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"iS

GIFT OF
JANE K.SATHER

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

FROM WATERLOO TO
THE MARNE

History of the World during the past Century
1815-1914

h
COUNT PIETRO ORSI

ABRIDGED TRANSLATION •" • • '

LONDON: 48 PALL MALL

W. COLLINS SONS & CO. LTD

GLASGOW MELBOURNE AUCKLAND

I Dedicate this Book

TO THE

Memory of my Adored Son,

GUSTAVO,

Lieutenant of Italian Mountain Artillery, who fell on May
25, 1 9 16, in the heroic defence of Coni Zugna, in the
Trentino. He had from the beginning of the war been
fighting in the front line of battle, and this book was written
while thinking of him. I dedicate it to him, who by his
lofty idealism, serene courage, expert technical skill, and
sanguine optimism, became the very soul of his battery.
He gave his score of years to his fatherland, * happy in the
fulfilment of his duty as an Italian and as a soldier.**

Among the many acts of valour performed by him, the
Decree, which awarded to him the Silver Medal, records
the following episode of May 1 5, at the Colletto d'Albaredo,
near Rovereto.

* In order to ensure the safety of the armament and
ammunition, which the mules had not been able to carry away
from the first line of guns, he remained with a few men
for a whole night in a zone immediately adjacent to the
enemy lines, which had already been abandoned by our
troops. On the following morning he rejoined his battery,
bringing with him in safety almost the whole of the
materiel,*

* Quotation from one of his own letters.

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AUTHOR'S PREFACE

Today, more than in any other period, it is necessary that
contemporary History should be widely studied. In this
age of ours, in which the nations themselves indicate to their
Governments the paths which the latter must follow, how
many disastrous mistakes may yet be avoided by following
the direction dictated by public opinion! In order to give
accurate advice concerning the future of one's own country,
one must first make an attentive study of the manner in
which its existing social system has been formed, and since,
to-day, the life of individual nations no longer is developed,
as formerly, in isolation and the greater part of the world
is moved by the same currents of thought, passions, and
interests, each national outlook must survey the events
which occur simultaneously over the whole surface of the
globe.

This book prepared by me corresponds with this design,
since it is not composed of isolated histories of various
countries, as is usually the case with books of general history,
but it presents the contemporaneous development of the
whole of Humanity. Only by this method can an exact
knowledge of the history of the last century be acquired, and
with it an acquaintance with the political and social problems
which have become a part of the life of the various countries.

The immense spectacle of the Path traversed by Humanity
in the last hundred years fills our souls with a firmly-based
faith in Progress, and aids us to endure with fortitude the
agonising experience of to-day : since we have before our
eyes the clear vision of a new and brighter future.

PiETRO Orsi.

CONTENTS

CHAP. SAOB

I. OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES I

II. THE FIRST BREACHES AND THE WORK OF RE-
PARATION 30

III. FIRST PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION 47

t/lV. PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS 6 1

V. REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS I 17

VI. THE TRIUMPH OF REACTION 1 55

VII. PERIOD OF PREPARATION I7I

VIII. TRIUMPH OF NATIONAL AND LIBERAL IDEAS.

CREATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY 205

IX. FROM THE WAR OF SECESSION IN AMERICA TO

THE WAR OF 1866 IN EUROPE 221

X. COMPLETION OF ITALIAN AND GERMAN UNITY 237

XI. GERMANY BEGINS TO DOMINATE EUROPEAN

LIFE 253

XII. FROM THE EASTERN QUESTION TO THE TRIPLE

ALLIANCE 266

XIII. COLONIAL EXPANSION 280

XIV. THE TRIPLE AND THE DUAL ALLIANCES 295
XV. WORLD- POLITICS 313

XVI. UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM 335

XVII. TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION 352

CHAPTER I

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

Old Governments and New Peoples : Waterloo : The Holy Alliance :
Characteristics of the Restorations — The United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland : Journalism : The Last Years of King George
III. : England's Height of Power : George IV. : The Trial of the
Queen : France under Louis XVIII. : Conflicting Parties in the
State : Assassination of the Duke de Berry : Triumph of Reaction :
Spain and the Constitution of 1812 : Ferdinand VII. and the Establish-
ment of Absolutism. — The War of Independence of the Spanish-
American Colonies.— Condition of Portugal and Brazil under the
House of Braganza : The Kingdom of Sardinia under the House of
Savoy : The Province of Lombardo-Veneto under Austria : Duchies
of Parma and Modena : The Grand Duchy of Tuscany : The Pontifical
State and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. — The Empire of Austria :
The Kingdom of Prussia and the Germanic Confederation. — The Swiss
Confederation. — The Kingdom of the Low Countries. — The Kingdom
of Denmark. — Sweden and Norway. — Finland and Poland. — Con-
ditions of the Russian Empire under Alexander I. — The Respective
Forces of the Two Tendencies, Liberal and Reactionary, throughout
the whole of Europe.

The 1 8th of June, 18 15, is a date which will remain eternally
memorable in history: on the evening of that day the rising
moon illuminated the rout of one of the most glorious armies
of the world. The victors of a hundred battles, the heroes
of Marengo and Austerlitz, Jena and Wagram, were now
flying on the plains of Waterloo, before Wellington's English
veterans and Bliicher's Prussian Grenadiers; and with them,
irresistibly carried away by the stream of flight, fled the
Genius of War — Napoleon himself.

The monarchs of a time-worn Europe thus succeeded
in sweeping from their path the great * son of the Revolution ' :
in exiling him to a desolate and wild island, which immense
ocean spaces separated from the rest of the world, they
dropped the curtain on the drama which had opened at
Paris, twenty-six years before, with a glorious fanfare of
Liberty.

How many convulsions had taken place in those twenty-
six years! How many wars! What suffering! but in the

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

rtxidst^ of so many tragedies, a wind of change had circulated
through. the world, and strong currents of passion and hope
Had- syyay^d, -the hearts of men.

France, in the folds of her tri-coloured banner, had borne
across Europe the seeds of new ideas, and the people had
aspired for the first time after autonomy and liberty: they
had begun to form a clear conception of nationality: so
much so, that the monarchs, who had for so many years
fought vainly against Napoleon, had begun to accept and
flatter the vague aspirations of their peoples : only when they
vaunted that they were buttressing the very principles of the
Revolution were they able to enter France, and thus put
an end to that war which they themselves had initiated
against the new ideas.

Never, perhaps, in any other historical epoch, had a more
favourable occasion presented itself, to human wisdom, of
directing political life according to the dictates of reason:
the map of Europe was to be almost entirely re-made: it
would, therefore, have been easy to satisfy to some extent
the sentiment of nationality which had been awakened. So
far as political liberties were concerned, the desire of repose
after so many storms was strong in every heart : this longing
induced a great moderation in the demands of the various
peoples, which might have been easily satisfied.

But the conquering sovereigns quickly drowned in
oblivion the promises which they had made to the peoples
in the years i8 13-18 14, in order to excite them to insurrec-
tion and war against France: profiting by the general desire
for peace and tranquillity, they no longer dreamed of giving
the smallest satisfaction to those sentiments of nationality
and liberty which they themselves had encouraged in the
moment of danger. And, just as at the Congress of Vienna,
the booty had been divided with no thought of the consent
of the peoples concerned, so now each individual Government
set itself to fight against the principle of National Sovereignty
which had sprung from the Revolution.

The reactionary direction thus given to political life is
usually known by the name of the Holy Alliance from a
treaty concluded by the sovereigns during their sojourn in

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

France in the autumn of 1815. In reality this treaty had
originally been inspired by lofty and noble sentiments. The
Czar, Alexander L, who was animated by a genuine mysticism,
proposed to the sovereigns of Austria and Prussia, that they
should regulate their relations with their subjects according
to the precepts of the Christian religion — * precepts of
justice, love, and peace.'

This mystical invitation proceeding from the sovereign
who represented the orthodox religion, was accepted by the
other two monarchs — Protestant and Catholic. Thus the
three Allies signed on September 26, 18 15, that singular
treaty by which they vowed to remain united by bonds of
true and indissoluble fraternity — mutually to aid and assist
each other — to behave towards their own peoples as fathers
of families, and to consider them all as belonging to one and
the same brotherhood — the Christian nation. This is the
only treaty which has ever been signed with the personal
signatures of the sovereigns, that is to say without those of
their ministers. But in reality by this treaty they simply
tightened a personal bond between themselves, and made
a perfectly platonic manifestation of praiseworthy senti-
ments.

But when examination was made of the direction which
these courts wished to give to the political life of Europe —
when the uniformity of these sovereigns in combating every
liberal idea was noted — then this alliance, concluded by such
noble words of clemency and peace — called * Holy * because
it was covered by the mask of religion — was considered and
in fact became a league against the new ideas which had made
progress in the world since the Revolution.

Lethargy, quiescence, and the repression of every liberal
idea were to be the dominant characteristics of the new life
of Europe. The statesman who best represented this system
was Prince Metternich, the Grand Chancellor of Austria,
either from his own personal tendencies, or because the State
directed by him stood for the most emphatic contradiction
of the principles diffused by the French Revolution. His
policy had a period of triumph by reason of the profound
necessity for peace felt by Europe after the storms and
convulsions of the Napoleonic period: but under this

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

deceptive quiet were developing the new forces of the
revolutionary spirit of the peoples.

• •••••

On the fall of Napoleon, the greater part of the ancient
kingdoms of Europe were restored and re-consigned to their
former sovereigns. These latter believed that in those twenty
years — to themselves for ever memorable — their good subjects
had slept even as they themselves, and they prepared without
more ado to reinstate the ancient order of things. The
characteristic of the Governments of the eighteenth century
had been Absolute Monarchy, buttressed by the aristocracy
and the clergy: and this system became the special feature
of almost all the Governments of the Restoration. Indeed,
the new absolutism was still stronger than that of the eighteenth
century, since the sovereigns who had been restored pre-
served the bureaucratic system inaugurated by Napoleon — a
regime which depended everywhere on the centralisation of
power. In addition, they conserved intact those French
institutions which tended to increase royal prerogative.

Thus the exemption from taxation, which the nobles
had enjoyed prior to the Revolution, was not restored, nor
were their judiciary rights in the villages and other former
privileges renewed. The nobility, then, had lost much of
its power, but it had preserved in great part its landed
property, and this still constituted the principal base of
wealth.

Although the commercial and industrial classes had
developed, they had not as yet amassed such great and
numerous fortunes as to form a social system founded on
wealth, for those few members of the middle classes who
had become rich fawned on the aristocracy, bought large
estates, sought by the means of matrimonial ties to enter
the sacred circle, and later by the aid of a title consolidated
their position and entered the elect and dominant class. In
this way, by the gradual absorption of those members of the
middle classes who had risen above their fellows, the aristoc-
racy continued to hold in its hands almost all the wealth of
the country. This economical power provided means of
exercising an immense authority over society in general, and
over the sovereign in particular. The latter, in his turn,

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

reserved for the ruling class the most important offices of
the State and the highest ranks in the Army; the Church
bestowed on this favoured caste its most distinguished and
remunerative dignities.

The clergy had lost a few particular privileges as well
as large estates, during the Revolution : but when the storm
had passed, men's minds returned once more to religious
sentiments, and the clergy speedily regained their ascendancy.
The Jesuits, recalled to life by Pius VIL in i8 14, penetrated,
either secretly or openly, into the majority of Catholic countries.
This fact largely contributed to the intensive work of reaction,
whilst the Legitimist Party proclaimed the necessity of an
alliance between the Altar and the Throne.

Only two amongst the great states of Europe were
furnished with a Constitution — England and France; these,
then, presented themselves to the eyes of the Liberals in other
countries as model states: but even in these countries
political power remained in the hands of the sovereign and
of a small fraction of the most exclusive society. For many
years these constitutional Governments proceeded in full
accord with those absolute sovereigns who were bound to
each other by the Holy Alliance.

For centuries England had possessed a constitutional
Government, and this had been firmly established by the two
great revolutions of the seventeenth century; but the political
power belonged to the king and to the aristocracy.

The French Revolution had terrified the privileged
classes and had inspired them with a horror of every innova-
tion, so that for thirty years the English Government had
introduced no reforms : thus in 1 8 1 5, not only did the Old
England of the eighteenth century exist, but its social order
had become almost petrified.

Political newspapers certainly existed: the Times, for
example, had been first published in 1785, but this journal,
by reason of the heavy stamp tax, which in 1 8 1 5 amounted
to fourpence a copy, was still a luxury : • so that, in reality,
even the newspapers represented a privilege of the rich, and
naturally reproduced their ideas.

England had been governed for a century by the dynasty

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of Hanover, which had succeeded to the throne in the female
line. Simultaneously it continued to hold the throne of
Hanover, and this continental possession had certainly been
a proximate cause of the more direct participation of England
in continental wars. George III. had been reigning from
1760, and had lost in his old age not only his sight but also
his mental faculties. At the end of January, 181 1, his son
George had been nominated Regent. This latter, a profligate
and a libertine, was solely interested in his own pleasures:
in that splendid period of change which takes its name from
Napoleon — in the tumult of continual wars, his chief pre-
occupations were dress, dancing, racing, cooking, and the
society of women of easy virtue. His way of living excited
the indignation ©f the country : this feeling was responsible
in part for the sympathy accorded to his wife, Caroline of
Brunswick, whom he had abandoned, though her life it
must be confessed was by no means correct nor blameless.

For a long time the Government had been in the hands
of the Conservative Party, which could justly boast that its
long fight with Napoleon had largely contributed to the
aggrandisement of England. On the conclusion of peace,
England preserved her conquests won: in her hands were
Malta and the islands adjacent; the Ionian Isles, which formed
a republic under an English Protectorate; Heligoland, in
the North Sea, and outside Europe the former Dutch colony
of the Cape of Good Hope, with the islands of Mauritius and
Ceylon. All these possessions added to the security of the
great Indian Dominion which England had founded in those
stormy years. Owing to her victories in the long wars over
the fleets of France, Spain, and Holland, she had become
Mistress of the Seas.

In her home affairs she had endeavoured by the Bill of
1800 to bring about a closer union between Ireland and
herself. This Bill admitted a certain number of Irish repre-
sentatives to the two English Chambers, but this suppres-
sion of Irish autonomy was neither accompanied nor followed,
as many Irishmen had hoped, by a declaration of equality
of treatment to all religions, so that the Union aggravated
still more the already existing differences, which were not
only religious, but racial and economic. From the time of

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

the Irish Conquest the English had considered all Irish
property as belonging to the conquerors, and had seized it,
robbing the natives who had thus been reduced to the
position of tenants. All this hindered the fusion of the two
peoples, and for this reason the Irish question agitated then,
as it does to-day, the political life of the Kingdom.

In the twenty-five years which had elapsed since the
French Revolution the population of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland had risen from fourteen to
nineteen millions. It began to gravitate towards the cities.
London already possessed a million inhabitants. It was at
this period that the great manufacturing centres arose and
that machinery came into being. When the continental
blockade was removed English manufacturers believed that
the Continent would again receive a large proportion of their
products, but manufactures had also developed in those
countries which for years had been closed to British exports,
so that when commercial relations were resumed no need
of many English exports was felt by them.

A grave industrial crisis arose in England owing to this
loss, and an immense number of men were thrown out of
employment. Machinery was considered by these workers
as the true source of their troubles, and many acts of violence
were committed in manufacturing districts. By a strange
coincidence a year of agricultural scarcity synchronised with
this industrial crisis, and corn was only obtainable at an
excessive price. In favour of the English landowner the
duties on imported corn had been raised to a height which
prohibited foreign competition, and the price of home-grown
corn was therefore uncontrolled.

A political faction had recently sprung from the flanks of the
two old political parties — the Tories and the Whigs — which
had hitherto disputed for power. This new party which
called itself * radical ' attempted to exploit to its own advantage
the discontent of the lower classes : it strenuously maintained
that the amelioration of these classes could only be attained
by the consideration that the interests of the working classes
were those of the nation at large, and it therefore insisted on
universal suffrage, secret voting, and regular electoral circum-
scription. In numbers this party was far from important —

W.M. 7 B

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

one member only, Burdett, representing it in Parliament:
but the discontented working classes soon enrolled themselves
under its banner, and, in 1816, it succeeded in organising
important demonstrations and held colossal open-air meetings.
The Government, however, repressed the agitation energeti-
cally, and though the demonstrations were again repeated
and petitions presented in 18 19, no result was obtained,
and for many years the English political situation remained
unchanged.

The prestige of the Royal family, in these times, still
continued to diminish. On the death of George III. —
January 29, 1820 — the Prince Regent ascended to the throne
with the title of George IV. His wife. Princess Caroline,
who had been leading an adventurous life in Italy, now
proclaimed her intention of returning to England for her
coronation. To this project the king was bitterly opposed,
and offered her a magnificent allowance if she would consent
to live outside the United Kingdom. This offer the queen
refused, and on her arrival in London was enthusiastically
welcomed by a large crowd, which seized with avidity this
occasion of showing its hostility to the king.

George IV. then brought an action against the queen
for adultery, and an opportunity was thus offered to her
counsel of gravely impugning the marital conduct of the
king. The small majority obtained in the House of Lords
warned the minister to withdraw from the House of Commons
the accusation against the queen. In spite of this favourable
circumstance, the queen was not admitted to the coronation
ceremony, and she died soon after — August, 182 1.

Naturally, as the Crown lost prestige, the Ministry gained
power, and Parliament asserted its authority in an ever-
increasing degree: but both king and Parliament still
remained defenders of the ancient regime, and no concessions
were made to the new aspirations of the nation.

In France, the Bourbon dynasty had been restored to
the throne in the person of Louis XVIII., the brother of
Louis XVI. He possessed intelligence, and no small degree
of culture. Previous to the Revolution and for some months
after its inception, he had formed a link between the Court

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

and the nation : but the trend of political affairs had gradually
disgusted him, and in 1797, when Louis XVL attempted
flight, he had succeeded in escaping by another route and
had crossed the frontier. He had settled at Coblentz, where
he had become the centre of all the plots formed by the
emigrant nobles, against the Revolution and naturally he
had absorbed not a little of the atmosphere of his reactionary
surroundings. After the death of Louis XVL, he had
assumed the title of Regent, in the name of the captive
Dauphin, and continued his work of diplomatic intrigue
against the Republic.

But, as the field of war was gradually extended by the
victories of the French armies, he was forced to quit the French
frontier. At Verona in Italy he assumed the title, on the
death of the Dauphin, of Louis XVI IL, King of France.
He was speedily compelled to return to Germany, and,
later, sought refuge in Russia — Mittau in Courland — and
finally he settled in England — the only Power which had
resolutely remained hostile to France through all this memor-
able period.

Even in the most difficult circumstances, Louis XVIII.
knew well how to preserve a high sense of his own royal
dignity, and his long sojourn in England re-confirmed in
him the liberal ideas of his youth. On the whole, he possessed
a well-balanced mind, and strove to restrain the reactionary
excesses of his courtiers.

He had been left a childless widower and all his affection
was concentrated on his niece — the daughter of Louis XVI.
— whom he had given in marriage to the Duke d'Angouleme,
son of his younger brother — the Count d'Artois.

From the moment of his restoration in 18 14, he had
granted a constitutional charter by which two chambers
were established: but the Hundred Days of Napoleon's
return had aggravated the differences between the Old France
and the New: the Chamber of Deputies, which had been
elected in August, 1 8 1 5, under the impression that Napoleon
had definitely fallen, was composed almost entirely of ultra-
Royalists who would have welcomed the total destruction
of the work of the Republic. The Opposition consisted only
of a few Constitutional Monarchists. This unanimity of

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Parliamentary opinion induced Louis XVI IL to apply to
the chamber the epithet of * non-existent.'

