

















2 o 

c E 

u a 


The battle of Balaklava was decided in favor of the allies, and on the 5th 

of November, when Menzikoff had obtained fresh reinforce- 

1 1 t t 1 <• 1 j The Battle of 

ments, the murderous battle 01 inkermann was lought under Balaklava 

the eyes of the two Grand Princes Nicholas and Michael, and 

after a mighty struggle was won by the allied armies. Fighting in the 

ranks were two other princely personages, the Duke of Cambridge and 

Prince Napoleon, son of Jerome, former King of Westphalia. 

Of the engagements here named there is only one to which special 
attention need be directed, the battle of Balaklava, in which occurred that 
mad but heroic " Charge of the Ligfht Brigade," which has become famous 
in song and story. The purpose of this conflict on the part of the Rus- 
sians was to cut the line of communication of the allies, by capturing the 
redoubts that guarded them, and thus to enforce a retreat by depriving the 
enemy of supplies. 

The day began with a defeat of the Turks and the capture by the 
Russians of several of the redoubts. Then a great body of The Hi?hiand- 
Russian cavalry, 3,000 strong, charged upon the 93d High- ers' "Thin, 
landers, who were drawn up in line to receive them. There 
was comparatively but a handful of these gallant Scotchmen, 550 all told, 
but they have made themselves famous in history as the invincible " thin, 
red line." 

Sir Colin Campbell, their noble leader, said to them : " Remember, 
lads, there is no retreat from here. You must die where you stand." 

"Ay, ay, Sir Colin," shouted the sturdy Highlanders, "we will do 
just that." 

They did not need to. The murderous fire from their " thin, red line " 
was more than the Russians cared to endure, and they were driven back in 

The British cavalry completed the work of the infantry. On the 
serried mass of Russian horsemen charged Scarlett's Heavy Brigade, vastly 
inferior to them in number, but inspired with a spirit and courage that 
carried its bold horsemen through the Russian columns with such resistless 
energy that the great body of Muscovite cavalry broke and fled — 3,000 
completely routed by 800 gallant dragoons. 

And now came the unfortunate but world-famous event of the day. 
It was due to a mistaken order. Lord Raglan, thinking that the Russians 
intended to carry oft" the guns captured in the Turkish redoubts, sent an 
order to the brigade of light cavalry to " advance rapidly to the front and 
prevent the enemy from carrying off the guns." 


Lord Lucan, to whom the command was brought, did not understand 
Captain Nolan '*■ Apparently, Captain Nolan, who conveyed the order, did 
and the Order not clearly explain its purport. 

" Lord Raglan orders that the cavalry shall attack im- 
mediately," he said, impatient at Lucan's hesitation. 

" Attack, sir ; attack what ?" asked Lucan. 

"There, my lord, is your enemy; there are your guns," said Nolan, 
with a wave of his hand towards the hostile lines. 

The guns he appeared to indicate were those of a Russian battery at 
the end of the valley, to attack which by an unsupported cavalry charge 
was sheer madness. Lucan rode to Lord Cardigan, in command of the 
airy, and repeated the order. 

" But there is a battery in front of us and guns and riflemen on either 
flank," said Cardigan. 

" I know it," answered Lucan. " But Lord Raglan will have it. We 
li3vc no choice but to obey." 

" The brigade will advance," said Cardigan, without further hesitation. 

In a moment more the "gallant six hundred " were in motion — going in 
the wrong direction, as Captain Nolan is thought to have percieved. At 
all events he spurred his horse across the front of the brigade, waving his 
sword as if with the intention to set them right. But no one understood 
him, and at that instant a fragment of shell struck him and hurled him dead 
to the earth. There was no further hope of stopping the mad charge. 

On and on went the devoted Light Brigade, their pace increasing at 
every stride, headed straight for the Russian battery half a league away. 
The Charge ^ s they went fire was opened on them from the guns in flank. 

of the Light Soon they came within range of the guns in front, which 
Brigade a j SQ p ene( j a ra fci n g fire. They were enveloped in " a zone 

of fire, and the air was filled with the rush of shot, the bursting of shells, 
and the moan of bullets, while amidst the infernal din the work of death 
went on, and men and horses were incessantly dashed to the ground." 

But no thought of retreat seems to have entered the minds of those 
brave dragoons and their gallant leader. Their pace increased ; the} 
reachedthe battery and dashed in among the guns ; the gunners were cut 
down as they served their pieces. Masses of Russian cavalry standing near 
were charged ami forced back. The men fought madly in the face of death 
until the word came to retreat. 

Then, emerging from the smoke of the battle, a feeble remnant of the 
" gallant six hundred" appeared upon the plain, comprising one or two large 
groups, though the most of them were in scattered parties of two or three. 


One group of about seventy men cut their way through three squadrons of 
Russian lancers. Another party of equal strength broke through a second 
intercepting force. Out of some 647 men in all, 247 were killed and wounded, 
and nearly all the horses were slain. Lord Cardigan, the first The Sad End 
to enter the battery, was one of those who came back alive. of a Deed 
The whole affair had occupied no more than twenty minutes. ° ory 
But it was a twenty minutes of which the British nation has ever since been 
proud, and which Tennyson has made famous by one of the most spirit- 
stirring of his odes. The French General Bosquet fairly characterized 
it by his often quoted remark : "C'est magnifique, mais ce n'est pas la 
guerre." (It is magnificent, but it is not war.) 

These battles in the field brought no changes in the state of affairs. 
The siege of Sebastopol went on through the winter of 1854-55, during 
which the allied army suffered the utmost misery and privation, partly the 
effect of climate, largely the result of fraud and incompetency at home. 
Sisters of Mercy and self-sacrificing English ladies — chief among them the 
noble Florence Nightingale — strove to assuage the sufferings brought on 
the soldiers by cold, hunger, and disease, but these enemies proved more 
fatal than the sword. 

In the year 1S55 tne war was carried on with increased energy. Sardi- 
nia joined the allies and sent them an army of 15,000 men. Austria broke with 
Russia and began preparations for war. And in March the obstinate czar 
Nicholas died and his milder son Alexander took his place. Peace was de- 
manded in Russia, yet 25,000 of her sons had fallen and the honor of the 
nation seemed involved. The war went on, both sides increasing their 
forces. Month by month the allies more closely invested the besieged city. 
After the middle of August the assault became almost incessant, cannon 
balls dropping like an unceasing storm of hail in forts and streets. 

On the 5th of September began a terrific bombardment, continuing 
day and night for three days, and sweeping down more than 5,000 Russians 
on the ramparts. At length, as the hour of noon struck on The Assault on 
September 8th, the attack of which this play of artillery was and Capture 
the prelude began, the French assailing the Malakoff, the usop ' 

British the Redan, these being the most formidable of the defensive works 
of the town. The French assault was successful and Sebastopol became 
untenable. That night the Russians blew up their remaining forts, sunk 
their ships of war, and marched out of the town, leaving it as the prize of 
victory to the allies. Soon after Russia gained a success by capturing the 
Turkish fortress of Kars, in Asia Minor, and, her honor satisfied with this 
success, a treaty of peace was concluded. In this treaty the Black Sea was 


made neutral and all ships of war were excluded from its waters, while the 

safety of the Christians of Wallachia, Moldavia and Servia was assured by 

making these principalities practically independent, under the protection of 

the powers of Europe. 

Turkey came out of the war weakened and shorn of territory. But 

the Turkish idea of government remained unchanged, and in twenty years' 

time Russia was fairly goaded into another war. In 187^ 
The Revolt in n 1 11 1 • c «., • a 1 1 • 

1 Bosnia Bosnia rebelled in consequence 01 the msunerable oppression 

of the Turkish tax-collectors. The brave Bosnians maintained 

themselves so sturdily in their mountain fastnesses that the Turks almost 

despaired of subduing them, and the Christian subjects of the Sultan in all 

quarters became so stirred up that a general revolt was threaten- d. 

The Turks undertook to prevent this in their usual fashion. Irregular 
troops were sent into Christian Bulgaria with orders to kill all they met. It 
was an order to the Mohammedan taste. The defenceless villages of Bul- 
garia were entered and their inhabitants slaughtered in cold blood, till 
thousands of men, women, and children had been slain. 

When tidings of these atrocities reached Europe the nations were 
filled with horror. The Sultan made smooth excuses, and diplomacy 
The "Bulgarian sought to settle the affair, but it became evident that a mas- 
Horror" and sacre so terrible as this could not be condoned so easily. 
Disraeli, then prime minister of Great Britain, sought to 
dispose of these reports as matters for jest ; but Gladstone, at that time in 
retirement, arose in his might, and by his pamphlet on the " Bulgarian 
Horrors" so aroused public sentiment in England that the government 
dared not back up Turkey in the coming war. 

Hostilities were soon proclaimed. The Russians, of the same race and relig- 
ious sect as the Bulgarians, were excited beyond control, and in April, 1877, 
Alexander II. declared war against Turkey. The outrages of the Turks had 
been so flagrant that no allies came to their aid, while the rottenness of 
their empire was shown by the rapid advance of the Russian armies. 

Tlie} r crossed the Danube in June. In a month later they had 
>ccupied the principal passes of the Balkan mountains and were in posi- 
tion to descend on the broad plain that led to Constantinople. But at this 
point in their career they met with a serious check. Osman Pasha, the 
single Turkish commander of ability that the war developed, occupied the 
town oi Plevna with such fo he could gather, fortified it as strongly 

as po sible, and from behind its walls defied the Russians. 

y dared not advance and leave this stronghold in their rear. For 

no: lis all the power of Russia and the skill of its generals were- held in 


check by this brave man and his few followers, until Europe and America 
alike looked on with admiration at.his remarkable defence, in view of which 
the cause of the war was almost forgotten. The Russian osm-jn Pacha 
general Kriidener was repulsed with the loss of 8,000 men. and the Be= 
The daring Skobeleff strove in vain to launch his troops over er 
Osman's wails. At length General Todleben undertook the siege, adopting 
the slow but safe method of starving out the defenders. Osman Pacha now 
showed his courage, as he had already shown his endurance. When hunger 
and disease began to reduce the strength of his men, he resolved on a final 
desperate effort. At the head of his brave garrison the " Lion of Plevna" 
sallied from the city, and fought with desperate courage to break through 
the circle of his foes. He was finally driven back into the city and com- 
pelled to surrender. 

Osman had won glory, and his fall was the fall of the Turkish cause. 
The Russians crossed the Balkan, capturing in the Schipka Pass a Turkish 
army of 30,000 men. Adrianople was taken, and the Turk- The -]- ota i De- 
ish line of retreat cut off. The Russians marched to the feat of the 
Bosporus, and the Sultan was compelled to sue for peace to ur s 
save his capital from falling into the hands of the Christians, as it had fallen 
into those of the Turks four centuries before. 

Russia had won the game for which she had made so long a strugg-le. 
The treaty of San Stefano practically decreed the dissolution of the Turkish 
Empire. But at this juncture the other nations of Europe took part. 
They were not content to see the balance of power destroyed by Russia 
becoming master of Constantinople, and England demanded that the treaty 
should be revised by the European powers. Russia protested, but Disraeli 
threatened war, and the czar gave way. 

The Congress of Berlin, to which the treaty was referred, settled the 

question in the following manner: Montenegro, Roumania, and Servia were 

declared independent, and Bulgaria became free, except that 

. , , 1 m 1 1 -t-1 t The Congress 

it had to pay an annual tribute to the sultan. 1 he part 01 f Berlin 

old Bulgaria that lay south of the Balkan Mountains was 

named East Roumelia and given its own civil government, but was left 

under the military control of Turkey. Bosnia and Herzegovina were placed 

under the control of Austria. All that Russia obtained for her victories 

were some provinces in Asia Minor. Turkey was terribly shorn, and since 

then her power has been further reduced, for East Roumelia has broken 

loose from her control and united itself again to Bulgaria. 

Another twenty years passed, and Turkey found itself at war again. It 

was the old story, the oppression of the Christians. This time the trouble 


began in Armenia, a part of Turkey in Asia, where in 1S95 and 1896 
terrible massacres took place. Indignation reigned in Europe, but fears 
The Turks in °f a general war kept them from using force, and the sultan 
Armenia and paid no heed to the reforms he promised to make. 

In 1896 the Christians of the island of Crete broke out in 
revolt against the oppression and tyranny of Turkish rule. Of all the powers 
of Europe little Greece was the only one that came to their aid, and the great 
nations, still inspired with the fear of a general war, sent their fleet and 
threatened Greece with blockade unless she would withdraw her troops, 

The result was one scarcely expected. Greece was persistant, and 
gathered a threatening army on the frontier of Turkey, and war broke out in 
1S97 between the two states. The Turks now, under an able commander, 
showed much of their ancient valor and intrepidity, crossing the frontier, de- 
feating the Greeks in a rapid series of engagements, and. occupying Thessaly, 
while the Greek army was driven back in a state of utter demoralization. 
At this juncture, when Greece lay at the mercy of Turkey, as Turkey had 
rhe War 8e= ' am at tnat °'~ Russia twenty years before, the powers, which 
.3 Turkey had refused to aid Greece in her generous but hopeless effort, 
stepped in to save her from ruin. Turkey was bidden to call 
a halt, and the sultan reluctantly stopped the march of his army. He de- 
manded the whole of Thessaly and a large indemnity in money. The former 
the powers refused to grant, and reduced the indemnity to a sum within the 
power of Greece to pay, Thus the affair ended, and such is the status of 
lite Eastern Question to-day. But it may be merely a question of time 
when Russia shall accomplish her long-cherished design, and become master 
of Constantinople : possibly by the way of Asia, in which her power is now 
so rapidly and widely extending. 


The European Revolution of 1848. 

THE revolution of 1830 did not bring peace and quiet to France noi 
to Europe. In France the people grew dissatisfied with their new 
monarch; in Europe generally they demanded a greater share of 
liberty. Louis Philippe delayed to extend the suffrage ; he used his high 
position to add to his great riches ; he failed to win the hearts of the 
French, and was widely accused of selfishness and greed. There were 
risings of legitimists in favor of the Bourbons, while the republican element was 
opposed to monarchy. No less than eight attempts were made to remove the 
king by assassination — all of them failures, but they showed opposition i-i 
the disturbed state of public feeling. Liberty, equality, fra- France to 
ternity became the watchwords of the working classes, social- Louis Philippe 
istic ideas arose and spread, and the industrial element of the various 
nations became allied in one great body of revolutionists known as the 
" Internationalists." 

In Germany the demand of the people for political rights grew until it 
reached a crisis. The radical writings of the "Young Germans," the 
stirring songs of their poets, the bold utterances of the press, the doctrines 
of the " Friends of Light" among the Protestants and of the " German 
Catholics ' among the Catholics, all went to show that the people \ 
deeply dissatisfied alike with the state and the church. They were rapidly 
arousing from their- sluggish acceptance of the work of the Congress of 
Vienna of 1815, and the spirit of liberty was in the air. 

The King of Prussia, Frederick William IV., saw danger ahead. He 

became king in 1840 and lost no time in trying to make his 

1 1 u 7 a i- r i • • , Revolutionary 

rule popular by reforms. An edict 01 toleration was issued, Sentiment ir, 

the sittings of the courts were opened to the public, and the Germany ana 

Estates of the provinces were called to meet in Berlin. In y 

the convening of a Parliament he had given the people a voice. The 

Estates demanded freedom of the press and of the state with such eloquence 

and energy that the king dared not resist them. The people had gained a 

great step in their progress towards liberty. 



In Italy also the persistent demands of the people met with an encour- 
aging response. The Pope, Pius IX , extended the freedom of the press, 
gave a liberal charter to the City of Rome, and began the formation of an 
Italian confederacy. In Sicily a revolutionary outbreak took place, and the 
King of Naples was compelled to give his people a constitution and a 
parliament. His example was followed in Tuscany and Sardinia. The 
tyrannical Duke of Moclena was forced to fly from the vengeance of his 
people, and the throne of Parma became vacant by the death in 1847 of 
Maria Louisa, the widow of Napoleon Bonaparte, a woman little loved and 
l^ss respected, 

The Italians were filled with hope by these events. Freedom and the 
unity of Italy loomed up before their eyes. Only two obstacles stood in 
their way, the Austrians and the Jesuits, and both of these were bitterly 
hated. Gioberti, the enemy of the Jesuits, was greeted with cheers, under 
which might be heard harsh cries of " Death to the Germans." 

Such was the state of affairs at the beginning of 1848. The measure 
of liberty granted the people only whetted their appetite for more, and over 
all Western Europe rose an ominous murmur, the voice of the people 
demanding the rights of which they had so long been deprived. In France 
this demand was growing dangerously insistant ; in Paris, the centre ol 
European revolution, it threatened an outbreak. Reform banquets were 
the order of the da}- in France, and one was arranged for in Paris to signa 
lize the meeting of the Chambers. 

Guizot, the historian, who was then minister of foreign affairs, had 

deeply offended the liberal party of France by his reactionary policy. The 

government threw fuel on the fire by forbidding the banquet and taking 

steps to suppress it by military force. The people were enraged 

in Paris ^y this false step and began to gather in excited groups. 

Throngs of them — artisans, students, and tramps — were soon 

marching- through the streets, with shouts of "Reform! Down with Guizot!" 

The crowds rapidly increased and grew more violent. The people were too 

weak to cope with them ; the soldiers were loath to do so ; soon barricades 

were erected and fighting began. 

For two days this went on. Then the king, alarmed at the situation, 
dimissed Guizot and promised reform, and the people, satisfied for the time 
and proud of their victory, paraded the streets with cheers and songs. All 
now might have gone well but for a hasty and violent act on the part of the 
troops. About ten o'clock at night a shouting and torch-bearing throng 
marched through the Boulevards, singing and waving flags. Reaching the 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, they halted and called for its illumination. 

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The troops on duty there interfered, and, on an insult to their colonel and 
the firing of a shot from the mob, they replied with a volley, before which 
fifty-two of the people fell killed and wounded. 

This reckless and sanguinary deed was enough to turn revolt into 
revolution. The corpses were carried on biers through the streets by the 
infuriated people, the accompanying torch-bearers shouting : £ evo ( t 
"To arms ! they are murdering- us !" At midnight the tocsin Becomes 
call rang from the bells of Notre Dame ; the barricades, which 
had been partly removed, were restored ; and the next morning, February 
24, 1848, Paris was in arms. In the struggle that followed they were 
quickly victorious, and the capital was in their hands. 

Louis Philippe followed the example of Charles X., abdicated his 
throne and fled to England. After the fate of Louis XVI. no monarch 
was willing to wait and face a Paris mob. The kingdom was overthrown, 
and a republic, the second which France had known, was established, the 
aged Dupont de l'Eure being chosen president. The poet Lamartine. 
the socialist Louis Blanc, the statesmen Ledru-Rollin and Arago became 
members of the Cabinet, and all looked forward to a reign The Second 
of peace and prosperity. The socialists tried the experi- French 
ment of establishing national workshops in which artisans ' epu 
were to be employed at the expense of the state, with the idea that this 
would give work to all. 

Yet the expected prosperity did not come. The state was soon deeply 
in debt, many of the people remained unemployed, and the condition of in- 
dustry grew worse day by day. The treasury proved incapable of paying the 
state artisans, and the public workshops were closed. In June the trouble came 
to a crisis and a new and sanguinary outbreak began, instigated by the 
hungry and disappointed workmen, and led by the advocates of the " Reel 
Republic," who acted with ferocious brutality. General Brea and the Arch- 
bishop of Paris were murdered, and the work of slaughter grew so horrible 
that the National Assembly, to put an end to it, made General Cavaignac 
dictator and commissioned him to put down the revolt. A terrible struggh 
ensued between the mob and the troops, ending in the suppression of the 
revolt and the arrest and banishment of many of its ringleaders. Ten or 
twelve thousand people had been killed. The National Assembly adopted 
a republican constitution, under which a single legislative chamber and a 
president to be elected every four years were provided for. The assembly 
wished to make General Cavaignac president, but the nation, blinded by 
their faith in the name of the great conqueror, elected by an almost unani- 
mous vote his nephew Louis Napoleon a man who had suffered a long 


term of imprisonment for his several a! tempts against the reign of the late 

king. The revolution, for the time being, was at an end, and France was 

a republic again. 

The effect of this revolution in France spread far and wide through 

Europe. Outbreaks occurred in Italy, Poland, Switzerland and Ireland, 

Effe tofth an< ^ ' n German)' the revolutionary fever burned hot. Baden 

Revolution was the first state to yield to the demands of the people for 

of 1848 in freedom of the press, a parliament and other reforms, and 

Europe , ,,.,.. ... ... 

went so iar as to abolish the imposts still remaining from 

feudal times. The other minor states followed its example. In Saxony, 

Wurtemberg and other states class abuses were abolished, liberals given 

prominent positions under government, the suffrage and the legislature 

reformed, and men of liberal sentiment summoned to discuss the formation 

of new constitutions. 

But it was in the great despotic states of Germany — Prussia and Aus- 

tria— that the liberals gained the most complete and important victory, and 

went farthest in overthrowing autocratic rule and establishing constitutional 

government. '1 he great Austrian statesman who had been a leader in the 

Congress of Vienna and who had suppressed liberalism in Italy, Prince Met- 

ternich, was still, after more than thirty years, at the head of 
iVletternich and . . 11 1 1 i- r a • 1 • 

HisSystem anairs in Vienna. He controlled the policy 01 Austria; his 

word was lav/ in much of Germany; time had cemented his 
authority, and he had done more than any other man in Europe in maintain- 
ing despotism and building a dam against the rising Hood of liberal senti- 

But the hour of the man who had destroyed the work of Napoleon was 
at hand. He had failed to recognize the spirit of the age or to perceive 
that liberalism was deeply penetrating Austria. To most of the younger 
statesmen of Europe the weakness of his policy and the rottenness of his 
system were growing apparent, and it was evident that the)' must soon fall 
before the onslaught of the a es of freedom. 

An incitement was needed, and it came in the news of the Paris revolu 
cion. At once a hot excitement broke out everywhere in Austria. From 
Hungary came a vigorous demand for an independent parliament, reform of 
the constitution, decrease of taxes, and relief from the burden of the na- 
tional debt of Austria. From Bohemia, whose rights and privileges had 
been seriously interfered with in the preceding year, came similar demands. 
In Vienna itself the popular outcry for increased privileges grew insistant. 

The excitement of the people was aggravated by their distrust of the 
papea loneyof the realm and bv a great depression in commerce and indu* 


try. Daily more workmen were thrown out of employment, and soon 
throngs of the hungry and discontented gathered in the streets. Students, 
as usual, led away by their boyish love of excitement, were 
the first to create a disturbance, but others soon joined in, in Vienna 
and the affair quickly became serious. 

The old system was evidently at an end. The policy of Metternich 
could restrain the people no longer. Lawlessness became general, excesses 
were committed by the mob, the dwellings of those whom the populace 
hated were attacked and plundered, the authorities were resisted with arms, 
and the danger of an overthrow of the o'oveniment grew imminent. The 
press, which had gained freedom of utterance, added to the peril of the 
situation by its inflammatory appeals to the people, and by its violence 
checked the progress of the reforms which it demanded. Metternich, by his 
system of restraint, had kept the people in ignorance of the first principles 
of political affairs, and the liberties which the)- now asked for showed : 
to be unadapted to a lib ivernment. The old minister, whose system 

was falling in ruins about him, fled from the country and sought a refuge in 
England, that haven of political failures. 

In May, 184S, the emperor, alarmed at the threatening state of affairs, 
left his capital and withdrew to Innsbruck. The tidings of his withdrawal 
stirred the people to passion, and the outbreak of mob pn g ht and Re- 
violence which followed was the fiercest and most dangerous turn of the 
that had yet occurred. Gradually, however, the tumult was mpei 
appeased, a constitutional assembly was called into being and opened by the 
Archduke John, and the Emperor Ferdinand re-entered Vienna amid the 
warm acclamations of the people. The outbreak was at an end. Austria 
had been converted from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy. 

In Berlin the spirit of revolution became as marked as in Vienna. The 

King resisted the demands of the people, who soon came into conflict with 

the soldiers, a fierce street light breaking out which continued with violence 

for two weeks. The revolutionists demanded, the removal of the troops 

and the formation of a citizen militia, and the king, alarmed ,, ,. . 

a Revolt in 

at the dangerous crisis in affairs, at last assented. The troops Prussia and 

were accordinely withdrawn, the obnoxious ministry was dis- 

1 1 • • 1 1 r 1 1 r ri Union 

missed, and a citizen-guard was created tor tne deience 01 the 

city. Three days afterwards the king promised to govern as a constitu- 
tional monarch, an assembly was elected by universal suffrage, and to it was 
given the work of prep, nan;; a constitution for the Prussian state. Here, 
as in Austria, the revolutionists had won the day and irresponsible govern 
ment was at an en.' 


Elsewhere in Germany radical changes were taking place. King Louis 
of Bavaria, who had deeply offended his people, resigned in favor of his son. 
The Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt did the same. Everywhere the liberals 
were in the ascendant, and were gaining freedom of the press and constitu- 
tional government. The formation of Germany into a federal empire was 
proposed and adopted, and a National A.ssembly met at Frankfort on May 
iS, 1848. It included many of the ablest men of Germany. Its principal 
-vork was to organize a union under an irresponsible executive, who was to 
be surrounded by a responsible ministry. The Archduke John of Austria 
was selected to fill this new, but brief imperial position, and made a solemn 
entry into Frankfort on the nth of July. 

All this was not enough for the ultra radicals. They determined to 
found a German republic, and their leaders, Hecker and Struve, called the 
people to arms. An outreak took place in Baden, but it was quickly sup- 
pressed, and the republican movement came to a speedy end. In the north 
The Schleswig= war broke out between Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein, 
Holstein united duchies which desired to be freed from Danish rule 

and annexed to Germany, and called for German aid. But 
just then the new German Union was in no condition to come to their assistance, 
and Prussia preferred diplomacy to war, with the result that Denmark came 
out victorious from the contest. As will be seen in a later chapter, Prussia, 
under the energetic leadership of Bismarck, came, a number of years after- 
wards, to the aid of these discontented duchies, and they were finally torn 
from Danish control. 

While these exciting events were taking place in the north, Italy was 
swept with a storm of revolution from end to end. Metternich was no 
longer at hand to keep it in check, and the whole peninsula seethed with re- 
volt. Sicily rejected the rule of the Bourbon king of Naples, chose the 

Duke of Genoa, son of Charles Albert of Sardinia, for its 
War in Sicily , . ... . . . ... „. . . . rf 

and Sardinia king, and during a year fought lor liberty, i his patriotic eriort 

of the Sicilians ended in failure. The Swiss mercenaries of 
die Neapolitan king captured Syracuse and brought the island into subjec 
tion, and the tyrant hastened to abolish the constitution which he had been 
frightened into granting in his hour of extremity. 

In the north of Italy war broke out between Austria and Sardinia. 
Milan and Venice rose against the Austrians and drove out their garrisons, 
throughout Lombard)' the people raised the standard of independence, and 
Charles Albert of Sardinia called his people to arms and invaded that coun- 
try, striving to free it and the neighboring state of Venice from Austrian 
rule. For a brief season he was suca ssful pushing the Austrian troops to 


the frontiers, but the old Marshal Radetzky defeated him at Verona and 
compelled him to seek safety in flight. The next year he renewed his at- 
tempt, but with no better success. Depressed by his failure, he resigned the 
crown to his son Victor Emmanuel, who made a disadvantageous peace with 
Austria. Venice held out for several months, but was finally subdued, and 
Austrian rule was restored in the north. 

Meanwhile the pope, Pius IX., offended his people by his unwillingness 
to aid Sardinia against Austria. He promised to grant a constitutional 
government and convened an Assembly in Rome, but the 

■~. . , . . . , The Revoiution 

Democratic people 01 the state were not content with in ^ ome 
feeble concessions of this kind. Rossi, prime minister of the 
state, was assassinated, and the pope, filled with alarm, fled in disguise, leav- 
ing the Papal dominion to the revolutionists, who at once proclaimed a 
republic and confiscated the property of the Church. 

Mazzini, the leader of " Young Italy," the ardent revolutionist who had 
long worked in exile for Italian independence, entered the Eternal City, and 
with him Garibaldi, long a political refugee in America and a gallant parti- 
san leader in the recent war with Austria. The arrival of these celebrated 
revolutionists filled the democratic party in Rome with the greatest enthu- 
siasm, and it was resolved to defend the States of the Church to the last 
extremity, viewing them as the final asylum of Italian liberty. 

In this extremity the pope called on France for aid. That country 
responded by sending an army, which landed at CivitaA r ecchia and marched 
upon and surrounded Rome. The new-comers declared that they came as 
friends, not as foes , it was not their purpose to overthrow the republic, but 
to defend the capital from Austria and Naples. The leaders of the insur- 
gents in Rome did not trust their professions and promises and refused them 
admittance. A fierce struggle followed. The republicans capture of 
defended themselves stubbornly. For weeks they defied the Rome by the 
efforts of General Oudinot and his troops. Putin the end French Army 
they were forced to yield, a conditional submission was made, and the French 
soldiers occupied the city. Garibaldi, Mazzini, and others of the leaders 
took to flight, and the old conditions were gradually resumed under the con- 
trolling influence of French bayonets. For years afterwards the French 
held the city as the allies and guard of the pope. 

The revolutionary spirit, which had given rise to war in Italy, yielded 

a still more resolute and sanguinary conflict in Hungary, 

1 1 v -j 1 -11 tm. Ti/r The Outbreak 

whose people were divided against themselves. 1 he Magyars, in Hungary 

the descendants of the old Huns, who demanded govern- 
mental institutions of their own, separate from these of Austria, though 


under the Austrian monarch, were opposed by the Slavonic part of the 
population, and war began between them. Austrian troops were ordered 
to the aid of Jellachich, the ruler of the Slavs of Croatia in South Hungary, 
but their departure was prevented by the democratic people of Vienna, 
who rose in violent insurrection, induced by their sympathy with the 

The whole city was quickly in tumult, an attack was made on the 
arsenals, and the violence became so great that the emperor again took to 
flight. War in Austria followed. A strong army was sent to subdue the 
rebellious city, which was stubbornly defended, the students' club being the 
centre of the revolutionary movement. Jellachich led his Croatians to the 
aid of the emperor's troops, the city was surrounded and besieged, sallies 
and assaults were of daily occurrence, and for a week and more a bloody 
conflict continued day and night. Vienna was finally taken by storm, the 
Vienna Cap- troops forcing their way into the streets, where shocking 
tured by scenes of murder and violence took place. On November 21, 

1848, Jellachich entered the conquered city, martial law was 
proclaimed, the houses were searched, the prisons filled with captives, and 
the leaders of the insurrection put to death. 

Shortly afterwards the Emperor Ferdinand abdicated the throne in 
favor of his youthful nephew, Francis Joseph, who at once dissolved the con- 
stitutional assembly and proclaimed a new constitution and a new code of 
laws. Hungary was still in arms, and offered a desperate resistance to the 
Austrians, who now marched to put down the insurrection. They found it 
no easy task. The fiery eloquence of the orator Kossuth roused the 
Magyars to a desperate resistance, Polish leaders came to their support, 
foreign volunteers strengthened their ranks, Gorgey, their chief leader, 
showed great military skill, and the Austrians were driven out and the 
fortresses taken. The independence of Hungary was now proclaimed, and a 
government established under Kossuth as provisional president. 

The repulse of the Austrians nerved the young emperor to more 

The Hungarian strenuous exertions. The aid of Russia was asked, and the 

I Revoltandlts insurgent state invaded on three sides, by the Croatians from 

Suppression ^ sout ] lf tne Russians from the north, and the Austrians, 

under the brutal General Haynau, from the west. 

The conflict continued for several months, but quarrels between the 
Hungarian leaders weakened their armies, and in August, 1849, Gorgey, 
who had been declared dictator, surrendered to the invaders, Kossuth and 
the other leaders seeking safety in flight Haynau made himself infamous 
by his cruel treatment of the Hungarian people, particularly by his use of 


the lash upon women. His conduct raised such wide-spread indignation 
that he was roughly handled by a party of brewers, on his visit to London 
in 1850. 

With the fall of Hungary the revolutionary movement of 1848 came to 
an end. The German Union had already disappeared. There were various 
other disturbances, besides those we have recorded, but finally all the states 
settled down to peace and quiet. Its results had been great in increasing 
the political privileges of the people of Western Europe, and with it the 
reign of despotism in that section of the continent came to an end. 

The greatest hero of the war in Hungary was undoubtedly Louis 
Kossuth, whose name has remained familiar among those of the patriots of 
his century. From Hungary he made his way to Turkey, where he was 
imprisoned fortvvo years at Kutaieh, being finally released through the inter- 
vention of the governments of Great Britain and the United States. He then 
visited England, where he was received with enthusiastic, popular demon- 
strations and made several admirable speeches in the English language, of 
which he had excellent command. In the autumn of 1S51 he came to the 
United States, where he had a flattering reception and spoke on the wrongs 
of Hungary to enthusiastic audiences in the principal cities. 

Though defeated in the field, the Hungarians kept up the struggle for 
a recognition of their separate autonomy, and in 1867 Francis I. of Austria, 
feeling it impossible to weld Hungary to the rest of his dominions, acknowl- 
edged its practical independence, and took oath to support its ancient con- 
stitution. Since that date Austria and Hungary have existed as a dual 
empire, each with its own laws, parliament, and ministers, the Emperor of 
Austria being King of Hungary, and his combined dominions known as the 
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. 

Louis Napoleon ana the Second French Empire. 

THE name of Napoleon is a name to conjure with in France. Two 
generations after the fall of Napoleon the Great, the people of that 
countr\' had practically forgotten the misery he had brought them, 
and remembered only the glory with which he had crowned the name of 
France. When, then, a man whom we may fairly designate as Napoleon 
the Small offered himself for their suffrages, they cast their votes almost 
unanimously in his favor. 

Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, to give this personage his full 
name, was a son of Louis Bonaparte, once king of Holland, and Hortense 
de Beauharnais, and had been recognized by Napoleon as, after his father, 
J ouis Napoleon the direct successor to the throne. This he made strenuous 
and His Claim efforts to obtain, hoping to dethrone Louis Philippe and in- 
to the Throne stal] himself in his place _ In ! 836, with a few followers, he 

made an attempt to capture Strasbourg. His effort failed and he was 
arrested and transported to the United States. In 1839 he published a 
work entitled "Napoleonic Ideas," which was an apology lor the ambitious 
acts of the first Napoleon. 

The growing unpopularity of Louis Philippe tempted him at this 
time to make a second attempt to invade France. He did it in a rash way 
almost certain to end in failure. Followed by about fifty men, and bringing 
with him a tame eagle, which was expected to perch upon his banner as the 
harbinger of victory, he sailed from England in August, 1840, and landed 
at Boulogne This desperate and foolish enterprise proved a complete 
A Rash ami failure. The soldiers whom the would-be usurper expected 

Unsuccessful to join his standard arrested him, and he was tried for treason 
Invasion by the House of Peers. This time he was not dealt with so 

leniently as before, but was sentenced to imprisonment for life and was 
confined in the Castle of Ham. From this fortress he escaped in disguise 
in May, 1846, and made his way to England. 

The revolution of 1848 gave the restless and ambitious adventurer a 
more promising opportunity. He returned to France, was elected to the 
National Assembly, and on the adoption of the republican constitution 

r 3 

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offered himself as a candidate for the Presidency of the new republic. And 
now the magic of the name of Napoleon told. General Cavaignac, his 
chief competitor, was supported by the solid men of the country, who dis- 
trusted the adventurer ; but the people rose almost solidly in his support, 
and he was elected president for four years by 5,562,834 votes, against 
1,469,166 for Cavaignac. 

The new President of France soon showed his ambition. He became 
engaged in a contest with the Assembly and aroused the dis- An Autocratic 
trust of the Republicans by his autocratic tones. In 184c; he President of 
still further offended the Democratic party by sending an 
army to Rome, which put an end to the republic in that city. He sought 
to make his Cabinet officers the pliant instruments of his will, and thus 
caused De Tocqueville, the celebrated author, who was minister for foreign 
affairs, to resign. " We were not the men to serve him on those terms," 
said De Tocqueville, at a later time. 

The new-made president was feeling his way to imperial dignity. He 
could not forget that his illustrious uncle had made himself emperor, and 
his ambition instigated him to the same course. A violent controversy 
arose between him and the Assembly, which body passed a law restricting 
universal suffrage, and thus reducing the popular support of the president. 
In June, 1850, it increased his salary at his recpiest, but granted the increase 
only for one year — an act of distrust which proved a new source of discord. 

Louis Napoleon meanwhile was preparing for a daring act. He 
secretly obtained the support of the army leaders and prepared covertly for 
the boldest stroke of his life. On the 2d of December, 1851, — The Coup d'etat 
the anniversary of the establishment of the first empire and of Louis 
of the battle of Austerlitz, — he got rid of his opponents by Napoleon 
means of the memorable couj^ d ' etat, and seized the supreme powerof the state. 

The most influential members of the Assembly had been arrested tin ring 
the preceding night, and when the hour for the session of the House came 
the men most strongly opposed to the usurper were in prison. Most of 
them were afterwards exiled, some for life, some for shorter terms. This 
act of outrage and violation of the plighted faith of the president roused 
the Socialists and Republicans to the defence of their threatened liberties, 
insurrections broke out in Paris, Lyons, and other towns, street barricades 
were built, and severe fighting took place. But Napoleon had secured the 
army, and the revolt was suppressed with blood and slaughter. Baudin, one 
of the deposed deputies, was shot on the barricade in the Faubourg St. 
Antoine, while waving in his hand the decree of the constitution. He was 
afterwards honored as a martyr to the cause of republicanism in France. 


The usurper had previously sought to gain the approval of the people 
by liberal and charitable acts, and to win the goodwill of the civic authori- 
How Napoleon ties by numerous progresses through the interior. He posed 
Won Popular as a protector and promoter of national prosperity and the 
Suppoi rights of the people, and sought to lay upon the Assembly all 

the defects of his administration. By these means, which aided to awaken 
the Napoleonic fervor in the state, he was enabled safely to submit his acts 
of violence and bloodshed to the approval of the people. The new consti- 
tution offered by the president was put to vote, and was adopted by the 
enormous majority of more than seven million votes. By its terms Louis 
Napoleon was to be president of France for ten years, with the power of a 
monarch, and the Parliament was to consist of two bodies, a Senate and a 
Legislative House, which were given only nominal power. 

This was as far as Napoleon dared to venture at that time. A year 

Louis Napoleon hater, on December i, 1S52, having meanwhile firmly cemented 

is Elected his power, he passed from president to emperor, again by a 

Emperor V(jte Q r t j le p eo pl e> f w h m, according to the official report, 

7,824,189 cast their votes in his favor. 

Thus ended the second French republic, an act of usurpation of the 
basest and most unwarranted character. The partisans of the new emperor 
were rewarded with the chief offices of the state ; the leading republicans 
languished in prison or in exile for the crime of doing their duty to their 
constituents ; and Armand Marrest, the most zealous champion of the 
republic, died of a broken heart from the overthrow of all his efforts and 
aspirations. The honest soldier and earnest patriot, Cavaignac, in a few 
years followed him to the grave. The cause of liberty in France seemed lost. 

The crowning of a new emperor of the Napoleonic family in France 
naturally filled Europe with apprehensions. But Napoleon III., as he 
styled himself, was an elder man than Napoleon I., and seemingly less 
likely to be carried away by ambition. His favorite motto, "The Empire 
is peace," aided to restore quietude, and gradually the nations began to 
trust in his words, " France wishes for peace ; and when France is satisfied 
the world is quiet." 

Warned by one of the errors of his uncle, he avoided seeking a wife in 

the royal families of Europe, but allied himself with a Spanish lady of noble 

rank, the young and beautiful Eugenie de Montijo, duchess of 

Marriage of Teba. At the same time he proclaimed that, "A sovereign 

the Emperor l . . f . 

raised to the throne by a new principle should remain taitntul 

So that principle, and in the face of Europe frankly accept the position of 

a parvenu, which is an honorable title when it is obtained by the public 


suffrage of a great people. For seventy years all princes' daughters mar 
ried to rulers of France have been unfortunate ; only one, Josephine, was 
remembered with affection by the French people, and she was not born of a 
royal house." 

The new emperor sought by active public works and acts of charity 
to win the approval of the people. He recognized the necessity of aiding 
the working classes as far as possible, and protecting them from poverty and 
wretchedness. During a dearth in 1853 a "baking fund" was organized in 
Paris, the city contributing funds to enable bread to be sold at a low price. 
Dams and embankments were built along the rivers to overcome the effects 
of floods. New streets were opened, bridges built, railways constructed, to 
increase internal traffic. Splendid buildings were erected for p u bii C Works 
municipal and government purposes. Paris was given a new in Paris and 
aspect by pulling down its narrow lanes, and building wide Fran ce 
streets and magnificent boulevards — the latter, as was charged, for the 
purpose of depriving insurrection of its lurking places. The great exhibi- 
tion of arts and industries in London was followed in 1854 by one in 
France, the largest and finest seen up to that time. Trade and industry 
were fostered by a reduction of tariff charges, joint stock companies and 
credit associations were favored, and in many ways Napoleon III. worked 
wisely and well for the prosperity of France, the growth of its industries, 
and the improvement of the condition of its people. 

But the new emperor, while thus actively engaged in labors of peace, 
by no means lived up to the spirit of his motto, "The Empire is peace." 
An empire founded upon the army needs to give employment to that army. 
A monarchy sustained by the votes of a people athirst for The Ambition 
glory needs to do something to appease that thirst. A throne of the Em- 
filled by a Napoleon could not safely ignore the " Napo- peror 
leonic Ideas," and the first of these might be stated as " The Empire is 
war." And the new emperor was by no means satisfied to pose simply as 
the " nephew of his uncle." He possessed a large share of the Napoleonic 
ambition, and hoped by military glory to surround his throne with some of 
the lustre of that of Napoleon the First. 

Whatever his private views, it is certain that France under his reign 
became the most aggressive nation of Europe, and the overweening 
ambition and self-confidence of the new emperor led him to the same end 
as his great uncle, that of disaster and overthrow. 

The very beginning of Louis Napoleon's career of greatness, as presi- 
dent of the French Republic, was signalized by an act of military aggression, 
in sending his army to Rome and putting an end to the new Italian repub- 


lie. These troops were kept there until 1866, and the aspirations of the 
Italian patriots were held in check until that year. Only when United Italy 
stood menacingly at the gates of Rome were these foreign troops with- 

In 1854 Napoleon allied himself with the British and the Turks against 

Russia, and sent an army to the Crimea, which played an effective part in 

the great struggle in that peninsula. The troops of France 

The French in ... , , , . „ , . , , 

the Crimea na " tne honor of rendering Sebastopol untenable, carrying 

by storm one of its two great fortresses and turning its guns 
upon the city. 

The next act of aggression of the French emperor was against Aus- 
tria. As the career of conquest of Napoleon I. had begun with an attack 
upon the Austrians in Italy, Napoleon III. attempted a similar enterprise, 
and with equal success. Me had long been cautiously preparing in secret 
for hostilities with Austria, but lacked a satisfactory excuse for declaring 
Orsini's At- war - This came in 1858 from an attempt at assassination. 
temptatAs= Felice Orsini, a fanatical Italian patriot, incensed at Napoleon 
sassmation r j j failinsf to come to the aid of Italy, launched three 

explosive bombs against his carriage. The effect was fatal to many of the 
people in the street, though the intended victim escaped. Orsini won sym- 
pathy while in prison by his patriotic sentiments and the steadfastness of 
his love for his country. " Remember that the Italians shed their blood for 
Napoleon the great," he wrote to the emperor. " Liberate my country, and 
the blessings of twenty-five millions of people will follow you to posterity." 
Louis Napoleon had once been a member of a secret political society 
of Italy ; he had taken the oath of initiation ; his failure to come to the aid 
of that country when in power constituted him a traitor to his oath and one 
doomed to death ; the act of Orsini seemed the work of the society. That 
he was deeply moved by the attempted assassination is certain, and the re- 
sult of his combined fear and ambition soon to be shown. 

On New Year's Day, 1859, while receiving the diplomatic corps at the 
Tuileries, Napoleon addressed the following significant words to the Aus- 
trian ambassador : " I regret that our relations are not so cordial as I could 
wish, but I beg you to report to the Emperor that my personal sentiments 
towards him remain unaltered." 

„.. „, ... Such is the masked way in which diplomats announce an 

The Warlike J * 

Attitude of intention of war. I he meaning of the threatening words was 

Franceand soon s hown, when Victor Emmanuel, shortly afterwards, 

announced at the opening of the Chambers in Turin that 

Sardinia could no longer remain indifferent to the cry for help which was 


rising from all Italy. Ten years had passed since the defeat of the Sar- 
dinians on the plains of Lombardy. During that time they had cherished 
a hope of retribution, and it was now evident that an alliance had been 
made with France and that the hour of vengeance was at hand. 

Austria was ready for the contest. Her finances, indeed, were in a 
serious state, but she had a large army in Lombardy. This was increased, 
Lombardy was declared in a state of siege, and every step was taken to 
guard against assault from Sardinia. Delay was disadvantageous to Austria, 
as it would permit her enemies to complete their preparations, and on April 
23, 1S59, an ultimatum came from Vienna, demanding that Sardinia should 
put her army on a peace footing or war would ensue, 

A refusal came from Turin. Immediately field-marshal Gyulai re- 
ceived orders to cross the Ticino. Thus, after ten years of peace, the beau- 
tiful plains of Northern Italy were once more to endure the Advance of the 
ravages of war. This act of Austria was severely criticised Austrian 
by the neutral powers, which had been seeking to allay the Arm y 
trouble. Napoleon took advantage of it, accusing Austria of breaking the 
peace by invading the territory of his ally, the king of Sardinia. 

The real fault committed by Austria, under the circumstances, was not 
in precipitating war, which could not well be avoided in the temper of her 
antagonists, but in putting, through court favor and privileges of rank, an 
incapable leader at the head of the army. Old Radetzky, the victor in the 
last war, was dead, but there were other able leaders who were thrust aside 
in favor of the Hungarian noble Franz Gyulai, a man without experience 
as commander-in-chief of an army. 

By his uncertain and dilatory movements Gyulai gave the Sardinians 
time to concentrate an army of 80,000 men around the fortress of Aless- 
andria, and lost all the advantage of being the first in the field. In early 
May the French army reached Italy, partly by way of the St. Bernard Pass, 
partly by sea ; and Garibaldi, with his mountaineers, took up a position that 
would enable him to attack the right wing of the Austrians. 

Later in the month Napoleon himself appeared, his presence and the 

name he bore inspiring the soldiers with new valor, while his _. _ . . 
1 & . . '_ The French in 

first order of the day, in which he recalled the glorious deeds Italy and the 
which their fathers had done on those plains under his great March on 
uncle, roused them to the highest enthusiasm. While assum- 
ing the title of commander-in-chief, he left the conduct of the war to his able 
subordinates, MacMahon, Niel, Canrobert, and others. 

The Austrian general, having lost the opportunity to attack, was now 
put on the defensive, in which his incompetence was equally manifested. 


Being quite ignorant of the position of the foe, he sent Count Stadion, with 
12,000 men, on a reconnoisance. An encounter took place at Montebello 
on May 20th, in which, after a sharp engagement, Stadion was forced to 
retreat. Gyulai directed his attention to that quarter, leaving Napoleon to 
march unmolested from Alessandria to the invasion of Lombardy. Gyulai 
now, aroused by the danger of Milan, began his retreat across the Ticino, 
which he had so uselessly crossed. 

The road to Milan crossed the Ticino River and the Naviglio Grande, 

a broad and deep canal a few miles east of the river. Some distance farther 

on lies the village of Magenta, the seat of the first great battle of the war. 

Sixtv years before, on those Lombard plains, Napoleon the Great had first 

lost, and then, by a happy chance, won the famous battle 

o^BUmder* °f Marengo. The Napoleon now in command was a very 

different man from the mighty soldier of the year 1S00, and 

the French escaped a disastrous rout only because the Austrians were led 

by a worse general still. Some one has said that victory comes to the army 

that makes the fewest blunders. Such seems to have been the case in the 

battle of Magenta, where military genius was the one thing wanting. 

The French pushed on, crossed the river without finding a man to dis- 
pute the passage, — other than a much-surprised customs official, — and 
reached an undefended bridge across the canal. The high road to Milan 
seemed deserted by the Austrians. But Napoleon's troops were drawn out 
in a preposterous line, straddling a river and a canal, both difficult to cross, 
and without any defensive positions to hold against an attack in force. He 
supposed that the Austrians were stretched out in a similar long line. 
This was not the case. Gyulai had all the advantages of position, and 
might have concentrated his army and crushed the advanced corps of the 
French if he had known his situation and his business. As it was, between 
ignorance on the one hand and indecision on the other, the battle was 
/ought with about equal forces on either hand. 

The first contest took place at Buffalora, a village on the canal where 

the French encountered the Austrians in force. Here a 

' iV y\a^Jnt^ nd bloody struggle went on for hours, ending in the capture 

of the place by the Grenadiers of the Guard, who held on to 

it afterwards with stubborn courage. 

General MacMahon, in command of the advance, had his orders to 
march forward, whatever happened, to the church-tower of Magenta, and, 
in strict obedience to orders, he pushed on, leaving the grenadiers to hold 
their own as best they could at Buffalora, and heedless of the fact that the 
reserve troops of the army had not yet begun to cross the river. It was 


the 5th of June, and the day was well advanced when MacMahon came in 
contact with the Austrians at Magenta, and the great contest of the day 

It was a battle in which the commanders on both sides, with the excep- 
tion of MacMahon, showed lack of military skill and the soldiers on both 
sides the staunchest courage. The Austrians seemed devoid of plan or 
system, and their several divisions were beaten in detail by the French. On 
the other hand, General Camou, in command of the second division of 

MacMahon's corps, acted as Desaix had done at the battle of 

., 111 1 r 1 1- r> Camoti's Delib- 

Marengo, marched at the sound 01 the distant cannon, but, erate March 

unlike Desaix, he moved so deliberately that it took him six 

hours to make less than five miles. He was a tactician of the old school 

imbued with the idea that every march should be made in perfect order. 

At half-past four MacMahon, with his uniform in disorder and followed 
by a few officers of his staff, dashed back to hurry up this deliberate reserve. 
On the way thither he rode into a body of Austrian sharpshooters. For- 
tune favored him. Not dreaming of the presence of the French general, 
they saluted him as one of their own commanders. On his way back he 
made a second narrow escape from capture by the Uhlans. 

The drums now beat the charge, and a determined attack was made by 
the French, the enemy's main column being taken between two tires. Des- 
perately resisting, it was forced back step by step upon Magenta. Into the 
town the columns rolled, and the fight became fierce around the church. 
Hieh in the tower of this edifice stood the Austrian aeneral and his staff, 
watching the fortunes of the fray ; and from this point he caught sight of 
the four regiments of Camou, advancing as regularly as if on parade. 
They were not given the chance to fire a shot or receive a scratch, eager as 
they were to take part in the fight. At sight of them the Thc F renc h 
Austrian general ordered a retreat and the battle was at an Victory at 
end. The French owed their victory largely to General 
Mellinet and his Grenadiers of the Guard, who held their own like bull-dogs 
at Buffalora while Camou was advancing with the deliberation of the old 
military rules. MacMahon and Mellinet and the French had won the day. 
Victor Emmanuel and the Sardinians did not reach the ground until after 
the battle was at end. For his services on that day of glory for France 
MacMahon was made Marshal of France and Duke of Magenta. 

The prize of the victory of Magenta was the possession of Lombardy. 
Gyulai, unable to collect his scattered divisions, gave orders for a general 
retreat. Milan was evacuated with precipitate haste, and the garrisons 
were withdrawn from all the towns, leaving them to be occupied by the 


French and Italians. On the 8th of June Napoleon and Victor Emmanuel 

rode into Milan side by side, amid the loud acclamations of the people, 

who looked upon this victory as an assurance of Italian freedom and unity. 

Meanwhile the Austrians retreated without interruption, not 
Milan and the , . . ... . , , , ,. . , , 

Quadrilateral halting until they arrived at the Mincio, where they were pro- 
tected by the famous Quadrilateral, consisting of the four 
powerful fortresses of Peschiera, Mantua, Verona, and Leguano, the main- 
stay of the Austrian power in Italy. 

The French and Italians slowly pursued the retreating Austrians, and 
on the 23d of June bivouacked on both banks of the Chiese River, about 
fifteen miles west of the Mincio. The Emperor Francis Joseph had 
recalled the incapable Gyulai, and, in hopes of inspiring his soldiers with 
new spirit, himself took command. The two emperors, neither of them 
soldiers, were thus pitted against each other, and Francis Joseph, eager to 
retrieve the disaster at Magenta, resolved to quit his strong position of 
defence in the Quadrilateral and assume the offensive. 

At two o'clock in the morning of the 24th the allied French and 
Italian army resumed its march, Napoleon's orders for the day being based 
upon the reports of his reconnoitering parties and spies. These led him 
to believe that, although a strong detachment of the enemy might be 
encountered west of the Mincio, the main body of the Austrians was await- 
ing him on the eastern side of the river. But the French intelligence 
department was badly served. The Austrians had stolen a march upon 
Napoleon. Undetected by the French scouts, they had re- 

The Armies crossed the Mincio, and by nightfall of the 2 ;d their leading 

on the Mincio ' . \ & , f 

columns were occupying the ground on which the trench 

were ordered to bivouac on the evening of the 24th. The intention of the 
Austrian emperor, now commanding his army in person, had been to push 
forward rapidly and fall upon the allies before they had completed the 
passage of the river Chiese. But this scheme, like that of Napoleon, was 
based on defective information. The allies broke up from their bivouacs 
man)' hours before the Austrians expected them to do so, and when the 
two armies came in contact early in the morning of the 24th of June the Aus 
trians were quite as much taken by surprise as the French. 

The Austrian arm)', superior in numbers to its opponents, was posted 
in a half-circle between the Mincio and Chiese, with the intention of press- 
ing forward from these points upon a centre. But the line was extended 
too far, and the centre was comparatively weak and without reserves. 
Napoleon, who that morning received complete intelligence of the position 
of the Austrian army, accordingly directed his chief strength against the 
















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enemy's centre, which rested upon a height near the village of Solferino. 
Here, on the 24th of June, after a murderous conflict, in which the French 
commanders hurled continually renewed masses against the decisive posi- 
tion, while on the other side the Austrian reinforcements failed through 
lack of unity of plan and decision of action, the heights were at length won 
by the French troops in spite of heroic resistance on the part of the Aus- 
trian soldiers ; the Austrian line of battle being cut through, and the army 
thus divided into two separate masses. A second attack which Napoleon 
promptly directed against Cavriano had a similar result ; for the commands 
given by the Austrian generals were confused and had no general and 
definite aim. The fate of the battle was already in a great 
measure decided, when a tremendous storm broke forth that solf rlno° 
put an end to the combat at most points, and gave the Aus- 
trians an opportunity to retire in order. Only Benedek, who had twice 
beaten back the Sardinians at various points, continued the struggle for 
some hours longer. On the French side Marshal Niel had pre-eminently 
distinguished himself by acuteness and bravery. It was a day of bloodshed, 
on which two great powers had measured their strength against each other 
for twelve hours. The Austrians had to lament the loss of 13,000 dead 
and wounded, and left 9,000 prisoners in the enemy's hands ; on the side of 
the French and Sardinians the number of killed and wounded was even 
greater, for the repeated attacks had been made upon well-defended heights, 
but the number of prisoners was not nearly so great. 

The victories in Italy filled the French people with the warmest 
admiration for their emperor, they thinking, in their enthusiasm, that a 
true successor of Napoleon the great had come to bring glory The Feeling in 
to their arms. Italy also was full of enthusiatic hope, fancying France and 
that the freedom and unity of the Italians was at last assured. 
Both nations were, therefore, bitterly disappointed in learning that the war 
was at an end, and that a hasty peace had been arranged between the 
emperors, which left the hoped-for work but half achieved. 

Napoleon estimated his position better than his people. Despite his 
victories, his situation was one of danger and difficulty. The army had 
suffered severely in its brief campaign, and the Austrians were still in pos- 
session of the Quadrilateral, a square of powerful fortresses which he might 
seek in vain to reduce. And a threat of serious trouble had arisen in Ger- 
many. The victorious career of a new Napoleon in Italy was alarming. It 
was not easy to forget the past. The German powers, though they had 
declined to come to the aid of Austria, were armed and ready, and at any 
moment might begin a hostile movement upon the Rhine. 


Napoleon, wise enough to secure what he had won, without hazardino 
its loss, arranged a meeting with the Austrian emperor, whom he found 
. „ ,. „ quite as ready for peace. The terms of the truce arranged 

A Meeting of ' J * & 

the Emperors between them were that Austria should abandon Lombard)- 

and Treaty to the line of the Mincio, almost its eastern boundary, and 
of Pence 

that Italy should form a confederacy under the presidency of 

the pope. In the treaty subsequently made only the first of these condi- 
tions was maintained, Lombardy passing to the king of Sardinia. He 
received also the small states of Central Italy, whose tyrants had fled, 
ceding to Napoleon, as a reward for his assistance, the realm of Savoy and 
the city and territory of Nice. 

Napoleon had now reached the summit of his career. In the succeed- 
ing years the French were to learn that they had put their faith in a hollow 
emblem of glory, anil Napoleon to lose the prestige he had gained at Ma- 
genta and Solferino. His first serious mistake was when he yielded to the 
voice of ambition, and, taking advantage of the occupation of the Ameri- 
cans in their civil war, sent an army to invade Mexico. 

The ostensible purpose of this invasion was to collect a debt which the 

Mexicans had refused to pay, and Great Britain and Spain were induced to 

take part in the expedition. But their forces were withdrawn 
The Invasion . . , , , . T , ... . 

of Mexico when they tound that Napoleon had other purposes in view, 

and his army was left to fight its battles alone. After some 
sanguinary engagements the Mexican army was broken into a series of 
guerilla bands, incapable of facing his well-drilled troops, and Napoleon 
proceeded to reorganize Mexico as an empire, placing the Archduke Maxi- 
milian of Austria on the throne. 

All went well while the people of the United States were fighting for 
their national union, but when their war was over the ambitious French em- 
peror was soon taught that he had committed a serious error. He was given 
plainly to understand that the French troops could only be kept in Mexico 
at the cost of a war with the United States, and he found it convenient to 
withdraw them early in 1867. They had no sooner gone than the Mexicans 
were in arms against Maximilian, and his rash determination to remain 
quickly led to his capture and execution as a usurper. 

The inaction of Napoleon during the wars which Prussia fought with 

Denmark and Austria gave further blows to his prestige in France, and the 

Napoleon Loses opposition to his policy of personal government grew so 

Prestige in strong that he felt himself obliged to submit his policy to a 

vote of the people. He was sustained by a large majority. 

Yet he perceived that his power was sinking. He was obliged to loosen the 


reins of government at home, though knowing that the yielding of increased 
liberty to the people would weaken his own control. Finally, finding him- 
self failing in health, confidence, and reputation, he yielded to advisers who 
told him that the only hope for his dynasty lay in a successful war, and un- 
dertook the war of 1S70 against Prussia. 

The origin and events of this war will be considered in a subsequent 
chapter. It will suffice to say here that its events proved Napoleon's in- 
capacity as a military emperor, he being utterly deceived in the condition of 
the French army and unwarrantably ignorant of that of the Germans. He 
believed that the army of France was in the highest condition of organiza- 
tion and completely supplied, when the very contrary was the case ; and was 
similarly deceived concerning the state of the military force of Prussia. 
The result was that which might have been expected. The German troops, 
admirably organized and excellently commanded, defeated the French in a 
series of engagments that fairly took the breath of the world by their 
rapidity and completeness, ending in the capture of Napoleon and his army. 
As a consequence the second empire of France came to an end and 
Napoleon lost his throne. He died two years afterwards an exile in Eng- 
land, that place of shelter for French royal refugees 


Garibaldi and the Unification of Italy. 

FROM the time of the fall of the Roman Empire until late in the nine^ 

teenth century, a period of some fourteen hundred years, Italy re- 

mained disunited, divided up between a series of states, small and 

large, hostile ami peaceful, while its territory was made the battlefield of the 

surrounding powers, the helpless prey of Germany, France, and Spain. Even 

the strong hand of Napoleon failed to bring it unity, and after his 
Lack of Italian r ., . ... r ° . . . , . 

Unity tall its condition was worse than before, for Austria held most 

of the north and exerted a controlling power over the remainder 
of the peninsula, so that the fair form of liberty fled in dismay from its shores. 
But the work of Napoleon had inspired the patriots of Italy with a new 
sentiment, that of union. Before the Napoleonic era the thought of a 
united Italy scarcely existed, and patriotism meant adherence to Sardinia, 
Naples, or some other of the- many kingdoms and duchies. After that era 
union became the watchword of the revolutionists, who felt that the only 
hope of giving Italy a position of dignity and honor among the nations 
Italian Unity ' a Y ' n making it one country under one ruler. The history 
and its of the nineteenth century in Italy is the record of the at- 

tempt to reach this end, and its successful accomplishment, 
And on that record the names of two men most prominently appear, 
Mazzini, the indefatigable conspirator, and Garibaldi, the valorous fighter; 
to whose names should be added that of the eminent statesmen, Count 
Cavour, and that of the man who reaped the benefit of their patriotic 
labors, Victor Emmanuel, the first king of united Italy. 

The basis of the revolutionary movements in Italy was the secret 
political association known as the Carbonari, formed early in the nineteenth 
century and including members of all classes in its ranks. In 1814 this 
powerful society projected a revolution in Naples, and in 1820 it was 

_. _ . strong; enough to invade Naples with an army and force from 

The Carbonari . .... 

the king an oath to observe the new constitution which it had 
prepared. The revolution was put down in the following year by the Aus- 
trians, acting as the agents of the " Holy Alliance," — the compact of 
Austria, Prussia, and Russia. 



An ordinance was passed, condemning any one who should attend a 
meeting of the Carbonari to capital punishment. But the society continued 
to exist, despite this severe enactment, and has been at the basis of many 
of the outbreaks that have taken place in Italy since 1820. Mazzini, Gari- 
baldi, and all the leading patriots were members of this powerful organiza- 
tion, which was daring enough to condemn Napoleon III. to death, and 
almost to succeed in his assassination, for his failure to live up to his obliga- 
tions as a member of the society. 

Giuseppe Mazzini, a native of Genoa, became a member of the Car- 
bonari in 1830. His activity in revolutionary movements caused him soon 
after to be proscribed, and in 183 1 he sought Marseilles, where he organized 
a new political society called "Young Italy," whose watchword 

,, /- 1 11 1. 1 " 1 1 1 • • 1 1 Mazzini the 

was Ooa and the I eople, and whose basic principle was the patriot 
union of the several states and kingdoms into one nation, as 
the only true foundation of Italian liberty. This purpose he avowed in his 
writings and pursued through exile and adversity with inflexible constancy, and 
it is largely due to the work of this earnest patriot that Italy to-day is a single 
kingdom instead of a medley of separate states. Only in one particular did 
he fail. His persistent purpose was to establish a republic, not a monarchy 
While Mazzini was thus working with his pen, his compatriot, Giuseppe 
Garibaldi, was working as earnestly with his sword. This 

f'irlv Career ot 

daring soldier, a native of Nice and reared to a life on the Garibaldi 
sea, was banished as a revolutionist in 1834, and the succeed- 
ing fourteen years of his life were largely spent in South America, in whose 
wars he played a leading part. 

The revolution of 184S opened Italy to these two patriots, and they 
hastened to return, Garibaldi to oiler his services to Charles Albert of 
Sardinia, by whom, however, he was treated with coldm ss and distrust. 
Mazzini, after founding the Roman re-public in 1849, called upon Garibaldi 
to come to its defence, and the latter displayed the greatest heroism in the 
contest against the Neapolitan and French invaders. He escaped from 
Rome on its capture by the French, and, after many desperate conflicts and 
adventures with the Austrians, was again driven into exile, and in 1850 became 
a resident of New York. For some time he worked in a manufactory of 
candles on Staten Island, and afterwards made several voyages on the Pacific. 

The war of 1859 opened a new and promising channel for the devo- 
tion of Garibaldi to his native land. Being appointed major- 
general and commissioned to raise a volunteer corps, he ln e"" nt ers 
, r of the Alps 

organized the hardy body of mountaineers called the " Hunters 

of the Alps/' and with them performed prodigies of valor on the plains 


of Lombardy, winning victories over the Austrian?; at Varese, Como 
and other places. In his ranks was his fellow-patriot Mazzini. 

The success of the French anil Sardinians in Lombardy during this 
war stirred Italy to its centre. The grand duke of Tuscany fled to Aus- 
tria. The duchess of Parma sought refuge in Switzerland. The duke 
of Modena found shelter in the Austrian camp. Everywhere the brood of 
tyrants took to flight. Bologna threw off its allegiance to the pope, and 
proclaimed the king of Sardinia dictator. Several other towns in the 
states of the Church did the same. In the terms of the truce between 
Louis Napoleon and Francis Joseph the rulers of these realms were to 
resume their reigns if the people would permit. But the people would not 
permit, and they were all annexed to Sardinia, which country was greatly 
expanded as a result of the war. 

It will not suffice to give all the credit for these revolutionary move- 
ments to Mazzini, the organizer, Garibaldi, the soldier, and the ambitious 
monarchs of France and Sardinia. More important than king and emperor 
was the eminent statesman. Count Cavour, prime minister of Sardinia from 
1852. It is to this able man that the honor of the unification of Italy most 
Count Cavour fully belongs, though he did not live to see it. He sent a 
the Brain of Sardinian army to the assistance of France and England in 
y the Crimea in 1855, and by this act gave his state a standing 

among the powers of Europe. He secured liberty of the press and favored 
toleration in religion and freedom of trade. He rebelled against the 
dominion of the papacy, and devoted his abilities to the liberation and 
unity of Italy, undismayed by the angry fulminations from the Vatican. 
The war of 1859 was his work, and he had the satisfaction of seeing 
Sardinia increased by the addition of Lombardy, Tuscany, Parma and 
Modena. A great step had been taken in the work to which he had 
devoted his life. 

The next step in the great work was taken by Garibaldi, who now 
struck at the powerful kingdom of Naples and Sicily in the south. It 
Garibaldi's In. seemed a difficult task. Francis II., the son and successor of 
vasion of the infamous "King Bomba," had a well-organized armv of 

>ICI y 150,000 men. But his father's tyranny had filled the land 

with secret societies, and fortunately at this time the Swiss mercenaries 
were recalled home, leaving to Francis only his unsafe native troops. This 
was the critical interval which Mazzini and Garibaldi chose for their work. 

At the beginning of April, i860, the signal was given by separate 
insurrections in Messina and Palermo. These were easily suppressed by 
the troops in garrison • but though both cities were declared in a state of 


siege, they gave occasion for demonstrations by which the revolutionary 

chiefs excited the public mind. On the 6th of May, Garibaldi started with 

two steamers from Genoa with about a thousand Italian volunteers, and on 

the nth landed near Marsala, on the west coast of Sicily. He proceeded 

to the mountains, and near Salemi gathered round him the scattered bands 

of the free corps. By the 14th his army had increased to 4,000 men. He 

now issued a proclamation, in which he took upon himself the dictatorship 

of Sicily, in the name of Victor Emmanuel, king of Italy. After waging 

various successful combats under the most difficult circumstances, Garibaldi 

advanced upon the capital, announcing his arrival by beacon-fires kindled 

at night. On the 27th he was in front of the Porta Termina of Palermo, 

and at once gave the signal for the attack. The people rose 

in mass, and assisted the operations of the besiegers by a P« reo ' 

1 & 3 Palermo 

barricade-fighting in the streets. In a few hours half the 

town was in Garibaldi's hands. But now General Lanza, whom the young 
king had dispatched with strong reinforcements to Sicily, furiously bom- 
barded the insurgent city, so that Palermo was reduced almost to a heap of 
ruins. At this juncture, by the intervention of an English admiral, an armistice 
was concluded, which led to the departure of the Neapolitan troops and war 
vessels and the surrender of the town to Garibaldi, who thus, with a band 
of 5,000 badly armed followers, had gained a signal advantage over a 
regular army of 25,000 men. This event had tremendous consequences, 
for it showed the utter hollowness of the Neapolitan government, while 
Garibaldi's fame was everywhere spread abroad. The glowing fancy of 
the Italians beheld in him the national hero before whom every enemy 
would bite the dust. This idea seemed to extend even to the Neapolitan 
court itself, where all was doubt, confusion and dismay. The king hastily 
summoned a liberal ministry, and offered to restore the constitution of 
1848, but the general verdict was, "too late," and his proclamation fell flat 
on a people who had no trust in Bourbon faith. 