Soon, however, the extreme reactionary tendencies of
many of these deputies who relied on the support of
the Count of Artois and the more fanatic members of the
Court Party, appeared dangerous to Louis XVI IL, who
had already passed his sixtieth year, and would very willingly
have avoided every sort of excess, in order to spend his
remaining years in peace. Friction arose between the
Ministry and the Chamber: the ultra-royalists now championed
the rights of the Chamber, in opposition to those of the
sovereign.

A law, which laid down that every voter must at least
be thirty years of age, and must pay a minimum of three
hundred francs in taxes, was approved by the Chamber:
this raised the number of electors to ninety thousand out of
a population of twenty-nine millions. Political life, there-
fore, was by this measure restricted to a small portion of the
nation only, but even so, liberal ideas continued to make
headway. Only one-fifth of the Chamber was renewed annu-
ally: yet the Liberal Opposition, though it only numbered
twenty-five deputies in 1 8 1 7, already in 1 8 1 8 had increased
to the number of forty-five.

It had also become necessary to reorganise the Army:
for the Napoleonic troops of 18 15 had been disbanded, in
order to satisfy the amour-propre of foreign Powers: the
Bourbons, on their entry into France in 18 14, with the
desire of satisfying the population on whom the military
levies had weighed heavily had proclaimed the abolition of
conscription. But voluntary enlistment, encouraged by the
offer of many prizes, had soon proved insufficient. It became
necessary, therefore, to return, though indirectly, to con-
scription : the latter system was now limited to the enrolment
for a period of six years of 40,000 soldiers, annually, selected
by lottery.

With a reorganised army, France was able to demand
of the foreign Powers that they should diminish the number
of the troops which occupied France: accordingly in 18 17
the Army of Occupation was reduced from 1 50,000 to 1 20,000
men. This first step having proved successful, France

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

requested the concession of a premature withdrawal from
the soil of France of all the Allied troops.

In order to discuss this point, a Congress met at Aix-la-
Chapelle in the autumn of 1818. This body was composed
of the three sovereigns of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, with
their ministers and the representatives of the Courts of
England and France. The question was speedily settled
in the affirmative: this decision was expedited by the fact
that a large part of the indemnity fixed by the Powers had
already been paid by France; another reason also contributed
to this settlement, for the sovereigns themselves were feeling
anxiety lest those of their troops which were in contact with
the French nation might become contaminated by the new
ideas with which the population was saturated. Subse-
quently, the Allied Powers received France into their Alliance.

All things seemed now to favour the prosperity and
progress of France: the new laws passed concerning the
Press were liberal in tendency, though they exacted a
substantial surety from the editors of newspapers. But the
Conservatives became alarmed by the result of the elections
of 1 8 1 9, since the number of Liberals in the Chamber were
raised by them from forty-five to ninety. Among the new
deputies appeared the Abbe Gregoire, who had been a
member of the National Convention and had been the first
to demand the trial of Louis XVL in 1792. The ultra-
royalists had taken part in the election in the hope of causing
a division in the ranks of the Liberals: they were in part
successful, since the more temperate Liberals were alarmed
at the progress of the advanced ideas.

Shortly after, a grave event determined the triumph of
the reactionaries. On the night of February 13, the Duke
de Berry, second son of the Count d'Artois, was assassinated
at the door of the Opera House. He was only forty-two
years old, and was not only the youngest member of the
reigning dynasty, but the only one from whom an heir to
the throne could be expected. His brother, the Duke
d'Angouleme, who had been married for more than twenty
years to the daughter of Louis XVL, was childless: the
Duke de Berry had a few years before married the Princess
Caroline of Naples, and she had presented him, a year before

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

his death, with a daughter. With his death, therefore, the
dynasty would seem to have become extinct.

The assassin had acted entirely on his own responsibility,
but it was easy for the reactionaries to throw the burden of
the crime on the shoulders of the whole Liberal Party, and
in this way enter a protest against the general trend of Govern-
ment. The indignation of the nation was so cleverly exploited
that for a long time reaction triumphed. Special laws were
enacted for gagging the Press and restraining individual
liberty. The electoral laws were modified, and in 1820 new
elections carried to Parliament many members of the * non-
existent* Chamber.

When, soon after the death of her husband, the Duchess
de Berry gave birth to an heir — the Duke de Bordeaux,

* the child of the miracle,' the party of reaction deemed their
future assured, since the elder branch of the Bourbons
now possessed an heir to the throne. Thus, in France, the
Governments followed the old paths, leading yet farther and
farther from the currents of national life.

• •••••

If reactionary ideas triumphed in France and England,
it may be imagined how desperate was the situation in those
countries whose affairs were directed by absolute Govern-
ments.

The Spanish Peninsula, during the period of Napoleonic
domination, had known neither rest nor peace. The French
invasion had aroused a marvellous resistance, but simul-
taneously had shaken the country from its torpor: for since
the King of Spain had been interned in France those
Spaniards who had taken up arms in defence of the ancient
regime had been forced to organise a new Government, and
they had called together the 'Cortes' in Cadiz. In the midst of
the perils of siege, the new Constitution of the Kingdom was
discussed and voted. The latter was formed upon the model
of the French Constitution of 1791 : the sovereignty of the
nation was recognised and the legislative power entrusted
to one Chamber elected by universal suffrage. Every class
of liberty was proclaimed, always excepting that of religion :

* The religion of the Spanish nation is, and will always be,
that of the Roman Catholic and Apostolic Church — ^the only

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

true religion: the nation protects it with its wise and just
laws, and prohibits the exercise of any other cult. — (Art. 12).*

The Constitution was promulgated on March 18, 18 12:
on the same day, the English general, Wellington, who had
already succeeded in driving the French out of Portugal,
attempted an advance into Spain, in order to bear aid to the
insurgents: later, in 18 13, English and Spanish succeeded
in driving the French to the Pyrenees: it was then that the
Cortes meditated a transference of their session to Madrid,
and on the 15th of January, 18 14, they entered into the
capital.

King Ferdinand, who had been confined by Napoleon
at Valen^ay, in the centre of France, was finally allowed
in March, 18 14, to return to his own country.

In this manner, the Bourbon dynasty was restored in
Spain. Ferdinand VIL, though only thirty years of age,
had already exhibited on several occasions the feebleness
of his intellect, the cruelty of his disposition, and the exceeding
vileness of his character. Hardly had he entered Spain, when
he surrounded himself with the most reactionary elements:
before his entry into Madrid he had declared the Constitution
of 1 8 12 null and void, and had ordered the arrest of the
chiefs of the Liberal Party. He re-established the old corrupt
order, recalled the Jesuits, restored the Inquisition to its
pristine strength, and granted every licence to the small
Court Camarilla.

It must, however, be admitted that the reactionary ten-
dency of the Government corresponded to the sentiments
of the great majority of the country; the latter was composed
only of aristocratic landowners, a numerous and powerful
clergy, and a swarming population sunk in misery and
ignorance. The middle-class element which in England
and France was not only numerous but represented a con-
siderable part of public opinion, scarcely existed in Spain,
owing to her scanty commercial and industrial development.
Liberal sentiments had only penetrated into the higher ranks
of the Army, which in the absence of the sovereign had
fought for six years in defence of their fatherland and their
ancient dynasty. But the most prominent officers were either
imprisoned or exiled, so that it seemed probable that the

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

king might with impunity force his atrocious Government
on the people. He neglected every good principle of govern-
ment and the Army received so little of his attention that
it was unable to repress the rebellion, which some years
before had broken out in the American colonies.

The example given by the English North-American
colonies and their resultant prosperity had begun to arouse
a desire for independence in the Spanish colonies at the
end of the eighteenth century : the diffusion of the new ideas
of liberty, during the period of the French Revolution, had
aided in developing these aspirations. When, later, Spain
was invaded by the Napoleonic troops, and the Spanish
patriots took up arms against them, a very flame of insur-
rection spread from Mexico and Venezuela to the provinces
of Buenos Ayres. Spaniards devoted to their country, alike
with those of their countrymen who were desirous of inde-
pendence, found themselves in agreement in the determina-
tion to throw off the French yoke.

The beginning of this great insurrectionary movement
may be dated from 1810. Its most prominent leader was
Simon Bolivar, who has been called * the Washington of
South America.' The two conflicting Governments in Spain
were too much occupied with their own battles to pay any
attention to their colonies : this opportunity of unrestricted
action so favoured the rebels that from 1810 to 1814 they
effectively maintained their independence.

But after Ferdinand's restoration in Spain, those who
had taken up arms against the French laid them down, and
Spain was now able to reassert her authority in many of her
colonies. Some, however, preferred to retain their inde-
pendence: in the vast plains of the Plata, the insurrection
had completely triumphed: the Congress of Tucuman, on
July 7, 1 8 16, proclaimed the independence of the former
viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres. From the Argentine the
insurgents penetrated into Chili, and pronounced that state
independent of the mother country : the revolt then extended
to Peru. In Paraguay, a Dr Francia proclaimed himself
absolute lord of this territory, and he succeeded in maintaining
his dictatorship. In Venezuela, Simon Bolivar was the hero
of a series of adventurous exploits, and in 1 8 1 9, proclaimed

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

the union of New Granada and Venezuela in the Republic
of Columbia.

Ferdinand built his hopes on the potent aid of the Holy
Alliance, and directed an appeal to the Czar Alexander to
intervene in his favour: but the friendly intentions of the
Czar were paralysed by the attitude of England. The
sympathy of this Power was extended to the revolted Spanish-
American colonies, for the reason that they opened an
important market for its own exports: fully convinced that
King Ferdinand was impotent to suppress the rebellion
without exterior aid, it endeavoured to prevent the inter-
ference of foreign Powers. The United States of America
took the same view, for in the future states of the south it
foresaw both political and commercial clients: for some
time past it had suspended relations with Spain and now
profited by this occasion to expropriate Florida.

The reigning House of Portugal — the Braganza dynasty
— still resided in its colony of Brazil, whither it had taken
refuge on the French occupation of Portugal, in 1807. This
country had been rescued from French domination by the
special work of the English Army. But the king, John VL,
had not yet left Brazil, since he thoroughly understood that,
since public opinion in South America was entirely in favour
of independence, his departure from Rio de Janeiro would
immediately give the signal of revolt in Brazil. It was due
to this fact that Lord Beresford, a general of the British Army,
governed Portugal almost as he pleased, with the title of
Regent and with the assistance of a Council of Regency.
Naturally King John's neglect of his people wounded the
national pride of many: their sense of dignity was hurt by
their subjugation to the military rule of a foreign Govern-
ment, and even in the Army many officers eagerly looked
for a change.

If we now examine the conditions of the Italian Peninsula
we shall see that the differences between the peoples and their
Governments were even more marked.

After sixteen years of French rule, Turin, the ancient
capital of Piedmont, saw with joy the re-entry of their former
sovereigns of the House of Savoy on May 20, 18 14. The

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Prince who represented this ancient dynasty was Victor
Emmanuel I., and he was welcomed with loud acclamations
by his people, who were delighted with the independence
finally regained.

Unfortunately, their sovereign, now fifty-five years of
age, had lived till then in an atmosphere entirely at variance
with the new ideas diffused by the French Revolution. He
therefore was unable to realise the changes which had taken
place in his state during his absence. These had been
enormous, since the Piedmontese, either by reason of the
length of time they had been subject to French government,
or by their neighbourhood and affinity to the French, had
absorbed the new maxims with extraordinary ease. But
Victor Emmanuel, on the other hand, considered all that
had taken place during his absence as a long dream and
imagined that he was giving a high proof of generosity by
simply drawing a veil over the past.

He made his entry in old-fashioned dress, with powder,
pigtail, and a hat in the style of Frederick II.: the courtiers,
who accompanied him, were dressed in the same manner:
and as was their dress, so were their thoughts — antiquated
and out of date.

The sovereign attempted, both as regards men and
things, the reconstruction of the past : he re-established the
power of the Church, restoring the clergy to lay offices and
abolishing religious liberty: he surrounded himself with
the old nobility and restored functionaries and officials to
the posts they had held before the French occupation had
forced the House of Savoy to abandon Piedmont.

This return to the ancient order of things disgusted
many, more especially those who belonged to the educated
classes. Manifestations of discontent with the reactionary
tendency of the Government were not wanting. These
assumed a serious form in Liguria, for the Genoese had seen
with grief the suppression of their ancient republic: this
latter, by the will of the Powers, had been annexed to the
dominions of the House of Savoy. Old rivalries between the
two provinces were not only perpetuated after the annexation,
but were aggravated. Genoa thus became a centre of opposi-
tion to the Piedmontese Government.

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

Neither had the Republic of Venice been restored: its
territories had been handed over to Austria in compensation
for that Power's renunciation of Belgium: by this addition
to its ancient possessions of Milan and Mantua more than
four millions of Italian subjects dwelling in the richest and,
strategically speaking, the strongest provinces of Italy were
placed under Austrian rule. To this new Austrian province
was given the name of Lombardo-Veneto : it had been the
very centre of Italian life during the period of the French
Revolution and had, therefore, undergone the most pro-
found modifications. It was precisely in this province that
national sentiment had reached its highest development.
So, though the province possessed a good and regular
administration which fostered material progress and might
have been envied in many parts of Italy, the more cultured
and intelligent classes were bitterly hostile to the Govern-
ment simply on account of its foreign character.

Its sovereign, Francis I., the Emperor of Austria, had
been born in Italy; but his rigid and cold character did not
permit this fact to lessen the antipathy to his Government.
He had passed his life in fighting France and those French
ideas which were now diffused through the world, and age
had but made him more fervid in the defence of the principles
of Absolutism. Not only so, but ever at his side during his
lifetime stood Clement, Prince Metternich, who directed
his policy and was justly considered as the Standard Bearer
of reaction.

Some few of the citizens demanded permission to open
popular schools, in order to spread amongst the masses
the elements of Liberalism: this permission was denied.

Austria also lorded it over the Duchies of Parma and
Piacenza, which had been assigned to the daughter of the
Emperor Francis, Maria Louisa, the wife of Napoleon. The
ex-Empress of France, now Duchess of Parma, preserved
many French institutions and had she had her way would
have governed mildly enough ; but unfortunately she was
forced to bend to the will of Austria, which, by the Treaties
of 1 8 1 5, had been allowed to hold the fortress of Piacenza
with its own garrison: hence, in very truth, Austria was the
real mistress of the duchy. So much was this the case, that

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Marshal Neipperg, to whom had been given the charge of
alienating the love of Maria Louisa from her husband, exercised
over her an absolute power, causing her not only to forget
her exiled husband at Saint Helena, but also her son who
was held in Vienna.

The Duchy of Modena was also governed by a prince of
the Austrian House — the Archduke Francis IV. The latter
possessed both genius and ambition, and his private life was
without reproach, but he was dominated by the most despotic
ideas. He re-established the ancient laws and maintained
close relations with the Jesuits, in order to save the country
from the plague of Liberalism.

In Tuscany, by the courageous initiative of Pietro Leopold
I., many reforms had been introduced even prior to the
French Revolution. It resulted that the restoration of the
old Grand Ducal Government made by Ferdinand III. —
the brother of Francis I., the Austrian Emperor — ^was less in
contrast with the new ideas than that of any other state in
the peninsula.

Opposition here, therefore, was scanty and the Govern-
ment showed a mild disposition, yet the semi-toleration
which the people enjoyed seemed the essence of liberty
compared with the absolutism of the other Italian states.

The old Pope, Pius VII., after so many unhappy adven-
tures, now enjoyed undisturbed possession of the states of
the Church. He owed this entirely to the diplomatic skill
of his minister. Cardinal Consalvi, who at the Congress of
Vienna had laid bare those Austrian schemes which were
aimed at the province of the Romagna, and had defeated the
plans of Ferdinand of Naples, who would have added the
principality of Benevento to his own dominions. This diplo-
matic success assured to Consalvi the direction of the Govern-
ment during the whole of the pontificate of Pius VII. He
endeavoured to moderate the excesses of reaction, though his
efforts in this direction availed little, since the Pope, though
animated by good intentions, possessed a feeble character
and allowed himself unresistingly to be borne along by the
strong reactionary current which prevailed at the Vatican.
He restored the Inquisition, recalled the Jesuits to life, and
did not hesitate to put in force the atrocious Pontifical system

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

of past ages. Laymen were again removed from offices of
state, and the whole administration was placed in the hands
of ecclesiastics. French legislation was abolished, and the
former ancient and obscure code of laws was restored in its
entirety.

At Naples the old King Ferdinand felt himself more
secure on the throne — to which he had recently been restored
— by the death of Murat, who had been shot in Calabria,
October 13, 1 8 1 5, after his abortive attempt at the reconquest
of his kingdom. He now determined to free himself from
the inquietude caused by the trend of political events in Sicily.
Through all the various conquests it had undergone, this
island had preserved its ancient Parliament; in fact, in 18 12,
in consequence of an agitation which had been encouraged
by England, it had obtained a genuine Constitution, formed
on the English model, with a House of Lords and a House
of Commons. King Ferdinand, after his recall to Naples,
had entirely neglected to convoke the Sicilian Parliament:
he now proposed to suppress, once for all, the differences
which had always existed in the administration of the two
sections of his dominions; he therefore published a decree,
by which it was established that the whole of his dominions,
on this and that side of Messina, should, in future, form one
kingdom which should bear the name of the Kingdom of
the Two Sicilies. The titles of Ferdinand IV. of Naples,
and Ferdinand IL of Sicily, which he had hitherto borne,
were now discarded for that of Ferdinand L, King of the Two
Sicilies.

King Ferdinand, even after the death of his wife, Maria
Carolina of Austria — 18 14 — continued to follow the policy
she had initiated, and remained the obsequious slave of the
Vienna Cabinet.

As a whole, then, Italy was divided into many States
which were all ruled by absolute Governments. Many of
its princes were related to the Austrian House, The latter
dominated the major part of the basin of the Po. On this
account the concentrated hate of the Italian Liberals was
directed against Austria.

• •••••

It must be admitted that Austria, more than any other

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Power, was interested in repressing tendencies towards
liberty and nationality, seeing that it not only represented
Absolutism but consisted of an artificial group of various
nationalities. Besides its Italian territories, it possessed —
the hereditary Austrian provinces — mainly German — the
ancient Kingdom of Bohemia, in which the Slavs predomin-
ated— Polish Galicia — the Roumanian Bucovina — and finally
the Kingdom of Hungary, consisting almost entirely of
Magyars. Each of these countries was composed of a con-
glomeration of races, and all were bound together by the
monarchy which governed everywhere absolutely: Hungary
alone possessed an ancient Constitution, with a Diet : Austria,
however, to the best of her ability avoided convoking the
latter, and permitted the Hungarian Constitution simply
because the national sentiment of the people prevented its
abolition. Liberal ideas were not prevalent in the empire,
owing to the fact that Austrian territory had remained immune
from the French Invasion. Therefore, the Dynasty, buttressed
both by the bureaucracy and by the Army, felt itself strong
enough to make its power felt outside its national boundaries,
not only in Italy but even in Germany.

For more than three and a half centuries — to be precise,
from 1438 — the House of Austria had worn uninterruptedly
the Crown of the Holy Roman Empire, elected by the
Germanic nation: but in the turmoil of the Napoleonic
period — 1806 — the Emperor Francis II. had thought it
advisable to renounce this empty and unsubstantial title for
that of Francis I., Emperor of Austria.