The arrival of Garibaldi in Naples was enough to set in blaze all the 

combustible materials in that state. His appearance there 

.1 111^- ir 1 ir Messina is 

was not long delayed. Six weeks after the surrender of Taken 

Palermo he marched against Messina. On the 21st of 

July the fortress of Melazzo was evacuated, and a week afterwards all 

Messina except the citadel was given up. 

Europe was astounded at the remarkable success of Garibaldi's handful 

of men. On the mainland his good fortune was still more astonishing. He 

had hardly landed — which he did almost in the face of the Neapolitan fleet 

—than Reggio was surrendered and its garrison withdrew His progress 


through the south of the kingdom was like a triumphal procession. At the 
night of Francis ( ' ni1 °f August he was at Cosenza ; on the 5th of September 
11. and Con- at Eboli, near Salerno. No resistance appeared. His very 
s name seemed to work like magic on the population. The 
capital had been declared in a state of siege, and on September 6th the 
king took flight, retiring, with the 4,000 men still faithful to him, behind 
the Volturno. The next day Garibaldi, with a few followers, entered 
Naples, whose populace received him with frantic shouts of welcome. 

The remarkable achievements of Garibaldi filled all Italy with over- 
mastering excitement. 1 fe had declared that he would proclaim the 
kingdom of Italy from the heart of its capital city, and nothing less than 
this would content the people. The position of the pope had become 
serious. He refused to errant the reforms suggested by the 

French emperor, and threatened with excommunication any one 
of the Pope l ' J 

who should meddle with the domain of the Church. Money 
was collected from faithful Catholics throughout the world, a summons 
was issued calling for recruits to the holy arm)- of the pope, and the exiled 
French General Lamoriciere was given the chief command of the troops, 
composed of men who had Hocked to Rome from man)' nations,. It was 
hoped that the name of the celebrated French leader would have a favor- 
able influence on the troops of the French garrison of Rome. 

The settlement of the perilous situation seemed to rest with Louis 
Napoleon. If he had let Garibaldi have his way the latter would, no doubt, 
have quickly ended the temporal sovereignity of the pope and made Rome 
the capital of Italy. But Napoleon seems to have arranged with Cavour to 
leave the king of Sardinia free to take possession of Naples, Umbria and 
the other provinces, provided that Rome and the "patrimony of St. Peter" 
were left intact. 

At the beginning of September two Sardinian army corps, under Fanti 
and Cialdini, marched to the borders of the states of the church. Lamor- 
iciere advanced against Cialdini with his motley troops, but 
c or iman wag qy^^jy defeated, and on the following day was besieged 

lie I in Naples l J ' £> J a 

in the fortess of Ancona. On the 29th he and the garrison 
surrendered as prisoners of war. On the 9th of October Victor Emmanuel 
arrived and took command. There was no longer a papal army to oppose 
him, and the march southward proceeded without a check. 

I he object of the king in assuming the chief command was to com- 
plete the conquest of the kingdom of Naples, in conjunction with Garibaldi. 
For though Garibaldi had entered the capital in triumph, the progress on 
the hne of the Volturno had been slow : and the expectation that the 


















In 18R7 Garibaldi made a final effort to take the city of being one of the cherished objects of his life to make it the capital 

»f United Italy. He would have succeeded in capturing the famous city had not the French come to the aid of the papal 

troops. The allied fori es were- too strong, and he was defeated at Men tan a The i I lu-t ration shows the 

^nch Zouaves in a dashing bayonet charge against the barricades of the revolutionists 


Neapolitan army would go over to the invaders in a mass had not beer, 
realized. The great majority of the troops remained faithful to the flag, so 
that Garibaldi, although his irregular bands amounted to more than 25,000 
men, could not hope to drive away King Francis, or to take the fortresses 
of Capua and Gaeta, without the help of Sardinia. Against the diplomatic 
statesman Cavour, who fostered no illusions, and saw the conditions of 
affairs in its true light, the simple, honest Garibaldi cherished a deep aver- 
sion. He could never forgive Cavour for having given up Nice, Garibaldi's 
native town, to the French. On the other hand, he felt at- 
tracted toward the king, who in his opinion seemed to be the ^conquests 
man raised up by Providence for the liberation of Italy. 
Accordingly, when Victor Emmanuel entered Sessa, at the head of his 
army, Garibaldi was easily induced to place his dictatorial power in the 
hands of the king, to whom he left the completion of the work of the union 
of Italy. After greeting Victor Emmanuel with the title of King of Italy, 
and giving the required resignation of his power, with the words, "Sire, I 
obey," he entered Naples, riding- beside the king ; and then, after recom- 
mending his companions in arms to his majesty's special favor, he retired 
to his home on the island of Caprera, refusing to receive a reward, in any 
shape or form, for his services to the state and its head. 

The progress of the Sardinian army compelled Francis to give up the 
line of the Volturno, and he eventually took refuge, with his best troops, in 
the fortress of Gaeta. On the maintenance of this fortress hung the fate 
of the kingdom of Naples. Us defence is the only bright 
point in the career of the feeble Francis, whose courage was q* U ^° 
aroused by the heroic resolution 01 his young wife, the Bava- 
rian Princess Mary. For three months the defence continued. But no 
European power came to the aid of the king, disease appeared with scarcity 
of food and of munitions of war, and the garrison was at length forced to 
capitulate. The fall of Gaeta was practically the completion of the great 
work of the unification of Italy. Only Rome and Venice remained to be 
added to the united kingdom. On February iS, 1S61, Victor Emmanuel 
assembled at Turin the deputies of all the states that acknowl- victor Em man- 
edged his supremacy, and in their presence assumed the title uel Made 
of King of Italy, which he was the first to bear. In four King of ,ta, y 
months afterwards Count Cavour, to whom this great work was largely 
due, died. He had lived long enough to see the purpose of his life 
practically accomplished. 

Great as had been the change which two years had made, the patriots 
of Italy were not satisfied. " Free from the Alps to the Adriatic !" was their 


cry ; " Rome and Venice !" became the watchword of the revolutionists. 
Mazzini, who had sought to found a republic, was far from content, and the 
agitation went on. Garibaldi was drawn into it, and made bitter complaint 
of the treatment his followers had received. In 1862, disheartened at the 
inaction of the king, he determined to undertake against Rome an expedi- 
tion like that which he had led against Naples two years before. 

In June he sailed from Genoa and landed at Palermo, where he was 

Uaribaltii's Ex» quickly joined by an enthusiastic party of volunteers. They 

pedition supposed that the government secretly favored their design, 

Against Rome , Jut the king had nQ ;d| . ;i ()f fight ; ng aga i nst tne French 

troops in Rome and arousing international complications, and he energetic- 
ally warned all Italians against taking part in revolutionary enterprises. 

Hut Garibaldi persisted in his design. When his way was barred by 
the garrison of Messina he turned aside to Catania, where he embarked 
with 2,000 volunteers, declaring he would enter Rome as a victor, or perish 
beneath its walls. He landed at Melito on the 24th of August, ami threw 
himself at once, with his followers, into the Calabrian mountains. But his 
enterprise was quickly and disastrously ended. General Cialdini despatched 
a division of the regular army, under Colonel Pallavicino, against the volun- 
teer bands. At Aspromonte, on the 2<Sth of August, the two forces came 
into collision. A chance shot was followed by several volleys from the 
regulars. Garibaldi forbade his men to return the fire of their fellow- 
subjects of the Italian kingdom. He was wounded, and taken 

' e " prisoner with his followers, a few of whom had been slain 

Caprera \ 

in the short combat. A government steamer carried the 
wounded chief to Varisrnano, where he was held in a sort of honorable im- 
prisonment, and was compelled to undergo a tedious and painful operation 
for the healing of his wound. He had at least the consolation that all 
Europe looked with sympathy and interest upon the unfortunate hero; and 
a general sense of relief was felt when, restored to health, he was set free, 
and allowed to return to his rocky island of Caprera. 

Victor Emmanuel was seeking to accomplish his end by safer means. 
The French garrison of Rome was the obstacle in his way, and this was 
finally removed through a treaty with Eouis Napoleon in September, 1864. 
Florence the the emperor agreeing to withdraw his troops during the succeed- 
Capital of ing two years, in which the pope was to raise an army large 

y enough to defend his dominions. Florence was to replace Turin 

as the capital of Italy. This arrangement created such disturbances in Turin 
that the king was forced to leave that city hastily for h».s new capital. In 
December, 1 866, the last of the French troops departed from Rome, in 


despite of the efforts of the pope to retain them. By their withdrawal 
Italy was freed from the presence of foreign soldiers for the first time 
probably in a thousand years. 

In 1866 came an event which reacted favorably for Italy, though her 
part in it was the reverse of triumphant. This was the war between Prussia 
and Austria. Italy was in alliance with Prussia, and Victor 
Emmanuel hastened to lead an army across the Mincio to «?y ar °* 
the invasion of Venetia, the last Austrian province in Italy. 
Garibaldi at the same time was to invade the Tyrol with his volunteers. 
The enterprise ended in disaster. The Austrian troops, under the Arch- 
duke Albert, encountered the Italians at Custozza and grained a brilliant 
victory, despite the much greater numbers of the Italians. 

Fortunately for Italy, the Austrians had been unsuccessful in the north, 
and the emperor, with the hope of gaining the alliance of France and 
breaking the compact between Italy and Prussia, decided to cede Venetia to 
Louis Napoleon. His purpose failed. All Napoleon did in response was 
to act as a peacemaker, while the Italian king refused to recede from his 
alliance. Though the Austrians were retreating from a country which no 
longer belonged to them, the invasion of Venetia by the Italians continued, 
and several conflicts with the Austrian army took place. 

But much the most memorable event of this brief war occurred on the 
sea, in the most striking contest of ironclad ships between the American 
civil war and the Japan-China contest. Both countries concerned had fleets 
on the Adriatic. Italy was the strongest in naval vessels, possessing ten iron, 
clads and a considerable number of wooden ships. Austria's 
ironclad fleet was seven in number, plated with thin iron and the Adriatic 
with no very heavy guns. In addition there was a number 
of wooden vessels and gunboats. But in command of this fleet was an 
admiral in whose blood was the iron which was lacking on his ships, Teget- 
hoff, the Dewey of the Adriatic. Inferior as his ships were, his men 
were thoroughly drilled in the use of the guns and the evolutions of the 
ships, and when he sailed it was with the one thought of victory. 

Persano, the Italian admiral, as if despising his adversary, engaged in 
siege of che fortified island of Lissa, near the Dalmatian coast, leaving the 
Austrians to do what they pleased. What they pleased was to attack him 
with a fury such as has been rarely seen. Early on July 20, 1866, when the 
Italians were preparing for a combined assault of the island by land and sea, 
their movement was checked by the signal displayed on a scouting frigate : 
"Suspicious-looking ships are in sight." Soon afterwards the Austrian fleet 
appeared, the ironclads leading, the wooden ships in the rear. 


The battle that followed has had no parallel before or since. The 
whole Austrian fleet was converted into rams. Tegethoff gave one final 
order to his captains: " Close with the enemy and ram everything grey." 
Grey was the color of the Italian ships. The Austrian were painted black, 
so as to prevent an}' danger <>f error. 

Fire was opened at two miles distance, the balls 1" ing wasted in the 
waters between the fleets, " Full steam ahead," signalled Tegethoff. On 
came tin' ili ets, firing steadily, the balls now beginning to tell. "Ironclads 
will ram and sink the eneni) ," signalled Tegethoff. It was the last order he 
gave until the battle was won. 

Soon the two lines of ironclads closed amid thick clouds of smoke 
Tegethoff, in his flagship, the Ferdinand Max, twiced rammed a grey iron- 
clad without effect. Then, out of the smoke, loomed up the tall masts of 
The siukin" t '"' ^'' d Italia, Persano's flagship in the beginning of the 
of the "Re fray. Against this vessel the Ferdinand Max rushed at full 
speed, and struck her fair!)' amidships. Her sides of iron 
were crushed in by the powerful blow, her tall masts toppled over, and 
down beneath the waves sank the great ship with her crew of 600 men. 
The next minute another Italian ship came rushing upon the Austrian, and 
was only avoided by a quick turn of the helm. 

One other great disastei occurred to the Italian:;. The Palestro was 

set on lire, and the pumps were put actively to work to drown the magazine. 

Tim ( rew thought the work had been successfully performed, 

The "Palestro" 111 1 r 1 1 1 ' .1 1 

is Blown Up aiu ' tnat they were getting the lire under control, when there sud- 
denly came a terrible burst of llame attended by a roar that 
drowned all the din of the battle'. It was the death knell of 400 men, for 
the Palestro had blown up with all on board. 

The great ironclad turret ship and ram of the Italian fleet, the. Affonda- 
/ore, to which Admiral Persano had shifted his flag, far the most powerful 
vessel in the Adriatic, kept outside of the battledine, and was of little ser- 
vice in the fray. It was apparently afraid to encounter Tegethoffs terrible 
rams. The battle ended with the Austrian licet, wooden vessels and all, pass- 
ing practically unharmed through the Italian lines into the harbor of Lissa, 
leaving death and destruction in their rear. Teeethoff was the one Aus- 
trian who came out of that war with fame. Persano on his return home 

was put on trial for cowardice and incompetence. He was con- 
Venecia Ceded , , , , , ,. . , r j j- 
to Italy victed of the latter and dismissed from the navy in disgrace. 

But Italy, though defeated by land ami sea, gained a 

valuable prize from the war, for Napoleon ceded Venetia to the Italian 

kin", ami ,non afterwards Victor Emmanuel entered Venice in triumph, 


the solemn act of homage being performed in the superb Place of St. 
Marks. . Thus was completed the second act in the unification of Italy. 

The national party, with Garibaldi at its head, still aimed at the posses- 
sion of Rome, as the historic capital of the peninsula. In 1867 he made a 
second attempt to capture Rome, but the papal army, strengthened with a 
a new French auxiliary force, defeated his badly armed volunteers, and he 
was taken prisoner and held captive for a time, after which he was sent back 
to Caprera. This led to the French army of occupation being returned to 
Civita Vecchia, where it was kept for several years. 

The final act came as a consequence of the Franco-German war of 
1870, which rendered necessary the withdrawal of the French troops from 
Italy. The pope was requested to make a peaceful abdica- j^ om ^ Becomes 
tion. As he refused this, the States of the Church were occu- the Capital 
pied up to the walls of the capital, and a three hours' cannon- ° ay 
ade of the city sufficed to bring the long strife to an end Rome became 
the capital of Italy, and the whole peninsula, for the first time since the fall 
of the ancient Roman empire, was concentrated into a single nation, under 
one king. 


Bismarck and the New Empire of Germany. 

WHAT was for many centuries known as " The Holy Roman Empire 
of the German Nation " was a portion of the great imperial do- 
main of Charlemagne, divided between his sons on his death in 
814. It became an elective monarchy in 911, and from the reign of Otho 
the Great was confined to Germany, which assumed the title above given. 
This great empire survived until 1804, when the imperial title, then held by 
Francis I. of Austria, was given up, and Francis styled him- The Empires 01 
self Emperor of Austria. It is an interesting coincidence that Germany and 
this empire ceased to exist in the same year that Napoleon, 
who in a large measure restored the empire of Charlemagne, assumed the 
imperial crown of France. The restoration of the Empire of Germany 
though not in its old form, was left to Prussia, after the final overthrow ol 
the Napoleonic imperial dynasty in 1871. 

Prussia, originally an unimportant member of the German confedera- 
tion, rose to power as Austria declined, its progress upward being remark 
ably rapid. Frederick William, the "Great Elector" of Brandenburg, 
united the then minor province of Prussia to his dominions, and at his death 
in 1688 left it a strong army and a large treasure. His son, The Rapid 
Frederick I., was the first to bear the title of King of Prussia. Growth of 
Frederick the Great, who became king in 1740, had under him 
a series of disjointed provinces and a population of less than 2,500,000. His 
genius made Prussia a great power, which grew until, in 1805, it had a popu 
lation of 9,640,000 and a territory of nearly 6,000 square miles. 

We have seen the part this kingdom played in the Napoleonic wars. 
Dismembered by Napoleon and reduced to a mere fragment, it regained its 
old importance by the Treaty of Vienna. The great career of this kingdom 
began with the accession, in 1862, of King William I., and the appointment, 
in the same year, of Count Otto von Bismarck as Minister of the King's 
House and of Foreign Affairs. It was not King William, but Count Bis- 
marck, who raised Prussia to the exalted position it has since assumed. 

Bismarck began his career by an effort to restore the old despotism, 
setting aside acts of the legislature with the boldness of an autocrat, and 



seeking to make the king supreme over the representatives ot the people 

Jjismar k' ^ e disdained the protest of the Chamber of Deputies in con 

Despotic Acts eluding a secret treaty with Russia. He made laws and de 

and Warlike creed budget estimates without the concurrence of the Cham- 
Agjrressions . . , . .. , , .. . . . 

bers. And while thus busily engaged at home in altercations 

with the Prussian Parliament, he was as actively occupied with foreign 


In 1864 Austria reluctantly took part with Prussia in the occupation of 
the duchy of Schleswig-Holstein, claimed by Denmark. A war with Den- 
mark followed, which ultimately resulted in the annexation to Prussia of 
the disputed territory. In this movement Bismarck was carrying out a pro- 
ject which he had long entertained, that of making Prussia the leading power 
in Germany. A second step in this policy was taken in 1866, when the troops 
of Prussia occupied Hanover and Saxony. This act of aggression led to a 
war, in which Austria, alarmed at the ambitious movements of Prussia, came 
to the aid of the threatened states. 

Bismarck was quite ready. He had strengthened Prussia by an alliance 
with Italy, and launched the Prussian army against that of Austria with a 
rapidity that overthrew the power of the allies in a remarkably brief and 
most brilliant campaign. At the decisive battle of Sadowa fought July 3, 
(866, King William commanded the Prussian army and Field-marshal' Bene- 
dek the Austrian. But back of the Prussian king was General Von Moltke 
one of the most brilliant strategists of modern times, to whose skillful com 
binations, and distinguished services in organizing the army of Prussia, that 
state owed its rapid series of successes in war. 

At Sadowa the newly-invented needle-gun played an effective part in 
bringing victory to the Prussian arms. The battle continued actively from 
7.30 a.m. to 2.30 P.M., at which hour the Prussians carried the centre of the 
Austria Over- Austrian position. Yet, d< spite this, the advantage remained 
thrown at with the Austriaus until 3.30, at which hour the Crown Prince 
Sadowa Frederick drove their left flank from the village of Lipa. An 

hour more sufficed to complete' the defeat of the Austrians, but it was 9 P.M. 
before the fighting ceased. In addition to their losses on the held, 15,000 
of the Austrians were made prisoners and their cause was lost beyond possi- 
bility of recovery. 

There seemed nothing: to hinder Bismarck from overthrowing and dis- 
membering the Austrian empire, as Napoleon had done more than once, but 
there is reason to believe that the dread of France coming to the aid of the 
defeated realm made him stop short in his career of victory Napoleon III 
boasted to the French Chambers that he had stayed the conqueror at tW 














gates of Vienna. However that be, a treaty of peace was signed, in which 
Austria consented to withdraw from the German Confederation. Bismarck 
had gained one great point in his plans, in removing a formidable rival from 
his path. The way was cleared for making Prussia the supreme power in 
Germany. The German allies of Austria suffered severely for their assistance 
to that power. Saxony kept its king, but fell under Prussian control ; and 
Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and the free city of Frankfurt-on-the-Main 
were absorbed by Prussia. 

The States of South Germany had taken part on the side <>f Austria 
in the war, and continued the struggle after peace had been made between 
the main contestants. The result was the only one that could have been 
expected under the circumstances. Though the Bavarians and Wurtem- 
bergers showed great bravery in the several conflicts, the Soutix German 
Prussians were steadily successful, and the South German States in the 
army was finally obliged to retire beyond the Main, while 
Wurzburg was captured by the Prussians. In this city a truce was effected 
which ultimately led to a treaty of peace. Wiirtemberg, Bavaria, and Baden 
were each required to pay a war indemnity, and a secret measure of the 
treaty was an offensive and defensive alliance with Prussia for common ac- 
tion in case of a foreign war. 

Mention was made in the last chapter of the long disunion of Italy, its 
division into a number of separate and frequently hostile states from the 
iall of the Roman Empire until its final unification in 1870. A similar con- 
dition had for ages existed in Germany. The so-called Ger- 

E f j i-i -i 1-1 1 Disunion of 

mpire 01 the mediaeval period was little more than a Germany 

league of separate states, each with its own monarch and dis- 
tinct government. And the authority of the emperor decreased with time 
until it became but a shadow. It vanished in 1804, leaving Germany com- 
posed of several hundred independent states, small and large. 

Several efforts were made in the succeeding years to restore the bond 
of union between these states. Under the influence of Napoleon they were 
organized into South German and North German Confederacies, and the 
effect of his interference with their internal affairs was such that they be- 
came greatly reduced in number, many of the minor states being swallowed 
up by their more powerful neighbors. 

The subsequent attempts at union proved weak and ineffective. The 
Bund, or bond of connection between these states, formed after 
the Napoleonic period, was of the most shadowy character, u„; on * 
its congress being destitute of power or authority. The 
National Assembly, convened at Frankfurt after the revolution of 1848, 


with tiie Archduke John of Austria as administrator of the empire, 
proved equally powerless. It made a vigorous effort to enforce its author- 
ity, but without avail ; Prussia refused to be bound by its decisions ; and the 
attitude of opposition assumed by this powerful state soon brought the new 
attempt at union to an end. 

In 1 886 the war between the two great powers of Germany, in which 
most of the smaller powers were concerned, led to more decided measures, 
in the absorption by Prussia of the states above named, the formation of a 
North German League among the remaining states of the north, and the 
offensive and defensive alliance with Prussia of the South German states. 
By the treaty of peace with Austria, that power was excluded from the Ger- 
man League, and Prussia remained the dominant power in Germany. A 
constitution for the League was adopted in 1S67, providing for a Diet, or 
legislative council of the League, elected by the direct votes of the people, 
and an army, which was to be under the command of the Prussian king and 
subject to the military laws of Prussia. Each state in the League bound 
itself to supply a specified sum for the support of the army. 

Here was a union with a backbone — an army and a budget — and 

Bismarck had done more in the five years of his ministry ir forming an 

united Germany than his predecessors had done in fifty years. 
The Feeling for .-, , . , r in- 1 1 • 1 1 

u nit but the idea of union and alliance between kindred states was 

then widely in the air. Such a union had been practically 
completed in Italy, and Hungary in 1867 regained her ancient rights, which 
had been taken from her in 1849, being given a separate government, with 
Francis Joseph, the emperor of Austria, as its king. It was natural that 
the common blood of the Germans should lead them to a political confed- 
eration, and equally natural that Prussia, which so overshadowed the smaller 
states in strength, should be the leading element in the alliance. 

The great increase in the power and importance of Prussia, as an out- 
come of the war with Austria, was viewed with jealousy in Fiance. The 
Emperor Napoleon sought, by a secret treaty with Holland, to obtain 
possession of the state of Luxemburg, for which a sum of money was to be 
paid. This negotiation became known and was defeated by Bismarck, the 
King of Holland shrinking from the peril of war and the publicity of a 
disgraceful transaction. But the interference of Prussia with this underhand 
scheme added to the irritation of France. 

The Position And thus time passed on until the eventful year 1870. 

of Louis By that year Prussia had completed its work among the 

North German states and was ready for the issue of hostilities, 
if this should be necessary. On the other hand. Napoleon, who had found 


his prestige in France from various causes decreasing, felt obliged in 1870 
to depart from his policy of personal rule and give that country a constitu- 
tional government. This proposal was submitted to a vote of the people and 
was sustained by an immense majority. He also took occasion to state that 
"peace was never more assured than at the present time.' This assurance 
gave satisfaction to the world, yet it was a false one, for war was probably 
at that moment assured. 

There were alarming signs in France. The opposition to Napoleonism 
was steadily gaining power. A bad harvest was threatened — a serious 
source of discontent. The Parliament was discussing the reversal of the 
sentence of banishment against the Orleans family. These indications of a 
change in public sentiment appeared to call for some act that would aid in 
restoring the popularity of the emperor. And of all the acts that could be 
devised a national war seemed the most promising. If the Rhine frontier, 
which every French regarded as the natural boundary of the empire, could 
be regained by the arms of the nation, discontent and opposition would 
vanish, the name of Napoleon would win back its old prestige, and the 
reign of Bonapartism would be firmly established. 

Acts speak louder than words, and the acts of Napoleon were not in 

accord with his assurances of peace. Extensive military preparations 

began, and the forces of the empire were strengthened by 

111 ... ... Preparations 

land and sea, while great trust was placed in a new weapon, for Hostilities 

of murderous powers, called the mitrailleuse, the predecessor 

of the machine gun, and capable of discharging twenty-five balls at once. 

On the other hand, there were abundant indications of discontent in 
Germany, where a variety of parties inveighed against the rapacious policy of 
Prussia, and where Bismarck had sown a deep crop of hate. It was believed 
in France that the minor states would not support Prussia in a war. In 
Austria the defeat in 1866 rankled, and hostilities against Prussia on the 
part of France seemed certain to win sympathy and support in that com- 
posite empire. Colonel Stoffel, the French military envoy at Berlin, 
declared that Prussia would be found abundantly prepared for a struggle ; 
but his warnings went unheeded in the French Cabinet, and the warlike 
preparations continued. 

Napoleon did not have to go far for an excuse for the war upon which 

he was resolved. One was prepared for him in that potent 

f . , , 1 . i.i r r- t The Revolution 

source 01 trouble, the succession to the throne of Spam. In ; „ 0.1- 

t in opain 

that country there had for years been no end of trouble, 

revolts, Carlist risings, wars and rumors of wars. The government of Queen 

Isabella, with its endless intrigues, plots, and alternation of despotism 


and anarchy, and the pronounced immorality of the queen, had become so 
distasteful to the people that finally, after several years of revolts and armed 
risings, she was driven from her throne by a revolution, and for a time Spain 
was without a monarchy and ruled on republican principles. 

But this arrangement did not prove satisfactory. The party in opposition 
looked around for a king, and negotiations began with a distant relative of 
the Prussian royal family, Leopold of Hohenzollern. Prince Leopold ac- 
cepted the offer, and informed the king of Prussia of his decision. 

The news of this event caused great excitement in Paris, and the Prus- 
sian government was advised of the painful feeling to which the incident 

had given rise. The answer from Berlin that the Prussian 
The Spanish . . , 1 1 -n • 

Succession government had no concern in the matter, and that rrince 

Leopold was free to act on his own account, did not allay the 

excitement. The demand for war grew violent and clamorous, the voices 

of the feeble opposition in the Chambers were drowned, and the journalists 

ami war partisans were confident of a short and glorious campaign and a 

triumphant march to Berlin. 

The hostile feeling was reduced when- King William of Prussia, though 

he declined to prohibit Prince Leopold from accepting the crown, expressed 

his concurrence with the decision of the prince when he withdrew his accept- 

, _ ance of the dangerous offer. This decision was regarded as 
Napoleon s Ue- - . '? 

manii and sufficient, even in Paris; but it did not seem to be so in the 

Wiiham's palace, where an excuse for a declaration of war was ardently 

desired. The emperor's hostile purpose was enhanced by the 

influence of the empress, and it was finally declared that the Prussian king 

had aggrieved France in permitting the prince to become a candidate for 

the throne without consulting the French Cabinet. 

Satisfaction for this shadowy source of offence was demanded, but King 
William firmly refused to say any more on the subject and declined to stand 
in the way of Prince Leopold if he should again accept the offer of the 
Spanish throne. This refusal was declared to be an offence to the honor 
and a threat to the safety of France. The war party was so strongly in the 
,i icendant that all opposition was now looked upon as lack of 

The Declaration . . , . . . . r\f\- ■ 

i War patriotism, and on the 15th ol July the Prime Minister (Jllivier 

announced that the reserves were to be called out and the neces- 
sary measures taken to secure the honor and security of France. When the 
declaration of war was hurled against Prussia the whole nation seemed in 
harmony with it, and public opinion appeared for once to have become a 
unit throughout Prance. 


Rarely in the history of the world has so trivial a cause given rise to 
such stupendous military and political events as took place in France in a 
brief interval following this blind leap into hostilities. Instead of a tri- 
umphant march to Berlin and the dictation of peace from its palace, France 
was to find itself in two months' time without an emperor or an army, and 
in a few months more completely subdued and occupied by foreign troops, 
while Paris had been made the scene of a terrible siege and a frightful com- 
munistic riot, and a republic had succeeded the empire. It was such a series 
of events as have seldom been compressed within the short interval of half 
a year. 

In truth Napoleon and his advisers were blinded by their hopes to the 

true state of affairs. The army on which they depended, and which they 

assumed to be in a high state of efficiency and discipline, was lacking in 

almost every requisite of an efficient force. The first Napo- st t oi tne 

leon was his own minister of war. The third Napoleon, when French and 

told by his war minister that " not a single button was want- German 
•1 -»ii irir j Armies 

ing on a single gaiter, took the words for the tact, and 

hurled an army without supplies and organization against the most thor- 
oughly organized army the world had ever known. That the French were 
as brave as the Germans goes without saying ; they fought desperately, but 
from the first confusion reigned in their movements, while military science 
of the highest kind dominated those of the Germans. 

Napoleon was equally mistaken as to the state of affairs in Germany. 
The disunion upon which he counted vanished at the first threat of war. 
All Germany felt itself threatened and joined hands in defence. The 
declaration of war was received there with as deep an enthusiasm as in 
France and a fervent eagerness for the struggle. The new popular song, 
Die Wacht am Rhein (" The Watch on the Rhine ") spread rapidly from 
end to end of the country, and indicated the resolution of the German 
people to defend to the death the frontier stream of their country. 

The French looked for a parade march to Berlin, even fixing the day 
of their entrance into that city — August 15th, the emperor's birthday. On 
the contrary, they failed to set their foot on German territory, and soon 
found themselves engaged in a death struggle with the invaders of their 
own land. In truth, while the Prussian diplomacy was conducted by Bis- 
marck, the ablest statesman Prussia had ever known, the movements of the 
army were directed by far the best tactician Europe then 
possessed, the famous Von Moltke, to whose strategy the v^Moitke 
rapid success of the war against Austria had been due. In 
the war with France Von Moltke, though too old to lead the armies in per. 


son, was virtually commander-in-chief, and arranged those masterly combina- 
tions which overthrew all the power of France in so remarkably brief a 
period. Under his directions, from the moment war was declared, every- 
thing worked with clocklike precision. It was said that Von Moltke had 
only to touch a bell and all went forward. As it was, the Crown Prince 
Frederick fell upon the French while still unprepared, won the first battle, 
and steadily held the advantage to the end, the French being beaten by the 
strategy that kept the Germans in superior strength at all decisr e points. 

But to return to the events of war. On July 23, 1870, the Emperor 
Napoleon, after making his wife Eugenie regenl of France, set out with his 
son at the head of the army, full of high hopes of victory and triumph. By 
the end of July King William had also set out from Berlin to join the 
armies that were then in rapid motion towards the frontier. 

The emperor made his way to Metz, where was stationed his main 

army, about 200,000 strong, under Marshals Bazaine and Canrobert and 

General Bourbaki. Further east, under .Marshal MacMahon, 

trengt of t ] ie ] iero f Magenta, was the southern army, of about 100,000 

the Armies • 

men. A third army occupied the camp at Chalons, while a 

well-manned fleet set sail for the Baltic, to blockade the harbors and assail 

the coast of Germany. The German army was likewise in three divisons, 

the first, of 61,000 men, under General Steinmetz ; the second, of 206,000 

men, under Prince Frederick Charles; and the third, of 180,000 men, under 

the crown prince and General Blumenthal. The king, commander-in-chief 

of the whole, was in the centre, and with him the general staff under the 

guidance of the alert Von Moltke. Bismarck and the minister of war Von 

Roon were also present, and so rapid was the movement of these great 

forces that in two weeks after the order to march was given 300,000 armed 

Germans stood in rank along the Rhine. 

The two armies first came together on August 2d, nt-ar Saarbriick, on 
Battles of saaro tne frontier line of the hostile kingdoms. It was the one 
briickand success of the French, for the Prussians, after a fight in which 
eissen urg D0 th sides lost equally, retired in good order. This was 
proclaimed by the French papers as a brilliant victory, and filled the people 
with undue hopes of glory. It was the last favorable report, for they were 
quickly overwhelmed with tidings of defeat and disaster. 

Weissenburg, on the borders of Rhenish Bavaria, had been invested 
by a division of MacMahon's army. On August 4th the right wing of the 
army of the Crown Prince Frederick attacked and repulsed this investing 
force after a hot engagement, in which its leader, General Douay, was 
killed, and the loss on both sides was heavy Two davs later orrurred a 


battle which decided the fate of the whole war, that of Worth-Reideshofen 
where .the army of the crown prince met that of MacMahon, and after a 
desperate struggle, which continued for fifteen hours, completely defeated 
him, with very heavy losses on both sides. MacMahon retreated in haste 
towards the army at Chalons, while the crown prince took possession of 
Alsace, and prepared for the reduction of the fortresses on the Rhine, from 
Strasburg to Belfort. On the same day as that of the battle of Worth. 
General Steinmetz stormed the heights of Spicheren, and, though at great 
loss of life, drove Frossard from those heights and back upon A! 

The occupation of Alsace was followed by that of Lorraine, by the 
Prussian army under King William, who took possession of Nancy and the 
country surrounding on August nth. These two provinces had formerly 
belonged to Germany, and it was the aim of the Prussians to occupation of 
retain them as the chief anticipated prize of the war. Mean- Alsace and 
while the world looked on in amazement at the extraordinary 
rapidity of the German success, which, in two weeks after Napoleon left 
Paris, had brought his power to the verge of overthrow. 

Towards the Moselle River and the strongly fortified town of Metz, 
1 80 miles northeast of Paris, around which was concentrated the main French 
force, all the divisions of the German army now advanced, and on the 14th 
of August they gained a victory at Colombey-Neuvilly which drove their 
opponents back from the open field towards the fortified city. 

It was Moltke's opinion that the French proposed to make their stand 
before this impregnable fortress, and fight there desperately for victory 
But, finding less resistance than he expected, he concluded, 
on the 15th, that Bazaine, in fear of being cooped up within „t Met* 
the fortress, meant to march towards Verdun, there to join his 
forces with those of MacMahon and give battle to the Germans in the plain 

The astute tactician at once determined to make every effort to prevent 
this concentration of his opponents, and by the evening of the 15th a 
cavalry division had crossed the Moselle and reached the village of Mars-la 
Tour, where it bivouacked for the night. It had seen troops in motion 
towards Metz, but did not know whether these formed the rear-guard or the 
vanguard of the French army in its march towards Verdun. 

In fact, Bazaine had not yet got away with his army. All the roads 
from Metz were blocked with heavy baggage, and it was impossible to move 
so large an army with expedition. The time thus lost by Bazaine was 
diligently improved by Frederick Charles, and on the morning of the 16th 
the Brandenburg army corps, one of the best and bravest in the German 
army, had followed the cavalry and come within sight of the Verdun road. 


II was quickly perceived that a French force was before them, and some 

preliminary skirmishing- developed the enemy in such strength as to convince 

the leader of the corps that he had in his front the whole or the greater part 

of Bazaine's army, and that its escape from Metz had not been achieved. 

They were desperate odds with which the brave Brandenburgers had 

to contend, but they had been sent to hold the French until reinforcements 

could arrive, and they were determined to resist to the death. 
The Battle of „ ... , .... , 

Mars=!a=T<uir ^ or nearly six hours they resisted, with unsurpassed courage, 

the fierce onslaughts of the French, though at a cost in life 

that perilously depicted the gallant corps. Then, about four o'clock in the 

afternoon, Prince Frederick Charles came up with reinforcements to their 

support and the desperate contest became more even. 

Gradually fortune decided in favor of the Germans, and by the time 

night had come the)- were practically victorious, the field of Mars-la-Tour, 

after the day's struggle, remaining in their hands. But they were utterly 

exhausted, their horses were worn out, and most of their ammunition was 

spent, and though their impetuous commander forced them to 
Defeat of the ,.',. . . .,.-.. ,. 

French a new attack, it led to a useless loss ot life, tor their powers 

of fighting were gone. They had achieved their purpose, 
that of preventing the escape of Bazaine, though at a fearful loss, amount- 
ing to about 16,000 men on each side. " The battle of Vionville [Mars-la- 
Tour] is without a parallel in military history," said Emperor William, "see- 
ing that a single army corps, about 20,000 men strong, hung on to and re- 
pulsed an enemy more than five times as numerous and well equipped. 
Such was the glorious deed done by the Brandenburgers, and the Hohen- 
zollerns will never forget the debt they owe to their devotion." 

Two days afterwards (August 16th), at Gravelotte, a village somewhat 

nearer to Metz, the; armies, somewhat recovered from the terrible struggle 

of the 14th, met again, the whole German army being now brought up, so 

x ... , that over 200,000 men faced the 140,000 of the French. It 

<ireat Victory ^ 

of the Oer- was the great battle of the war. For four hours the two 
armies stood fighting face to face, without any special result, 
neither being able to drive back the other. The French held 
their ground and died. The Prussians dashed upon them and died. Only- 
late in the evening was the right wing of the French army broken, and the 
victory, which at five o'clock remained uncertain, was decided in favor of the 
Germans. More than 40,000 men lay dead and wounded upon the field, the 
terrible harvest of those nine hours of conflict. That night Bazaine with- 
drew his army behind the fortifications at Metz. His effort to join Mac- 
Mahon had ended in failure. 


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It was the fixed purpose of the Prussians to detain him in that strong- 
hold, and thus render practically useless to France its largest army. A siege 
was to be prosecuted, and an army of 1 50,000 men was extended 

. . The ^iesre 

around the town. The fortifications were far too strong to f Metz 
be taken by assault, and all depended on a close blockade. 
On August 31st Bazaine made an effort to break through the German lines, 
but was repulsed. It became now a question of how long the provisions of 
the French would hold out. 

The French emperor, who had been with Bazaine, had left his army 
before the battle of Mars-la-Tour, and was now with MacMahon at Chalons. 
Here lay an army of 125,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry. On it the Ger- 
mans were advancing', in doubt as to what movement it would make, whether 
back towards Paris or towards Metz for the relief of Bazaine. They sought 
to place themselves in a position to check either. The latter movement was 

determined on by the French, but was carried out in a dubious „ „ , 

J . _ MacMahon 

and uncertain manner, the time lost giving abundant opportu- Marches to 
nity to the Germans to learn what was afoot and to prepare to Relieve 
prevent it. As soon as they were aware of MacMahon's inten- 
tion of proceeding to Metz they made speedy preparations to prevent his re- 
lieving Bazaine. By the last days of August the army of the crown prince 
had reached the right bank of the Aisne, and the fourth division gained 
possession of the line of the Maas. On August 30th the French under 
General de Failly were attacked by the Germans at Beaumont and put to 
flight with heavy loss. It was evident that the hope of reaching Metz was 
at an end, and MacMahon, abandoning the attempt, concentrated his 
army around the frontier fortress of Sedan. 

This old town stands on the right bank of the Meuse, in an angle of 
territory between Luxemburg and Belgium, and is surrounded by meadows, 
gardens, ravines, ditches and cultivated fields ; the castle rising on a cliff- 
like eminence to the southwest of the place. MacMahon 
, , , , ... r , The French 

had stopped here to give his weary men a rest, not to right, surrounded 

but Von Moltke decided, on observing the situation, that 

Sedan should be the grave-yard of the French army. " The trap is now 

closed, and the mouse in it," he said, with a chuckle of satisfaction. 

Such proved to be the case. On September 1st the Bavarians won the 
village of Bazeille, after hours of bloody and desperate struggle. During 
this severe fight Marshal MacMahon was so seriously wounded that he was 
obliged to surrender the chief command, first to Ducrot, and then to Gen- 
eral Wimpffen, a man of recognized bravery and cold calculation. 


Fortune soon showed itself in favor of the Germans. To the north- 
west of the town, the North German troops invested the exits from St. 
Meuges and Fleigneux, and directed a fearful fire of artillery against the 
French forces, which, before noon, were so hemmed in the valley that only 
two insufficient outlets to the south and north remained open. But Gen- 
eral Wimpffen hesitated to seize cither of these routes, the 

The Battie of t in i i 1 ^i n • 1 

Sedan open way to Illy was soon closed by the Prussian guard 

corps, and a murderous fire was now directed from all sides 
upon the French, so that, after a last energetic struggle at Floing, they 
gave up all attempts to force a passage, and in the afternoon beat a 
retreat towards Sedan. In this small town the whole army of MacMahon 
was collected by evening, and there prevailed in the streets and houses an 
unprecedented disorder and confusion, which was still further increased 
when the German troops from the surrounding heights began to shoot 
down upon the fortress, and the town took fire in several places. 

That an end might be put to the prevailing misery, Napoleon now 
commanded General Wimpffen to capitulate. The flag of truce already 
waved on the gates of Sedan when Colonel Bronsart appeared, and in the 
name of the king of Prussia demanded the surrender of the army and 
fortress. He soon returned to headquarters, accompanied by the French 
! iener.d Reille, who presented to the king a written message from Napo- 
leon : " As I may not die in the midst of my army, I lay my sword in the 
hands of your majesty." King William accepted it with an expression of 
sympathy for the hard fate of the emperor and of the French army which 
had fought so bravely under his own eyes. The conclusion of the treaty 
of capitulation was placed in the hands of Wimpffen, who, accompanied by 
General Castelnau, set out for Doncherry to negotiate with Moltke and 
Bismarck. No attempts, however, availed to move Moltke from his stipu- 
lation for the surrender of the whole army at discretion ; he granted a 
short respite, but if this expired without surrender, the bombardment of 
the town was to begin anew. 

At six o'clock in the morning the capitulation was signed, and was 
ratified by the king at his headquarters at Vendresse (2d September). Thus 
the world beheld the incredible spectacle of an army of 83,000 men sur- 
rendering themselves and their weapons to the victor, and being carried off 
as prisoners of war to Germany. Only the officers who gave their written 
word of honor to take no further part in the present war with Germany 
were permitted to retain their arms and personal property. Probably the 
assurance of Napoleon, that he had sought death on the battlefield but had 
not found it, was literally true; at any rate, the fate of the unhappy man, 


bowed down as he was both by physical and mental suffering, was so solemn 
and tragic, that there was no room for hypocrisy, and that he had exposed 
himself to personal danger was admitted on all sides. Ac- surrender of 
companied by Count Bismarck, he stopped at a small and Napoleon and 
mean-looking laborer's inn on the road to Doncherry, where, y 

sitting down on a stone seat before the door, with Count Bismarck, he 
declared that he had not desired the war, but had been driven to it through 
the force of public opinion ; and afterwards the two proceeded to the little 
castle of Bellevue, near Frenois, to join King William and the crown 
prince. A telegram to Queen Augusta thus describes the interview: 
" What an impressive moment was the meeting with Napoleon ! He was 
cast down, but dignified in his bearing. I have granted him Wilhelmshohe, 
near Cassel, as his residence. Our meeting took place in a little castle 
before the western glacis of Sedan." 

The locking up of Bazaine in Metz and the capture of MacMahon's 
army at Sedan were fatal events to France. The struggle continued for 
months, but it was a fight against hope. The subsequent events of the war 
consisted of a double siege, that of Metz and that of Paris, with various 
minor sieges, and a desperate but hopeless effort of France in the field. 
As for the empire of Napoleon III., it was at an end. The tidings of the 
terrible catastrophe* at Sedan filled the people with a fury that soon became 
revolutionary. While Jules Favre, the republican deputy, was offering a 
motion in the Assembly that the emperor had forfeited the crown, and that 
a provisional government should be established, the people were thronging 
the streets of Paris with cries of " Deposition ! Republic !" R evo - ution 
On the 4th of September the Assembly had its final meeting. and the Third 
Two of its prominent members, Jules Favre and Gambetta, pu lc 

sustained the motion for deposition of the emperor, and it was carried after 
a stormy session. They then made their way to the senate-chamber, where, 
before a thronging audience, they proclaimed a republic and named a 
government for the national defence. At its head was General Trochu, 
military commandant at Paris. Favre was made minister of foreign affairs ; 
Gambetta, minister of the interior; and other prominent members of the 
Assembly filled the remaining cabinet posts. The legislature was dis- 
solved, the Palais de Bourbon was closed, and the Empress Eugenie quitted 
the Tuileries and made her escape with a few attendants to Belgium, whence 
she sought a refuge in England. Prince Louis Napoleon made his way to 
Italy, and the swarm of courtiers scattered in all directions; some faithful 
followers of the deposed monarch seeking the castle of Wilhelmshohe, 
where the. unhappy Louis Napoleon occupied as a prison the same beautiful 


palace and park in which his uncle Jerome Bonaparte had once passed six 
years in a life of pleasure. The second French Empire was at an end ; the 
third French Republic had begun — one that had to pass through many 
changes and escape many dangers before it would be firmly established. 

" Not a foot's breadth of our country nor a stone of our fortresses 
shall be surrendered," was Jules Favre s defiant proclamation to the 
invaders, and the remainder of the soldiers in the field were 
Defiance collected in Paris, and strengthened with all available rein- 

forcements. Every person capable of bearing arms was en- 
rolled in the national army, wh'ch soon numbered 400,000 men. There was 
need of haste, for the victors at Sedan were already marching upon the 
capital, inspired with high hopes from their previous astonishing success. 
They knew that Paris was strongly fortified, being encircled by powerful 
lines of defence, but they trusted that hunger would soon bring its garrison 
to terms. The same result was looked for at Metz, and at Strasburg, which 
was also besieged. 

Thus began at three main points and several minor ones a military siege 
the difficulties, dangers, and hardships of which surpassed even those of the 
winter campaign in the Crimea. Exposed at the fore-posts to the enemy's 
balls, chained to arduous labor in the trenches and redoubts, and suffering from 
the effects of bad weather, and insufficient food and clothing, the German 
soldiers were compelled to undergo great privations and sufferings before 
the fortifications; while many fell in the frequent skirmishes and sallies, 
many succumbed to typhus and epidemic disease, and many returned home 
mutilated, or broken in health. 

No less painful and distressing was the condition of the besieged. 

While the garrison soldiers on guard were constantly compelled to face 

death in nocturnal sallies, or led a pitiable existence in damp huts, having 

inevitable surrender constantly before their eyes, and disarma- 
Hardships of ... , , r ,, , , 

the Conflict ment and imprisonment as the reward ot all their struggles 

and exertions, the citizens in the towns, the women and chil- 
dren, were in constant danger of being shivered to atoms by the fearful 
shells, or of being buried under falling walls and roofs; and the poorer part 
of the population saw with dismay the gradual diminution of the necessa- 
ries of life, and were often compelled to pacify their hunger with the flesh 
of horses, and disgusting and unwholesome food. 

The republican government possessed only a usurped power, and 
none but a freely elected national assembly could decide as to the fate of 
the French nation. Such an assembly was therefore summoned for the 
1 6th of October. Three members of the government — Cremieux, Fou* 


richon, and Glais-Vizoin — were despatched before the entire blockade of 

the town had been effected, to Tours, to maintain communication with the 

provinces. An attempt was also made at the same time to induce the great 

powers which had not taken part in the war to organize an intervention, as 

hitherto only America, Switzerland, and Spain had sent official 

t, , . . , .. . . , , . Thiers and 

recognition, ror this important and delicate mission the old Bismarck 

statesman and historian Thiers was selected, and, in spite of his 
three-and-seventy years, immediately set out on the journey to London, St. 
Petersburg, Vienna, and Florence. Count Bismarck, however, in the name 
of Prussia, refused any intervention in internal affairs. In two despatches 
to the ambassadors of foreign courts, the chancellor declared that the war, 
begun by the Emperor Napoleon, had been approved by the representatives 
of the nation, and that thus all France was answerable for the result. Ger- 
many was obliged, therefore, to demand guarantees which should secure her 
in future against attack, or, at any rate, render attack more difficult. Thus a 
cession of territory on the part of France was laid down as the basis of a treaty 
of peace. The neutral powers were also led to the belief that if they fostered in 
the French any hope of intervention, peace would only be delayed. The mis- 
sion of Thiers, therefore, yielded no useful result, while the direct negotiation 
which Jules Favre conducted with Bismarck proved equally unavailing. 

Soon the beleaguered fortresses began to fall. On the 23d of Septem- 
ber the ancient town of Toul, in Lorraine, was forced to capitulate, after a 
fearful bombardment ; and on the 27th Strasburg, in danger of the terrible 
results of a storming, after the havoc of a dreadful artillery fire, hoisted 
the white flag, and surrendered on the following day. The supposed 
impregnable fortress of Metz held out little longer. Hunger did what 
cannon were incapable of doing. The successive sallies made by Bazaine 
proved unavailing, though, on October 7th, his soldiers fought with des- 
perate energy, and for hours the air was full of the roar of cannon and 
mitrailleuse and the rattle of musketry. But the Germans withstood the 
attack unmoved, and the French were forced to withdraw into the town. 

Bazaine then sought to negotiate with the German leaders at Versailles, 
offering to take no part in the war for three months if permitted to with- 
draw. But Bismarck and Moltke would listen to no terms siese and Sur- 
other than unconditional surrender, and these terms were renderof 
finally accepted, the besieged army having reached the brink Metz 
of starvation. It was with horror and despair that France learned, on the 
30th of October, that the citadel of Metz, with its fortifications and arms of 
defence, had been yielded to the Germans, and its army of more than 
150,000 men had surrendered as prisoners of war. 


This hasty surrender at Metz, a still greater disaster to France than 

that of Sedan, was not emulated at Paris, which for four months held out against 

all the efforts of the Germans. On the investment of the great city, King 

William removed his headquarters to the historic palace of Versailles, 

setting up his homely camp-bed in the same apartments from 

The (iermans . . , T . , T . . . , , . , . . , . , . . 

at Versailles u 'n' c n Louis Aiv. had once issued his despotic edicts and 

commands. Here Count Pismarck conducted Ids diplomatic 
labors and Moltke issued his directions for the siege, which, protracted from 
week to week and month to month, gradually transformed the beautiful 
neighborhood, with its prosperous villages, superb country houses, and 
enchanting parks and gardens, into a scene of sadness and desolation. 

In spite of the vigorous efforts made by the commander-in-chief 
Trochu, both by continuous firing from the forts and by repeated sallies, to 
prevent Paris from being surrounded, and to force a way through the 
trenches, his enterprises were, rendered fruitless by the watchfulness and 
strength of the Germans. The blockade was completely accomplished; 
Paris was surrounded and cut off from the outer world ; even the under- 
ground telegraphs, through which communication was for a time secretly 
maintained with the provinces, were by degrees discovered and destroyed. 
Put to the great astonishment of Europe, which looked on with keenly 
pitched excitement at the- mighty struggle, the siege continued for months 

without any special progress being observable from without 
The Siege of ,.'..' r . . . , 

p aris or any lessening ol resistance from within. Un account 01 

the extension of the forts, the Germans were compelled to 
remain at such a distance that a bombardment of the town at first appeared 
impossible- ; a storming ol the outer works would, moreover, be attended 
with such sacrifices, that the humane temper of the king revolted from such 
a proceeding. Idle guns of greater force and carrying power which were 
needed from Germany, could only be procured after long delay on account 
of the broken lines of railway. Probably also there was some hesitation 
on the German side to expose the beautiful city, regarded by so many as 
tin.' " metropolis of civilization," to the risk of a bombardment, in which 
works of art, science, and a historical past would meet destruction. Never- 
theless, the declamations of the French at the Vandalism of the northern 
barbarians met with assent and sympathy from most of the foreign powers. 
Determination and courage falsified the calculations at Versailles of a 
quick cessation of the resistance. The republic offered a far more energetic 
and determined opposition to the Prussian arms than the empire had done. 
The government of the national defence still declaimed with stern reitera- 
tion " Not a foot's breadth of our country ; not a stone of our fortresse 


and positively rejected all proposals of treaty based on territorial conces- 
sions. Faith in the invincibility of the republic was rooted as an indisputa- 
ble dogma in the hearts of the French people. The victories and the com- 
manding- position of France from 1792 to 1799 were regarded as so entirely 
the necessary result of the Revolution, that a conviction prevailed that the 
formation of a republic, with a national army for its defence, would have an 
especial effect on the rest of Europe. Therefore, instead of summoning a 
constituent Assembly, which, in the opinion of Prussia and 
the other foreign powers, would alone be capable of offering Resistance 
security for a lasting peace, it was decided to continue the 
revolutionary movements, and to follow the same course which, in the years 
1792 and 1793, had saved France from the coalition of the European powers 
— a revolutionary dictatorship such as had once been exercised by the Con- 
vention and the members of the Committee of Public Safety, must again 
be revived, and a youthful and hot-blooded leader was alone needed to stir 
up popular feeling and set it in motion. To fill such a part no one was bet- 
ter adapted than the advocate Gambetta, who emulated the career of the 
leaders of the Revolution, and whose soul glowed with a passionate ardor 
of patriotism. In order to create for himself a free sphere of action, and 
to initiate some vigorous measure in place of the well-rounded phrases and 
eloquent proclamations of his colleagues Trochu and Jules Favre, he quitted 
the capital in an air-balloon and entered into communication with the Gov- 
ernment delegation at Tours, which through him soon obtained a fresh im- 
petus. His next most important task was the liberation of the capital from 
the besieging German arm)', and the expulsion of the enemy from the 

" sacred " soil of France. For this purpose he summoned, 

1 1 1 r Gambetta and 

with the authority of a minister of war, all persons capable 01 His Work 

bearing arms up to forty years of age to take active service, 

and despatched them into the field ; he imposed war-taxes, and terrified the 

tardy and refractory with threats of punishment. Every force was put in 

motion ; all France was transformed into a great camp. A popular war was 

now to take the place of a soldiers' war, and what the soldiers had failed to 

effect must be accomplished by the people ; France must be saved, and the 

world freed from despotism. To promote this object, the whole of France, 

with the exception of Paris, was divided into four general governments, the 

headquarters of the different governors being Lille, Le Mans, Bourges, and 

Besancon. Two armies, from the Loire and from the Somme, were to 

march simultaneously towards Paris, and, aided by the sallies of Trochu and 

his troops, were to drive the enemy from the country. Energetic attacks 

were now attempted from time to time, in the hope that when the armies of 


relief arrived from the provinces, it might be possible to effect a coalition 
but all these efforts were constantly repulsed after a hot struggle I)} - the be- 
sieging German troops. At the same time, during the month of October, 
the territory between the Oise and the Lower Seine was scoured by recon- 
noitering troops, under Prince Albrecht, the south-east district was protected 
by aWiirtemberg detachment through the successful battle near Nogent on 
the Seine, while a division of the third arm)- advanced towards the south 
The Southward accompanied by two cavalry divisions. A more unfortunate 
Advance of circumstance, however, for the Parisians was the cuttins/ off of 
t e Germans a jj commun ication with the outer world, for the Germans had 
destroyed the telegraphs. But even this obstacle was overcome by the in- 
ventive genius of the French. By means of pigeon letter-carriers and air- 
balloons, they were always able to maintain a partial though one-sided and 
imperfect communication with the provinces, and the aerostatic art was de- 
veloped and brought to perfection on this occasion in a manner which had 
never before been considered possible. 

The whole of France, anil especially the capital, was already in a state 
of intense excitement when the news of the capitulation of Metz came to 
(iambetta's a '^ fresh fuel to the flame. Outside the walls Gambetta was 

Army of using heroic efforts to increase his forces, bringing Bedouin 

horsemen from Africa and inducing the stern old revolutionist 
Garibaldi to come to his aid; and Thiers was opening fresh negotiations for 
a truce. Inside the walls the Red Republic raised the banners of insurrec- 
tion and attempted to drive the government of national defence from power. 
This effort of the dregs ot revolution to inaugurate a reign of terror 
failed, and the provisional government felt so elated with its victory that it 
determined to continue at the head of affairs and to oppose the calling of a 
chamber of national representatives. The members proclaimed oblivion for 
what had passed, broke off the negotiations for a truce begun by Thiers, 
The Negotia- anc ^ demanded a vote of confidence. The indomitable spirit 
tions Are shown by the French people did not, on the other hand, in- 

Broken o spire the Germans with a very lenient or conciliatory temper. 

Bismarck declared in a despatch the reasons why the negotiations had 
failed: "The incredible demand that we should surrender the fruits of all 
our efforts during the last two months, and should go back to the conditions 
which existed at the beginning of the blockade of Paris, only affords fresh 
proof that in Paris pretexts are sought for refusing the nation the right of 
election." Thiers mournfully declared the failure of his undertaking, but in 
Paris the popular voting resulted in a ten-fold majority in favor of the gov- 
ernment and the policy of postponement. 





OUIS AW il I'lll I H1ERS 

1 FUN GA \l Bl I I A 

R ^ 

*»*•- \ 

jj^ i 


' .<di 





After the breaking' off of the negotiations, the world anticipated some 
energetic action towards the besieged city. The efforts of the enemy wen , 
however, principally directed to drawing the iron girdle still tighter, en- 
closing the giant city more and more closely, and cutting off every means 
of communication, so that at last a surrender might be brought about by 
the stern necessity of starvation. That this object would not be accom- 
plished as speedily as at Metz, that the city of pleasure, enjoyment, and 
luxury would withstand a siege of four months, had never been contem- 
plated for a moment. It is true that, as time went on, all fresh meat disap- 
peared from the market, with the exception of horse-ilesh ; that white bread, 
on which Parisians place such value, was replaced by a baked compound of 
meal and bran ; that the stores <>f dried and salted food began to decline, 
until at last rats, dogs, cats, ami even animals from the zoological gardens 
were prepared for consumption at restaurants. Yet, to the p arn i ne and 
amazement of the world, all these miseries, hardships, and Misery in 
sufferings were courageously borne, nocturnal watch was kept, ar,s> 
sallies were undertaken, and cold, hunger, and wretchedness of all kinds 
were endured with an indomitable steadfastness and heroism. The courage 
of the besieged Parisians was also animated by the hope that the military 
forces in the provinces would hasten to the aid of the hard-pressed capital, 
and that therefore an energetic resistance would afford the rest of France 
sufficient time for rallying all its forces, and at the same time exhibit an ele- 
vating example. In the carrying out of this plan, neither Trochu nor Gam- 
betta was wanting in the requisite energy and circumspection. The former 
organized sallies from time to time, in order to reconnoitre and discover 
whether the army of relief was on its way from the provinces; the latter 
exerted all his powers to bring the Loin; army up to the Seine. Put both 
erred in undervaluing the German war forces ; they did not believe that the 
hostile army would be able to keep Paris in a state of blockade, and at the 
same time engage the armies on the south and north, east and west. They 
had no conception of the hidden, inexhaustible strength of the Prussian 
army oro-anization — of a nation in arms which could send forth constant re- 
inforcements of battalions and recruits, and fresh bodies of disciplined troops 
to fill the gaps left in the ranks by the wounded and fallen. There could be 
no doubt as to the termination of this terrible war, or the final victory of 
German energy and discipline. 

Throughout the last months of the eventful year 1870, the northern 
part of France, from the Jura to the Channel, from the Belgian frontier to 
the Loire, presented the aspect of a wide battlefield. Of the troops that 
had been set free by the capitulation of Metz, a part remained behind in 


garrison, another division marched northwards in order to invest the pro- 
vinces of Picardy and Normandy, to restore communication with the sea, 
and to bar the road to Paris, and a third division joined the second army, 
whose commander-in-chief, Prince Frederick Charles, set up his head- 
quarters at Troyes. Different detachments were despatched against the 
northern fortresses, and by degrees Soissons, Verdun, Thionville, 

The Fall of the j-j am w here Napoleon had once been a prisoner, Pfalzburg and 


Montmedy, all fell into the hands of the Prussians, thus open- 
ing to them a free road for the supplies of provisions. The garrison troops 
were all carried off as prisoners to Germany ; the towns — most of them in a 
miserable condition — fell into the enemy's hands ; many houses were mere 
heaps of ruins and ashes, and the larger part of the inhabitants were suffer- 
ing severely from poverty, hunger and disease. 

The greatest obstacles were encountered in the northern part of Alsace 
and the mountainous districts of the Vosges and the Jura, where irregular 
warfare, under Garibaldi and other leaders, developed to a dangerous 
Guerilla War- extent, while the fortress of Langres afforded a safe retreat to 

fare in the the guerilla bands. Lyons and the neighboring town of St. 

Etienne became hotbeds of excitement, the red flag being 

raised and a despotism of terror and violence established. Although many 

divergent elements made up this army of the east, all were united in hatred 

of the Germans and the desire to drive the enemy back across the Rhine. 

Thus, during the cold days of November and December, when General 
Von Treskow began the siege of the important fortress of Belfort, there 
burst forth a war around Gray and Dijon marked by the greatest hardships, 
perils and privations to the invaders. Here the Germans had to contend 
with an enemy much superior in number, and to defend themselves against 
continuous firing from houses, cellars, woods and thickets, while the im- 
poverished soil yielded a miserable subsistence, and the broken railroads 
cut off freedom of communication and of reinforcement. 

The whole of the Jura district, intersected by hilly roads as far as the 
plateau of Langres, where, in the days of Ca-sar, the Romans and Gauls 
were wont to measure their strength with each other, formed during 
November and December the scene of action of numerous encounters 
which, in conjunction with sallies from the garrison at Belfort, inflicted 
severe injury on Werder's troops. Dijon had repeatedly to be evacuated; 
and the nocturnal attack at Chattillon, 20th November, by 
In the Jura Garibaldians, when one hundred and twenty Landwehrmen 

District -,i 1 

and Hussars perished miserably, and seventy horses were lost, 
affording a striking proof of the dangers to which the German army was 


exposed in this hostile country ; although the revolutionary excesses of the: 
turbulent population of the south diverted to a certain extent the attention 
of the National Guard, who were compelled to turn their weapons against 
an internal enemy. 

By means of the revolutionary dictatorship of Gambetta the whole 
French nation was drawn into the struggle, the annihilation of the enemy 
being represented as a national duty, an d the war assuming a steadily more 
violent character. The indefatigable patriot continued his exertions to 
increase the army and unite the whole south and west against oambettaand 
the enemy, hoping to bring the army of the Loire to such the Army 
dimensions that it would be able to expel the invaders from 
the soil of France. But these raw recruits were poorly fitted to cope with 
the highly disciplined Germans, and their early successes were soon followed 
by defeat and discouragement, while the hopes entertained by the Paris 
garrison of succor from the south vanished as news of the steady progress of 
the Germans were received. 

During these events the war operations before Paris continued un- 
interruptedly. Moltke harl succeeded, in spite of the difficulties of trans- 
port, in procuring an immense quantity of ammunition, and the long-delayed 
bombardment of Paris was ready to begin. Having stationed with all 
secrecy twelve batteries with seventy-six guns around Mont Avron, on 
Christmas-day the firing was directed with such success against the forti- 
fied eminences, that even in the second night the French, after great losses, 
evacuated the important position, the " key of Paris," which was immedi- 
ately taken possession of by the Saxons. Terror and dismay spread 
throughout the distracted city when the eastern forts, Rosny, 

Nocfent and Noisy, were stormed amid a tremendous volley ne " om *5 ". 
■^ J ' ment of Pans 

of firing. Vainly did Trochu endeavor to rouse the failing 
courage of the National Guard ; vainly did he assert that the government 
of the national defence would never consent to the humiliation of a capitu- 
lation ; his own authority had already waned; the newspapers already 
accused him of incapacity and treachery, and began to cast every aspersion 
on the men who had presumptuously seized the government, and yet were 
not in a position to effect the defence :A the capital and the country. After 
the new year the bombardment of the southern forts began, and the terror 
in the city daily increased, though the violence of the radical journals kept 
in check any hint of surrender or negotiation. Yet in spite of fog and 
snow-storms the bombardment was systematically continued, and with every 
day the destructive effect of the terrible missiles grew lr.ore pronounced. 


Trochu was blamed for having undertaken only small sallies, which 
could have no result. The commander-in-chief ventured no opposition to 
the party of action. With the consent of the mayors of the twenty arron- 
dissements of Paris a council of war was held. The threatening famine, the 
firing of the enemy, and the excitement prevailing among the adherents of 
the red republic rendered a decisive step necessary. Consequently, on the 
19th of January, a great sally was decided on, and the entire armed forces 
of the capital were summoned to arms. Early in the morning, a body of 
100,000 men inarched in the direction of Meudon, Sevres and St. Cloud for 
the decisive conflict. The left wing was commanded by General Vinoy, the 
right by Ducrot, while Trochu from the watch-tower directed the entire 
The Last Great struggle. With great courage Vinoy dashed forward with his 
Sally from column of attack towards the fifth army corps of General 
Kirchbach, and succeeded in capturing the Montretout en- 
trenchment, through the superior number of his troops, and in holding it 
for a time. But when Ducrot, delayed by the barricades in the streets, failed 
to come to his assistance at the appointed time, the attack was driven 
hack after seven hours' fierce fighting by the besieging troops. Having 
lost 7,000 dead ami wounded, the French in the evening beat a retreat, 
which almost resembled a flight. On the following day Trochu demanded 
a truce, that the fallen National Guards, whose bodies strewed the battle- 
held, might be interred. The victors, too, had to render the last rites to 
many a brave soldier. Thirty-nine officers and six hundred and sixteen 
soldiers were given in the list of the slain. 

Entire confidence had been placed by the Parisians in the great sally. 
When the defeat, there-fore, became known in its full significance, when the 
number of the fallen was found to be far greater even than had been stated 
in tin; first accounts, a dull despair took possession of the famished city, 
which next broke forth into violent abuse against Trochu, "the traitor." 
Capitulation now seemed imminent ; but as the commander-in-chief had 
declared that he would never countenance such a disgrace, he resigned his 
post to Vinoy. Threatened by bombardment from without, terrified within 
by the pale spectre of famine', paralysed and distracted by the violent dis- 
sensions among the people, and without prospect of effective aid from the 
provinces, what remained to the proud capital but to desist 
from a conflict the continuation of which only increased the 
unspeakable misery, without the smallest hope of deliverance ? 
Gradually, therefore, there grew up a resolution to enter into negotiations 
with the enemy; and it was the minister Jules Favre, who had been fore- 
most with the cry of " no surrender" four months before, who was now com- 


(I to take the first step to deliver his country from complete ruin. It 
was probably the bitterest hour in the life of the brave man, who love</ 
France and liberty with such a sincere affection, when he was conducted 
through the German outposts to his interview with Bismarck at Versailles. 
He brought the proposal for a convention, on the strength of which the 
garrison was to be permitted to retire with military honors to a part of 
France not hitherto invested, on promising to abstain for several months 
from taking part in the struggle. But such conditions were positively 
refused at the Prussian headquarters, and a surrender was demanded as at 
Sedan and Metz. Completely defeated, the minister returned to Paris. A< 
a second meeting on the following day, it was agreed that from the 27th, 
at twelve o'clock at night, the firing on both sides should be discontinued. 
This was the preliminary to the conclusion of a three weeks' truce, to 
await the summons of a National Assembly, with which peace might be 

The war was at an end so far as Paris was concerned. But it continued 
in the south, where frequent defeat failed to depress Gambetta's indomitable 
energy, and where new troops constantly replaced those put to rout. Gari- 
baldi, at Dijon, succeeded in doing what the French had not done during 
the war, in the capture of a Prussian banner. But the progress of the 
Germans soon rendered his position untenable, and, finding his exertions 

unavailing: he resigned his command and retired to his island „ .... 
& ' •=> Bourbakrs 

of Caprera. Two disasters completed the overthrow of France. Army and 

Bourbaki's army, 8s, 000 strong, became shut in, with scanty the Siege of 

. . Belfort 

food and ammunition, among the snow-covered valleys of the 

Jura, and to save the disgrace of capitulation it took refuge on the neutral 
soil of Switzerland ; and the strong fortress of Belfort, which had been 
defended with the utmost courage against its besiegers, finally yielded, with 
the stipulation that the brave garrison should march out with the honors of 
war. Nothing now stood in the way of an extension of the truce. On the 
suggestion of Jules Favre, the National Assembly elected a commission of 
fifteen members, which was to aid the chief of the executive, and his min- 
isters, Picard and Favre, in the negotiations for peace. That cessions ot 
territory and indemnity of war expenses would have to be conceded had 
long been acknowledged in principle; but protracted and excited discussions 
took place as to the extent of the former and the amount of The Harsh 
the latter, while the demanded entry of the German troops Terms ot 
into Paris met with vehement opposition. But Count Bis- 
marck resolutely insisted on the cession of Alsace and German Lorraine, 
including Metz and Diedenhofen Only with difficulty were the Germans 


persuaded to separate Belfort from the rest of Lorraine, and leave it still 
in the | ossession of the French. In respect to the expenses of the war, 
the sum of five milliards of francs ($1,000,000,000) was agreed upon, of 
which the first milliard was to be paid in the year 1871, and the rest in a 
stated period The stipulated entry into Paris also — so bitter to the French 
national pride —was only partially carried out ; the western side only of the 
city was to be traversed in the march of the Prussian troops, and again 
evacuated in two days. On the basis of these conditions, the preliminaries 
of the Peace of Versailles were concluded on the 26th of February between the 
Imperial Chancellor and Jules Favre. Intense excitement prevailed when the 
terms of the treaty became known ; they were dark days in the annals of French 
history. But in spite of the opposition of the extreme Republican party, led 
by Quinet and Victor Hugo, the Assembly recognized by an overpowering 
majority the necessity for the Peace, and the preliminaries were accepted by 
546 to 107 votes. Thus ended the mighty war between France and Ger- 
many — a war which has had few equals in the history of the world. 