The Roman Empire had not been restored in the new
map of Europe which had been prepared at the Congress
of Vienna; because, as has been before stated, it had repre-
sented to its possessors weakness rather than strength, for
it bound them to defend gratuitously the remaining Germanic
states. Very gladly would Austria have insisted on the right
to the Roman Imperial Crown had she been able to avail
herself of some new organisation which might have given
to the Central Power an efficient offensive and defensive force :
but had such an organisation been formed, the Protestant
House of HohenzoUern would have contested its right to
the Imperial Crown. In the presence of such a powerful

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

rival, the idea of reconstructing the Roman Empire was
therefore renounced by Austria — all the more readily since
a strong Central Power was neither desired by individual
German states, who preferred their own independence, nor
by the Great Powers, who were apprehensive of a solidly
organised Germany. Hence, a simple Confederation of
Sovereign States was formed, with a Federal Diet, which
assembled at Frankfort-on-Main. Since each individual
state was independent, the Diet could do no more than appeal
to the respective Governments and await their orders. Thus
the Diet was reduced to complete impotence from the
clashing interests of the small and great states of the Con-
federation : for the same reason, the Presidency of the Diet,
which had been confided to Austria, represented for the
latter no material advantage.

This Diet, which entirely annulled the political importance
of the Confederation, and hence of Germany herself, did not
satisfy the national aspirations of the populations, which
during the war of 1813 had been so strongly affirmed.
Neither did the internal order of individual states correspond
to the longing for freedom which had developed in recent
years.

The states of the Confederation were thirty-nine in number
— i.e. an Empire — that of Austria — excluding the Kingdom
of Hungary and the Austro-Italian territory — five kingdoms
— Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Wiirtemberg, and Hanover —
seven Grand Duchies, nine Duchies, eleven Principalities,
four free cities, Bremen, Hamburg, Llibeck, and Frankfort-on-
Main, and, finally, Luxemburg, which depended on the
Crown of the Low Countries with the Duchy of Holstein,
which belonged to the King of Denmark. The two last-
named sovereigns belonged to the Confederation only by
right of the territories belonging to them.

Each sovereign regulated his own state according to his

{)leasure. It is true that Art. 1 3 of the Federal Constitution
aid down : * The Assemblies of the various states shall be
called together within the period of one year,' but this was
by no means a binding phrase and many states entirely
disregarded it. The most Liberal Prince of the Germanic
states was the Grand Duke Charles August of Saxe Weimar,

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

who justly boasted that he had made his small capital the
intellectual centre of Germany. In 1816, he granted a
Constitution by the creation of a House of Nobles, Cities,
and Peasants, with the power of examining the finances of
the duchy and voting the taxes : liberty of the Press was also
granted by him in his dominions.

Little by little the southern states followed his example;
Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Hesse-Darmstadt soon possessed
representative assemblies. In some few northern states, the
sovereigns convoked the ancient House of Notables, but the
most important state of all — the Kingdom of Prussia — the
state which, above all others, should have given a liberal
impulse to the whole country, because the national aspirations
of Germany were centred in it — the Kingdom of Prussia —
still preserved its Absolute Government.

This startling exception irritated the German Liberals,
who had dreamed of ideals of Liberty and National Unity.
The students formed associations, some secretly, others
openly — the latter with the ostensible aim of fostering
gymnastic exercises. The small city of Jena, in the Grand
Duchy of Saxe Weimar, was the centre of this patriotic move-
ment. A few Liberal Professors of the Grand Duchy thought
of organising for October 18, 18 17 a patriotic-religious
festival, in order to celebrate simultaneously the third
centenary of the Lutheran Reformation and the fourth
anniversary of the Battle of Leipzig. About four hundred
professors and students attended the celebration, and in the
evening they made a bonfire into which they cast reactionary
books, together with some symbols of repressive Govern-
ments : the awed silence of the crowd gave to this scene the
appearance of a revolt: the Great Powers protested to the
Grand Duke, who found himself compelled to suppress both
student association and the liberty of the Press.

In the Congress, which was summoned soon after at
Aix-la-Chapelle — 18 18 — Prince Metternich impressed on
the sovereigns the necessity of attentively watching the
development of these new ideas: shortly after — 18 19 — as if
to justify this advice, a student stabbed Kotzebue, the German
playwright, who had accepted the odious task of reporting
to the Czar the condition of public opinion in Germany.

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

An attempt was also made on the life of the Governor of
Nassau.

Metternich then called together the representatives of
the Great States at Carlsbad, and it was there decided to
insist on repressive measures. All the princes were ordered
to dissolve the Students' Associations and to appoint officers
in each University who might keep a watchful eye on both
professors and students : a Federal Commission was organised
at Mayence, furnished with powers of police and charged
with the mission of inquiry into the Liberal Movement. A
few months after, at Vienna, the conclusions of the Carlsbad
deliberations were revised and clearly stated. In the new
Congress, Metternich had demanded the abolition of the
Constitutions of the southern states : but the less important
sovereigns perfectly understood that were his orders to be
obeyed, they would be delivered, bound hand and foot, into
the power of Austria : they therefore preserved the Constitu-
tions, not from any tendency towards Liberalism, but because
these assemblies furnished a means of withdrawal from the
too aspiring dominion of Austria.

Another Confederation was organised in 1815, that of
Switzerland. This country also had been profoundly shaken
in the Napoleonic period : the French invasion had destroyed
the ancient order, which included thirteen confederate
cantons, and, with these, the Allied cantons and towns
dependent on those by which they had been subjugated.
The new Constitution, which was approved in 18 15, re-
divided Switzerland into twenty-two cantons, each of which
was a sovereign state. Here also Federal Power was weak.
The Federal Diet was only an assembly of representatives
sent by individual states, in order to hear the proposals made,
and to refer them to their respective Governments, and later
to lay before the Assembly the decisions of the cantons.

The Diet sat alternatively at Zurich, Berne, and Lucerne :
and the executive power of the Confederation was left to the
Council of the Canton in which the Biennial Diet chanced
to be sitting: this rendered still weaker the action of the
Central Power. In addition, its work was almost entirely
confined to military and diplomatic affairs, which were
necessarily unimportant, since, in order to secure the

W.M. 23 C

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

independence of Switzerland, and also to guard the general
interests of Europe, the Great Powers, in the Treaty of Paris,
of November 20, 18 15, had proclaimed the perpetual
neutrality of the new Confederation. All the activity, there-
fore, of Swiss political life developed in individual cantons,
organised under totally differing methods, since some pre-
served an aristocratic system and others a commercial and
democratic one; while one — that of Neuchatel — belonged
to the King of Prussia. In the religious field each canton
followed its own predilections; some had adopted the
principle of religious tolerance, but others prohibited the
exercise of any other cult except that of the state; thus the
Valais prohibited the Protestant cult, while the Canton of
Vaud interdicted the Catholic Religion.

Another country, on the borders of France, had been
essentially modified in its political conditions by the events
which had followed the French Revolution; this was the
state which assumed the new title of the Kingdom of the
Low Countries.

Before the Revolution these countries had formed three
separate dominions; Belgium belonged to Austria; Holland
constituted the Federal Republic of the United Provinces;
while the territory of the City of Li^ge was ruled by its Bishop :
this state of affairs had disappeared in the revolutionary
period and had not been restored. Austria, satisfied with
her aggrandisement in Italy, willingly renounced her claim
to far-off Belgium ; the ecclesiastical lordship of the Bishops
disappeared; republics being no longer in fashion, the United
Provinces sought for a sovereign, and found one in the family
of Orange, which had already possessed such power in the
State in the office of Stadtholder; William I. accepted the
throne, and obtained permission from the Powers to annex
to Holland the territory of Belgium and the Bishopric of
Liege; in this way he fulfilled the desire of the Great Powers
that a substantial state should stand on the frontiers of France,
strong enough to defend her frontiers against any threats.

Either by reason of Dutch Republican traditions, or
because those countries had deeply drunk of the new ideas,
King William I. deemed it advisable to grant a Constitution
to the Low Countries; he established two Chambers— one

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

nominated by the King, and the other composed of repre-
sentatives elected from the Provincial Councils: he assured
to all, equality of civil and political rights, liberty of religion,
and freedom of the Press. The Government, in fact, had
taken into account the changes of recent years : it therefore
seemed probable that it might have proceeded in complete
accord with its people.

But the Union of Belgium with Holland had been made
by diplomats, and was based entirely on their calculations
of general interest: no attention had been paid to the fact
that they were binding together two peoples, differing in
race, in language, in historical tradition, and in religion:
therefore, while the Dutch people were in perfect accord
with their sovereign, the latter was fiercely opposed in
Belgium, since he was both a Dutchman and a Protestant,
and had surrounded himself with Dutch functionaries: to
her own people Catholic Belgium seemed to occupy the
position of a conquered country. Therefore in this new
Kingdom of the Low Countries, which yet was governed by
Constitutional methods, there was a scission between the
Government and a portion of the population.

King William L of Orange-Nassau, in the rearrangement
of Germany, had obtained the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg,
as a recompense for the occupation by Prussia of the German
possessions of his family: as Grand Duke of Luxemburg,
he therefore took part in the deliberations of the German
Confederation.

• • • • • •

Frederick VL, King of Denmark, also became a member
of the German Confederation by virtue of his position as
Duke of Holstein-Lauenburg — German territory which
had been granted him in 1815: this duchy had been given
him in exchange for Norway, which had been taken from him
as a punishment for having remained, even to the last, the
faithful friend and ally of Napoleon.

The Norwegians, however, had considered the treaty
by which they had been ceded to Sweden as null and void:
they had formed a Constitution, modelled on that of the
French of 1791, and had attempted to repel the Swedes
by force of arms. But it was not possible for this small

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

country, unaided, to oppose the will of the Great Powers.
In the end, therefore, the Norwegians had concluded a con-
vention with the King of Sweden by which they recognised
him as their sovereign : they did, however, obtain permission
to retain a separate Government and their own Constitution.
But a misunderstanding sprang from this arrangement,
which proved a perpetual impediment to a perfect under-
standing between the two countries : the Swedes considered
that they had conquered Norway and hence could impose
their supremacy upon them, whilst the Norwegians consis-
tently maintained the absolute equality of the two countries.

Charles XIII. was then King of Sweden, and had granted
to his people a Constitution restoring the ancient Diet: this
was composed of four Orders : the nobility, the clergy, the
commercial classes, and the peasants. As he was childless,
he had recognised, as Heir Apparent, the French General
Bernadotte, who ascended the throne in 1818 and was the
only one of the princes produced by the Revolution who
succeeded in founding a stable dynasty.

In 1809, Sweden had been forced to yield Finland to
the Czar, Alexander I. This country, also, under the new
Government preserved its Diet, composed of four classes,
and retained as the religion of the State, the Lutheran Cult :
in other words, it did not become, strictly speaking, a province
of the Russian Empire, but a separate state, which recognised
as its head the Czar of Russia, by the title of Grand Duke
of Finland.

The Czar, Alexander I., was also Constitutional Monarch
of another state — the Kingdom of Poland, which was united
to Russia only in the person of the sovereign. Poland had
preserved the Catholic Church as its State religion, the Polish
language as its official tongue, and possessed its own adminis-
tration and Army : in addition, the Czar, in December, 1 8 1 5,
had granted a Constitution and created a Diet: this was
composed of a Senate of thirty members, nominated by the
sovereign and a deputation of sixty members, elected from
the nobles and the cities. But the powers of this Diet were
strictly limited and their brief session was only held biennially.

Naturally, the Liberals were dissatisfied : Polish sentiment
demanded that its ancient provinces of Lithuania should be

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

restored to the Kingdom of Poland : down to the eighteenth
century they had formed an integral part of the kingdom
and had then been expropriated by Russia, in the general dis-
memberment of that century. Alexander L was stupefied
at not finding in the Polish nation that gratitude which he
imagined to be his due. His displeasure speedily produced
acute friction between the Russian Government and the
Polish nation.

The Constitutional sovereign of Finland and Poland was
autocrat in Russia. This — the most vast of empires — was
still essentially an agricultural country. It may be accurately
stated that it was composed of two classes alone — an immense
number of peasants, who were tyrannised over by one hundred
thousand families of nobles: the commercial classes were
restricted in number and possessed no wealth: the clergy
were but slightly elevated above the labouring class. These
two clearly cut divisions of society — one still Oriental, orthodox
and cut off from all political and cultured life, the other
entirely Westernised, sceptical in religion and disposed to
adopt the ideas of the remainder of Europe — were governed
by the Czar, Alexander L

The latter had ascended the throne in 1801, before he
had attained his twenty-fifth year, after the bloody tragedy
which had deprived his father both of his throne and life.
He was animated by the best intentions and possessed high
humanitarian ideals, but his character was flexible and easily
influenced: his life was therefore passed in spasms of
vacillation between weak Liberal instincts and despotic
inclinations.

Thus, while in friendly relations with Napoleon, he
had proposed to follow his example and carried out the
difficult reforms advised by his minister, Michael Spdransky:
but, when he had broken with Napoleon, he fell under the
influence of the anti-French, orthodox, and absolutist party:
he sent his great minister to Siberia, and opposed, vigorously,
the ideas which he had enthusiastically adopted in the early
part of his reign.

But in the meantime the cultured classes had begun to
watch with interest the events which were happening in
the rest of Europe. The expedition of Napoleon into Russia,

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

and, later, the entry of the Russian Armies into France and
their sojourn in French provinces for full three years — 1815-
18 1 8 — brought into contact these widely-differing societies:
if the ignorant and illiterate soldiery did not understand these
matters deeply, their officers brought back to their own
country their impressions of the new ideas. Even in Russia
itself, then, it followed, though in a minor degree, that the
conflict between Governmental tendencies and the aspira-
tions of the cultured class attained certain proportions.

In the Congress of Vienna, the Czar would allow no
mention of the Ottoman Empire, in order to preserve
untrammelled his ambitions and plans in the East. Thus,
Turkey might be said to be beyond the pale of International
Law.

On the whole, then, if we examine the life of Europe
in the years which followed 18 15, we shall find Absolutism
almost everywhere triumphant. In the few countries which
were distinguished by constitutional Government, the
Governmental methods seemed out of date, and the small
minority of the country, in whose hands lay political power,
was also animated by reactionary sentiments.

Everywhere we find that a tacit agreement between the
sovereign, the aristocracy, the clergy, and the bureaucracy
aimed at preserving intact the ancient order of things; and
as if this were not enough, the Holy Alliance kept watch and
guard in order the better to ensure its conservation.

Opposed to these formidable internal and international
coalitions the forces of Liberalism seemed scanty enough;
those nobles were few indeed who, by their intelligence and
culture, had recognised the new times and the new needs,
and who were disposed, for them, to sacrifice their privileges.
The class which was specially impregnated with the new
ideas was that of the bourgeoisie — the new social class which
had developed simultaneously with commerce and industry:
but in every place it was few in numbers and often, from
economic reasons, dependent on the nobility. But the mass
of the population, more especially the peasantry, were still
too ignorant and too inert to understand the new principles:
hence this class remained isolated from all political life: not

OLD GOVERNMENTS AND NEW PEOPLES

only so, but generally speaking, instead of bringing strength
to the Liberal Movement, it favoured the existing regime.

It would have seemed, then, that the aristocratic and
absolutist regime was solidly based and likely to endure:
certainly, when the first shocks menaced the solidity of the
social edifice, the work of restoration was speedy and energetic.
But as gradually the newer generation supplanted the old,
the progress of ideas became more rapid, and this new under-
current undermined the very foundation of the edifice so
thoroughly as to overthrow it in less than half a century.

CHAPTER 11

THE FIRST BREACHES AND THE WORK OF REPARATION

Secret Societies and the Military ' Pronunciamenti.' — The Revolutions of
1820 in Spain and Portugal, and the Establishment of Constitutional
Governments. — The Neapolitan Revolution : Austria's Intervention and
the Restoration of Absolutism. — The Piedmontese Revolution of 1821 ;
Carlo Alberto. — Triumph of Reaction : Patriotic Martyrology. —
Prevalence of Reaction, even in France. — The Second Congress of
Vienna (1822). — French Expedition against the Cortes and the Re-
establishment of Absolutism in Spain. — Changes in Portugal. —
Separation of Brazil under Don Pedro I. — The Monroe Doctrine of
the United States and the Independence of the Spanish-American
Colonies.

The first open manifestations against those Governments
which had been restored in 18 15, came from the ranks of
the Army; this was due to the fact that, in the Napoleonic
Period — in that perpetual turmoil of war — all the young
men in whose veins life ran strongly had embraced with
ardour the career of arms, since it opened for them the
speediest path of advancement and the satisfaction of all
their ambitions. But these young officers, in the somnolence
and inertia which characterised the life of Europe during
the Restoration, felt suffocated by the general drowsiness of
the atmosphere.

In the states directed by Absolute Governments, since
many who felt discontent at the political direction pursued by
their rulers possessed no legal means by which an attempt
might be made to change the political course of affairs ; they
could not even declare their opinions on this subject, for, had
they done so, they would certainly have been arrested. The
only way, which suggested some hope of success, lay in the
foundation of secret societies, in the confidence that these
would finally acquire force sufficient to impose their desires on
the Governments. These years, therefore, were distinguished
by a strong growth of secret societies, which, from the above-
mentioned reasons, found a fertile soil in the ranks of the
Army.

THE WORK OF REPARATION

In Spain, King Ferdinand VII., with the intention of
quelling the American Revolution, had collected an army
at Cadiz, in order to embark troops at that port for the
rebellious colonies. But, as the ships were not ready for
the reception of the soldiery, the latter were delayed at Cadiz
for some considerable time. The soldiers were, naturally,
not eager to go and fight in those distant lands, and their
discontent was fostered by agents, sent for that purpose
directly from America; the officers, the majority of whom
had belonged to the armies of the War of Independence
against France, were disgusted at the abolition of the Cortes
of 1 8 12. It was. therefore easy, in such an atmosphere, to
prepare one of those political manifestations, which are
called by the Spanish ^ pronunciamentiJ'

On January i, 1820, Colonels Riego and Quiroga, at
the head of their troops, proclaimed in Cadiz the Constitu-
tion of 1 8 12, but they did not succeed in capturing the
fortress of the city. Riego crossed over with his men into
Andalusia, but he was unable, in that province, to excite
the rising he had hoped for. This, however, broke out in
the north, in the commercial centres of a few cities; and since
the Army refused to suppress the revolt, the terrified king
accepted the Constitution and took a solemn oath of fidelity
to it on March 9, 1820. For four months, the Government
was in the hands of a Provisional Junta composed of the
chiefs of the Liberal Party : in the meantime the Cortes was
convoked.

In the adjoining state of Portugal, the effect of the
Spanish Revolution was strongly felt; here, too, the revolt
was essentially the work of the Army: on August 24, 1820,
the garrison of Oporto rose, demanding the return of the
king from Brazil, and the establishment of a Constitution.

The Lisbon garrison followed its example a few days
later: the Regency, which governed in the name of King
John VI., decided, therefore, to convoke the Cortes in order
to prepare a Constitution.

But even before these events had occurred in Portugal,
the Revolution had broken out in Italy, in the Kingdom of
Naples. Here, also, the discontent found its first outlet in

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

the Army, where many officers who had served under Murat
lamented the crowded life of those agitated years. The secret
society, called the Carbonari, had obtained numerous adherents.
The easy triumph of the Spanish Revolution induced the
members of this organisation to decide on action. On July 2,
1820, in the little city of Nola, which was situated at the
foot of Vesuvius, two sub-lieutenants — Morelli and Silvati —
followed by a little more than a hundred soldiers, initiated
the revolutionary movement and demanded the Constitution.
The rebels marched from Nola on Avellino, where the
governor — himself a Carbonari — joined them with the small
garrison he commanded: he placed himself at the head of
the insurgents and marched towards the capital.