Had King William received no indemnity in cash or territory from 

France, he must still have felt himself amply repaid for the cost of the 

brief but sanguinary war, for it brought him a power and prestige with 

which the astute diplomatist Bismarck had long been seeking to invest his 

name. Political changes move slowly in times of peace, rapidly in times of 

war. The whole of Germany, with the exception of Austria, had sent 

troops to the conquest of France, and every state, north and south alike, 

shared in the pride and glory of the result. South and North 

Germany Germany had marched side by side to the battlefield, every 

difference of race or creed forgotten, and the honor of the 

German fatherland the sole watchword. The time seemed to have arrived 

to close the breach between north and south, and obliterate the line of the 

Main, which had divided the two sections. North Germany was united 

under the leadership of Prussia, and the honor in which all alike shared 

now brought South Germany into line for a similar union. 

The first appeal in this direction came from Baden. Later in the year 
plenipotentiaries sought Versailles from the kingdoms of Bavaria and Wiir 
temberg and the grand duchies of Baden and Hesse, their purpose being to 
arrange for and define the conditions of union between the South and the 
North German states. For weeks this momentous question filled all Ger- 
many with excitement and public opinion was in a state of high tension. 
The scheme of union was by no means universally approved, there being a 
large party in opposition, but the majority in its favor in Chambers proved 
sufficient to enable Bismarck to carry out his plan. 


This was no less than to restore the German Empire, or rather to estab- 
lish a new empire of Germany, in which Austria, long at the Restoration of 
head of the former empire, should have no part, the imperial the German 
dignity being conferred upon the venerable King William of m P""e 
Prussia, a monarch whose birth dated back to the eighteenth century, and 
who had lived throughout the Napoleonic wars. 

Near the close of 1870 Bismarck concluded treaties with the ambassa- 
dors of the Southern States, in which they agreed to accept the constitution 
of the North German Union. These treaties were ratified, after some op- 
position from the "patriots" of the lower house, by the legislatures of the 
four states involved. The next step in the proceeding was a suggestion 
from the king of Bavaria to the other princes that the imperial crown of 
Germany should be offered to King William of Prussia. 

When the North German Diet at Berlin had given its consent to the 
new constitution, congratulatory address was despatched to the Pruss- 
ian monarch at Versailles Thirty members of the Diet, with the president 
Simson at their head, announced to the aged hero-king the nation's wish 
that he should accept the new dignity. He replied to the deputation in sol- 
emn audience that he accepted the imperial dignity which the German nation 
and its princes had offered him. On the 1st of January, 1871, the new con- 
stitution was to come into operation. The solemn assumption of the im- 
perial office did not take place, however, until the 1 8th of January, the day on 
which, one hundred and seventy years before, the new em- The Crowning 
peror's ancestor, Frederick I., had placed the Prussian crown of William I. 
on his head at Konigsberg, and thus laid the basis of the 
growing; greatness of his house. It was an ever-memorable coincidence, that 
in the superb-mirrored hall of the Versailles palace, where, since the days 
of Richelieu, so many plans had been concerted for the humiliation of Ger- 
many, King William should now proclaim himself German Emperor. After 
the reading of the imperial proclamation to the German people by Count 
Bismarck, the Grand Duke led a cheer, in which the whole assembly joined 
amid the singing of national hymns. Thus the important event had taken 
place which again summoned the German Empire to life, and made over the 
imperial crown with renewed splendor to another royal house. Barbarossa's 
old legend, that the dominion of the empire was, after long tribulation, to 
pass from the Hohenstaufen to the Hohenzollern, was now fulfilled ; the 
dream long aspired after by German youth had now become a reality and a 
living fact. 

The tidings of the conclusion of peace with France, whose prelimi- 
naries were completed at Frankfurt on the 10th of May, 1871, filled all Ger- 


many with joy, and peace festivals on the most splendid scale extended from 
end to end of the new empire, in all parts of which an earnest spirit of 
patriotism was shown, while Germans from all regions of the world sent home 
expressions of warm sympathy with the new national organization of their 

The decade just completed had been one of remarkable political 
changes in Europe, unsurpassed in significance during any other period of 
A Decade of equal length. The temporal dominion of the pope had van- 
Remarkable ished and all Italy had been united under the rule of a single 
Changes king. The empire of France had been overthrown and a 

republic established in its place, while that country had sunk greatly in 
prominence among the European states. Austria had been utterly defeated 
in war, had lost its last hold on Italy and its position of influence among 
the German states. And all the remaining German lands had united into a 
great and powerful empire, of such extraordinary military strength that the 
surrounding nations looked on in doubt, full of vague fears of trouble from 
this new and potent power introduced into their midst. 

Bismarck, however, showed an earnest desire to maintain international 
peace and good relations, seeking to win the confidence of foreign govern- 
ments, while at the same time improving and increasing that military force 
which had been proved to be so mighty an engine of war. 

In the constitution of the new empire two legislative bodies were pro- 
vided for, the Bundesrath or Federal Council, whose members are annually 
appointed by the respective state governments, and the Reichs. 
of the'Empire ^ a S or Representative body, whose members are elected by 
universal suffrage for a period of three years, an annual ses- 
sion being required. Germany, therefore, in its present organization, is 
practically a federal union of states, each with its own powers of internal 
government, and with a common legislature approximating to our Senate 
and House of Representatives. 

The remaining incidents of Bismarck's remarkable career may be 
briefly given. It consisted largely in a struggle with the Catholic Church 
organization, which had attained to great power in Germany, and was 
aggressive to an extent that roused the vigorous opposition of the chan- 
cellor of the empire, who was not willing; to acknowledge any 
The Power of r b a J 

the Catholic power in Germany other than that ol the emperor. 

Church in King Frederick William IV., the predecessor of the reigning 

monarch, had made active efforts to strengthen the Catholic 

Church in Prussia, its clergy gaining greater privileges in that Protestant 

-■ate than they possessed in any of the Catholic states. They had estab- 


lished everywhere in North Germany their congregations and monasteries 
and, by their control of public education, seemed in a fairway to eventually 
make Catholicism supreme in the empire. 

This state of affairs Bismarck set himself energetically to reform. The 
minister of religious affairs was forced to resign, and his place was taken 
by Falk, a sagacious statesman, who introduced a new school law, bringing 
the whole educational system under state control, and carefully regulating 
the power of the clergy over religious and moral education. This law met 
with such violent opposition that all the personal influence of The New Laws 
Bismarck and Falk were needed to carry it, and it gave such Against 
deep offence to the pope that he refused to receive the German urc Power 

ambassador. He declared the Falk law invalid, and the German bishops 
united in a declaration against the chancellor. Bismarck retorted by a law 
expelling the Jesuits from the empire. 

In 1873 the state of affairs became so embittered that the rights and 
liberties of the citizens seemed to need protection against a priesthood 
armed with extensive powers of discipline and excommunication. In con- 
sequence Bismarck introduced, and by his eloquence and influence carried, 
what were known as the May Laws. These provided for the scientific 
education of the Catholic clergy, the confirmation of clerical appointments 
by the state, and a tribunal to consider and revise the conduct of the 

These enactments precipitated a bitter contest between church and 
state, while the pope declared the May Laws null and void and threatened 
with excommunication all priests who should submit to them. The state 
retorted by withdrawing its financial support from the Catholic church and 
abolishing those clauses of the constitution under which the church claimed 
independence of the state. Pope Pius IX. died in 1878, and on the elec- 
tion of Leo XIII. attempts were made to reconcile the exist- 

,.«. ™, ... . , , The Triumph o* 

ing dinerences. 1 he reconciliation was a victory for the theChnrch 

church, the May Laws ceasing to be operative, the church 
revenues being restored and the control of the clergy over education in 
considerable measure regained. New concessions were granted in 1886 and 
1887, ar, d Bismarck felt himself beaten in his long conflict with his clerical 
opponents, who had proved too strong and deeply entrenched for him. 

Economic questions became also prominent, the revenues of the empire 
requiring some change in the system of free trade and the adoption of pro- 
tective duties, while the railroads were acquired by the various states of the 
empire. Meanwhile the rapid growth of socialism excited apprehension, 
which was added to when two attempts were made on the life of the em- 



peror. These were attributed to the Socialists, and severe laws for the 
suppression of socialism were enacted. Bismarck also sought to cut the 
The Socialists ground from under the feet of the Socialists by an endeavor 
and the in- to improve the condition of the working classes. In 1881 
laws were passed compelling employers to insure their work- 
men in case of sickness or accident, and in 1888 a system of compulsory 
insurance against death and old aire was introduced. None of these 
measures, however, checked the growth of socialism, which very actively 

In 1882 a meeting was arranged by the chancellor between the emper- 
ors of Germany, Russia, and Austria, which was looked upon in Europe as 
a political alliance. In 1878 Russia drifted somewhat apart from Ger- 
many, but in the following year an alliance of defence and offence was con- 
cluded with Austria, and a similar alliance at a later date with Italy. This, 
which still continues, is known as the Triple Alliance In 1877 Bismarck 
announced his intention to retire, being worn out with the great labors of 
his position. To this the emperor, who felt that his state rested on the 
shoulders of the " Iron Chancellor," would not listen, though he gave him 
indefinite leave of absence. 

On March 9, 1888, Emperor William died. He was ninety years of 
age, having been born in 1797. He was succeeded by his son Frederick, 
then incurably ill from a cancerous affection of the throat, which carried him 
to the grave after a reign of ninety-nine days. His oldest son, William, 
succeeded on June 15, 1888, as William II. 

The liberal era which was looked for under Frederick was checked by 
his untimely death, his son at once returning to the policy of William I. and 
William 1 i. and Bismarck. He proved to be far more positive and dictatorial 
the Dismissal in disposition than his grandfather, with decided and vigorous 
views of his own. which soon brought him into conflict with 
the equally positive chancellor. The result was a rupture with Bismarck, 
and his dismissal from the premiership in 1890. The young emperor subse- 
quently devoted himself in a large measure to the increase of the army and 
navy, a policy which brought him into frequent conflicts with the Reichstag., 
whose rapidly growing socialistic membership was in strong opposition to 
this development of militarism. 

The old statesman, to whom Germany owed so much, was deeply ag- 
grieved by this lack of gratitude on the part of the self-opinionated young 
emperor. Subsequently a reconciliation took place. But the political career 
of the great Bismarck was at an end, and he died on July 30, 189S. It is an 
interesting coincidence that almost at the same time died the equally great 


but markedly different, statesman of England, William Ewart Gladstone 
Count Cavour, the third great European statesman of the last half of the 
nineteenth century, had completed his work and passed away nearly forty 
years before. 

The career of William II. has been one of much interest and some 
alarm to the other nations of Europe. His eagerness for the development 
of the army and navy, and the energy with which he pushed forward its 
oreanization and sought to add to its strength, seemed significant of warlike 
intentions, and there was dread that this energetic young monarch might 
break the peace of Europe, if only to prove the irresistible strength of the 
military machine he had formed. But as years went on the The Develop- 
apprehensions to which his early career and expressions gave merit of the 
rise were quieted, and the fear that he would plunge Europe erman Army 
into war vanished. The army and navy began to appear rather a costly 
plaything of the active young man than an engine of destruction, while it 
tended in considerable measure to the preservation of peace by rendering 
Germany a power dangerous to go to war with. 

The speeches with which the emperor began his reign showed an exag- 
gerated sense of the imperial dignity, though his later career indicated far 
more judgment and good sense than the early display of overweening self- 
importance promised, and the views of William II. now command far more 
respect than they did at first. He has shown himself a man of exuberant 
energy. Despite a permanent weakness of his left arm and a serious affec- 
tion of the ear, he early became a skilful horseman and an untiring hunter, 
as well as an enthusiastic yachtsman, and there are few men in the empire 
more active and enterprising to-day than the Kaiser. 

A principal cause of the break between William and Bismarck was the 

imperial interference with the laws for the suppression of Social- 
■ « 1 i ti i i , ii i i ii-ii State Socialism 

ism. As already stated, the old chancellor had established a sys- 
tem of compulsory old age insurance, through which workmen and their em- 
ployers — aided by the state — were obliged to provide for the support of 
artisans after a certain age. The system seems to have worked satisfacto- 
rily, but socialism of a more radical kind has grown in the empire far more 
rapidly than the emperor has approved of, and he has vigorously, though 
unsuccessfully, endeavored to prevent its increase. Another of his favorite 
measures, a religious education bill, he was obliged to withdraw on account 
of the opposition it excited. On more than one occasion he has come into 
sharp conflict with the Reichstag concerning increased taxation for the army 
and navy, and a strong party against his autocratic methods has sprung up, 
and has forced him more than once to recede from warmly-cherished measures. 


It may be of interest here to say something concerning the organiza- 
tion of the existing German empire. The constitution of this empire, as 
Constitution of adopted April 1 6, 1 87 1, proposes to "form an eternal union 
the German for the protection of the realm and the care of the welfare of 
Empire ^g Q erman people," and places the supreme direction of mili- 

tary and political affairs in the King of Prussia, under the title of Deutscher 
Kaiser (German emperor). The war-making powers of the emperor, how- 
ever, are restricted, since he is obliged to obtain the consent of the Bundesrath 
(the Federal Council) before he can declare war otherwise than for the defence 
of the realm. His authority as emperor, in fact, is much less than that 
which he exercises as King of Prussia, since the imperial legislature is inde- 
pendent of him, he having no power of veto over the laws passed by it. 

This legislature consists of two bodies, the Bundesrath, representing 
the states of the union, whose members, 58 in number, are chosen for each 
session by the several state governments ; and the Reichstag, representing 
the people, whose members, 397 in number, are elected by universal suf- 
frage for periods of live years. The German union, as now constituted, 
comprises four kingdoms, six grand duchies, five duchies, seven principali- 
ties, three cities, and the Reichsland of Alsace-Lorraine ; twenty-six 
separate states in all. It includes all the German peoples with the ex- 
ception of those of Austria. 

The progress of Germany within the century under review has been 

very great. The population of the states of the empire, 24.831,000 at the 

end of the Napoleonic wars, is now over 52,000,000, having more than 

doubled in number. The wealth of the country has grown in a far greater 

ratio, and Germany to-day is the most active manufacturing 
The Progress of . . . , , , . . , , .... 

Germany nation on the continent 01 h-urope. Agriculture has similarly 

been greatly developed, and one of its products, the sugar 
beet, has become a principal raw material of manufacture, the production of 
beet-root sugar having increased enormously. The commerce of the empire 
has similarly augmented, it having become one of the most active commercial 
nations of the earth. Its imports, considerable in quantity, consist largely 
of raw materials and food stuffs, while it vies with Great Britain and the 
United States in the quantity of finished products sent abroad. In short, 
Germany has taken its place to-day as one of the most energetic of pro- 
ductive and commercial nations, and its wealth and importance have 
increased correspondingly. 


Gladstone, the Apostle of Liberalism in England. 

IT is a fact of much interest, as showing the growth of the human mind, 
that William Ewart Gladstone, the great advocate of English Liberal- 
ism, made his first political speech in vigorous opposition to the Reform 
Bill of 1S31. He was then a student at Oxford University, but this boyish 
address had such an effect upon his hearers, Bishop Wordsworth felt 
sure the speaker "would one day rise to be Prime Minister of England." 
This prophetic utterance may be mated with another one, Gladstone's 
by Archdeacon Denison, who said : "I have just heard the rirst Political 
best speech I ever heard in my life, by Gladstone, against the 
Reform Bill. But, mark my words, that man will one day be a Liberal, 
for he argued against the Bill on liberal ground.' 

Both these far-seeing men hit the mark. Gladstone became Prime 
Minister and the leader of the Liberal Party in England. Yet he had been 
reared as a Conservative, and for many years he marched under the banner 
of Conservatism. His political career began in the first Reform Parlia- 
ment, in January, 1S33. Two years afterward he was made an under- 
secretary in Sir Robert Peel's Cabinet. It was under the same „, . . 

' _ Gladstone in 

Premier that lie first became a full member of the Cabinet, in Parliament 
1845, as Secretary of State for the Colonies. He was still a and the 
Tory in home politics, but had become a Liberal in his com- 
mercial ideas, and was Peel's right-hand man in carrying out his great 
commercial policy. 

The repeal of the Corn-laws was the work for which his Cabinet had 
been formed, and Gladstone, as the leading Free-trader in the Tory ranks 
,was called to it. As for Cobden, the apostle of Free-trade, Gladstone 
admired him immensely. "I do not know," he said in later years, "that 
there is in any period a man whose public career and life were nobler or 
more admirable. Of course, I except Washington. Washington, to my 
mind, is the purest figure in history." As an advocate of Free-trade Glad- 
stone first came into connection with another noble figure, that of John 
Bright, who was to remain associated with him during most of his 
career In 1857 he first took rank as one of the great moral forces of 



modern times. In that year he visited Naples, where he saw the barbarous 

treatment of political prisoners under the government of the infamous King 

Bomba, and described them in letters whose indignation was breathed in 

such tremendous tones that England was stirred to its depths 

_ e », er ^ and all Europe awakened. These thrilling epistles gave the 
from Napies r . . , . 

cause of Italian freedom an impetus that had much to do with 

its subsequent success, and gained for Gladstone the warmest veneration of 
patriotic Italian-'. 

In 1852 he first came into opposition with the man against whom he 
was to be pitted during the remainder of his career, Benjamin Disraeli, who 
had made himself a power in Parliament, and in that year became Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer in Lord Derby's Cabinet and leader of the House 
of Commons. The revenue Budget introduced by him showed a sad lack of 
financial ability, and called forth sharp criticisms, to which he replied in 
a speech made up of scoffs, gibes and biting sarcasms, so daring and auda- 
cious in character as almost to intimidate the House. As he sat down Mr. 
Gladstone rose and launched forth into an oration which became historic. 
H<- gave voice to that indignation which lay suppressed beneath the cowed 
feeling which for the moment the Chancellor of the Exchequer's perform- 
ance had left among his hearers. In a few minutes the 
First Contest ° . . 

Between G!ad= House was wildly cheering the intrepid champion who had 

stoneand rushed into the breach, and when Mr. Gladstone concluded, 

having torn to shreds the proposals of the Budget, a majority 
followed him into the division lobby, and Mr. Disraeli found his govern- 
ment beaten by nineteen votes. Such was the first great encounter between 
the two rivals. 

Lord Derby resigned at once, and politics were plunged into a condi- 
tion of the wildest excitement and confusion. Mr. Gladstone was the butt 
of Protectionist execration. He was near being thrown out of the window 
at the Carlton Club by twenty extreme Tories, who, coming upstairs after 
dinner, found him alone in the drawing-room. They did not quite go this 
length, though they threatened to do so, but contented themselves with 
insulting him. 

In the Cabinet that followed, headed by Lord Aberdeen, Gladstone 
succeeded Disraeli as Chancellor of the Exchequer, a position in which he 
was to make a great mark. In April, 1 85 3, he introduced his first Budget, 
a marvel of ingenious statemanship, in its highly successful effort to equal- 
ize taxation. It remitted various taxes which had pressed hard upon the 
poor ami restricted business, and replaced them by applying the succession 
duty to real estate, increasing the duty on spirits, and extending the income 


tax. The latter Gladstone spoke of as an emergency tax, only to be 
applied in times of national danger, and presented a plan to extinguish it in 
i860. His plan failed to work. Nearly fifty years have passed since then, 
and the income tax still remains, seemingly a fixed element of the British 
revenue system. 

Taken altogether, and especially in its expedients to equalize taxation, 
this first Budget of Mr. Gladstone may be justly called the Gladstone's 
greatest of the century. The speech in which it was intro- Great Bud. 
duced and expounded created an extraordinary impression on peec 

the House and the country. For the first time in Parliament figures were 
made as interesting as a fairy tale ; the dry bones of statistics were invested 
with a new and potent life, and it was shown how the yearly balancing of 
the national accounts might be directed by and made to promote the pro- 
foundest and most fruitful principles of statesmanship. With such lucidity 
and picturesqueness was this financial oratory rolled forth that the dullest 
intellect could follow with pleasure the complicated scheme ; and for five 
hours the House of Cnmons sat as if it were under the sway of a magi- 
cian's wand. When Mr. Gladstone resumed his seat, it was felt that the 
career of the coalition Ministry was assured by the genius that was discov- 
ered in its Chancellor of the Exchequer. 

It was, indeed, to Gladstone's remarkable oratorical powers that much 
of his success as a statesman was due. No man of his period was his equal 
in swaying and convincing his hearers. His rich and musical voice, his 
varied and animated gestures, his impressive and vigorous delivery, great 
fluency, and wonderful precision of statement, gave him a oilstone's 
power over an audience which few men of the century have Powersas 
enjoyed. His sentences, indeed, were long and involved, an ra or 
growing more so as his years advanced, but their fine choice of words, rich 
rhetoric, and eloquent delivery" carried away all that heard him, as did his 
deep earnestness, and intense conviction of the truth of his utterances. 

We must pass rapidly over a number of years of Gladstone's career, 
through most of which he continued to serve as Chancellor of the Ex 
chequer, and to amaze and delight the country by the financial reforms 
effected in his annual Budgets. Between 1853 and 1866 those reforms rep 
resented a decrease in the weight of the burden of the national revenue 
amounting to ,£13,000,000. 

Meanwhile his Liberalism had been steadily growing, and reached its 
culmination in 1865, when the great Tory university of Oxford, which he 
had long represented, rejected him as i*s member. At once he offered him- 
self as a candidate for South Lancashire, in which his native place was situ- 


ated. saying, in the opening of his speech at Manchester: "At last, my 
friends, I am come among you ; to use an expression which has become verj 
famous and is not likely to be forgotten, ' I am come among you unmuz- 

Unmuzzled he was, as his whole future career was to show. Oxford 
had, in a measure, clipped his wings. Now he was free to give the fullest 
siSadritonethe expression to his liberal faith, and to stand before the country 
Liherai Leader as the great apostle of reform. In 1866 he became, for the 
first time in his career, leader of the House of Commons — 
Lord Russel, the Prime Minister, being in the House of Lords, Many of 
his friends feared for him in this difficult position ; but the event proved 
that they had no occasion for alarm, he showing himself one of the most 
successful leaders the House had ever had. 

His first important duty in this position was to introduce the new suf- 
frage Reform Bill, a measure to extend the franchise in counties and bor- 
oughs that would have added about 400,000 voters to the electorate. In 
f he debate that followed Gladstone and Disraeli were again pitted against 
each other in a grand oratorical contest. Disraeli taunted him with his 

youthful speech at Oxford against the Reform Bill of 1831 
The Suffrage ' ^ . * . . • 1 • , 

Reform Bill Gladstone replied in a burst 01 vigorous eloquence, in which 

he scored his opponent for lingering in a conservatism from 
which tlie speaker gloried in having been strong enough to break. He and 
the Cabinet were pledged to stand or fall with the Bill But, if it fell, the 
principle of right and justice which it involved would not fall. It was sure 
to survive and triumph in the future. He ended with this stirring predic- 
tion : 

' You cannot fkdit aeainst the future. Time is on our side. The great 
social forces which move onwards in their might and majesty, and which the 
tumult of our debates does not for a moment impede or disturb, those great 
social forces are against you : they are marshalled on our side ; and the ban- 
ker which we now carry into this fight, though perhaps at some moment it 
may droop over our sinking heads, yet it soon again will float in the eye of 
Heaven, and it will be borne by the firm hands of the united people of the 
three kingdoms, perhaps not to an easy, but to a certain, and to a not far 
distant, victory." 

Disraeli and his party won. The Bill was defeated. But its defeat 
roused the people almost as they had been roused in 1832. A formidable 
riot broke out in London. Ten thousand people marched in procession 
pas) Gladstone's residence, singing odes in honor of "the People's 
William." There were demonstrations in his favor and in support of the 


Bill throughout the country. The agitation continued during the winter, 
its fire fed by the eloquence of another of the great orators of the century 
the "tribune of the people," John Bright. This distingu- England 
ished man and powerful public speaker, through all his Agitated on 
life a strenuous advocate of moral reform and political 
progress, had begun his parliamentary career as an advocate of the Reform 
Bill of 1831-32. He now became one of the great leaders in the new cam- 
paign and through his eloquence and that of Gladstone the force of public 
opinion rose to such a height that the new Derby-Disraeli ministry found 
itself obliged to bring in a Bill similar to that which it had worked so hard 
to overthrow. 

And now a striking event took place. The Tory Reform Bill 
was satisfactory to Gladstone in its general features, but he proposed many 
improvements — lodger franchise, educational and savings-bank franchises, 
enlargement of the redistribution of seats, etc. — every one of which was 
yielded in committee, until, as one lord remarked, nothing of the original 
Bill remained but the opening word, " Whereas." This bill, really the work 
of Gladstone, and more liberal than the one which had been defeated, was 
passed, and Toryism, in the very success of its measure, suffered a crushing 
defeat. To Gladstone, as the people perceived, their right to vote was due. 

But Disraeli was soon to attain to the exalted office for which he had 
long been striving. In February, 1868, failing health caused Disrae |j Be _ 
Lord Derby to resign, and Disraeli was asked to form a comes Prime 
new administration. Thus the " Asian Mystery," as he had M,n,st er 
been entitled, reached the summit of his ambition, in becoming Prime 
Minister of England. 

He was not to hold this position long. Gladstone was to reach the 
same high eminence before the year should end. Disraeli's government, 
beginning in February, 1868, was defeated on the question of the disestab- 
lishment of the Irish Church ; an appeal to the country resulted in a large 
Liberal gain ; and on December 4th the Queen sent for Mr. Gladstone and 
commissioned him to form a new ministry, The task was completed by 
the 9th, Mr. Bright, who had aided so greatly in the triumph of the 
Liberals, entering the new cabinet as President of the Board of Trade. 
Thus at last, after thirty-five years of active public life, Mr. Glad- Gladstone j s 
stone was at the summit of power — Prime Minister of Great Made Prime 
Britain with a strong majority in Parliament in his support. M"»ster 

Bishop Wilberforce, who met him in this hour of triumph, wrote of him 
thus in his journal : " Gladstone as ever great, earnest, and honest ; as 


unlike the tricky Disraeli as possible, He is so delightfully true anr) ths> 
same , just as full of interest in every good thing of every kind." 

The period which followed the election of iS63 — the period of the 
Gladstone Administration of 1868-74 — has been called "the golden age of 
Liberalism." It was certainly a period of great reforms. The first, the 
most heroic, and probably— taking all the results into account — the most 
completely successful of these, was the disestablishment of the Irish 

Though Mr. Gladstone had a great majority at his back, the difficulties 
which confronted him were immense. In Ireland the wildest protests eman- 
ated from the friends of the Establishment. The " loyal minority " declared 
that their loyalty would come to an end if the measure were passed. One 
synod, speaking with a large assumption, even for a synod, of inspired 
knowledge, denounced it as "highly offensive to the Almighty God." The 
Orangemen threatened to rise in insurrection. A martial clergyman pro- 
posed to "kick the Queens crown into the Boyne " if she assented to such 
a Bill. Another announed his intention of fiofhtinpf with the Bible in one 
hand and the sword in the other. These appeals and these threats of civil 
war, absurd as they proved to be in reality, were not without producing 
some effect in Great Britain, and it was amid a din of warnings, of misgiv- 
ing counsels, and of hostile cries, that Mr. Gladstone proceeded to carry out 
the mandate of the nation which he had received at the polls. 

On the first of March, 1869, he introduced his Disestablishment Bill. 
Disestablish- ^' s speech was one of the greatest marvels amongst his ora- 
ment of the torical achievements. His chief opponent declared that, 
Irish Church t h 0U gh it lasted three hours, it did not contain a redundant 
word. The scheme which it unfolded — a scheme which withdrew the tem- 
poral establishment of a Church in such a manner that the Church was 
benefited, not injured, and which lifted from the backs of an oppressed people 
an intolerable burden — was a triumph of creative genius. Leaving aside 
his Budgets, which stand in a different category, it seems to us there is no 
room to doubt that in his record of constructive legislation this measure for 
the disestablishment of the Irish Church is Mr. Gladstone's most perfect 

Disraeli's speech in opposition to this measure was referred to by the 
London Times as "flimsiness relieved by spangles." After a debate in 
which Mr. Bright made one of his most famous speeches, the bill was car- 
ried by a majority of 118. Before this strong manifestation of the popular 
will the House of Lords, which deeply disliked the Bill, felt obliged to give 
way, and passed it by a majority of seven. 


In 1870 Mr. Gladstone introduced his Irish Land Bill, a measure oi 
reform which Parliament had for years refused to grant. By 

, . ... 1 1 1 1 • c 1 The Irish Land 

it the tenant was given the right to hold his farm as long as Bi „ Enacted 
he paid his rent, and received a claim upon the improvement 
made by himself and his predecessors — a tenant-right which he could sell. 
This bill was triumphantly carried ; and another important Liberal measure, 
Mr, Forster's Education Bill, became law. 

In the following sessions the tide of Liberal reform continued on its 
course. Among the reforms adopted was that of vote by ballot. A 
measure was introduced abolishing purchase in the Army ; and on this ques- 
tion Mr. Gladstone had his third notable conflict with the Lords. The Lords 
threw out the Bill. The imperious Premier, having found that purchase in 
the Army existed only by royal sanction, advised the Queen to issue a Royal 
Warrant cancelling the regulation. By a single act of executive authority 
he carried out a reform to which Parliament had, through one of its branches, 
refused its assent. This was a high-handed, not to say autocratic, step, and 
it afforded a striking revelation of the capacities in boldness and resolu- 
tion of Mr. Gladstone's character. It was denounced as Caesansm and 
Cromwellism in some quarters ; in others as an unconstitutional invocation 
of the royal prerogative. 

But the career of reform at length proved too rapid for the country to 
follow. The Government was defeated in 1873 on a bill for University Edu- 
cation in Ireland. Gladstone at once resigned, but, as Disraeli declined to 
form a Government, he was obliged to resume office. In 1S74 rj efeatof &ad . 
he took the bold step of dissolving Parliament and appealing stone and the 
to the country for support. If he were returned to power he L,S)era|s 
promised to repeal the income tax. He was not returned. The Tory party 
gained a majority of 46. Gladstone at once resigned, not only the Premier- 
ship, but the leadership of the Liberal party, and retired to private life — a 
much needed rest after his many years of labor. Disraeli succeeded him as 
Prime Minister, and two years afterwards was raised to the peerage by the 
Queen as the Earl of Beaconsfield. 

Mr. Gladstone was never idle. The intervals of his public duties were 
filled with tireless studies and frequent literary labors. Chief among the 
latter were his " Homeric Studies," works which showed great erudition and 
active mental exercise, though not great powers of critical discrimination. 
They adopted views which were then becoming obsolete, and their conclu 
sions have been rejected by Homeric scholars. Gladstone's greatness was 
as an orator and a moral reformer, not as a great logician and brilliant 


In the period at which we have arrived his moral greatness and literary 
fervor were both called into exercise in an international cause. The 
Bulgarian atrocities o{ aS/6 — spoken of in Chapter X — called the aged 
Gladstone on statesman from his retirement, and his pamphlet entitled 
the Bulgarian "Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East," rang 
through England like a trumpet-call. " Let the Turks now 
carry away their abuses in the only possible manner — by carrying off them- 
selves," he wrote. 'Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, their Bimbashis and 
their Yuzbachis, their Kaimakams and their Pashas, one and all, bag and 
baggage, shall, I hope,, clear out from the province they have desolated 
and profaned." 

He followed up this pamphlet by a series of speeches, delivered to 
great meetings and to the House of Commons, with which for four years 
he sought, as he expressed it, " night and day to counterwork the purpose 
of Lord Beaconsfield." He succeeded ; England was prevented by his 
His Second eloquence from joining the Turks in the war; but he excited 

Great Contest the fury of the war party to such an extent that at one time 
with Disraeli ; t was not sa f e f or j,; m to a pp ear [ n the streets of London. 

Nor was he quite sale in the House of Commons, where the Conservatives 
hated him so bitterly as to jeer and interrupt him whenever he spoke, and a 
party of them went so far as to mob him in the House 

Yet the sentiment he had aroused saved the country from the greatest 
of the follies by which it was threatened ; and, if it failed to stop the lesser 
adventures in which Lord Beaconsfield found an outlet for the passions he 
had unloosed, — an annexation of Cyprus, an interference in Egypt, an 
annexation of the Transvaal, a Zulu war which Mr. Gladstone denounced 
as 'one of the most monstrous and indefensible in our history," an Afghan 
wai which he described as a national crime, — it nevertheless was so true an 
interpretation of the best, the deliberate, judgment of the nation, that it 
sufficed eventually to bring the Liberal party back to power. 

This took place in 1880. In the campaign for the Parliament elected 
m that year Gladstone took a most active part, and had much to do with 
the great Liberal victory that followed. In the face of the overwhelming 
Gladstone majority that was returned Lord Beaconsfield resigned office, 

Again Made and Gladstone a second time was called to the head of the 

Premier government. 

As in the previous, so in the present, Gladstone administration the 
question of Ireland loomed up above all others. While Beaconsfield 
remained Premier Ireland was lost sight of, quite dwarfed by the Eastern 
question upon which the two life-long adversaries measured their strength. 


But as Turkey went down in public interest Ireland rose. The Irish people 

were gaining a vivid sense of their power under the Constitution. And 

another famine came to put the land laws and government of Ireland to a 

severe test. Still more, Ireland gained a leader, a man of remarkable 

ability, who was to play as great a part in its history as O'Connell had done 

half a century before. This was Charles Stewart Parnell, the Parne!1 Becomes 

founder of the Irish Land League — a powerful trade-union the Leader 

of tenant farmers — and for many years the leader of the of the ,rish 

. Party 

Irish party in Parliament. In the Parliament of 1880 his 

followers numbered sixty-eight, enough to make him a power to be dealt 
with in legislation. 

Gladstone, in assuming control of the new government, was quite 
inaware of the task before him. When he had completed his work with 
the Church and the Land Bills ten years before, he fondly fancied that the 
Irish question was definitely settled. The Home Rule movement, which 
was started in 1870, seemed to him a wild delusion which would die away 
of itself. In 1884 he said : " I frankly admit that I had had much upon my 
hands connected with the doings of the Beaconsfield Government in every 
quarter of the world, and I did not know — no one knew — the severity of 
the crisis that was already swelling upon the horizon, and that shortly after 
rushed upon us like a flood." 

He was not long in discovering the gravity of the situation, of which 
the House had been warned by Mr. Parnell. The famine had brought its 
crop of misery, and, while the charitable were seeking to relieve the dis- 
tress, many of the landlords were turning adrift their tenants The Famine and 
for non-payment of rents. The Irish party brought in a the Bill for 
Bill for the Suspension of Evictions, which the government 
replaced by a similar one for Compensation for Disturbance. This was 
passed with a large majority by the Commons, but was rejected by the 
Lords, and Ireland was left to face its misery without relief. 

The state of Ireland at that moment was too critical to be dealt with 
in this manner. The rejection of the Compensation for Disturbance Bill 
was, to the peasantry whom it had been intended to protect, a message of 
despair, and it was followed by the usual symptom of despair in Ireland, 
an outbreak of agrarian crime. On the one hand over 17,000 persons were 
evicted ; on the other there was a dreadful crop of murders and outrages. 
The Land League sought to do what Parliament did not; but in doing se 
it came in contact with the law. Moreover, the revolution — for revolution 
it seemed to be — grew too formidable for its control; the utmost it succeeded 

in doing was in some sense to ride without directing the storm. The first 



decisive step of Mr. Forster, the chief secretary for Ireland, was to strike 
a blow at the Land League, In November he ordered the prosecution of 
Mr. Forster's ^ r - Darnell, Mr. Biggar, and several of the officials of the 

Policy of organization, and before the year was out he announced his 

intention of introducing a Coercion Bill. This step threw 
the Irish members under Mr. Parnell and the Liberal Government into rela- 
tions of definitive antagonism. 

Mr. Forster introduced his Coercion Bill on January 24, 188 1. It was 
a formidable measure, which enabled the chief secretary, by signing a war- 
rant, to arrest any man on suspicion of having committed a given offence, 
and to imprison him without trial at the pleasure of the government. It 
practically suspended the liberties of Ireland. The Irish members ex- 
hausted every resource of parliamentary action in resisting it, and their 
tactics resulted in several scenes unprecedented in parliamentary history. In 
order to pass the Bill it was necessary to suspend them in a body several 
times. Mr. Gladstone, with manifest pain, found himself, as leader of the 
House, the agent by whom this extreme resolve had to be executed. 

The Coercion Bill passed, Mr. Gladstone introduced his Land Bill of 
Gladstone's i88i, which was the measure of conciliation intended to 

New Land balance the measure of repression. This was really a great and 
sweeping reform, whose dominant feature was the introduction 
of the novel and far-reaching principle of the State stepping in between 
landlord and tenant and fixing the rents. The Bill had some defects, as a 
series of amending acts, which were subsequently passed by both Liberal 
and Tory Governments, proved ; but, apart from these, it was on the whole 
the greatest measure of land reform ever passed for Ireland by the impe- 
rial Parliament. 

But Ireland was not yet satisfied. Parnell had no confidence in the 
good intentions of the government, and took steps to test its honesty, 
which so angered Mr. Forster that he arrested Mr. Parnell and several 
other leaders and pronounced the Land League an illegal body. Forster 
was well meaning but mistaken. He fancied that by locking up the ring- 
Jeaders he could bring quiet to the country. On the contrary, affairs were 
soon far worse than ever, crime and outrage spreading widely. 

in Ireland ^ n despair, Mr. Forster released Parnell and resigned. All 

now seemed hopeful ; coercion had proved a failure ; peace 
and quiet were looked for ; when, four days afterward, the whole country 
was horrified by a terrible crime. The new secretary for Ireland, Lord 
Cavendish, and the under-secretary., Mr. Burke, were attacked and hacked 
to death with knives in Phoenix Park 


Everywhere panic and indignation arose, A new Coercion Act was 
passed without delay. It was vigorously put into effect, and a state of 
virtual war between England and Ireland again came into existence. 

Trouble also arose in the East. Great Britain, in its usual fashion of seek- 
ing to carry the world on its shoulders, had made the control of the Suez 
Canal an excuse for an annoying interference in the government of Egypt. 
The result was a revolution that drove Ismail Pasha from his throne. 
As the British still held control, a revolt broke out among the people, 
headed by an ambitious leader named Arabi Pasha, and Alexandria was 
seized, the British being driven out and many of them killed. Much as 
Gladstone deprecated war, he felt himself forced into it. John Bright, to 
whom war was a crime that nothing could warrant, resigned from the cabi 
net, but the Government acted vigorously, the British fleet being ordered 
to bombard Alexandria. This was done effectively. The city, half reduced 
to ashes, was occupied by the British, Arabi and his army 

...... r* , ,, , r ,, The Bombard- 

Withdrawing in haste boon afterwards he was defeated by mentof Alex. 

General Wolseley and the insurrection was at an end. Egypt andria and 

remained a vassal of Great Britain. An unfortunate sequel ,. cat , 1 

. Gordon 

to this may be briefly stated. A formidable insurrection 
broke out in the Soudan, under El Mahdi, a Mohammedan fanatic, who 
captured the city of Khartoum and murdered the famous General Gordon 
For years Upper Egypt was lost to the state, it being recovered only at the 
close of the century by a military expedition. 

In South Africa the British were less successful. Here a war had been 
entered into with the Boers, in which the British forces suffered a severe 
defeat at Majuba Hill. Gladstone did not adopt the usual fashion of seek- 
ing revenge by the aid of a stronger force, but made peace, the Boers gain- 
ing what they had been fighting for. 

Disasters like this weakened the administration. Parnell and his fol 
lowers joined hands with the Tories, and a vigorous assault 
was made upon the government. Slowly its majority fell 1 h * D f!tj at °! 
away, and at length, in May, 1885, it was defeated. 

The scene which followed was a curious one. The Irish raised cries of 
' No Coercion," while the Tories delivered themselves up to a frenzy of 
jubilation, waving hats and handkerchiefs, and wildly cheering. Lord Ran 
dolph Churchill jumped on a bench, brandished his hat madly above his 
head, and altogether behaved as if he were beside himself, Mr. Gladstone 
calmly resumed the letter to the Queen which he had been writing on his 
knee, while the clerk at the table proceeded to run through the orders of 
the day, as if nothing particular had happened. When in a few momengs 


the defeated Premier moved the adjournment, he did so still holding his 
hitter in one hand and the pen in the other, and the Conservatives surged 
through the doorway, tumultuously cheering. 

Gladstone's great opponent was no longer on earth to profit by his 
defeat. Beaconsfield had died in [88l, and Lord Salisbury became head of 
the new Tor)' Government, one which owed its existence to Irish votes. It 
had a very short life. Parnell and his fellows soon tired of their unnatural 
alliance, turned against and defeated the Government, and Gladstone was 
sent for to form a new government, On February I, 1886, he became 
Prime Minister of Great Britain for the third time, 

During the brief inter 1 his opinions had suffered a great revolution 
He no longer thought that Ireland had all it could justly demand. He re- 
turned to power as an advocate of a most radical measure, that of Home 
Gladstone a Rule for Ireland, a restoration of that separate Parliament 
Convert to which, it had lost in 1800. He also had a scheme to buy out 
the Irish landlords and establish a peasant proprietary by state 
aid. His new views were revolutionary in character, but he did not hesitate 
— he never hesitated to do what his conscience told him was right. On April 
8, 1886, he introduced to Parliament his Home Rule Bill. 

The scene that afternoon was one of the most remarkable in Parlia- 
mentary history. Never before was such interest manifested in a debate by 
either the public or the members of the House. In order to secure their 
places, members arrived at St. Stephen's at six o'clock in the morning, and 
spent th n the premises ; and, a thing quite unprecedented, members 

a Remarkable wno cou 'd not n,K ^ places on the benches filled up the floor of 
Scene In Par- the House with rows of chairs. The strangers', diplomats', 
[>eers\ and ladies galleries were idled to overflowing. Men 
becreed even to be admitted to the ventilating passages beneath the floor of 
the Chamber that they /night in some sense be witnesses of the greatest 
feal in the lifetime ol an illustrious old man of eighty. Around Palace 
Yard an enormous crowd surged, waiting to give the veteran a welcome as 
hi drove up lroni Downing Street. 

Mr. Gladstone arrived in the House, pale and still panting from the. 
excitement of Ids reception in the streets. As he sat there the entire Lib 
eral party — with the exception of Lord Hartington, Sir Henry James, Mi 
Chamberlain and Sir George Trevelyan — and the Nationalist members, by 
a spontaneous impulse, sprang to their feet and cheered him again and again. 
S he speech which he delivered was in every way worthy of the occasion. 
It expounded, with marvelous lucidity and a noble eloquence, a tremendous 
• heme of constructive legislation — the re-establishment of a legislature \n 


Ireland, but one subordinate to the Imperial Parliament, and hedged round 
with every safeguard which could protect the unity of the Empire. It took 
three hours in delivery, and was listened to throughout with the utmost 
attention on every side of the House. At its close all parties united in 3 
tribute of admiration for the genius which had astonished them with such an 
exhibition of its powers. 

Yet it is one thino- to cheer an orator, another thinsf to vote for a revo 
lution. The Bill was defeated — as it was almost sure to be. Mr. Gladstone 
at once dissolved Parliament and appealed to the country in a new election 
with the result that he was decisively defeated. His bold declaration that 
the contest was one between the classes and the masses turned the aristocracy 
against him, while he had again roused the bitter hatred of his opponents. 

But the " Grand Old Man " bided his time. The new Salisbury ministry 
was oneof coercion carried to the extreme in Ireland, wholesale eviction, arrest 
of members of Parliament, suppression of public meetings by force of arms, 
and other measures of violence which in the end wearied the British public 
and doubled the support of Home Rule. In 1892 Mr. Gladstone returned 
to power with a majority of more than thirty Home Rulers in his support 

It was one of the greatest efforts in the career of the old Parliamen 

tary hero when he brought his new Home Rule Bill before the House. 

Never in his youn£ days had he worked more earnestly and „, , . 

3 ^ 3 . 3 Gladstone's 

incessantly. He disarmed even his bitterest enemies, none of Last and 
whom now dreamed of treating him with disrespect. Mr Bal- Greatest 
four spoke of the delight and fascination with which even his 
opponents watched his leading of the House and listened to his unsurpassed 
eloquence. Old age had come to clothe with its pathos, as well as with its 
majesty, the white-haired, heroic figure. The event proved one of the great- 
est triumphs of his life. The Bill passed with a majority of thirty-four. 
That it would pass in the House of Lords no one looked for. It was de 
feated there by a majority of 378 out of 460. 

With this great event the public career of the Grand Old Man came to 
an end. The burden had grown too heavy for his reduced strength. In 
March, 1894, to the consternation of his party, he announced 
his intention of retiring from public life. The Queen offered, oreat Caree» 
as she had done once before, to raise him to the peerage as an 
earl, but he declined the proffer. His own plain name was a title higher 
than that of any earldom in the kingdom. 

On May 19, 1898 William Ewart Gladstone laid clown the burden of his 
life as he had already done that of labor. The greatest and noblest figure in 
legislative life of the nineteenth century had passed away from earth. 







illl HAEL I)AV] II T. M. HEA1 V 



Ireland the Downtrodden. 

TIME was when Ireland was free. But it was a barbarian freedom. 
The island had more kings than it had counties, each petty chief 
bearing the royal title, while their battles were as frequent as those 
of our Indian tribes of a past age. The island, despite the fact that it had 
an active literature reaching back to the early centuries of the Christian 
era, was in a condition of endless turmoil. This state of affairs was gradu- 
ally put an end to after the English conquest ; but the civili- | re | and in the 
zation which was introduced into the island was made bitter Past Ceil- 
by an injustice and oppression which has filled the Irish heart tunes - 
with an undying hatred of the English nation and a ceaseless desire to 
break loose from its bonds. 

For centuries, indeed, the rule of England was largely a nominal one, 
the English control being confined to a few coast districts in the east. In 
the interior the native tribes continued under the rule of their chiefs, were 
governed by their own laws, and remained practically independent. 

It was not until the reign of James I. that England became master of 
all Ireland. In the last days of the reign of Elizabeth a great rising against 
the English had taken place in Ulster, under a chief named O'Neill. The 
Earl of Essex failed to put it down and was disgraced by the queen in con- 
sequence. The armies of James finally suppressed the rebellion, and the 

unruly island, now, for the first time, came fully under the „ ^,„, ... 
. ... . . The O Neill 

control of an English king. It had given the earlier monarchs Rebellion and 

nothing but trouble, and James determined to weaken its tne Confisca- 

c - i • r t> j i i • r ■ tion of Ulster 

power ior mischief. lo do so he took possession ol six 
counties of Ulster and filled them with Scotch and English colonists. As 
for the Irish, they were simply crowded out, and left to seek a living where 
they could. There was no place left for them but the marshes. 

This act of ruthless violence filled the Irish with an implacable hatred 
of their oppressors which had not vanished in the years since it took place. 
They treasured up their wrongs for thirty years, but in 1641, when England 
was distracted by its civil war, they rose in their wrath, fell upon the 
colonists and murdered all who could not save themselves by flight. For 



eight years, while the English had their hands full at home, the Irish held 
their reconquered lands in triumph, but in 1649 Cromwell fell upon them 
with his invincible Ironsides, and took such a cruel revenge that he himseli 
confessed that he had imbued his hands in blood like a common butcher 
In truth, the Puritans looked upon the Papists as outside the pale of 
humanity, and no more to be considered than a herd of wild 

Bloody beasts, and they dealt with them as hunters might with 

Severity and noxious animals. 

the Fate of <-r-j le severity of Cromwell was threefold greater than that 

the Irish * . & 

of James, for he drove the Irish out of three provinces, 

Ulster, Leinster and Munster, bidding them go and find bread or graves 
in the wilderness of Connaught. Again the Irish rose, when James II., the 
dethroned king, came to demand their aid ; and again they were over- 
thrown, this time in the memorable Battle of the Boyne. William III. now 
completed the work of confiscation. The greater part of the remaining 
province of Connaught was taken from its holders and given to English 
colonists. The natives of the island became a landless people in theftr 
own land. 

To complete their misery and degradation, William and the succeeding 
monarchs robbed them of all their commerce and manufactures, by forbid- 
ding them to trade with other countries. Their activity in this direction 
interfered with the profits of English producers and merchants. By these 
The Cause ot merciless and cruel methods the Irish were reduced to a 
Irish Hatred nation of tenants, laborers and beggars, and such they still 
of England remain, downtrodden, oppressed their most lively sentiment 
being their hatred of the English, to whom they justly impute their 

The time came when England acknowledged with shame and sorrow 
the misery to which she had reduced a sister people — but it was then too 
late to retrieve the wrong. English landlords owned the land, manufac- 
turing industry had been irretrievably crowded out, the evil done was past 

With these preliminary statements we come to the verge of the nine- 
teenth century. America had rebelled against England and gained 
independence. This fact stirred up a new desire for liberty in the Irish. 
The island had always possessed a legislature of its own, but it was of no 
value to the natives. It represented only the great Protestant land- 
owners, and could pass no act without the consent of the Privy Counci' 
of England. 


A demand for a national Parliament was made, and the English 
government, having its experience in America before its eyes, Home Rule and 
granted it, an act being passed in 1782 which made Ireland the Act of 
independent of England in legislation, a system such as is nion 
now called Home Rule. It was not enough. It did not pacify the island. 
The religious animosity between the Catholics and Protestants continued, 
and in 1798 violent disturbances broke out, with massacres on both sides, 

The Irish Parliament was a Protestant body, and at first was elected 
solely by Protestant votes. G rattan, the eminent Irish statesman, through 
whose efforts this body had been made an independent legislature, — " The 
King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, to make laws for the people of Ire- 
land," — carried an act to permit Catholics to vote for its members. He then 
strove for a measure to permit Catholics to sit as members in the Irish 
Parliament. This was too much for George III. He recalled Lord Fitz- 
william, the viceroy of Ireland, who had encouraged and assisted Grattan 
and blighted the hopes of the Irish Catholics. 

The revolt that followed was the work of a society called the United 
Irishmen, organized by Protestants, but devoted to the interests of Ireland. 
Wolfe Tone, one of its leading members, went to France and induced Napo- 
leon to send an expedition to Ireland. A fleet was dispatched, but this, like 
the Spanish Armada, was dispersed by a storm, and the few Tbe u, )ited 
Frenchmen who landed were soon captured. The rebellion Irishmen and 
was as quickly crushed, and was followed by deeds of remorse- Act of Union 
less cruelty, so shameful that they were denounced by the commander-in 
chief himself. With this revolt the independence of Ireland ended. An 
act of union was offered and carried through the Irish Parliament by a very 
free use of money among the members, and the Irish Legislature was incor- 
porated with the British one. Since January 1, 1801, all laws for Ireland 
have been made in London. 

Among the most prominent members of the United Irishmen Society 
were two brothers named Emmet, the fate of one of whom has ever since 
been remembered with sympathy, Thomas A. Emmet, one of these 
brothers, was arrested in 1798 as a member of this society, and was impris- 
oned until 1802, when he was released on condition that he should spend the 
remainder of his life on foreign soil. He eventually reached New York, at 
whose bar he attained eminence. The fate of his more famous brother, 
Robert Emmet, was tragical. This young man, a school-fellow of Thomas 
Moore, the poet, was expelled from Trinity College in 1 798, when twenty 
years of age, as a member of the United Irishmen. He went to the conti* 


nent, interviewed Napoleon on behalf of the Irish cause, and returned in 
1802 with a wild idea of freeing Ireland by his own efforts from English 

Organizing a plan for a revolution, and expending his small fortune in 
the purchase of muskets and pikes, he formed a plot to seize Dublin Castle, 
capture the viceroy, and dominate the capital. At the head of a small body 
The Fate of °^ followers he set out on this hopeless errand, which ended 

Robert Em- at the first volley of the guards, before which his confederates 
met hastily dispersed. Emmet, who had dressed himself for the 

occassion in a green coat, white breeches and cocked hat, was deeply morti- 
fied at the complete failure of his scheme. He fled to the Wicklow moun- 
tains, whence, perceiving that success in his plans was impossible, he 
resolved to escape to the continent. But love led him to death. He was 
deeply attached to the daughter of Curran, the celebrated orator, and, in 
despite of the advice of his friends, would not consent to leave Ireland until 
he had seen her. The attempt was a fatal one. On his return from the 
interview with his lady-love he was arrested and imprisoned on a charge of 
high treason. He was condemned to death September 19, 1803, and 
was hanged the next day. 

Before receiving sentence he made an address to the court of such 
noble and pathetic eloquence that it still thrills the reader with sympathetic 
emotion. It is frequently reprinted among examples of soul-stirring oratory. 
The disconsolate woman, Sarah Curran, perished of a broken heart after his 
untimely death. This event is the theme of one of Moore's finest poems: 
" She is far from the land where her young hero lies." 

The death of Emmet and the dispersal of the United Irishmen by no 
means ended the troubles in Ireland, but rather added to their force. Ire- 
land and England, unlike in the character and religion of their people and 
in their institutions, continued in a state of hostility, masked or active, the 
Landlords Ten- °^ feuds being kept alive on the one side by the landlords, 
ants and on the other by the peasantry and the clergy. The country 

Clergy was ^[yj^j j nto a great number of small farms, thousands of 

them being less than five acres each in size. For these the landlords — 
many of whom the tenants never saw and some of whom had never seen 
Ireland often exacted extravagant rents. Again, while the great majority 
of the people was Catholic, the Catholic clergy had to be supported by 
the voluntary contributions of the poverty-stricken people, while tithes, or 
church taxes, were exacted bv law for the payment of clergymen of the 
English Church, who remained almost without congregations. Finally, 
the Catholics were disfranchised. After the abolishment of the Irish 


Parliament they were without representation in the government under 
which they lived. No Catholic could be a member of Parliament. It is not 
surprising that their protest was vigorous, and that the British government 
had many rebellious outbreaks to put down. 

It was the disfranchisement of the Catholics that first roused opposition. 
Grattan brought up a bill for "Catholic Emancipation" — that o'Connei! and 
is, the admission of Catholics to the British Parliament and the Catholic 
repeal of certain ancient, and oppressive edicts — in 1813. The mancipation 
bill was lost, but a new and greater advocate of Irish rights now arose, Daniel 
O'Connell, the " Liberator," the greatest of Irish orators and patriots, who 
for many years was to champion the cause of downtrodden Ireland. 

The "counsellor" — a favorite title of O'Connell among his Irish 
admirers — was a man of remarkable powers, noted for his boisterous Irish 
wit and good humor, his fearlessness and skill as a counsel, his constant tact 
and readiness in reply, his unrivalled skill in the cross-examination of Irish 
witnesses, and the violent language which he often employed in court. 
This man, of burly figure, giant strength, inexhaustible energy and power 
of work, a voice mighty enough to drown the noise of a The " Counsel - 
crowd, a fine command of telling language, coarse but effec- lor" and His 
tive humor, ready and telling retort, and master of all the Oratory 
artillery of vituperation, was just the man to control the Irish people, 
passing with the ease of a master from bursts of passion and outbreaks of 
buffoonery to passages of the tenderest pathos. Thoroughly Irish, he 
seemed made by nature to sustain the cause of Ireland. 

O'Connell was shrewd enough to deter revolt, and, while awakening in 
the Irish the spirit of nationality, he taught them to keep political agita- 
tion within constitutional limits, and seek by legislative means what they 
had no hope of gaining by force of arms. His legal practice was enor- 
mous, yet amid it he found time for convivial relaxation and for a deep 
plunge into the whirlpool of politics. 

The vigorous advocate was not long in rising to the chiefship of the 
Irish party, but his effective work in favor of Catholic emancipation began 
in 1823, when he founded the "Irish Association," a gigantic system of 
organization which Ireland had nothing similar to before. The 
clergy were disinclined to take part in this movement, but SO ciation " 
O'Connell's eloquence brought them in before the end of the 
year, and under their influence it became national, spreading irresistibly 
throughout the land and rousing everywhere the greatest enthusiasm. To 
obtain funds for its support the "Catholic Rent" was established — one 
penny a month — which yielded as much as ^500 per week. 


In alarm at the growth of this association, the government brought in a 
bill for its suppression, but O'Connell, too shrewd to come into conflict with 
the authorities, forstalled them by dissolving it in 1825. He had set the 
ball rolling. The Irish forty-shilling freeholders gained courage to oppose 
their landlords in the elections. In 1826 they carried Waterford. In 1828 
O'Connell himself stood as member of parliament for Clare, and was 
elected amid the intense enthusiasm of the people. 

This triumph set the whole country in a flame. The lord-lieutenant 
looked for an insurrection, and even Lord Wellington, prime minister of 
England, was alarmed at the threatening outlook. Hut O'Connell, knowing 
that an outbreak would be ruinous to the Catholic cause, used his marvelous 
powers to still the agitation and to induce the people to wait for parliamen- 
tary relief. 

This relief came the following year. A bill was passed which admitted 

Catholics to parliament, and under it O'Connell made his appearance in the 

House of Commons May 15, 1829. He declined to take the old oaths, 

which had been repealed by the bill. The House refused to 
O'Connell 3n .... . ... , , , „, 

Parliament admit him on these conditions, and he went down to Llare 

again, which sent him back like a conqueror. At the begin- 
ning of 1830 he took his seat unopposed. 

O'Connell's career in parliament was one of persistent labor for the 
repeal of the "Act of Union" with Great Britain, and Home Rule for 
Ireland, in the advocacy of which he kept the country stirred up for years. 
The abolition of tithes for the support of the Anglican clergy was another 
of his great subjects of agitation, and this one member had the strength of 
a host as an advocate of justice and freedom for his country. 

The agitation on the Catholic question had quickened the sense of 

the wrones of Ireland, and the Catholics were soon enyasred in a crusade 

against tithes and the established Church, which formed the most offensive 

symbols of their inferior position in the state. In 1830 the potato crop in 

Ireland was very poor, and wide-spread misery and destitution prevailed. 

O'Connell advised the people to pay no tithes, but in this matter they passed 

beyond his control, and for months crime ran rampant. The 

^ 1.° farmers refused to pay tithes or rents, armed bands marched 

Troubles r J 

through the island, and murder and incendiarism visited the 

homes of the rich. A stringent coercion bill was enacted and the troubles 
were put down by the strong hand of the law. Subsequently the Whig party, 
then in power, practically abolished tithes, cutting down the revenue of the 
Established Church, and using the remainder for secular purposes, and the 
agitation subsided. 


In 1832 O'Connell became member for Dublin, and nominated most oi 
the Irish candidates, with such effect that he had in the next Parliament a 
following of forty-five members, known sarcastically as his "tail." He 
gradually attained a position of great eminence in the House of Commons, 
standing in the first rank of parliamentary orators as a debater. 

When a Tory ministry came into power, in 1841, O'Connell began a 

vigorous agitation in favor of repeal of the Act of Union and of Home 

Rule for Ireland, advocating the measure with all his wonder- 

. , r T r, 1 111 mi 1 The Home Rule 

ful power of oratory. In 1843 he travelled 5,000 miles through crusade 

Ireland, speaking to immense meetings, attended by hun- 
dreds of thousands of people, and extending to every corner of the island. 
But thanks to his great controlling power, and the influence of Father 
Mathew, the famous temperance advocate, these audiences were never 
unruly mobs, but remained free from crime and drunkenness. The greatest 
was that held on the Hill of Tara, at which, according to the Nation, three- 
quarters of a million persons were present. 

O'Connell wisely deprecated rebellion and bloodshed. " He who com- 
mits a crime adds strength to the enemy," was his favorite motto. Through 
a whole generation, with wonderful skill, he kept the public mind at the 
highest pitch of political excitement, yet restrained it from violence. But 
with all his power the old chief began to lose control of the enthuisastic 
Young Ireland party and, confident that the government must soon yield to 
the impassioned appeal from a whole nation, he allowed himself in his 
speeches to outrun his sober judgment. 

Fearful of an outbreak of violence, the government determined to put 
an end to these enormous meetings, and a force of 35,000 men was sent to 
Ireland. A great meeting had been called for Clantarf on October 5, 1843, 
but it was forbidden the day before by the authorities, and O'Connell, 
fearing bloodshed, abandoned it. He was arrested, however, tried for a con- 
spiracy to arouse sedition, and sentenced to a year's imprison- 

, r r r t>i • -ii O'Connell 

ment and a fine 01 ,£2,000. 1 his sentence was set aside by imprisoned 

the House of Lords some months afterward as erroneous, 
and at once bonfires blazed across Ireland from sea to sea. But the three 
months he passed in prison proved fatal to the old chief, then nearly 
seventy years old. He contracted a disease which carried him to the grave 
three years afterwards. 

During his withdrawal the Young Ireland party began to advocate 
resistance to the government. In 1846 and 1847 came the potato famine, 
the most severe visitation Ireland had known during the century, and in 
1848 the revolutionary movement in Europe made itself felt on Irish soil. 


In the latter year the ardent Young Ireland party carried the country into 
rebellion ; but the outbreak was easily put down, hardly a drop of blood be- 
The Young m g shed in its suppression. The popular leader, Smith 

Ireland O'Brien, was banished to Australia, but was eventually 

Rebellion pardoned. John Mitchell, editor of the Nation and the United 

Irishman, was also banished, but subsequently escaped from Australia to 
the United States. 

The wrongs of Ireland remained unredeemed, and as long as this 
was the case quiet could not be looked for in the island. In 1858 a Phoenix 
conspiracy was discovered and suppressed. Meanwhile fohn O'Mahony, 
one of the insurgents of 1S48, organized a formidable secret society among 
the Irish in the United States, which he named the Fenian Brotherhood, 
after Finn, the hero of Irish legend. This organization was opposed by the 
Catholic clergy, but grew despite their opposition, its members becoming 
numerous and its funds large. 

Its leader in Ireland was James Stephens, and its organ the Irish Peo- 
ple newspaper. But there were traitors in the camp and in 1865 the paper 

was suppressed and the leaders were arrested. Stephens 
The Fenian t . . r . . . . 

Brotherhood escaped from prison ten days alter his arrest and made his 

way to America. The revolutionary activity of this associa- 
tion was small. There were some minor outbreaks and an abortive attempt 
to seize Chester Castle, and in September, 1867, an attack was made on a 
police van in Manchester, and the prisoners, who were Fenians, were 
rescued. Soon after an attempt was made to blow down Clerkenwell Prison 
wall, with the same purpose in view. 

The Fenians in the United States organized a plot in 1866 for a raid 
upon Canada, which utterly failed, and in 1871 the government of this 
country put a summary end to a similar expedition. With this the active 
existence of the Fenian organization ended, unless we may ascribe to it the 
subsequent attempts to blow down important structures in London with 

These movements, while ineffective as attempts at insurrection, had 
their influence in arousing- the more thoughtful statesmen of England to the 
causes for discontent and need of reform in Ireland, and since that period 
the Irish question has been the most prominent one in Parliament. Such men 
Land Holding as ^ r - Gladstone and Mr. Bright took the matter in hand, 
Reform in Gladstone presenting a bill for the final abolition of Irish tithes 
and the disestablishment of the English Church in Ireland. 
This was adopted in 1868, and the question of the reform of land holding 
was next taken up, a series of measures being passed to improve the 


condition of the Irish tenant farmer. If ejected, he was to be compensated 
for improvements he had made, and a Land Commission was formed with 
the power to reduce rents where this seemed necessary, and also to fix the 
rent for a term of years. At a later date a Land Purchase Commission was 
organized, to aid tenants in buying their farms from the landlords, by an 
advance of a large portion of the purchase money, with provision for grad- 
ually repayment. 

These measures did not put an end to the agitation. Numerous ejec- 
tions from farms for non-payment of rent had been going on, and a fierce 
struggle was raging between the peasants and the agents of the absentee 
landlords. The disturbance was great, and successive Coercion Acts were 
passed. The peasants were supported by the powerful Laud League, while 
the old question of Home Rule was revived again, under the active leader- 
ship of Charles Stewart Parnell, who hea'ded a small but very determined 
body in Parliament. The succeeding legislation for Ireland, engineered by 
Mr. Gladstone, to the passage in the House of Commons 
of the Home Rule Bill of 1893, has been sufficiently Agitation " 
described in the preceding chapter, and need not be repeated 
here. It will suffice to say in conclusion, that the demand for Home Rule 
still exists, and that, in spite of all efforts at reform, the position of the Irish 
peasant is far from being satisfactory, the most prolific crop in that long- 
oppressed land seemingly being one of beggary and semi-starvation, 


England and Her Indian Empire. 

IN 1756, in the town of Calcutta, the headquarters of the British in India, 
there occurred a terrible disaster. A Bengalese army marched upon 
and captured the town, taking prisoner all the English who had not 
escaped to their ships. The whole of these unfortunates, 146 in number, 

were thrust into the "black hole," a small room about eigh- 

The Black Hole , ., ,, , . ■ 1 ^ r 

of Calcutta teen leet square, with two small windows. It was a night 01 

tropical heat. The air of the crowded and unventilated room 
soon became unfit to breathe. The victims fought each other fiercely to 
reach the windows. The next morning, when the door was opened, only 
twenty-three of them remained alive. Such is the famous story of the 
"black hole of Calcutta." 

In the following year (1757) this barbarism was avenged. On the bat 
tlefield of Plassey stood an army of about 1,000 British and 2,100 Sepoys, 
with nine pieces of artillery. Opposed to them were 50,000 native infantry 
CS" and the ant ' 'S. 000 cavalry, with fifty cannon. The disproportion was 
Battle of enormous, but at the head of the British army was a great 

Plassey leader, Robert Clive, who had come out to India as a humble 

clerk, but was now commander of an army. A brief conflict ended the 
affair. The unwieldy native army fled. Clive's handful of men stood vic- 
torious on the most famous field of Indian warfare. 

This battle is taken as the beginning of the British Empire in India. It is 
of interest to remember that just one hundred years later, in 1857, that em- 
pire reached the most perilous point in its career, in the outbreak of the great 
Indian mutiny. Plassey settled one question. It gave India to the English 
in preference to the French, in whose interest the natives were fighting. The 
empire which Clive founded was organized by Warren Hastings, the ablest 
but the most unscrupulous of the governors of India. At the opening of 
the nineteenth century the British power in India was firmly established. 

In 1708 the Marquis of Wellesly — afterwards known as 

reeMn India Lorcl Wellington —was made governor Even there he had 

his future great antagonist to guard against, for Napoleon was 

at that time in Egypt, and was thought to have the design of driving the 



British from India and restoring that great dominion to France. Wellesley's 
career in India was a brilliant one. He overthrew the powerful Mar- 
hatta Confederacy, gained victory after victory over the native chiefs and 
kings, captured the great Mogul cities of Delhi and Agra, and spread the 
power of the British arms far and wide through the peninsula. 

In the succeeding years war after war took place. The warlike Mar- 
hattas rebelled and were again put down, other tribes were conquered, and 
in 1824 the city of Bhartpur in Central India, believed by the natives to be 
impregnable, was taken by storm, and the reputation of the British as in- 
domitable fighters was greatly enhanced. Rapidly the British power 
extended until nearly the whole peninsula was subdued. In 1837 the con- 
querors of India began to interfere in the affairs of Afghanistan, and a Brit- 
ish garrison was placed in Cabul, the capital of that country, in 1839. 