On the night of July $-6, General Guglielmo Pepe,
fearing lest his reputation as a Liberal should lead to his
arrest, left Naples and betook himself to the revolutionary
camp, which welcomed him as its head. Simultaneously,
many provinces welcomed the movement, and even in the
capital itself the agitation assumed such proportions that
King Ferdinand, fearing for his throne, promised the
Constitution — ^July 6 — and, under the pressure of the
conspirators, adopted without delay the Spanish Constitu-
tion of 1 8 12.

The news of these events produced a lively ferment in
Sicily, where the desire for the ancient autonomy awoke.
Palermo arose and attempted to organise in the island a
Government separate from that of Naples. But the move-
ment failed to appeal to the people, and it was soon
quelled.

The establishment of a Constitutional Government in
the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies alarmed the Powers of the
Holy Alliance, more particularly Austria, who saw in this
development a threat against the tranquillity of her Italian
dominions. A diplomatic congress was held at Grappau
— the capital of Austrian Silesia — at which the Czar of
Russia, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Austria
agreed upon the necessity of an Austrian intervention : the
representatives of England and France, while withholding
their entire assent, allowed it to be understood that they
would not oppose such an expedition. Metternich then

THE WORK OF REPARATION

invited the King of Naples to be present at a new Congress,
which was arranged to be held at Laibach — the capital of
Carniola.

According to the Spanish Constitution of 1812, the king
could not leave the kingdom without the consent of Parlia-
ment: in order to obtain this he wrote to the Chamber,
desiring permission to go and defend the Constitutional
Cause before the sovereigns of the Holy Alliance: he stated
that, in any case, if he could not succeed in influencing them
in its favour, he would return in sufficient time to defend
his people's cause by arms. Parliament, therefore, consented
to his departure, and Ferdinand left Naples, confiding the
Government to the hands of his son Francis.

At Laibach, in January, 1821, the fate of Naples was
decided. An Austrian army received the order to march
on Naples, and King Ferdinand wrote to his subjects, request-
ing that they should give a friendly reception to the troops
of his faithful ally, Francis I. The Neapolitan Parliament
did not trust the king, and thought it advisable to declare
that no confidence was to be placed in the words of Ferdinand,
since he was surrounded by the Northern sovereigns and
was, therefore, no longer a free agent: it decided to defend
the kingdom against the Austrian invasion. The Regent,
Francis, ably carrying out the plan which his father had
devised for him, appeared to throw himself zealously into
the plan of defence.

But nothing was done to resist the invasion. The Ministry
was, in great part, composed of men of weak or dubious
character: alike in Parliament and in journalism, empty
garrulity and the illusions of men who entirely ignored the
gravity of the situation, predominated: the Army was
undisciplined and the bitterest discord reigned among its
chiefs. General Guglielmo Pepe, at the head of a body of
troops 10,000 in number, met the Austrians at Rieti, on
March 7, 1 82 1 : he was defeated : two days later, at Antrodoco,
his troops were completely defeated and scattered, carrying
dismay mto the provmces. Many Liberals fled into hiding,
while the Austrian troops advanced without encountering
further opposition. On March 27, the Austrians entered
the capital and there re-established an Absolute form of

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

government. Opposition in the provinces was quickly

suffocated.

• •••••

The sovereigns and the ministers who were assembled
at Laibach remained there for some months awaiting the
success of the Austrian expedition against Naples: the
Congress was about to dissolve, when news arrived that
another Revolution had broken out in Piedmont at the
other end of Italy. The Piedmontese movement differed
from that of Naples in that it not only aimed at the establish-
ment of a Constitution, but it had also a definite national
character: the Piedmontese Carbonari — for even here the
revolt was organised by members of that society — proposed
to remove Victor Emmanuel from the influence of the reac-
tionary courtiers by whom he was surrounded: this step
achieved, he was to be induced to sign the Constitution and
to declare immediate war against Austria: they unfurled
again the tricoloured flag — that symbol of the New Italy
— which had first been hoisted, twenty-four years before,
in the Cispadana Republic, and which had sunk with the
Kingdom of Italy in 1 8 14. The Carbonari thought that they
could count on the support of Carlo Alberto of Savoy-
Carignan.

This prince, who was hardly twenty years old, had been
educated in France, and, there, had freely imbibed the new
ideas: he could not approve the reactionary tendency of
the other branch of his family which was now represented
by princes, who belonged to another generation, and had
always lived in an atmosphere of antiquated ideas. He had
not even concealed his personal opinion on this subject, and
had thereby acquired the fame of a Liberal. The young
officers who lived at his court, though they belonged to the
aristocracy, had also welcomed the new school of thought
and fired the ambition of the young prince with the dream
of taking a prominent part in the longed-for redemption of
Italy.

Carlo Alberto had passed a youth deprived of family
affection ; at two years of age he had lost his father, and on
his mother's second marriage with a French count, he had
been sent to school in Paris. The eloquence of his friends,

THE WORK OF REPARATION

inspired by enthusiastic patriotism, had a strong influence
on his somewhat mobile character, and he allowed himself
to be drawn into the vortex of advanced political opinions :
further, perhaps, than he himself would have wished. It
has even been asserted that he was enrolled as a member of
the Carbonari: certainly, he was intimate witji such heads
of the revolutionary party as the Marquis Carlo Asinari di
San Marzano, a colonel in a cavalry regiment — Count
Giacinto Provana di Collegno, a major of artillery; Count
Guglielmo Moffa di Lisio, a cavalry captain; and Count
Santorre di Santarosa, a major of engineers.

The Piedmontese conspirators had decided to rise at
the moment when the Austrian Army should be engaged
in the struggle with the Neapolitans; an insurrection in the
rear of the Austrians would have ensured the success of the
Liberal and International Cause. On March lo, 1821,
before the rumours of the Neapolitan defeat had arrived in
Piedmont, the garrison of Alexandria, incited by those officers
who were enrolled in the Carbonari, mutinied and demanded
a Constitution and a war with Austria : two days later, though
the news of the Neapolitan disaster had already begun to
filter through, the garrison of Turin followed the example
of that of Alexandria and threatened to bombard the city
if a Constitution were not granted by the king.

King Victor Emmanuel I., good-natured and genial as
he was, abhorred the idea of shedding the blood of his subjects
in fratricidal strife, and he had also promised the Holy
Alliance that he would introduce no changes in the Govern-
mental methods of Piedmont. He therefore abdicated in
favour of his brother. Carlo Felice, since he himself was
childless. Carlo Felice being absent at Modcna, Carlo Alberto
was appointed provisional Regent of the kingdom.

This young Prince, urged by his friends and flushed with
the success of the Revolution, called together the ministers,
generals, mayors, and lesser functionaries of Turin, and
agreed to publish a proclamation, granting, in the name of
the king, the Spanish Constitution of 18 12: this was
accordingly done on the evening of March 13.

But Carlo Felice, who was a prince of Absolutist tendencies,
entirely disapproved of the step taken by his Regent, and

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

published a decree from Modena in which he annulled the
measures taken in his absence: he peremptorily ordered
Carlo Alberto to leave the city of Turin immediately. The
young Regent was placed in an extremely painful position;
the Liberals wished him to proclaim open war against the
king, but a revolt against the elder branch of his family
appeared to him to be an infamy: in addition, tidings, ever
more precise, continued to arrive of the easy victory of the
Austrians over the Neapolitans, so that it seemed clear that
all hopes of preserving the Piedmontese Constitution were
finally extinguished. Carlo Alberto was persuaded that
any opposition on his part to the will of the king would
infallibly ruin himself and would be of no advantage to the
cause of revolution; he therefore decided to abandon the
cause. Unfortunately, his weakness of character prevented
him from resolutely affirming the necessity of his decision
even to his own ministers, and on the night of March 21-22
he left Turin almost secretly.

The unexpected departure of the Regent spread disaster
and dismay through the ranks of the partisans of the Revolu-
tion : many fled, whilst that section of the nation which was
attached to Absolutism, strengthened by the attitude of the
king, came boldly forward. General de la Tour unfurled
anew the azure banner of Savoy, and invited all those troops,
which had remained faithful to Carlo Felice to gather round
it. In this terrible crisis Count Santorre di Santa Rosa,
who had been appointed Minister of War by Carlo Alberto,
assumed the reins of government. Notwithstanding his
enthusiastic proclamations, the Constitutionalists only suc-
ceeded in collecting together 4000 soldiers, who were easily
defeated on April 8, 1821, under the walls of Novara by
de la Tour : the latter was also aided by a body of Austrian
troops which had passed the Ticino. This disaster deter-
mined the Constitutionalists to disperse, and those who felt
themselves seriously compromised fled into exile.

When the Piedmontese Revolution had been finally
suppressed, the sovereigns of the Holy Alliance who were
still assembled at Laibach, decided to dissolve the Congress;
on May 12, 1821, they sent a circular to their ambassadors

THE WORK OF REPARATION

at the various European courts expressing their satisfaction
at the result of the labours of the Congress. They then
retired to their own countries, where, soon after, the news
arrived of the death of Napoleon I., at Saint Helena — tidings
which finally relieved them of any anxiety concerning the
great ' son of the Revolution.*

In the first place, the family of Bonaparte did not appear
to possess any further representative who might prove
dangerous to the peace of Europe. The son of Napoleon I.,
then a boy of ten years of age, had received from the Emperor
Francis the rank of Prince of Austria, with the title of Duke
of Reichstadt : he lived in Austria under the vigilant eye of
Metternich, who attempted to keep him in complete ignorance
of the glorious deeds of his father. The brothers of Napoleon
were scattered over the world: Joseph had emigrated to
America, where he led the peaceful life of a great landed
proprietor; Lucien, to whom the Pope had granted the
title of Prince of Canino — near Viterbo — had settled in the
Pontifical State, and devoted himself to study; Louis, who
had separated from his wife Hortense, had satisfied his
ambition with the title of Count de Saint Leu — from a
castellated property which he possessed near Paris — and
spent the greater part of his time at Florence: the youngest,
Jerome, had obtained from his father-in-law, the King of
Wiirtemburg, the title of Count de Monfort and lived at
Trieste. All had peacefully returned to private life and
aroused no serious preoccupation.

Hence the Powers could peacefully await the opportunity
of carrying out their scheme of vengeance against the rebels
of Naples and Piedmont; nor did they limit thus their
desires of retaliation, but determined to suffocate every
Liberal tendency in other countries. As far back as the
end of October, 1 820, after the revolts of Naples, the Austrian
Government had begun a series of arrests in Lombardy:
Maroncelli, Pellico, Gioia, Romagnosi, and Arrivabene had
been then imprisoned. Notwithstanding this action, in 1821,
many Liberals in the Lombardo-Veneto had hoped that the
Piedmontese would cross the Ticino and had come to an
agreement with them. The Austrian Government, while it
condemned with the very heaviest penalties the persons

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

who had been arrested in the previous year, attentively watched
the schemes of the Liberals, and after long and patient study
succeeded in discovering their plots. At the beginning of
December, 182 1, Gaetano Castilia and Giorgio Pallavicino
had been arrested on account of their having attempted, in
March of that year, to obtain the intervention of the Pied-
montese in Lombardy; later. Count Federico Confalonieri,
who was considered as the chief of the conspiracy, and was
one of the most influential citizens of Milan, had been
imprisoned. Their fate was determined only after two years
of examination : Confaloniere, Pallavicino, and many others
were condemned to death; but the emperor deigned to
commute such sentence to the severest form of imprisonment,
which was to be expiated in the fortress of the Spielberg, in
Moravia, where Maroncelli, Pellico, and other patriots
were already languishing. These sentences, which struck
at the flower of Lombard culture and rank, raised a still higher
barrier between the Austrian Government and the Italian
peoples.

Unfortunately, too, the Italian sovereigns, who had
become more suspicious and timid than formerly, competed
with each other in following the example of the Austrian
Government. Those patriots who had succeeded in eluding
the persecution of the police aroused, in foreign countries,
a great and burning sympathy for the Italian cause. England
became for them an especially secure asylum: amongst
others who had taken refuge there was the Neapolitan poet,
Gabriele Rossetti, the head of a family which has since become
celebrated in English Art and Letters, and the Modanese
Antonio Panizzi, whose learning soon rendered him famous
and became Director-General of the British Museum.

The sovereign of the small duchy of Modena, Francis IV.,
specially distinguished himself by his unequalled ferocity.
He attempted in this way to acquire the sympathy of the
Holy Alliance, in the hope of procuring their support to
his claims to the throne of Savoy, by right of his wife, the
eldest daughter of Victor Emmanuel I. As Carlo Felice was
childless, the presumptive heir to the throne was Carlo
Alberto; but the Duke Francis attempted to take advantage
of the aversion which, subsequent to the events of 1821,

THE WORK OF REPARATION

Carlo Felice had manifested for Carlo Alberto: he flattered
himself that he would be able to exclude this prince from the
throne by abolishing the Salic Law in Piedmont. But even
the Austrian Government understood that France would
steadfastly oppose the settlement of an Austrian archduke
on her frontiers, and therefore did not believe it
opportune to support the ambitious designs of the Duke of
Modena.

Everywhere reaction triumphed. Metternich had suc-
ceeded in eradicating the Liberal fancies of former times
from the mind of Alexander L, so that the Czar, on his
departure from Laibach, had decided to combat the revolu-
tionary spirit. In France, also, the elections of 1821 had
increasingly reinforced the reactionary party: the Chamber
approved a new Press law, increasing the penalties and
removing from the province of a jury all those journalistic
offences which savoured of Liberalism: these were now
appointed to be tried by a tribunal : in addition, a new crime
was created — the crime of * tendency * — by which a journal
might be condemned, though no single article contained
criminal matter, by the detection of a Liberal tendency: in
a number of collected articles naturally this law might be
very easily abused.

Thus, even Constitutional France followed the political
direction of the Absolutist Powers, which furnishes an
explanation of her readiness to assume the mission of under-
taking in Spain a work similar to that which Austria was

accomplishing in Italy.

• •••••

In Spain, the great majority of the country — nobles,
clergy, and peasants — were contrary to that form of govern-
ment which had been imposed by the military ■prominciamenti\
personally. King Ferdinand VII. had sworn to the Constitution
under the pressure of threats, and proposed to destroy it as
soon as opportunity should arise. He communicated this
project to the sovereigns of the Holy Alliance and stated
that he hoped for their aid in this undertaking.

At Laibach, the Allied sovereigns had decided to convoke
another Congress in the following year; it met at Verona
in October, 1822. The Emperors of Austria and of Russia,

w.M. 39 D

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

with the King of Prussia personally attended the Congress
with their ministers ; France was represented by her Minister
of Foreign Affairs, the Duke de Montmorency, and by the
ambassador at London, the famour writer. Rend de Chateau-
briand; England sent the Duke of Wellington — the victor
of Waterloo. All the sovereigns of the smaller states of
Italy came to pay homage to the sovereigns of the North:
the Italian princes did not, however, participate in the more
important meetings, but were only called when their own
particular affairs were treated of. The Duke of Modena,
Francis IV., in the hope of gaining the support of the Holy
Alliance for his own ambitious dreams, posed as an exceed-
ingly zealous champion of reaction.

On the other hand. King Carlo Felice, jealous of his
own independence, demanded and obtained that those
Austrian troops which had entered into Piedmont in 1821
should be immediately recalled. Ferdinand of Naples,
however, acted far otherwise, since he had too much need
of foreign help to assure him his throne : and since the Powers
were jealous of the growing dominion of Austria and wished
to reduce the number of soldiers in the Neapolitan kingdom
from fifty to thirty-five thousand, King Ferdinand, in order
to fill their place, hired mercenary Swiss regiments.

But the most important discussions of the Congress
concerned the affairs of Spain. The Czar, Alexander I.,
now fully converted to reactionary ideas, proposed that
France should accept the mission of military intervention
in Spain. Metternich was not too eager to support this
arrangement, since he feared lest France might derive increased
prestige from the expedition, and the possibility occurred to
him of a Franco-Russian Alliance, which would be dangerous
to Austria in the East; but after the part taken by Austria
in Italian events, he could not openly oppose the Czar's
suggestion: on this account he was forced to adhere to it,
as did also the King of Prussia.

Either from their reactionary ideas, or influenced by the
thought that in this way the predominion of Austria in
Italy might be counter-balanced, de Montmorency and
Chateaubriand were easily induced to give their promise to
this arrangement. The Power, however, which decidedly

THE WORK OF REPARATION

and openly cut itself loose from the Holy Alliance, was
England.

It is at this moment that a change of direction in politics
may first be noted in the Government of Great Britain : this
was not because the government was no longer in the hands
of the Tory Party, but because the persons who represented
it had changed. The man who till this moment had directed
the foreign policy of England was Castlereagh — whose
character was domineering and instincts aristocratic. Though
he had adopted with reserve the deliberations of Groppau
and Laibach, he had clearly let it be understood that he con-
sented to full liberty of action on the part of the Holy Alliance.
On August 12, 1822, he committed suicide: the reason of
this act has never been made clear. His post was occupied
by George Canning, who represented the less rigid tendencies
of the Conservative Party — that is to say, that section which
was not systematically closed to the new ideas: therefore he
gave a new direction to English politics. General Wellington,
the representative whom he had sent to the Congress of
Verona, was a rigid Tory, but above all else he was a thorough-
going upholder of English interests; therefore, when the
other Powers agreed to the proposed French intervention
in Spain, Wellington distinctly refused to assent to such an
arrangement, considering it both inopportune and dangerous.
He protested that by the treaties which bound England
to Portugal, his country would oppose the entry of the troops
of the Holy Alliance into Portugal; and he concluded with
the declaration, that if the English Government did not
intervene in order to prevent the French expedition, she
reserved to herself full liberty of action with regard to the
Spanish-American colonies, this question being vital to the
interests of England.

On April i, 1 823, a French army of one hundred thousand
men, under the command of the Duke of Angouleme, passed
the Pyrenees and advanced into Spain. This time the
populations of the peninsula did not oppose to the advance of
the French the resistance which they had made to the forces
of Napoleon, fifteen years before. On the contrary, the
bands, which had been armed by the Absolutist Party,
welcomed the invasion with enthusiasm, and henceforth

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

secure of victory, began everywhere a persecution of the
Liberals. The Cortes decided to transfer their sittings
from Madrid to Seville: on the 19th of May, Madrid was
occupied by the French troops ; a few days later they
defeated a corps of Spanish troops on the frontiers of Andalusia
and advanced rapidly to the south; the Spanish Government,
no longer being in security in Seville, retreated to Cadiz.
Around this city alone was any resistance maintained: but
the fall of the forts of the Trocadero and San Pietro rendered
the continuation of the defence impossible. Prince Carlo
Alberto distinguished himself at the assault of the Trocadero:
this prince, in order to obtain the pardon of the Holy Alliance
and from King Carlo Felice forgiveness of his participation
in the Revolution of 1821, and also to prevent his exclusion
from the throne of Savoy, had been forced to join the French
Army, which had been sent to destroy the very Constitution
which he had promulgated in Piedmont: he thus fought
at the head of French Grenadiers against the Spanish Con-
stitutionalists, amongst whom were fighting a goodly number
of emigrant patriots from Piedmont. This was for Carlo
Alberto a terrible punishment.

King Ferdinand VIL, on October i, promised a complete
amnesty, and was allowed to go free by the Constitutionalists,
who had taken him with them to Cadiz; but hardly had he
arrived in the French camp than he annulled all the Acts of
the Government posterior to March 7, 1820, and pronounced
terrible sentences against the leaders of the Constitutional
Government. The reactionaries abandoned themselves to
the worst excesses; everywhere Liberals were hunted down,
imprisoned, and condemned to death.

The events in Spain had their repercussion in Portugal.
Subsequent to the insurrection of August, 1820, King John
VL had decided to entrust the Government of Brazil to his
eldest son, Don Pedro: he himself returned into Portugal
with his wife, Carlotta — the sister of Ferdinand VIL: and
his second son, Don Miguel. He arrived in Lisbon in the
June of 1821 : the Cortes prepared a Constitution modelled
on that of Spain of 18 12, and the king accepted it. This
Constitutional Government alienated from itself the sympathy
of the only state which was able to support it : for, in order

THE WORK OF REPARATION

to defend the economic interests of the country, it conceived
it necessary to annul the commercial treaty made with England
in 1810, which was exceptionally favourable to the latter
nation. The king, whose disposition was benevolent and
conciliatory, would have willingly granted a moderate Con-
stitutional Chamber; but from henceforth the Absolutist
current prevailed and was favoured both by the queen and
the second son, Don Miguel. Portugal returned almost to
the same state in which it existed prior to the Revolution.

In the meantime, the separation of Brazil from Portugal
was effected. After the departure of John VI. from Brazil,
the inhabitants of the latter country insisted that the Regent,
Don Pedro, should assume the title of Emperor of Brazil:
with this aim, an insurrection broke out in Rio de Janeiro, in
1822, and Don Pedro consented to accede to his people's
wishes. This change of government was recognised with
sympathy by England, which, since it was displeased with
the Constitutional Government of Portugal, had every reason
for wishing to separate Brazil from the mother country in
order to number the new state in the ranks of her commercial
clients: by an able diplomacy, she induced King John VI.,
himself, finally to recognise the independence of Brazil —
1825.

From this time onward, the principles of independence
triumphed in all the former colonies of America. Agitated
by the Revolution at home, Spain could no longer hope to
send her troops across the Atlantic, and in this way the
cause of independence made easy and rapid progress. In
Mexico, General Iturbide placed himself at the head of the
rebels and proclaimed himself emperor — 1822: in the
following year, however, the Republican Party prevailed,
and he was forced to flee; in 1824 he attempted to regain
possession of the throne, but he was captured and shot.
Mexico now reorganised herself as a Federal Republic on
the model of the United States.

Central America also proclaimed her independence
after the events of 182 1 and formed herself into a Republic,
which comprised the States of Guatemala, Costa Rica,
Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador.

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Bolivar, the liberator of Venezuela, had caused the union
of New Granada and Venezuela to be proclaimed in the
Republic of Colombia; later, he had attempted to free
Ecuador and Peru, where at least he succeeded in repressing
anarchy: his lieutenant, Sucre, definitely defeated the
Spanish troops at Ayacucho — between Cuzco and Lima —
on the 9th of December, 1824; Upper Peru was formed
into an independent republic and named Bolivia, after
Bolivar, who was its first president.

Henceforth, the Spanish Dominion in America may be
considered at an end. This was due not only to the impotence
of Spain, but also to the attitude assumed by both England
and the United States.

The English Government had placed no obstacles in
the way of French intervention in Spain, but it had openly
disapproved of it: Liberal sentimentalism was in accord
with the economic interests of the country, therefore England
had entirely favoured the emancipation of the Spanish-
American colonies: its firm attitude also prevented
the Holy Alliance from lending aid to King Ferdinand VIL,
with the object of dominating his insurgent colonies.

Still more daring was the political step taken by the
United States of America, whose president, Monroe, made
in Congress the famous declaration, which remains as an
authentic political doctrine : —

* My Administration, in its negotiations with Russia,
has established as a principle, in which are bound up the
rights and interests of the United States itself, that the
American continents, by the free and independent position
which they have assumed and maintained, ought no longer
to be considered as a dominion adapted for colonisation by
any European Power. By the good faith and friendly
relation existing between the United States and these Powers,
we are bound to declare that we shall in future consider
any attempts on their part to extend their political system
to this hemisphere as dangerous both to our peace and
security. So far as concerns the colonies and actual depen-
dencies of any European Power, we have not, so far,
intervened, nor shall we in the future. But with regard to
these Governments which have declared and maintained

THE WORK OF REPARATION

their independence, we can only consider any intervention
of a European Power, with the object either of forcing their
submission or exercising any influence on their destiny, as
the manifestation of a disposition hostile to the Government
of the United States.'

The date of this declaration was December 2nd, 1823.

The United States were the first to recognise the inde-
pendence of the new American Republics: their example
was soon followed by England — ^January i, 1825 — and
gradually by the other Powers. Thus the Revolution which
had broken out in Europe in the year 1820-1821, though
it had not in any durable manner modified the political
condition of those countries which had given it birth, had
yet facilitated this radical change on the American continent.

The new American States, which had been formed from
the old Spanish colonies, though they possessed a more
fertile soil, made progress far inferior in every respect to that
of the United States : this may have been partly due to the
more enervating climate or to the protracted duration of the
atrocious Spanish Government, which was responsible for
the worst habits rooted in the populations: it may have
been that the peoples, which were composed of Spanish
adventurers, of lazy Creoles, of Indians who were opposed
to all ideas of progress, did not possess the strong, moral
fibre of the Anglo-Saxon race: only one advantage did
these countries possess over the United States ; this consisted
in the fact that from their first years of emancipation they
had suppressed the institution of slavery.

He who had taken the chief part in the work of liberation
from the Spanish domination — Simon Bolivar — dreamed
of being able to group together all these new States in one
immense Latin Confederation: he therefore convoked a
congress at Panama in 1826, but, besides the representatives
of Central America, the only delegates who attended the
re-union were those of Mexico, Colombia, and Peru : nothing
positive was concluded at the congress. Bolivar did not
succeed in linking together by a common chain even the
republics of Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia, which had acclaimed
him as their president: his autocratic and centralising

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

tendencies everywhere excited revolt. After many years of
strenuous fighting — ill and weary — he renounced his power
and died a few months later, on December 17, 1830, at the
early age of forty-seven years : with his death the great idea
of the confederation of all the Spanish Provinces was
abandoned.

Everywhere particularist ideas reigned : Federal Republics
were organised, and in each of them might be seen the
spectacle of a scries of civil wars which arrested or impeded
the march of progress.

CHAPTER III

FIRST PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION

Conflicting Interests of Russia, Austria, and England. — Re-awakening of
the Christian Races. — Condition of the Greeks, Albanians, Bulgars,
and Rumanians. — Rebellion of AH Pasha of Janina. — Alexander
Ypsilanti initiates the Struggle for Independence in Moldavia, March,
1 82 1. — General Insurrection in the Islands and the Morea. —
Turkish Success. — Attitude of the Poivers. — Phil-Hellenic Societies. —
Mehemet AH, Viceroy of Egypt, aids the Sultan. — Greek Disaster. — The
Policy of George Canning. — Death of Alexander I., 1825. — Nicholas I.
and the Anglo-Russian Agreement in favour of the Greeks. — Fall
of Missolonghi, 1826. — France joins the Alliance between Russia and
England. — Battle of Navarino, 1827. — Turco-Russian War. — French
Intervention in Greece and the Peace of Adrianople, 1829. — The
Conference of London. — The Rearrangenment of Greece. — Count
Capodistria. -Definite Settlement of Greece under King Otho. — The
Princes of Serbia, Moldavia, and Wallachia.

More than four-and-a-half centuries have passed since the
day on which the Turks planted their banner on the walls
of Constantinople. In the first flush of victory they had
advanced exultantly in Europe; vainly the ancient republic
of Saint Mark had attempted to bar their progress in the
Archipelago; in vain the Christian races of the Balkan
Peninsula had opposed to them a vigorous resistance; by
land and sea, for many years, the Turk triumphed, and in
1683 even besieged the walls of Vienna. Austria's capital
was saved by the intervention of the famous Polish king,
John Sobieski: that day, it may be said, marked the ebb of
the Turkish tide: a leisurely reflux, it is true, and marked
on some occasions by fortunate resumptions of the offensive.

Against these invaders, who retired so gradually, Austria
and Russia advanced as the vedettes of Europe: later, a
rivalry arose between these two Powers, and each sought
reciprocally to limit the conquests of the other.

Another Power, also, soon took a direct interest in the
question: after the foundation of its Indian dominions,
England found it necessary to secure her communications
with Asia by preventing Russia from advancing too rapidly

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

southward. In the beginning, she believed that this aim
could be accomplished by buttressing the tottering Turkish
Empire.

Added to the perils by which she was threatened outside
her frontiers, from the opening of the nineteenth century,
a new and far graver danger menaced Turkey at home: —
the awakening of the Christian nationalities which she had
subjugated in the past.

The essence of the Eastern Question consists in the
conflicting interests concerned in the liquidation of the
heredity of the Turkish Empire.

Amongst the Christian races of the Balkan Peninsula
the Greeks inherited the most glorious past. In culture and
economic prosperity they occupied a far higher rank than the
remaining populations. They had, therefore, absorbed
with facility the new ideas diffused by the French Revolution :
these had brought to the birth in the minds of the more
energetic Greeks, a burning desire to be freed from the
humiliating oppression of the Turk.

For this reason a secret society called the * Hetaireia *
had been organised in Greece, and on all sides it propagated
aspirations for independence. The constitution of the
republic of the Ionian Islands, under an English Protectorate,
aided in affirming these sentiments of nationality.

On the other hand, in Albania, the majority of the
population, after the death of the celebrated Scanderbeg
in 1467, had not only accepted the Turkish domination,
but had also welcomed the Mahometan religion: those
families which had been converted to the cult of Mahomet
lorded it over their Christian brethren in the name of the
Sultan, whose authority scarcely penetrated in this mountainous
country: The Sultan, generally speaking, contented himself
with levies of Albanian soldiers, and the population eagerly
flocked to the Turkish banner in the hope of participating
in the spoils of war. This race, which is considered as
identical with the ancient Illyrians, possessed no desire for
national independence.

The Bulgars, also, were as yet completely satisfied with
their servile condition: this race was of Mongol blood and
on its penetration into the Balkans had so completely identified

FIRST PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION

itself with the Slavs, who were already resident in the
Peninsula, as to accept from them both language and customs.
The country which they inhabited had fallen under the
Turkish dominion from the end of the fourteenth century,
and had served a bitter servitude: the Mussulman land-
owners had formed an aristocracy with the result that the
Bulgarian Christians had sunk to the rank of simple peasants.
On account of its vicinity to Constantinople, and because the
land was thronged with Turkish troops, Bulgaria had not
the slightest prospect of any new change of affairs.

The Serbian race had also been cruelly oppressed by the
Turk. It had reached the zenith of its power in the fourteenth
century, but the battle of Kossova in 1389 marked its ultimate
resistance to the Turk. The latter desired to dominate, in
durable fashion, the countries of Serbia, Bosnia, and Herze-
govina— territories which stood between him and his other
conquests in the Danube valleys. But in the mountains
which encircled Cettinje a small body of Serbs had main-
tained their independence. The Turks, who in the sub-
jugation of this tiny territory had not much to gain, and
whose every attempt to impose their authority met with a
bitter resistance, had decided in the end to pay but small
attention to these hardy rebels: therefore, in this region,
to which the name of Montenegro had been given, a patri-
archal Government had been established under the rule of a
prince-bishop of the family of Petrovich of Niegosh.

Serbia had been the theatre of the combat between
Austria and Turkey, and in the eighteenth century had
even for some time fallen into the hands of Austria: this
fact naturally aided the growth of the spirit of nationality:
indeed, Serbian peasants had enlisted in Austrian regiments.

One of these peasants, named George, surnamed Kara
— a Turkish word implying ' black * — had been a sergeant
in an Austrian regiment: he determined, in 1804, to organise
a Serbian insurrection against the Turks. At the head of
courageous, irregular bands he maintained his resistance
for some years, and at length received aid from Russia at the
time when the latter declared war against Turkey in 1806:
later, when Russia, in order to make head against Napoleon,
made peace with the Turks — 18 12 — ^the insurgents found

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

themselves abandoned. Pursued by numerous enemy troops,
they were forced to disperse, and Karageorge himself took
refuge in Austria in 1813. He was the ancestor of the
dynasty which occupies the Serbian throne to-day.

A founder of another Serbian dynasty now came on the
scene — Milosh Obrenovich. He, too, was a peasant — a
pig merchant — but occupied a certain position in the country.
He continued the work of Serbian emancipation, though
more by craft than by force. At first he accepted from the
Turks the mission of reorganising Serbia under the Turkish
suzerainty, posing almost as the agent of the Sultan: but
since he retained the Serbians in arms, he won a forced
respect from the Turks. It is said that in 18 17, when
Karageorge returned secretly to his native land, Obrenovich
betrayed his hiding-place to the Turks, who then assassinated
the first champion of Serbian freedom. Milosh Obrenovich
finished by dividing the authority of the country with the
Turkish Pasha of Belgrade, and obtained certain fleeting
and precarious concessions for the Serbs.

Less directly subject to the Turks were the Rumanians,
who inhabited the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia,
they were the descendants of the ancient colonists placed in
that region by the Emperor Trajan, and the phenomenon
of this nation is curious enough, seeing that for more than
eighteen centuries in a land deluged by so many invasions
they have preserved in features, disposition, language,
customs, and traditions the seal of the ancient race of Rome.
They were obliged to submit to the Turks in the last years
of the fifteenth and the first of the sixteenth centuries : but
their land did not lie in the road of Ottoman advance towards
the north-west: therefore, the Turks did not settle there,
and were contented with a tribute, alone. Hence these
countries had preserved their national chiefs — hospodars —
their own orthodox clergy, and their own Christian aristoc-
racy of landowners, called Boyars. But when the wars
broke out between Russia and Turkey, this region became
the theatre of fighting, and Rumania paid the penalty:
since on one side Austria, in return for the diplomatic aid
given to Turkey in her war against Russia, received the
Rumanian territory called the Bucovina in 1775: and later,

FIRST PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION

Russia in the war of 1 806-1 8 12, after having held the Danube
Principalities for these six years, retired at the conclusion of
peace, retaining Bessarabia and assuming a species of pro-
tectorate over the two principalities.

• ••••••

In 1820, the Turkish Governor of Janina, AH Pasha of
Tepelen, rebelled against the Sultan. The Greeks thought
to take advantage of this insurrection and prepared themselves
for war. The Hetaireia hoped to obtain the aid of Russia,
for the Czar Alexander I., in furtherance of his own ambitious
schemes in the Balkan Peninsula, had given continual
encouragement to the propaganda for liberating the Christian
populations from the Mussulman yoke. The Hetaireia had
chosen for their chief Prince Alexander Ypsilanti, of Greek
origin, who at this time was serving as an officer in the
Russian Army and was a personal friend of the Czar. His
father had been Hospodar of Moldavia and Wallachia: he,
therefore, thought that he had some influence in the country,
and decided to initiate the insurrection in the hope that
Russia would be easily induced to give him aid. In the
month of March, 1 82 1, he left Odessa, where his preparations
had been made, and with eight hundred horse crossed the
frontier of the Pruth, calling on the populations to rise for
their independence. But the Rumanians were not much
moved by this invitation from a Greek, so that in one month
he had, with difficulty, collected a force of 5000 men.

The Czar at this time happened to be at the Congress of
Laibach, and through the influence of Metternich was
persuaded that this Eastern agitation sprang from the same
revolutionary spirit which had swept Europe. Alexander I.,
therefore, publicly disapproved of Ypsilanti's movement;
the latter had advanced nearly to Bucharest, but seeing
that he was menaced by strong bodies of troops he retreated
towards the Austrian frontier, and after an unsuccessful
engagement took refuge in Transylvania in June, 1821.

But the concentration of Turkish troops against Ypsilanti
in Rumania and against Ali Pasha in Albania, smoothed
the way for insurrection in Greece; in a few months the
Peloponnese and the islands were freed from Turkish rule:
in October, 1821, the fortress of Tripolitza, which was

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

considered as the capital of the Peloponnese, fell into the
hands of the insurgents. At Constantinople and in many
Turkish cities the fanatic crowds massacred Christians
with impunity. In 1822 the Turks succeeded in entering
Janina and killing Ali: they were now able to dispose of
larger forces against the Greeks and in consequence the
mainland of Greece was soon subdued. But in the Pelopon-
nese a bold leader of insurgent bands, Kolodotrones, suc-
ceeded in collecting all the forces of the country and was
able to disperse the hostile army. In its turn the Turkish
fleet from the beginning had advanced victoriously in the
Archipelago, and having occupied Chios, massacred the
population: in revenge for this infamy Constantine Kanaris,
with heroic bravery, reached the Turkish flagship in a small
boat, and succeeded in setting fire to it: the Turkish fleet,
on this, returned to the Hellespont.

In vain the Greeks sent a deputation to the Congress of
Verona, in order to invoke the aid of the Holy Alliance:
their delegates were not even admitted to the Congress.

But if the Governments remained hostile to the Greek
cause, the peoples, more particularly in the west, showed
their zeal for the Hellenic ideals in gratitude for the benefits
which civilisation owes to ancient Greece. Phil-Hellenic
societies were organised everywhere for the purpose of raising
money and aid for the Greeks, while many enthusiastic
young men enlisted as volunteers for this war, which was
considered as a crusade of civilisation and liberty.

Unhappily in Greece, from the very beginning of the
war, a conflict had arisen between the political tendencies
of the commercial classes, who desired to establish a civil
government, and those of the chiefs of the insurgent bands,
who favoured a military one.

Fortunately for Greece, Turkey found herself in a
dilemma, for the lack of money provoked indiscipline in the
army and the long duration of the war rendered still more
manifest and acute the hostility of the Christian subjects of
the empire. Seeing that he was impotent to deal with the
rebellion, the Sultan Mahmoud decided, though unwillingly,
to invoke the aid of the most important of his vassals —
Mehemet Ali, Governor of Egypt.

FIRST PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION

In return for the promise of the cession of Crete to him,
Mehemet sent a fleet, which disembarked troops in that
island and conquered it with savage ferocity, 1824: he then
appointed his son, Ibrahim, Governor of the Morea: the
latter, at the head of the expedition, landed numerous forces
in this, the principal centre of revolt. In the first months of
1825 he concentrated his forces in Messenia and obtained
many and rapid successes; he occupied Navarino, and,
having captured Tripolitza, advanced into the mountains of
Nauplia — the seat of the Provisional Government. Simul-
taneously, a Turkish army, under the command of Rescid
Pasha, descended from Albania into Greece and besieged
Missolonghi.

Henceforth the Greek cause seemed to be irretrievably lost.
Its salvation was alone due to a change in the policy of
the Great Powers. The English minister — Canning — had
watched these events attentively, hoping to find in this
Eastern Question, even as in that of the American colonies,
an agreement between the sympathy of the English people
for the Greek cause and the economic interests of England
herself. This skilful opportunist, taking into account the
proofs of vitality which Greece had for so many years ex-
hibited, was persuaded that in the end she would succeed
in gaining her independence: but he did not desire that the
credit of aiding her to attain this aim should be given to
Russia alone, for the Czar, in spite of the horror of the
revolutionary spirit with which Metternich had inspired
him, continued to indulge vague dreams of an intervention
hostile to Turkey. It was soon noted that the English
Government of the Ionian Isles favoured the insur-
gents: at the same time, the representatives of England
strove to make themselves indispensable, both to the
Greeks and the Turks. Such was the position of affairs
in 1825.