Two years they stayed there, and then came to them one of the great- 
est catastrophes in the history of the British army. Surrounded by hostile 
and daring Afghans, the situation of the garrison grew so perilous that it 
seemed suicidal to remain in Cabul, and it was determined to evacuate the 
city and retreat to India through the difficult passes of the Himalayas. In 
January, 1842, they set out, 4,000 fighting men and 12,000 camp followers. 
Deep snows covered the hills and all around them swarmed The Terrible 
the Afghans, savage and implacable, bent on their utter de- Retreat 
struction. attacking them from every point of vantage, cutting 
down women and children with the same ruthless cruelty as they displayed 
in the case of men. One terrible week passed, then, on the afternoon of 
January 13th, the sentinels at the Cabul gate of Jelalabad saw approaching 
a miserable, haggard man, barely able to sit upon his horse. Utterly ex- 
hausted, covered with cuts and contusions, he rode through the gate, and 
announced himself as Dr. Brydan, the sole survivor of the army which had 
left Cabul one week before. The remainder, men, women, and children, — 
except a few who had been taken prisoners, — lay slaughtered along that 
dreadful road, their mangled bodies covering almost every foot of its blood- 
stained length. 

The British exacted revenge for this terrible massacre. A powerful 
force fought its way back to Cabul, defeated the Afghans wherever met, and 
rescued the few prisoners in the Afghan hands. Then the soldiers turned 
their backs on Cabul, which no British army was to see again for nearly 
forty years. 

Three years afterwards the British Empire in India was seriously threat- 
ened by one of the most warlike races in the peninsula, the Sikhs, a cour- 
ageous race inhabiting the Punjab, in northern India, their capital the 


city of Lahore. In 1S45 a Sikh army, 60,000 strong, with 150 guns, crossed 

the Sutlej River and invaded British territory. Never before 
The War With . 

the Sikh= nac ' tne British in India encountered men like these. Four 

pitched battles were fought, in each of which the British lost 
heavily, but in the last they drove the Sikhs back across the Sutlej and cap- 
tured Lahore. 

That ended the war for the time being, but in 1S4S the brave Sikhs 
were in arms again, and pushing the British as hard as before. On the field 
of Chilianwala the British were repulsed, with a loss of 2.400 men and the 
colors of three regiments. This defeat was quickly retrieved. Lord Gougli 
met the enemy at Guzerat and defeated thorn so utterly that their army was 
practically destroyed. They were driven back as a shapeless mass of fugi- 
tives, losing their camp, their standards, and fifty-three of their cherished 
guns. With this victor\- was completed the conquest of the Punjab. The 
Sikhs became loyal subjects of the queen, and afterwards supplied her armies 
with the most valorous and high-spirited of her native troops. 

Thus time went on until that eventful year of 1857, when the British 
power in India was to receive its most perilous shock. For a long time 
there had been a great and continually increasing discontent in India. 
Complaints were made that the treaties with native princes were not kept, 
that extortion was practised bvwhich officials grew rapidly and mysteriously 
wealthy, looking upon India as a field for the acquisition of riches, and that 
the natives wen- treated by the governing powers with deep contempt, 
while every license was granted to the soldiery. The hidden 
the Mutiny cause of the discontent, however, lay in the deep hatred felt by 
the natives, Hindu and Mussulmen alike, for the dominant 
race of aliens to whom they had been obliged to bow in common subjection; 
ami the fanaticism of the Hindus caused the smouldering elementsof discon- 
tent to burst out into the flames of insurrection. A secret conspiracy was 
formed, in which all classes of the natives participated, its object being 
to overthrow the dominion of the English. It had been prophesied among 
the natives that the rule of the foreign masters of India should last only foi 
a hundred years ; and a century had just elapsed since the triumph of Clive 
at Plassey. 

Small chupatties, cakes of unleavened bread, were secretly passed from 
hand to hand among the natives, as tokens of comradeship in the enter- 
prise. This conspiracy was the more dangerous from making 
The Greased f . i r t 1 ■ i i 

Cartridges lts wa Y Intn tne arm y> * or India was a country governed by 

the sword. A rumor ran through the cantonments of the 

Bengal army that cartridges had been served out greased with the fat of 


animals unclean to Hindu and Mussulman alike, and which the Hindus could 
not bite without loss of caste, the injunction of their religion obliging 
them to abstain from animal food under this penalty. After this nothing 
could quiet their minds ; fires broke out nightly in their quarters; officers 
were insulted by their men ; all confidence was gone, and discipline became 
an empty form. 

The sentence of penal servitude passed upon some of the mutineers 
became the signal for the breaking out of the revolt. At Meerut, on the 
Upper Ganges, the Sepoys broke into rebellion, liberated their comrades 
who were being led away in chains, and marched in a body to Delhi, the 
ancient capital of India and former seat of the Mogul empire. 
Here they took possession of the great military magazine and peror Akbar 
seized its stores. Those among the British inhabitants who 
did not save themselves by immediate flight were barbarously put to death ; 
and the decrepit Akbar, the descendant of the Moguls, an old man of ninety, 
who lived at Delhi upon a pension granted to him by the East India Company, 
was drawn from his retirement and proclaimed Emperor of Hindostan by 
the rebels, his son, Mirza, being associated with him in the government. 

The mutiny spread with terrible rapidity, and massacres of the English 
took place at Indore, Allahabad, Azimghur, and other towns. Foremost in 
atrocity stands the massacre perpetrated at Cawnpore by Nana Sahib, the 
adopted son of the last Peishwa of the Marhattas, who, after The Friehtfui 
entering into a compact with General Wheeler, by which he Massacre at 
promised a free departure to the English, caused the boats in Cawnpore 
which they were proceeding down the river to be fired upon. The men were 
thus slain, while the women and children were brought back as prisoners to 
Cawnpore. Here they were confined for some days in a building, into 
which murderers were sent who massacred them every one, the mutilated 
corpses being thrown down a well. 

In Oude, the noble-minded Sir Henry Lawrence defended himself 
throughout the whole summer in the citadel of Lucknow against the rebels 
under Nana Sahib with wonderful skill and bravery, until he was killed by 
the bursting of a bomb, on the 2d of ]uly. The distress of the besieged, 
among whom were many ladies and children, was now extreme. But the little 
garrison held out for nearly three months longer against the greatest odds 
and amid the most distressing hardships. At length came that The Scotch 
eventful day, when, to the' keen ears of one of the despairing Slcsran at 
sufferers, a Scotch woman, came from alar a familiar and most '-ucknow 
hopeful sound. " Dinnaye hear the pibroch?" she cried, springing to her lee; 
in the ecstacy of hope renewed 


Those near her listened but heard no sound, and many minutes passed 
before a swell of wind bore to their ears the welcome music of the bagpipe, 
playing the war-march of the Highlanders of her native land. It came 
from the party of relief led by General Havelock, which had left Calcutta 
on the first tidings of the outbreak, and was now marching in all haste to 
imperilled Lucknow. 

On his way Havelock had encountered the mutineers at Futtipur and 
gained a brilliant victor)-. Three days later Cawnpore was reached. There 
the insurgent Sepoys fought with desperation, but they were defeated, and 
the British entered the town, but not in time to rescue the women and chil- 
dren, whose slaughter had just taken place. What they saw 
The March of . r .. . . ' , , . ■ , ■ , , . r , 

Havelock there tilled the soldiers with the deepest sentiments ot horror 

and vengeance. The sight was one to make the blood run 
cold. "The ground," says a witness of the terrible scene, "was strewn 
with clotted blood, which here and there lay ankle deep. Long locks of 
hair were scattered about, shreds of women's garments, children's hats and 
shoes, torn books and broken playthings. The bodies were naked, the 
limbs dismembered. I have seen death in all possible forms, but I could 
not gaze on this terrible scene of blood." 

The frightful slaughter was mercilessly avenged by the infuriated 
soldiers on the people of Cawnpore and on the prisoners they had taken. 
Havelock then crossed the Ganges and marched into Oude. Fighting its 
way through the difficulties caused by inclement weather and the continual 
onslaughts of the enemy, Havelock's regiment at last effected a coalition 
with the reinforcements under General Outram, and together they marched 
towards Luckn'ow, which was reached at the end of September. 

An especial act of heroism was achieved during the siege of Lucknow 
by Mr. Kavanagh, an official, who offered, disguised as a native, to pene- 
trate through a region swarming with enemies, to communicate with the 
general of the approaching relieving force. i [e happily accomplished his 
dangerous exploit, from which he obtained the honorable nickname of 
" Lucknow Kavanagh." 

As the army of relief drew near, the beleaguered people heard with ears 

of delight the increasing sounds of their approach, the roar of distant guns 

reaching their gladdened ears. Yet the enterprise was a desperate one and 

its success was far from assured. Havelock and Outram had 

e Re ie 01 nQ more than 2,600 men, while the enemy was strong. 
Lucknow ' j > o 

Yet as the sound of the guns increased there were evidences 

of panic among the natives. Many of the town people and of the Sepoys 

took to flight, some crossing the river by the. bridge, some by swimming. 


At two o'clock the smoke of the guns was visible in the suburbs and the 
rattle of musketry could be heard. At five o'clock heavy firing broke out 
in the streets, and in a few minutes more a force of Highlanders and Sikhs 
turned into the street leading to the residency, in which the besieged garrison 
had so long been confined. Headed by General Outram, they ran at a 
rapid pace to the gate, and, amid wild cheers from those within, made their 
way into the beleaguered enclosure, and the iirst siege of Lucknow was 
at an end. 

The garrison had fought for months behind slight defences and against 
enormous odds. They were well supplied with food and water, but they 
had been exposed to terrible heat and heavy and incessant rains. The 
Sepoys had been drilled by Britis'h officers, were well supplied 
with arms and ammunition, and from the housetops of the ItLuknow 
town kept up an incessant fire that searched every corner of 
the defended fortress. Sickness ras/ed in the crowded and underground 
rooms in which shelter was sought against the constant musketry, and 
death had reaped a harvest among the gallant and unyielding few who had 
so long held that almost untenable post. 

Havelock's men were able to do no more than reinforce the gar- 
rison. After fighting their way with heavy losses into the citadel, they 
found that it was impossible, with their small army, to force a retreat 
through the ranks of the enemv with the women, children and invalids, 
surrounded by the swarms of rebels who surged round the walls like a 
foaming sea. They were compelled, therefore, to shut themselves up, and 
await fresh reinforcements. Provisions, however, now began to diminish, 
and they were menaced with the horrors of starvation ; but 

matters did not reach this last extremity. Sir Colin Camp- T hf Coming of 

3 , r Campbell 

bell, the new commander-in-chief, with 7,000 well-equipped 

troops, was already on the way. He arrived at Lucknow on the 14th of 

November, made a bold and successful attack on the fortifications, and 

liberated the besieged. Unable to hold the town, he left it to the enemy, 

being obliged to content himself with the rescue of the people in the resi 

dency. Eight clays afterwards Havelock died of cholera. His memory is 

held in high esteem as the most heoric figure in the war of the mutiny. 

Meanwhile Delhi was under siege, which began on June 8th, just one 

month after the original outbreak. It was, however, not properly a siege, 

for the British were encamped on a ridge at some distance 

from the city. They never numbered more than 8,000 men, Sie s e and Ca P- 
,.,.,. ture of Delhi 

while within the walls were over 30,000 of the mutineers. 

General Nicholson arrived with a reinforcement in middle August, and on 


September 14th an assault was made. The city was held with desperation 
by the rebels, fighting going on in the streets for six days before the Sepoys 
fled. Nicholson fell at the head of a storming party, and Hodson, the leader 
of a corps of irregular horse, took the old Mogul emperor prisoner, and 
shot down his sons in cold blood. 

It was not until three months and a half after the release of the garri- 
son at Lucknow that Sir Colin Campbell, having de-alt out punishment to 
the mutineers at many of the stations where they still kept together, and 
having received large reinforcements of men and artillery from home, pre- 
pared for the crowning attack upon that place. On the 4th of February he 
advanced from Cawnpore, with three divisions of infantry, a division of cav- 
alry, and fifteen batteries, and on the 1st ot March operations began ; Gen- 
eral Outran!, with a force of 6,000 men and thirty guns, crossing the Goom- 
tee, and reconnoitering the country as far as Chinhut. On the following day 
Final Opera- ne hivestcd the king's race-house, which he carried the next 
tions Against day by assault, ami on the 9th Sir Colin Campbell's main force 
Lucknow captured, with a slight loss, the Martiniere, pushed on to the 

bridges across the river, and carried, after some hard fighting, the begum's 
palace. Two days later the Immaumbarra, which had been converted into 
a formidable stronghold and was held by a large force, was breached and 
stormed, and the captors followed so hotly upon the rear of the flying foe 
that they entered with them the Kaiserbagh, which was regarded by the 
rebels as their strongest fortress. Its garrison, taken wholly by surprise, 
made but a slight resistance-. The loss of these two positions, on which they 
had greatly relied, completely disheartened the enemy, and throughout the 
night a stream of fugitives poured out of the town. 

The success was so unexpected that the arrangements necessary for 
cutting oft the retreat of the enemy had not been completed, and 
very large numbers of the rebels escaped, to give infinite trouble later 
on. Man)' were cut down by the cavalry and horse artillery, which set out 
the next morning in pursuit ; but, to the mortification of the army, a con- 
The Storming siderable proportion got away. The next day a number of 
of the Fort- palaces and houses fell into the hands of the advancing troops 
resses without resistance, and by midnight the whole city along the 

river bank was in their possession. In the meantime Jung Bahadoor, the Brit- 
ish ally, was attacking the city with his Goorkhas from the south, and pushed 
forward so far that communications were opened with him halfway 
across the city. The following day the Goorkhas made a further advance, 
and, fisjhtins with ereat gallantry, won the suburbs adiacent to the 
Charbach bridge 


The hard fighting was now over ; the failure to defend even one of the 
fortresses upon which for months they had bestowed so much care, com- 
pletely disheartened the mutineers remaining in the city. Numbers effected 
their escape ; others hid themselves, after having got rid of their arms and 
uniforms ; some parties took refuge in houses, and defended themselves des- 
perately to the end. The work was practically accomplished on the 21st, 
and Lucknow, which had so long been the headquarters of the insurrection, 
was in British hands, and that with a far smaller loss than could have been ex- 
pected from the task of capturing a city possessing so many places of 
strength, and held by some 20,000 desperate men fighting with ropes round 
their necks. 

The city taken, the troops were permitted to plunder and murder to 

their hearts' content. In every house wen- dead or dying, and the corpses 

of Sepoys lay piled up several feet in height. The booty which the soldiers 

carried off in the way of jewels and treasures of every kind was enormous. 

The widowed queen of Oucle set out for England, to proclaim 
1 • r 1 -ill • c 1 iir » The Booty of 

the innocence 01 her son " in the dark countries 01 the West, the Soldiers 

and to preserve to her house the shadow of an independent 
monarchy. She never saw her sunny India again, however; on the return 
journey she died of a broken heart. Though the rebellion gradually lost 
force and cohesion after this period, the vengeance continued for a year 
longer. But the chief rebel, Nana Sahib, and the two heroic women, the 
Begum of Oude and the Ranee of fansee, escaped to Nepaul. In the 
course of the year 1858, peace and order again returned to the Anglo-Indian 
Empire, and the government was able to consider means of reconciliation. 
By a proclamation of the queen all rebels who were not directly implicated 
in the murder of British subjects, and would return to their duty and allegi- 
ance by January, 1859, were to obtain a complete amnesty. The East India 
This proclamation also announced that the queen, with the Company 
consent of Parliament, had determined to abolish the East 
India Company, to take the government into her own hands, and to rule India 
by means of a special secretary of state and council. The Indian Empire 
both within and without, had assumed such gigantic proportions that it could 
no longer be properly ruled by a mercantile company, and came properly 
under the control of the crown. In 1876 Queen Victoria assumed, by act 
of Parliament, the title of Empress of India. The most re- victoria is Made 
cent important event, in the acquisition of territory in this Empress of 
part of the world, was the invasion of Burmah in 18S5, and " a 
its capture after a short and decisive campaign. The Indian Empire of 
Victoria has now arown enormous in extent, its borders extending to the 


Himalayas on the north, where they are in contact with the boundaries of 
the great imperial dominion which Russia has acquired in Asia. Whether 
the two great rivals will yet come into conflict on this border is a question 
which only the future can decide. 

India possesses a population only surpassed by that of China, amounting 
at the census of 1896 to 221,172,952. This excludes the native and partially 
independent states, the population of which numbers 66.050,479, making a 
total for the whole empire, including Burmah, of 287,223,43 1. Under British 
control the country has been greatly developed, and abundantly supplied 
with means of internal communication, its railroad lines covering a length 
of about 27,000 miles, and its telegraphs of over 45,000 miles, while the 
telephone has also been widely introduced. Its commerce amounts in round 
numbers to nearly $500,000,000 annually. 

This great country has long been subject to devastating disasters. In 
1S76 a terrible tidal wave drowned thousands of the people and destroyed 
millions in value of property. In 1S97 much of the country suffered fright- 
fully from famine, being the fifteenth occasion during the century. In the 
same year a plague broke out in the crowded city of Bombay and caused 
dreadful ravages among its native population. For ages past India has been 
subject to visitations of this kind, which have hitherto surpassed the power 
of man to prevent. In the last named all the world came to the aid of the 
starving and science did its utmost to stay the ravages of the plague. 

The famine of 1S97 was followed in 1900 by another of equal gravity. 
Lack of rain caused a failure of the crops, a condition which could have 
but one eifect in that overcrowded agricultural country, the people of a 
wide district being left without food. The war in South Africa interfered 
with British efforts for the relief of the destitute, but earnest efforts were 
made, and at one time as many as 6,000,000 of the starving people were 
being fed. Fortunately, there succeeded a season of copious rainfall, and 
the stringency of the dreadful situation was greatly relieved. 


Thiers, Gambetta, and the Rise of the French 


II has been already told how the capitulation of the French army at Sedan 
and the captivity of Louis Napoleon were followed in Paris by the 
overthrow of the empire and the formation of a republic, the third in 
the history of French political changes. A provisional government was 
formed, the legislative assembly was dissolved, and all the court parapher- 
nalia of the imperial establishment disappeared. The new 

,.,.,-.., ~ , , „ A Provisional 

government was called in 1 ans the Government ot Lawyers, Government 

most of its members and officials belonging to that profession. 

At its head was General Trochu, in command of the army in Paris ; among 

its chief members were Jules Favre and Gambetta. While upright in its 

membership and honorable in its purposes, it was an arbitral y body, formed 

by a coup d'etai' like that by which Napoleon had seized the reins of power, 

and not destined for a lontj existence. 

The news of the fall of Metz and the surrender of Bazaine and his 

army served as a fresh spark to the inflammable public feeling of France. 

In Paris the Red Republic raised the banner of insurrection against the 

government of tho national defence and endeavored to revive the spirit of 

the Commune of 1793. The insurp-ents marched to the 

, , 111 1 • ° c • • 1 -i Excitement in 

senate-house, demanded the election 01 a municipal council Parig 

which should share power with the government, and pro- 
ceeded to imprison Trochu, Jules Favre, and their associates. This, 
however, was but a temporary success of the Commune, and the provisional 
government continued in existence until the end of the war, when a national 
assembly was elected by the people and the temporary government was set 
aside. Gambetta, the dictator, " the organizer of defeats," as he was 
sarcastically entitled, lost his power, and the aged statesman and historian, 
Louis Thiers, was chosen as chief of the executive department of the new 

The treaty of peace with France, including, as it did, the loss of Alsace 
and Lorraine and the payment of an indemnity of $1,000,000,000, roused 
once more the fierce passions of the radicals and the masses of the great 



cities, who passionately denounced the treaty as due to cowardice and treason. 

The dethroned emperor added to the excitement by a manifesto, in which 

he protested against Ids deposition by the assembly and called for a fresh 

election. The final incitement to insurrection came when the assembly 

decided to hold its sessions at Versailles instead of in Paris, whose unruly 

populace it feared. 

In a moment all the revolutionary elements of the great city were in a 

blaze. The social democratic " Commune," elected from the central com 

mittee of the National Guard, renounced obedience to the government and 

the National Assembly, and broke into open revolt. An 
Outbreak of the , 1111 • • 1 

Commune attempt to repress the movement only added to its violence, 

and all the riotous populace of Paris sprang to arms. A new 

war was about to be inaugurated in that city which had just suffered so 

severely from the guns of the Germans, and around which German troops 

were still encamped. 

The government had neglected to take possession of the cannon on 
Montmartre ; and now, when the troops of the line, instead of firing on the 
insurrectionists, went over in crowds to their side, the supremacy over Paris 
fell into the hands of the wildest demagogues. A fearful civil war com- 
menced, and in the same forts which the Germans had shortly before 
evacuated firing once more resounded ; the houses, gardens, and villages 
around Paris were again surrendered to destruction, and the creations of 
art, industry, and civilization, and the abodes of wealth and pleasure were 
once more transformed into dreary wildernesses. 

The wild outbreaks of fanaticism on the part of the Commune recalled 
the scenes of the revolution of 1 789, and in these spring days of 1871 Paris 
added another leaf to its long history of crime and violence. The insur- 
gents, roused to fury by the efforts of the government to suppress them, 
murdered two generals, Lecomte and Thomas, and fired on the unarmed 

citizens who, as the "friends of order," desired a reconcilia- 
Outrasres of the . . , , ... ,. .,, ,.., f , 

Insurants tlon Wltn tne authorities at \ ersailles. 1 hey formed a govern- 
ment of their own, extorted loans from wealthy citizens, 
confiscated the property of religious societies, and seized and held as 
hostages Archbishop Darboy and many other distinguished clergymen and 

Meanwhile the investing troops, led by Marshal MacMahon, gradually 
fought their way through the defences and into the suburbs of the city, and 
the surrender of the anarchists in the capital became inevitable. This 
necessity excited their passions to the most violent extent, and, with the 
wild fury of savages, they set themselves to do all the damage to the historical 


monuments of Paris they could. The noble Vendome column, the symbol 
of the warlike renown of France, was torn down from its pedestal and 
hurled prostrate in the street. The most historic buildings in the city were 
set on fire, and either partially or entirely destroyed. Among these were 
the Tuileries, a portion of the Louvre, the Luxembourg, the Palais Royal, 
the Elysee, etc. ; while several of the imprisoned hostages, foremost among 
them Darboy, Archbishop of Paris, and the universally respected minister 
Daguerry, were shot by the infuriated mob. Such crimes excited the Ver 
sailles troops to terrible vengeance, when they at last succeeded in repress- 
ing the rebellion. They went their way along a bloody course ; human life 
was counted as nothing ; the streets were stained with blood and strewn 
with corpses, and the Seine once more ran red between its banks. When 
at last the Commune surrendered, the judicial courts at Ver- 

•11 l lL • 1 r , -i t^i 1 1 1 • Punishment of 

sailles began their work ot retribution. 1 he leaders and parti- theCommune 
cipators in the rebellion who could not save themselves by 
flight were shot by hundreds, confined in fortresses, or transported to the 
colonies. For more than a year the imprisonments, trials, and executions 
continued, military courts being established which excited the world for 
months by their wholesale condemnations to exile and to death. The 
carnival of anarchy was followed by one of pitiless revenge. 

The Republican government of France, which had been accepted in an 
emergency, was far from carrying with it the support of the whole of the 
assembly or of the people, and the aged, but active and keen-witted Thiers 
had to steer through a medley of opposing interests and sentiments. His 
government was considered, alike by the Monarchists and the Jacobins, as 
only provisional, and the Bourbons and Napoleonists on the one hand and 
the advocates of " liberty, equality and fraternity " on the other, intrigu d 
for its overthrow. But the German armies still remained on French soil 
pending the payment of the costs of the war; and the astute chief of the 
executive power possessed moderation enough to pacify the passions of 
the people, to restrain their hatred of the Germans, which was so boldly 
exhibited in the streets and in the courts of justice, and to quiet the clamoi 
for a war of revenge. 

The position of parties at home was confused and distracted, and a 
disturbance of the existing order could only lead to anarchy and civil war 
Thiers was thus the indispensable man of the moment, and so president 
much was he himself impressed by consciousness of this fact, Thiers and 
that he many times, by the threat of resignation, brought the the Assembly 
opposing elements in the assembly to harmony and compliance. This 
occurred even during the siege of Paris, when the forces of the government 


were in conflict with the Commune. In the assembly there was shown 
an inclination to moderate or break through the sharp centralization of the 
government, and to procure some autonomy for the provinces and towns. 
When, therefore, a new scheme was discussed, a large part of the assembly 
demanded that the mayors should not, as formerly, be appointed by the 
government, but be elected by the town councils. Only with difficulty was 
Thiers able to effect a compromise, on the strength of which the government 
was permitted the right of appointment for all towns numbering over twenty 
thousand. In the elections for the councils the Moderate Republicans proved 
triumphant. With a supple dexterity, Thiers knew how to steer between the 
Democratic-Republican party and the Monarchists. When Gambetta endea- 
vored to establish a " league of Republican towns," the attempt was forbidden 
as illegal ; and when the decree of banishment against the Bourbon and Orlean 
princes was set aside, and the latter returned to France, Thiers knew how to 
postpone the entrance of the Due d'Aumaleand Prince de Joinville, who had 
been elected deputies, into the assembly, at least until the end of the year. 

The brilliant success of the national loan went far to strengthen the 
position of Thiers. The high offers for a share in this loan, which indi- 
cated the inexhaustible wealth of the nation and the solid credit of France 
abroad, promised a rapid payment of the war indemnity, the 
consequent evacuation of the country by the German army of 
occupation, and a restoration of the disturbed finances of the 
state. The foolish manifesto of the Count de Chambord, who declared 
that he had only to return with the white banner to be made sovereign of 
France, brought all reasonable and practical men to the side of Thiers, and 
he had, during the last days of August, 1S71, the triumph of being pro- 
claimed " President of the French Republic." 

The new president aimed, next to the liberation of the garrisoned 
provinces from the German troops of occupation, at the reorganization of 
the French army. Yet he could not bring himself to the decision of enforc- 
ing in its entirety the principle of general armed service, such as had raised 
Prussia from a state of depression to one of military regeneration. Universal 
military service in France was, it is true, adopted in name, and the army was 
increased to an immense extent, but under such conditions and limitations 
that the richer and more educated classes could exempt themselves from 
service in the army ; and thus the active forces, as before, consisted of pro- 
fessional soldiers. And when the minister for education, Jules Simon, 
introduced an educational law based on liberal principles, he experienced 
en the part of the clergy and their champion, Bishop Dupanloup, such 
violent opposition, that the government dropped the measure. 

1 .:i\\ v< r 1 .ilic 


Henry, i he sun ide : Dreyfus, the prisoner; Esterhazy, [In- onfessed criminal ; General Men ier, . hief .., .user. 

Drevfus in the act of declaring "/ a?n Innocent* 



In order to place the army in the condition which Thiers desired, an 
increase in the military budget was necessary, and consequently an en- 
hancement of the general revenues of the state. For this purpose a return 
to the tariff system, which had been abolished under the empire, was pro- 
posed, but excited so great an opposition in the assembly 

that six months passed before it could be carried. The new R e ° r K an ' zat! ° n 
r 1 11 • 1 ■ r 1 ■ of the Army 

organization 01 the army, undertaken with a view of placing 

France on a level in military strength with her late conqueror, was now 
eagerly undertaken by the president. An active army, with five years' 
service, was to be added to a " territorial army," a kind of militia. And so 
great was the demand on the portion of the nation capable of bearing arms 
that the new French army exceeded in numbers that of any other nation. 

But all the statesmanship of Thiers could not overcome the anarchy in 
the assembly, where the forces for monarchy and republicanism were bit- 
terly opposed to each other. Gambetta, in order to rouse 

,,.... , , . . , Gambetta as 

public opinion in favor 01 democracy, made several tours an A <H tator 

through the country, his extravagance of language giving 

deep offence to the monarchists, while the opposed sections of the assembly 

grew wider and more violent in their breach. 

Indisputable as were the valuable services which Thiers had rendered to 
France, by the foundation of public order and authority, the creation of a 
regular army, and the restoration of a solid financial system, yet all these 
services met with no recognition in the face of the part)' jealousy and politi- 
cal passions prevailing among the people's representatives at Versailles. 
More and more did the Royalist reaction gain ground, and, aided by the 
priests and by national hatred and prejudice, endeavor to bring about the 
destruction of its opponents. Against the Radicals and Liberals, among 
whom even the Voltairean Thiers was included, superstition and fanaticism 
were let loose, and against the Bonapartists was directed the terrorism of 
court martial. The French could not rest with the thought that their mili- 
tary supremacy had been broken by the superiority of the Prusso-German 
arms ; their defeats could have proceeded only from the. treachery or incapa- 
city of their leaders. To this national prejudice the Government decided 
to bow, and to offer a sacrifice to the popular passion. And thus the world 
beheld the lamentable spectacle of the commanders who had Trial and Con- 
surrendered the French fortresses to the enemy being sub- demnation of 
jected to a trial by court-martial under the presidency of Mar- the Generals 
shal Baraguay d'Hilliers, and the majority of them, on account of their 
proved incapacity or weakness, deprived of their military honors, at a mo- 
ment when all had cause to reproach themselves and endeavor to raise up a 


new structure on the ruins oi the past. Even Ulrich, the once celebrated 
commander of Strasburg, whose name had been given to a street in 
I'aris, was brought under the censure of the court-martial. But the chief 
blow fell upon the commander-in-chief of Met/.. Marshal Bazaine, to whose 
treachery " the whole misfortune of France was attributed. For months 
he was retained a prisoner at Ver: . while preparations were made for 

the great court-martial spectacle, which, in the following year, took place 
under the presidency of the Due d'Aumale 

The result of the party division in the assembly was, in May, 1873, a 

vote of censure on the ministry which induced them to resign. Their resie- 

nation was followed by an offer of resignation on the part of Thiers, who 

MacMahon experienced the unexpected slight of having it accepted by 

Elected tlv. majority of the assi mbly, the monarchist MacMahon, 

Marshal of France and Duke of Magenta, being elected 

iident in his place. i heirs had just p< rformed one of his greatest ser- 
vii es to France, by paying off the last installment of the war indemnity and 
relieving the soil of his country of the hated German troops. 

The party now in power at once began to lay plans to carry out their 

cherished purpose of placing a Legitimist king upon the throne, this honor 

being offered to the Count de Chambord, grandson of Charles X. He, an 

old man, unfitted for the thorny seat offered him, and out of all accord with 

r . ,, . „ the spirit of the times, put a sudden end to the hopes of his 
The Count tie ' l l 

Chambord partisans by his mediaeval conservatism. Their purpose was to 

and Hss establish 1 constitutional government, under the tri-colored I 

Demand f _ , ° , , ' 

of revolutionary r rancc ; but the old Bourbon gave them to under- 
hand that he would not consent to reign under the Tricolor, but must remain 
•teadfast to the white 1 inner of his ancestors ; he had no desire to be "the 
legitimate king of revolution." 

This letter shatti red the plans of his supporters. No man with ideas 
! ke these would be tolerated on the French throne. There was never to be 
in France a King Henry V. The Monarchists, in disgust at the failure of 
their schemes, elected MacMahon president of the republic for a term of 
seven years, and for the time being the reign of republicanism in France 
was made secure. 

While MacMahon was thus being raised to the pinnacle of honor, his 

former comrade Bazaine was imprisoned in another part of the palace at 

Trial and Sen, Versailles, awaiting trial on the charge of treason for the sur- 

tenceof render of Met/.. In the trial, in which the whole world took a 

deep interest, the efforts of the prosecution were directed to 

prove that the conquest of France was solely due to the treachery of the 


Bonapartist marshal. Despite all that could be said in his defence, he was 
found guilty by the court-martial, sentenced to degradation from his rank in 
the army, and to be put to death. 

A letter which Prince Frederick Charles wrote in his favor only added 
to the wrath of the people, who cried aloud for his execution. But, as 
though the judges themselves felt a twinge of conscience at the sentence, 
they at the same time signed a petition for pardon to the president of the 
republic. MacMahon thereupon commuted the punishment of death into a 
twenty years' imprisonment, remitted the disgrace of the formalities of a 
military degradation, without cancelling its operation, and appointed as the 
prisoner's place of confinement the fortess on the island of St. Marguerite, 
opposite Cannes, known in connection with the "iron mask." Bazaine's 
wealthy Mexican wife obtained permission to reside near him, with her fam- 
ily and servants, in a pavilion of the sea-fortress. This afforded her an op- 
portunity of bringing about the freedom of her husband in the following 
year with the aid of her brother. After an adventurous escape, by letting 
himself down with a rope to a Genoese vessel, Bazaine fled to Holland, and 
then offered his services to the Republican government of Spain. 

In 1S75 the constitution under which France is now governed was 
adopted by the republicans. It provides for a legislature of two chambers; 
one a chamber of deputies elected by the people, the other a senate of 300 
members, 75 of whom are elected by the National Assembly The New Con- 
and the others by electoral colleges in the departments of stitution of 
France. The two chambers unite to elect a president, who 
has a term of seven years. He is commander-in-chief of the army, appoints 
all officers, receives all ambassadors, executes the laws, and appoints the 
cabinet, which is responsible to the Senate and House of Deputies, — thus 
resembling the cabinet of Great Britain instead of that of the United States. 

This constitution was soon ignored by the arbitrary president, who 
forced the resignation of a cabinet which he could not control, and replaced 
it by another responsible to himself instead of to the assembly. His act 
of autocracy roused a violent opposition. Gambetta moved that the repre 
sentatives of the people had no confidence in a cabinet which was not free 
in its actions and not Republican in its principles. The sudden death of 
Thiers, whose last writing W3S a defence of the republic, jvt ac Mahon 
stirred the heart of the nation and added to the excitement, Resigns and 
which soon reached fever heat. In the election that followed 
the Republicans were in so great a majority over the Conservatives that 
the president was compelled either to resign or to govern according to the 
constitution. He accepted the latter and appointed a cabinet composed 


o{ Republicans. But the acts of the legislature, which passed laws to pre- 
vent arbitrary action by the executive and to secularize education, so 
exasperated the old soldier that he finally resigned from Ids high office. 

Jules Grew was elected president in his place, and Gambetta was 
made president of the House of Deputies. Subsequently he was chosen. 
presiding minister in a cabinet composed wholly of his own creatures. His 
QambeUa as career in this high office was a brief one. The Chambers 
Prime riin= refused to support him in his arbitrary measures and he 
resigned in disgust. Soon after the self-appointed dictator, 
who had played so prominent a part in the war with Germany, died from a 
wound whose origin remained a mystery. 

The constitution was revised in 1SS4, the republic now declared per- 
manent and final, and Grevy again elected president. General Boulanger, 
the minister of war in the new government, succeeded in making himself highly 
popular, many looking upon him as a coming Napoleon, by whose genius 
the republic would be overthrown. 

In 1887 Grevy resigned, in consequence of a scandal in high circles, 
and was succeeded by Sadi Carnot, grandson of a famous general of the 
first republic. Under the new president two striking events took place. 
General Boulanger managed to lift himsell into great promi- 
nence, and pain a powerful following- in France. Carried 
Boulanger ... 

away by self-esteem, he defied his superiors, and when tried 

and found guilty of the offence, was strong enough in France to overthrow 
the ministry, to gain re-election to the Chamber of Deputies, and to defeat 
a second ministry. 

But his reputation was declining. It received a serious blow by a duel 
he fought with a lawyer, in which the soldier was wounded and the lawyer 
escaped unhurt. The next cabinet was hostile to his intrigues, and he fled to 
Brussels to escape arrest. Tried by the Senate, sitting as a High Court of Jus- 
tice, he was found guilt)- of plotting against the state and sentenced to imprison- 
ment for life. His career soon after ended in suicide and his party dis- 

The second event spoken of was the Panama Canal affair. De Lesseps, 

the maker of the Suez Canal, had undertaken to excavate a similar one 

across the Isthmus of Panama, but the work was managed with such wild 

extravagance that vast sums were spent and the poor in- 

The Panama vestors widely ruined, while the canal remained a half-dug 

Canal Scandal ',,.--. f 

ditch. At a later date this affair became a great scandal, 

dishonest bargains in connection with it were abundantly unearthed, bribery 

was shown to have been common in high places, and France was shaken 


to its centre by the startling exposure. De Lesseps, fortunately for him, 
escaped by death, but others of the leaders in the enterprise were con- 
demned and punished. 

In the succeeding years perils manifold threatened the existence of the 
French republic. A moral decline seemed to have sapped the foundations 
of public virtue, and the new military organization rose to a dangerous 
height of power, becoming a monster of ambition and iniquity which over- 
shadowed and portended evil to the state. The spirit of anarchy, which 
nad been so strikingdy displayed in the excesses of the Parisian . . 

& J r • . , Anarchy in 

Commune, was shown later in various instances of death and France and 

destruction by the use of dynamite bombs, exploded in Paris Murder of 

the l^rc sidcnl 
and elsewhere. But its most striking example was in the 

murder of President Carnot, who was stabbed by an anarchist in the streets 
of Lyons. This assassination, and the disheartening exposures of dishon- 
esty in the Panama Canal Case trials, stirred the moral sentiment of France 
to its depths, and made many of the best citizens despair of the perma- 
nency of the republic. 

But the most alarming threat came from the army, which had grown in 
power and prominence until it fairly overtopped the state, while its leaders 
felt competent to set at defiance the civil authorities. This despotic army 
was an outgrowth of the Franco-Prussian war. The terrible punishment which 
the French had received in that war, and in particular the loss of Alsace 
and Lorraine, filled them with bitter hatred of Germany and The Reor^ani- 
a burning desire for revenge. Yet it was evident that their zation of 
military organization was so imperfect as to leave them help- e rmy 

less before the army of Germany, and the first thing to be done was to place 
themselves on a level in military strengh with their foe. To this President 
Thiers had earnestly devoted himself, and the work of army organization 
went on until all France was virtually converted into a great camp, defended 
by powerful fortresses, and the whole people of the country were practically 
made part and portion of the army. 

The final result of this was the development of one of the most complete 
and well-appointed military establishments in Europe. The immediate 
cause of the reorganization of the army gradually passed away. As time 
went on the intense feeling against Germany softened and the danger of 
war decreased. But the army became more and more dominant in France, 
and, as the century neared its end, the autocratic position of its leaders was 
revealed by a startling event, which showed vividly to the world the moral 
decadence of France and the controlling influence and dominating power of 
the members of the General Staff. This was the celebrated Dreyfus 


Case, the cause celebre of the end of the century. This case is of such im- 
portance that a description of its salient points becomes here necessary. 

Albert Dreyfus, an Alsatian Jew and a captain in the Fourteenth Regi- 
ment of Artillery of the French army, detailed for service at the Informa- 
The Opening t ' on Bureau of the Minister of War, was arrested October 15, 
of the Drey- i S94, on the charge of having sold military secrets to a for- 
eign power. The following letter was said to have been 
found at the German embassy by a French detective, in what was declared 
to be the handwriting of Dreyfus : 

" Having no news from you I do not know what to do. I send you in 
the meantime the condition of the forts. I also hand you the principal in- 
structions as to firing. If you desire the rest I shall have them copied. The 
document is precious. The instructions have been given only to the officers 
of the General Staff. I leave for the manoeuvres." 

For some time prior to the arrest of Dreyfus on the charge of being 
the author of this letter, M. Drumont, editor of the Libre Parole, had been 
carrying on a violent anti-Semitic agitation through his journal. He raved 
about the Jews in general, declared Dreyfus guilty, and asserted that there 
was danger that he would be acquitted through the potent [uiverie, "the 
cosmopolite syndicate which exploits France.' 

Public opinion in Paris became much influenced by this journalistic as- 
sault, and under these circumstances Dreyfus was brought to trial before a 
military court, found guilty and condemned to be degraded from his mili- 
tary rank, and by a special act of the Chamber oi I >eputies was ordered to 
be imprisoned for life in a penal settlement on Devil's Island, off the coast 
of French Guiana, a tropical region, desolate and malarious in character. The 
sentence was executed with the most cruel harshness. During part of his de- 
tention Dreyfus was locked in a hut, surrounded by an iron cage, on the 
island. This was done on the plea of possible attempts at rescue. He was 
allowed to send and receive only such letters as had been transcribed by one 
of his guardians. 

He denied, and never ceased to deny, his guilt. The letters he wrote 
o his counsel after the trial and after his disgrace are most pathetic asser- 
tions of his innocence, and of the hope that ultimately justice would be done 
him. His wife ami family continued to deny his guilt, and used every influ- 
ence to get his case reopened. 

The first trial of Dreyfus was conducted by court-martial and behind 
closed doors. Some parts of the indictment were not communicated to the 
accused and his lawyer. The secrecy of the trial, the lack of fairness in its 
management, his own protestations of innocence, the anti-Jewish feeling, 


and the course of the government in the affair aroused a strong suspicion 
that Dreyfus, being a Jew, had been used as a scapegoat for some one else 
and had been unjustly convicted. Many eminent literary men Belief in the 
of France, and even M. Scheurer-Kestner, a vice president of innocence 
the Senate — none of them Jews — -eventually advocated the of Dre y fus 
revision of a sentence which failed to appeal to the sense of justice of the 
best element of France. 

It was asserted by some that Dreyfus had sold the plans of various 
strongly fortified places to the German government, and by others that the 
sale had been to the Italian government. It was also said that he had dis- 
closed the plans for the mobilization of the French army in case of war, 
covering several departments, and especially the important fortress of 
Briancon, the Alpine Gibraltar near the Italian frontier. 

The bordereau, the paper on which the charges against Dreyfus were 
based, was a memorandum of treasonable revelations concerning French 
military affairs. The dossier was the official envelope containing The Bordereau 
the papers relative to the case, which embraced facts alleged to and the 
be sufficient to prove the guilt of the accused officer. The bor- dossier 
dereau was examined by five experts in handwriting, only three of whom testi- 
fied that it could have been written by Dreyfus. The papers in the dossier were 
not shown to Dreyfus or his counsel, so that it was impossible to refute them. 
In fact, the court-martial was conducted in the most unfair manner, and many 
became convinced that some disgraceful mystery lay behind it, and that 
Dreyfus had been made a scapegoat to shield some one higher in office. 

It was in the early part of 1898 that the case was again brought promi 

nently to public notice, after the wife of the unfortunate prisoner had, with 

the most earnest devotion for three years, used every effort to obtain for 

him a new trial. Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart, in charge of the secret 

service bureau at Paris, became familiar through his official duties with the 

famous case, and was struck with the similarity between the handwriting of 

the bordereau and that of Count Ferdinand Esterhazy, an officer of the 

French army and a descendant of the well-known Esterhazy 

family of Hungary. Shortly afterwards M. Scheurer-Kestner ^Accusation 
jiii -1- 11 • of Esterhazy 

declared that military secrets had continued to leak out after 

the arrest of Dreyfus, that in consequence a rich and titled officer had been 
requested to resign, and that this officer was the real author of the bor- 
dereau. This man was Count Esterhazy, whose exposure was due to 
Picquart's fortunate discovery. Others took up this accusation, and the 
affair was so ventilated that Esterhazy was subjected to a secret trial by 
court-martial, which ended in an acquittal. 


At the close of the Esterhazy trial a new defender of Dreyfus stepped 
into the fray, Emile Zola, the celebrated novelist. He wrote an open letter 
to M. Faure, then President of France, entitled " J' accuse" ("I accuse"), 
Zola's Letter which was published in the Aurore newspaper. In it he boldly 
and Accusa- charged that Esterhazy had been acquitted by the members 
of the court-martial on the order of their chiefs in the minis- 
try of war, who were anxious to show that French military justice could 
not possibly make an error. 

This letter led to the arrest and trial of Zola and the manager of the 
paper, their trial being conducted in a manner specially designed to prevent 
the facts from becoming known. They were found guilty of libel against 
the officers of the court-martial and sentenced to heavy fines and one year's 
imprisonment. On appeal, they were tried again in the same unfair way, 
and received the same sentence. Zola took care, by absenting himself 
from France, that the sentence of a year's imprisonment should not be 

As time went on new evidence became revealed. Colonel Henry, who 
was one of the witnesses in the Zola trial, was confronted with a damaging 
fact, one of the most important papers in the secret dossier being traced to 
Henry's For- mm - He confessed that he had forged it to strengthen the 
geryand case against Dreyfus, was imprisoned for the offence, and 

committed suicide in his cell- — or was murdered, as some 
thought. Picquart was punished by being sent to Africa, and afterwards 
imprisoned. He made the significant remark that if he should be found 
dead in his cell it would not be a case of suicide. Esterhazy was said to 
have acknowledged to a London editor that he was the author of the bor- 
dereau, and it was proved that the handwriting was identical with his and 
the paper on which it was written a peculiar kind which he had used in 
1894. The papers in the secret dossier were also alleged to be a mass of 

The great publicity of this case, in which the whole world had taken 
interest, — the action of the French courts being universally condemned, — and 
the development of the facts just mentioned, at length goaded the officials 
of the French government to action. President Faure had the case con- 
sidered by the cabinet, and finally forced a revision. In consequence the 
cabinet resigned and a new one was chosen. As a result the case was 
brought before the Court of Cassation, the final court of appeal, which, 
after full consideration, ordered a new trial of the condemned officer. 

Captain Dreyfus was accordingly brought from Devil's Island, and on 
July I, 1899, reached the city of Rennes, where the new court-martial was 


The Egyptian patriots of 1882, who rushed to arms at the call of Arabi Pasha for the expulsion of the hated British from their country 

made their most vigorous stand behind the strong fortifications of Alexandra, where they fought with much le-olution. 

But the cannon of the British fleet proved too heavy for t^ieir powers of defence, and the city fell into the hands 

of the invaders. It was plundered and partly burne I by the Egyptians in their e treat. 


Of all the natives encountered by tht: British in Africa, there were none more brave and daring than the Zulus of the South, who did not 

hesitate with spear and shield to charge against the death-dealing rifles of their foes, Cetewayo, the leader of these 

valiant blacks, was a man who would have been a hero in civilized warfare. As a captive savage 

in London streets he compelled the respei t of his enemies by the majestic dignity of 

his bearing, and won the right to return and die in his native land. 



to be held It is not necessary to repeat the evidence given in this trial, 
which lasted from August 7th to September 7th, and with which the world 
is sufficiently familiar. It will suffice to say that the evidence against Drey- 
fus was of the most shadowy and uncertain character, being largely conjec- 
tures and opinionsof army officers, and seemed insufficientto convict a criminal 
for the smallest offence before an equitable court ; that the evidence in his 
favor was of the strongest character ; that the proceedings A s econc j 
were of the loosest description ; that much favorable evidence Condemna- 
was ruled out by the judges, the presiding judge throughout tl0n 
showing a bias against the accused ; and that the trial ended in a conviction 
of the prisoner, by a vote of five judges to two, the verdict being the ex- 
traordinary one of "guilty of treason, with extenuating circumstances" — as 
if any treason could be extenuated. 

This is but an outline sketch of this remarkable case, which embraced 
many circumstances favorable to Dreyfus which we have not had space to 
give. The verdict was received by the world outside of France with 
universal astonishment and condemnation. The opinion was everywhere 
expressed that not a particle of incriminating evidence had been adduced, 
and that the members of the court-martial had acted virtually under the 
commands of their superior officers, who held that the "honor of the army" 
demanded a conviction. Dreyfus was thought by many to have been made 
a victim to shield certain criminals of high importance in the army, which 
so dominated French opinion that the great bulk of the people pro- 
nounced in favor of the sacrifice of this innocent .victim to 
the Moloch of the French military system. It was widely The World's 
felt in foreign lands that the great development of mili- 
tarism in France, and the vast influence of the general staff of the army v 
formed a threatening feature of the governmental system, which might 
at any time overthrow the republic and form a military empire upon its 
ruins. Two republics have already been brought to an end in France 
through the supremacy of the army, and the safety of the third is far from 
assured. The Dreyfus case has thrown a flood of light upon the volcanic 
condition of affairs in France. 

The general condemnation of this example of French "justice" by 
the press of other nations, and very probably the recognition by the 
governing powers of France of the inadequacy of the evidence led, shortly 
after the conclusion of the court-martial, to the pardon of the con- 
demned. The sentence of the court in no sense affected his position be- 
fore the world, he being looked upon everywhere outside of France as a 
victim of injustice instead of a criminal. The severity of his imprisonment 


however, had seriously affected his health, and threatened to bring his life to 
an end before he could obtain the justice which he proposed to seek in the 
courts of France. 

This remarkable case, which made an obscure officer of the French army 
the most talked-of and commiserated man among all the peoples of the 
earth, at the end of the nineteenth century, is of further interest from the 
light it throws upon the legal system of France as compared with that of 
Anglo-Saxon nations. Dreyfus, it is true, was tried by court-martial, but the 
procedure was similar to that of the ordinary French courts, in which trial 
by jury does not exist, the judge having the double function of deciding 
upon the guilt or innocence of the accused and passing sentence; while 
efforts are made to induce the prisoner to incriminate himself which would 
be considered utterly unjust in British and American legal practice. The 
French legal system is a direct descendant of that of ancient Rome. The 
British one represents a new development in legal methods. Doubtless both 
have their advantages, but the Dreyfus trial seems to indicate that the sys- 
tem o£ France opens the way to acts of barbarous injustice. 


Paul Kruger and the Struggle for Dominion in 

South Africa. 

AT the close of the nineteenth century, not the least important among 
the international questions that were disturbing the nations was the 
controversy between the English and the Boers in South Africa, 
concerning the political privileges of the Uitlanders, or foreign gold miners 
of the Transvaal. A consideration of this subject obliges us to go back 
to the beginning of the century and review the whole history of coloniza- 
tion in South Africa. 

That region belongs by right of settlement to the Dutch, who founded 
a colony in the region of Capetown as early as 1650, and in 
the succeeding century and a half spread far and wide over Settlement in 
the territory, their farms and cattle ranches occupying a very South Africa 
wide area. The first interference with their peaceful occupation came in 
1795, when the English took possession. In 1800, however, they restored 
the colony to Holland, which held it in peaceable ownership until the Con- 
gress of Vienna, in 18 15, came to disturb the map of Europe, and in a meas- 
ure that of the world. As part of the distribution of spoils among the 
great nations, Cape Colony was ceded to Great Britain. Since then that 
country, which has a great faculty of taking hold and a very 

, , ... 1111 • 11 11 Great Britain in 

poor taculty 01 letting go, has held possession, and has pushed c Colony 

steadily northward until British South Africa is now a terri- ami the Emi= 
tory of enormous extent, stretching northward to the borders £J!* t,on ° e 
of the Congo Free State and to Lake Tanganyika. 

This vast territory has not been gained without active and persistent 
aggression, from which the Dutch settlers, known as Boers, and the African 
natives have alike suffered. In truth, the Boers found the oppression of 
British rule an intolerable burden early in the century, and in 1840 a great 
party of them gave up their farms and " treked " northward — that is, traveled 
with their ox-teams and belongings — eager to get away from British con- 
trol. Here they founded a republic of their own on the river Vaal, and 
settled down again to peace and prosperity. 

2 95 


The country in which they settled was a huntsman's paradise. On the 

great plains of the High Veldt or plateau (from 4.000 to 7,000 feet in 

height) antelopes of several species roamed in tens of thousands. In the 

valleys and plains of the low country the giraffe, elephant, 

A Huntsman's buffa l ]jon and oth(jr ] ar an j ma l s were ~ plentiful. The 

Paradise . & .' 

rivers were full of alligators and hippopotami. Here the new- 
comers found abundance of food, and a land of such pastoral wealth that 
the farm animals they brought increased abundantly. For years a steady 
stream of Boers continued to enter and settle in this land, deserting their 
farms in the British territory, harnessing their cattle to their long, lumber- 
ing wagons, and bringing with them food for the journey, and a good 
supply of powder and lead for use in their tried muskets. Their active 
hunting experience brought them in time to rank among the best marks- 
men in the world. 

They had not alone wild animals to deal with, but wild men as well. 
Fierce tribes of natives possessed the land, and with these the Boers were 
soon at war. A number of sanguinary battles were fought, with much 
The Boers slaughter on both sides, but in the end the black men were 

Drive Out forced to give way to the whites and cross the Limpopo River 

the Blacks ; nto Matabeleland, to the north, which their descendants still 
occupy. Others of the natives were subdued and continued to live with the 
Boers. The latter were essentially pioneers. They did not till the soil, 
but divided 11)1 the land into great grazing ranges, covered with their 
abundant herds. And they had no instinct for trade, what little commerce 
the country possessed falling into British hands. 

Two settlements were made, one between the Orange and the Vaal 
rivers, and the other north of the Vaal. The former had much trouble 
with the British previous to 1854, in which year it was given its indepen- 
dence. It is known as the Orange River Free State. The latter was given 
The South Afri- ^ ie name of Transvaal, and originally formed four separate 

can Republic republics, but in 1S00 these united into one under the title 
of the South African Republic. The settlers were for a time 
covered with the shadow of British sovereignty, the claims of the British 
extending up to the 25th degree of latitude. But this claim was only on paper, 
and in 1852 it was withdrawn, Great Britain formally renouncing all rights 
over the country north of the Vaal. And for years afterwards the Boers 
lived on here free and undisturbed. 

But their country possessed other wealth than that of pasture lands, 
and its hidden treasures were to yield them no end of trouble in the 
years to come. Under their soil lay untold riches, which in time brought 


hosts of unruly strangers to disturb their pastoral peace. The trouble 

began in 1867, when diamonds were found in the vicinity of the Vaal River, 

and a rush of miners began to invade this remote district. 

But the diamond mines lay west of the borders of the The ^ Iscover y 
~ , , . , , , .... of Diamonds 

1 ransvaal, and brought rather a threatening situation than 

immediate disturbance to the Boer state. It was the later discovery of gold 

on Transvaal territory that eventually overthrew the quiet content of the 

pastoral community. 

In 1877 the first intrusion came. The British were now abundant in 
Griqualand West, the diamond region, and on the Transvaal borders 
lay a host of native enemies, chief among them being the warlike Zulus, 
led by the bold and daring Cetewayo. Only fear of the British kept 
this truculent chief at rest. Meanwhile the Boer Republic had fallen 
into a financial collapse. Its frequent wars with the natives had ex- 
hausted its revenues and thrown it deeply into debt. A shepstone's 
serious crisis seemed impending. On tin; plea of preventing Annexation of 
this, Sir Theophilus Shepstone, secretary of Natal, made his the Transvaal 
way to Pretoria, the capital of the republic, and issued ;i proclamation 
annexing the Transvaal country to Great Britain. The public treasury he 
found to be almost empty, it containing only twelve shillings and six pence 
and even part of this was counterfeit coin. His act was arbitrary and unwar- 
ranted, ami while the Boers submitted, they did so with sullen anger, 
quietly biding their time. 

In the following year the Zulus, who had been threatening the Boers, 
broke out into war with the British, and with such energy that the whites 
were at first repulsed by the impetuous Cetewayo and his warlike followers. 
In this onset Prince Napoleon, son of the deposed emperor Louis Napo- 
leon, who served as a volunteer in the British ranks, was killed. The British 

soon retrieved the disaster, and in the end decisively defeated _. , , „, 

J The Zulu War 

the Zulus, capturing their king, who was taken as a prisoner 
to London. After the Zulu war Sir Garnet Wolseley led his troops into the 
Transvaal, telling the protesting Boers that "so long as the sun shone and 
the Vaal River flowed to the sea the Transvaal would remain British terri- 
tory." Other acts of interference, and the attempt of the British officials 
to tax the Boers, added to their exasperation, and at the end of 1880 they 
resolved to fight for the independence of which they had been robbed. 
Wolseley had before this left the territory, and the troops had been reduced 
to a few detachments, scattered here and there. 

The first hostile action took place on December 20, 1880, a detachment 
of the Ninety-fourth regiment, on its march to Pretoria, being waylaid by a 


body of about 150 armed Boers, who ordered them to stop. Colonel Ans- 
truther curtly replied : " I go to Pretoria ; do as you like." The Boers 
did more than he liked. They closed in on his columns and 
Boers opened on them so deadly a tin: that the British fell at a fright- 

ful rate. Out of 259 in all, 155 had fallen dead or wounded 
in ten minutes' time. Then the colonel, himself seriously wounded, ordered 
a surrender, and the Boers at once became as friendly as they had just been 
hostile. They had lost only two killed and live wounded. 

As soon as news of this disaster reached Natal, Colonel Sir George 
Colley, in command at Natal, marched against the Boers without waiting 
for reinforcements, the force at his disposal being but 1,200 men. He paid 
dearly for his temerity and contempt of the enemy. On January 28, 1881, 
he was encountered by the Boers at a place called Lang's Nek, and met with 
a bloody defeat. In about a week afterwards another engagement took 
place, in which the British lost 139 officers and men, while the whole Boer 
loss was 14. Practised hunters, their lire was so deadly that almost every 
shot found its mark. 

The war was going badly for the British. It was soon to go worse. 

Receiving reinforcements, Colley made a stand in an elevated position 

known as Majuba Hill, whose summit was 2,000 feet above the positions 

held by the Boers and its ascent so steep and rugged that the 

The Stand at ... , . ..... . - . , T . r . 

Majuba Hill soldiers had to climb it in single file. Near the top of the 
ascent the grassy slopes were succeeded by boulders, crags, 
and loose stones, over which the weary men had to drag themselves on hands 
and knees. In this way about 400 men gained the summit on the morning 
of February 27th. The top of the hill was a saucer-shaped plateau, about 
1.200 yards wide, with an elevated rim within which the British were 

The place seemed impregnable, but the daring Boers did not hesitate 
in the attack. A force of the older men were detailed to keep on the watch 
below — picked shots ready to tire on any soldier who should appear on the rim 
of the hill. The younger men began to climb the slopes, under cover of the 
shrub and stones. The assault was made on every side, and the defenders, 
ton weak in numbers to hold the whole edge of the plateau, had to be moved 
from point to point to rrieet and attempt to thwart the attacks of the Boers. 
Slowly and steadily the hostile skirmishers clambered upwards from cover 
to cover, while the supports below protected their movement with a steady 
and accurate fire. During the hours from dawn to noon the British did not 
suffer very heavily, notwithstanding the accuracy of the Boer marksmanship. 
But the long strain of the Boers' close shooting began to tell on the morale of 


the British soldiers, and when the enemy at length reached the crest and opened 
a deadly fire at short range the officers had to exert themselves to the utmost 
in the effort to avert disaster. The reserves stationed in the central dip of 
the plateau, out of reach until then of the enemy's fire, were ordered up in 
support of the fighting line. Their want of promptitude in obeying this 
order did not augur well, and soon after reaching the front they wavered, and 
then gave way. The officers temporarily succeeded in rallying them, but the 
"bolt" had a bad effect. To use the expression of an eye-witness, a "funk 
became established." 

It was struggled against very gallantly by the officers, who, sword and 
revolver in hand, encouraged the soldiers by word and by action. A num- 
ber of men, unable to confront the deadly fire of the Boers, had huddled 
for cover behind the rocky reef crossing the plateau, and no The Boers 
entreaty or upbraiding on the part of their officers would ' Storm the 
induce them to face the enemy. What then happened one amp 

does not care to tell in detail. Everything connected with this disastrous 
enterprise went to naught, as if there had been a curse on it. Whatever 
may have been the object intended, the force employed was absurdly inade- 
quate. Instead of being homogeneous, it consisted of separate detach- 
ments with no link or bond of union — a disposition of troops which notoriously 
has led to more panics than any other cause that the annals of regimental his- 
tory can furnish. Fragments of proud and distinguished regiments fresh 
from victory on another continent shared in the panic of the Majuba, 
seasoned warriors behaving no better than mere recruits. To the calm- 
pulsed philosopher a panic is an academic enigma. No man who has seen 
it — much less shared in it — can ever forget the infectious madness of panic- 
stricken soldiers. 

In the sad ending, with a cry of fright and despair the remnants of the 
hapless force turned and tied, regardless of the efforts of the officers to 
stem the rearward rush. Sir George Colley lay dead, shot through the 
head just before the final flight. A surgeon and two hospital attendants 
caring for the wounded at the bandaging place in the dip of 
the plateau were shot down, probably inadvertently. The elder Jf 'n° ry . ° 
Boers promptly stopped the firing in that direction. But 
there was no cessation of the fire directed on the fugitives. On them the 
bullets rained accurately and persistently. The Boers, now disdaining 
cover, stood boldly on the edge of the plateau, and, firing down upon the 
scared troops, picked off the men as if shooting game. The slaughter would 
have been yet heavier but for the entrenchment which had been made 
by the company of the Ninety-second, left overnight on the Nek, between 


the Inquela and the Majuba. Captain Robertson was joined at dawn from 
camp by a company of the Sixtieth, under Captain Thurlow. Later there 
arrived at the entrenchment on the Nek a troop of the Fifteenth Hussars, 
under the command of Captain Sullivan. After midday the sound of the 
firing on the Majuba rapidly increased, and men were seen running down 
the hill towards the laager, one of whom brought in the tidings that the 
Boers had captured the position, that most of the troops were killed or 
prisoners, and that the general was dead with a bullet through his head. 

Wounded men presently came pouring in, and were attended by 
Surgeon-Major Cornish. The laager was manned by the companies, and 
outposts were thrown out, which were soon driven in by large bodies of 
mounted Boers, under whose fire men fell fast. Robertson dispatched the 
rifle company down the ravine towards the camp, and a little later followed 
with the company of the Ninety-second under a murderous fire from the 
Boers, who had reached and occupied the entrenchment. The Highlanders 
A Panic Plight '" st neav ''y m tne retreat, and Surgeon-Major Cornish was 
killed. The surviving fugitives from Majuba and from the 
laager finally reached camp under cover of the artillery fire from it, which 
ultimately stopped the pursuit. With the consent of the Boer leaders a 
temporary hospital was established at a farm-house mar the foot of the 
mountain, and throughout the cold and wet night the medical staff never 
ceased to search for and firing in the wounded. Sir George Colley's body 
was brought into camp on March i st, and buried therewith full military 

Of 050 officers and men who took part in this disastrous affair the loss 
in killed, wounded, and prisoners was 283; the Boers had one man killed 
and five wounded. Majuba Hill was enough for the British, fighting as 
they were in an unjust cause. An armistice was agreed upon, followed by 
a treaty of peace on March 23d. Large reinforcements had been sent out, 
which would have given tin- British an army of 20,000 against the 8,000 
Peace Declared Boers capable of bearing arms; but to light longer in defence 
with British of an arbitrary invasion aeainst such brave defenders of their 
homes and their rights, did not appeal to the conscience of 
Mr. Gladstone, and he lost no time in bringing the war to an end. By the 
terms of the treaty the Boers were left free to govern themselves as they 
would, they acknowledging the queen as suzerain of their country, with 
control of its foreign relations. 

The next important event in the history of the Transvaal was the ex- 
ploitation of its gold mines. Gold was discovered there soon after the open- 
1 1 the diamond mines, but not under very promising conditions. It exists 


The greatest disaster ever experienced by the British in Africa was at Majuba Hill, in the South African Republic. In the war 

of 1880-81 with the Boers, a British force occupied the flat top of this steep elevation, but was driven out with great 

slaughter The attempt to recapture the hill in the face of the skilled Boer marksmen was simply 

a climb to death, and *he day ended in a serious defeat for the invaders. 




in a conglomerate rock, whose beds extend over an ana of seventy by forty 
miles, and through a depth of from two to twenty feet ; but years passed 
before the richness in metal of these rocks was discovered, The Gold Di?- 
and it was not until after the Boer war that mining fairly gingsofthe 
began. No one in his wildest dreams foresaw that these ransvaa 
"banket" beds would in time yield gold to the value of more than $80,000,- 
000 a year. The yield of the diamond mines was also enormous, and these 
two incitements brought a steady stream of new settlers to that region, 
destined before many years greatly to outnumber the sturdy farmers and 
herders of Dutch descent. 

. In the vicinity of the gold mines, not far from Pretoria, the Boer capi- 
tal, rose the mining city of Johannesburg, which now has a population of 
more than 100,000 souls, of whom half are European miners and nearly all 
the remainder are natives. The great event in the historv of the 
diamond mines was the advent thither of Cecil Rhodes. This Cecil Rhodes 
remarkable man, the son of a country parson in England, who 
was ordered to South Africa for the benefit of his failing lungs, displayed 
such enterprise and ability that he soon became the leading figure in the dia- 
amond mining industry, organizing a company that controlled the mines, and 
accumulating an immense fortune. 

This accomplished, he entered actively into South African politics, and 
was not long in immensely extending the dominion of Great Britain in that 
region of the earth. He obtained from Lord Salisbury, prime minister of 
Great Britain, a royal charter giving him the right to occupy and govern the 
great territory lying between the Limpopo River on the south and the Zam- 
besi on the north, and extending far to the north and the west of the South 
African Republic. With an expedition of a thousand men, volunteers from 
the Transvaal and the Cape Colony, Rhodes marched north through a coun- 
try filled with armed Zulus, — the best fighting stuff in Africa, — and reached 
the spot where now stands the flourishing town of Eort Salisbury without 
firing a shot or losing a man. Here gold mines were opened, the resources 
of the country developed, and within three years as man)' important town- 
ships were founded and settled. 

Not until July, 1893, did trouble with the natives arise. Then a rupture 
took place with the Matabele chief, Lobengula, who sent against the whites 
powerful bands of his dreaded Zulu warriors, numbering in 

11 1 1 1 1 t-i ^ 1 t^ t War With the 

all over 20,000 armed blacks. 1 hese were met by Dr. Jameson, Matabeles 
the administrator of the chartered territory, and dealt with so 
vigorously and skilfully that in two months the power of the Matabeles was at 
an end, their army was practically annihilated, their great kraals were occupied, 


and their king was driven from his capital into the desert, where he died two 
months later. Thus Cecil Rhodes added to the dominion of Great Britain 
a territory as large as France and Germany, very fertile and healthful, and 
rich in gold and other metals. 

Zambesia— or Rhodesia, as it is often called — now extends far to the 

The Domain of nortn °f tne Zambesi River, being bordered on the north by 

the South the Congo Free State and Lake Tanganyika, and on the east 

I)}* Lake Nyassa, and embracing the heart of South Africa. 

This territory was chartered in 1889 D Y tne British South 

Africa Company, with Cecil Rhodes, then premier of the Cape Colony, as 

its managing director and practical creator. 

The rapid development of British interests in South Africa, the acqui- 
sition of territory in great part surrounding the South African Republic, — 
which was completely cut off from the sea by British and Portuguese terri- 
tory, and the growth of a large foreign population on the soil of the 
republic itself, could not fail to be a source of great annoyance to the Boers, 
who deeply mistrusted their new neighbors. Their effort to get away from 
tlie British had been a failure. They were surrounded and overrun by 
them. It is true, the coming of the gold miners had been a great boon to 
„,, . , the Boer in oneway. From having an empty treasury, he had 

What the - & r J J 

Foreigners now an overflowing one: The tax on the gold product had 

Brought to made the government rich. The foreigners had also brought 
the railway, the electric light, the telegraph, cheap and 
abundant articles of every-day use, newspapers, schools, and other append- 
ages of civilization, hut it is doubtful if these were as welcome to the Boers 
as the cash contribution, since they tended to break up their simple, patri- 
archal style of living and destroy their time-honored customs. 

The question that particularly troubled the Boer mind was a political 
one. Paul Kruger, the president of the republic, was a man of remarkable 
character, an astute statesman, a shrewd politician, with an iron will and 
keen judgment, a personage strikingly capable of dealing with a disturbing 
situation. While ignorant in book lore, he had associated with him as 
secretary of state an educated Hollander, Dr. Leyds by name, one of the 
ablest and shrewdest statesmen in South Africa. The pair of them were a 
Paul Kru-er close match for the bold and aspiring Cecil Rhodes, then 
andthe\jit- premier of the Cape Colony. The difficulty they had to deal 
landers w j t jj was t ] ie following: The Uitlander (Outlander or foreign) 

element in the republic had grown so enormously as far to outnumber the 
Dutch. The country presented the anomaly of a minority of 15,000 igno- 
rant and unprogressive Dutch burghers ruling a majority of four or five 


times their number of educated, wealthy and prosperous aliens, who, while 
possessing the most valuable part of the territory, were given no voice in 
its government. They were not only deprived of legislative functions in the 
country at large, but also of municipal functions in the city of their own 
creation, and they 'demanded in vain a charter that would enable them to 
control and improve their own city. President Kruger, fearing to have his 
government overwhelmed by these Anglo-Saxon strangers, sternly deter- 
mined that they should have no political foothold in his state until after a 
long residence, forseeing that if they were given the franchise on easy terms 
they would soon control the state. In this sense the gold which was making 
them rich seemed a curse to the Boers, since it threatened to bring them 
again under the dominion of the hated Englishman. 

In 1895 tne state of affairs reached a critical point. The British in 
Matabeleland, north of the Transvaal, were in warm sympathy with their 
brethren in Johannesburg, and between them a plot was laid to overthrow 
Kruger and his people. An outbreak took place in Johannesburg, led by 
ColoneJ F. W. Rhodes, brother of Cecil Rhodes, by whom it was thought 
to have been instigated. It was quickly followed by an invasion from 

Matabeleland, led by Dr. L. S. Jameson, Cecil Rhodes' lieu- 

.1 t>i 1 . 1 The Jameson 

tenant in that region. 1 he movement was a nasty and _ .. 
& _ J Raid 

ill-considered one. The invaders were met by the bold Boers, 

armed with their unerring rifles, were surrounded and forced to surrender 

and their leaders were put on trial for their lives. 