• ••••••

The Czar, Alexander I., died on December i, 1825:
his successor, Nicholas I., at the very beginning of his reign,
was forced to repress a military pronunciamento: this had
been organised, in imitation of that of Spain and Naples,
with the object of obtaining a constitutional Government:

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

many of the revolutionists — called Decembrists — were
executed, and the remainder were sent to Siberia.

Nicholas I. was about thirty years of age when he
ascended the throne; he possessed an energetic character,
and his ideas were clear and precise. He soon showed that
he had decided to adopt a military form of government. In
Russia the autocratic system had been weakened by the
liberal dreams and vacillating character of Alexander I.:
the new Czar proposed to restore to the system all its former
strength and to proclaim himself the champion of Absolutism
throughout the world. Simultaneously, he developed
Russia's schemes of aggrandisement in the East. As a
preliminary, he protested against the suffering inflicted on
the populations of the Danube Principalities by the Turks,
after the events of 1821, since these people had taken but
little part in the insurrection. The new Czar sent a threatening
ultimatum to the Turkish Government.

The prospect of a speedy Turco-Russian War alarmed
Canning, and he determined, if possible, to prevent the
Czar from becoming the sole arbiter and regulator of the
Eastern Question. He therefore sent the Duke of Wellington
to St Petersburg, in the hope that his military fame and rigid
Tory principles would render him acceptable to the Czar.
Wellington induced the Czar to sign the secret agreement
of April 4, 1826, by which the Czar promised to support
the mediation of England between Greece and Turkey, and
counselled the Sultan to grant autonomy to Greece. Although
this protocol speaks of Greece as the tributary of Turkey, it
may be considered as the first diplomatic foundation of
Hellenic independence.

Missolonghi, which had for many months sustained a
Turkish siege, and was now little more than a heap of ruins,
was occupied by the Turks — April 22-23, 1826: the valour
of the defenders had excited the enthusiasm of every lover
of Greece, and the loss was correspondingly felt. Encouraged
by this success, the Sultan attempted to strengthen his own
position by introducing reforms, but the body of Janissaries,
which had enjoyed great privileges and had assumed the
haughty bearing of ancient Pretorians, refused to accept

FIRST PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION

the proposed changes. The Sultan, who had foreseen their
resistance, surrounded them with artillery in the streets of
Constantinople, and many thousands of this body perished
in the conflict which ensued: others were taken prisoners,
only to suffer execution, and the whole force was annihilated
— ^June, 1826. But their destruction caused a depletion of
the Turkish military ranks, and till the loss was made good
the Sultan had not sufficient troops at his disposition
wherewith to confront the armies of the Czar: he was,
therefore, compelled to accept the terms of the Russian
ultimatum.

A Treaty was signed at Akermann, in Bessarabia, in
October, 1826, by which the privileges of Moldavia and
Wallachia were confirmed. It was arranged that these
provinces were to be governed in future by Hospodars, who
were to be nominated by local councils composed of the
Boyars — the aristocracy of the country — while Turkey
reserved to herself the right of approval of the decisions of
these councils. The length of tenure of government of
these Hospodars was limited to seven years: in addition,
Turkey engaged, within a period of eighteen months, to
grant to Serbia a separate Government with liberty of religion
and administrative independence. This arrangement seemed
as if it had solved the Russo-Turkish question.

But the Greek situation was still acute. The Turkish
General, Rescid, after the fall of Missolonghi, had occupied
Athens, and for several days had actually besieged the
Acropolis.

Russia and England communicated their agreement of
April 4 to the other Great Powers: Metternich violently
inveighed against Canning, whom he designated as ' the
Genius of Evil ' : nor would he hear of Austria's adherence
to the agreement. Prussia followed the example of Austria:
but, in France, the whole strength of public opinion was in
favour of the Greeks, and induced the Government to
demonstrate their willingness to join the agreement between
England and Russia.

On July 6, 1824, a Treaty was concluded at London, in
which France, England, and Russia engaged themselves to
act as mediators in the Greco-Turkish conflict. This Treaty
. w.M. 55 E

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

has not only a great historical importance, but takes high
rank as a document of International Law.

At that time it was undoubtedly necessary to explain
why three sovereigns should arrogate to themselves the right
of intervention in the affairs of another State, whose sovereign
did not desire such interference. Therefore the preamble
of the Treaty stated: —

* The three Sovereigns feel deeply the necessity of
putting an end to a sanguinary conflict, which not only
throws the Provinces of Greece and the Islands of the Archi-
pelago into the disorders of anarchy, but every day increases
the impediments to European commerce and encourages
piracy. These conditions not only expose the subjects of
the High Contracting Powers to considerable losses, but they
exact onerous preventive measures of vigilance and repression;
the monarchs of France and Great Britain have received
pressing invitations from the Greek people to exercise their
powers of mediation with the Ottoman Porte: they are
animated, equally with the Emperor of Russia, by the desire
of avoiding the further effusion of blood and preventing the
evils of every kind which follow in the train of the prolongation
of such a state of affairs. They have, therefore, determined
to offer themselves as mediators between the belligerents,
and they request a suspension of hostilities preliminary to
the opening of negotiations.*

According to this Treaty, the base of agreement was to
be the recognition of the autonomy of Greece, which was,
however, to remain under the High Sovereignty of the
Turk, and was bound, in addition, to pay a certain annual
tribute.

A few days after the signature of this Treaty, which
marked the rupture of the Holy Alliance, the man who had
been the soul of the diplomatic labours which had led to this
result — George Canning — died after a short illness, on
August 8, 1827, at the early age of fifty-seven years. By
his death, England sustained an irreparable loss, and it
seemed, indeed, as if the event would react disastrously on
Greece, since the successors of the Minister did not entirely
share his views : but the common action of the three Govern-
ments had already begun. The Greeks warmly welcomed

FIRST PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION

the communication of the Treaty of London, while the

Turks absolutely rejected it.

The three Powers, according to their agreement, gave

orders to the admirals of their fleets, which were cruising

in the Archipelago, to impose, by force, should that be

necessary, an armistice, on the shores of the Greece which

was to be. The commandant of the Turco-Egyptian fleet,

Ibrahim Pasha, had collected his ships at Navarino: on the

invitation to cease hostilities, he replied that he received

orders only from his Sovereign : the admirals, in consequence

of this reply, sailed their fleets to Navarino, in order to

compel the Turkish fleet to abandon the shores of Greece.

But while the Allied ships were entering the roadstead the

Turkish fleet fired on an English pinnace: a flag of truce,

which was sent to demand an explanation of this outrage,

was also fired upon: the battle, therefore, began, and in less

than two hours the Turco-Egyptian fleet was entirely

destroyed — October 20, 1827.

• ••••••

The notice of the Battle of Navarino produced a profound
emotion throughout the whole of Europe. The peoples,
generally, saluted the event enthusiastically, since it appeared
to assure the triumph of a popular cause. But the Govern-
ments of the Powers received the news with no particular
satisfaction. The Czar, now wholly decided on war with
Turkey, was triumphant. France derived satisfaction from
the fact that once again victory had attended her arms:
but England was preoccupied by the thought that the
destruction of the Turco-Egyptian fleet had henceforth
placed Turkey in the power of the Czar. Very naturally,
the Sultan was furious in the highest degree at the news
of the battle, which had been fought without a declaration
of war. He published throughout his Empire a violent
manifesto against the Christian Powers in general, and
against Russia in particular. The Czar was delighted to
seize on this occasion and declared war in April, 1828.
His satisfaction was increased by the successful issue of an
expedition against Persia, extorting from the Shah the terri-
tories of Erivan and Nakhitechewan, which brought the
Russian Empire into touch with the frontier of the Aras:

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

this boundary, even to-day, divides the territories of the
two States.

In the meantime, the Greeks had boldly resumed the
offensive, with the idea of occupying as much territory as
possible, in order to preserve it on the conclusion of peace:
they hoped also to establish a stable form of Government,
at the head of which they had placed Count John oiP
Capodistria. In order to accomplish more easily the
dispersion of the Turkish troops, the latter invoked the aid
of the Powers. England did not desire that the breach
already existing between her and Turkey should become
irreparable, and therefore allowed France to accept the
invitation: when, therefore, Russia opened the war in Asia,
and in Europe a corps of French soldiers disembarked in the
Morea, the Turco-Egyptian forces evacuated the small extent
of territory which they still held, almost without resistance.

The Russians obtained notable successes in Asia: but
in Europe they were forced to retreat. In the following spring,
however, they resumed the offensive with greater energy:
after some successful engagements they passed the Balkans,
and on August 20 they triumphantly entered Adrianople,
whilst Erzerum, in Asia, the capital of Armenia, was forced
to capitulate. The Sultan was terrified and was forced, on
September 14, 1829, to sign the Peace of Adrianople: by
this Treaty, Russia consented to restore the occupied terri-
tories, with the exception of some islands at the mouths of
the Danube and some part of Asia, the retention of which
isolated Turkey from the Caucasian Provinces, which latter
hence passed under Russian influence.

The Sultan promised to pay to the Czar 137,000,000
francs within a period of ten years, during which time
Russia should maintain her troops in the Danube principali-
ties: in addition, a larger measure of independence was
granted to Moldavia and Wallachia, whose Hospodars were
nominated for a life-period and could not be dismissed,
except with the agreement of both Russia and Turkey.
Finally, Turkey confirmed the clauses of the Treaty of
Akermann, relative to Serbia, and gave its adhesion to the
agreement of the three Powers respecting Greece.

FIRST PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION

By the Treaty of July 6, 1827, it was arranged that the
ambassadors of Russia and of France in London, together
with the English Foreign Ministers, should gradually take
the necessary measures for regulating the affairs of Greece.
These deliberations are generally known as the Conference of
London. On February 3, 1830, it declared Greece com-
pletely independent, but it limited its Northern frontiers to
the mouths of the Aspropotamo and the Sperchio. This
State included about 800,000 inhabitants.

The Conference of London offered the crown of Greece
to the German Prince, Leopold of Saxe Coburg, who had,
as a young man, come to England and married the only
daughter of George IV. He had soon been left a childless
widower, but he had continued to reside in England and
had acquired some fame as a man of intelligence and culture.
Meantime, the Provisional Government of Greece, inspired
by Capodistria, declared that the Greek nation had a right
to be consulted on the question of its Constitution, that its
prince must embrace the Greek religion, and finally, that
the limits assigned to the new State were not sufficient for
the needs of its people. These deliberations of the Greek
Senate were communicated to Prince Leopold by Count
Capodistria, who also drew a dark picture of the misery and
anarchy reigning in Greece. Prince Leopold then decided
to refuse the crown offered to him.

The Revolution, which had broken out in France in the
July of this year, and its repercussion in many parts of
Europe, distracted the attention of the Powers from the
affairs of Greece. In the meantime, Count Capodistria was
assassinated on October 9, 1831. This aggravated the
situation, and the Powers understood that if they did not
wish to compromise the success of the work already achieved
by them, it was necessary immediately to put a stop to the
anarchy. In May, 1832, they agreed to offer the crown to
the young Prince Otto, youngest son of Louis of Bavaria —
a sovereign who had always displayed lively sympathy for
the Greek cause. He was allowed to extend the frontiers of
his State to the Gulfs of Arta and Volo, paying to Turkey
for this privilege an indemnity of twelve millions. But
the Powers were indisposed to accede to the claim of the

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

new State to the islands of Crete and Samos. The govern-
ment of Crete had been given by the Sultan to Mehemet Ali
as a recompense for the aid lent to him during the war.
Samos was left to the Turks on account of its vicinity to the
Asiatic coast; the part it had taken in the war gained for it,
however, a separate Government, a State flag, and its own
Prince of the orthodox religion — the latter to be named by
the Sultan.

The Turkish Government was also forced to legalise
an administrative autonomy in Serbia: in fulfilment of the
engagement of the Treaty of Adrianople, the Sultan issued
a firman on November 30, 1830, by which Serbia was granted
full liberty of religion and the right of administering its own
affairs by means of an Assembly of notables under the govern-
ment of a native hereditary prince, who should remain a
vassal of Turkey. Milosh Obrenovich was recognised as
Prince of Serbia : Turkey retained a garrison at Belgrade,
but, with that exception, withdrew its troops from the whole
country.

The two principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia then
received a regular administration. It was elaborated under
the inspiration of the Russian Government, and the first
Hospodars were, in reality, only Russian Prefects.

Thus the new States of the Balkan Peninsula, after the
crisis of the Ottoman Empire, began clearly to develop
along their own lines.

CHAPTER IV

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

The Generation Born in the Napoleonic Era enters on the Scene. — France
under Charles X. : Reactionary Government and Increasing Discontent :
The Royal Ordinances of July 26, 1830. — Insurrection of Paris :
The Elder Branch of the Bourbons forced to Abdicate and the elevation
to the. Throne of the House of Orleans. — Belgium : the Insurrection of
August, 1830 ; The Conference of London : Election of Leopold Saxe
Coburg Gotha, 1831 ; Struggle with Holland : Definite Constitution
of Belgium as a Kingdom : Polish Insurrection of November, 1830 ;
Battles of 1831 .* Fall of Warsaw : Poland under the Czar's yoke :
Italy : Revolution in the Romagne, in the Marche, and in Umbria :
Proclamation of the United Italian Provinces : Insurrection of Modena
and Parma : The Principle of Non-intervention : — The Austrians
at Parma and their Intervention in the Romagne. — Capitulation of
Ancona, March 26, 1831. — Memorandum, of the Powers to the Pope.
— Opening of the Reign of Carlo Alberto.— -Giuseppe Mazzini : His
Youth : His Letter to Carlo Alberto and the Formation of ' Young
Italy.' — Liberal Propaganda in the whole of Italy. — England :
Emancipation of the Catholics : Lord John Russell and the Electoral
Reforms of 1832 ; First Attempts at Legislation for the Working
Classes : Triumph of the Parliamentary Rdgime. — The First Ten
Years of the Reign of Louis Philippe. — Legitimist and Republican
Opposition : Bonapartist Attempt : Conquest of Algeria : Dynastic
and Political Struggle in the Spanish Peninsula : Economic Develop-
ment and National Awakening in Germany. — New Eastern Crisis :
Isolation of France : The Convention of the Straits : English Colonial
Progress : Beginning of the Reign of Queen Victoria : Richard Cobden :
The Chartists : The Irish Agitation : Sir Robert Peel and the Abolition
of the Corn Duty : Rise of Disraeli to Political Power : Government
of Louis Philippe after 1840 ; Guizot and Resistance to Reform :
Spanish Marriages and their Consequences in International Politics :
End of the Republic of Cracow : Awakening of Nationality in the
Austrian Dominions, — Gioberti's ' Primate of Italy ' and the No-
Guelph Party.

From now onward the generation born in the period of the
French Revolution and the Napoleonic era began to enter
political life — that generation which had not known the
Governments of the eighteenth century, whose childhood
had been passed in an atmosphere of new ideas and in the
midst of a feverish life of continual change. The most
impulsive temperaments, which consequently had readily
absorbed the principles of the Revolution, felt their highest

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

aspirations in direct conflict with the bureaucracy of the
day: an ardent desire of a complete renewal of all things
took possession of them — a re-birth not only of politics but
also of literature, philosophy, and art : with the enthusiasm of
youth they entered into life, thirsting for the battle. A
movement of idealism permeated the new life, and hand in
hand with it marched an economical transformation caused
by the fact that the introduction of machines began to produce
a great industrial and economic development, especially in
France and England: this determined an increase both in
the number and wealth of the middle classes, who gradually
developed a larger consciousness of their own power, and
resolved to stand no longer in second line. Therefore,
while the Governments attempted to suffocate Liberal aspira-
tions, these by historical necessity everywhere became
stronger.

In the kingdom of France, after the Spanish expedition,
in 1823, an ever-increasing division between the two social
and political elements developed. On September 16, 1824,
the old king, Louis XVL, died: this prince, who had
attempted to check the reactionary tendency of the Govern-
ment, was succeeded by his brother, the Count d'Artois,
who assumed the name of Charles X.: he was in every
respect a representative of the past.

He restored, with all the mediaeval apparatus, the function
of regal coronation in the Cathedral of Rheims, and proposed
to rely pre-eminently, as the sovereigns of former years
had done, on the support of the nobles and clergy. This
Count d'Artois, who in 1789 had been the first to emigrate,
was naturally eager to recompense those who had followed
him into exile: he would have liked to have been able to
restore to them, in their entirety, the estates confiscated at
the Revolution, but this measure would have thoroughly
disorganised the French proprietary system: not only so,
but in order to carry out this design he would have been
forced to violate the Constitutional Charter of Louis XVI IL,
which guaranteed the integrity of national property.

But the new king was strongly persuaded that the first
duty of France was to recompense these devoted supporters

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

of the throne: he therefore caused a law to be presented
to the Chambers which assured an indemnity to the emigrants.
The Chambers approved the project, fixing the indemnity
at twenty times the income of the estates in the year 1790.
Naturally, this enormous sum — about a milliard of francs —
which was to be paid to those who had fought against their
country, roused great indignation in the majority of the
French people.

A law, also, which punished by death any profanation
of sacred things, though it was never applied, aided in
alienating the more liberal minds from the monarchy. Each
law presented by the Government only too plainly showed
its tendency to reconstruct the past.

The growing disgust of the nation was manifested in an
open manner when, in the month of August, 1829, Charles X.
entrusted the direction of the Government to Prince Jules
de Polignac, son of that intimate friend of Marie Antoinette
who had aroused such detestation in the times of the
Revolution. This appointment seemed in truth to be little
else but a counter-revolution, and awoke in the breasts of
the Liberals a desire of organised resistance.

In these circumstances, a party was formed among the
wealthier of the middle classes which possessed a clear and
definite programme of substituting the collateral Branch
of the House of Orleans for the elder Branch of the Bourbons,
since the latter had evidently lost touch with the times.
This party founded a journal — The National — which was
first published in January, 1830. It took England as the
continual text of its articles, and praised the political perspi-
cacity of that country: it attempted to draw an historical
parallel between the historic changes of the two countries.
England, too, in its first revolution, had executed its king
and proclaimed a republic: later, a man of energy — Oliver
Cromwell — had been dictator: but the anarchy caused by
his death had induced the country to restore the ancient
Stuart Dynasty in the person of Charles II., the son of the
murdered sovereign. The latter, however, had speedily
shown that he had learnt nothing either from his father's
death or from his long exile, and his brother and successor,
James II., had been an even worse sovereign than he.

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Therefore, England had carried out a second revolution,
free from the excesses of the first: it had contented itself
with a change of dynasty: it had in this way assured the
working of a constitutional Government.

The allusions were evident: the example of England
must be followed by initiating a more ardent and vigorous
revolution than the first: a dynasty must be set upon the
throne which might give some guarantee of progress in
accordance with the times and with the views of the nation :
allusion was then made to the merits of the House of Orleans :
Duke Louis Philippe at this period represented his family:
in 1792 he had fought at Valmy in defence of France and
the tricoloured flag: he had only gone into exile after the
excesses of 1793, without allying himself to those emigrants
who had fought against their country: at the Revolution he
had returned to France and had dwelt apart from the Court,
living the life of a simple citizen and sending his sons to
college. He enjoyed great popularity in Paris; he was
often to be seen walking on foot with his sons through the
city, and was in the habit of chatting familiarly with the
poorer classes. With the new dynasty it might reasonably
be hoped that the great principles of the Revolution might
be maintained.

These were the opinions which the National with great
skill attempted to impress on its readers.