Paul Kruger, however, was shrewd enough not to push the matter to 
extremities. Jameson and his confederates were set at liberty and allowed 
to return to England, where they were tried, convicted of invading a friendly 
country and imprisoned — Cecil Rhodes going free. This daring man soon 
after suppressed an extensive revolt of the Matabeles, and gained the 
reputation of designing to found a great British nationality in South Africa. 
At a later date he devised the magnificent scheme of building a railroad 
throughout the whole length of Africa, from Cairo to Cape Colony, and 
threw himself into this ambitious enterprise with all his accustomed energy 
and organizing capacity. 

The victory of the Boers over Jameson and his raiders did not bring 
to an end the strained relations in Johannesburg. The demand of the 
Uitlanders for political rights and privileges grew more The Demands 
earnest and insistant as time went on, and the British govern- of the Uit- 
ment, on the basis of its suzerainty, began to take a hand an er! 
in it. The right to vote, under certain stringent conditions as to period 
of residence and declaration of intention to become citizens, was accorded 


by the Boer government, but was far from satisfactory to the foreign resi« 
dents, who demanded the suffrage under less rigorous conditions. 

In 1899 the state of affairs became critical, England taking a more 
decided stand, and strongly pressing her claim to a voice in the status of 
British residents under her suzerainty — despite the fact that the latter gave 
her no right to interfere in the domestic affairs of the state. Joseph Cham- 
berlain, secretary of state for the colonies, demanded a more equitable 
arrangement than that existing, and his insistence led to a conference 
between the Boer authorities and those of Cape Colony. But President 
Kruger refused to yield to the full demands made upon him, while the con- 
cessions which he offered were not satisfactory to the British cabinet. 

Negotiations went on during the summer and early autumn of 1899, 
but at the same time both sides were actively preparing for war, and Great 
Britain had begun to send large contingents of troops to South Africa. The 
state of indecision came to a sudden end on October 10th. President 
Kruger apparently fearing that Joseph Chamberlain, who conducted the 
negotiations, was deceiving him, and seeking delay until he could land an 
overwhelming force in South Africa, sent a sudden ultimatum to the British 
cabinet. They were bidden to remove the troops which threatened the 
borders of his state before five o'clock of the next day or accept war as 
the alternative. 

Such a mandate from a weak to a strong state was not likely to be com- 
plied with. The troops were not removed, and the Boers promptly crossed 
the borders into Natal on the east and Cape Colony on the west. The 
Orange River Free State had joined the South African Republic in its 
attitude of hostility, and the British on the borders found themselves out- 
numbered and outgeneraled. The towns of Mafeking and Kimberley on 
the west were closely besieged, and on the east the outlying troops were 
driven back on Ladysmith, where General White, the British commander, 
met with a severe repulse, losing two entire regiments as prisoners. 

Meanwhile General Buller, the British commander-in-chief, had reached 
Cape Town and a powerful army was on the ocean, and it was widely felt 
that the successes of the Boers were but preliminaries to a desperate strug- 
gle whose issue only time could decide. 

General White had made a serious tactical error in see-king to hold 
Ladysmith instead of falling back to the coast to await reinforcements. The 
ivatly devised plan of operations of the British army was greatly deranged, 
and General Buller, who had counted on a triumphal march to the Transvaal 
border, found himself held fast at the Tugela River, whose group of steep 
and rugged hills served the Boers as so many natural forts, from which the 


British found it impossible to dislodge them. It had been supposed that 
the Boers were adapted only to warfare of the guerilla character, that of 
bold raids, sudden clashes and swift retreats, but this event proved them to 
be skillful in investment, stubborn in defence, and fertile in expedients. 

An attempt to cross the Tugela at Colenso proved a sanguinary failure, 
the troops being repulsed and a battery of guns lost. Buller met with other 
defeats, the most serious being that on the hilltop called Spion Kop. Mean- 
while General White held on obstinately to Ladysmith, 
though he had to contend, not only against the guns of the V}??t > 

t> _ ' J a a White s 

enemy, but against sparse food, unwholesome water, and operations 
threatening pestilence. Despite all these he defended him- 
self with unflinching- courage against the guns and the assaults of the 
enemy for four long months, at the end of which time he was rewarded 
by a sudden disappearance of the foe, and the welcome entrance of Lord 
Dundonald and his troop of cavalry. Operations elsewhere had forced 
the brave Joubert to give up the siege and withdraw with his men. Those 
distant operations now demand our attention. 

Far away from Ladysmith, on the opposite side of the Orange Free 
State, lies the town of Kimberley, the centre of the diamond mining industry. 
Among its inmates was Cecil Rhodes, the diamond magnate, and the invest- 
ino- Boers were even more eager to capture their hated foe than to fall heir 
to the rich products of the diamond mines. To the relief of Kimberly 
came Lord Methuen, with a strong force, hastening by rail from Capetown 
north. From the Orange to the Modder River he made his way by dint of 
a succession of fierce skirmishes, in which the Boers gave a very good 
account of themselves. His misfortunes culminated at Magersfontein, on 
the Modder River, where his army fell into a Boer trap and was defeated 
with a loss of nearly 1, 100 men. This was the most serious battle of the war. 

By this time the government of Great Britain was thoroughly alarmed. 
Instead of the easy victory that had been looked for, it began 
to appear as if the courage, skill, and military resources of the continent: 6 
Boers might yield them an eventual triumph, and Kruger and 
Joubert be able to drive the invaders from their native soil. This was a 
contingency which British pride could not accept. Strenuous efforts were 
made to raise and equip a great force, and early in 1900 Field-Marshal 
Lord Roberts and the gallant General Kitchener, the two most famous 
soldiers that England possessed, were sent to the front, Lord Roberts as 
commander-in-chief. Under them was the largest army which Great 
Britain had ever dispatched to a foreign soil. 


It was too powerful a force for the small population of the Boer republk 
successfully to oppose. The abundant cavalry under Lord Roberts enable 
him to flank his opponents at every point, and the stubborn resistance of the 
Boers was changed to a rapid retreat. A sudden dash of General French 
and his light cavalry freed Kimberley, and the diamond capital was entered 
by the swift horsemen on February 1 6th, much to the relief of Cecil Rhodes 
and the distressed people, who had suffered severely during the siege. 

General Cronje, at the head of the Boer besieging force, hurried away 
as fast as his slow-moving ox teams would permit, but the pursuit was so hot 
and rapid that he was headed off and forced to take refuge in a dry river 
bed. Here he made a vigorous fight for life. For ten days he desperately 
held out, with a gallant persistance that won the plaudits of the world, and 
surrendered only when death stared him and his followers in the face. It 
was this surrender that forced Joubert to raise the siege of Ladysmith. 

From this point Roberts' great army swept resistlessly onward, the enemy 

vanishing before it, and on March 13 it made a triumphant 

The Transvaal cntry ; nto Bloemfontein, the capital of the Orange River 

Entered J ' l to 

Free State. Two days afterwards the town of Mafeking, in 
which the valiant Colonel Baden-Powell and his gallant followers had 
made one of the most memorable defences of modern times, was relieved — 
none too soon, for starvation was almost at hand. 

In early June the final great success was won. In May Roberts put his 
men again in motion, the Vaal River was passed and the Transvaal entered, 
and the mining city of Johannesburg fell without a blow. With it the gold 
mines, the impelling motive of the war, and which it was feared would be 
blown up and destroyed, were won. Finally Pretoria, the Transvaal capital, 
which was said to be strongly fortified and abundantly provisioned, and 
where the last dying struggle of Paul Kruger and his countrymen was 
looked for, fell into British hands, the Boers and their government 
taking precipitately to flight. 

This, however, did not bring the war to an end. The Boers began an 
active <merilla warfare, under General DeWet and other daring leaders, 
made a bold invasion of Cape Colony, and captured several British detach- 
ments. At the close of the century the contest actively continued. Yet, in 
view of the greatly superior British army, there seemed no hope of final 
success and the preservation of the independence of the Boer republics. 




v»- ffc 




















The Rise of Japan and the Decline of China. 

A SI A, the greatest of the continents and the seat of the earliest civiliza- 
A-\ tions, yields us the most remarkable phenomenon in the history of 
mankind. In remote ages, while Europe lay plunged in the deepest 
barbarism, certain sections of Asia were marked by surprising activity in 
thought and progress. In three far-separated regions — China, India, and 
Babylonia — and in a fourth on the borders of Asia — Egypt Asia the OHgi- 
— civilization rose and flourished for aees, while the savasre nalSeatof 
and the barbarian roamed over all other regions of the earth. Civilization 
A still more extraordinary fact is, that during the more recent era, that of 
European civilization, Asia has rested in the most sluggish conservatism, 
sleeping while Europe and America were actively moving, content with its 
ancient knowledge while the people of the West were pursuing new knowl- 
edge into its most secret lurking places. 

And this conservatism is an almost immovable one. For a century 
England has been pouring new thought and new enterprise into India, yet 
the Hindoos cling stubbornly to their remotely ancient beliefs and customs. 
For half a century Europe has been hammering upon the gates of China, 
but the sleeping nation shows little signs of waking up to the fact that the 
world is moving around it. As regards the other early civili- The Sluggish- 
zations — -Babylonia and Egypt — they have been utterly nessofilod. 
swamped under the tide of Turkish barbarism and exist only ern Asla 
in their ruins. Persia, once a great and flourishing empire, has likewise 
sunk under the flood of Arabian and Turkish invasion, and to-day, under its 
ruling Shah, is one of the most inert of nations, steeped in the self-satisfied 
barbarism that has succeeded its old civilization. Such was the Asia upon 
which the nineteenth century dawned, and such it remains to-day except in 
one remote section of its area, in which alone modern civilization has gained 
a firm foothold. 

The section referred to is the island empire of Japan, a nation the people 

of which are closely allied in race to those of China, yet which has displayed 

a progressiveness and a readiness to avail itself of the resources of modern 

civilisation strikingly diverse from the obstinate conservatism of its densely 

n 309 


settled neighbor. The development of fapan has taken place within the 
The Seclusion P ast na 'f century. Previous to that time it was as resistant 
of China to western influences as China. They were both closed na- 

apan tions, prohibiting the entrance of modern ideas and peoples, 
proud of their own form of civilization and their own institutions, and sternly 
resolved to keep out the disturbing influences of the restless west. As a 
result, they remained locked against the new civilization until after the 
nineteenth century was well advanced, and China's disposition to avail itself 
of the results of modern invention was not manifested until the century 
was near its end. 

China, with its estimated population of nearly 400,000,000, attained to 
a considerable measure of civilization at a very remote period, but has made 
almost no progress during the Christian era, being content to retain its old 
ideas, methods and institutions, which its people look upon as far superior 

to those of the western nations. Great Britain gained a foot- 
The Opening , , . . „. . . . . ' . . 

of China hold in China as early as the seventeenth century, hut the per- 

sistent attempt to flood the country with the opium of India, 
in disregard of the laws of the land, so annoyed the emperor that he had the 
opium of the British stores at Canton, worth $20,000,000, seized and de- 
stroyed. This led to the "opium war" of 1840, in which China was defeated 
and was forced to accept a much greater degree of intercourse with the 
world, five ports being made free to the world's commerce and Hong Kong 
ceded to Great Britain. In 1856.111 arbitral') - act of the Chinese authorities 
at Canton, in forcibly boarding a British vessel in the Canton River, led to a 
new war, in which the French joined the British and the allies gained fresh con- 
cessions from China. In 1859 tne war was renewed, and Peking was occu- 
pied by the British and French forces in i860, the emperor's summer palace 
being destroyed. 

These wars had their effect in largely breaking down the Chinese wall 
of seclusion and opening the empire more fully to foreign trade and inter- 
course, and also in compelling the emperor to receive foreign ambassadors 
at his court in Peking. In this the United States was among the most suc- 
cessful of the nations, from the fact that it had always maintained friendly 
relations with China. In 1876a short railroad was laid, and in 1877 a telegraph 
line was established. During the remainder of the century the telegraph 
service was widely extended, but the building of railroads was strongly op- 
posed, and not until the century had reached its end did the Chinese awaken 
to the importance of this method of transportation. They did, however, 
admit steam traffic to their rivers, and purchased some powerful ironclad 
naval vessels in Europe. 


The isolation of Japan was maintained longer than that of China, 
trade with that country being of less importance, and foreign nations know- 
ing and caring less about it. The United States has the credit of breaking 
down its long and stubborn seclusion and setting in train the How Japan Was 
remarkably rapid development of the Japanese island empire. Opened to 
In 1854 Commodore Perry appeared with an American fleet 
in the bay of Yeddo, and, by a show of force and a determination not to be 
rebuffed, he forced the authorities to make a treaty of commercial inter- 
course with the United States. Other nations quickly demanded similar 
privileges, and Japan's obstinate resistance to foreign intercourse was at an 

The result of this was revolutionary in Japan. For centuries the Shogun, 
or Tycoon, the principal military noble, had been dominant in the empire, 
and the Mikado, the true emperor, relegated to a position of obscurity. The 
entrance of foreigners disturbed conditions so greatly — by developing par- 
ties for and against seclusion — that the Mikado was enabled to regain his 
long-lost power, and in 1868 the ancient form of government was restored. 

Meanwhile the Japanese began to show a striking activity in the accept- 
ance of the results of western civilization, both in regard to objects of com- 
merce, inventions, and industries, and to political organization. The latter 

advanced so rapidly that in i88q the old despotic government 

. , 1 r , -ill- 0>eat Develop- 

was, by the voluntary act 01 the emperor, set aside and a lim- mentof Japan 

ited monarchy established, the country being given a constitu- 
tion and a legislature, with universal suffrage for all men over twenty-live. 
This act is of remarkable interest, it being doubtful if history records any 
similar instance of a monarch decreasing his authority without appeal 01 
pressure from his people. It indicates a liberal spirit that could hardly 
have been looked for in a nation so recently emerging from semi-barbarism. 
To-day, Japan differs little from the nations of Europe and America in its 
institutions and industries, and from being among the most backward, has 
taken its place among the most advanced nations of the world. 

The Japanese army has been organized upon the European system, 
and armed with the most modern style of weapons, the German method of 
drill and organization being adopted. Its navy consists of over fifty war 
vessels, principally built in the dock-yards of Europe and America, and of 
the most advanced modern type, while a number of still more powerful 
ships are in process of building. Railroads have been widely extended ; 
telegraphs run everywhere ; education is in an advancing stage of develop- 
ment, embracing an imperial university at Tokio, and institutions in which 
foreign languages and science, are taught; and in a hundred ways Japan is 


progressing at a rate which is one of the greatest marvels of the nineteenth 
century. This is particularly notable in view of the obstinate adherence 
of the neighboring empire of China to its old customs, and the slowness 
with which it is yielding to the influx of new ideas. 

As a result of this difference in progress between the two nations, we 
have to describe a remarkable event, one of the most striking evidences that 

could be given of the practical advantage of modern civiliza- 
A Remarkable . T , , r , , , , 

Event tion. JNear the end ot the century war broke out be- 

tween China and Japan, and there was shown to the world the 
singular circumstance of a nation of 40,000,000 people, armed with modern 
implements of war, attacking a nation of 400,000,000 — equally brave, 
but with its army organized on an ancient system — ami defeating it 
as quickly and completely as Germany defeated France in the Franco- 
German War. This war, which represents a completely new condition of 
events in the continent of Asia, is of sufficient interest and importance to 
speak of at some length. 

Between China and Japan lies the kingdom of Corea, separated by 
rivers from the former and by a strait of the ocean from the latter, and 
claimed as a vassal state by both, yet preserving its independence as a state 
against the pair. Japan invaded this country at two different periods in the 
past, but failed to conquer it. China has often invaded it, with the same 
result. Thus it remained practically independent until near the end of the 
nineteenth century, when it became a cause of war between the two rival 

Corea long pursued the same policy as China and Japan, locking 
its ports against foreigners so closely that it became known as the Hermit 
Corea Opened Nation and the Forbidden Land. But it was forced to give 
to Toreign way, like its neighbors. The opening of Corea was due to 
intercourse J a p an _ \ n ,s 7 6 the Japanese did to this secluded kingdom 
what Commodore Perry had done to Japan twenty-two years before. They 
sent a fleet to Seoul, the Corean capital, and by threat of war forced the 
government to open to trade the port of Fusan. In 1880 Chemulpo was 
made an open port. Later on the United States sent a fleet there which 
obtained similar privileges. Soon afterwards most of the nations of 
Europe were admitted to trade, and the isolation of the Hermit Nation 
was at an end. Less than ten years had sufficed to break down an 
isolation which had lasted for centuries. In less than twenty years after — 
in the year 1899 — an electric trolley railway was put in operation in the 
streets of Seoul — a remarkable evidence of the great change in Corean 


Corea was no sooner opened to foreign intercourse than China and 
Japan became rivals for influence in that country — a rivalry in which Japan 
showed itself the more active The Coreans became divided into two 
factions, a progressive one that favored Japan, and a conservative one that 
favored China. Japanese and Chinese soldiers were sent to the country, 
and the Chinese aided their party, which was in the ascendant among the 
Coreans, to drive out the Japanese '"•'oops War was threatened, but it was 
averted by a treaty in 1885 under which both nations agreed to withdraw 
their troops and to send no officers to drill the Corean soldiers. 

The war, thus for the time averted, came nine years afterwards, in con- 

sequence of an insurrection in Corea. The people of that country were 

discontented. They were oppressed with taxes and by tyranny, 

and in 1894 the followers of a new religious sect broke out in nsu "' ectlon 

. . . & . in Corea 

open revolt. Their numbers rapidly increased until they were 

20,000 strong, and they defeated the government troops, captured a provincial 
city, and put the capital itself in danger. The Min (or Chinese) faction 
was then at the head of affairs in the kingdom and called for aid from 
China, which responded by sending some two thousand troops and a num- 
ber of war vessels to Corea. Japan, jealous of any such action on the part 
of China, responded by surrounding Seoul with soldiers, several thousands 
in number. 

Disputes followed. China claimed to be suzerain of Corea and Japan 
denied it. Both parties refused to withdraw their troops, and the Japanese, 
finding that the party in power was acting against them, advanced on the 
capital, drove out the officials, and took possession of the palace and the 
king. A new government, made up of the party that favored Japan, was 
organized, and a revolution was accomplished in a day. The new author- 
ities declared that the Chinese were intruders and requested the aid of the 
Japanese to expel them. War was close at hand. 

China was at that time under the leadership of a statesman of marked 
ability, the famous Li Hung Chang, who, from being made viceroy of a 
province in 1870, had risen to be the prime minister of the empire. At the 
head of the empire was a woman, the Dowager Empress Tsu Li Hung chang 
Tsi, who had usurped the power of the young emperor and and the Em= 
ruled the state. It was to these two people in power that P resS 
the war was due. The dowager empress, blindly ignorant of the power 
of the Japanese, decided that these "insolent pigmies " deserved to be 
chastised. Li, her right-hand man, was of the same opinion. At the last 
moment, indeed, doubts began to assail his mind, into which came a dim 
idea that the army and navy of China were not in shape to meet the 


forces of Japan. But the empress was resolute. Her sixtieth birthday 
was at hand and she proposed to celebrate it magnificently ; and what better 
decorations could she display than the captured banners of these insolent 
islanders ? So it was decided to present a bold front, and, instead of the 
troops of China being- removed, reinforcements were sent to the force at Asan. 
'I here followed a startling event. On July 25th three Japanese men-of- 
war, cruising in the Yellow Sea, come in sight of a transport loaded with 
Chinese troops and convoyed by two ships of the Chinese navy. The 
The Sinking of Japanese admiral did not know of the seizure of Seoul by the 
the Chinese land forces, but he took it to be his duty to prevent Chinese 

troops from reaching Corea, so he at once attacked the war 
ships of the enemy, with such effect that they were quickly put to flight. 
Then he sent orders to the transport that it should put about and follow 
his ships. 

This the Chinese generals refused to do. They trusted to the fact 
that they were on a chartered British vessel and that the British flag flew 
over their heads. The daring Japanese admiral troubled his soul little 
about this foreign standard, but at once opened fire on the transport, and 
with such effect that in half an hour it went to the bottom, carrying with it 
one thousand men. Only about one hundred and seventy escaped. 

On the same day that this terrible act took place on the waters of the 

sea, the Japanese left Seoul en route for Asan. Reaching 
w there, they attacked the Chinese in their works and drove 

them out. Three days afterwards, on August 1, 1894, both 
countries issued declarations of war. 

Of the conflict that followed, the most interesting events were those 
that took place on the waters, the land campaigns being an unbroken series 
of successes for the well-organized and amply-armed Japanese troops over the 
mediaeval army of China, which went to war fan and umbrella in hand, with 
antiquated weapons and obsolete organization. The principal battle was 

fought at Ping Yang on September 15th, the Chinese losing 
Land 8r0n 16,000 killed, wounded and captured, while the Japanese loss 

was trilling. In November the powerful fortress of Port 
Arthur was attacked by army and fleet, and surrendered after a two days' 
siege. Then the armies advanced until they were in the vicinity of the 
Great Wall, with the soil and capital of China not far before them. 

With this brief review of the land operations, we must return to the 
performances of the Beets, which were of high interest as forming the sec- 
ond occasion in which a modern ironclad fleet had met in battle — the first 
being that already described in which the Austrians defeated the Italians at 


Lissa. Backward as the Chinese were on land, they were not so on the sea. 
Li Hung Chang, progressive as he was, had vainly attempted to introduce 
railroads into China, but he had been more successful in regard to ships, 
and had purchased a navy more powerful than that of Japan. The heaviest 
ships of Japan were cruisers, whose armor consisted of deck and interior 
lining of steel. The Chinese possessed two powerful battle- The Chinese 
ships, with 14-inch iron armor and turrets defended with 12- and Japanese 
inch armor, each carrying four 12-inch guns. Both navies had F,eets 
the advantage of European teaching in drill, tactics, and seamanship. The 
Ting Yuen, the Chinese flagship, had as virtual commander an experienced 
German officer named Van Hanneken ; the Chen Yuen, the other bie iron- 
clad, was handled by Commander M'Giffen, formerly of the United States 
navy. Thus commanded, it was expected in Europe that the superior 
strength of the Chinese ships would ensure them an easy victory over those 
of Japan. The event showed that this was a decidedly mistaken view. 

It was the superior speed and the large number of rapid-fire guns of 
the Japanese vessels that gave them the victory. The Chinese guns were 
mainly heavy Krupps ami Armstrongs. They had also some machine guns, 
but only three quick-firers. The Japanese, on the contrary, had a few heavy 
armor-piercing guns, but were supplied with a large number of quick-firing 
cannon, capable of pouring out shells in an incessant stream. Admiral Ting 
and his European officers expected to come at once to close quarters and 
quickly destroy the thin armored Japanese craft. But the shrewd Admiral 
Ito, commander of the fleet of Japan, had no intention of being thus dealt 
with. The speed of his craft enabled him to keep his distance and to dis- 
tract the aim of his foes, and he proposed to make the best use of this ad- 
vantage. Thus equipped the two fleets came together in the month of Sep- 
tember, and an epoch-making battle in the history of the ancient conti- 
nent of Asia was fought. 

On the afternoon of Sunday, September 16th, Admiral Ting's fleet, 
consisting of 11 warships, 4 gunboats, and 6 torpedo boats, anchored off 
the mouth of the Yalu River. They were there as escorts to some trans- 
ports, which went up the river to discharge their troops. Admiral Ito had 
been engaged in the same work farther down the coast, and early on Monday 
morning came steaming towards the Yalu in search of the 
enemy. Under him were in all twelve ships, none of them theYaluRiver 
with heavy armor, one of them an armed transport. The 
swiftest ship in the fleet was the Yoshiuo, capable of making twenty-three 
knots, and armed with 44 quick-firing Armstrongs, which would discharge 
nearly 4,000 pounds weight of shells every minute. The heaviest guns were 


long 13-inch cannon, of which four ships possessed one each, protected by 12- 
inch shields of steel. Finally, they had an important advantage over the 
Chinese in being abundantly supplied with ammunition. 

With this formidable fleet Ito steamed slowly to the north-westward. 
Early on Monday morning he was off the island of Hai-yun-tao. At 
seven a.m. the fleet began steaming north-eastward. It was a fine 
autumn morning. The sun shone brightly, and there was only just enough 
of a breeze to ripple the surface of the water. The long line of warships 
cleaving their way through the blue waters, all bright with white paint, the 
chrysanthemum of Japan shining like a golden shield on every bow, and the 
same emblem flying in red and white from every masthead, must have been 
a grand spectacle. Some miles away to port rose the rocky coast and the blue 
hills of Manchuria, dotted with many an island, and showing here and there 
a little bay with its fishing villages. On the other side, the waters of the 
wide Corean Gulf stretched to an unbroken horizon. Towards eleven 
The Cruise of o'clock the hills at the head of the gulf began to rise. 
Admiral ito's ito had in his leading: ship, the Yoshino, a cruiser that would 
have made a splendid scout. In any European navy she 
would have been steaming some miles ahead of her colleagues with, perhaps, 
another quick ship between her and the fleet to pass on her signals. Ito 
however seems to have done no scouting, but to have kept his ships in single 
line ahead, with a small interval between the van and the main squadron. At 
half-past eleven smoke was seen far away on the starboard bow, the bearing 
being east-north-east. It appeared to come from a number of steamers in 
line, on the horizon. The course was altered and the speed increased. Ito 
believed that he had the Chinese fleet in front of him. He was right. 
The smoke was that of Ting's ironclads and cruisers anchored in line, with 
steam up, outside the mouth of the Yalu. 

On Monday morning the Chinese crews had been exercised at their 
guns, and a little before noon, while the cooks were busy getting dinner 
ready, the lookout men at several of the mastheads began to call out that 
they saw the smoke of a large fleet away on the horizon to the south-west. 
Admiral Ting was as eager for the fight as his opponents. At once he 
signalled to his fleet to weigh anchor, and a few minutes later ran up the 
signal to clear for action. 

A similar signal was made by Admiral Ito half-an-hour later, as his 
ships came in sight of the Chinese line of battle. The actual moment was 
five minutes past noon, but it was not until three-quarters of an hour later 
that the fleets had closed sufficiently near for the fight to begin at long 
range. This three-quarters of an hour was a time of anxious and eager 


expectation for both Chinese and Japanese. Commander McGiffen of the 
Chen Yiien has given a striking description of the scene when " the deadly 
space" between the two fleets was narrowing, and all were watching for the 
flash and smoke of the first gun : — "The twenty-two ships," he says, "trim 
and fresh-looking in their paint and their bright new bunting, and gay with 
fluttering signal-flags, presented such a holiday aspect that one found 
difficulty in realizing that they were not there simply for a friendly meeting. 
But, looking closer on the Chen Yuen, one could see beneath this gayety 
much that was sinister. Dark-skinned men, with queues tightly coiled 
round their heads, and with arms bared to the elbow, clustered along the 
decks in groups at the guns, waiting impatiently to kill or be The Chinese 
killed. Sand was sprinkled along the decks, and more was on the "Chen 
kept handy against the time when they might become slip- Yuen " 
pery. In the superstructures, and down out of c ; ; ght in the bowels of the 
ship, were men at the shell whips and ammunitioi hoists and in the torpedo 
room. Here and there a man lay flat on the deck", with a charge of powder 
— fifty pounds or more — in his arms, waiting to spring up and pass it on 
when it should be wanted. The nerves of the men below deck were in 
extreme tension On deck one could see the approaching enemy, but below 
nothing was known, save that any moment might begin the action, and 
bring in a shell through the side. Once the battle had begun they were all 
right ; but at first the strain was intense. The fleets closed on each other 
rapidly. My crew was silent. The sub-lieutenant in the military foretop 
was taking- sextant anodes and announcing the ranye, and exhibiting an 
appropriate small signal-flag. As each range was called, the men at the 
guns would lower the sight-bars, each gun captain, lanyard in hand, keeping 
his gun trained on the enemy. Through the ventilators could be heard the 
beats of the steam pumps ; for all the lines of hose were joined up ami 
spouting water, so that, in case of fire, no time need be lost. Every man's 
nerves were in a state of tension, which was greatly relieved as a huee 
cloud of white smoke, belching from the Ting Yuen's starboard barbette, 
opened the ball." 

The shot fell a little ahead of the Yoshino, throwing up a tall column 
of white water. Admiral I to, in his official report, notes that this first shot 
was fired at ten minutes to one. The range, as noted on the Chen Yuen, 
was 5,200 yards, or a little over three and a half miles. The 
heavy barbette and bow o-unsof the Chen Yuen and other ships Tn e Opening of 

• • J • U Ml 1 T 1 the Batt ' e 

now joined in, but still the Japanese van squadron came on 

without replying. For five minutes the firing was all on the side of the 

Chinese. The space between the Japanese van and the hostile line had 


diminished to 3,000 yards — a little under two miles. The Yosfiino, the leading 
ship, was heading for the centre of the Chinese line, but obliquely, so as to 
pass diagonally along the front of the Chinese right wing. At five minutes 
to one her powerful battery of quick-firers opened on the Chinese, sending 
out a storm of shells, most of which fell in the water just ahead of the Ting 
and Chen Yuen. Their first effect was to deluge the decks, barbettes and 
bridges of the two ironclads with the geysers of water flung up by their 
impact with the waves. In a few minutes every man on deck was soaked 
to the skin. One by one the other ships along the Japanese line opened 
fire, and then, as the range still diminished, the Chinese machine-guns, 
Hotchkisses and Norden felts added their sharp, growling reports to the 
deeper chorus of the heavier guns. 

The armored barbettes and central citadels of the two Chinese battle- 
ships were especially the mark of the Japanese fire. Theoretically they 
ought to have been pierced again and again, but all the harm they received 
were some deep dents and grooves in the thick plates. But through the 
thin lined hulls of the cruisers the shells crashed like pebbles through glass, 
the only effect of the metal wall being to explode the shells and scatter their 
fragments far and wide. 

The Chinese admiral had drawn up his ships in a single line, with the 

large oiks in the centre and the weaker ones on the wings. Ito's ships came 

up in column, the Yoshino leading, his purpose being to take advantage of the 

superior speed of his ships and circle round his adversary. Past 

Admiral Ito's . „, . ... . ...,,. . . 

Strategy the Chinese right wing swept the swift Yoshino, pouring in 

the shells from her rapid-fire guns on the unprotected vessels 
there posted, one of which, the Yang Wei, was soon in flames. The ships 
that followed tore the woodwork of the Chao Yung with their shells, and 
she likewise burst into flames. The slower vessels of the Japanese fleet 
lagged behind their speedy leaders, particularly the little Hcijci, which fell 
so far in the rear as to be exposed to the fire of the whole Chinese fleet. In 
The Daring tn ' s dilemma its captain displayed a daring spirit. Instead of 

Act of the following his consorts, he dashed straight for the line of the 
enemy, passing between two of their larger vessels at 500 
yards distance. Two torpedoes were launched at him, but missed their 
mark. But he was made the target of a heavy fire, and came through with 
his craft in flames. At 2.23 the blazing Chao Yungwent to the bottom with 
all on board. 

As a result of the Japanese evolution, their ships finally closed in on 
the Chinese on both sides and the action reached its most furious phase. 
The two flag-ships, the Japanese Matsushima and the Chinese Ting Yuen, 


battered each other with their great guns, the wood-work of the latter being 
soon in flames, while a heap of ammunition on the Matsushima was ex- 
ploded by a shell and killed or wounded eighty men. The 
Chinese flag-ship would probably have been destroyed by the shima" and 

flames but that her consort came to her assistance. By five t,1c " Tin s 

o'clock the Chinese fleet was in the greatest disorder, several 

of its ships having been sunk or driven in flames ashore, while others were 
in flight. The Japanese fire was mainly concentrated on the two large iron- 
clads, which continued the fight, their thick armor resisting the heaviest guns 
of the enemy. 

Signals and signal halyards had been long since shot away, and all the 
signalmen killed or wounded ; but the two ships conformed to each other's 
movements, and made a splendid fight of it. Admiral Ting had been insen- 
sible for some hours at the outset of the battle. He had stood too close to 
one of his own big guns on a platform above its muzzle, and had been 
stunned by the upward and backward concussion of the air; but he had re- 
covered consciousness, and, though wounded by a burst shell, was bravely 
commanding his ship. Von Hanneken was also wounded in one of the bar 
bettes. The ship was on fire forward, but the hose kept the flames under. 
The Chen Yuen was almost in the same plight. Her commander, McGiffen, 
had had several narrow escapes. When at last the lacquered woodwork on 
her forecastle caught fire, and the men declined to go forward and put it out 
unless an officer went with them, he led the party. He was 

AlcOiffcn's Tcr= 

stooping down to move something on the forecastle, when a rib!c Danger 
shot passed between his arms and legs, wounding both his 
wrists. At the same time he was struck down by an explosion near him. 
When he recovered from the shock he found himself in a terrible position. 
He was lying wounded on the forecastle, and full in front of him he saw the 
muzzle of one of the heavy barbette guns come sweeping round, rise, and 
then sink a little, as the gunners trained it on a Japanese ship, never noticing 
that he lay just below the line of fire. It was in vain to try to attract their 
attention. In another minute he would have been caught in the fiery blast 
With a great effort he rolled himself over the edge of the forecastle, drop 
ping on to some rubbish on the main deck, and hearing the roar of the gun 
as he fell. 

The battle now resolved itself into a close cannonade of the two iron- 
clads by the main body of the Japanese fleet, while the rest of the ships 
kept up a desultory fight with the three other Chinese ships and the gun 
boats. The torpedo boats seem to have done nothing. Commander 
McGiffen says that their engines had been worn out, and their fittings 


shaken to pieces, by their being recklessly used as ordinary steam launches 
in the weeks before the battle. The torpedoes tired from the tubes of the 
battleships were few in number, and all missed their mark, one, at least, 
going harmlessly under a ship at which it was fired at a range of only fifty 
yards. The Japanese used no torpedoes. It is even said that, by a mis- 
take, they had sailed without a supply of these weapons. Nor was the ram 
used anywhere. < )nce or twice a Chinese ship tried to run down a Japanese, 
but the swifter and handier vessels of Ito's squadron easily avoided all such 
attacks. The Yalu fight was from first to last an artillery battle. 

And the end of it came somewhat unexpectedly. The Chen Yuen and 
the Ting Yuen were both running short of ammunition. The latter had 
been hit more than four hundred times without her armor being pierced, 
and the former at least as often. One of the Chen Yueris heavy guns had 
its mountings damaged, but otherwise she was yet serviceable. Still, she- 
had been severely battered, had lost a great part of her crew, and her slow 
lire must have told the Japanese that she was economizing her ammunition, 
which was now all solid shot. But about half-past live Ito signalled to his 
fleet to retire. The two Chinese ironclads followed them for 

The End o t e a COu p] e Q f miles, sending an occasional shot after them; then 
Battle ' . 

the Japanese main squadron suddenly circled round as if to 

renew the action, and, towards six o'clock, there was a brisk exchange of 

fire at long range. When Ito again ceased lire, the Chen Yuen had just 

three projectiles left for her heavy guns. If he had kept on for a few 

minutes longer the two Chinese ships would have been at his mercy. 

Just why Ito retired has never been clearly explained. Probably 

exhaustion of his crew ami the perils of a battle at night with such antag- 

Lessons from onists had much to do with it. The next morning the Chinese 

the Yalu fleet had disappeared. It had lost four ships in the fight, two 

had taken to flight, and one ran ashore after the battle and was 

blown up. Two of the Japanese ships were badly damaged, but none were 

lost, while their losses in killed and wounded were much less than those of 

the Chinese. An important lesson from the battle was the danger of too 

much wood-work in ironclad ships, ami another was the great value in naval 

warfare of rapid-firing guns. But the most remarkable characteristic of 

the battle of the Yalu was that it took place between two nations which, 

had the war broken out forty years earlier, would have done their fighting 

with fleets of junks and weapons a century old. 

Capture of Wei j January, 1895, the Japanese fleet advanced against the 

Hai Wei J '' yj J t & 

strongly fortified stronghold of Wei Hai Wei, on the northern 

coast of China. Here 1 force of 25,000 men was landed successfully, and 


attacked the. fort in the rear, quickly capturing' its landward defences. 
The stronghold was thereupon abandoned by its garrison and occupied by 
the Japanese. The Chinese fleet lay in the harbor, and surrendered to 
the Japanese after several ships had been sunk by torpedo boats. 

China was now in a perilous position. Its fleet was lost, its coast 
strongholds of Port Arthur and Wei Hai Wei were held by the enemy, 
and its capital city was threatened from the latter place and by the arm}' 
north of the Great Wall. A continuation of the war promised to bring- 
about the complete conquest of the Chinese empire, and Li Hung Chang, 
who had been degraded from his official rank in consequence of the disasters 
to the army, was now restored to all his honors and sent to Japan to sue for 
peace. In the treaty obtained China was compelled to acknowledge the 
independence of Corea, to cede to Japan the island of For- 
mosa and the Pescadores group, and that part of Manchuria p ea c Caty 0t 
occupied by the Japanese army, including Port Arthur, also to 
pay an indemnity of 300,000,000 taels and open seven new treaty ports. 
This treaty was not fully carried out. The Russian, British, and French 
ministers forced Japan, under threat of war, to give up her claim to the 
Liau Tung peninsula and Port Arthur. 

The story of China during the few remaining years of the century may 
be briefly told. The evidence of its weakness yielded by the war with Japan 
was quickly taken advantage of by the great powers of Europe, The | m p enun , R 
and China was in danger of going to pieces under their attacks, Partition of 
which grew so decided and ominous that rumors of a partition 
between these powers of the most ancient and populous empire of the world 
filled the air. 

In 1898 decided steps in this direction were taken. Russia obtained a 

lease for ninety-nine years of Port Arthur and Talien Wan, and is at 

present in practical possession of Manchuria, through which a railroad is to 

be built connecting with the Trans-Siberian road, while Port Arthur affords 

her an ice-free harbor for her Pacific fleet. Great Britain, jealous of this 

movement on the part of Russia, forced from the unwilling hands of China 

the port of Wei Hai Wei, and Germany demanded and obtained the cession 

of a port at Kiau Chun, farther down the coast. France, not to be outdone 

by her neighbors, gained concessions of territory in the south, adjoining her 

Indo-China possessions, and Italy, last of all, came into the Eastern market 

for a share of the nearly defunct empire. 

How far this will go it is not easy to say. The nations n a ac , *. 

■^ J J Revolution 

are settling on China like vultures on a carcass, and perhaps 

may tear the antique commonwealth to pieces between them. Within 


the empire itself revolutionary changes have taken place, the dowager 
empress having deprived the emperor of power and held him a palace 
prisoner at Peking. In this action she was sustained by the conservative 
party of the empire, which was disturbed by the emperor's attempt to reform 
the administration. For the events that succeeded see a subsequent chapter. 
Meanwhile one important result has come from the recent war. Li 
Hung Chang and the other progressive statesmen of the empire, who have 
long been convinced that the only hope of China lies in its being thrown 
open to Western science and art, have now become aide to carry out their 
plans, the conservative opposition having seriously broken down. The 
result of this is seen in a dozen directions. Railroads, long almost com- 
pletely forbidden, have now gained free "right of way," and 
Progressin before many years promise to traverse the country far and 

China , . i-i 

wide Steamers plough their way for a thousand miles up 
the Yang-tse-Kiang ; engineers are busy exploiting the coal and iron mines 
of the Flowery Kingdom ; great factories, equipped with the best modem 
machinery, are springing up in the foreign settlements; foreign books are 
being translated and read ; and the emperor and the dowager empress have 
even gone so far as to receive foreign ambassadors in public audience and 
on a footing of outward equality in the " forbidden city " of Peking, long the 
sacredly secluded centre of an empire locked against the outer world. 

All this is full of significance. The defeat of China in 1895 ma >' prove 
its victory, if it starts it upon a career of acceptance of Western civilization 
which shall, before the twentieth century has far advanced, raise it to the 
level of [apan. It must be borne in mind that the extraordinary progress of 
thi- island empire has been made within about forty years. China is a larger 
body ami in consequence less easy to move, but its people are innately 
What the Fu- practical and the pressure of circumstances is forcing them 
turc May forward. Within the next half century this great empire, 

Bring to chma t i L . S pj tlJ | ts thousands of years of unchanging conditions, may 
take a wonderful bound in advance, and come up to Japan in the race of 
political and industrial development. In such a case all talk of the parti- 
tion of China must cease, and it will take its place among the greatest 
powers of the world 

In the summer of 1900 a popular outbreak against foreigners of great 
significance took place in China. For the cause and events of this see 
succeeding chapters. 


The Era of the Colonies. 

SINCE civilization began nations have endeavored to extend their 
dominions, not alone by adding to their territory by the conquest of 
adjoining countries, but also by sending out their excess population 
to distant regions and founding colonies that served as aids to and feeders 
of the parent state. In the ancient world the active commercial nations, 
Phoenicia and Greece, were alert in this direction, some of their colonies,- — ■ 
Carthage, for instance, — becoming powerful enough to gain the status of 
independent states. In modern times the colonial era began with the dis- 
covery of America in 1492 and the circumnavigation of Africa immediately 
afterwards. Spain and Portugal, the leaders in enterprise ;it that period, 
were quick to take advantage of their discoveries, while France, Great Bri- 
tain and Holland came into the field as founders of colonies at a later date. 
At the opening of the nineteenth century Spain and Portugal still held 
the great dominions they had won. They divided between them the conti- 
nent of South America, while Spain held a large section of North America, 
embracing the whole continent south of Canada and west of the Mississippi 
River, together with the peninsula of Florida. Portugal held, in addition 

to Brazil, large territories in east and west Africa and minor 

' ^ , , . , , . . . Progress in 

possessions elsewhere. As regards the remaining active Colonization 

colonizing nations, — Great Britain, France, and Holland,- — 

some striking transformations had taken place. Great Britain, while 

late to come into the field of colonization, had shown remarkable activity 

and aggressiveness in this direction, robbing Holland of her settlement on 

the Atlantic coast of America, and depriving France of her great colonial 

possessions in the east and the west. 

France had shown a remarkable activity in colonization. In the east 

she gained a strong foothold in India, which promised to expand to imperial 

dimensions. In the west she had settled Canada, had planted French Activity 

military posts along the great Mississippi River and claimed in Founding 

the vast territory beyond, and was extending into the Ohio Co!on ' es 

Valley, while the British still confined themselves to a narrow strip along the 

Atlantic coast. The war which broke out between the English and French 




colonists in 1754 put an end to this grand promise. When it ended France 
had lost all her possessions in America and India, Great Britain becoming 
heir to the whole of them with the exception of the territory west of the 
Mississippi, which was transferred to Spain. As regards Holland, she had 
become the successor of Portugal in the east, holding immensely valuable 
islands in the Malayan archipelago. 

The colonial dominion of Great Britain, however, suffered one great 
loss before the end of the eighteenth century. It failed to recognize 
the spirit of Anglo-Saxon colonists, and by its tyranny in America gave rise 
to an insurrection which ended in the freedom of its American colonies. It 
still held Canada and many of the West India Islands, but the United States 
was free, and by the opening of the nineteenth century had fairly begun 
its remarkable development. 

Such was the condition of colonial affairs at the beginning of the cen- 
tury with which we are concerned. Spain and Portugal still held the great- 
est colonial dominions upon the earth, France had lost nearly the whole of 
her colonies, Holland possessed the rich spice islands of the eastern seas, 
and Groat Britain was just entering upon that activity in colonization which 
forms one of the striking features of nineteenth century progress. 

At the close of the century a remarkable difference appears. Spain had 

lost practically the whole of her vast colonial empire. She had learned no 

lesson from England's experience with her American colonies, 

Spain's Colo- . ....... . . ... 

nial OecUne but maintained a policy of tyranny and oppression until these 
far-extended colonial provinces rose in arms and won their 
independence by courage and endurance. Her great domain west of the 
Mississippi, transferred by treat)- to France, was purchased by the United 
States. Florida was sold by her to the same country, and by the end of 
the first quarter of the century she did not own a foot of land on the 
American continent. She still held the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico 
in the West Indies, but her oppressive policy yielded the same result there 
as on the continent. The islanders broke into rebellion, the United States 
came to their aid, ami she lost these islands and the Philippine Islands in 
thi East. At the end of the century all she held were the Canary Islands 
and some small possessions elsewhere. 

Portugal had also suffered a heavy loss in her colonial dominions, but 
in a very different manner. The invasion of the home state by Napoleon's 
armies had caused the king and his court to set sail for Brazil, where they 
established an independent empire, while a new scion of the family of 
Braganza took Portugal for his own. Thus, with the exception of Canada, 


Guiana, and the smaller islands of the West Indies, no colonies existed in 

America at the end of the century, all the former colonies having become 

independent republics. 

The active powers in colonization within the nineteenth century were 

the great rivals of the preceding period, Great Britain and France, though 

the former trained decidedly the start, and its colonial empire _. _ , , , 
& J _ r The Colonial 

to-day surpasses that of any other nation of mankind. It is Development 

so enormous, in fact, as to dwarf the parent kingdom, which of Great 
... ...... r . . Britain 

is related to its colonial dominion, so tar as comparative size 

is concerned, as the small brain of the elephant is related to its great body. 

Other powers, not heard of as colonizers in the past, have recently 

come into this field, though too late to obtain any of the great prizes. 

These are Germany and Italy, the latter to a small extent. But there is a 

great power still to name, which in its way stands as a rival to Great Britain, 

the empire of Russia, whose acquisitions in Asia have grown enormous in 

extent. These are not colonies in the ordinary sense, but rather results of 

the expansion of an empire through warlike aggression, but 

. ..... . , . . . . Other Colon!/- 

they are colonial in the sense of absorbing the excess popula- in? Powers 
tion of European Russia. The great territory of Siberia was 
gained by Russia before the nineteenth century, but within recent years its 
dominion in Asia has greatly increased, and it is not easy to tell just when 
and where it will end. 

With this preliminary review we may proceed to consider the history 
of colonization within the century. And first we must take up the results 
of the colonial enterprise of Great Britain, as much the most important of 
the whole. Of this story we have already described some of the leading 
features. A chapter has been given to the story of the Indian empire of 
Great Britain, far the largest of her colonial possessions, and another to 
that of South Africa. In addition to Hindustan, in which the Q row th of the 
dominion of Great Britain now extends to Afghanistan and British 
Thibet in the north, the British colony now includes Burmah Colonies 
and the west-coast region of Indo-China, with the Straits Settlements in the 
Malay peninsula, and the island of Ceylon, acquired in 1802 from Holland. 
In the eastern seas Great Britain possesses another colony of vast 
dimensions, the continental island of Australia, which, with its area of nearly 
3,000,000 square miles, is three-fourths the size of Europe. The first 
British settlement was made here in 1788, at Port Jackson, the site of the 
present thriving city of Sydney, and the island was long maintained as a 
penal settlement, convicts being sent there as late as 186S. It was the dis- 
covery of gold in 185 1 to which Australia owed its great progress. The 


incitement of the yellow metal drew the enterprising thither by thousands, 

until the population of tin i olony is now more than 3,000,00a 
Australia and r . . } . , , 

New Zealand an '' ls growing at a rapid rate, it having' developed other 

valuable resources besides that of gold. Of its cities, Mel- 
bourne, the capital of Victoria, has more than 300,000 population ; Sydney, 
the capital of New South Wales, probably 250,000, while there are other 
cities of rapid growth. Australia is the one important British colony 
obtained without a war. In its human beings, as in its animals generally, 
it stood at a low level of development, and it was taken possession of 
without a protest from the savage inhabitants. 

The same cannot be said of the inhabitants of New Zealand, an impor- 
tant group of islands lying east of Australia, which was acquired by Great 
Britain as a colony in 1S40. The Maoris, as the people of these islands call 
themselves, are of the bold and sturdy Polynesian race, a brave, generous, 
and warlike people, who have given their new lords and masters no little 
trouble. A series of wars with the natives 1 egan in 1843 and continued 
until 1869, since which time the colony has enjoyed peace. It can have no 
more trouble with the Maoris, since there are said to be few more Maoris. 
They have vanished before the "white man's face." At present this colony 
is one of the most advanced politically of any region on the face of the 
earth, so far as attention to the interests of the masses of the people is con- 
cerned, and its laws and regulations offer a useful object lesson to the remain- 
der of the world. 

In addition to those great island dominions in the Pacific, Great Britain 
possessess the Fiji Islands, the northern part of Borneo, and a large section 
of the extensive island of Papua or New Guinea, the remainder of which is 

held by Holland and Germany. In addition there are various 
Other British ,. . . , . , , . . , . 

Colonies coaling stations on trie islands and coast ot Asia. In the 

Mediterranean its possessions are Gibraltar, Malta, and Cyprus, 
and in America the great colony of Canada, a considerable number of the 
islands of the West Indies, and the districts of British Honduras and British 
Guiana. Of these, far the most important is Canada, to which a chapter 
will be devoted farther on in our work. 

We have here to deal with the colonies in two of the continents, Asia 
and Africa, of which the history presents certain features of singularity. 
Though known from the most ancient times, while America was quite un- 
known until four centuries ago, the striking fact presents itself that at the 
beginning of the nineteenth century the continents of North and South 
America were fairly well known from coast to centre, while the interior of 
Asia and Africa remained in great part unknown. This fact in regard to 


Asia was due to the hostile attitude of its people, which rendered it very 
dangerous for any European traveler to attempt to penetrate its interior. 
In the case of Africa it was due to the inhospitality of nature, which had 
placed the most serious obstacles in the way of those who sought The !nter j or 
to penetrate beyond the coast regions. This state of affairs of Africa 
continued until the latter half of the century, within which 
period there has been a remarkable change in the aspect of affairs, both con- 
tinents having been penetrated in all directions and their walls of isolation 
completely broken down. 

Africa is not only now well known, but the penetration of its interior 
has been followed by political changes of the most revolutionary character. 
It presented a virgin field for colonization, of which the land-hungry nations 
of Europe hastened to avail themselves, dividing up the continent between 
them, so that, by the end of the century, the partition of Africa was 
practically complete. It is one of the most remarkable circumstances in the 
history of the nineteenth century that a complete continent 

, , ., , .... r , , . Early Colonies 

remained thus until late in the history 01 the world to serve as ]n Afr j ca 
a new field for the outpouring of the nations. The occupation 
of Africa by Europeans, indeed, began earlier. The Arabs had held the sec- 
tion north of the Sahara for many centuries, Portugal claimed — but scarcely 
occupied — large suctions east and west, and the Hutch had a thriving settle- 
ment in the south. But the exploration and division of the bulk of the con- 
tinent waited for the nineteenth century, and the greater part of the work 
of partition took place within the final quarter of that century. 

In this work of colonization Great Britain was, as usual, most energetic 
and successful, and to-day the possessions and protectorates of this active 
kingdom in Africa embrace 2,587,755 square miles; or, if we add Egypt and 
the Egyptian Soudan — practically British territory — the area occupied or 

claimed amounts to 2,087,755 square miles. Prance comes 

.... . " /JJ ^ The Partition 

next, with claims covering 1,232,454 square miles. Germany ©f Africa 

lays claim 10920,920; Italy, to 278,500; Portugal, to 735,304; 

Spain, to 243,877 ; the Congo Free State, to 900,000; and Turkey (if Egypl 

be included), to 798,7 38 square miles. The parts of Africa unoccupied or 

unclaimed by Europeans are a portion of the Desert of Sahara, which no 

one wants; Abyssinia, still independent though in danger of absorption; 

and Liberia, a state over which rests the shadow of protection of the 

United States. 

Of the British colonial possessions in Africa we have already sufficiently 
described that in the south, extending now from Cape Town to Lake Tan- 
ganyika, and forming an immense area, replete with natural resources, and 


capable of sustaining a very large future population. On the east coast is 

another large acquisition, British East Africa, extending north to Abyssinia 

and the Soudan and west to the Congo Free State, and including part of 

the great Victoria Nyanza. Further north a large slice 
British Colonies . ' . ° 

in Africa nas Deen carved out of bomahland, facing on the Gulf oi 

Aden. The remainder of this section of Africa is claimed — 
though very feebly held — by Italy, whose possessions include Somaliland 
and Eritrea, a coast district north of Abyssinia. Great Britain, in addition, 
lays claim to Sierra Leone and the Ashantee country on the west coast and 
an extensive region facing on the Gulf of Guinea, and extending far back 
into the Soudan. 

Next to Great Britain in activity in the acquisition of African territory 
comes France, which within the recent period has enormously extended its 
claims to territory in this continent. Of these the most difficult in acquire- 
ment was Algeria, on the Mediterranean, which France first invaded in 1830, 
but did not obtain quiet possession of for many years and then only at the cost 

ol long and sanguinary wars. At a later date the adjoining 
African Colonies . , .... , . . . ' 

of France Moorish kingdom of lunis was added, and since then the 

claims of France have been extended indefinitely southward, 

to include the greater part of the western half of the Sahara -the Atlantic 

coast district of the Sahara being claimed by Spain. Of this great desert 

region almost the whole is useless to any nation, and France holds it mainly 

as a connecting link between her possessions in Algeria and the Soudan. 

French Soudan has had a phenomenal growth, the French displaying the 
same enterprise here as they did in America in the rapid extension of their 
Canadian province. Claiming, as their share in the partition of Africa, the 
Atlantic coast region of Senegal and an extensive district facing on the Gulf 
of Guinea and the South Atlantic, and known .is French Congo, they have 
made an enormous spread, northward from the latter, westward from Sene- 
gal, and southward from .Algeria, until now their claims cover nearly the 
whole of the Soudan — a vast belt of territory stretching from the Atlantic 
nearly across the continent and bordering on the Egyptian Soudan in the 

;t. The French claim, indeed, extended as far as the Nile, being based 
on Major Marchand's journey to the river in [898. But the English con- 
quests in that region barred out the French claim, and it has been abandoned. 
In addition to the territories here named, France has taken possession of a 
portion of the coast region of Abyssinia, between the Italian and the British 
regions, and completely shutting out that ancient kingdom from the sea. 

The latest of the nations to develop the colonizing spirit were Italy and 
Germany We have described 1 tab's share in Africa. Germany's is far 



larger and more imporant. In East Africa it holds a large and valuable 
region of territory, on the Zanzibar coast, between British East Africa 
and Portuguese Mozambique, and extending westward to G ekinanaiU | 
Lake Nyassa and Tanganyika and the Congo Free State, Italian 
and northward to the Victoria Nyanza. It cuts off British Co!on ' es 
territory from an extension throughout the whole length of Africa, and 
if Cecil Rhodes' Cairo to Cape Town Railway is ever completed, some 
hundreds of miles of it will have to run through German territory. 

In South Africa Germany has seized upon abroad region left unclaimed 
by Great Britain, the Atlantic coast section of Darharaland and Great 
Namaqualand, and also an extensive section on the right of the Gulf of 
Guinea, stretching inward like a wedge between British and French posses- 
sions in this region. ( )n the Gold Coast it has also a minor territory, lying 
between British Ashantee and French Dahomey. 

The broad interior of the continent, the mighty plateau region watered 

by the great Congo River and its innumerable affluents, first traversed by 

the daring Stanley not many years in the past, lias been 

i-i • 1 . . „ „ . The Congo 

erected into the extensive and promising Congo rree State, Free State 

under the suzerainty of the king of Belgium. It is the most 
populous and agriculturally the richest section of Africa, while its remark- 
able extension of navigable waters gives uninterrupted communication 
through its every part. It has probably before it a great future. 

Off the east coast of Africa lies the great island of Madagascar, now a 
French territory. France has had military posts on its coast for more than 
two hundred years, and in 1883 began the series of wars Tht . Fr ench 
which resulted in the conquest of the island. The principal Conquest of 
war of invasion began in 1895 ;UK ' ended in a complete over- 
throw of the native government, Madagascar being declared a French col- 
ony in June, 1896. 

Of these European possessions in Africa, all are held with a strong 
hand except those of Portugal, which unprogressive state may soon give up 
all claim to her territories of Angola and Mozambique. Great Britain and 
Germany have been negotiating with Portugal for the purchase of these ter 
ritories — to be divided between them. But the Boer War has seriously inter- 
fered with this negotiation, and Great Britain's desire to gain possession of the 
Portuguese harbor of I ) laeoa Bay seems unlikely to be realized. „, , 

. . . •. . „ Wars in Africa 

This division of Africa between the European nations, 

with the subsequent taking possession of the acquired territories, has not 
been accomplished without war and bloodshed ; England, France, and 
Italy having had to fight hard to establish their claims. In only two sec 



cions Abyssinia and the Egyptian Soudan, have the natives been able to 
drive out their invaders, and the wars in these regions call for some fuller 

The first war in Abyssinia occurred in 1867, when England, irritated by 
an arbitrary action of the Emperor Theodore, declared war against him, 
and invaded his rocky and difficult country. The war ended in the conquest 
of Magdala and the death of Theodore. In 1S89 Italy aided Menelek in 
gaining the throne, and was granted the large district of Eritrea on the Red 
Defeat of the Sea., w > tn a nominal protectorate over the whole kingdom. 
Italians in Subsequently Menelek repudiated the treaty, and in 1S94 the 

Italians invaded his kingdom. Fur a time they were success- 
ful, but in March, 1896, the Italian army met with a most disastrous defeat, 
and in the treaty that followed Italy was compelled to acknowledge the 
complete independence of Abyssinia. It was the one case in Africa in 
which the natives were able to hold their own against the ambitious nations 
of Europe. 

In Egypt they did so for a time, and a brief description of the recent 
history of this important kingdom seems of interest. Egypt broke loose 
in large measure from the rule of Turkey during the reign of the able and 
ambitious Mehemet Ali, who was made viceroy in 1840 In 1876 the inde- 
pendence of Egypt was much increased, and its rulers were given the title 
of khedive, or king. The powers of the khedives steadily increased, and in 

1874-75 Ismail Pasha greatly extended the Egyptian terri- 
f Egy^t SK tory, annexing the Soudan as far as Darfur, and finally to the 

shores of the lately discovered Victoria Nyanza. Egypt thus 
embraced the valley of the Nile practically to its source, presenting an 
aspect of immense length and great narrowness. 

Soon after, the finances of the country became so involved that they 
were placed under European control, and the growth of English and French 
influence led to the revolt of Arabi Pasha in 1879. This was repressed by 
Cieat Britain, which bombarded Alexandria and defeated the Egyptians, 
France taking no part. As a result the controlling influence of France 
ended, and Great Britain became the practical ruler of Egypt, which posi- 
tion she srill maintains. 

In 18S0 began an important series of events. A Mohammedan prophet 
arose in the Soudan, claiming to be the Mahdi, a Messiah of the Mussulmans. 

A large body of devoted believers soon gathered around him, 
1 and he set up an independent sultanate in the desert, defeating 

four Egyptian expeditions sent against him, and capturing El 
Obeid, the chief city of Kordofan, which he made his capital in 1883. 


Then against him Great Britain dispatched an army of British and Egyp* 
tian soldiers, under an English leader styled in Egypt Hicks Pasha. These 
advanced to El Obeid, where they fell into an ambush prepared by the 
M ahdists, and, after a desperate struggle, lasting three days, were almost com- 
pletely annihilated, scarcely a man escaping to tell the disastrous tale. 
"General Hicks," said a newspaper correspondent, "charged at the head of 
staff. They galloped towards a sheikh, supposed by the The Massacre of 
Egyptians to be the Mahdi. Hicks rushed on him with his Hicks Pasha 
sword and cut his face and arm ; this man had on a Darfur rmy 

steel mail-shirt. Just then a club thrown struck General Hicks on the head 
and unhorsed him. The chargers of the staff were speared but the English 
officers fought on foot till all were killed. Hicks was the last to die." 

Other expeditions of Egyptians troops sent against Osman Digna 
('Osmanthe Ugly"), the lieutenant of the Mahdi in the Eastern Soudan, 
met with a similar fate, while the towns of Sinkat and Tokar were invested 
by the Mahdists. To relieve these towns Baker Pasha advanced with a 
force of 3,650 men. There was no more daring or accomplished officer in 
the British army than Valentine Baker, but his expedition met with the 
same fate as that of his predecessor. Advancing into the desert from Trin- 
kitat, a town some distance south of Suakim, on the Red Sea, the force 
was met by a body of Mahdists, and the Egyptian soldiers at once broke 
into a panic of terror. The Mahdists were only some 1,200 strong, but 
they surrounded and butchered the unresisting Egyptians in a frightful 

" Inside the square," said an eyewitness, " the state of affairs was almost 
'indescribable. Cavalry, infantry, mules, camels, falling baggage and dying 
men were crushed into a struggling, surging mass. The 
Egyptians were shrieking madly, hardly attempting to run NearSuakim 
away, but trying to shelter themselves one behind another." 
"The conduct of the Egyptians was simply disgraceful," said another officer. 
"Armed with rifle and bayonet, they allowed themselves to be slaughtered, 
without an effort at self-defence, by savages inferior to them in numbers and 
armed only with spears and swords." 

Baker and his staff officers, seeing that affairs were hopeless, charged 
the enemy and cut their way through to the shore, but of the total force 
two-thirds were left dead or wounded on the field. Such was the "massa- 
cre " of El Teb, which was followed four days afterwards by the capture of 
Sinkat and slaughter of its garrison. This butchery was soon after avenged. 
General Graham was sent from Cairo with reinforcements of British troops, 
which advanced on Osman's position, and in two bloody engagements sul> 


jected him to disastrous defeat. The last victory was a crushing one, the 

total British loss being about 200, while, of the Arab loss, the killed alone 

numbered over 2,000. 

In the same year in which these events took place (1884) General 

Charles Gordon — Chinese Gordon, as he was called, from his memorable 

exploits in the Flowery Kingdom — advanced by the Nile to Khartoum, the 

far-off capital of the Mohammedan Soudan, of which he had 

°I ?Jl ? es been s/overnor-treneral in former years. His purpose was to 
to Khartoum » & •> . . 

relieve the Egyptian garrison of that city — in which design 
he failed. In fact, the Arabs of the Soudan Hocked in such multitudes to 
the standard of the Mahdi that Khartoum was soon cut off from all com- 
munication with the country to the north, and Gordon and the garrison 
were left in a position of dire peril. It was determined to send an expedi- 
tion to his relief, and this was organized under the leadership of Lord 
Wolseley, the victor in the Ashantee and Zulu wars. 

The expedition was divided into two sections, a desert column which 
was to cross a sandy stretch of land with the aid of camels, from Korti to 
Metamneh, on the Nile, thus cutting off a wide loop in the stream; and a 
river column for whose transportation a flotilla of 800 whale boats was sent 
out from England. The desert column found its route strongly disputed. 

On the 7th of January, 1885, it was attacked by the Arabs in 

°, ' , overwhelming force and fighting with the ferocity of tigers, 

of Gordon & . . . . 

some 5,000 of them attacking the 1,500 British drawn up in 

square, round which the fanatical Mahdists raged like storm-driven waves. 

The peril was imminent. Among those who fell on the British side was 

Colonel Burnaby, the famous traveler. The battle was a remarkably brief 

one, the impetuous rush of the Arabs being repulsed in about five minutes 

of heroic effort, during which there was imminent danger of their penetrating 

the square and making an end of the British troops. As it was the Arabs lost 

1,100 in dead and a large number of wounded, the British 

The Desert j esg ^ 200 j n |j ^ f ew days afterwards the Arabs at- 

Fights , 3 

tacked again, but as before were repulsed with heavy loss. 

On the 19th of January the river was reached, and the weary troops 

bivouacked on its banks. 

Here they were met by four steamers which Gordon had sent down 

the Nile, after plating their hulls with iron as a protection against Arab 

bullets. Various circumstances now caused delay, and several days passed 

before General Wilson, in command of the expedition, felt it safe to 

advance on Khartoum. At length, on January 24th, two of the steamers, 

with a small force of troops, set out up the river, but met with so many 


obstacles that it was the 28th before they came within sight of the distant 
towers of Khartoum. From the bank came a shout to the effect that 
Khartoum had been taken and Gordon killed two days before. As they 
drew nearer there came evidence that the announcement was true. No 
British flag was seen flying ; not a shot came from the shore in aid of the 
steamers. Masses of the enemy could be seen in all directions. A storm 
of musketry beat like hail on the iron sides of the boats. Wilson, believing 
the attempt hopeless, gave the order to turn and run at full speed down the 
river. They did so amid a rattle of bullets and bursting of shells from the 
artillery of the enemy. 

The news they brought was true. The gallant Gordon was indeed 
dead. The exact events that took place are not known. Some attributed 
the fall of the town to the act of a traitor, some to the storming of the 
gates. It does not matter now ; it is enough to know that 
the famous Christian soldier had been killed with all his ! ° f n " 

era! (101 .Ion 

men — about 4,000 persons being slaughtered, in a massacre 
that continued for six hours. That was the end of it. The British soon after 
withdrew and left Khartoum and the Soudan in the undisputed possession 
of the Arabs. The Mahdi had been victorious, though he did not live long 
to enjoy his triumph, he dying some months later. 

And so matters were left for nearly twelve years, when the British 
government, having arranged affairs in Egypt to its liking, and put the 
country in a prosperous condition, decided to attempt the reconquest of 
the Soudan, and avenge the slaughtered Gordon. An expedition was sent 
out in 1890, which captured Dongola in September and defeated the der- 
vish force - in several engagements. The progress continued, slowly but 
surely, up the Nile. In 1897 other advantages were gained. But it was 
not until 1S98 that the Anglo-Egyptian force, under Sir Herbert Kitchener, 
known under his Egyptian title of the Sirdar, reached the vicinity of 
Khartoum. The Egyptian soldiers under him were of other _, „ , 

tsJ * The Advance of 

stuff than those commanded by Baker kasha. From a mob the British 

vith arms in hand they had been drilled into brave and steady anJ Recapture 
... . , . , . . . , , , of the Soudan 

soldiers, quite capable of giving a good account 01 themselves 

At Omdurman, near Khartoum, the dervishes were met in force and a 
fierce and final battle was fought. The Arabs suffered a crushing defeat, 
losing more than 10,000 men, while the British loss was only about 200. 
This brilliant victory ended the war on the Nile. The fight was taken out 
of the Arabs. The Soudan was restored to Egypt by British arms, four- 
teen years after it had been lost to the Mahdi. 


Asia has been invaded by the nations of civilization almost as actively 
as Africa, and to-day, aside from the Chinese and Japanese Empires, far the 
greater part of that vast continent is under foreign control, the only impor- 
tant independent sections being Turkey, Arabia, Persia, and Afghanistan. 
As matters now look, all <>f these, China included, before the twentieth cen- 
tury is very old may be in European hands, and the partition 

Vhe Partition . , . , . , . . . . .., . 

of Asia °* Asia become as complete as that ot Ainca. 1 he nations 

active in this work have been Great Britain, Russia, and 
France, while Holland is in possession of Java, Sumatra, and others of the 
valuable spice islands of the eastern seas. Of the enterprise of Great Bri- 
tain in extending her colonial dominion in Hindostan and Burmah we have 
already spoken. The enterprise of France here demands attention. 

France has always been remarkably active in her colonizing enterprises. 
In America she surpassed Great Britain in the rapid extension of her do- 
minion, though she fell far behind in the solidity of her settlements. It has 
been the same in Africa. France has spread out with extraordinary rapidity 

over tiv Soudan, while England lias moved much more slowly 
French and ° ... . 

British Meth» but far more surely. The enterprises of the one are brilliant, 

odsof Colon* those of the other are solid, and it is the firmness with which 
the Anglo-Saxon race takes hold that makes it to-day the 
dominant power on the earth. The French have the faculty of assimilating 
themselves with foreign peoples, accepting their manners and customs and 
becoming their friends and allies. The British, on the contrary, are too apt 
to treat their colonial subjects as inferior beings, but they combine their 
haughtiness with justice, and win respect at the same time as they inspire 
distrust and fear. 

The colonizing enterprise of France in Asia, after the French had been 
ousted from India by Great Britain, directed itself to the peninsula of Indo- 
China. This was the only region of the Asiatic coast land which was at 
once safe to meddle with and worth the cost and trouble. In 17S9 the em- 
peror of Annam accepted French aid in the conquest of the adjoining 
vierations of states of Cochin China and Tonquin. The wedge of French 
France in influence, thus entered, was not removed. Missionaries sought 

hido-China those far-off realms, and in time found themselves cruelly 
treated by the natives. As usual in such cases, this formed a pretext for in- 
vasion and annexation, and in 1862 a portion of Cochin China was seized upon 
by France, the remainder being annexed in 1867. Meanwhile, in 1863, the 
" protection" of France was extended over the neighboring state of Cambodia. 
North of Cochin China lies Annam, and farther north, bordering on 
China, is the province ot Tonquin, inhabited ' y by Chinese. The four 



states mentioned constitute the eastern half of Indo-China. The western 
portion is formed by the kingdom of Burmah, now a British possession. 
Between these lies the contracted kingdom of Siam, the only portion of the 
peninsula that retains its independence. 

The attention of France was next directed to Tonquin, the northern 
province of the Annamite Empire, which was invaded in 1873, and its capi- 
tal city, Hanoi, captured. Here the French found foeman worthy of their 
steel. After the suppression of the Taiping rebellion in 
China certain bands of the rebels took refuge in Tonquin, Fla's 
where they won themselves a new home by force of arms, and 
in 1868 held the valley of the Red River as far south as Hanoi. These, 
known as the "Black Flags," were bold, restless, daring desperadoes, who 
made the conquest of the country a difficult task for the French. By their 
aid the invading French were driven from Hanoi and forced back in defeat. 

The French resumed their work of conquest in 1882, again taking the 

city of Hanoi, and in December, 1S83, a strong expedition advanced up the 

Red River against the stronghold of Sontay, which, with the 

neighboring Bac Ninh, was looked upon, in a military sense, sontay 

as the key to Tonquin. The enterprise seemed a desperate 

one, the expeditionary force consisting of but 6,000 soldiers and 1,350 

coolies, while behind the strong works of the place were 25,000 armed men, 

of whom 10,000 were composed of the valiant Black Flags. But cannon 

served the place of men. The river defences were battered down and 

preparations made to storm the citadel. During the succeeding night, 

however, the French ran imminent risk of a disastrous repulse. At one 

o'clock at night, when all but the sentries were locked in slumber, a sudden 

shower of rockets was poured on the thatched roofs of the huts in which 

the soldiers lay asleep, and with savage yells the Chinese rushed from their 

gates and into the heart of the camp, firing briskly as they came. The 

French troops, fatigued with the hard fighting of the preceding day, and 

demoralized by the suddenness of the attack and the pluck 

A Ni^ht Attack 

and persistent energy of the assailants, were thrown almost into 
panic, and were ready to give way when the Chinese trumpets sounded the 
recall and the enemy drew off. As it appeared afterwards this attack was 
made by only 300 men. It would undoubtedly have stampeded the 
invadine forces but for the vigilance of the sentinels. 

On the next day, December 16th, the fort was stormed, and taken after 
a desperate resistance. There is but one incident of the assault that we 
need relate. As the French rushed across the bridge that spanned the wide 
ditch and approached the gate of the citadel, there was seen an instance of 


cool and devoted bravery hardly excelled by that which was displayed by the 

famous "captain of the gate" who held the Tiber bridge against the Tuscan 

host. There, told off to guard the narrow passage between the stockade and 

the wall, stood a gallant Black Flag soldier. His Winchester repeating rifle 

was in his hand, its ma rilled with cartridges. Although 

TheStormingof j Jf th French fo,v,- were at the gate, he quailed not. Shot 
the Citadel in 

after shot he fired, deliberately ana calmly, and each bullet 

found its billet. Down went brave Captain Mehl, leader of the Foreign 
Legion, with a ball through his heart, and other attackers were slain; and 
when the stormers rushed in at last the heroic Black Flag, true to his trust, 
died with his face to the foe, as a soldier should die. The French, quick to 

;nize bravery either in friend or enemy, buried him with military honors 
when the day's fight was over, at the gate which he defended so well. 

The capture of this town, followed by that of Bac-Ninh, which was 
similarly taken by storm, completed the work of conquest and firmly estab- 
lished the French in their occupation of Tonquin. 

The)' had, however, still the Chinese to deal with. China claimed a 

suzeranity over this region and protested against the French invasion, and 

in 1885 went to war for the expulsion of the foreign conquerors. During 

the previous year the Black Flags had engaged in murderous raids on the 

French mission stations, in which they massacred nearly 
France in Pos= . .... , , . , ,,, . , ■ 1 

session 10,000 native Christians. In the war with China, they, with 

other Chinese troops, held the passes above Tuyen-Kivan for 

nearly a month against repeated assaults by the French, and were still in 

possession of their posts when peace was declared. China had yielded 

the country to France. 

In 1895 France gained the right to extend a railway from Annam into 
China, a concession which was protested against by Great Britain, then in 
iession of the adjoining province. In 1896 a treat)- was made between 
two powers, which fixed the Mekong or Cambodia River as their divid- 
ing line. As a result those powers now hold all of Indo-China except the 
much dimini 1 of Si, mi. France has permitted the form of 

the old government to continue, the Emperor of Annam still reigning — 
though he does not rule, since the real power is in the hands of the French 
governor-general at Hanoi. 

While Great Britain and France were thus establishing themselves in 
the south, Russia was engaged in the conquest of the north and centre 
of the continent. The immense province of Siberia, crossing the whole 
width of the continent in the north, was acquired by Russia in the seven- 
teenth century, after which the progress of Russia in Asia ceased until the 


nineteenth century, within which the territory of the Muscovite empire in 

that continent has been very greatly extended. Two provinces were wrested 

from Persia in 1828, as the prize of a victorious war, and in 

1850 the conquest of the region of the Caucasus was completed _ e A . v * nc :°. 
J t- ° L Russia in Asia 

by the capture of the heroic Schamyl. In 1858 the left bank 

of the great Amur River was gained by treaty with China, after having 

been occupied by force. 

Soon after this period, Russia began the work of conquest in the region 
of Turkestan, that long-mysterious section of Central Asia, inhabited in 
part by fierce desert nomads, who for centuries made Persia the spoil oi 
their devastating raids, and in part by intolerant settled tribes, among 
whom no Christian dared venture except at risk of his life. It remained in 
great measure a terra incognita until the Russians forced their way into it 
arms in hand. 

The southern border of Siberia was gradually extended downward 
over the great region of the Mongolian steppes until the northern limits 
of Turkestan were reached, and in 1864 Russia invaded this region, sub- 
duing the oasis of Tashkend after a fierce war. In 1808 the march of 
invasion reached Bokhara, and in [873 the oasis of Khiva 

1 1 it ,. i 'i 1 1 Tnc Invasion 

was conquered and annexed. In 1875-76 Knokand was con- of Turkestan 

quered after a fierce war, and annexed to Russia. This 
completed the acquisition of the fertile provinces of Turkestan, but the 
fierce nomads of the desert remained unsubdued, and the oasis of Merv 
and the country of the warlike Tekke Turcomans were still to conquer. 
This, which was accomplished in 1880-81, merits a fuller description. 

A broad belt of desert lands stretches across the continent of Asia 
from Arabia in the southwest, to the rainless highlands of Gobi, or Shamo, 
in the far east. This desert zone is here and there, broken by a tract oi 
steppe land that is covered with grass for a portion of the year, while more 
rarely a large oasi.s is formed when- the rivers and streams, descending 
from a mountain range, supply water to a fertile region, before losing them- 
selves in the sands of the desert beyond. 

Eastward of the Caspian, and south of the Aral, much of the waste 
land is a salt desert, and the shells mixed with the surface sand, afford 
further evidence that it was in times not very remote part 

r . , r , ... r 1 - 1 1 1 1 The Deserts of 

ot the bottom of a large inland sea, oi which the land- central Asia 
locked waters of Western Asia are a survival 

Along the Caspian the steppe and desert sink gradually to the water 
level, and the margins of the sea are so shallow that, except where extensive 


dredging works have been carried out, and long jetties constructed, 
ships have to discharge their cargoes into barges two or three miles from 
the shore. 

This desert region marked for many years the southern limit of the 
Russian empire in Central Asia. A barren waste is a more formidable 
obstacle to an European army than the ocean itself ; and the Turkoman 
tribes of the oases not only refused to acknowledge the dominion of the 
White Czar, but successfully raided up to the very gates of his border forts 
in the spring, when the grass of the steppe afforded forage for their horses. 
The first successful advance across the desert zone was made by Kaufmann, 
whose expeditions followed the belt of fertile land which breaks the desert 
where the Amu Daria (the Oxus of classical times) flows down from the 
central highlands of Asia to the great lake of the Aral Sea. But in 1878 
the Russians began another scries of conquests, starting not from their forts 
on the Oxus, but from their new ports on the southwestern shore of the 

In this direction the most powerful of the Turkoman tribes were the 
Tekkes of the Akhal oasis. Between their strongholds and the Caspian 
The Country there was a desert nearly 150 miles wide, and then the ridge 
of the Tekke of the Kopet Dagh Mountains. The desert, which stretches 
Turkomans f r ,, nl the northern shore of the Atrek River, is partly sandy 
waste, partly a tract of barren clayey land, baked hard by the sun ; 
broken by cracks and crevices in the dry season, and like a half-flooded 
brickfield when it rains. The water of the river is scanty, and not good to 
drink. It flows in a deep channel between steep banks, and so closely does 
the desert approach it that for miles one might ride within a hundred yards 
of its clay-banked canon without suspecting that water was so near. Where 
the Sumber River runs into the Atrek the Russians had an advanced post — 
the earthwork fort of Tchad, with its eight-gun battery. Following the 
Sumber, one enters the arid valleys on the south of the Kopet Dagh range. 
On this side the slopes rise gradually ; on the other side of the ridge there 
is a sharp descent, and sometimes the mountains form for miles a line of 
precipitous rocky walls. At the foot of this natural rampart lay the fortified 
villages of tin- Tekke Turkomans. 

Numerous streams descend from the Kopet Dagh, flowing to the north- 
eastward, and after a few miles losing themselves in the 
The Land of ,.,,..,., ,, . • n 

Akhal sands of the Kara kum desert. Between the mountain wall 

and the desert the ground thus watered forms a long, narrow 

oasis — the land of Akhal — to which a local Mussulman tradition says that 

\ilam betook himself when he was driven forth from Eden. No doubt 


much of the praise that has been given to the beauty and fertility of this 
three-hundred-mile strip of well-watered garden ground conies from the 
contrast between its green enclosures and the endless waste that closes in 
the horizon to the north-eastward. Corn and maize, cotton and wool, form 
part of the wealth of its people. They had the finest horses of all Turkes- 
tan, and great herds and flocks of cattle, sheep and camels. The HertJs alui 
The streams turned numerous mills, and were led by a net- Villages of 
work of tunnels and conduits through the fields and warden. t e e es 
The villages were mud-walled quadrangles, with an inner enclosure for the 
cattle ; the kibitkas, or tents, and the mud huts of the Tekkes filling the 
space between the inner ami outer walls, and straggling outside in tem- 
porary camps that could be rapidly cleared away in war time. The people 
were over 100,000 strong -perhaps 140,000 in all — men, women and chil- 
dren. They were united in a loose confederacy, acknowledged the lordship 
of the Khan of Merv, who had come from one of their own villages. They 
raided the Russian and Persian borders successfully, these plundering expe- 
ditions filling up the part of the year when they were not busy with more 
peaceful occupations. Along their fertile strip of land ran the caravan 
track from Merv by Askabad to Kizil Arvat and the Caspian, and when 

they were not at war the Tekkes had thus an outlet for 
. . , , 1 • 1 1 •/- 1 The Akhal 

their surplus productions, among which were beautiful car- warriors 

pets, the handiwork of their women. In war they had proved 
themselves formidable to all their neighbors. United with the warriors of 
Merv, the men of Akhal had cut to pieces a Khivan army in 1S55 and a 
host of Persians in 1861. 

The conquest of Akhal had long been a subject of Russian ambition. 
It was not merely that they were anxious to put an end once for all to the 
raids of the Turkomans of the great oasis, but they regarded the posses- 
sion of this region as a great step towards the consolidation of their power 
in Asia. From Baku, the terminus of their railways in the Caucasus, it was 
easy to ferry troops across the Caspian. What they wanted was a secure 
'road from some port on its eastern shore to their provinces on the Upper 
Oxus, and anyone who knew the country must have felt that this road would 

eventually run through the Akhal and the Merv oases. 

. . Repulse of 

The first effort to subdue the Akhal warriors proved a Lomakine 

complete failure. As soon as peace was concluded with and the 

Turkey, after the war of 1877-7S, General Lomakine was 

sent with a strong force to the Caspian, whence he made his way by the 

caravan route over the desert to the strong nomade fortress of Geok 

Tepe ("blue hills"), at the foot of the mountain range mentioned. We 


shall say nothing more concerning this expedition than that the attempt to 
cake the fort by storm proved a complete failure, and the Russians were 
forced to retreat in disorder. 

To retrieve this disaster General Skobeleff, the most daring of the Rus- 
sian generals, who had gained great glory in the siege of Plevna, was 
selected ind sel out in 1880. ( )n the 1st of fanuary, 1881, he came in 
sight of the fort, with an army of 10,000 picked troops, and fifty-four can- 
non. Behind the clay ramparts lay awaiting him from 20,000 to 30,000 of 
valiant nomades, filled with the pride of their recent victory. The first bat- 
skobei>-ff and teries opened lire on the 8th, and the siege works were pushed 
the Siege of so rapidly forward that the Russians had gained all the out- 
works by the 17th. This steady progress was depressing to 
the Turkomans, who were not used to such a method of fighting. The can- 
nonade continued resistlessly, the wall being breached on the 23d and the 
assault fixed for the next day. Two mines had been driven under the ram- 
part, one charged with gun-powder and one with dynamite, and all was 
ready for the desperate work of the storming parties. 

Early the next day all the Russian guns opened upon the walls, and a 
false attack was made on the west side of the fort, the men firing inces- 
santly to distract the attention of the Turkomans, while the actual column 
of attack was formed and held read)' on the east. Another column, 2,000 
strong, waited opposite the south angle, the soldiers ready and eager for the 

A little after eleven the mines wen 1 fired. The explosion caused mo- 
mentary panic among the garrison, and in the midst of the confusion tin- 
two storming columns rushed for the breach's. But before they could climb 

the heaps of smoking debris the Tekkes were back at their 
The Fort Car- , . , ' , r r .,, . . 

ried by Storm posts, and it was through a sharp nre of rifles and muskets 

that the Russians pushed in through the first line of defence. 
The fight in and around the breaches was a close and desperate struggle; 
but as the stormers in front fell, others clambered up to replace them, and^ 
at the same time Haidaroff, converting his false attack into a real one, 
escaladed the southern wall. 

" No quarter !" had been the shout of the Russian officers as they dashed 
forward at the head of the stormers. The Tekkes expected none. They 

fought in desperate knots, back to back, among the huts and 

A Fnghtfu tents of the town, but at last they were driven out by the east 

Massacre . ... J J 

side. Skobeleff did not make Lomakine's mistake of block- 
ing their way. He let them go ; but once they were out on the plain 
the Cossack cavalry was launched in wild pursuit, and for ten long miles 


sword and spear drank deep of the blood of the fugitives. Women as 
well as men were cut down or speared as the horses overtook them. More 
than 8,000 Tekkes fell in the pursuit. Asked a year after if this was true, 
Skobeleff said that he had the slain counted, and that it was so. Six thousand 
five hundred bodies were buried inside the fortress ; eight thousand more 
strewed the ten miles of the plain. 

Skobeleff looked on the massacre as a necessary element in the con- 
quest of Geok Tepe. "I hold it as a principle," he said, "that in Asia the 
duration of peace is in direct proportion to the slaughter you inflict on the 
enemy. The harder you hit them the longer they will keep quiet after it." 
No women, he added, were killed by the troops under his immediate com- 
mand, and he set at liberty 700 Persian women who were captives in Geok 
Tepe. After ten miles the pursuit was stopped. There was no further re- 
sistance. Not a shot was fired on either side after that terrible day. The 
chiefs came in and surrendered. The other towns in the eastern part of the 
oasis were occupied without fighting; nay, more, within a month of Geok 
Tepe Skobeleff was able to go without a guard into the midst 

of the very men who had fought against him. We in America Submission of 

J .... . . the Turkomans 

cannot understand the calm submission with which the Asiatic 

accepts as the decree of fate the rule of the conqueror whose hand has been 

heavy upon him and his. The crumbling ramparts of Geok Tepe remain a 

memorial of the years of warfare which it cost the Russians, and the iron track 

on which the trains steam past the ruined fortess shows how complete has 

been the victory. 

Skobeleff looked upon his triumph as only the first step to further con- 
quests. But within eighteen months of the storming of Geok Tepe he 
died suddenly at Moscow. Others have built on the foundations which he 
laid ; and, for good or ill, the advance which began with the subjugation of 
the Tekke Turkomans has now brought the Russian outposts in Central 
Asia in sight of the passes that lead across the mountain barriers of the 
Indian frontier. 

This conquest was quickly followed by the laying of a railroad across the 
desert, from the Caspian to the sacred Mohammedan city of Samarcand, 
the former capital of the terrible Timur the Tartar, and the iron horse now 
penetrates freely into the heart of that once unknown land, its shrill whistle 
perhaps disturbing Timur in his tomb. Across the broad stretch of Siberia 
another railroad is being rapidly laid, and extended downward through 
Manchuria to the borders of China, a stupendous enterpise, the road being 
thousands of miles in length. Manchuria, the native land of the Chinese 
emperors, is now held firmly by Russia, and the ancient empire of Persia, 


on the southern border of Turkestan, is threatened with absorption. 

When and where the advance of Russia in Asia will end no man can say, 

Great Devel- perhaps not until Hindostan is torn from British hands and 

opmentof the empire of the north has reached the southern sea. While 

ussia in sia R uss ; a j n E urc ,pe comprises about 2,000,000 square miles, 

Russia in Asia has attained an area of 6,564,778 square miles, and the total 

area of this colossal empire is nearly equal to that of the entire continent of 

(North America. 

The final step in colonization — if we may call it by this name — be- 
longs to the United States, which at the end of the century laid its hand on 
two island groups of the Eastern Seas, acquiring Hawaii by peaceful an- 
nexation and the Philippine Islands by warlike invasion. What will be the 
result of this acquisition on the future of the United States it is impossible 
to say, but it brings the American border close to China, and when the 
destiny of that great empire is settled, the republic of the West may 
have something to say. 

At the end of the nineteenth century the work of the colonizing powers 
was fairly at an end. Nearly all the available territory of the earth had 
The Future of been entered upon and occupied. But the work, while in this 
Colonizing sense completed, was in a fuller sense only begun. It was left 
Enterprise r Qr t j ie Uvent ; eta cen t U ry for those great tracts of the earth 
to be brought properly under the dominion of civilization, their abundant 
resources developed, peace and prosperity brought to their fertile soils, and 
their long turbulent population taught the arts of peaceful progress and 
civilized industry. 


How the United States Entered the Century. 

ITHERTO our attention has been directed to the Eastern Hemi- 
sphere, and to the stirring events of nineteenth century history in 
that great section of the earth. But beyond the ocean, in North 
America, a greater event, one filled with more promise for mankind, one 
destined to loom larger on the horizon of time, was meanwhile taking 
place, the development of the noble commonwealth of the United States of 
America. To this far-extending Republic of the West, a nation almost 
solely an outgrowth of the nineteenth century, our attention The Great 
needs now to be turned. Its history is one full of great steps Republic of 
of progress, illuminated by a hundred events of the highest e e 

promise and significance, and it stands to-day as a beacon light of national 
progress and human liberty to the world, "the land of the brave and the 
home of the free." 

A hundred years ago the giant here described was but a babe, a new- 
born nation just beginning to feel the strength of its limbs. It is with this 
section of its history that we are here concerned, its days of origin and 
childhood. Two events of extraordinary significance in human history rise 
before us in the final quarter of the eighteenth century, the French Revo- 
lution and the American Declaration of Independence and its results. The 
first of these revolutionary events we have dealt with ; the second remains 
to be presented. 

There is one circumstance that impresses us most strongly in this great 
event, the remarkable group of able men who laid the foundation of the 
American commonwealth. Among those whose hands gave The Q,. eat jvien 
tie first impulse to the ship of state were men of such noble who Founded 
proportions as George Washington, the greatest man of the 
century not only in America but in the whole world ; Benjamin Franklin, 
who came closely to the level of Washington in another field of human 
greatness; Patrick Henry, whose masterpieces of oratory still stir the soul 
like trumpet-blasts; Thomas Jefferson, to whose genius we owe the inimit- 
able " Declaration of Independence;" Thomas Paine, whose pen had the 
point, of a sword and the strength of an army John Paul Jones, the hero 



of the most brilliant feat of daring in the whole era of naval warfare, and 
Alexander Hamilton, whose financial genius saved the infant state in one 
of the most critical moments of its career. These were not the whole of 
that surpassing coterie, but simply in their special fields the greatest, and it 
is doubtful if the earth ever saw an abler group of statesmen than those to 
whom we owe the Constitution of the United States. 

It is not our purpose to tell the story of the American Revolution. 
That lies back of the borders of time within which this work is confined. 
But some brief statement of its results is in order, as an introduction to the 
nineteenth century record of the United States. 

It was a country in almost an expiring state when it emerged from the 
... , , fierce death struggle of the Revolution. It had been swept by 

Weakness of * & . . . 

the States fire and sword, its resources destroyed, its industries ruined, 

After the jt s government financiallybankrupt, its organization in a state 

Revolution . . . ,. , . r . , . . . 

oi tottering weakness, little left it but the courage ot its 

people and the aspirations of its leaders. But in courage and aspiration 

safety and progress lie, and with those for its motive forces the future of 

the country was assured. 

The weakness spoken of was not the only or the worst weakness with 
which the new community had to contend. Though named the United 
States, its chief danger lay in its lack of union. The thirteen recent 
colonies — now states — were combined only by the feeblest of bonds, one 
calculated to carry them through an emergency, not to hold them together 
under all the contingencies ol human affairs. Practically they were thirteen 
distinct nations, not one close union ; a group of communities with a few 
ties of common self-interest, but otherwise disunited and distinct. 

"Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union "had been adopted 
in 1777 and ratified by tin: agreement of all the states in 1781. But the 
Confederation was not a union. Each state claimed to be a sovereign com- 
monwealth, and little power was given to the central government. The 
weak point in the Articles of Confederation was that they 

The Articles of ~ ave Congress no power to lav taxes or to levy soldiers. It 
C< nfederation ° ° * J J 

could merely ask the states for men and money, but must 

wait till they were ready to give them — if they chose to do so at all. It 

could make treaties, but could not enforce them ; could borrow money, but 

could not repay it ; could make war, but could not force a man to join its 

armies; could recommend, but had no power to act. 

The states proposed to remain independent except in minor particulars. 

They were jealous of one another and of the general Congress. "We are," 

said Washington, one nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow." That well 


expressed the state of the case ; no true union existed ; the states were 
free to join hands more closely or to drift more widely asunder. 

The time from the revolt against the stamp duties in 1775 to the 
inauguration in 17S9 of the National Government under which we live has 
been called the critical period of American history. It was a period which 
displayed the inexperience of the Americans in sound financiering. There 
is hardly an evil in finances that cannot be illustrated by some event in 
American affairs at that time. The Americans began the war without any 
preparation, they conducted it on credit, and at the end of fourteen years 
three millions of people were five hundred millions of dollars or more in 
debt. The exact amount will never be known. Congress and the State 
Legislatures issued paper currency in unlimited quantities and upon no 
security. The Americans were deceived themselves in believing that their 
products were essential to the welfare of Europe, and that all 
European nations would speedily make overtures to them for False Ideas 
the control of American commerce. It may be said that the 
Americans wholly over-estimated their importance in the world at that 
time ; they thought that to cut off England from American commerce 
would ruin England ; they thought that the bestowal of their commerce upon 
France would enrich France so much that the French king, for so inestimable 
a privilege, could well afford to loan them, and even to give them, money. 

The doctrine of the rights of man ran riot in America. Paper currency 
became the infatuation of the day. It was thought that paper currency 
would meet all the demands for money, would win American independence. 
Even so practical a man as Franklin, then in France, said : "This effect of 
paper currency is not understood on this side the water ; and, indeed, the 
whole is a mystery even to the politicians, how we have been able to con- 
tinue a war four years without money, and how we could pay with paper 
that had no previously fixed fund appropriated specifically to redeem it. 
This currency, as we manage it, is a wonderful machine : it performs its 
office when we issue it ; it pays and clothes troops and provides victuals 
and ammunition, and when we are obliged to issue a quantity excessive, it 
pays itself off by depreciation." 

If the taxing power is the most august power in government, the abuse 
of the taxing power is the most serious sin government can commit. No 
one will deny that the Americans were guilty of committing most grievous 
financial offenses during the critical period of their history. They abused 
liberty by demanding and by exercising the rights of nationality and at the 
same time neglecting or refusing to burden themselves with the taxation 
necessary to support nationality. 


The inability of the Congress of the Confederation to legislate under 

the provisions of the Articles compelled their amendment ; for while the 

exigencies of war had forced the colonies into closer union, — a " perpetual 

league of friendship," — they had also learned additional les- 

Constitutfons & . l ' , . . . , , , 

of Colonies sons in the theory and administration ot local government; 

and Confeder- f or eacn f tne colonies, with the exception of Connecticut 
and Rhode Island, had transformed colonial government into 
government under a constitution. The people had not looked to Congress 
as a central power ; they considered it as a central committee of the States. 
The individualistic tendencies of the colonies strengthened when the 
colonies transformed themselves into commonwealths. 

The struggle, which began between the thirteen colonies and the 
imperial Parliament, was now transformed into a struggle between two 
tendencies in America, the tendency toward sovereign commonwealths and 
the tendency toward nationality. The first commonwealth constitutions 
did not acknowledge the supreme authority of Congress; there was yet 
lacking that essential bond between the people and their general govern- 
ment, the power of the general government to address itself directly to 
individuals. Interstate relations in 1787 were scarcely more perfect than 
they had been fifteen years before. The understanding of American affairs 
was more common, but intimate political association between the common- 
wealths was still unknown. The liberty of nationality had not yet been 
won. A peculiar tendency in American affairs from their beginning is seen 
in the succession of written constitutions, instruments peculiar to America. 
The commonwealths of the old Confederation demonstrated the necessity 
for a clearer definition of their relations to each other and of the associa- 
tion of the American people in nationality. 

A sense of the necessity for commercial integrity led to the calling of 
the Philadelphia Convention to amend the old Articles, but when the Con- 
vention assembled it was found that an adequate solution of the large 
problem of nationality could not be found in an amendment of the old 
"Articles of Confederation," but called for a new and more vigorous Con- 
stitution. This Convention combined the associated states 
The Constitu- . r ., . r 

tional Con- into a strongly united nation, possessed of all the powers ot 

ventionand nationality, civil, financial and military. It organized a tri- 
partite government, consisting of Supreme Executive, Su- 
preme Legislative, and Supreme Judicial departments, each with all the 
power "necessary to make it feared and respected." While the Upper 
House of Congress still represented the states as separate commonwealths, 
the Lower House represented the people as individuals ; it standing, not 



(or a group of distinct communities, but for a nation of people. And to this 
House was given the sole power " to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts 
and excises, and to pay the debt, and provide for the common defence and 
general welfare of the United States." 

With this Constitution the United States of America first came into 
existence ; a strong, energetic and capable nation ; its government possessed 
of all the powers necessary to the full control of the states, and full ability 
to make itself respected abroad ; its people possessed of all the civil rights 
yet known or demanded. 

Yet the people, in their political privileges, were still controlled by the 
constitutions of the states, and these fixed close restrictions on the rio-ht of 
suffrage, the electorate being confined to a small body whose ownership 
of real estate and whose religious opinions agreed with the ideas existing in 
colonial times. The property each voter was required to possess differed 
in different commonwealths. In New Jersey he must have n estr - ti 
property to the value of fifty pounds, in Maryland and the the Right of 
Carolinas an estate of fifty acres, in Delaware a freehold Suffrage 
estate of known value, in Georgia an estate of ten dollars or follow a 
mechanic trade ; in New York, if he would vote for a member of Assembly 
he must possess a freehold of twenty pounds, and if he would vote for State 
Senator, it must be a hundred. Massachusetts required an elector to own a 
freehold estate worth sixty pounds or to possess an annual income of three 
pounds. Connecticut was satisfied if his estate was of the yearly value of 
seven dollars, and Rhode Island required him to own the value of one hun- 
dred and thirty-four dollars in land. Pennsylvania required him to be a 
freeholder, but New Hampshire and Vermont were satisfied with the pay- 
ment of a poll-tax. 

The number of electors was still further affected by the religious opin- 
ions required of them. In New Jersey, in New Hampshire, in Vermont, 
in Connecticut, and in South Carolina, no Roman Catholic could vote ; 
Maryland and Massachusetts allowed ''those of the Christian religion" tr 
exercise the franchise, but the " Christian religion " in Massa- D e |j„ io 
chusetts was of the Congregational Church. North Carolina ficationsof 
required her electors to believe in the divine authority of the Voters 
Scriptures ; Delaware was satisfied with a belief in the Trinity and in the 
inspiration of the Bible ; Pennsylvania allowed those, otherwise qualified, 
to vote who believed " in one God, in the reward of good, and the punish- 
ment of evil, and in the inspiration of the Scriptures." In New York, in 
Virginia, in Georgia, and in Rhode Island, the Protestant faith was pre- 


dominant, but a Roman Catholic, if a male resident, of the age of twenty- 
one years or over, could vote in Rhode Island. 

The property qualifications which limited the number of electors were 
higher for those who sought office. If a man wished to be governor of 
New Jersey or of South Carolina, his real and personal property must 
amount to ten thousand dollars ; in North. Carolina to one thousand pounds; 
in Georgia to two hundred and fifty pounds or two hundred and fifty acres 
Property Quali- °f hind; in New Hampshire to live hundred pounds; in Mary- 
ficatioiis of land to ten times as much, of which a thousand pounds must 
be of land ; in Delaware he must own real estate ; in New 
York he must be worth a hundred pounds; in Rhode Island, one hundred 
and thirty-four dollars ; and in Massacusetts a thousand pounds. Connec- 
ticut required her candidate for governor to be qualified as an elector, as 
did New Hampshire, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. In all the com- 
monwealths the candidate for office must possess the religious qualifications 
required of electors. 

From these statements it is evident that the suffraee in the United 
States was greatly limited when, after the winning of American indepen- 
dence, the Constitution of the United States was framed and the common- 
wealths had adopted their first constitutions of government. It may be 
said that in 1787 the country was bankrupt, and America was without credit, 
Condition of the anc ^ tnat °f a population of three million souls, who, by our 
Country in present ratio, would represent six hundred thousand voters, 
17 7 less than one hundred and fifty thousand possessed the right 

to vote. African slavery and property qualifications excluded above four 
hundred thousand men from the exercise of the franchise. It is evident, 
then, that at the time when American liberty was won American liberty had 
only begun ; the offices of the country were in the possession of the few, 
scarcely any provision existed for common education, the roads of the coun- 
try may be described as impassable, the means for transportation, trade, and 
commerce as feeble. If the struggle for liberty in America was not to be 
in vain, the people of the United States must address themselves directly 
to the payment of their debts, to the enlargement of the franchise, to im- 
provements in transportation, and to the creation, organization, and sujjport 
of a national system of common taxation. It is these great changes which 

„ constitute the history of this country during; the nineteenth 

Payment of J J ° 

Debt and Ex- century. 

tension of j\\\ these have been gained since the adoption of the 

Constitution. Theremarkable financial operations of Alexander 
Hamilton — by which the crushing load of debt of thenew nation was funded 


tor payment in after years, a customs tariff established as a means of obtain- 
ing revenue, and provision made for paying the claims of the soldiers 
of the Revolution — saved the credit and secured the honor of the nation. 
As regards the franchise, it was greatly extended during the nineteenth 
century. By the time the Erie canal was excavated property qualifications 
for suffrage had disappeared in nearly all the states, and by the middle of 
the century such qualifications had been abandoned in them all. Those of ,1 
viigious character had vanished thirty years earlier. 

As yet, however, the right to vote was limited to " free, white, male 
citizens." Twenty years afterwards, on March 30, 1870, a further great ex- 
tension of the right of suffrage was made, when, in accordance with the 
Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, it was proclaimed by Hamilton 
Fish, Secretary of State, that the right of citizens of this country to vote 
could not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on 
account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 

Universal suffrage, so far as male citizens were concerned, thus became 
the common condition of American political life in 1870. But the struggle 
for liberty in this direction was not yet ended. Female citizens, about the 
middle of the century, gave voice to their claim to the same right, and with 
such effort that they had gained the right to vote at all elections in four ot 
the States — Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, and Idaho — by the end of the cen- 
tury, and partial rights of suffrage in a majority of the States. The outlook 
is that before many years universal suffrage in its fullest sense will be estab- 
lished in the United States. 

With the westward movements of the millions of human beings who 
have occupied the North American continent have gone the institutions and 
constitutions of the east, modified in their journey westward by the varying 
conditions of the life of the people. The brief constitutions of 1776 have 
developed into extraordinary length by successive changes and additions 
made by the more than seventy Constitutional Conventions which have been 
held west of the original thirteen States. These later consti- Development in 
tutions resemble elaborate Ieeal codes rather than brief state- state Consti- 
ments of the fundamental ideas of government. But these 
constitutions, of which those of the Dakotas and of Montana and Wash 
ington are a type, express very clearly the opinions of the American people 
in government at the present time. The earnest desire shown in them for an 
accurate definition of the theory and the administration of government proves 
how anxiously the people of this country at all times consider the interpreta- 
tion of their liberties, and with what hesitation, it may be said, they delegate 
their powers in government to legislatures, to judges, and to governors. 



The struggle for liberty will never cease, for with the progress of civili- 
zation new definitions of the wants of the people are constantly forming in 
the mind. The whole movement of the American people in government. 
from the simple beginnings of representative government in Virginia, when 
the little parliament was called, to the present time, when nationality is en- 
throned and mighty commonwealths are become the component parts of 
the " more perfect union," has been toward the slow but constant realiza- 
tion of the rights and liberties of the people. Education, for 
Progress in the ... 1111 

United States which no commonwealth made adequate provision a century 

ago, is now the first care of the State. Easy and rapid trans- 
portation, wholly unknown to our fathers, is now a necessary condition of 
daily life. Trade has so prospered that the accumulated wealth of the 
country is more than sixty billions of dollars. Newspapers, magazines, 
books ami pamphlets are now so numerous as to make it impossible to con- 
tain them all in hundreds of libraries, and the American people have become 
the largest class of readers in the world. 

A century ago there were but six cities of more than eight thousand 
people in this country ; the number is now more than five hundred. Three 
millions of people have become seventy-five millions. The area of the origi- 
nal United States has expanded from eight hundred and thirty thousand 
square miles to four times that area. With expansion and growth and the 
amelioration in the conditions of life, the earnest problems of government 
have been brought home to the people by the leaders in the State, by the 
clergy, by the teachers in schools and colleges, and by the press. 

But though we may be proud of these conquests, we are compelled in 
the last analysis of our institutions, to return to a few fundamental notions of 
our government. We must continue the representative idea based upon 
the doctrine of the equality of rights and exercised by representative assem- 
blies founded on popular elections ; and after our most pleasing contempla- 
tion of the institutions of America, we must return to the people, the founda- 
tion of our government. Their wisdom and self-control, and these alone, 
will impart to our institutions that strength which insures their perpetuity 


Expansion of the United States from Dwarf to Giant. 

FN 1775, when the British colonies in America struck the first blow for 
independence, they were of dwarfish stature as compared with the 
present superb dimensions of the United States. Though the war 
with France had given them possession of the great Ohio Valley, the settled 
portion of the country lay between the Alleghaniesand the Atlantic, and the 
thirteen confederated States were confined to a narrow strip along the ocean 
border of the continent. 

But before and during the Revolutionary War pathfinders and pioneers 
were at work. Chief among; them was the noted hunter Daniel Boone, the 
explorer and settler of the "Dark and Bloody Ground" of Kentucky. 
Before him daring men had crossed the mountains, and after him came 
others, so that by the end of the Revolution the hand of civilization was 
firmly laid on the broad forest land of Kentucky and Tennessee. The rich 
country north of the Ohio, where the British possessed a number of forts, 
was captured for the United States by another daring adventurer, George 
Rogers Clark, who led a body of men down the Ohio, took and held the 
British forts, and saved the northwest to the struggling States. The bound- 
aries of the United States in 1800, as established by the treaty of peace 
with Great Britain, extended from the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi, 
and from the Great Lakes on the north to Florida on the south. Florida, 
then held by Spain, included a strip of land extending to the Mississippi 
River, so that the new republic was cut off from the Gulf of Mexico by 
domain belonging to a foreign country. The area thus acquired by the new 
nation was over 827,000 square miles. It was inhabited in 1800 by a popu- 
lation of 5,300,00a 

The vast and almost wholly unknown territor}' west of the Mississippi, 
claimed by France, in virtue of her discoveries and settlements on the great 
river, until 1763, when it was ceded to Spain, was held by that country in 
1800. This cession gave Spain complete control of the lower course of the 
Mississippi, since her province of Florida extended to the east bank of the 
stream. And she held it in a manner that proved deeply annoying to the 
American settlers in the west, to whom free navigation of the Mississippi 
was of great and growing importance. 



These settlers were increasing in numbers with considerable rapidity 

The daring enterprise of Daniel Boone and other fearless pioneers had 

opened up the fertile lands of Kentucky and Tennessee. The warlike 

boldness of Colonel Clark had gained the northwest territory for the new 

nation. Into this new country pioneer settlers poured, over 

h !^ tl «! ne !' t the mountains and down the Ohio, and by the opening of the 
of the West ' r & 

century villages and towns had been built in a hundred places, 
and farmers wire widely felling the virgin woods and planting their grain 
in the fertile soil. Kentucky and Tennessee had already been organized as 
states, and their admission was quickly followed by that of Ohio, which 
entered the Union in 1803. In the same year an event of the highest 
importance took place, the acquisition of the great Louisiana territory by 
the United States. 

It has been stated above that the action of Spain gave great annoyance 

to the settlers in the country west of the Alleghanies. To these the natural 

commercial outlet to the sea was the Mississippi River, and the free use 

Spain Closes the °^ this stream was forbidden by Spain, through whose 

llississippi to country ran its lower course. Spain was so determined to 

retain for herself the exclusive navigation of the great river 
that in 1786 the new American republic withdrew all claim upon it, agree- 
ing to withhold any demand for navigation of the Mississippi for twenty- 
five years. 

This action proved to be hasty and unwise. The West filled up with 
unlooked-for rapidity, and the settlers upon the Mississippi soon began to 
insist on free use of its waters, their irritation growing so great that the 
United States vainly sought in 1793 to induce Spain to open the stream to 
American craft. This purpose was attained, however, in 1795, when a 
treaty was made which opened the Mississippi to the sea for a term of three 
years, with permission for Americans to use New Orleans as a free port of 
entry, and place goods there on deposit. 

Five years later (1800), by an article in a secret treaty between Spain 
and France, the vast province of Louisiana, extending from the source to 
the mouth of the Mississippi River, and westward to the Rocky Mountains, 

was ceded by Spain to France, from which country Spain had 

France Obtains received j t jn I?6 , Towards the end of 1801 Napoleon Bona- 
Louisiana ' ^ 

parte, then at the head of French affairs, sent out a fleet and 

army ostensibly to act against San Domingo, but really to take possession 

of New Orleans. 

When the secret of this treaty leaked out, as it soon did, there was 

great excitement in the United States, the irritation being increased by a 


Spanish order which withdrew the right of deposit of American merchan- 
dise in New Orleans, granted by the treaty of 1795, and failed to substitute 
any other place for that city, in accordance with the terms of the treaty. 
So strong was the feeling that a Pennsylvania Senator introduced a resolu- 
tion into Congress, authorizing President Jefferson to call out 50,000 
militia and occupy New Orleans. But Congress wisely decided that it 
would be better and cheaper to buy it than to fight for it, and in January, 
1803, made an appropriation of $2,000,000 for its purchase. The President 
thereupon sent James Monroe to Paris to co-operate with Robert R. Living- 
ston, United States Minister to France, in the proposed purchase. 

Fortunately for the United States a new war between England and 
France was then imminent, in the event of which Napoleon felt that he 
could not long hold his American acquisition against the powerful British 
navy. Not only New Orleans, but the whole of Louisiana, 
would probably be lost to him, and just then money for his purchase*" 
wars was of more consequence than wild lands beyond the 
sea. Therefore, to the surprise of the American Minister, he was asked to 
make an offer for the entire territory. This was on April nth. On the 
1 2th Monroe reached Paris. The two commissioners earnestly debated on 
the offer. They had no authority to close with such a proposition, but by 
the time they could receive fresh instructions from Washington the golden 
opportunity might be lost, and Great Britain deprive us of the mighty West. 
An ocean telegraph cable would have been to them an invaluable boon. As 
it was, there was no time to hesitate, and they decided to close with the 
offer, fixing the purchase price at $10,000,000. Napoleon demanded more, 
and in the end the price fixed upon was $15,000,000, of which $3,750,000 
was to be paid to American citizens who held claims against Spain. A 
treaty to this effect was signed April 30, 1803. 

The news fell upon Spain like a thunderbolt. She filed a protest 
against the treaty — based, probably, on a secret condition of her cession of 
Louisiana to France, to the effect that it should not be parted with by that 
country. But Napoleon was not the man to pay any attention to a protest 
from a power so weak as Spain, and the matter was one with which the 
United States was not concerned. President Jefferson highly HowthePur- 

approved of the purchase, and called an extra session of the chase Was 

St ■ 1 t^ - t i • Received 

enate for its consideration. It met with some vigorous 

opposition in that body, based upon almost absolute ignorance of the value 

of the territory involved; but it was ratified in October, 1803, and 

Louisiana became ours. The territory thus easily and cheaply acquired 

added about 920,000 square miles to the United States, more than 


doubling its area. It is now divided up into a large number of States 

and includes much of the most productive agricultural land of the United 


The members of the Senate who opposed the ratification of the treaty 

of purchase were in a measure justified in their doubt. Almost nothing was 

known of the country involved, and many idle legends were afloat concerning 

t. Hunters and trappers had penetrated its wilds, but the stories told by 

them had been transformed out of all semblance of truth. In order to 

dispel this ignorance and satisfy these doubts, the President 
hiiiorance of , . . * . , ... , e ,,, 

the Country determined to send an exploring expedition to the far West, 

with the purpose of crossing the Rocky Mountains, seeking 

head-waters of the Columbia River, and following that stream to its 
mouth. The men chosen to lead this expedition were William Clark — 
1 nether of George Rogers Clark, of Revolutionary fame — and Merriwether 
Lewis. Both of these were army officers, and they were well adapted for the 
arduous enterprise which they were asked to undertake. 

Lewis and Clark left St. Louis in the summer of 1803. They encamped 
for the winter on the bank of the Mississippi opposite the mouth of the 
The Lewis Missouri River. The company included nine Kentuckians, 

an-j Clark who were used to Indian ways and frontier life, fourteen 
soldiers, two Canadian boatmen, an interpreter, a hunter and 
a negro boatman. Besides these, a corporal and guard with nine boatmen 
were engaged to accompany the expedition as far as the territory of the 

The party carried with it the usual goods for trading with the Indians — 
looking-glasses, beads, trinkets, hatchets, etc., and such provisions as were 
necessary for the sustenance of its members. While the greater part of the 
command embarked in a fleet of three large canoes, the hunters and pack- 
horses followed a parallel route along the shore. In this way, in the spring 
of 1804, the ascent of the Missouri was commenced. In June the 
country of the Osages was reached, then the lands occupied by the Ottawa 
tribes, and finally, in the fall, the hunting grounds of the Sioux. Here the 
Jeaders of the expedition ordered cabins to be constructed, and camped for 
the winter among the Mandans, in latitude 27 degrees 21 minutes north. 
They found in that country plenty of game, buffalo and deer being abun- 
dant ; but the weather was intensely cold and the expedition was hardly 
prepared for the severity of the climate, so that its members suffered greatly. 

In April a fresh start was made and the party continued to ascend the 
Missouri, reaching the great falls by June. Here they named the tributary 
waters and ascended the northernmost, which they called the Jefferson River 



until further navigation was impossible; then Captain Lewis with three com- 
panions left the expedition in camp and started out on foot toward the. 
mountains, in search of the friendly Shoshone Indians, from whom he 
expected assistance in his projected journey across the mountains. 

On the 1 2th of August he discovered the source of the Jefferson River 
in a defile of the Rocky Mountains and crossed the dividing ridge, upon the 
other side of which his eyes were gladdened by the discovery of a small 
rivulet which flowed toward the west. Here was proof irrefutable " that 
the great backbone of earth " had been passed. The intrepid explorer saw 
with joy that this little stream danced out toward the setting xhe Head- 
sun — toward the Pacific Ocean. Meeting a force of Sho- Waters of the 

• C I h" 

shones and persuading them to accompany him on his return 

to the main body of the expedition, Captain Lewis sought his companions 

once more. Captain Clark then went forward to determine their future 

course, and coming to the river which his companion had discovered, he 

named it the Lewis River. 

A number of Indian horses were procured from their red-skinned 

friends and the explorers pushed on to the broad plains of the western 

slope. The latter part of their progress in the mountains had been slow 

and painful, because of the early fall of snow, but the plains presented all 

the charm of early autumn. In October the Kaskaskia River was reached, 

and, leaving the horses and whatever baggage could be dispensed with in 

charge of the Indians, the command embarked in canoes and descended to 

the mouth of the Columbia River, upon the south bank of 

which, four hundred miles from their starting point upon e scen in £ * e 
' . Columbia 

this stream, they passed the second winter. Much of the 
return journey was a fight with hostile Indians, and the way proved to be 
much more difficult than it had been found while advancing toward the 
west. Lewis was wounded before reaching home, by the accidental dis- 
charge of a gfun in the hands of one of his force. 

Finally, after an absence of two years, the expedition returned to its 
starting point, the leaders reaching Washington while Congress was in session. 
Grants of land were immediately made to them and to their subordinates. 
Captain Lewis was rewarded also with the governorship of Missouri. Clark 
was appointed brigadier-general for the territory of Upper Louisiana, and in 
1813 was made governor of Missouri. When this Territory became a State 
he was appointed superintendent of Indian affairs, which office he filled till 
his death. 

The second acquisition of territory by the United States embraced the 
peninsula of Florida The Spanish colony of Florida was divided into two 


sections, known as Eastern and Western Florida, the latter extending 

from the Appalachicola River to the Mississippi River, and 

pan s rn - cu ttinof off the Americans of Florida and Alabama from all ac- 
ing Action & 

cess to the Gulf. Spain set up a customhouse at the mouth of 
the Alabama River, and levied heavy duties on goods to or from the 
country up that stream. 

The United States was not willing to acknowledge the right of Spain 
io this country. It claimed that the Louisiana purchase included the region 
east of the Mississippi as far as the Perdido River, — the present western 

boundary of Florida — and in 1S10 a force was sent into this 

es ern on a countr y wn J c h took possession of it, with the exception of the 
Occupied .... . . . 

city of Mobile. That city was occupied by General Wilkinson, 

commander-in-chief of the arm)', in 1813, leaving to Spain only the country 

between the Perdido and the Atlantic Ocean and south of Georgia. 

Throughout these years the purpose had grown in the southern states 
to gain this portion of the Spanish dominion, as well as Western Florida, 
for the United States. On January 15 and March 3, 1811, the United 
States Congress passed in secret — and its action was not made known 
until 1 Si S — acts which authorized the President of the United States 
to take "temporary possession" of East Florida. The commissioners 
appointed under these acts, Matthews and Mitchell, both Georgians, stirred 
up insurrection in the coveted territory, and, when President Madison 
refused to sustain them, the state of Georgia formally pronounced Florida 
General Jackson needful to its own peace and welfare, and practically declared 
Invades East- war on its private account. But its expedition against Florida 
came to nothing. In 1S14, General Andrew Jackson, then in 
command of United States forces at Mobile, made a raid into Pensacola, 
and drove out a British force which had been placed there. He afterwards 
restored the place to the Spanish authorities and retired. Four years 
after, during the Seminole war, Jackson, annoyed by Spanish assistance 
given to the Indians, again raided Eastern Florida, captured St. Marks and 
Pensacola, hung Arbuthnot and Ambruster, two Englishmen who were 
suspected of aiding the Seminoles, as "outlaws and pirates," and ;< 
demonstrated the fact that Florida was at the mercy of the United States. 

The action of Jackson was unauthorized by the government, and his 

hanging the Englishmen without taking the trouble to make 

Tne ™ rcnase sure of their guilt caused a feeling of hostile irritation in 
of Florida __ to . . . 

England. But it had by this time grown quite evident to Spain, 

both that it could not hold Florida in peace and that this colony was of 

very little value to it. In consequence it agreed to sell the peninsula to the 


United States for the sum of $5,000,000, the treaty being signed February 

22, 1S19. By this treaty Spain also gave up all claim to the country 

west of the Louisiana purchase, extending from the Rocky Mountains 

to the Pacific Ocean. The purchase of Florida added 59,268 square miles to 

the United States, and the way was cleared for the subsequent acquisition 

of the Oregon country. 

The next accession of territory came in 1845, when Texas was added 

to the dominion of the United States. This country had, since 1821, been 

one of the states of the Mexican Republic. But American frontiersmen, 

of the kind calculated to foment trouble', soon made their way across the 

borders, : ncreasing in numbers as the years passed on, until Texas had a 

considerable population of United States origin. Efforts were made to 

purchase this country from Mexico, $i, being offered in 1827 and 

$5,000,000 in 1829. These were declined, and in 1833 Texas adopted a 

constitution as a state of the Mexican republic. Two years 

1 c- a 1 -i r ., . ii- Texas Gains 

later banta Anna, the president of Mexico, was made dictator, Freedom and 

and all state constitutions were abolished. Irritated by this, is Annexed to 

the American inhabitants declared the independence of Texas the United 

. States 

in 1836, and after a short war, marked by instances of savage 

cruelty on the part of the Mexicans, gained freedom for that country. Texas 
was organized as a republic, but its people soon applied for annexation to the 
United States. This was not granted until 1 845. The territory added to 
this country by the admission of Texas amounted to 376,133 square miles. 

In the following year another large section of territory was added to 
the rapidly growing United States. The Louisiana purchase ran indefi- 
nitely westward, but came to be considered as bounded on the west by the 
Rocky Mountains, Spain retaining a shadowy claim over the country west 
of that range. This exceedingly vague claim was abandoned in the Florida 
purchase treaty, and the broad Oregon country was left 
without an owner. The United States, indeed, might justly country" 
have claimed ownership on the same plea advanced for new 
regions elsewhere — namely, that of discovery and exploration. Captain 
Grey, in his ship, the Columbia, carried the starry flag to its coast in 
1792, and was the first to enter and sail up its great river, which he 
named after his vessel. In 1805 the country was traversed ami explored by 
Lewis and Clark. In 1S11 John Jacob Astor founded the settlement of 
Astoria at the mouth of the Columbia, and sent hunters in search of furs 
through the back country. A.nd 'n 1819 the vague right over the country 
held by Spain was transferred by treaty to the United States, 


These various circumstances would have established a prescriptive 
right to the country concerned as against other countries, had any thought of 
claiming such a right been entertained. But no man, statesman or com- 
moner, thought the country worth the value of even a paper claim, and it 
was left unconsidered and unthought of until the century was well advanced. 
Then, after the Hudson Bay Company had gained control of Astoria and 
had begun to fill the country with fur hunters, a living sense of the value 
of this great region came to the mind of one man. 

This was Dr. Marcus Whitman, a missionary physician among the 
Indians of the Columbia River region. He discovered that the Hudson 
Bay Company was making efforts to bring permanent settlers there, and 
that it proposed to claim the country for Great Britain. At once the 
energetic doctor set out for Washington, crossing the vast stretch of 
country from the Pacific to the Atlantic on horseback and 

Whitman's . , T -, . , „ ....... T 

Ride traversing the Rocky Mountains in the dead oi winter. It 

was a long and terrible journey, full of perils and hardships, 
buthe accomplished it in safety, and strongly urged the government at 
Washington to lay claim to the country. Even then it was hard to arouse 
an interest in the statesmen concerning this far-off territory, so the brave 
pioneer went among the people, told them of the beauty of the country 
and the fertility of its soil, and on his return, in 1843, took with him an 
emigrant train of nearly a thousand persons. This settled the question. 
The newcomers formed a government of their own. Others followed, and 
the question of ownership was practically settled. In 1845 there were some 
7,000 Americans in Oregon and only a few British. By that time a stern 
determination had arisen in the people of this country to retain Oregon. A 
claim was made on the whole western region up to the parallel of 54 degrees 
40 minutes, the southern boundary of Russian America, and the political 
war-cry of that year was "fifty-four forty or fight" In 1S46 the question 
was settled by treaty with Great Britain, the disputed country 
Acquired being divided at the forty-ninth parallel. The northern por- 

tion became British Columbia, the southern Oregon. In this 
•vay it was that the United States spanned the continent and established its 
dominion from ocean to ocean. The tract acquired measured about 255,00c 
square miles. It now constitutes the States of Oregon, Washington and 

The United States grew with extraordinary rapidity in the decade with 
which we are now concerned, the acquisition of Texas and Florida being 
followed in 1S4S by another great addition of territory, much larger than 
either. This came as the result of the annexation of Texas. 


Mexico had never acknowledged the independence of the " Lone Star 
Republic," and was deeply dissatisfied at its acquisition by the United 
States, which it looked upon as an unwarranted interference in its private 
affairs. The strained relations between the two countries were made more 
stringent by a dispute as to the western boundary of Texas, both countries 
claiming the strip of land between the Rio Grande and War with 
Nueces Rivers. The result was a war, the description of Mexico and 
which must be left for a later chapter. It will suffice here 
to say that the American troops marched steadily to victory, and at the 
end of the war held two large districts of northern Mexico, those of New 
Mexico and California. The occupation of these Mexican states gave this 
country a warrant to claim them as the prizes of victory. 

But there was no disposition shown to despoil the defeated party with- 
out compensation. An agreement was made to pay Mexico $15,000,000 
for New Mexico and California, and to assume debts owed by Mexico to 
United States citizens amounting to about $3,000,000. The territory thus 
acquired was 545,783 square miles in extent. Of its immense California and 
value we need scarce speak. It will suffice to say that it gave New Mexico 
the United States the gold mines of California and the silver 
mines of Nevada, together with the still more valuable fertile fields of the 
California lowlands. Five years afterwards, to settle a border dispute, 
another tract of land, south of New Mexico, 45,535 square miles in extent, 
was purchased for the sum of $10,000,000. This is known as the ( radsden 
purchase, the treat)' being negociated by James Gadsden. Thus in less 
than ten years the United States acquired more than 1,220,000 square 
miles of territory, increasing its domain by nearly three-fourths. These 
new acquisitions carried it across the continent in a broad band, giving it 
a coast line on the Pacific nearly equal to that on the Atlantic, and adding 
enourmouslv to its mineral and agricultural wealth. 

Still another extensive acquisition remained to be made. Long before, 
when the daring pioneers of Russia overran Siberia, parties of them crossed 
the narrow Bering Strait and took possession of the northwestern section 
of the American continent. This territory, long known as Russian America, 
embraced the broad peninsular extension west of the 141st degree of west 
longitude, and a narrow strip of land stretching down the coast The Acquistion 
as far south as the parallel of 54 degrees 40 minutes. It of Russian 
included also all the coast islands and the Aleutian Archi- 
pelago, with the exception of Copper and Bering Islands on the Siberian 
coast. This territory was of little value or advantage to Russia, and in 1867 


that country offered to sel! it to the United States for $7,200,000. The 

offer was accepted without hesitation, the result being an addition of 577.000 

square miles to our territory. 

As regards the value of this acquisition something more remains to 

be said. The active Yankee prospectors have found Alaska— as the new 

territory was named — far richer than its original owners dreamed of. It 

was like the story of California repeated, hirst were the valuable fur seals 

A'hich haunted certain islands of Bering Sea. Then were the fur animals of 

the mainland. To these must he added the wealth of the rivers, which 

were found to swarm with salmon and other food fishes Next may be 

named the forests, which cover tint coast regions for hundreds of square 

miles. Finally, the country proved to be rich in mineral 

The Wealth of , . ,'..,. ' ,... . ,. 111 

Alaska wealth, and especially in gold. 1 he recently discovered gold 

deposits lie principally on the British side of the border, the 
Klondike diggings — developed in 1897 — being in Canada. But gold has 
been mined in Alaska for years, and probably exists on most of the tribu- 
taries of the Yukon River, so that the country may vet prove to be a 
second California in its golden treasures. 

The final acquisition of territory by the United States came in 1899, as 
a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898. The treaty of peace gave 
to this country a series of highly fertile tropical islands, consisting of Porto 
Rico in the West Indies, and the Philippine Archipelago in the Asiatic 
Seas. To these must be added a temporary protectorate over, and possibly 
the future ownership of, the broad and fertile West Indian Island of Cuba. 
In 1898 there came by peaceful means another accession of territory, the 
Hawaiian group of islands in the Central Pacific. These, with some islands 
of minor importance — including Guam, in the Ladrone group, also acquired 
from Spain — constitute the recent island accessions of the United States. 

Their areas are: Porto Rico, 3,530 ; Hawaii, 6,564; and the 
Island Acquisi- ,,. ... . . ., , . t , c , . 

tions Philippines, 116,000 square miles; making a total oi about 

1 26,000 square miles. As a consequence of those various acces- 
sions of territory, the United States now has an area of, in round numbers 
3,732,000 square miles, more than four times its area in 1800. As a result 
of these several acquisitions this country has grown from one of the smaller 
nations to nearly the largest nation in area, on the earth, while its population 
has increased from 5,300,000 in 1800 to about 75,000,000 in 1900. Its few 
small cities at the beginning of the century have been replaced by a con- 
siderable number of large ones, three of them with more than 1,000,000 in- 
habitants each, while New York, the largest, is now the second city in popu 
lation on irth 


The Development of Democratic Institutions in 


MODERN democracy is often looked upon as something peculiarly 
secular, unreligious, or even irreligious in its origin. In truth, how- 
ever, it has its origin in religious aspirations quite as much as modern 
art or architecture or literature. To the theology of Calvin, the founder of 
the Republic of Geneva, grafted upon the sturdy independence of English 
and Scotch middle classes, our American democracy owes its birth. James I 
well appreciated that the principles of uncompromising Protestantism were 
as incompatible with monarch}- as with the hierarchy which they swept 
aside. Each man by his theology was brought into direct personal respon 
sibility to his God, without the intervention of priesi, bishop, or pope, and 
without an}' allegiance to his king except so far as it agreed with his allegi- 
ance to the King of kings. Macaulay has struck this note of Puritan 

republicanism when he says that the Puritans reearded them- „. „ .. . 

i T ,. . . . The Religious 

selves as " Kings by the right of an earlier creation ; priests Origin of 

by the interposition of an Almighty hand." As John Fiske Modern Dem- 
says, James Stuart always treasured up in his memory the day 
when a Puritan preacher caught him by the sleeve and called him " God's 
silly vassal." " A Scotch Presbytery," cried the king, "agrees as well with 
monarchy as God and the devil. Then Jack and Tom and Will and Dick 
shall meet, and at their pleasure censure me and my council and all our 
proceedings ! " 

But the democracy which was founded in New England as the logical 
outcome of the religious principles for which the Puritans left Old England 
was not democracy as we know it to-day. The Puritans, for the most part, 
believed as much in divinely appointed rulers as the monarchs against whom 
they rebelled but these divinely appointed rulers were to be the "elect of 
God" — those who believed as they did, and joined with their organizations 
to establish His kingdom on earth. For this reason we find the Massachu- 
setts Colony as early as 1631 deciding that, " no man shall be admitted to 
the freedom of this body politic but such as are members of some of the 
churches within the limits of the same" The government in short 



simply a democratic theocracy, and, as the colony grew in numbers, the 
power came to be lodged in the hands of the minority. There were, how- 
ever, among the clergy of Massachusetts men who believed in democracy as 
we understand it to-day. Alexander Johnson, in his history of Connecticut, 
says with truth that Thomas Hooker, who led from Massachusetts into 
The Political Connecticut the colony which established itself at Hartford, 
Conceptions laid down the principle upon which the American nation long 
oi the Puritans g enerat ; ons a f ter was to De established. When Governoi 

Winthrop, in a letter to Hooker, defended the restriction of the suffrage 
on the ground that " the best part is always the least, and of that best part 
the wiser part Is always the lesser," the learned and generous-hearted pastor 
replied : "In matters which concern the common good, a general council, 
chosen by all to transact business which concerns all, I conceive most suit- 
able to rule, and most safe for the relief of the whole." The principles of 
our republicanism were never better stated until Lincoln in his oration at 
Gettysburg made his appeal that this nation might be consecrated anew in 
the fulfillment of its mission, and that government " from the people, for 
the people, by the people" might not perish from the earth. Roth Hooker 
and Lincoln had a supreme belief in the wisdom of the plain people in the 
matters which affect their own lives. The rank and file of the people have 
the surest instinct as to what will benefit or injure the rank and file of the 
people, ami when upon them is placed the responsibility of determining 
what their government shall lie, they are educated for self-government. In 
the colon} 1 which Thomas Hooker founded upon these principles there was 
found at the time of the Revolution more; political wisdom, more genius for 
self-government, and more devotion to the patriotic cause, than in any other 
of the thirteen colonies. 

At the time of the Revolution, however, there was another democracy 

besides that of New England which enabled the colonies successfully to 

resist the Government of George III. This was the democracy of the planters 

of tlie South. The democracy of the Southern colonies was not, like that 

of New England, the democracy of collective self-government. 

Democracy but th> v of individual self-government, or, rather, oi 

in the South - -11,111 

individual self-assertion. In fact, it would hardly be too much 

to say that many of the Virginia planters who espoused so warmly and 

fought so bravely in the ca I liberty were not inspired by the spirit of 

democracy at all, but rather by the spirit of an aristocracy which could brook 

no control. These southern planters wen- the aristocrats of the American 

Revolution. In New? York City, and even in Boston and Philadelphia, tne 

wealthiest mere! trongly Tory in their sympathies In ^ew 


York it was affirmed by General Greene that two-thirds of the land belonged 
to men in sympathy with the English and out of sympathy with their fellow 
countrymen. In these cities it was the plain people and the poorer classes 
who furnished most of the uncompromising, patriots, but in the South men 
of fortune risked their fortunes in the cause of independence. These men 
were slave owners, and the habit of mastery made them fiercely rebellious 
when George III. attempted in any way to tyrannize over them. Many of 
them were the descendants of the English nobility, and as such they acknow- 
ledged no superiors. Naturally, then, in the struggle for liberty they 
furnished the leaders of the colonists, both North and South; anil the agri- 
cultural classes, whether rich or poor, were naturally on the side of self- 
government, for their isolation had from the first compelled them to be 

The first half century of the political history of the United States con- 
sisted rather in the development of the political rights of the individual 
citizen than of the loyalty which all owed to the American nation. Nothing 
is so difficult as to keep in mind that the government of the colonies at the 

close of the Revolution was not what it is to-day, and that 
1 , 1 j u j f What Was 

democracy as we know it was regarded as the dream 01 Thought of 

theorists. Some of the members of the Federal Convention Democracy in 
deeply distrusted the common people. Elbridge Gerry, of convention 
Massachusetts, declared that "The people do not want 
suffrage, but are the dupes of pretended patriots;" and those who were at 
all in sympathy with him prevented, as they imagined, the election of the 
President by the people- themselves, and did prevent the election of the 
United States Senators by the people. Some of them were even opposed 
to the election of the House of Representatives directly by the people; but, 
fortunately, even Hamilton sided with Madison and Mason, when they 
urged that our House of Commons ought to have at heart the rights and 
interests of, and be bound, by the manner of their election, to be the repre- 
sentatives of every class of people. But by " every class of people" the 
framers of the Constitution from the more conservative of the States meant 
simply every class of freeholders. 

In Virginia none could vote except those who owned fifty acres of land. 
In New York, to vote for Governor or State Senator, a freehold worth $250 
clear of mortgage was necessary, and to vote for Assembly- property Quaiu 
men a freehold of $50 or the payment of a yearly rent of ficationsfor 
$10 was necessary. Even Thomas Jefferson, who was the 
Democratic philosopher of the Revolutionary period, did not strenuously 
insist that the suffrage must be universal, and it was not for a half century 


that it became universal, even among white males. In the State of New 
York these restrictions existed until the adoption of the Constitution of 
1821, and even this Constitution merely reduced the privileges of land 
owners. OKI Chancellor Kent, the author of "Kent's Commentaries," 
declared in this convention that he would not " bow before the idol of uni- 
versal suffrage," the theory which he said had "been regarded 
Chancellor . 

Kent's Views with terror by the wise men of every age," and whenever tried 
on Universal i KU | brought "corruption, injustice, violence, and tyranny." 
" If universal suffrage were adopted," he declared, "prosperity 
would deplore in sackcloth and ashes the delusion of the day." The 
horrors of the French Revolution were always held up by conservatives to 
show that the people could not be trusted, and the learned author of the 
" Commentaries," which every lawyer has pored over, maintained that, if 
universal suffrage should lie adopted, "The radicals of England, with the 
force of that mighty engine, would sweep away the property, the laws, and 
the people of that island like a deluge." Not until between 1S40 and 1850 
did universal suffrage among the whites come to be accepted in the older 

During the first half century of our history it was the Democratic 
party, the party of Jefferson, which was on the side of these extensions of 
popular rights. The principle of this part)' was that each State ought to 
legislate for itself, with the least possible control from the central govern- 
ment ; that each locality ought to have its freedom of local government 
extended; and that each individual should be self-governing, with the same 
rights and privileges for all. As regards foreign affairs, it was charac- 
terized by a "passion for peace,' and an abiding hostility toward a costly 
army and navy. Jefferson believed that the way to avoid wars, and the way 
to be strong, should war become inevitable, was by the devotion of the 
people to productive industry, and not by burdening them to rival the 
powers of Europe in the strength of their armaments. In the year 1800, 
the party which rallied to his support -then called the Republican party, 
l>ut generally spoken of as the Democratic party — triumphed over the 
k ederalists. 

In New England alone did Federalism remain strong at the close of 

„ , .. Jefferson's fust administration. In that section the calvinistic 

Federalism and • 

Democracy clergy, who had done so much for the establishment of Ameri- 
m New ens- can democracy, fought fiercely against its extension. leffer- 


son's followers demanded the separation of Church and State 
and the abolition of the religious qualifications for office holding, which 
were then almost as general as property qualifications. He was known to 


be in sympathy with the French revolution, and was therefore denounced 
as a Jacobin, both in religion and in politics. We cannot wonder, therefore, 
that in the section in which the clergy were the real riders, Jeffersonian 
democracy was regarded with hatred and contempt. Vermont alone, among 
the New England States, was from the first thoroughly democratic, and 
this was because in Vermont there was no established aristocracy, either of 
education or of wealth. In Connecticut, which under clerical leadership had 
once been the stronghold of advanced democracy, we find President Dwight 
expressing a sentiment common not only to the clergy but to the educated 
classes generally, when he declared that "the great object of Jacobinism, 
both in its political and moral revolution, is to destroy every race of civili- 
zation in the world." " In the triumph of Jeffersonianism," he said, "we have 
now reached a consummation of democratic blessings; we have a country 
governed by blockheads and knaves." 

But the ideas which in New England were at first received only by the 
poor and the ignorant, were in the very air which Americans breathed. The 
new States which were organized at the West were aggressively democratic 
from the outset. In the Northwest Territory the inequalities New \ dea& in 
against which Jeffersonian democracy protested never gained the New 
a foothold. Here, where the State of Ohio was organized 
during Jefferson's first administration, the union of Church and State was 
not thought of, and no religious qualifications whatever for the office of 
Governor were exacted. Property qualifications were almost as completely 
set aside. While in some of the older States the Governor had to po 
,£5,000, and even ^10,000, Ohio's Governor was simply re-quired to be a 
resident and an owner of land. As regards inheritances, the English law 
of primogeniture which remained unaltered in some of the older States, 
and in New England generally took the form of a double portion to the 
oldest son, was completely set aside, and all children of the same parents 
became entitled to the same rights. That Ohio thus led the way in the 
democratic advance was due to the fact that its constitution was framed 
when these ideas had already become ascendant in the hearts of the people, 
and the failure of the clergy of New England was due to their trying to 
keep alive institutions which were the offspring of another age, and could 
not long survive it. 

For its distrust of the new democracy New England Federalism paid 
heavily in the isolation, defeat, and destruction which shortly awaited it. 
When the new democratic administration had fully reduced Federal taxation 
and shown its capacity for government, the more liberal-minded of the 
Federalists went over to the Democrats Even Massachusetts gave 3 


majority for Jefferson in 1804, and when the extreme Federalists became 

_. , more extreme through the loss of their Liberal contingent, 

The Decay and a , . . . 