The Minister, Polignac, remained for some months
inert, during which time the opposition laboured intensely:
the result was that when in March, 1830, the Chamber was
convoked, an answer was passed by 221 votes to 181, to the
Royal Address protesting against the unmerited lack of
confidence of the Government in the nation, and inviting the
king to choose between the Chamber and the Ministry.
Indignant at this freedom, the king prorogued the Parlia-
ment and then dissolved it. An attempt was then made to
avert public attention from internal affairs by the Algerian
expedition.

For some years France had been in open hostility with
the Dey of Algiers: but its experience of Eastern affairs
had led it to be satisfied by the despatch of a small fleet in
order to blockade the coasts: not much importance had

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

hitherto been attached to the expedition. But Polignac
decided to send a fresh expedition. In June, 1830, a corps
of French troops disembarked in the neighbourhood of
Algiers and initiated the bombardment of the city. On the
evening of July 4 the Dey capitulated, obtaining permission
to withdraw with his treasures and family wherever he pleased.
On the morrow the French occupied the city.

The election of the New Chamber had meanwhile been
proceeded with. The Liberals — well-organised and dis-
ciplined— had determined on the re-election of those deputies
who had signed the protest to the king: of these, 202 were
re-elected : new Liberal deputies were, in addition, returned
by many other constituencies, so that the opposition numbered
270 whilst the Ministerialists only mustered 150. This
result was a disaster for the Government : but the latter was
soon heartened by the news of the African success: it flattered
itself that the military victories would enable it to impose
its will on the country, and it was audacious enough to
attempt a coup d'etat.

The king, in agreement with his ministers, dissolved
the Chamber even before it met : a new law was promulgated
which placed a preventive veto on all printed matter; in
other words, an authorisation, which certainly would not be
granted, was to be demanded for the publication of news-
papers unfavourable to the Court party. A new electoral
law notably diminished the number both of the electors and
deputies; the new lists were to be brought into force with
the new elections of September. These Royal Decrees
appeared in the official Moniteur on the morning of July 26,
1830. The first to protest against this arbitrary proceeding
were the journalists, who speedily published an energetic
protest drawn up by Adolphe Thiers, who at this time
began, and for more than a half-century continued, to play
an important part in the critical moments of French History.

A few demonstrations hostile to the Government took
place on the evening of the 26th, but they were unimportant.
On the following evening a few printing-houses closed and
the unemployed workmen with the students began a more
serious agitation. Meanwhile, the articles of The National

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

and of a few other journals which had managed to get printed,
excited general indignation against the Decrees. The
Government had not expected to encounter open resistance;
it had believed that the mere publication of the decrees
would be sufficient, and had organised no military arrange-
ments to suppress possible demonstrations. The king was
at Saint Cloud, waiting for the hunting season. On the 27th,
the Government decided to entrust the military command
of Paris to Marshal Marmont, who was unpopular with the
Parisians because he had, on March 30th, 18 14, signed the
capitulation of the city without attempting to defend it.
Aware of his unpopularity and not wishing to add to it,
he ordered his officers to be lenient with the demonstrators.
The crowds which had collected were dispersed, so that on
the evening of the 27th the situation did not appear alarming.
But the weakness and vacillation shown by the Government
increased the boldness of the insurgents. On the night of
the 27th-2 8th barricades were erected which could easily
be defended by the populace in the then narrow and tortuous
streets of Paris.

On the morning of the 28th the fight began, in which
the students and the workmen took the leading part against
the military. Marshal Marmont quickly realised the diffi-
culties of his position. The troops were not only welcomed
with bullets, but projectiles of every description were
showered on them from the roofs and windows: they soon
showed a disinclination to continue the conflict. The Marshal
repeatedly informed the king that a revolution was in pro-
gress, and that in order to save the Crown speedy concessions
were necessary; but Charles X. at Saint Cloud ordered
him to resist and await the morrow for further orders. But
on the morrow the situation had become desperate indeed.
Marmont was soon forced to concentrate his defence on the
Royal Palaces of the Louvre and the Tuileries. Even here
he could not sustain his position long: on the afternoon of
the 29th the tricolour flag was hoisted on the Tuileries.
When this was reported to him, King Charles X. finally
decided to withdraw the Decrees and to call a new Ministry :
but this decision came too late.

The street revolution had been mainly accomplished

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

by the aid of the Republicans, who were sufficiently numerous
at Paris: but their organisation was defective, and hence
they were not able to impose their will on the country. The
son of Napoleon lived forgotten at Vienna, so that the most
natural solution of the succession was that presented by the
Orleanist candidate. Thiers prepared a manifesto which
appeared on the walls of Paris on the morning of the 30th:
in it he declared that Charles X. could not re-enter Paris
since he had shed the blood of the citizens : that a republic
would expose the country to fierce intestine struggles and
disastrous European conflicts: that the Duke of Orleans
was the only prince worthy of restoring the tricoloured flag,
and of carrying out the Constitutional Charter which France
desired and willed should be carried out. The deputies
determined to entrust the post of Lieutenant-General of the
Kingdom to Louis Philippe, and the latter accepted.

Charles X., feeling his position insecure at Saint Cloud,
retired to Rambouillet, where, on August 5, he abdicated
the throne. The Duke d'Angouleme abdicated with him
in favour of the Heir Presumptive of that Branch — the little
Duke de Bordeaux: but a boy of ten years of age was not
the sovereign adapted either for the times or circumstances.
Charles X. remained some few days longer in France in the
hope of a change in public opinion, and then departed into
exile with his family.

In the meantime, the Chamber had discussed the modi-
fications which had become necessary to be introduced into
the Constitutional Charter: the Catholic religion was no
longer declared to be that of the State, but was simply
recognised as the religion of the majonty of French people :
the House of Peers no longer was hereditary, though its
constituents possessed a life membership: the political
power was specially concentrated in the Chamber of Deputies :
the age of voting was reduced from 30 to 25 years, and the
amount of taxes to be paid necessary to ensure a vote was
diminished from 300 francs to 200: this reform doubled
the number of the electors and placed the essential power
in the hands of the middle classes. The tricoloured flag
was adopted as the national banner and in defence of the
New Constitution, a National Guard was formed of citizens

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

who were taxpayers and could afford to buy their own
uniform.

The king was entitled, * King of the French by the
Grace of God and the Will of the French People,* thus
reconciling the divine right of heredity with the right of the
Sovereign People. The Throne was now declared vacant,
and the Duke of Orleans mounted it. On August 9th the
new king, Louis Philippe, swore to the new Constitution.

The French Revolution of 1830, either by the intellectual
and political prestige which France enjoyed, or by the ease
with which it had triumphed, made a deep impression on
Europe.

The first country which felt the repercussion of this
event was that one which was nearest to France — Belgium.
By the Treaty of 18 15 it had been united to Holland, with
no consideration for the profound difference which existed
between the countries — differences not only of race, language,
history, religion, and traditions, but also of economic interest,
since Belgium was an agricultural and industrial country,
which, therefore, desired protectionist tariffs, whilst Holland
was devoted to shipping and commerce, and hence preferred
free trade. Belgium, which possessed a more numerous
population than Holland, was not slow in feeling herself
sacrificed. Little by little a strong desire for separation
from Holland began to make itself felt. The news of the
Paris Revolution set the country in a blaze: on the night of
the 25-26th August, 1830, the population of Brussels took
up arms against the Government. In a few days the in-
surrection triumphed in Brussels and extended to the other
cities of Belgium: the rebellion was rendered easier by the
fact that in the low countries conscription was territorial:
consequently the soldiers were quartered in the very provinces
to which they belonged: hence a majority of the troops
fraternised with the population.

At the very beginning, the citizen classes who had seized
the Government and had formed a Junta were satisfied
with demanding the dismissal of the minister. Van Maanen,
who was considered as the evil genius of the king: the speedy
convocation of the States-General was also requested and

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

the consideration of the complaints of the Belgians. But
the Dutch element which surrounded the king were hostile
to the negotiations which had already begun between the
king and the insurgents: the king was disposed to grant
concessions, but his Dutch counsellors advised him to take
military precautions. When the States-General met at the
Hague, the Belgian deputies were received with evident
signs of contempt. That section of the Belgian people which
held decided views on the necessity of separation hotly
resented these manifestations, and, in consequence, their
views spread rapidly through the whole of Belgium: so
that when a body of 10,000 men, under the command of
the second son of the king, advanced towards Brussels, the
Bruxellois determined to confront them in arms. They
therefore defended themselves energetically and succeeded
in repelling the Dutch army. These days of the 2 6-2 7th of
September not only marked the rupture of the negotiations,
but also the definite separation of Belgium from Holland.
The new Provisional Government, which was constituted in
those days, declared Belgium to be an independent State,
and convoked a National Congress.

King William appealed to the great Powers: Austria,
Russia, and Prussia would have been delighted to intervene,
but the French Government declared its intention of sup-
porting Belgium should any Power attempt to coerce her.
The Diplomatic Congress, which was at the moment dis-
cussing Eastern affairs, was then sitting at London. It also
debated the Belgian Question and, indeed, proposed an
armistice and caused it to be accepted.

Meanwhile, the National Congress met at Brussels on
November 10, 1830; it instantly proclaimed the indepen-
dence of Belgium and discussed the form of the new Govern-
ment; but it emphatically declared that the House of Orange
was for all time excluded from the throne of Belgium. A
Constitution was then prepared which succeeded in surpassing,
in liberal ideas, the most advanced Governments of those
days: it guaranteed to the citizens the four fundamental
liberties, of the Press, religion, education, and the right of
holding public meeting: these are symbolised in the statues
of bronze around the column which national gratitude

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

erected a little later at Brussels in memory of the Congress.
The electoral census was, perhaps, a limited one, seeing
that out of a population of nearly 4,000,000 there were
only 45,000 electors. The duty of nominating the represen-
tative deputies of the nation and those of the Senate devolved
on the same electoral body, so that the Upper House had
no affinity with a hereditary Chamber or one of life members
nominated by a king. It differed from the Lower House
only in the conditions of election and the duration of the
mandate.

In the month of December, 1830, the Congress of
London had recognised the separation of Belgium from
Holland; whether in order to assure the independence of
Belgium or for the purpose of erecting a barrier to French
ambition on the north, it had subsequently proclaimed the
perpetual neutrality of Belgium.

The candidate for the Belgian throne who evoked the
general sympathy of the Powers, and, indeed, of the Belgian
people itself, was Prince Leopold of Coburg, who a few
months previously had refused the crown of Greece. On
June 4, 1 83 1, the National Congress of Belgium acclaimed
him as sovereign.

But at this juncture. King William, who was irritated
by the concessions made by the Powers to Belgium and
was confident in the strength of his army, proclaimed the
rupture of the armistice and invaded Belgium. The Dutch
advanced victoriously; in a few days they had reduced King
Leopold to such extremities as to compel him to call upon
France for aid. A French army immediately invaded
Belgium, whilst England for her part demanded of the
Dutch Government that its armies should retire. But the
defeats which Belgium had suffered obliged her to accept
the conditions imposed on her by the Powers: these were
that a portion of Luxembourg should remain in the possession
of the Kingdom of Holland and should continue to form a
part of the Germanic Confederation. In addition, Belgium
was forced to take over a considerable portion of the National
Debt of the Low Countries.

These terms, however, did not satisfy the Dutch king,
who continued to hold the fortress of Antwerp. In the

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

prevailing indecision of the other Powers, England and
France determined to act alone; they sequestrated all the
Dutch ships that were to be found in their ports and sent a
fleet to blockade the Dutch coast : at the same time a French
army laid siege to Antwerp, and in December, 1832, com-
pelled the Dutch garrison to capitulate. Actual hostilities
ceased soon after this event, but peace between the kingdoms
of Belgium and of the Low Countries was not signed till
April, 1839.

The triumph of the Belgian Revolution had been due
to the favour of the two neighbouring Great Powers —
France and England; the Eastern Powers had been unable
to interfere owing to the preoccupation of Russia with the
Polish question and to the absorption of Austria in the
developments of the Italian movement.

In the constitutional kingdom of Poland the discon-
tent which had already been manifested in the reign of
Alexander I. had attained alarming proportions under the
severe government of Nicholas I. Secret societies sprang
up on all sides, whilst the Polish literature was inspired by
the most ardent patriotism.

The news of the success of the Revolution at Paris
created much excitement. Secret preparations were made
for an insurrection: this broke into flame when it became
known that the Czar intended to issue orders that the Polish
army should march against Belgium.

On the evening of November 29, 1830, Warsaw rose.
Here, also, for the reason that the majority of the troops were
Polish and supported the cause of the people, the Revolution
triumphed with ease. But from the beginning of the move-
ment two tendencies had characterised the Provisional
Government — that of moderation, which desired the assurance
of respect for the Constitution and a promise that the Provinces
of Lithuania should be restored to the kingdom, and one —
more advanced — ^which was unwilling to enter into any
negotiations with the Russian Government.

On his side, the Czar would not hear of any parley with
the rebels; he at once prepared a military expedition. He
was able to count on the indirect support of the two neigh-
bouring Powers — ^Austria and Prussia; both of these were

w.M. 71 F

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

interested in the suppression of the revolt since both possessed
Polish territory. When the news arrived at Warsaw that
it was impossible to treat with the Czar since he was deter-
mined to grant the Poles nothing but his bare pardon for
their rebellion, the advanced element in the Provisional
Government gained the ascendancy, and the Diet instantly
declared that the House of Romanoff was for ever excluded
from the Polish throne — ^January 25, 1831.

It was evident that the whole Polish nation must face
the crisis in arms. The Cause of Poland was not sup-
ported by any Power; England, who even in her Liberal
policy never forgot her own interests, did not think it worth
while to rouse the wrath of Russia; Louis Philippe, too,
desired to preserve the goodwill of the Czar; he therefore
turned a deaf ear to those advanced French politicians who
wished to compel him to intervene. He contented himself
with advising a reconciliation which had by this time become
impossible. Thus the Poles could count on no other assistance
than that conveyed by purely platonic manifestations of
sympathy in the columns of the English and French
Liberal Press.

By an immense effort, this kingdom, which only numbered
4,000,000 of inhabitants, succeeded in raising an army of
80,000 men, but the majority of these were inexperienced
troops, whilst the 110,000 Russians who advanced against
them formed a well-armed corps, magnificently furnished
both with cavalry and artillery. The spirited resistance
made by the Poles at Grochow merely enabled them to retire
in good order on Warsaw, while the Russians took possession
of the neighbouring villages.

Numbers of the Russian troops had arrived from Asia,
and the cholera began to make havoc in their ranks. This
epidemic penetrated into the Polish army, so that the plague
decimated the ranks of both the contending forces. But the
war continued in spite of this outbreak of disease. The
Poles made numerous attempts to surprise the Russians in
their quarters, but they met with little success: on May 26
the Russians even gained a victory.

These disasters caused discord among the revolutionary
chiefs. After a terrible bombardment on September 6, the

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

first lines of the Warsaw trenches were occupied by the
Russians and the cannonade, on the next day, broke out
with renewed fury. Finally, on the morning of September
8, 1 83 1, the Russian General, Paskievits, made his solemn
entry into the conquered city: he wrote to the Czar the
laconic note, * Warsaw is at your feet! ' Many of the most
distinguished Polish patriots emigrated and offered their
swords to all revolutionary movements; to them and to
their cause Western Europe offered her sympathy.

Poland remained under a military dictatorship: the
constitution and the separate form of Government were
abolished: and the Russian organisation was everywhere
introduced. Henceforward Poland was forced to identify
herself with the Russian nation.

Italy also felt the repercussion of the French Revolution.
A revolutionary organisation had already, and for some
time, existed in the Province of Emilia: at its head was a
young business man of Modena, named Ciro Menotti. In
his ardent desire to find some means by which Italy might
be freed, he had confided his aspirations to his reigning duke,
Francis IV. of Modena. This latter had lost all hope of
succession to the throne of Savoy since the reconciliation
of the reigning monarch. Carlo Felice, to the heir presumptive.
Carlo Alberto: but in his secret heart he still desired the
aggrandisement of his own dominions : he seemed, also, not
indisposed to favour the revolution, in the hope of obtaining
the crown of the new kingdom which was dreamed of by
the revolutionists.

The conspirators founded their calculations upon the
strength of the Carbonari, which was widely diffused in
Central Italy, aided by the great wealth of the Duke of
Modena and by the arms of the French. But Louis Philippe,
in Italian as well as in Polish affairs, soon showed that he
had no wish to compromise himself and his throne in the
interests of the Liberal cause.

When the moment of action arrived, Duke Francis
considered the adventure too perilous: he therefore decided
to withdraw from the conspiracy; not only so, but he caused
Ciro Menotti and the principal conspirators of Modena to

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

be arrested. At this crisis a revolution broke out in the
neighbouring province of Bologna — one of the Papal States.
The Romagna and the Marche — provinces which had
formed a part of the Napoleonic kingdom, and on this account
possessed a flourishing commerce and a strong middle-class
— had continually manifested their hatred of the Papal
Government. Cardinal Rivarola, who was sent to calm the
agitation, had passed terrible sentences on the rebels, con-
demning to the galleys indiscriminately nobles, civil servants,
officials, professional men, and workmen, thus plainly showing
the universality of the loathing felt by the population for the
Papal Government.

During the conclave which preceded the election of
Gregory XVI. in February, 1831, the conspirators, in
agreement with Ciro Mcnotti, decided to fling off^ the Papal
yoke. On February 4 Bologna burst into open rebellion
and the Pope's pro-legate fled : a commission which the latter
had himself appointed formed itself into a Provisional
Government of the city and Province of Bologna ; it declared
that the bond which had united the Bolognese to the dominion
of the Roman Pontiff was severed for ever. Peacefully and
without bloodshed, the revolution extended in a short time
to all the Romagna, than to the Marche and a part of Umbria;
everywhere the Pontifical authorities resigned their offices
into the hands of the most distinguished citizens and fled,
whilst the Papal troops cither followed these prelates or
fraternised with the population.

Naturally, the news of the events of Bologna provoked
great excitement at Modena and in all the provinces of the
Duchy. Francis IV. on the evening of February 5 fled in
terror at the head of seven hundred men ; he made his way to
the Austrian fortress of Mantua. With him he led as a
prisoner Ciro Menotti, who might have been a dangerous
witness against him. The flight of the Duke facilitated the
success of the revolution in Modena.

In the neighbouring Duchy of Parma the revolution
also spread; Maria Louisa left her capital on February 14
and fled to the city of Piacenza, where was an Austrian
garrison: a Provisional Government was also formed in
Parma.

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

In the meantime, at Bologna the deputies of those
provinces which had revolted against the Pope met in Congress
on February 26, 1831: they reaffirmed in that assembly the
declaration of the fall of the Temporal Power of the Pope
and they formed a federation of the United Italian Provinces,
adopting the tricolour as their national flag.

Two young nephews of the great Napoleon — sons of
King Louis and Hortense Beauharnais — participated in
the rebellion: one of the two died shortly after at Forli:
the other, a few years later, became Emperor of the French
under the name of Napoleon III. Their names were cleverly
made use of by Metternich in order to make a wider breach
between Louis Philippe and the Italian Cause.

The Pope, the Duke of Modena, and the Duchess of
Parma protested against the acts of the Provisional Govern-
ments which were established in their States and requested
the aid of the Imperial armies. But the Government of
Vienna was itself eager to subdue those revolutionary Govern-
ments which had risen south of the Po, since their existence
would have been a standing menace to their power in the
Lombardo-Veneto. The Italian patriots relied on the
principle of non-intervention proclaimed by the new Dynasty
of France, which had lately been applied to the Belgian
question. But the course of events soon enlightened them
and they speedily learnt that Louis Philippe displayed no
zeal in defending against Austria the principles he had
himself proclaimed.