Disappear. and called the Hartford Convention, in 1814, Federalism died 

ance of FetU f j ts own excesses. The policy of the democratic adminis- 
eralism . , „ , . , , , , 

tration toward Fngland may not have been wise, but the pro- 
posal of secession in order to resist it made Federalism almost synonymous 
with toryism and disloyalty. 

For a number of years after the close of the war of 1812 there was 
really only one political party in the United States. In 1S24, when the con- 
test was so close between Jackson, Adams and Clay, each of these contest- 
ants was a " Democratic Republican," and it would have been hard to tell 
what questions of policy divided their followers; though Jackson's followers, 
as a rule, cared most for the extension of the political rights of the poorer 
classes, and least for that policy of protection which the war had made an 
important issue, by cutting off commerce and thus calling into being exten- 
sive manufacturing interests. That the followers of Clav 

A Period With- 

outa Party finally voted for Adams may have been due to sympathy upon 
this question of the tariff. In 1S28 something akin to party 
lines were drawn upon the question of the national bank, and the victor}' of 
Jackson provoked the hostility of the masses toward that institution, which 
certainly enriched its stockholders to such an extent as to make them a 
favored class. The Tariff Act, passed in 182S, made the tariff question 
thenceforth the dividing question in our national politics until slavery took 
its place. 

Most of the absolute free-traders were supporters of Jackson, but when 
South Carolina passed its Nullification Act as a protest against the "tariff 
of abominations," as it was called, President Jackson promptly declared that 
' the Union must and shall be preserved," and forced the recalcitrant State 
to renew its allegiance to the National Government. By the end of Jack- 
son's administration there were again two distinct parties in the United 
States; the one advocating a high tariff and extensive national improve- 
ments by the Federal Government, and the other advocating a low tariff 
and the restriction of national expenditures to the lowest possible limit. 
The former party — the Whig — was, of course, in favor of a liberal construc- 
tion ot the Constitution and the extension of powers to the National Gov- 
ernment, while the latter advocated "strict construction" and "State 

Jackson belonged to the latter party, ami in 1836 was able to transfer 
the succession to Van Buren. But in 1840 the Whigs swept the country, 
electing Harrison and Tyler after the most picturesque Presidential 


campaign ever known in America. All the financial ills from which the 

countrv was suffering 1 were for the time attributed to Van Buren's economic 

policy, and his alleged extravagance at the White House „. 

r J ' & & . Rise of the 

enabled the Whigs to arouse the enthusiasm of the poor for Democratic 
their candidate, who was claimed to live in a log cabin and ancJ Wl "s 


drink hard cider. During the next four years, however, there 
was a reaction, and in 1S44 Polk was elected upon the platform on which 
Van Buren had stood. It is true that in Pennsylvania the Democratic cam- 
paign cry was, " Polk, Dallas and the tariff of '42," which was a high tariff ; 
but in most of the country Democracy meant "free trade and sailors' rights." 
From this time on, the Whig party grew weaker and the Democratic 
party stronger. It is true that the Whigs elected General Taylor in 1848. 
The revenue tariff law passed by the Democrats in 1846 was not changed 
until the still lower tariff ol 1857 was enacted. By 1852 the Whig party 
had so declined that it was hardly stronger than the old Federalist party at 
the close of Jefferson's first term. But just as the Democratic party became. 
able to boast of its strength, a new party came into being which adopted the 
principles of the free-soil wing of the old Democratic part)', chose the 
name of " Republican Party," swept into its ranks the remnants of various 
political organizations of the oast, and in its second national „, . . 

1 _ & _ ' _ _ The Onjrin ana 

campaign elected Abraham Lincoln to the presidency. In this character of 

readjustment of parties the pro-slavery Whigs went over to the RepubH- 
1 T--, 11 -l r^, can Party 

the Democrats and the anti-slavery Democrats went over to 
the Republicans. The bolting Democrats claimed, with truth, to maintain 
the principles held by their part}' from the time of Jefferson down, but the 
party as a whole followed the interests of its most powerful element instead 
of the principles of its founder. In the States from Ohio west, where upon 
economic questions the Democratic party had swept everything by increas- 
ing majorities since 1S40. the bolting element was so great that all of these 
States were landed in the Republican column. One great Church — the 
Methodist — which before had been, as a rule, Democratic in politics, now 
became solidly Republican. 

From time to time, in the succeeding years, a variety of political or; 
izations, of minor importance, rose and declined. But none of national sig- 
nificance were added to the two great parties until the Presidential campaigns 
of 1892 and 1896, when a new organization, known as the People's party, 
came into prominence. The principles distinguishing it from The People's 
the old Democratic and Republican parties were its demand Party and Us 
for a currency issued by the general Government only, without Principles 
the intervention of banks of issue, and the free and unrestricted coinage of 


silver and gold at the ratio of 16 to I, regardless of foreign nations. It de- 
manded further that the Government, in payment of its obligations, should 
use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which they were to be paid ; 
should establish and collect a graduated income tax ; and should own and 
operate the railroads and telegraph lines in the interests of the people. Its 
general tendency was to favor what is known as "Paternalism in govern- 
ment," the existing form in America of what is known as Socialism in 
Europe. This party found its chief strength among the farmers, who be- 

d it possible and right for the Government to pass laws to suppress 
" trusts " and monopolies, and also to favor the agricultural and laboring 

The history of American politics up to the time of the introduction of 
the new economic questions by the labor unions in the East, and the farmer's 
unions in the West and South, has been the history of the gradual extension 
of politic;'.! rights. The Federalist party gave' us the Constitution ; the old 
Democratic part)- gave us white manhood suffrage; the Republican party 
gave us universal suffrage. What the People's party may give us remains 
for the- future to demonstrate. The- glory of America's past is that she has 
been continually progressing ; that she has proven to the world the capacity 
of the whole people for self-yovernmenL 


Americas Answer to the British Claim of the Right 

of Search. 

BY their first war with Great Britain our forefathers asserted and main- 
tained their right to independent national existence ; by their second 
war with Great Britain, they claimed and obtained equal considera- 
tion in international affairs. The War of 1812 was not based on a single 
cause; it was undertaken from mixed motives, — partly political, partly com- 
mercial, partly patriotic. It was always unpopular with a great number of 
the American people ; it was far from logical in some of its positions ; it was 
perhaps precipitated by party clamor. But, despite all these facts, it remains 
true that this war established once for all the position of the United States 
as an equal power among the powers. Above all — clearing away the petty 
political and partisan aspects of the struggle — we find that in The Causes 
it the United States stood for a strong, sound, and universally of the War 
beneficial principle, that of the rights of neutral nations in ° 
time of war. "Free shins make free goods" is a maxim of international 
law now universally recognized, but at the opening of the century it was a 
theory, supported, indeed, by good reasoning, but practically disregarded by 
the most powerful nations. It was almost solely to the stand taken by the 
United States in 1812 that the final settlement of this disputed principle 
was due. 

The cause of the War of 1S12, which appealed most strongly to the 
patriotic feelings of the common people, though, perhaps, not in itself so 
intrinsically important as that just referred to, was unquestionably the 
impressment by Great Britain of sailors from American ships. No doubt 
great numbers of English sailors did desert from their naval vessels and 
avail themselves of the easier service and better treatment of the American 

merchant ships. Great Britain, in the exigencies of her des- 

• , iv t 1 • • British 

perate contest with Napoleon, was straining every nerve to impressment 

strengthen her already powerful navy, and the press-gang was of American 

constantly at work in English seaports. Once on board a 

British man-of-war, the impressed sailor was subject to overwork, bad rations, 

and the lash. That British sailors fought as gallantly as they did under 


j/ 1 


this regime will always remain a wonder. But it is certain that they deserted 
in considerable numbers, and that they found in the rapidly-growing com- 
mercial prosperity of our carrying trade a tempting chance of employment. 
Great Britain, with a large contempt for the naval weakness of the 
United States, assumed, rather than claimed, the right to stop our merchant 
vessels on the high seas, to examine their crews, and to take as her own 
any British sailors among them. This was bad enough in itself, but the 
way in which the search was carried out was worse. Every form of insolence 

. A ,, and overbearing was exhibited. The pretense of claiming 

Outrages Upon ... 

American British deserters covered what was sometimes barefaced and 

Ships and outrageous kidnapping of Americans. The British officers 

went so far as to lay the burden of proof of nationality in each 
case upon the sailor himself; if he were without papers proving his identity 
he was at once assumed to be a British subject. To such an extent was this 
insult to our flag carried, that our Government had the record of about 
forty-five hundred cases of impressment from our ships between the years 
of 1803 and 1810; and when the War of 1812 broke out the number of 
American sailors serving against their will in British war vessels was vari- 
ously computed to be from six to fourteen thousand. It is even recorded 
that in some cases American ships were obliged to return home in the 
middle of their voyages because their crews had been so diminished in 
number by the seizures made by British officers that they were too short- 
handed to proceed. In not a few cas<rs these depredations led to blood- 

The greatest outrage of all, and one which stirred the blood of Ameri- 
cms to the fighting point, was the capture of an American war vessel, the 
Chesapeake, by the British man-of-war, the Leopard. The latter was by far 
the more powerful vessel, and the Chesapeake was quite unprepared for 

,, . action ; nevertheless, her commander refused to accede to a 

The Attair of 

thc"Chesa=. demand that his crew be overhauled in search for British 
peal<e"and deserters. Thereupon the Leopard poured broadside after 

the "Leopard" . ..... ., . ,, , ..,, , 

broadside into her until her flag was struck. 1 hree Americans 
were killed and eighteen wounded ; four were taken away as alleged desert- 
ers ; of these, three were afterwards returned, while in one case the charge 
was satisfactorily proved and the man was hanged. The whole affair was 
without the slightest justification under the law of nations and was in itself 
ample ground for war. Great Britain, however, in a quite ungracious and 
tardy way, apologized and offered reparation. This incident took place six 
years before the actual declaration of war. But the outrage rankled during 
all that time, and nothing did more to fan the anti-British feeling which was 


already so strong in the rank and file of Americans, especially in the Demo- 
cratic (or, as it was then often called, the Republican) party. It was such 
deeds as this that led Henry Clay to exclaim, " Not content with seizing 
upon all our property which falls within her rapacious grasp, the personal 
rights of our countrymen — rights which must forever be sacred — are tramp- 
led on and violated by the impressment of our seamen. What are we to 
gain by war ? What are we not to lose by peace ? Commerce, character, a 
nation's best treasure, honor !" 

The interference with American commerce was also a serious threat to 
the cause of peace. In the early years of the century Great Britain was at 
war not only with France, but with other European countries. Both Great 
Britain and France adopted in practice the most extreme The Era 
theories of non-intercourse between neutral and hostile of Paper 
nations. It was the era of "paper blockades." In 1S06 
England, for instance, declared that eight hundred miles of the European 
coast were to be considered blockaded, whereupon Napoleon, not to be out- 
done, declared the entire Kingdom of Great Britain to be under blockade. 

Up to a certain point the interruption of the neutral trade relations 
between the countries of Europe was to the commercial advantage of 
America. Our carrying trade grew and prospered wonderfully. Much 
of this trade consisted in taking goods from the colonies of European 
nations, bringing them to the United States, then trans-shipping them and 
conveying them to the parent nation. This was allowable under the inter- 
national law of the time, although the direct carrying of goods by the 
neutral ship from the colony to the parent nation (the latter, of course, 
being at war) was forbidden. But by her famous "Orders in Council" 
Great Britain absolutely forbade this system of trans-shipment as to nations 
with whom she was at war. American vessels engaged in this form of trade 
were seized and condemned by English prize courts. Naturally, France 
followed Great Britain's example and even went further. Our merchants, 
who had actually been earning double freights under the old system, now 
found that their commerce was woefully restricted. At first it was thought 
that the unfair restriction might be punished by retaliatory measures, and a 
quite illogical analogy was drawn from the effect produced on Great Britain 
before the Revolution by the refusal of the colonies to receive goods on 
which a tax had been imposed. So President Jefferson's administration 
resorted to the most unwise measure that could be thought of — an absolute 
embargo on our own ships, which were prohibited from leaving port. 

This measure was passed in 1S07, and its immediate result was to 
reduce the exports of this country from nearly fifty million dollars' worth to 


nine million dollars* worth In a single year. This was evidently anythina 
hut profitable, and the act was changed so as to forbid only commercial 
Jefferson intercourse with Great Britain and France and their colonies, 

and tlie with a proviso that the law should be abandoned as regards 

either of these countries which should repeal its objectionable 
decrees. The French government moved in the matter first, but only con- 
ditionally. Our non-intercourse act, however, was after 1810 in force only 
against Great Britain. That our claims of wrong were equally, or nearh 
so, as great against France in this matter cannot be doubted. But the 
popular feeling was stronger aeainst Great Britain; a war with England 
was popular with the mass of the Democrats; and it was the refusal of 
England to accept our conditions which finally 'led to the declaration of war. 
By a curious chain of circumstances it happened, however, that between the 
time when Congress declared war (June 18, 1812) and the date when the 
War Declared news of this declaration was received in England, the latter 
Against country had already revoked her famous "Orders in Council." 

Great Britain Jn pQ j nt ()f factj p res j dent Madison was very reluctant to 

declare war, though the Federalists always took great pleasure in speaking 
ol this as " Mr. Madison's war." The Federalists throughout considered 
the war unnecessary and the result of partisan feeling and unreasonable 

It is peculiarly grateful to American pride that this war, undertaken in 
defence of our maritime interests and to uphold the honor of our (lag upon 
the high seas, resulted in a series of naval victories brilliant in the extreme. 
It was not, indeed, at first thought that this would be chiefly a naval war. 
President Madison was at one time stronglv inclined to keep our war vessels 
in port; but, happily, other counsels prevailed. The disparity between the 
/American and British navies was certainly disheartening. The United 
States had seven or eight frigates and a few sloops, brigs, and gunboats, 
while the sails of England's navy whitened every sea, and her ships cer- 
tainly outnumbered, ours by fifty to one. On the other hand, her hands 
were tied to a great extent by the stupendous European war in which sh< 
was involved. She had to defend her commerce from formidable enemies, 
„, „ , x . , , and could spare but a small part of her naval strength for 

The British and ' r j 3 

American battle with the new foe. That this new foe was despised by 

Navies Com- t ] 1( . great power which claimed, not without reason, to be the 
pared . , in r 1 

mistress 01 the seas, was not unnatural. but soon we rind a 

lament raised in Parliament about the reverses of its navy, which were such 

as "English officers and English sailors had not before been used to, 

particularly from such a contemptible navy as that of America had always 


ii held to lie." The fact is, that the restriction of American comm 
had made it possible for our naval officers to take their pick of a remark- 
ably fine body of native American seamen, naturally brave and intelligent, 
and thoroughly well trained in all seamanlike experiences. These men were 
in many instances filled with a spirit of resentment at British insolence, 
having either themselves been the victims of the aggressions which we have 
described, or having seen their friends compelled to submit to these insolent 
acts. The very smallness of our navy, too, was in a measure its strength; 
the competition for active service among those bearing commissions was 
great, and there was never any trouble in finding officers of proved sagacity 
and courage. 

At the outset, however, the policy determined on by the administration 
was not one of naval agression. It was decided to attack England from 
her Canadian colonies. This plan of campaign, however reasonable it might 
seem to a strategist, failed wretchedly in execution. The first The War on 
year of the war, so far as regards the land campaigns, showed the Canada 
nothing but reverses and fiascoes. There was a long and 
thinly settled border country, in which our slender forces struggled to 
their own against the barbarous Indian onslaughts, making futile expeditions 
across the border into Canada, and resisting with some success the similar 
expeditions by the Canadian troops. One <>t tin; complaints which led to the 
war was that the Indian tribes had been incited against our settlers by the 
Canadian authorities and had been promised aid from Canada. It is certain 
that after war was declared British officers not only employed Indians as 
their allies, but, in some instances at least, paid bounties lor the scalps oi 
American settlers. 

The Indian war planned by Tecumseh had just been put down by Gen- 
eral (afterward President) Harrison. No doubt Tecumseh was a man of 
more elevated ambition and more humane instincts than one often finds in 
an Indian chief. His hope to unite the tribes and to drive the whites out 
of his country has a certain nobility of purpose and breadth of view. But 
this scheme had failed, and the Indian warriors, still inflamed for war, were 
only too eager to assist the Canadian forces in a desultory but bloody bor- 
der war. The strength of our campaign against Canada was dissipated in an 
attempt to hold Fort Wayne, Fort Harrison, and other garrisons against 
Indian attacks. Still more disappointing was the complete Hull and the 
failure of the attempt, under the command of General Hull, Surrender of 
to advance from Detroit into Canada. He was easily driven 
back to Detroit, and, while the nation was confidently waiting to hear of a 
bold defence of that place, it was startled by the news of Hull's surrender 


without firing a Sfun, and under circumstances which seemed to indicate 
either cowardice or treachery. Hull was, in fact, court-martialed and con- 
demned to death, and was only pardoned on account of his services in the 
war of 1776. 

The mortification that followed the land campaign of 18 12 was for- 
gotten in the joy at the splendid naval victories of that year. Pre-eminent 
among these was the famous sea-duel between the frigates Constitution and 
Guerriere. Every one knows of the glory of Old Ironsides, and this, 
though the greatest, was only one of many victories through which the 
name of the Constitution became the most famed and beloved of all that 
have been associated with American ships. She was a fine frigate, carrying 
forty-four guns, and though English journals had ridiculed her as "a bunch 
of pine boards under a bit of striped bunting," it was not long before they 
were busily engaged in trying to prove that she was too large a vessel to be 
properly called a frigate, and that she greatly out-classed her opponent in 
The "Constitu- nietal and men. Ir is true that the Constitution carried six 
tion"andthe more guns and a few more men than the Guerriere, but all 
allowances being made, her victory was a naval triumph of the 
first magnitude. Captain Isaac Hull, who commanded her, had just before 
the engagement proved his superior seamanship by escaping from a whole 
squadron of British vessels, out-sailing and out-manceuvring them at every 
point. It was on August 19, 1812, that he descried the Gtiernere. Both vessels 
at once cleared for action and came together with the greatest eagerness on 
both sides for the engagement. Though the battle lasted but half an hour, it 
was one of the hottest in naval annals. At one time the Constitution was 
on fire, and both ships were soon seriously crippled by injuries to their 
spars. Attempts to board each other were thwarted on both sides by the 
close fire of small arms. Here, as in later sea-tights of this war, the accu- 

T . „. . racy and skill of the American gunners were something mar- 

ine Glorious J & & 

Victory of thf velous. At the end of half an hour the Guerriere had lost 
Frigate "Cin- both mainmast and foremast, and floated as a helpless hulk in 

stitution ' . ....,„ 

the open sea. Her surrender was no discredit to her officers 
as she wis almost in a sinking condition. It was hopeless to attempt to tow 
her into port, and Captain Hull transferred his prisoners to his own vessel 
and set fire to his prize. 

In this engagement, the American frigate had only seven men killed and 
an equal number wounded, while the British vessel had as many as seventy- 
nine men killed or wounded. The conduct of the American seamen was 
throughout gallant in the highest degree. Captain Hull put it on record 
that " From the smallest, boy in the ship to the oldest seaman not a look of 



fear was seen. They all went into action giving three cheers and request- 
ing to be laid close alongside the enemy." The effect of this victory in both 
America and England was extraordinary. English papers long refused to 
believe in the possibility of the well-proved facts, while in America the whole 
country joined in a triumphal shout of joy, and loaded well-deserved honors 
on vessel, captain, officers, and men. 

The chagrin of the English public at the unexpected result of this sea- 
battle was changed to amazement and vexation when, one after another, 
there followed no less than six combats of the same duel-like character, in 
all of which the American vessels were victorious. The first was between 
the American sloop Wasp and the English brig Frolic, which The "Wasp" 
was convoying a fleet of merchantmen. The fight was one of Captures the 
the most desperate in the war ; the two ships were brought so 
close together that their gunners could touch the sides of the opposing ves- 
sels with their rammers. Broadside after broadside was poured into the 
frolic by the Wasp, which obtained the superior position ; but her sailors, 
too excited to await the victory which was sure to come from the continued 
raking of the enemy's vessel, rushed upon her decks without orders and soon 
overpowered her. Again the British loss in killed and wounded was large ; 
that of the Americans very small. It in no wise detracted from the glory 
of this victory that both victor and prize were soon captured by a British 
man-of-war of immensely superior strength. 

Following this action, Commodore Stephen Decatur, in the frigate 

United States, attacked the Macedonian, a British vessel of the „,. „., 

The "Untied 

same class, and easily defeated her, bringing her into New states" and 
York harbor on New Year's Day, 1813, where he received an the "Mace- 
ovation equal to that offered Captain Hull. The same result 
followed the attack of the Constitution, now under the command of Commo- 
dore Bainbridge, upon the British Java. The latter had her captain and 
fifty men killed and about one hundred wounded, and was left such a wreck 
that it was decided to blow her up, while the Constitution suffered so little 
that she was in sport dubbed Old Ironsides, a name now ennobled by a poem 
which has been in every school-boy's mouth. Other naval combats resulted, 
in the great majority of cases, in the same way ; in all unstinted praise was 
awarded by the nations of the world, even including England herself, to the 
admirable seamanship, the wonderful gunnery, and the personal intrepidity of 
our naval forces. When the second year of the war closed our little navy 
had captured twenty-six warships, armed with 560 guns, while it had lost 
only seven ships, carrying 119 guns 


But, ii the highest honors of the war were thus won by our navy, the 
most serious injury materially to Great Britain was in the devastation of hei 
commerce by American privateers. No less than two hundred and fifty 
American FVi- °^ these sea guerrillas were afloat, and in the first year of the 
vateers and war they captured over three hundred merchant vessels, some- 
times even attacking and overcoming the smaller class of war- 
ships. The privateers were usually schooners armed with a few small guns, 
but carrying one long cannon mounted on a swivel so that it could be 
turned to any point of the horizon, and familiarly known as Long Tom. 
Of course, the crews were influenced by greed as well as by patriotism. 
Privateering is a somewhat doubtful mode of warfare at the best ; but inter- 
national law permits it, and, though it is hard to dissociate from it the 
aspect of legalized piracy, it is recognized to this day. In the most recent 
war, however, the Spanish-American, neither of the belligerent nations 
indulged in this relic oi barbarism. 

if privateering wen- ever justifiable it was in the war now under con- 
sideration. As (elierson said, there were then tens of thousands of seamen 
cut off by the war from their natural means of support and useless to their 
country in any other way, while by "licensing ; armed vessels, the 

whole naval force of the nation was truly brought to bear on the foe." The 
havoc wrought on British trade was widespread indeed; altogether between 
til teen hundred and two thousand prizes were taken by the privateers. To 
compute the value of these prizes is impossible, but some idea may be 
gained from the single fact that one privateer, the Yankee, in a cruise of 
less than two months captured five bri; i and four schooners, with cargoes 
valued at over half a million dollars. The men engaged in this form of 
warfare were bold to recklessness, and their exploits have furnished many a 
tale to American writers of romance. 

The naval combats thus far mentioned were almost always of single 
vessels. For battles of fleets we must turn from the salt water to the fresh, 
from the ocean to the great lakes. The control of the waters 
tiie Lakes °^ Lake Erie, Lake Ontario, and Lake Champlain was ob- 
viously of vast importance, in view of the continued land- 
fighting in the West and of the attempted invasion oi Canada and the 
threatened counter-invasions. The British had the great advantage oi 
being able to reach the lakes by the St. Lawrence, while our lake navies had 
to be constructed alter the war began. One such little navy had been built 
at Presque Isle, now Erie, on Lake Erie. It comprised two brigs of twenty 
pfuns and several schooners and gunboats. It must be remembered that 
rything but the lumbei needed foi the vessels had to be brought thn 


forests by land from the eastern seaports, and the mere problem of 
transportation was a serious one. When finished, the fleet was put in com- 
mand of Oliver Hazard Perry. Watching his time (and, it is said, taking 
advantage of the carelessness of the British commander, who went on 
shore to dinner one Sunday, when he should have been watching Perry's 
movements), the American commander drew his fleet over the bar which 
had protected it while in harbor from the onslaughts of the British fleet. 
To get the brigs over this bar was a work of time and gnat difficulty; an 
attack at that horn- by the British would certainly have ended in the total 
destruction of the fleet. This feat accomplished, Perry, in his flagship, the 
Lawrence, headed a fleet of ten vessels, fifty-five guns and four hundred 
men. Opposed to him was Captain Barclay with six ships, sixty-five guns, 
and also about four hundred men. The British for several weeks avoided 
the conflict, but in the end were cornered and forced to fight. It was at 
the beginning of this battle that Perry displayed the Hag p erry » S Q rea < 
bearing Lawrence's famous dying words, "Don't give up the Victory on 
ship !" No less famous is his dispatch announcing the result a e e 
in the words, "We have met tin- enemy and they are ours." The victory 
was indeed a complete and decisive one ; all six of the enemy's ships were 
captured, and their loss was nearly double that of Perry's forces. The 
complete control of Lake Erie was assured; that of Lake Ontario had 
already been gained by Commodore Chauncey. 

Perry's memorable victory opened the way for important land opera 

tions by General Harrison, who now marched from Detroit with tin; design 

of invading Canada. Me engaged with Proctor's mingled body of British 

troops and Indians, and by the battle of the Thames drove 
,,,.,..,, ,' r,- 1 1 1 the Battle of 

back the british from that part of Canada and restored the Thames 

matters to the position in which they stood before Hull's 

deplorable surrender of Detroit — and, indeed, of all Michigan— to the 

British. In this battle the Indian chief, Tecumseh, fell, ami about three 

hundred of the British and Indians were killed on the field. The hold of 

our enemies on the Indian tribes w; atly broken by this defeat. 

Previous to this the land campaigns had been marked by a succession 

of minor victories and defeats. In the West a force of Americans under 

General Winchester had been captured at the River Raisin, where there 

took place an atrocious massacre of prisoners by the Indians, who were 

quite beyond restraint from their white allies. On the other hand, the 

Americans had captured the city of York, now Toronto, though at the i osl 

of their leader, General Pike, who, with two hundred of his men, was 

destroyed by the explosion of a magazine. Fort George had also been 


captured by the Americans and an attack on Sackett's Harbor had been 
gallantly repulsed. Following the battle of the Thames, extensive opera- 
tions of an aggressive kind were planned, looking toward the capture of 
Montreal and the invasion of Canada by way of Lakes Ontario and Cham- 
plain. Unhappily, jealousy between the American Generals Wilkinson and 
Hampton resulted in a lack of concert in their military operations, and the 
expedition became a complete fiasco. 

One turns for consolation from the mortifying record of Wilkinson's 
expedition to the story of the continuous successes which accompanied the 
naval operations of 1813. Captain Lawrence, in the Hornet, won a com- 
plete victory over the English brig Peacock ; our brig, the Eiiterprise, cap- 
tured the Boxer, and other equally welcome victories were reported. One 
distinct defeat marred the record — that of our fine brig, the Chesapeake, 
commanded by Captain Lawrence, which was captured after one of the 
most hard-fought contests of the war by the British brig, the Shannon. 

, „ Lawrence himself fell mortally wounded, exclaiming' as he 
Lawrences Fa- ' . ° 

mous Saying, was carried away, "Tell the men not to give up the ship, but 
"Don't Give fight her till she sinks." It was a paraphrase of this exclama- 
tion which Perry used as a rallying signal in the battle on 
Lake Erie. Despite his one defeat, Captain Lawrence's fame as a gallant 
seaman and high-minded patriot was untarnished, and his death was more 
deplored throughout the country than was the loss of his ship. 

In the latter part of the war England was enabled to send large rein- 
forcements both to her army and navy engaged in the American campaigns. 
Events in Europe- seemed in 1814 to insure peace for at least a time. Na- 
poleon's power was broken ; the Emperor himself was exiled at Elba; and 
Great Britain at last had her hands free. But before the reinforcements 
reached this country, our army had won greater credit and had shown more 
military skill by far than were evinced in its earlier operations. Along the 
line of the Niagara River active fighting had been going on. In the battle 
of Chippewa, the capture of Fort Erie, the engagement at Lundy's Lane, 
and the defence of Fort Erie the troops, under the command of Generals 
Winfield Scott and Brown, had more than held their own against superior 
forces, and had won from British officers the admission that they fought as 
well under fire as regular troops. More encouraging still 

Macdonoush's . & J r /- J 

Victory on was the total defeat of the plan ol invasion from Canada 

Lake Cham- undertaken by the now greatly strengthened British forces. 

pam These numbered twelve thousand men and were supported 

by a fleet on Lake Champlain. Their operations were directed against 

Plattsburg, and in ths battle on the lake, usually called by the name of that 


town, the American flotilla, under the command of Commodore Mac- 
donough, completely routed the British fleet. As a result the English army 
also beat a rapid and undignified retreat to Canada. This was the last 
important engagement to take place in the North. 

Meanwhile expeditions of considerable size were directed by the British 
against our principal Southern cities. One of these brought General Ross 
with five thousand men, chiefly the pick of the Duke of Wellington's army, . 
into the Bay of Chesapeake. Nothing was more discreditable in the military 
strategy of our administration than the fact that at this time Washington 
was left unprotected, though in evident danger. General Ross marched 
straight upon the capital, easily defeated at Bladensburg an inferior force 
of raw militia — who fought, however, with much courage — seized the city, 
and carried out his intention of destroying the public buildings and a great 
part of the town. Most of the public archives had been removed. Ross's 
conduct in the burning of Washington, though of a character common 
enough in modern warfare, has been condemned as semi-barbarous by many 
writers. The achievement was greeted with enthusiasm by the English 
papers, but was really of much less importance than they supposed. Wash- 
ington at that time was a straggling town of only eight thousand inhabit- 
ants ; its public buildings were not at all adequate to the The Burning of 
demands of the future; and an optimist might even consider the American 
the destruction of the old city as a public benefit, for it Ca P ,tal 
enabled Congress to adopt the plans which have since led to the making of 
the most beautiful city of the country, if not of the world. 

A similar attempt upon Baltimore was less successful The people of 
that city made a brave defence and hastily threw up extensive fortifications. 
In the end the British fleet, after a severe bombardment of Fort McHenry, 
was driven off. The British admiral had boasted that Fort McHenry would 
yield in a few hours ; and two days after, when its flag was still flying, 
Francis S. Key was inspired by its sight to compose our far-famed national 
ode, the " Star Spangled Banner." 

A still larger expedition of British troops soon after landed on the 
Louisiana coast and marched to the attack of New Orleans. Here General 
Andrew Jackson was in command. He had already distinguished himself 
during the war by putting down with a strong hand the hostile Creek Indians, 
who had been incited by English envoys to warfare against our southern 
settlers; and in April, 1S14, William Weathersford, the half- Jackson and 
breed chief, had surrendered in person to Jackson. General the Creek 
Packenham, who commanded the five thousand British sol- ,nd!an * 
diers sent against New Orleans, expected as easy a victory as that of Gen* 


eral Ross at Washington. But Jackson had summoned to his aid the 
stalwart frontiersmen of Kentucky and Tennessee — men used from boy- 
hood to the rifle, and who made up what was in effect a splendid force of 
sharp-shooters. Both armies threw up rough fortifications ; General Jack- 
son made great use for that purpose of cotton bales, Packenham employing 
the still less solid material of sugar barrels. As it proved neither of these 
were suitable for the purpose, and they had to be replaced by earthworks. 
Oddly enough, the final haul'', and really the most important one of the 
war, took place after tl ity of peace between the two countries had 

been signed. The British were repulsed again and again in persistent and 
. , , gallant attacks on our fortifications. General Packenham 

Jackson s & . 

Famous Great himself was killed, together with many of his officers and 
Victory at , n hundred of his men. One British officer pushed to the 

New Orlcnns 

top of our earthworks and demanded their surrender, where- 
upon he was smilingly asked to look behind him, and turning saw, as he after- 
wards said, that the men he supposed to be supporting him "had vanished 
as if the earth had swallowed them up." Of the Americans only a few men 
were killed. 

The treaty of peace, signed at Ghent, December 24, 1814, has been 
ridiculed because it contained no positive agreement as to many of the 
questions in dispute. Not a word did it say about the impressment of 
American sailors or the rights of neutral ships. Its chief stipulations were 
the mutual restoration of territory and the appointing of a commission to 
determine our northern boundary line. The truth is that both nations 
were tired of the war; the circum that had led to England's agirres- 

sions no longer existed; both countries were suffering enormous commer- 
cial loss to no avail; and, above all, the United States had emphatically 
justified by its deeds its claim to an equal place in the council of nations. 
Politically and materially, further warfare was illogical If 

t*if S «/ S the two nations had understood each other better in the first 

of the War 

place; if Great Britain had treated our demands with cour- 
tesy and justice instead of with insolence; if, in short, international comity 
had taken the place of international ill-temper, the war might have been 
avoided altogether. Its undoubted benefits to us were; incidental rather 
than direct. Put though not formally recognized by treat)', the rights of 
American seamen ami of American ships were in fact no longer infringed 
upon by < '.reat Britain. 

One political outcome of tin- war must not be overlooked. 'The New 

land Federalists had opposed it from the beginning, had naturally 

fretted al their loss of commerce, and had bitterly upbraided the I >emo- 


cratic administration for currying popularity by a war carried on mainly at 
New England's expense. When, in the latter days of the war, New 
England ports were closed, Stonington was bombarded, Castine in Maine 
was seized, and serious depredations were threatened everywhere along 
the northeastern coast, the Federalists complained that the administration 
taxed them for the war but did not protect them. The outcome of all this 
discontent was the Hartford Convention. In point of fact it was a quite 
harmless conference which proposed some constitutional 
amendments, protested against too great centralization of 

power, and urged the desirability of peace with honor. But 


the most absurd rumors were prevalent about its intentions , a regiment of 
troops was actually sent to Hartford to anticipate treasonable outbreaks ; 
and for many years good Democrats religiously believed that there had 
been a plot to set up a monarchy in New England with the Duke of Kent 
as king. Harmless as it was, the Hartford Convention caused the death of 
the Federalist party. Its mild debate's were distorted into secret conclaves 
plotting treason, and, though the news of peace followed close upon it, the 
Convention was long an object of opprobrium and a political bugbear. 


The United States Sustains Its Dignity Abroad. 

F the reader will look at any map of Africa he will see on the northern 
coast, defining the southern limits of the Mediterranean, four States, 
Morocco, Algeria, Tunis, and Tripoli, running east and west a distance 
of 1S00 miles. These powers had for centuries maintained a state of semi- 
independency by paying tribute to Turkey. But this did not suit Algeria, 
the strongest and most warlike of the North African States ; and in the 
year 1710 the natives overthrew the rule of the Turkish Pasha, expelled him 
from the country, and united his authority to that of the Dey, the Algerian 
monarch. The Dey subsequently governed the country by means of a 
The Piratical Divan or Council of State chosen from the principal civic 
states of functionaries. The Algerians, with the other " Barbary 

North Africa States," as the piratical States were called, defied the powers 
of Europe , their armed vessels sweeping the waters of the Mediterranean, 
committing a thousand ravages upon the merchant vessels of other nations, 
and almost driving commerce from its waters. France alone resisted these 
depredations, and this only partially, for after she had repeatedly chastised 
the Algerians, the strongest of the piratical States, and had induced the Dey 
to sign a treaty of peace, the Corsairs would await their opportunity and 
after a time resume their depredations. Algiers in the end forced the United 
States to rc.ort to arms in the defence of its commerce, and the long immu- 
nity of the pirates did not cease until the great republic of the West took 
them in hand. 

The truth is. this conflict was no less irrepressible than that greater 
conflict which a century later deluged the land in blood. Before the Con 
Stitution of the United States had been adopted, two American vessels, fly- 
ing the flag of thirteen stripes and thirteen stars, instead of the forty-five 
stars which now form our national constellation, while sailing the Mediter- 
ranean had fallen a prey to the swift, heavily-armed Algerian cruisers. The 
vessels were confiscated, and their crews, to the number of twenty-one persons, 
were held for ransom for which an enormous sum was demanded. 

This sum our Government was by no means willing to pay, as to do so 
would be to establish a precedent not only with Algeria, but also with Tunis 


Tripoli, and Morocco, for each of these African piratical States was in league 
with the others, and all had to be separately conciliated. 

But, after all, what else could the Government do ? The country had 
no navy. It could not undertake in improvised ships to go forth and fight 
the powerful cruisers of the African pirates — States so strong that the com- 
mercial nations of Europe were glad to win exemption from their depreda- 
tions by annual payments. Why not, then, ransom these American captives 
by the payment of money and construct a navy sufficiently strong to resist 
their encroachments in the future ? This feeling on the part of the Gov 
ernment was shared by the people of the country, and as a The War with 
result Congress authorized the building of six frigates, and by the Pirates 
another act empowered President Washington to borrow a 
million of dollars for purchasing peace. Eventually the ransom money was 
paid to the piratical powers, and it was hoped all difficulty was at an end 
But, as a necessary provision for the future, the work of constructing the 
new warships was pushed with expedition. As will be seen, this proved to 
be a wise and timely precaution. 

We are now brought to the year 1800. Tripoli, angry at not receiving 
as much money as was paid to Algiers, declared war against the United 
States. Circumstances, however, had changed for the better, and the repub- 
lic was prepared to deal with the oppressors of its seamen in a more digni- 
fied and efficient manner than that of paying ransom. For our new navy, a 
small but most efficient one, had been completed, and a squadron consisting 
of the frigates Essex, Captain Bainbridge, the Philadelphia, the President, and 
the schooner Experiment, was in Mediterranean waters. Two Tripolitan 
cruisers lying at Gibraltar on the watch for American vessels were blockaded 
by the Philadelphia. Cruising off Tripoli, the Experiment fell in with 
a Tripolitan cruiser of fourteen guns, and after three hours' hard fighting 
captured her, the Tripolitans losing twenty killed and thirty wounded. This 
brilliant result had a marked effect in quieting the turbulent pirates, who for 
the first time began to respect the United States. A treaty was signed in 
1805, in which Tripoli agreed no longer to molest American ships and 

This war was marked by a striking evidence of American pluck and 
readiness in an emergency. During the contest the frigate „., „ 

. . . r . '" e l"anious 

Philadelphia, while chasing certain piratical craft into the har- incident of 

bor of Tripoli, ran aground j n a most perilous situation. the "Phiia- 
~ . .111 1 1 r 1 i_ delphia" 

Jiscape was impossible, she was under the guns 01 the shore 

batteries and of the Tripolitan navy, and after a vain effort to sink her, 

all on board were forced to surrender as prisoners of war. Subsequently 


Tripolitans suceeded in floating the frigate, brought her into port 
in triumph, and began to refit her as a welcome addition to their navy 
1 his state of affairs was galling to American pride, and. as the vessel could 
not be rescued, it was determined to make an I to destroy her. One 

I a Moorish merchantman (captured and fitted for the purpose) entered 
tin harbor and made her way close up to i le of the Philadelphia. Only 

■ men, dressed in Moorish garb, were visible, and no suspicion of their 
purpose was entertained. As these men claimed to have lost their anchor, 
.i rope was thrown them from the and they made fast. In a minute 

took place. A multitude of co ! Americans 

sight, clambered to the deck of the T ">hia, and 

drove Moors over her sides. The frigate was fairly recaptu 

But s ie taken out. tars set her on fire, and made their 

j;ht of her blazing spars and under the guns of the Tripoli- 
tan batt< ball from which reached them. It was a gallant achieve- 
meat, and gave fame to Decatur, its leader. 

But peace was not yet a In 1 8 15, when this country had just ended 

its war with Great Britain, the Dey of Algiers unceremoniously dismi 

American ( n n leclared war against the United States, on the plea 

rtain articles demanded under the tribute treaty. 
1 his time the government was well prepared for the issue. The 

War Declared i ■ <■ .1 i_ J • ■ i . 'ip 

population countrvhad 1 n to over eight millions 

b\ Algiers l ' _ - => 

The military spirit of the nation had been aroused by the war 

with Great Britain, ending in th< lid victory at Xew Orleans under 

General Jackson. Besides this, the navy had been increased and made far 

more effective. The administration, with Madison at its head, decided to 

submit to no further extortions from the Mediterranean pirates, and the 

President sent in a forcible message to Congress on the subject, taking high 

American ground. The result was a prompt acceptance of the Algerian 

declaration of war. Events succeeded each other in rapid succession. 

Ships new and old were at once fitted out. On May 15, 1815, Decatur 

sailed from Xew York to the Mediten I squadron comprised the 

frigates Guerriere, Macedonian and the new sloop oi war 

Ontario, and four brigs and t\ oners in addition. 

On June 17th, the second day after entering the Mediter- 

f e r D p y SUeS ranean, Decatur captured the largest frigate in the Algerian 

navy, having forty-four guns. The next day an Algerian 

was taken and in less than two weeks after his first capture Decatur, with 

ntire squadron, appeared of] Algiers The end had come. The I ' 

coura that of Bob \ 1 out at his fingers' ends. The 


terrified Dey sued for peace, which Decatur compelled him to sign on the 

quarter-deck of the Guerriere. In this treat}' it was agreed by the 1 >ej to sur 
render all prisoners, pay a heavy indemnity, and renounce all tribute from 
America in the future. Decatur also secured indemnity from Tunis and 
Tripoli for American vessels captured under the guns of their forts by 
British cruisers during the late war. 

This ended at once and forever the payment of tribute to the piratical 
States of North Africa. All Europe, as well as our own country, rang with 
the splendid achievements of our navy ; and surely the stars dnd stripes 
iiad never before floated more proudly from the masthead of an American 
vessel — and they are flying as proudly to-day, 

One further example of the readiness of this country to defend itself 

upon the seas in its weak, early period may be related, though it slightly 

antedated the beginning of the century. This was a result of American 

indignation at the ravages upon its commerce by the warring 

nations of Europe. About 1 70S the depredations of France S .*Y* ar 
1 l with France 

upon our merchantmen became so aggravating that, without 
the formality of a declaration, a naval war began. The vessels of our new 
navy were sent out, "letters of marque and reprisal" were granted to 
privateers, and their work soon began to tell. Captain Truxton of the Con 
stellation captured the French frigate LJ Insurgente, the privateers brought 
more than fifty armed vessels of the French into port and France quickly de 
cicled that she wanted peace. This sort of argument was not quite to her taste. 

Seventeen years after the close of the trouble with Algiers, in 1S32 
one of the most interesting cases of difficulty with a foreign power arose 
As with Algeria and Tripoli, so now our navy was resorted to for the pur- 

of exacting reparation. This time the trouble was with the kingdom of 
Naples, in Italy, which had been wrested from Spain by Napoleon, who 
placed successively his brother Joseph and his brother-indaw Murat on the 
throne of Naples and the two Sicilies. During the years 1809-12 the Nea- 
politan government, under Joseph and Murat successively, had confiscated 
numerous American ships with their cargoes. The total amount of the 
American claims against Naples, as filed in the State department when 
Jackson's administration assumed control, was $1,754,994- They were held 
by various insurance companies and by citizens, principally of Baltimore. 
Demands for the payment of these claims had from time to time been made 
by our government, but Naples had always refused to settle them. 

Jackson and his cabinet took a decided stand, and determined that the 
Neapolitan government, then in the hands of Ferdinand II. — subsequently 
nicknamed Bomba because of his cruelties — should make due reparation for 


the losses sustained by American citizens. The Hon. |<>hn Nelson, o» 
Frederick, Maryland, was appointed Minister to Naples, and required to 
insist upon a settlement. Commodore Daniel Patterson, who had aided 
The Claim in ^ le defense of New Orleans in 1 8 1 5 , was put in command 

Against of the Mediterranean squadron and ordered toco-operate with 

apes Minister Nelson in enforcing his demands. But Naples 

persisted in her refusal to render satisfaction, and a warlike demonstration 
was decided upon, the whole matter being placed, under instructions, in the 
hands of Commodore Patterson. 

The entire force under his command consisted of three fifty-gun 
frigates and three twenty-gun corvettes. In order not to precipitate 
matters too hastily, the plan adopted was that these vessels should appear 
in the Neapolitan waters one at a time, and instructions were given to that 
effect. The Brandywine, with Minister Nelson on board, went first. Mi- 
Nelson made his demand for a settlement and was refused. There was 
nothing in the appearance of a Yankee envoy and a single ship to trouble 
King Bomba and his little kingdom. The Brandywine cast anchor in the 
harbor and the humbled envoy waited patiently for a few days. Then 

another American flay appeared on the horizon, and the 
How King & rr 

Botuba was frigate United States floated into the harbor and came to 
Brought to anchor. Mr. Nelson repeated his demands, and they were 
again refused. Four days slipped away, and the stars and 
stripes once more appeared off the harbor. King Bomba, looking out from 
his palace windows, saw the fifty-gun frigate Concord sail into the harbor 
and drop her anchor. Then unmistakable signs of uneasiness began to 
show themselves. Ports were repaired, troops drilled, and more cannon 
mounted on the coast. The demands were reiterated, but the Neapolitan 
government still declined to consider them. Two days later another war- 
ship made her way into the harbor. It was the John Adams. When the 
fifth ship sailed gallantly in, Nelson sent word home that he was still 
unable to collect the bill. The end was not yet. Three days later, and the 
sixth American sail showed itself on the blue waters of the peerless bay. It 
was the handwriting on the wall for King Bomba, and his government 
announced that they would accede to the American demands. The nego- 
tiations were promptly resumed and speedily closed, the payment of the 
principal in installments with interest being guaranteed. Pending nego- 
tiations, from August 28th to September 15th the entire squadron remained 
in the Bay of Naples, and then the ships sailed away and separated. So, 
happily and bloodlessly, ended a difficulty which at one time threatened 
most serious results 


Another demonstration, less imposing in numbers but quite as spirited 

and, indeed, more intensely dramatic, occurred at Smyrna in „ . . 

J J Captain In. 

1853, when Captain Duncan N. Ingraham, with a single graham ana 
sloop-of-war, trained his broadsides on a fleet of Austrian the K °sz*a 
warships in the harbor. The episode was a most thrilling 
one, and our record would be incomplete were so dramatic an affair left 
unrecorded on its pages. This is the story : 

When the revolution of Hungary against Austria was put down, Kos 
suth, Koszta, and other leading revolutionists fled to Smyrna, and the 
Turkish government, after long negotiations, refused to give them up. 
Koszta soon after came to the United States, and in July, 1852, declared 
under oath his intention of becoming an American citizen. He resided in 
New York city a year and eleven months. 

A year after he had declared his intention to assume American citizen- 
ship, Koszta went to Smyrna on business, where he remained for a time 
undisturbed. He had so inflamed the Austrian government against him, 
however, that a plot was formed to capture him. On June 21, 1853, while 
he was seated on the Marina, a public resort in Smyrna, a bind of Greek 
mercenaries, hired by the Austrian Consul, seized him and carried him off 
to an Austrian ship-of-war, the Huzzar, then lying in the harbor. Arch- 
duke John, brother of the emperor, is said to have been in command of this 
vessel. Koszta was put in irons and treated as a criminal. The next day 
an American sloop-of-war, the St. Louis, commanded by Captain Duncan N. 
Ingraham, sailed into the harbor. Learning what had happened, Captain 
Ingraham immediately sent on board the Huzzar and courteously asked 
permission to see Koszta. His request was granted, and the captain 
assured himself that Koszta was entitled to the protection of the American 
flag. He demanded his release from the Austrian commander. When it 
was refused, he communicated with the nearest United States official, Con- 
sul Brown, at Constantinople. While he was waiting for an answer six 
Austrian warships sailed into the harbor and came to anchor in positions 
near the Huzzar. On June 29th, before Captain Ingraham xhe"St 
had received any answer from the American Consul, he Louis" and 
noticed unusual signs of activity on board the Huzzar, and * e " Huzzar 
before long she began to get under way. The American captain made up 
his mind immediately. He put the St. Louis straight in the Huzzar s 
course and cleared his guns for action. The Huzzar hove to, and Captain 
Ingraham went on board and demanded the meaning of her action. 

" We propose to sail for home,' replied the Austrian. The consu,' 
has ordered us to take our prisoner to Austria " 


You will p; I Captain Ingraham, 'hut if you attempt to 

;• ave this port with thai American on board I shall be compelled to resort 
to extreme measui 

The Austrian glanced around at the ileet of Austrian war-ships and the 
single American sloop-of-war. Then he smiled pleasantly, and intimated that 
the Htc-zar would do as she pleased. 

tain Ingraham bowed and returned to the St. I. outs. He had no 
reached her deck than he called out : "Clear the guns for action !" 

The Archduke ol Austria saw the batteries of the St. Louis turned 
upon him, and suddenly realized that he was in the wrong. The //.•. 
was put about and. sailed back to her old anchorage. Word was sent to 
I iptain Ingraham that the Austrian would await the arrival of the note 
from Mr. Brown. 

The consuls note, which came on July ist, commended Captain Ingra- 
ham's course and advised him to lake whatever action he thought the situa- 
tion demanded At eight o'clock on the morning of July 2d, Captain In- 
graham sent a note to the commander of the Huzzar, formally demanding 
the rele ise of Mr. Koszta. ;s the prisoner was delivered on board the 

St. Louis before iow; o'clock the next afternoon. Captain Ingraham would 
take- him from the Austrians by force. The Archduke sent back a formal 
refusal. At eight o'clock the next morning Captain Ingraham once more 
Koszta is Given or dered the decks cleared for action and trained his batteries 
Up to ingra- on the Huzzar. i ven Austrian war vessi Is cleared their 

hani decks and put their men at the guns. 

At ten o'clock an Austrian officer cam.- to Captain Ingraham and began 
to temporize. Captain Ingraham refused to listen to him. 

I o avoid the worst," ho said. " I will agree to let the man be delivered 
to the French Consul at Smyrna until you have opportunity to communicate 
witii your government. But he must be delivered there, or 1 will take him. 
i have stated the time." 

At twelve o'clock a boat left the Huzzar with Koszta in it, and an hour 
later the French Consul sent word that Kos ; 1 was in his keeping-. I hen 
several of the A strian war-wessels sailed out of the harbor, bong negotia- 
tions between the two governments followed, and in the end Austria ad- 
mitted that the : States was in I it, and apologized. 

plaudits winch greeted Captain Ingraham's intr 

coursi ■ >"• when, the next year, another occasion arose where our 

o-overnment was obliged to resort to the show of force. This time Nica- 

ountry involved. Various outrages, as was contended, had 

been committed on the persons and property ol American citizens dwelling 


in that country. The repeated demands for redress were not complied 
with. Peaceful negotiations having failed, in June, 1854, The Trouble 
Commander Hollins, with the sloop of war Cyane, was with Nicara- 
ordered to proceed to the town of San Juan, or Greytown, sua 
which lies on the Mosquito coast of Nicaragua, and to insist on favorable 
action from the Nicarag;uan government. 

Captain Hollins came to anchor off the coast and placed his demands 
before the authorities. He waited patiently for a response, but no satisfac- 
tory one was offered him. After a number of days he made a final appeal 
and then proceeded to carry out his instructions. On the morning of July 
13th he directed his batteries on the town of San Juan and opened fire 
Until four o'clock in the afternoon the ship poured out broadsides as 
fast as its guns could be loaded. By that time the greater part of the 
town was destroyed. Then a party of marines was put on shore, and 
completed the destruction of the place by burning the houses. 

A lieutenant of the British navy commanding a small vessel of war was 
in the harbor at the time. England claimed a species of protectorate over 
the settlement, and the British officer raised violent protest against the 
action taken by America's representative. Captain Hollins, however, paid 
no attention to the interference and carried out his instructions. Tht 
United States government later sustained Captain I lollins in everything 
he had done and England thereupon thought best to let the matter drop. 
In this that country was unquestionably wise. 

At this time the United States seems to have entered upon a period of 
international conflict ; for no sooner had the difficulties with Austria and 
Nicaragua been adjusted than another war-cloud appeared on the horizon. 
Here again only a year from the last conflict had elapsed, for in 1855 an 
offense was committed against the United States by Paragoiay. 

To explain what it was we shall have to go back three years. n ai " a £ ua y aa 

r o ' _ Waters 

In 1852 Captain Thomas J. Page, commanding a small light- 
draught steamer, the JJ r a/cr Witch, by direction of his government started 
for South America to explore the River La Plata and its large tributaries 
with a view to opening up commercial intercourse between the UniteG 
States and the interior States of South America. We have said that the 
expedition was ordered by our government; it also remains to be noted 
that it was undertaken with the full consent and approbation of the 
countries having jurisdiction over those waters. Slowly, but surely, the 
little steamer pushed her way up the river, making soundings and charting 
the river as she proceeded. All went well until February 1, 1855, when the 
first sign of trouble appeared 


It was a lovely day in early summer — -the summer begins in February 
in that latitude — and nothing appeared to indicate the slightest disturbance 
The little Water Witch was quietly steaming up the River Parana, which 
forms the northern boundary of the State of Corrientes, separating it from 
Paraguay, when suddenly, without a moment's warning, a battery from Fort 
Itaparu, on the Paraguayan shore, opened fire upon her, immediately killing 
The Assault on one °^ ner crew > who at that time was at the wheel. The 
the "Water Water JVitch was not fitted for hostilities; least of all could 
she assume the risk of attempting to run the batteries of the 
fort Accordingly, Captain Page put the steamer about, and was soon out 
of range. It should here be explained that at that time President Carlos 
A. Lopez was the autocratic ruler of Paraguay, ami that he had previously 
received Captain Page with every assurance of friendship. A few months 
previous, however, Lopez had been antagonized by the United States con- 
sul at Ascencion. This gentleman, in addition to his official position, acted 
as agent for an American mercantile company of which Lopez disapproved 
and whose business he had broken up. Me had also issued a decree 
forbidding foreign vessels of war to navigate the Parana or any of the 
waters bounding Paraguay, which he clearly had no right to do, as half the 
stream belonged to the country bo dering on the other side. 

Captain Page, finding it impracticable to prosecute his exploration any 
further, at once returned to the Ur ted States, where he gave the Washington 
authorities a detailed account of the occurrence. It was claimed by our 
government that the ll'atcr Hitch was not subject to the jurisdiction of 
Paraguay, as the channel was the equal property of the Argentine Republic. 
Itwas further claimed that, even if she had been within the jurisdiction of Para- 
guay, she was not properly a vessel of war, but a government boat employed 
for scientific purposes. And even were the vessel supposed to be a war 
vessel, it was contended that it was a gross violation of international right 
and courtesy to fire shot at the vessel of a friendly power without first 
resorting to more peaceful means. At that time William L. Marcy, one of the 
loremost statesmen of his day, was Secretary of State. Mr. Marcy at once 

wrote a strong letter to the Paraguayan government, stating 
Marcy Demands , , , , ,..,'. • r -n 

Reparation l " e ' acts °< tne case > declaring that the action of Paraguay in 

firing upon the Water ]} r itc!i would not be submitted to, and 

demanding amole apology and compensation. All efforts in this direction, 

however, proven fruitless. Lopez refused to give any reparation ; and not 

only so, but declared that no American vessel would, be allowed to ascend 

the Parana for the purpose indicated. 


The event, as it became known, aroused not a little excitement , and 
while there were some who deprecated a resort to extreme measures, the 
general sentiment of the country was decidedly manifested in favor of an 
assertion of our rights in the premises. Accordingly, President Pierce sent 
a message to Congress, stating that a peaceful adjustment of the difficulty was 
impossible, and asking for authority to send such a naval force to Paraguay 
as would compel her arbitrary ruler to give the full satisfaction demanded. 

To this request Congress promptly and almost unanimously gave 
assent, and one of the strongest naval expeditions ever fitted out by the 
United States up to that time was ordered to assemble at the month of La 
Plata River. The fleet was an imposing one for the purpose, and com- 
prised nineteen vessels, seven of which were steamers specially A p ower f u | 
chartered for the purpose, as our largest war vessels wire of Fleet Sent to 
too deep draught to ascend the La Plata and Parana. The Paraguay 
entire squadron carried 200 guns and 2,500 men, and was commanded by 
flag officer, afterward rear-admiral, Shubrick, one of the oldest officers of 
our navy, and one of the most gallant men that ever trod a quarter-deck. 
Flag Officer Shubrick was accompanied by United States Commissioner 
Bowlin, to whom was intrusted negotiations for the settlement of the 

Three years and eleven months had now passed since the Water U'itch 
was fired upon, and President Buchanan had succeeded Franklin Pierce. 
The winter of 1859 was just closing in at the north ; the streams were closed 
by ice, and the lakes were ice-bound, but the palm trees of the south were 
displaying their fresh green leaves, like so many fringed banners, in the 
warm tropical air when the United States squadron assembled at Monte- 
video. The fleet included two United States frigates, the Sabine and the 
St. Lawrence ; two sloops-of-war, the Falmouth and the Preble; three brigs, 
the B 'a inbridge, the Dolphin and the Perry ; seven steamers especially armed 
for the occasion, the. Memphis, the Caledonia, the Atlanta, the Southern Star 
the Westcrnport, the M. W. Chaftin, and the Metacomet , two armed store 
ships, the Supply and the Release ; the revenue steamer, Harriet Lane; and, 
kstly, the little Water }] r itch herself, no longer defenceless, but in fighting 
trim for hostilities. 

On the 25th of January, 1859, within just one week of four years from 
the firing upor the Water Witch, the squadron got under way and came to 
anchor off Ascencion, the capital of Paraguay. Meanwhile The Shi 
President Urquiza, of the Argentine Republic, who had Anchor off 
offered his services to mediate the difficulty, had arrived at As cencK>n 
Ascencion in advance of the squadron. The negotiations were reopened, and 


Commissioner Bowlin made his demand For instant reparation. All this 
time Flag Officer Shubrick was not idle. With such of our vessels as were 
of suitable size he ascended the river, taking them through the difficulties 
created by its currents shoals and sand bars, and brought them to a position 
above the town, where they were made ready for action in case of necessity 
to open fire. The force within striking distance of Paraguay consisted of 
1.740 men, besides the officers, and 78 guns, including 23 nine-inch shell- 
guns and one shell gun of eleven inchi . 

Ships and guns proved to be very strong arguments with Lopez. It did 
not take the Dictator-President long to see that the United States meant 
business, and that the time for trilling had passed and the time for serious 
work had come. President Lopez's cerebral processes worked with re- 
markable and encouraging celerity. By February 5th, within less than 
two weeks of the starting of the squadron from Montevideo, Comaussioner 
Bowlin's demands were all ac to. Ample apologies were made for 

_ ., il firing on the Water Witch, aud pecuniary compensation was 

President Lopez & r J 1 

Brought to given to the family of the sailor who had been killed. In 

addition to this, a new commercial treaty was made, and 

cordial relations were fully restored between the two governments. 

A period of more than thirty years now elapsed before any serious dil 
ficulty occurred with a foreign power. In 1891 an event took place that 
threatened to disturb our relations with Chili and possibly involve the 
United States in war with that power. Happily the matter reached a peace- 
ful settlement. In January, of that year, civil war had broken out in Chili, the 
cause of which was a o mtest between the legislative branch of the government 
The Civil War and the executive, for the control of affairs. The President of 
in ChiFi Chili, General Balmaceda, began to assert authority which the 

legislature, or "the Congressionalists," as the opposing party was called, 
resisted as unconstitutional and oppressive, and they accordingly proceeded 
to interfere with Balmaceda's Cabinet in its efforts to carry out the presi 
dent's despotic will. 

Finally matters came to a point where appeal to arms was necessary 
On the 9th of January the Congressional part)- took possession of th< 
greater part of the Chilian fleet, the navy being in hearty sympathy with 
them, and the guns of the warships were turned against Balmaceda, — 
Valparaiso, the capital, and other ports being blockaded by the ships. 
For a time Balmaceda maintained control of the capital and the southern 
part of the country. The key to the position was Valparaiso, which was 
strongly fortified, Balmaceda's army being massed there and placed at 
available points. 


At last the Congressionalists determined to attack Balmaceda at his 
capital, and on August 21st landed every available fighting man at their 
disposal at Concon, about ten miles north of Valparaiso. They were 
attacked by the Dictator on the 22d, there being twenty thousand men on 
each side. The Dictator had the worst of it. Then he rallied his shattered 
forces, and made his last stand at Placillo, close to Valparaiso, on the 28th. 
The battle was hot, the carnage fearful ; neither side asked for or received 
quarter. The magazine rifles, with which the revolutionists were armed, 
did wonders. The odds were against Balmaceda ; both his generals quar- 
reled in face of the enemy ; his army became divided and de- 
moralized. In a later battle both of his generals were killed. Th e Overthrow 

& of Balmaceda 

The valor and the superior tactics of General Canto, leader of 

the Congressional army, won the day. Balmaceda fled and eventually 
committed suicide, and the Congressionalists entered the capital in 

Several incidents mean time had conspired, during the progress of this 
war, to rouse the animosity of the stronger party in Chili against the United 
States. Before the Congressionalists' triumph the steamship /fata, load - i 
with American arms and ammunition for Chili, sailed from San Francisco, 
and as this was a violation of the neutrality laws, a United States war vessel 
pursued her to the harbor of Iquique, where she surrendered. Then other 
troubles arose. Our minister at Valparaiso, Mr. Egan, was charged by the 
Congressionalists, then in power, with disregarding international law in 
allowing the American Legation to be made an asylum for the adherents of 
Balmaceda. Subsequently these refugees were permitted to go aboard 
American vessels and sail away. Then Admiral Brown, of the United 
States squadron, was, in Chili's opinion, guilt)- of having acted as a spy 
upon the movements of the Congressionalists' fleet at Ouinteros, and of 
bringing intelligence of its movements to Balmaceda at Valparaiso. This, 
however, the Admiral stoutly denied. 

The strong popular feeling of dislike which was engendered by these 
charges culminated on tne 1 6th of October, in an attack upon American sea- 
men by a mob in the streets of the Chilian capital. Captain Schley, com- 
mander of the United States cruiser Baltimore, had given shore-leave to a 
hundred and seventeen petty officers and seamen, some of An Attack on 
whom, when they had been on shore for several hours, were the Men of 

set upon by Chilians. They took refuse in a street car, from the "^ a,tl " 

.... ° . more ' 

which, however, they were soon driven and mercilessly beaten, 

and a subordinate officer named Riggen fell, apparently lifeless. The Ameri- 
can sailors, according to Captain Schley's testimony, were sober and 


conducting themselves with propriety when the attack was made. They 
were not armed, even their knives having been taken from them before they 
left the vessel. 

The assault upon those in the street car seemed to be only a signal for 
a general uprising , and a mob which is variously estimated at from one 
thousand to two thousand people attacked our sailors with such fury that in 
a little while these men, whom no investigation could find guilty of any 
breach of the peace, were fleeing for their lives before an overwhelming 
crowd, among which were a number of the police of Valparaiso. In this 
affray eighteen sailors were stabbi ! several dying from their wounds. 

Of course the United States government at once communicated with 
the Chilian authorities on the subject, expressing an intention to investigate 
the occurrence fully. The first reply made to the American government by 
Signor Matta, the Chilian minister of foreign affairs, was to the effect that 
Chili would not. allow anything to interfere with her own official investi- 

An examination of all the facts was made on our part. It was careful 
and thorough, and showed that our (lag had been insulted in the persons of 
American seamen. Yet, while the Chilian court of inquiry could pn 
An In vest tea = no extenuating facts, that country refused at first to offer 
tion De- apology or reparation for the affront. In the course of the 

correspondence Minister Matta sent a note of instruction to 
Mr. Montt, Chilian representative at Washington, in which he used the most 
offensive terms in relation to the United States, and directed that the letter 
should be given to the press for publication. 

After waiting for a long time for the result of the investigation at 
Valparaiso, and finding that, although no excuse or palliation had been found 
for the outrage, the Chilian authorities seemed reluctant to oiler apology, 
the President of the United States, in a message to Congress, made an ex- 
tended statement of the various incidents of the case and its legal aspect, 
and stated that on the 21st of January he had caused a peremptory com 
munication to be presented to the Chilian government by the American 
minister at Santiago, in which severance of diplomatic relations was 
threatened if our demands for satisfaction, which included the withdrawal 
of Mr. Matta's insulting note, were not complied with. At the time that 
this message was delivered no reply had been sent to the note. 

Mr. Harrison's statement of the legal aspect of the case, upon which 
the final settlement of tin; difficulty was based, was that the presence of a 
warship of any nation in a port belonging to a friendly power is by virtue 
of a general invitation which nations, are held to extend to each other ; that 


Commander Schley was invited, with his officers and crew, to enjoy the 
hospitality of Valparaiso ; that while no claim that an attack which an 
individual sailor may be subjected to raises an international The American 
question, yet where the resident population assault sailors of Case Pre- 
another country's war vessels, as at Valparaiso, animated by an sen e 
animosity against the government to which they belong, that government 
must act as it would if the representatives or flag of the nation had been 
attacked, since the sailors are there by the order of their government. 

Finally an ultimatum was sent from the State department at Washing- 
ton, on the 25th, to Minister Egan, and was by him transmitted to the 
proper Chilian authorities. It demanded the retraction of Mr. Matta's note 
and suitable apology and reparation for the insult and injury chili Offers an 
-sustained by the United States. On the 28th of January, Apology and 
1892, a dispatch from Chili was received, in which the de- Reparation 
mands of our government were fully acceded to, the offensive letter was 
withdrawn, and regret was expressed for the occurrence. In his relation to 
this particular case, Minister Egan's conduct received the entire approval of 
his government. 

While the United States looked for a peaceful solution of this annoy- 
ing international episode, the proper preparations were made for a less 
desirable outcome. Our naval force was put in as efficient a condition as 
possible, and the vessels which were then in the navy yard were got 
ready for service with all expedition. If the Chilian war-scare did nothing 
else, it aroused a wholesome interest in naval matters throughout the whole 
of the United States, and by focusing attention upon the needs of this 
branch of the public service, showed at once how helpless we might become 
in the event of a war with any first-class power. We may thank Chili that 
to-day the United States Navy is in a better condition than at any time in 
our history. 

When the great Napoleon was overthrown, France, Russia, Prussia 
and Austria formed an alliance for preserving the "balance of power" and 
for suppressing revolutions within one another's dominions. This has been 
spoken of in a preceding chapter as the " Holy Alliance." At the time 
the Spanish South American colonies were in revolt, and the alliance had 
taken steps indicating an intention to aid in their reduction. George Can- 
ning, the English secretary of state, proposed to our country that we should 
unite with England in preventing such an outrage against 
civilization. It was a momentous question, and President D OC tr^n° e 
Monroe consulted with Jefferson, Madison, Calhoun and 
John Quincy Adams, the secretary of state, before making answer. The 


decision being reached, the President embodied in his annual message to 
Congress in December, 1823, a clause which formulated what has ever since 
been known as the " Monroe Doctrine." It was written by John Ouincy 
Adams, and, referring to the intervention of the allied powers, said that we 
"should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any 
portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety ;" and 
further, "that the American continents, by the free and independent condi- 
tion which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be con- 
sidered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers." 

By the Monroe Doctrine the United States formally adopted the posi- 
tion of guardian of the weaker American States, and since its promulgation 
there have been few aggressions of European nations in America, and none 
in which the United States has not decisively warned them 
iheCaseof Q ff j^ most str ;k; n „. i nsr . a nces may be stated. When, 

Cuba . . 

during the troubles in Cuba, France and Great Britain sug- 
gested an alliance with the United States to look after affairs in that 
quarter, they were given plainly to understand that this country would 
attend to that matter itself and would brook no interference on the part of 
foreign powers. It also intimated that, in the event of Spain giving up her 
authority in Cuba from any cause, the United States proposed to act as 
the sole arbiter of the destinies of the island. Since that date no European 
power has shown any inclination to interfere in Cuban affairs. 

The only decided effort to set at naught the Monroe Doctrine was 
made by France during the American Civil War. Taking advantage of 

. .. , the difficulties under which our government then labored. 
France in Mexico _, ° 

and the Fate France landed an army in Mexico, overthrew the republic, 
of Maximilian established an empire, and placed Maximilian, a brother of 
the Emperor of Austria, upon its throne. All went well with the new 
emperor until after the close of our Civil War; then all began to go ill. 
The Monroe Doctrine raised its head again, and the French were plainly 
bidden to take their troops from Mexico if the)' did not want trouble. 
Napoleon III. was quick to take the hint, and to withdraw his army. Max- 
imilian was advised to go with it, but he unwisely declined, fancying that 
he could maintain his seat upon the Mexican throne. He was quickly 
undeceived. The liberals sprang to arms, defeated with ease his small 
army, and soon had him in their hands. A few words complete the story 
He was tried by court martial, condemned to death, ami shot. Thus ended 
in disaster the most decided attempt to set at naught the Monroe Doctrine 
of American guardianship. 


A second effort, less piratical in its character, was the attempt of Great 

Britain to extend the borders of British Guiana at the expense of Venezuela. 

To a certain degree Great Britain seems to have had riq-ht _. „ 

& _ . ° The Venezuelan 

on its side in this movement, but its methods were those Boundary and 
used by strong nations when dealing- with weak ones, the the Monroe 
demand of Venezuela for arbitration was scornfully ignored, 
md force was used to support a claim whose justice no effort was made to 
mow. These high-handed proceedings were brought to a quick termination 
by the action of the United States, which offered itself as the friend and 
ally of Venezuela in the dispute. President Cleveland insisted on an arbitra- 
tion of the difficulty in words that had no uncertain ring, and the states- 
men of Great Britain, convinced that he meant just what he said, submitted 
with what grace they could. A court of arbitration was appointed, the 
boundary question put into its hands to settle, and peace and satisfaction 
reigned again. The Monroe Doctrine had once more decisively asserted 
itself. By the decision of the court of arbitration each country got the 
portion of the disputed territory it most valued, and both were satisfied. 
Thus peace has its triumphs greater than those of war. 

These are not offered as the only occasions in which the United States 
has come into hostile relations with foreign powers and has sustained its 
dignity with or without war, but they are the most striking ones, unless we 
include in this category the Mexican war. Various disputes of a minor 
character have arisen, notably with Great Britain, the latest being that con- 
cerning the Alaskan boundary ; but those given are the only instances that 
seem to call for attention here. 

Webster and Clay and the Preservation of the Union. 

DURING the first half of the nineteenth century a number of great 
questions came up in American politics and pressed for solution. 
There was abundance of hostilities — wars with Great Britain, the 
Barbary states, Mexico and the Indians — and international difficulties of 
various kinds. The most important of these we have described. We have 
now to consider questions of internal policy, problems arising in the devel- 
opment of the nation which threatened its peace and pro* 
Questions of In- per ; t y and to deal with which called for the most earnest 

ternai Policy . . . .... .... 

patriotism and the highest statesmanship in the political 

leaders of the commonwealth. Among these leaders two men loomed high 

above their contemporaries, Daniel Webster, the supreme orator and 

staunch defender of the Union, and Henry Clay, the great peace-maker, 

wdiose hand for years stayed the waves of the political tempest and more 

than once chei ked legislative hostilities in their early stage. It was not until 

Clay had passed from the scene that one of the national problems alluded to 

plunged the country into civil war and racked the Union almost to the 

point of dissolution. 

Of these LM'eat political questions, danger to the Union arose from two, 

the problem of the tariff and the dispute over the institution of slavery. 

There were others of minor importance, prominent among them those of 

internal improvement at government expense, and of state 

Danger to the rights, or the degree of independence of the states under the 

Union & & l 111 i 

Federal Union, but it was the first two only that threatened 

the existence of the nation, and in dealing with which the noblest states- 
manship and the most fervid and convincing orator)- were called into play. 
The subject of slavery in particular gloomed above the nation like a terrible 
thunder cloud. All other questions of domestic policy — tariff, currency, 
internal improvements, state rights — were subordinate to the main ques- 
tion of how to preserve the Union under this unceasing threat. Some, 
like Calhoun, were ready to abandon the Union that slavery might be 
saved; others, like Garrison, were ready to abandon the Union that slavery 
might be destroyed. Between these extremes stood many able and patriotic 
39 8 


statesmen, who, to save the Union, were ready to make any sacrifice and 
join in any compromise. And high among these, for more than fifty years 
stood the noble figure of Henry Clay, 

Not often does a man whose life is spent in purely civil affairs become, 
such a popular hero and idol as did Clay — especially when it is his fate 
never to reach the highest place in the people's gift. "Was there ever.' 
says Parton, " a public man, not at the head of a state, so be- 
loved as he ? Who ever heard such cheers, so hearty, distinct * y s . r ?f* 

' J Popularity 

and ringing; as those which his name evoked ? Men shed 
tears at his defeat, and women went to bed sick from pure sympathy with 
his disappointment. He could not travel during the last thirty years of his 
life, but only make progresses. When he left home the public seized him 
and bore him along over the land, the committee of one state passing him 
on to the committee of another, and the hurrahs of one town dying away as 
those of the next caught his ear." 

Born a poor boy, who had to make his way up from the lowest state of 
frontier indigence, he was favored by nature with a kindly soul, the finest 
and most effective powers of oratory, and a voice of the most admirable 
character; one of deep and rich tone, wonderful volume, and sweet and 
tender harmony, which invested all he said with majesty, and swept 
audiences away as much by its musical and swelling cadences as by the 
logic and convincing nature of his utterances. 

After years of active and useful labor in Congress, it was in 1818 that 
Clay first stepped into the arena for the calming of the passions of Con- 
gress and the preservation of the Union, a duty to which he devoted him- 
self for the remainder of his life. In the year named a petition for the 
admission of Missouri into the Union was presented in Congress, and with 
it began that long and bitter struggle over slavery which did not end until 
the surrender of Lee at Appomattox in 1865. 

For years the sentiment in favor of slavery had been growing stronger 

in the South. At one time many of the wisest southern statesmen and 

planters disapproved of the institution and proposed its aboli- 

n ,. . r , ■ 1 t--i- tin • • The Slavery 

tion but the invention 01 the cotton gin by h.h Whitney, in sentiment 

1793, and the subsequent great development of the cotton 

culture had decidedly changed the situation. By 1800 the value of the 

cotton product had advanced to $5,700,000. In 1820 it had made another 

great advance, and was valued at nearly $20,000,000. There was now no 

thought of doing away with the use of slaves, but a strong sentiment had 

arisen in the South in favor of extending the area in which slave labor 

could be employed. 


In the North a different state of feeling existed. Slavery was believed 

.o be a wrong and an injury to American institutions, though no movement 

for its abolition had been started, Many people thought it ought to and 

would disappear in time, but there was no idea of taking steps 
The Admission r . • ° , 

of Missouri to enforce its disappearance, nut when, in the bill for the 

admission of Missouri, there was shown a purpose of extend- 
ing the area of slavery, northern sentiment became alarmed and a strong 
opposition to this project developed in Congress. 

It was the sudden revelation of a change of feeling in the South which 
the North had not observed in its progress. " The discussion of this Mis- 
souri question has betrayed the secret of their souls," wrote John Ouincy 
Adams. The slaveholders watched with apprehension the steady growth of 
the free states in population, wealth and power. In 1790 the population 
of the two sections had been nearly even. In 1820 there was a difference 
of over 600,000 in favor of the North in a total of less than ten millions. 
In 1790 the representation of the two sections in Congress had been about 
evenly balanced. In 1820 the census promised to give the North a prepon- 
derance of more than thirty votes in the House of Representatives. If 
the South was to retain its political equality in Congress, or at least in the 
Senate, it must have more slave states, and there now began a vigorous 
struggle with this object in view. It was determined, if possible, to have 
as man)- states as the North, and it was with this purpose that it fought so 
hard to have slaverv introduced into Missouri. 

The famous " Missouri Compromise," by which the ominous dispute of 

1820 was at last settled, included the admission of one free state (Maine) 

and one slave state (Missouri) at the same time, and it was enacted that no 

Other slave state should be formed out of any part of the Louisiana 

territory north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, which 

The Missouri wag t h e southern boundary line of Missouri. The assent of 
Compromise ' 

opposing parties to this arrangement was secured largely by 

the patriotic efforts of Clay, who, says Schurz, "did not confine himself to 
speeches, * * * but went from man to man, expostulating, beseeching, 
persuading, in his most winning way. * * * His success added greatly 
to his reputation and gave new strength to his influence." The result, says 
John Ouincy Adams, was "to bring into full display the talents and re- 
sources and influence of Mr. Clay." lie was praised as "the great pacifi- 
cator" — a title which was confirmed by the deeds of his later life. 

Clay served as secretary of state during the administration of John 
Quincy Adams, but in 1S29, when Jackson, his bitter enemy, succeeded to 
the presidency, he retired for a short season to private life in his beautiful 


Kentucky home. But he was not long to remain there; in 1831 he was 
again elected to the Senate, where he remained until 1S42. They were 
stormy years. In South Carolina the opposition to the protective tariff had 
led to the promulgation of the famous " nullification " theory — the doctrine 
that any state had the power to declare a law of the United States null 
and void. Jackson, whose anger was thoroughly aroused, dealt with the 
revolt in summary fashion, threatening that if any resistance to the govern- 
ment was attempted he would instantly have the leaders arrested and 
brought to trial for treason. Nevertheless, to allay the discontent of the 
South, Clay devised his Compromise Tariff of 1833, under which the duties 
were to be gradually reduced, until they should reach a minimum of twenty 
per cent. In 1S32 he allowed himself, very unwisely, to be a candidate for 
the presidency, Jackson's re-election being a foregone conclusion. In 1836 
he declined a nomination, and Van Buren was elected. Then followed the 
panic of 1S37, which insured the defeat of the party in power, and the elec- 
tion of the Whig candidate at the following presidential election ; but the 
popularity of General Jackson had convinced the party managers that suc- 
cess demanded a military hero as a candidate; and accordingly General 
Harrison, "the hero of Tippecanoe," was elected, after the famous "Log 
Cabin and Hard Cider campaign " of 1840. This slight was deeply morti- 
fying to Clay, who had counted with confidence upon being the candidate 
of the party. "I am the most unfortunate man in the history of parties," 
he truly remarked; "always run by my friends when sure to be defeated, 
and now betrayed for a nomination when I, or any one else, would be sure 
of an election." 

In 1844, however, Clay's opportunity came at last. He was so obvi- 
ously the Whig candidate that there was no opposition. The CUly as a 
convention met at Baltimore in May, and lie was nominated Presidential 
by acclamation, with a shout that shook the building. Every- 
thing appeared to indicate success, and his supporters regarded his tri- 
umphant election as certain. 

But into the politics of the time had come a new factor — the " Liberty 
party." This had been hitherto considered unimportant ; but the proposed 
annexation of Texas, which had become a prominent question, was opposed 
by many in the North who had hitherto voted with the Whig party. Clay 
was a slaveholder ; and though he had opposed the extension of slavery, his 
record was not satisfactory to those who disapproved of the annexation of 
Texas. In truth, the opposition to slavery in the North was rapidly gaining 
political strength, while the question of the annexation of Texas was looked 
upon as one for the extension of the "peculiar institution," since Texas 


would, under the Missouri Compromise, fall into line as a slave state, and 
was large enough, if Congress should permit, to be cut up into a number of 

slave states. Clay was between two fires. He was distrusted 
Th o e f ^° nt in the South ; while his competitor, Polk, was pledged to 

support the annexation of Texas. He was doubted in the 
North as a slaveholder. His old enemy, Jackson, used his influence strongly 
against him. The contest finally turned upon the vote of New York, and 
that proved so close that the suspense became painful. People did not go 
to bed, waiting for the delayed returns. The contest was singularly like 
that of Blaine ami Garfield, forty years later, when the result again turned 
upon a close vote in the State of New York. When at last the decisive 
news was received, and tin; fact of Clay's defeat was assured, the Whigs 
broke out in a wail of agony all over the land. " It was," says Nathan Sar- 
gent, "as if the first-born of every family had been stricken down." The 
descriptions we have of the grief manifested are almost incredible. Tears 
flowed in abundance from the eyes of men and women. In the cities and 
villages the business places were almost deserted for a day or two, people 
gathering together in groups to discuss in low tones what had happened. 
The Whigs were fairly stunned by their defeat, and the Democrats failed 
to indulge in demonstrations of triumph, it being widely felt that a great 
wrong had been done. It was the opinion of many that there would be no 
hope thereafter of electing the great statesmen of the country to the 
presidency, and that this high office would in future be attained only by 
men of second-rate ability. 

The last and greatest work of the life of Henry Clay was the famous 
Compromise of 1850, which has been said to have postponed for ten years 

the great Civil War. At that period the sentiment against 

The Compro- . .... , , T , . . . . , 

miseoii8-o slavery was rapidly increasing in the JNorth and had gained 

great strength. Though the number of free and slave states 

continued equal, the former were fast surpassing the latter in wealth and 


It was evident that slavery must have more territory or lose its political 

influence. Shut out of the northwest by the Missouri Compromise, it was 

supposed that a great field for its extension had been gained in Texas and the 

territory acquired from Mexico. But now California, a part of this territory 

which had been counted upon for slavery, was populated by a sudden rush 

of northern immigration, attracted by the discovery of gold ; and a state 

government was organized with a constitution excluding slavery, thus 

giving the free states a majority of one. Instead of adding to the area of 

slavery, the Mexican territory seemed likely to increase the strength of 


freedom. The South was both alarmed and e\asperated. Threats of dis- 
union were freely made. It was clear that prompt measures must be taken 
to allay the prevailing excitement, if disruption were to be avoided. In such 
an emergency it was natural that all eyes should turn to the "great pacifi- 
cator," Henry Clay. 

When, at the session of 1849-50, he appeared in the Senate to assist, if 
possible, in removing the slavery question from politics, Clay was an infirm 
and serious, but not sad, old man of seventy-two. He never lost his cheer- 
fulness or faith, but he felt deeply for his distracted country. During that 
memorable session of Congress he spoke seventy times. Often extremely 

sick and feeble, scarcely able, with the assistance of a friend's 

' . . , An Orator of 

arm, to climb the steps of the Capitol, he was never absent seventy-two 

on the days when the compromise was to be debated. On 
the morning on which he began his great speech, he was accompanied by a 
clerical friend, to whom he said, on reaching the long Might of steps leading 
to the Capitol, "Will you lend me your arm, my friend? for I find myself 
quite weak and exhausted this morning." Every few steps he was obliged 
to stop and take breath. " Had you not better defer your speech ?" asked 
the clergyman. " My dear friend," said the dying orator, " I consider our 
country in danger; and if I can be the means, in any measure, of averting 
that danger, my health or life is of little consequence." When he rose to 
speak it was but too evident that he was unfit for the task he had under- 
taken. But as he kindled with his subject, his cough left him, and his bent 
form resumed all its wonted erectness and majesty. He may, in the prime 
of his strength, have spoken with more energy, but never with so much 
pathos or grandeur. His speech lasted two days ; and though he lived two 
years longer, he never recovered from the effects of the effort. The ther- 
mometer in the Senate chamber marked nearly 100 degrees. Toward the 
close of the second day, his friends repeatedly proposed an adjournment ; 
but he would not desist until he had given complete utterance to his 
feelings. He said afterwards that he was not sure, if he gave way to an 
adjournment, that he should ever be able to resume. 

Never was Clay's devotion to the Union displayed in such thrilling and 
pathetic forms as in the course of this long debate. On one occasion allu- 
sion was made to a South Carolina hot-head, who had publicly 

1 1 n r i- „,, ~, , Clav's Tribute 

proposed to raise the nag of disunion. When Clay retorted to the Union 

by saying, that, if Mr. Rhett had really meant that pro- 
position, and should follow it up by corresponding acts, he would be a 
traitor, and added, "and I hope he will meet a traitor's fate," thunders of 
applause broke from the crowded galleries. When the chairman succeeded 


in restoring silence, Mr. Clay made that celebrated declaration which was so 
frequently quoted in 1861 : " If Kentucky to-morrow shall unfurl the banner 
of resistance unjustly, I will never fight under that banner. I owe para- 
mount allegiance to the whole Union, a subordinate one to my own 
state." Again :" The senator speaks of Virginia being my country. This 
Union, sir, is my country ; the thirty states are my country ; Kentucky is my 
country, and Virginia, no more than any state in the Union." And yet 
again: "There arc those who think that the Union must be preserved by 
an exclusive reliance upon love and reason. That is not my opinion. I 
have some confidence in this instrumentality ; but, depend upon it, no 
human government can exist without the power of applying force, and the 
actual application of it in extreme cases.'" 

The compromise offered by Clay became known as the "Omnibus Bill," 
from the various measures it covered. It embraced the following provi- 
sions : 1. California should be admitted as a free state. 2. New Mexico 
and Utah should be formed into territories, and the question of the admis- 
sion of slavery lie left for their people to decide. 3. Texas should give up 
part of the territory it claimed, and be paid $10,000,000 as 
TheOmnibus R recompensei . The slave-trade should be prohibited in 

Bill r ~* 1/1 

the District of Columbia. 5. A stringent law for the return 
of fugitive slaves to their masters should be enacted 

The question concerning Texas was the following: Texas claimed that 
its western boundary followed the Rio Grande to its source. This took in 
territory which had never bee.;: part of Texas, but the claim was strongly 
pushed, and was settled in the manner above stated. The serious question. 
however, in this compromise was that concerning the return of fugitive 
slaves. When an effort was made to enforce the Fugitive Slave Law great 
opposition was excited, on account of the stringency of its provisions. The 
fugitive, when arrested, was not permitted to testify in his own behalf or to 
claim trial by jury, and all persons were required to assist the United States 
Effect of the marshal, when called upon for aid. To assist a fugitive to 

Fugitive Slave escape was an offence punishable by fine and imprisonment. 

Law In the last two respects the law failed; and its severe pro- 

visions added greatly to the strength of the anti-slavery party, and thus 
had much to do in bringing on the Civil War. 

Side by side with Clay in the senate stood another and greater figure, 
the majestic presence of Daniel Webster, one of the greatest orators the 
world has ever known, a man fitted to stand on the rostrum with Demos 
thenes, the renowned orator of Greece, or with Chatham, Burke, or Glad 
stone of the British parliament. 


In the hall of the United States Senate, on January 26, 1830, occurred 

what may be considered the most memorable scene in the annals of Congress. 

It was then that Daniel Webster made his famous " Reply to 

Hayne," — that renowned speech which has been declared the , e ' p y „ 

. . ... *° Hayne 

greatest oration ever made in Congress, an ^ which, in its far- 

reaching effect upon the public mind, did so much to shape the future destiny 

of the American Union. That speech was Webster's crowning work, and the 

event of his life by which he will be best known to posterity. 

Nothing in our history is more striking than the contrast between the 
Union of the time ot Washington and the Union of the time of Lincoln. 
It was not merely that in the intervening seventy-two years the republic 
had grown great and powerful ; it was that the popular sentiment toward 
the Union was transformed. The old feeling of distrust and jealousy had 
given place to a passionate attachment. It was as though a puny, sickly, 
feeble child, not expected by its parents even to live, had come to be their 
strong defense and support, their joy and pride. A weak league of states 
had become a strong nation ; and when in 1861 it was attacked, millions of 
men were ready to fight for its defence. What brought about this great 
change ? What was it that stirred the larger patriotism that gave shape 
and purpose to this growing feeling of national pride and unity? It was in 
a great degree the work of Daniel Webster. It was he who maintained and 
advocated the theory that the Federal Constitution created, not a league, 
but a nation; that it welded the people into organic union, supreme and per- 
petual. He it was who set forth in splendid completeness the picture of a 
great nation, inseparably united, commanding the first allegiance and loyalty 
of every citizen ; and who so fostered and strengthened the sentiment of union 
that, when the great struggle came, it had grewn too strong to be over- 

No description of Daniel Webster is complete or adequate which fails 
to describe his extraordinary personal appearance. In face, form and voice 
nature did her utmost for him. So impressive was his pre- Webster's Per- 
sence that men commonly spoke of this man of five feet ten sonal Appear- 
inches in height and less than two hundred pounds in weight 
as a giant. He seemed to dwarf those surrounding him. His head was very 
large, but of noble shape, with broad and lofty brow, and strong but finely 
cut features. His eyes were remarkable. They were large and deep-set, 
and in the excitement of an eloquent appeal they glowed with the deep 
light of the fire of a forge. His voice was in harmony with his appearance. 
In conversation it was low and musical ; in debate it was high but full. In 
moments of excitement it rang out like a clarion, whence it would sink into 


notes 01 the solemn richness of organ tones, while the grace and dignity of 

. „ his manner added ereatlv to the impressive delivery of his 
Voice and Per- ... 

sonal Mag- words. That wonderful quality which we call personal mag- 
netism of netism, the power of impressing by one's personality every 
human beine who comes near, was at its height in Mr. 
Webster. He never punished his children. It sufficed, when they did 
wrong to send for them and look at them in silence. The look, whether 
of sorrow or anger, was rebuke and punishment enough. 

As an orator, Mr. Webster's most famous speeches were the Plymouth 
Rock address, in 1820 ; the Bunker Hill Monument address, in 1825 ; and his 
orations in the Senate in 1830 in reply to Hayne, and in 1850 on Clay's 
Compromise Bill. Greatest among these was the speech in reply to Robert 
Y. Hayne, of South Carolina, on the 26th of January, 1830. The Union 
was threatened, and Webster rose to the utmost height of his 

T *l? ?.^ stl ° n of impassioned < r enius in this thrilling; appeal for its preservation 
Nullification ' = _ , • 

and endurance. The question under debate was the right of a 

state to nullify the acts of Congress. Hayne, in sustaining the affirmative 
of this dangerous proposition, had bitterly assailed New England, and had 
attacked Mr. Webster by caustic personalities, rousing "the giant" to a 
crushing reply. 

"There was," says Edward Everett, "a very great excitement in 
Washington, growing out of the controversies of the day, and the action 
of the South ; and party spirit ran uncommonly high. There seemed to 
be a preconcerted action on the part of tin; southern members to break 
down the northern men, and to destroy their force ami influence by a pre- 
meditated onslaught. 

" Mr. Hayne's speech was an eloquent one, as all know who ever read 
it. He was considered the foremost southerner in debate, except Calhoun, 
who was vice-president and could not enter the arena. Mr. Hayne was the 
champion of the southern side. Those who heard his speech felt much 
alarm, for two reasons ; first, on account of its eloquence and power, and 
second, because of its many personalities. It was thought by many who 
heard it, and by some of Mr. Webster's personal friends, that it was im- 
possible for him to answer the speech. 

'I shared a little myself in that fear and apprehension," said Mr. 

Everett. " I knew from what I heard concerning General Hayne's speech 

that it was a very masterly effort, and delivered with a great 

Hayne's Speech ^ | Q f V( , r an j w { t h an a j r f triumph. I was engaged 

in tnc Senate *«-*«.» 

on that day in a committee of which I was chairman, and 
could not be present in the Senate. But immediately after the adjournment 


I hastened to Mr. Webster's house, with, I admit, some little trepidation, 
not knowing how I should find him. But I was quite re-assured in a 
moment after seeing Mr. Webster, and observing his entire calmness. Me 
seemed to be as much at ease and as unmoved as I ever saw him. Indeed, 
at first I was a little afraid from this that he was not quite aware of the. 
magnitude of the contest. I said at once ■ 

" ' Mr. Hayne has made a speech ?' 

" ' Yes, he has made a speech.' 

"'You reply in the morning?' 

" 'Yes,' said Mr. Webster, ' I do not propose to let the case go by de- 
fault, and without saying a word.' 

"'Did you take notes, Mr. Webster, of Mr. Hayne's speech?" 

" Mr. Webster took from his vest pocket a piece of paper about as big 
as the palm of his hand, and replied, ' I have it all : that is Webster 

his Speech.' Prepares for 

"I immediately arose," said Mr. Everett, "and remarked Re P'y 
to him that I would not disturb him longer ; Mr. Webster desired me not 
to hasten, as he had no desire to be alone ; but I left." 

"On the morning of the memorable day," writes Mr. Lodge, "the 
Senate chamber was packed by an eager and excited crowd. Every seat on 
the floor and in the galleries was occupied, and all the available standing- 
room was filled. The protracted debate, conducted with so much ability on 
both sides, had excited the attention of the whole country, and had given 
time for the arrival of hundreds of interested spectators from all parts of 
the Union, and especially from New England. 

" In the midst of the hush of expectation, in that dead silence which 
is so peculiarly oppressive because it is possible only when many human 
beings are gathered together, Mr. Webster arose. His personal grandeur 
and his majestic calm thrilled all who looked upon him. With perfect 
quietness, unaffected apparently by the atmosphere of intense feeling about 
him, he said, in a low, even tone ; 

" ' Mr. President : When the mariner has been tossed for many days in 
thick weather and on an unknown sea, he naturally avails himself of the first 
pause in the storm, the earliest glance of the sun, to take his The Opening 
latitude and ascertain how far the elements have driven him of a Great 
from his true course. Let us imitate this prudence ; and s P eec 
before we float farther on the waves of this debate, refer to the point from 
which we departed, that we may, at least, be able to conjecture where we are 
vi I ask for the reading of the resolution before the Senate ' 


"This opening sentence was a piece of consummate art. The simple 
and appropriate image, the low voice, the calm manner, relieved the strained 
excitement of the audience, which might have ended by disconcerting the 
speaker if it had been maintained. Every one was now at his ease ; and 
when the monotonous reading of the resolution ceased, Mr. Webster was 
master of the situation, and had his listeners in complete control." 

With breathless attention they followed him as he proceeded. The 
strong, masculine sentences, the sarcasm, the pathos, the reasoning, the 
burning appeals to love of state and country, flowed on unbroken. As 
his feelings warmed the fire came into his eyes ; there was a glow in his 
swarthy cheek ; his strong right arm seemed to sweep away resistlessly 
the whole phalanx of his opponents, and the deep and melodious cadences 
of his voice sounded like harmonious organ tones as they filled the chamber 
with their music. Who that ever read or heard it can forget the closing 
passage of that glorious speech ? 

"When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in 

heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments 

of a once glorious Union ; on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent ; on 

a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood ! Let 

their last feeble and lingering glance behold rather the glori- 

a m i« oug ens ;„ n Q r t j le re p U blic, now known and honored throucrh- 

Peroration or' & 

out the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies 
streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, not a single 
star obscured ; bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as, 
What is all this worth ? or those other words of delusion and folly, Liberty 
first, and Union afterwards ; but everywhere, spread all over in characters 
of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and 
over the land, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart, — 
Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable!" 

As the last words died away into silence, those who had listened looked 
wonderingly at each other, dimly conscious that they had heard one of the 
grand speeches which are landmarks in the history of eloquence ; and the 
men of the North and of New England went forth full of the pride of 
victory, for their champion had triumphed, and no assurance was needed to 
prove to the world that this time no answer could be made. 
Calhoun, the 1 ne great supporter of the doctrine which Hayne advo- 

Advocateof cated and which Webster tore into shreds and fragments, the 
avery indefatigable sustainer of the institution of slavery in the 

United States Congress, was John C. Calhoun. That this man was sincere 
in his conviction that slavery was morally and politically right, and beneficial 


I . ■ i ;..? 1845) 

JOti.N yUlNCV ADAMS (1767-1848) ZACHAKV 1'AVi.UK 11784-1850) 


i 11. W XL l \ M. DEPt \\ 

W) MM 1 1 PHJLL1P.S | Dw IRU I VERE'I 1 



alike to white and black, to North and South, nc one has questioned. He 
was one of the most upright of men ; one devoid of pretence or conceal- 
ment ; a man of pure honesty of purpose and great ability and in conse- 
quence of immense influence. His own state followed his lead with unques- 
tioning faith, and it is not too much to say that the slavery conflict was in 
great measure due to the doctrines which he unceasingly advocated for a 
quarter of a century. 

Calhoun is equally well known for his state rights championship and 
in connection with the effort of South Carolina to secede from the Union, 
as a consequence of the tariff bill of 1S28. This measure, which consider- 
ably increased the duties on imports, aroused bitter opposition in the South, 
where it was styled the "Tariff of Abominations." On its passage Calhoun 
prepared a vigorous paper called the " South Carolina Exposi- The Soutn 
tion," in which he maintained that the Constitution limited the Carolina Ex- 
right of Congress to exact tariff charges to the purpose of P° s ' t,on 
revenue ; that protective duties were, therefore, unconstitutional ; and that 
any state had the right to declare an unconstitutional law null and void, 
and forbid its execution in that state. Such was the famous doctrine of 
" nullification." 

This paper was issued in 1828, Calhoun being then Vice-President un- 
der Jackson, and as such president of the senate. In 1829, the long debate 
on the question : " Does the Constitution make us one sovereign nation or 
only a league of separate states?" reached its height. Its climax came in 
January, 1830, in the remarkable contest between Webster and Hayne, 
above described. Webster showed that an attempt to nullify the laws of 
the nation was treason, and would lead to revolution, in the employment 
of armed force to sustain it. 

To such a revolutionary measure South Carolina proceeded. After the 
presidential election of 1832, Calhoun, who had resigned the vice-presi- 
dency, called a convention of the people of the state, which The Ordinance 
passed the famous Ordinance of Nullification, declaring of Nuiiifica- 
the 1828 tariff null and void in that state. tion 

The passage of the ordinance created intense excitement throughout 
the states. Everywhere the dread of civil war and of the dissolution of the 
Union was entertained. Fortunately there was a Jackson, and not a 
Buchanan, in the presidential chair. Jackson was not a model President 
under ordinary circumstances, but he was just the man for an emergency of 
this character, and he dealt with it much as he had dealt with the Spaniards 
in Florida. On December 10, 1832, came out his vigorous proclamation 
against nullification. The governor of South Carolina issued a counter 


proclamation, and called out twelve thousand volunteers. A crisis seemed 

at hand. Congress passed a " Force Bill " to provide for the 

3 m ^?- a 1- collection of the revenue in South Carolina, thou eh Calhoun 
Nullification ' » 

— then in the Senate — opposed it in the most powerful of his 

speeches. It is said that Jackson warned him that, if any resistance to the 

government was made in South Carolina, he would be at once arrested on 

a charge of treason. 

The President made prompt preparations to suppress the threatened 

revolt by force of arms, troops and naval vessels being sent to Charleston. 

But at the same time Congress made concessions to South Carolina and the 

crisis passed. It was through the efforts of Henry Clay as already specified 

that this warcloud was dissipated. The tariff question settled, 
Calhoun Seeks , . . . ,„....,. 

to Force the the slavery issue grew prominent. 1 he agitation of this ques- 

Issueof tion, from 1835 to 1850, was chiefly the work of one man, John C. 

avery Calhoun. Parton says that " the labors of Mr. Garrison and 

Mr. Wendell Phillips might have borne no fruit during their lifetime, if Cal- 
houn had not made it his business to supply them with material. ' I mean 
to force the issue on the North,' he once wrote ; and he did force it. 

This chapter cannot be more fitly closed than with a quotation from 
Harriet Martineau, in whose " Retrospect of Western Travel " we find the 
following pen-picture of the three great statesmen above treated: "Mr. 
Clay sitting upright on the sofa, with his snuff-box ever in his hand, would 
A Pen Picture of discourse for many an hour in his even, soft, deliberate tone, 
ThreeGreat on any one of the great subjects of American policy which 
we might happen to start, always amazing us with the moder- 
ation of estimate and speech which so impetuous a nature has been able to 
attain. Mr. Webster, leaning back at his ease, telling stories, cracking 
jokes, shaking the sofa with burst after burst of laughter, or smoothly dis- 
coursing to the perfect felicity of the logical part of one's constitution, would 
illuminate an evening now and then. Mr. Calhoun, the cast-iron man, who 
looks as if he had never been born and could never be extinguished, would 
come in sometimes to keep our understanding on a painful stretch for a 
short while, and leave us to take to pieces his close, rapid, theoretical, illus- 
trated talk, and see what we could make of it. We found it usually more 
worth retaining as a curiosity, than as either very just or useful. 

" I know of no man who lives in such utter intellectual solitude. He 
meets men and harangues by the fireside as in the Senate ; he is wrought 
like a piece of machinery, set going vehemently by a weight, and stops 
while you answer ; he either passes by what you say, or twists it into a 
suitability with what is in his head, and begins to lecture again." 


The Annexation of Texas and the War with 


WE have spoken, in Chapter xxiii, of the revolt of Texas from Mexico 
and the annexation of the newly formed republic to the United 
States. In the present chapter it is proposed to deal more fully 
with this subject and describe its results in the war with Mexico. In the 
year 182 1, after more than ten years of struggle for freedom, Mexico Gains 
Mexico won its independence from Spain, and soon after its indepen. 
founded a constitutional monarchy, with Augustin de Iturbide, ence 
the head of the revolutionary government, as emperor. This empire did 
not last long. General Santa Anna proclaimed a republic in 1823, and the 
emperor was obliged to resign his crown. In the following year he returned 
to Mexico with the hope of recovering his lost crown ; but, on the contrary, 
was arrested and shot as a traitor. Mexico is not a good country for 
emperors. About forty years afterw^.sd, a second emperor, sent there by 
France, was disposed of in the sam*?. manner. 

The establishment of the re >ablic was followed by earnest efforts in 
favor of the settlement and development of the unoccupied territory of the 
country, and Texas, a large province in its northeastern boundary, began to be 

settled by immigrants, very largely from the United States. 

n o 1 a • 1 • u 1 1 The Settlement 

By 1830 the American population numbered about 20,000, f Texas 

being much in excess of that of Mexican origin. These 

people were largely of the pioneer class, bold, unruly, energetic frontiersmen, 

difficult to control under any government, and unanimous in their detestation 

of the tyranny of Mexican rule. Their American spirit rose against the 

dominance of those whom they called by the offensive title of " greasers/" 

and in 1832 they broke into rebellion and drove all the Mexican troops out 

of the country. 

It was this revolt that broup-ht the famous Samuel Houston to Texas. 

The early life of this born leader had been spent on the Tennessee frontier, 

and during much of his boyhood he had lived among the Cherokee Indians, 

who looked up to him as to one of their head chiefs. He fought under 




Jackson in the war of 1812, and was desperately wounded in the Creek 
War. He subsequently studied law, was elected to Congress, and in 1827 
The Career became governor of Tennessee. An unhappy marriage brought 
of Oeneral to an end this promising part of his career. A separation 
from his wife was followed by calumnies on the part of her 
friends, which became so bitter that Houston, in disgust, left the state and 
proceeded to Arkansas, where for three years he lived with his boyhood 
friends, the Cherokees. The outbreak in Texas offered a promising oppor- 
tunity to a man of his ambitious and enterprising disposition, and he set 
out for that region in December, 1832. 

For two years after Houston joined fortunes with Texas there was com- 
parative quiet ; but immigration went on in a steadily increasing stream, 
and the sentiment for independence grew stronger every day. The Mexi- 
can government, in fear of the growing strength of Texas, ordered that the 
people should be disarmed — a decree which aroused instant re- 
War in Texas bellion. A company of Mexican soldiers sent to the little 
town of Gonzales, on the Guadalupe, to remove a small brass six-pounder, 
was met a few miles from the town by one hundred and eighty Texans, who 
fell upon them with such vigor that they turned and fled, losing several men. 
No Texan was killed. This battle was called "the Lexington of Texas." 

Then war broke out again more furiously than ever. The Mexican 
soldiers, who were under weak and incompetent commanders, were again 
dispersed and driven out of the country. But now Santa Anna himself, the 
Mexican dictator, an able general, but a false and cruel man, took the field. 
With an army of several thousand men, he crossed the Rio Grande, and 
marched against the Texans. 

The town of Bexar, on the San Antonio River, was defended by a 
garrison of about one hundred and seventy-five men. Among them were 
two whose names are still famous — David Crockett, the renowned pioneer, 
and Colonel James Bowie, noted for his murderous " bowie-knife," his duels, 
and his deeds of valor and shame. The company was commanded by Colonel 
W. Barrett Travis, a brave young Texan. On the approach of Santa 
Anna, they took refuge in the Alamo, about half a mile to the north of the town. 

The Alamo was an ancient Franciscan mission of the eighteenth 
century. It covered an area of about three acres, surrounded by walls 
three feet thick and ei^ht feet higfh. Within the walls were a stone church 
The Massacre anc ' several other buildings. For two weeks it withstood 
of the Alamo Santa Anna's assaults. A shower of bombs and cannon-balls 
fell incessantly within the walls. At last, after a brave de- 
fense by the little garrison, the fortress was captured, in the early morning 


of Sunday, March 6, 1836. After the surrender, Travis, Bowie and 
Crockett, with all their companions, were by Santa Anna's especial com- 
mand massacred in cold blood. 

But this was not the worst ; a few days afterwards a company of over 
four hundred Texans, under Colonel Fannin, besieged at Goliad, were in- 
duced to surrender, under Santa Anna's solemn promises of protection. 
After the surrender they were divided into several companies, marched in 
different directions a short distance out of the town, and shot down like 
dogs by the Mexican soldiers. Not a man escaped. 

While these horrible events were taking place, Houston was at Gonza- 
les, with a force of less than four hundred men. Meetings were held in the 
different settlements to raise an army to resist the Mexican invasion ; and a 
convention of the people issued a proclamation declaring Texas a free and 
independent republic. It was two weeks before General Houston received 
intellieence of the atrocious massacres at Bexar and Goliad, and of Santa 
Anna's advance. The country was in a state of panic. Settlers were 
everywhere abandoning their homes, and fleeing in terror at the approach 
of the Mexican soldiers. Houston's force of a few hundred men was the 
only defense of Texas ; and even this was diminished by frequent desertion 
from the ranks. The cause of Texan freedom seemed utterly hopeless. 

In order to gain time, while watching his opportunity for attack, Hous- 
ton slowly retreated before the Mexican army. After waiting two weeks 
for reinforcements, he moved toward Buffalo Bayou, a deep, narrow stream 
connecting with the San Jacinto River, about twenty miles (} enera | Houston 
southeast of the present city of Houston. Here he expected and Santa 
to meet the Mexican army. The lines being formed, General 
Houston made one of his most impassioned and eloquent appeals to his troops, 
firing every breast by giving as a watchword, " Remember the Alamo." 

Soon the Mexican bugles rang out over the prairie, announcing the 
advance guard of the enemy, almost eighteen hundred strong. The rank 
and file of the patriots was less than seven hundred and fifty men. Their 
disadvantages only served to increase the enthusiasm of the soldiers ; and 
when their general said, " Men, there is the enemy ; do you wish to fight ?" 
the universal shout was. "We do !" "Well, then," he said, "remember it 
is for liberty or death ; remember the Alamo f" 

At the moment of attack, a lieutenant came galloping up, his horse 
covered with foam, and shouted along the lines, " I've cut down Vince's 
bridge." Each army had used this bridge in coming to the battle-field, and 
General Houston had ordered its destruction, thus preventing all hope of 
escape to the vanquished. 


Santa Anna's forces were in perfect order, awaiting the attack, and 
reserved their lire until the patriots were within sixty paces of their works 
Then they poured forth a volley, which went over the heads of the at- 
tackers, though a ball struck General Houston's ankle, inflict- 

_ ... ingr a very painful wound. Though suffering and bleeding, 
San Jacinto ° * * & & to 

General Houston kept his saddle during the entire action. 
The patriots held their fire until it was given to the enemy almost in their 
very bosoms, and then, having no time to reload, made a general rush upon 
the foe, who were altogether unprepared for the furious charge. The 
patriots not having bayonets, clubbed their rifles. About half-past four the 
Mexican rout began, and closed only with the night. Seven of the patriots 
were killed and twenty-three were wounded ; while the Mexicans had six 
hundred and thirty-two killed and wounded, and seven hundred and thirty, 
among whom was Santa Anna, made prisoners. 

The victory of San facinto struck the fetters forever from the hands of 
Texas, and drove back the standard of Mexico beyond the Rio Grande, 
n ver to return except in predatory and transient incursions. General 
Houston became at once the leading man in Texas, almost universal ap- 
plause following him. As soon as quiet and order were restored, he was 
made the first President of the new republic, under the Constitution adopted 
in November, 1835. 

In 1837 the republic of Texas was acknowledged by the United States, 
and in 1840 by Great Britain, France and Belgium. The population was 
overwhelming!)- of American origin, and these people had in no sense lost 
their iove for their former country, a sentiment in favor of the annexation 
of the "Lone Star State" to the United States being from the first enter- 
Texas Applies tained. In 1837 a formal application for admission as a state 
for Admission of the American Union was made. This proposition found 
many advocates and many opposers in this country, it being 
strongly objected to by northern Congressmen ami favored by those from 
the South. The controversy turned upon the question of the extension of 
the area of slavery, which was a matter of importance to the South, while 
others who supported it held large tracts of land in Texas which they 
hoped would increase in value under United States rule. 

As a result of the opposition, the question remained open for years, 
and was prominent in the presidential campaign of 1844, in which Henry 
Clay, the Whig candidate, was defeated, and James K. Polk, the Demo- 
cratic candidate, was elected on the annexation platform. This settled the 
dispute. 'The people had expressed their will and the opposition yielded. 
Both Houses of Congress passed a bill in favor of admitting Texas as a 


state, and it was signed by President Tyler in the closing hours of his 

administration. The offer was unanimously accepted by the legislature of 

Texas on July 4, 1845, an d it became a state of the American Union in 

December of that year. 

In admitting Texas, Congress had opened the way to serious trouble. 

Though Mexico had taken no steps to recover its lost province, it had 

never acknowledged its independence, and stood over it somewhat like th<» 

dog; in the manner, not prepared to take it, yet vigorously 

°. . & r , ,. t Mexico Protests 

protesting against any other power doing so. Its protest 

against the action of the United States was soon followed by a more 

critical exigency, an active boundary dispute. Texas claimed the Rio 

Grande River as her western boundary. Mexico held that the Nueces 

River was the true boundary. Between these two streams lay a broad tract 

of land claimed by both nations, and which both soon sought to occupy. 

War arose in consequence of this ownership dispute. 

In the summer of 1845 President Polk directed General Zachary 
Taylor to proceed to Corpus Christi, on the Nueces, and in the spring of 
1846 he received orders to march to the Rio Grande. As soon as this 
movement was made, the Mexicans claimed that their terri- 
tory had been invaded, ordered Taylor to retire, and on his l " pu e 
refusal sent a body of troops across the river. Both countries 
were ripe for war, and both had taken steps to bring it on. A hostile 
meeting took place on April 24th, with some loss to both sides. On receiv- 
ing word by telegraph of this skirmish, the President at once sent a mes- 
sage to Congress, saying: "Mexico has passed the boundary of the United 
States, and shed American blood upon American soil. * * * War 
exists, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it." 

The efforts to avoid it had not been active. There was rather an 
effort to favor it. Abraham Lincoln, then a member of Wa r Declared 
Congress, asked pointedly if special efforts had not been Against 
taken to provoke a war. But Congress responded favorably 
to the President's appeal, declared that war existed "by the act of Mexico' 
and called for fifty thousand volunteers. 

The declaration of war was dated May 13, 1846. Several days befoie 
this, severe fights had taken place at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, on 
the disputed territory. The Mexicans were defeated, and retreated across 
the Rio Grande. They were quickly followed by Taylor, who took posses- 
sion of the town of Matamoras. The plan of war laid out embraced an 
invasion of Mexico from four quarters. Taylor was to march southward 
from his position on the Rio Grande, General Winfield Scott to advance on 


the capital by the way of Vera Cruz, General Stephen W. Kearny to in- 

vade New Mexico, and California was to be attacked by a naval expedition, 

already despatched. 

Taylor was quick to act after receiving reinforcements. He advanced 

on September 5th, and on the 9th reached Monterey, a strongly fortified 

interior town. The Mexicans looked upon this place as almost 

The storming jmpreenable, it being- surrounded by mountains and ravines, 
of Monterey r & & J 

difficult to pass and easy of defense. Yet the Americans 

quickly penetrated to the walls, and were soon within the town, where a 
severe and bloody conflict took place. The stormers made their way over 
the house roofs and through excavations in the adobe walls, and in four 
days' time were in possession of the town which the Mexicans had confi- 
dently counted upon stopping their march. 

Some months passed before Taylor was in condition to advance again.. 

his force being much depleted by reinforcements sent to General Scott. It 

was February, 1S47, when he took the field once more, reaching a position 

south of Monterey known as Buena Vista, a narrow mountain 

pass, with hills on one side and a ravine on the other. This 
Buena Vista r ' 

bold advance of an army not more than 5,000 strong seemed 

a splendid opportunity to Santa Anna, then commander-in-chief of the 
Mexican army, who marched on the small American force with 20,000 men. 
The battle that followed was the most interesting and hard fought one ir 
the war. Santa Anna hoped to crush the Americans utterly, and would 
perhaps have done so but for the advantage of their position and the effec- 
tive service of their artillery. 

" You are surrounded by twenty thousand men, and cannot, in all 
human probability, avoid suffering rout and being cut to pieces with your 
troops." Such were the alarming words with which the Mexican general 
accompanied a summons to General Taylor to surrender within an hour. 
Taylor's answer was polite but brief. " In answer to your note of this date 
summoning me to surrender my forces at discretion, I beg leave to say that 
I decline acceeding to your request." 

General Taylor, or " Rough and Ready" as he was affectionately called 
by his men. had long before — he was now sixty-three years old — won his spurs 
on the battlefield. He was short, round-shouldered, and stout. His fore- 
head was high, his eyes keen, his mouth firm, with the lower lip protruding, 
his hair snow-white, and his expression betokened his essentially humane 
and unassuming character. No private could have lived in simpler fashion. 
When he could escape from his uniform he wore a linen roundabout, cotton 
trousers, and a straw hat, and, if it rained, an old brown overcoat. In battle 


Captain May leaped his steed over the parapets, followed by those i f his men whose horses could do a like eat, and was among the 

gunners the next moment, sabering them right and left. < ,en. ra] La Vega and a hundred of his men were made 

prisoners and borne back to the American lines. 




he was absolutely fearless, and invariably rode a favourite white horse, alto- 
gether regardless of attracting the enemy's attention. The old hero never 
wavered when he heard of the approach of the dreaded Santa Anna. He 
quietly went to work, and, having strongly garrisoned Saltillo, placed his 
men so as to seize all the advantages the position offered. 

Imagine a narrow valley between two mountain ranges. On the west 
side of the road a series of gullies or ravines, on the east the sheer sides of 
precipitous mountains. Such was the Pass of Angostura, 
which, at one spot three miles from Buena Vista, could be Jf '^ 
held as easily as Horatius kept the bridge in the brave days 
of old ; and here was placed Captain Washington's battery of three guns, with 
two companies as a guard. Up the mountain to the eastward the rest of the 
American army was ranged, more especially on a plateau so high as to com- 
mand all the ground east and west, and only approachable from the south 
or north by intricate windings formed by ledges of rock. 

At nine o'clock on the morning of the 22d of February the advance 
pickets espied the Mexican van, and General Wool sent in hot haste to 
Taylor, who was at Saltillo. The Mexican army dragged its slow length 
along, its resplendent uniforms shining in the sun. With much the same 
feelings as Macbeth saw Birnam Wood approach, must many of the Amer- 
icans have watched the coming of this forest of steel. Two hours after the 
pickets had announced the van, a Mexican officer came forward with a white 
flag. He bore the imperious message from the dictator the opening words 
of which have already been quoted. 

The fight on that day was confined to an exchange of artillery shots, 
and at nightfall Taylor returned to Saltillo, seeing that the affair was over 
for the time. But during the night the Mexicans made a movement that 
put the small American force in serious peril. While the Americans 
bivouacked without fires in the bitter chill of the mountain height, some 
1,500 Mexicans gained the summit under cover of the darkness, and when 
the mists of morning rose the Americans, to their surprise and chagrin, saw 
averywhere before them the batallions of the enemy. 

Up the pass soon came heavy force, in the face of Captain Washing- 
ton's battery, while a rush, that seemed as if it must be irresistable, was 
made for the plateau. The fight here was desperate. The soldiers of 
neither army had had any experience in battle, and an Indiana The Mexican 
regiment retreated at the command of its colonel, and could Cavalry 
not be rallied again. This imperilled the safety of all who arge 

remained, many of them being killed, while only the active service of the 
artillery prevented the loss of the plateau, upon whose safe keeping 


depended the issue of the day. So fierce was the Mexican charge that 

every cannonier of the advanced battery fell beside his gun, and Captain 

O'Brien was obliged to fall back in hastejosing his guns. He replaced them by 

two six pounders, borrowed from Captain Washington, who had repulsed the 

attack in the pass. Meanwhile, more American artillery on O'Brien's left 

was driving the Mexicans back upon the cavalry opposed to the gallant 

captain. The Mexican lancers charged die Illinois soldiers — "the very 

earth did shake." It was not until the lancers were within a few yards of 

O'Brien that he opened fire. This gave the Mexicans pause, but with cries 

of " God and Liberty !" on they came. Once more the deadly cannonade — 

another pause. O'Brien determined to stand his ground until 

„"' the hoofs of the enemy's horses were upon him, but the 

Battery ... • . 

recruits with him, only few of whom had escaped from being 

shot down, had no stomach left for fighting. The intrepid captain again lost 

his pieces, but he had saved the day. 

At this point the leisurely General Taylor, on his white horse, so easily 
recognisable, came from Saltillo to the field of battle. North of the chief 
plateau was another, where the Mississippi Riiles, under Colonel Davis — 
who, although early wounded, kept his horse all day — -stood at bay, formed 
into a V-shape with the opening towards the enemy. Nothing loth, the 
Mexican lancers rushed on, and the riflemen did not fin: until they were 
able to recognize the features of their foe and to take deliberate aim at their 
eyes. This coolness was too great to be combated. 

For hours the active and deadly struggle went on. The Mexican 
lancers made an assault on Buena Vista, where were the American bagfgraee 
and supply train, but were driven off after a sharp contest. At a later hour 
of the day the brunt of the fight was being borne by the Illinois regiment 
and the Second Kentucky Cavalry, who were in serious straits when Taylor 
sent to their relief a light battery under Captain Bragg. It was quickly in 
peril. The Mexicans captured the foremost guns and repulsed the infantry 

Bragg appealed for fresh help. " I have no reinforcements to give 

you," "Rough and Ready" is reported to have replied, "but Major Bliss 

and I will support you " ; and the brave old man spurred his horse to the 

spot beside the cannon. Unheeding, the Mexican cavalry 

The Work of . . iii i-r • ,^i 

Captain Bra"-g rode forward — the day was now theirs lor a certainty, God 

and Liberty !" their proud cry again rang out. Their horses 
galloped so near to Captain Bragg's coign of vantage that their riders had 
no time in which to pull them up before the battery opened fire with canis- 
ter. As the smoke cleared, the little group of Americans saw the terrible 


work they had done in the gaps in the enemy's ranks, and heard it in the 
screams of men and horses in agony. They reloaded with grape. 1 he 
Mexicans pressed on ; their courage at the cannon's mouth was truly mar- 
velous. This second shower of lead did equal, if not greater, mischief. 
A third discharge completely routed the enemy, who, being human, fled in 
headlong haste over the wounded and the dead — no matter where. The 
American infantry pursued the flying foe, with foolish rashness, beyond safe 
imits. The Mexicans, all on an instant, turned about, the hounds became 
the hare, and had it not been for Washington's cannon checking the Mexi- 
-can cavalry, who had had enough grape and canister for one day, they 
would have been annihilated. 

At six o'clock, after ten hours of fierce and uninterrupted fighting, the 
battle came to an end, both armies occupying the same positions as in the 
morning, though each had lost heavily during the day. General Taylor 
expected the battle to be renewed in the morning, but with daylight came 
the welcome news that the enemy had disappeared. The five thousand had 
held their own against four times their number, and the victory that was to 
make General Taylor President of the United States had been won. 

Meanwhile General Scott, the hero of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane in 
18 14, had sailed down the Gulf with a considerable force to the seaport city 
of Vera Cruz, which was taken after a brief bombardment. From here 
an overland march of two hundred miles was made to the Scott's Advance 
Mexican capital. Scott reached the vicinity of the City of Against the 
Mexico with a force 11,000 strong, and found its approaches 
strongly fortified and guarded by 30,000 men. Yet he pushed on almost 
unchecked. Victories were won at Contreras and Churubusco, the defences 
surrounding the city were taken, and on September 13th the most formid- 
able of them all, the strong hill fortress of Chapultepec, was carried by 
storm, the American troops charging up a steep hill in face of a severe fire 
and driving the garrison in dismay from their guns. 

This ended the war in that quarter. The next day the star and stripes 
waved over the famous " Halls of the Montezumas" and the city was ours. 
On February 2, 1S48, a treaty of peace was signed at the village of Guada- 
lupe Hidalgo, whose terms gave the United States an accession of territory 
that was destined to prove of extraordinary value. 

New Mexico, a portion of this territory, had been invaded and occupied 
by General Kearny, who had taken Santa Fe after a thousand miles' march 
overland. Before the fleet sent to California could reach there, Captain 
John C. Fremont, in charge of a surveying party in Oregon, had invaded 
that country. He did not know that war had been declared, his purpose 


being to protect the American settlers, whom the Mexicans threatened to 

expel. Fremont was one of the daring pioneers who made 

ew , "!f . their way over the mountains and plains of the West in the 
and California ' r _ 

days when Indian hostility and the difficulties raised by nature 
made this a very arduous and perilous enterprise. Several conflicts with 
the Mexicans, in which he was aided by the Beet, and later by General 
Kearny, who had crossed the wild interior from Santa Fe, gave Fremont 
control of that great country, which was destined almost tc double the 
wealth of the United States. Whatever be thought of the ethics of the 
acquisition of Texas and the Mexican war, their economical advantages to 
the United States have been enormous, and the whole world has been en- 
riched by the product of California's golden sands and fertile fields. 


The Negro in America and the Slavery Conflict. 

MEN, over two hundred and eighty years ago (it is in doubt 
whether the correct date is 1619 or 1620) a few wretched negroes, 
some say fourteen, some say twenty, were bartered for provisions 
by the crew of a Dutch man-of-war, then lying off the Virginia coast, it 
would have seemed incredible that in 1900 the negro population of the 
Southern States alone should reach very nearly eight million Beginning of 
souls. African negroes had, indeed, been sold into slavery the slave 
among many nations for perhaps three thousand years ; but in its 
earlier periods slavery was rather the outcome of war than the deliberate 
subject of trade, and white captives no less than black were ruthlessly thrown 
into servitude. It has been estimated that in historical times some forty 
million Africans have been enslaved. The Spaniards found the Indian an 
intractable slave, and for the arduous labors of colonization soon began to 
make use of negro slaves, importing them in great numbers and declaring 
that one negro was worth, as a human beast of burden, four Indians. Soon 
the English adventurers took up the traffic. It is to Sir John Hawkins, the 
ardent discoverer, that the English-speaking peoples owe their participation 
in the slave trade. He has put it on record, as the result of one of his famous 
voyages, that he found "that negroes were very good merchandise in Hisp- 
aniola and might easily be had on the coast of Guinea." For his early 
adventures of this kind he was roundly taken to task by Queen Elizabeth. 
But tradition says that he boldly faced her with the argument 
that the Africans were an inferior race, and ended by con- Numbers 
vincing the Virgin Queen that the slave trade was not merely 
a lucrative but a perfectly philanthropic undertaking. Certain it is that she 
acquiesced in future slave trading, while her successors Charles II. and James 
II. chartered four slave trading companies and received a share in their 
profits. It is noteworthy that both Great Britain and the United States 
recognized the horrors of the slave trade as regards the seizing and trans- 
portation from Africa of the unhappy negroes, long before they could bring 
themselves to deal with the problem of slavery as a domestic institution. Ol 
those horrors nothing can be said in exaggeration. 

24 425 


Tin- institution of slavery, introduced as we have seen into Virginia, 
grew at first very slowly. Twenty-five years after the first slaves were 
landed the negro population of the colony was only three hundred. But 
the conditions of agriculture and of climate were such that, once slavery 
Colonial Laws obtained a fair start, it spread with continually increasing 
About rapidity. We find the Colonial Assembly passing one after 

Slavery another a serii fining the condition of the negro 

slave more and more clearly, and more and more pitilessly. Thus, a dis- 
tinction was soon made between them and Indians held in servitude. It 
was enacted that "all servants not b Christians imported into this 

colony bv shipping shall be slaves for their lives ; but what shall come by 
land shall serve, if boyes or girles, until thirty years of age ; if men or 
women, twelve years and no longer." And before the end of the century 
a long series of laws so encompassed the negro with limitations and pro- 
hibitions, that he almost ceased to have any criminal or civil rights and be- 
came a mere personal chattel. 

In some of the' northern colonies slavery seemed to take root as readily 
and to flourish as rapidly as in the South. It was only after a considerable 
time that social and commercial irose which led to its gradual 

Slavery in abandonment. In New York a mild type of negro slavery 

Early was introduced by the Dutch. i'he relation of master and 

New York s ] aV e seems in the' period of the Dutch rule to have been free 
from great severity or cruelty. After the seizure of the government by the 
English, however, the institution was officially recognized and even en- 
couraged. The slave trade grew in magnitude ; and here- again we find a 
series of oppressive laws forbidding meetings of negroes, laying clown penalties 
for concealing slaves, and the like. When the Revolution broke out there 
were not less than fifteen thousand daves in New York — a number greatly 
in excess of that held by any other northern colony. 

Massachusetts, the home in later days of so many of the most eloquent 
abolition agitators, was from the very first, until after the war with Great 
Britain was well under way, a stronghold of slavery. The records of 1633 
tell of the fright of Indians who saw a " Blackamoor " in a treetop, whom 
they took for the devil in person, but who turned out to be an escaped 
slavery in slave. A few years later the authorities of the colony offici- 

riassachu- ally recognized the institution. To quote Chief Justice Par- 
setts sons, " Slavery was introduced into Massachusetts soon after 

its first settlement, and was tolerated until the ratification of the present 
■constitution in 17N0." The curious may find in ancient Boston newspapers 
no lack of such advertisements as that, in 1728 of the sale of "two very 


likely negro girls," and of "A likely negro woman of about nineteen years 
and a child about seven months of age, to be sold together or apart." A 
Tory writer before the outbreak of the Revolution sneers at the Bostonians 
for their talk about freedom when they possessed two thousand negro slaves. 
Even Peter Faneuil, who built the famous "Cradle of Liberty," was him- 
self, at that very time, actively engaged in the slave trade. There is some 
truth in the once common taunt of the pro-slavery orators that the North 
imported slaves, the South only bought them. 

As with New York and Massachusetts, so with the other colonies. 
Either slavery was introduced by greedy speculators from abroad or it 
spread easily from adjoining colonies. In 1776 the slave N s ... 
population of the thirteen colonies was almost exactly half a «n the Revo!u» 
million, nine-tenths of whom wen- to be found in the southern tlon 
states. In the War of the Revolution the question of arming the neoroes 
raised bitter opposition. In the end a comparatively few were enrolled, 
and it is .admitted that they served faithfully and with courage. Rhode 
Island even formed a regiment of blacks, and at the siege of Newport and 
afterwards at Point's Bridge, New York, this body of soldiers fought not 
only without reproach but with positive heroism. 

From the- day when the Declaration of Independence asserted "That 
all men arc created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with 
certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit 
of happiness," the peoples of the new, self-governing states could not but 
have seen that with them lay the responsibility. There is ample evidence 
that the fixing of the popular mind on liberty as an ideal bore results 
immediately in arousing anti-slavery sentiment. Such sentiment existed 
in the South as well as in the North. Even North Carolina in 1 7S6 de- 
clared the slave trade of "evil consequences and highly impolitic." All the 
northern states abolished slavery, beginning with Vermont s , a r .. , 
in 1777, and ending with New Jersey in 1S04. It should be ished in the 
added, however, that many of the northern slaves were not North 
freed, but sold to the South. The agricultural and commercial conditions 
in the North were such as to make slave labor less and less profitable, while 
in the South the social order of things, agricultural conditions, and climate 
were gradually making it seemingly indispensable. 

When the Constitutional debates began the trend of opinion seemed 
strongly against slavery. Many delegates thought that the evil would die 
out of itself. One thought the abolition of slavery already rapidly goino- 
on and soon to be completed. Another asserted that "slavery in time will 
not be a speck in our country." Mr Jefferson, on the other hand, in view 


oi the retention of slavery, declared roundly that he trembled for his coun 
try when he remembered that God was just. And John Adams urged again 
and again that " every measure of prudence ought to be assumed for the 
eventual total extirpation of slavery from the United States." The obstinate 
states in the convention were South Carolina and Georgia. Their delegates 
declared that their states would absolutely refuse ratification to the Con 
stitution unless slavery were recognized. The compromise sections finally 
agreed upon, avoided the use of the words slave and slavery, but clearly 
recognized the institution, and even gave the slave states the advantage of 
sending representatives to Congress on a basis of population determined by 
adding to the whole number of free persons " three-fifths of all other per- 
sons." The other persons referred to were, it is almost needless to add. 
negro slaves. 

The entire dealing with the question of slavery, at the framing of the 
Constitution, was a series of compromises. This is seen again in the failure 
definitely to forbid the slave trade from abroad. Some of the southern 
Compromises states had absolutely declined to listen to any proposition 
in the Con- which would restrict their freedom of action in this matter, 
and they were yielded to so far that Congress was forbidden 
to make the traffic unlawful before the year 1808. As that time approached, 
President Jefferson urged Congress to withdraw the country from all "fur- 
ther participation in those violations of human rights which have so long 
been continued on the unoffending inhabitants of Africa." Such an act 
was at once adopted, and by it heavy fines were imposed on all persons 
fitting out vessels for the slave trade and also upon all actually engaged in 
the trade, while vessels so employed became absolutely forfeited. Twelve 
years later another act was passed declaring the importation of slaves to be 
actual piracy. The latter law, however, was of little practical value, as it 
was not until 1861 that a conviction was obtained under it. Then, at last, 
when the whole slave question was about to fie settled forever, a ship- 
master was convicted and hanged for piracy in New York for the crime of 
being engaged in the slave trade. In despite of all laws, however, the trade 
in slaves was continued secretly, and the profits were so enormous that the 
sasks did not prevent continual attempts to smuggle slaves into the territory 
if the United States. 

The first quarter of a century of our history, after the adoption of the 
Constitution, was marked by comparative quietude in regard to the future 
of slavery. In the North, as we have seen, the institution died a natural 
death, but then; was no disposition evinced in the northern states to inter- 
fere with it in the South. The first greal battle took place in 1820 over 


the so-called Missouri compromise. Now, for the first time, the country 
was divided, sectionally and in a strictly political way, upon issues which in- 
volved the future policy of the United States as to the extension or restrict 
tion of slave territory. State after state had been admitted 
into the Union, but there had been an alternation of slave and 
free states, so that the political balance was not disturbed. Thus Ohio was 
balanced by Lousiana, Indiana by Mississippi, Illinois by Alabama. Of the 
twenty-two states admitted before 1820, eleven were slave and eleven free 

Immediately after the admission of Alabama, of course as a slave- 
holding state, Maine and Missouri applied for admission. The admission 
of Maine alone would have given a preponderance to the free states, and 
for this reason it was strongly contended by southern members that Mis- 
souri should be admitted as a slave state. But the sentiment of opposition 
to the extension of slavery was growing rapidly in the North, and many 
members from that section opposed this proposition. They hail believed 
that the ordinance of 1787, adopted simultaneously with the Constitution, 
and which forbade slavery to be established in the territory northwest of 
the Ohio, had settled this question definitely ; but this ordinance did not 
apply to territory west of the Mississippi, so that the question really 
remained open. A fierce debate was waged through two sessions of Con- 
gress, and in the <ir\A it was agreed to permit the introduction of slavery 
into Missouri, but to prohibit it forever in all future states 

lying north of the parallel of 36 degrees 30 minutes, the n ^f Mlssou f' 
Jo . . 7 . Compromise 

southern boundary of Missouri. This was a compromise, 

satisfactory only because it seemed to dispose of the question of slavery 
in the territories once and forever. It was carried mainly by the great 
personal influence of Henry Clay. It did, indeed, dispose of slavery as a 
matter of national legislative discussion for thirty years. 

But this interval was distinctively a period of popular agitation. Anti- 
slavery sentiment of a mild type had long existed. The Quakers had, 
since revolutionary times, held anti-slavery doctrines, had released their 
own servants from bondage, and had disfellowshiped members who refused 
to concur in the sacrifice. The very last public act of Benjamin Franklin 
was the framing of a memorial to Congress in which he deprecated the 
existence of slavery in a free country. In New York the xhe Anti- 
Manumission society had been founded in 1785, with John slavery Sentu 
Jay and Alexander Hamilton, in turn, as its presidents. ment 
But this early writing and speaking were directed against slavery in a 
general way, and with no tone of aggression. Gradual emancipation and 


colonization were the only remedies suggested. It was with the founding 
of the Liberator by William Lloyd Garrison, in 1831, that the era of 
aggressive abolitionism began. Garrison and his society maintained that 
slavery was a sin against God and man ; that immediate emancipation was 
a duty ; that slave owners had no claim to compensation ; that all laws up- 
holding slavery were, before God, null and void. Garrison exclaimed , " I 
am in earnest. I will not equivocate — I will not excuse — 1 will not retreat 
a single inch. And I will be heard." His paper bore conspicuously the 
motto " No union with slaveholders." 

i he Abolitionists were, in numbers, a feeble band ; as a party they 
lever acquired strength, nor were their tenets adopted strictly by any 
political party ; but they served the purpose of arousing the conscience of 
the nation. They were abused, vilified, mobbed, all but killed. Garrison 
was dragged through the streets of Boston with a rope around his neck — 
through those very streets which, in 1854, had their shops closed and hung 
in black, with Hags Union down and a huge cofhn suspended in mid-air, on 
the day when the fugitive slave, Anthony Burns, was marched through 
them on his way back to his master, under a guard of nearly two thousand 
men. Mr. Garrison's society soon took the stand that the union of states 
with slavery retained was "an agreement with hell and a covenant with 
death," and openly advocated secession of the non-slaveholding states. On 
this issue the Abolitionists split into two branches, and those who threw off 
Leading Oppo- Garrison's lead maintained that there was power enough 
nents of under the Constitution to do away with slavery. To the 

fierce invective and constant agitation of Garrison were, in 
time, added the splendid oratory of Wendell Phillips, the economic argu- 
ments of Horace Greeley, the wise statesmanship of Charles Sumner, the 
fen id writings of Channing and Emerson, and the noble poetry of Whit- 
Jie*\ All these and others, in varied ways and from different points of view, 
joined in bringing the public opinion of the North to the view that the 
permanent existence of slavery was incompatible with that of a free 

In the South, meanwhile, the institution was intrenching itself more and 
more firmly. The invention of the cotton gin and the beginning of the 
reign of cotton as king made the great plantation system a seeming com- 
mercial necessity. From the deprecatory and half apologetic utterances of 
early southern statesmen, we come to Mr. Calhoun's declaration that slavery 
" now preserves in quiet and security more than six and a half million human 
beings, and that it could not be destroyed without destroying the peace ar.d 
prosperity of nearly half the states in the Union." The Abolitionists were 


regarded in the South with the bitterest hatred. Attempts were even 
made to compel the northern states to silence the anti-slavery orators, to 
prohibit the circulation through the mail of anti-slavery speeches, and to 
refuse a hearing in Congress to anti-slavery petitions. The southern 
influence of the South was still dominant in the North. Though Hatred of 
the feeling against slavery spread, there co-existed with it Abolitionists 
the belief that an open quarrel with the South meant commercial ruin ; and 
the anti-slavery sentiment was also neutralized by the nobler feeling that the 
Union must be preserved at all hazards, and that there was no constitutional 
mode of interfering with the slave system. The annexation of Texas was 
a distinct gain to the slave power, and the Mexican war was undertaken, 
said John Ouincy Adams, in order that "the slave-holding power in the 
government shall be secured and riveted." 

The actual condition of the negro over whom such a strife was beine 
waged differed materially indifferent parts of the South, and, under masters 
of different character, in the same locality. It had its side of cruelty, 
oppression and atrocity ; it had also its side of kindness on the part of 
master and of devotion on the part of slave. Its dark side has been made 
familiar to readers by such books as " Uncle Tom's Cabin," Dickens' 
"American Notes," and Edmund Kirk's "Among the Pines;" 
its brighter side has been charmingly depicted in the stories of Slavery 
of Thomas Nelson Page, Joel Chandler Harris, and Harry 
Edwards. On the great cotton plantations of Mississippi and Alabama the 
slave was often overtaxed and harshly treated ; in the domestic life of Vir- 
ginia, on the other hand, he was as a rule most kindly used, and often a 
relation ot deep aliection sprang up between him and his master. 

With this state of public feeling North and South, it was with increased 
bitterness and developed sectionalism that the subject of slavery in new 
states was again debated in the Congress of 1850. The Liberty party, 
which held that slavery might be abolished under the Constitution, had 
been merged in the Free Soil party, whose cardinal principle was, " To 
secure free soil to a free people," and, while not interfering with slavery in 
existing states, to insist on its exclusion from territory so far free. The pro- 
posed admission of California was not affected by the Missouri Compromise. 
Its status as a future free or slave state was the turning point of the famous 
debates in the Senate of 1850, in which Webster, Calhoun, Douglas and 
Seward won fame — debates which have never been equaled in our history 
for eloquence and acerbity. It was in the course of these debates that Mr. 
Seward, while denying that the Constitution recognized property in man, 
struck out his famous dictum, " There is a higher law than the Constitu- 


tion. " Th