In the same month of February, 1831, the Austrian
troops, which were at Piacenza, brought back the Duchess
Maria Louisa to Parma. So far, it could not have been said
that the principles of non-intervention had been violated,
since the Duchess had not left her Duchy, and the troops,
which had restored her to her throne by the Treaty of 1 8 1 5,
had their quarters in the Duchy itself.

But at the beginning of March, Austrian troops from
Mantua also entered Modena. The few troops which were
defending the Provisional Government of Modena were
unable to resist and retreated into Bolognese territory. On
March 9, Francis IV. re-entered Modena, surrounded by
Austrian troops. Even in its occupation of the Duchy of

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Modena the House of Austria could plead in excuse that
it possessed eventual rights of succession in that State : the
Government of the United Italian States might therefore
continue to feel itself secure.

But in reality Austria paid no heed to the official declara-
tion of Louis Philippe since it was apprised of his secret
intentions. In the same month of March it sent troops
into the Romagna. The Provisional Governments of the
United Italian States realised the impossibility of any
adequate resistance in Bologna, and retired to Ancona,
carrying with them Cardinal Benvenuti as a hostage; the
latter had been sent by the Pope to the insurgents with the
invitation to return to the obedience of the Church.

On March 21 the Austrians entered Bologna without
opposition, and on the 25th, in the neighbourhood of Rimini,
a sanguinary engagement ensued; the result of this action
assured at least the retreat of the insurgents towards Ancona.
But in the latter city the revolutionary chiefs found nothing
prepared for the defence: by this time, too, they were
completely disillusioned as to the expected aid from France,
and they deliberated on the wisdom of surrender. They
set Cardinal Benvenuti at liberty and concluded with him
a Treaty of capitulation, replacing in his hands the reins of
Government. The Cardinal pledged them his sacred word
that no individual should suffer for the part he had taken
in the insurrection; this treaty was signed on March 20,
1 83 1. Thus in less than a month the revolution, which
had been initiated with such high hopes of success, was
completely suffocated.

Among the Princes who had been restored, the Duchess
Maria Louisa, distinguished herself by her clemency. She
allowed the chiefs of the rebellion to make good their escape
and proclaimed a general amnesty. On the other hand,
Francis IV. believed that cruelty was the only method with
the rebels: one of his first victims was Ciro Menotti, to
whom, when he was privy to the conspiracy, he had given
his princely word that his life, in any circumstances, should
be spared. The Pope also displayed great severity: he
annulled the capitulation of Ancona, under the fiction that
Cardinal Benvenuti was not, at the time that he had signed

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

the document, a free agent. He ordered a series of trials
of the rebels; but the sentences passed by these tribunals
were not heavy since the chiefs of the movement had escaped.

All these latter had embarked at Ancona; but Austria
had not considered the capitulation valid, and the fugitives
were captured by two Austrian warships as they were leaving
the harbour. These patriots were imprisoned in the dungeons
of Venice, and it was only by grace of the intervention of the
English and French Governments that they escaped the
peril of being consigned to the Governments of Francis IV.
and of Gregory XVI. After some months' imprisonment
they were sent into exile, where some few of them, such as
the Marquis Terenzio Mamiani, by their writings, increased
the sympathy felt by civilised Europe for the Italian Cause.

But the very Powers who had, either directly or indirectly,
contributed to the re-establishment of the Temporal Power,
clearly understood that the Papal Government must undergo
some form of modification. Therefore, in May, 1831,
the ambassadors of the five great Powers — France, England,
Austria, Prussia, and Russia — to which body the kingdom
of Sardinia also added its representative — presented to
Cardinal Bernetti, the Secretary of State to the Holy See,
a Memorial insisting on the necessity of the introduction
of some indispensable reforms, such as the admissibility of
lay officials to the higher offices of the State, municipal elective
councils, the institution of provincial councils, and a council
of State.

The Roman Court professed to welcome these recom-
mendations with the greatest deference and promised to
carry out the proposed reforms. But the concessions con-
ceded by it were paltry and insignificant. Thereupon,
those Liberals who had built high hopes on this diplomatic
intervention, determined to employ force and organised
armed bands: this movement assumed speedily alarming
proportions, for the Austrians, fearing to wound French
susceptibilities, had, in the month of July, 1 8 3 1 , withdrawn
their troops. The Papal Government demanded Austrian
aid anew and sent a corps of Swiss troops into the Romagna
with such other military aid as it had, meanwhile, had time
to organise. In January, 1832, a few bands of insurgents

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

resisted the Papal troops near Cesena; they were defeated
and the soldiers of the Church advanced into the city, where
they committed the worst excesses. Soon after, at Forli —
a city which they had entered without encountering any
resistance — they repeated these outrages. At the same time
the Austrians occupied Bologna.

It was then that Louis Philippe, who had been bitterly
reproached by the Chamber of Deputies for the unseemly
way in which France had acted towards Italy, thought it
necessary to take some steps in consonance with his own
dignity: in order to counteract Austrian influence, he sent
a French regiment to occupy the citadel of Ancona (1832).
The Austrians remained at Bologna and the French at
Ancona till 1838; these two nations thus acted as custodians
of the Papal Authority.

The system of violent oppression of every Liberal mani-
festation was rampant almost throughout Italy; even
in Piedmont, where Carlo Felice — who had died on April
25, 1 83 1 — had been succeeded by Carlo Alberto. The
highest Liberal hopes had been built on the accession of the
latter to power, for the Liberal remembered in him the
Carbonari of 1821. But they were disappointed, for the
new monarch not only made no modification in the govern-
mental system but allowed the power to remain in the hands
of the reactionary ministers of his predecessor.

Under such auspices Giuseppe Mazzini had begun his
apostolate. Born in Genoa, in 1805, he had passed his
boyhood under French Government. Later, when the time
arrived for him to begin his studies, his father, who was a
distinguished doctor, obtained for his son a private tutor,
perhaps because he felt an instinctive dislike of the Pied-
montese Government which had succeeded that of the
French.

In 1 82 1, Giuseppe Mazzini was profoundly impressed
by the sight in the streets of Genoa of fugitives of the
Piedmontese revolution, who had come into the city in
order to embark for foreign lands.

* That day,' he wrote later, ' was the first on which the
thought vaguely occurred to me that one could and ought
to fight for the liberty of one's own country.'

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

At the University his enthusiasm for these ideals increased
more and more. Though he was temperamentally indisposed
to make many friends, he succeeded by the superiority of
his intellect and by the nobility of his character in gathering
around him a few devoted followers.

In 1827 he took his degree in Law, but his official
studies did not prevent him from continuing his literary
and political researches, which he pursued with passion.
It was at this time that he began to publish a few
bibliographic notes in a commercial journal called The
Genoese Indicator — a journal which the Government subse-
quently suppressed on its gradual transformation into a
literary periodical.

His patriotic enthusiasm led him willingly to accept
the invitation to enrol himself as a member of the Carbonari ;
but he was denounced by a spy and arrested on November
II, 1830.

In prison he meditated deeply on the political situation;
he was persuaded that the Carbonari was incapable of
directing the Italian movement, and that instead of wastmg
time and labour in galvanising it to life, it was better to
construct a new edifice.

It was in this way that he began to conceive the first idea
of the celebrated society of* Giovane Italia,' or * Young Italy * :
he pondered over the principle on which this new secret
society should be based; he determined on the persons
who should be called by him to be its original members,
and he attempted to discover a bond which should unite
this new brotherhood in one common labour with the
revolutionary elements of all Europe.

On February 2, 1831, he was set at liberty, simply from
lack of evidence; but as the Government was convinced
that Mazzini was a dangerous individual, they laid before
him these alternatives — either to settle in some obscure
city of Piedmont or to leave the kingdom. Mazzini realised
that were he to accept confinement in a small city of Piedmont,
under the perpetual supervision of the police, he would
never be able to carry out the plan he had designed. Hence
he preferred exile and chose Marseilles as his residence:
there he immediately began that political apostolate which

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

he carried on, untamed and untameable, for the remainder
of his life.

It was at this moment that Carlo Alberto came to the
throne. Before Mazzini constructed his new association,
he deemed it advisable to write a letter to Carlo Alberto,
and circulated printed copies of the same on every side to
Italian patriots, invoking the king to assume the direction of
the Italian movement. In this letter, which glowed with
patriotic eloquence, and was signed, * An Italian,' Mazzini
clearly placed this dilemma before Carlo Alberto: — either
to follow the petty policy of his predecessor, or to place
himself at the head of a national free Italy. He attempted
to re-awaken in the breast of the king his enthusiasms of
1821.

Carlo Alberto seemed to have accepted the first of the sug-
gestions of Mazzini : he continued the policy of his predecessor.
It was for this reason that Mazzini, in founding the associa-
tion called ' Young Italy,' affirmed that the Italian fatherland
could not rise except by the strength and government of
the people. From this time his propaganda assumed a
republican character; yet, whilst affirming the principle of
the sovereignty of the people, he naturally declared that
the nation, once free, should give its own irrevocable
judgment upon the fundamental laws of its existence.

The essential characteristic of the Mazzinian doctrine
is not centred in the republican idea but in the sentiment
of humanity.

Hence he proposed to educate the people in the thought
of an Italy * free, one, independent, and republican,' and in
1832, for the purposes of propaganda, he founded a periodical
bearing the same name as his association — Young Italy \ this
was naturally prohibited and its readers persecuted by the
jiolice throughout the length and breadth of the peninsula;
but it succeeded in penetrating everywhere, since many
exposed themselves to the danger of prison and even death
for the * crime * of reading and circulating it. In fact,
Mazzini, by his high, moral ideals, by his ardent faith,
and by his flaming style, succeeded in transforming love
of the fatherland into an authentic religion.

The Mazzinian propaganda caused the arrest and

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

execution of many enthusiastic young men, especially in
Piedmont and Liguria. These bitter persecutions of the
Piedmontese Government drove Mazzini to organise a
movement against Carlo Alberto; at the beginning of 1834
Mazzini collected a few hundred fugitives on the Swiss
frontier and they succeeded in penetrating into Savoy: but
after a minor engagement with the royal troops they dispersed.
It had been arranged that a simultaneous rising should
have broken out in various cities of the kingdom, but the
disastrous issue of the Savoy expedition caused the post-
ponement of the movement. The police, however, were
informed of the intended rising and made some arrests.

In this conspiracy a young sailor of Nice was implicated,
no other than Giuseppe Garibaldi, who was born on July 4,
1807. He had tried to make converts in the Royal Navy
to the Mazzinian doctrine: fortunately for Italy he succeeded
in escaping from Genoa in the disguise of a peasant. He
fled to Marseilles, and there, while casually reading a news-
paper, saw for the first time his own name in print; it
occurred in a report of the sentence of death pronounced
against him in his absence and re-copied by a French paper.

Mazzini was also condemned to death in contumacy.
After he had founded the international society of * Young
Europe ' on a secure base, he took refuge in the freer
land of England, where in the first years of his stay
he was forced to struggle with the direst poverty. At last
he managed to secure a hearing in the reviews. His publi-
cations effectively contributed, amongst the English, to an
ampler knowledge of Italian literature: they also created
a warm current of sympathy for the Italian National Cause.
Whilst engaged in this work he ceaselessly prosecuted his
revolutionary propaganda in Italy.

Here, too, patriotic sentiments were kept alive by the
literature of the epoch. In 1832, whilst Mazzini ardently
spread the propaganda of his * Young Italy,' a little book
was published at Turin, which, according to the famous
phrase of Cesare Balbo, did Austria more harm than a defeat
in the field. It was called My Prisons^ and Silvio Pellico
had written it, in the gentlest spirit, a short time after his
release from the prison of the Spielberg : this calm narrative

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of martyrdom, endured by him with unflinching patience,
had an immense effect on the minds of Italians.

In all the prose and poetry which was produced in these
years the political allusions were frequent, and they were
seized upon with avidity by the public, which felt itself in
union with the writers. Hatred against Austria had become
the predominant sentiment in Italy.

The Austrian Emperor, Francis I., died in 1835, and
his son, Ferdinand I., succeeded him. The latter was in
every respect absolutely inept, therefore the spirit of Metter-
nich was even more dominant in Austria than in the past.
Metternich thought that it would be advisable to conduct
the young emperor into Italy, there to be crowned king of
the Lombard©- Veneto in Milan. To this solemn function
he resolved to invite all the princes of the Peninsula, so that
they might, as vassals, come and pay homage to their common
tyrant (September, 1838). But Carlo Alberto refused to
attend: this act of independence was enough to re-awaken
in the minds of the Italians that feeling of sympathy towards
him which had long been absent. The few reforms which
he had recently introduced into his State aided in giving life
to this sentiment.

But King Ferdinand II. of Naples, who had begun to
reign only a few months before Carlo Alberto — in November
18, 1830 — amid the lively hopes of his subjects, had already
convinced these latter that these same hopes were illusive.
His vulgar mind and vicious instincts had gained for him
the title of * Re Lazzaroni * — the * Vagabond King.' He
allowed near him none but men who possessed no sense of
dignity. He himself esteemed and respected no one and
amused himself by jibing and jeering at his courtiers. He
was so miserly that his penurious administration forced his
officials to resort to theft in order to supplement their small
salaries. His superstition was such that his confessor and
the Jesuits were his only advisers in Government affairs.
Greedy of power, he would not even hear the name of
Constitutional Government. His favourite phrase was,
* My people have no need to think : I will watch over their
welfare and dignity.* So well did he watch over the latter
that he rendered his Government odious in the highest

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

degree. Naturally, agitation and tumults continually dis-
turbed the kingdom, and in 1837 a great rebellion broke
out in Sicily: the ferocious repression of Ferdinand, however,
soon re-established ' order.'

Nor were conditions any better in the Pontifical State
under Pope Gregory XVL The English historian, Macaulay,
when he was in Rome in 1838, said plainly, * The State of
the Church is the worst governed in the world. The im-
becility of the police, the venality of the public functionaries,
the desolation of the Campagna, the degradation of the
people attract the observation of the most unobservant
traveller. It is no exaggeration to say that the population
consists principally of foreigners, priests, and beggars.*

The Grand Duchy of Tuscany was, on the other hand,
distinguished among the Italian States by the mildness of
the Grand Ducal Government. This province became in
those years the chief intellectual centre of Italy: and many
groupsof Liberals, who had emigrated from the other provinces,
were to be found there. From 1824 Leopold II. had occupied
the throne, and he dedicated both time and money to the
reclamation of the Maremma and the improvement of the
port of Leghorn. He desired to obtain the reputation of a
patron of the heaux arts and permitted the first Congress
of Italian scientists to be opened in Pisa in 1839: he also
honoured the men of learning who were there assembled.
His example influenced the more ambitious princes of the
Peninsula: both Carlo Alberto and Ferdinand II. allowed
these Congresses, which aided greatly the national cause,
facilitating relations between the more eminent men of the
Peninsula.

Another and much more important innovation was now
introduced into Italy — railways. The more cultured minds
took a lively interest in this advance. All these changes
helped to shatter the old ideas and to impress on cultured
society the necessity of a radical alteration in the political
world of Italy.

The restricted horizon which hitherto had bounded
the life of the people began to widen. Everywhere one
saw a notable awakening : banks, savings banks, and insurance

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

societies were founded, small industrial and artistic exhibitions
were opened, and agricultural societies were created for the
improvement of farming implements: at the same time an
attempt was made to foster popular education: schools were
opened, journals were printed — political ones in constitutional
countries, literary and illustrated ones where absolutism
was dominant: yet even these latter aided to create public
opinion.

In England, the old Tory policy had been moderated
since new and strong men had come to power by the side
of Canning — men who were disposed to introduce reforms,
like Robert Peel, who was minister of the Home Office
from 1 822-1 830. His colleague, William Huskisson,
Secretary of the Board of Trade, opened the way which
led to commercial liberty. He modified the antiquated
Navigation Act, which had prohibited commerce to foreign
ships, and concluded treaties with various Powers concerning
this question: he lowered certain duties and substituted
for the fixed duty on corn the so-called sliding scale which
varied according to the prevailing price. He caused the
laws to be abolished which prohibited the union of workers,
thus opening the road for the rise of Trades Unions. It
was the moment in which English industry, aided by an
ever-increasing application of machinery, made a prodigious
leap: the great manufacturing centre of Manchester was
united to the port of Liverpool by a railway which may be
considered the most important one hitherto constructed.

In the midst of this economic development two grave
questions occupied the public mind — Catholic emancipation
and electoral reform. The old seventeenth-century laws
against Catholics were still in force in England. Catholics
had no political rights. The majority of the Irish, who had
remained Catholics, demanded the suppression of the laws,
but in vain: Parliament, the Ministry, and the King all
united in rejecting their petition. At this juncture, Daniel
O'Connell, an agitator of great ability and energy, rose
among the Irish Catholics: he made the question a burning
one. In a short time he became the idol of the Irish: though
as a Catholic he could take no seat in Parliament, in 1828
he presented himself as a candidate and was enthusiastically

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

elected. It was then that the Duke of Wellington, himself
a rigid Tory, who had succeeded Canning in the Ministry,
allowed Sir Robert Peel to persuade him to offer no further
opposition to Catholic emancipation. In his turn Wellington
conquered the opposition of the King and the House of
Peers, which latter had hitherto obstinately opposed the
proposed reform: in April, 1829, the law was passed which
threw open all public offices to Catholics, thus putting an end
to an odious inequality.

This question had, however, produced a schism in the
ranks of the Tory Party, and this division strengthened the
Whig Party. Meanwhile, the unpopular king, George IV.,
had died (June, 1830), and his brother, William IV. had
succeeded him. The latter, compared with his predecessor,
appears as almost a good king: he was called the * Sailor
King,* and, in fact, possessed the legendary good nature of
the sailor: but these qualities were accompanied neither
by ability nor by any other superiority. Even under him
the Crown did not acquire great prestige, and political power
passed more and more into the hands of the Parliament.

The French Revolution, which had carried the House of
Orleans to the throne, had made a great impression in
England, since it was truly stated that it had been carried
out on the English model. The desire for electoral
reform found voice. The Whigs had presented a Bill for
reform in a more practical shape than had the Radicals,
since they limited their demand to a more reasonable dis-
tribution of seats. Disturbances took place in the industrial
districts, which were sparsely represented in Parliament:
Lord Grey, the head of the Whig Party, presented a Bill
on the subject to the House of Lords. The old Duke of
Wellington did not understand the situation and opposed
the Bill. He energetically maintained that no better system
than the English could be found: the conclusion of his
speech was greeted by a strong murmur of disapprobation :
being somewhat deaf, he inquired of his neighbour what
was happening: he received the reply, * Simply that you
have overthrown your own Ministry.' Shortly after he was
forced to resign.

A new Ministry, composed mostly of Whigs, was formed :

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

but in it were found places for those Tory reformers who
were called * Canningites.' In this Ministry, which left a
famous record of its labours by its daring reforms, two men
at the side of the veteran Liberal, Charles Grey, were destined
to become conspicuous in English political life — Lord John
Russell and Lord Palmerston. The first became Minister
for Home Affairs and the second Foreign Minister.

On March i, 1831, Lord John Russell presented his
Bill for Electoral Reform: this had for its object the abolition
of seats of many small boroughs and the redistribution of
these among the more populous counties and the larger
cities which were without representation : the Bill also
demanded the modification of the qualifications necessary
for the possession of a vote. The Bill met with violent
opposition from the Tory Party : in the House of Commons
the Bill passed a second reading by a majority of one: the
third reading was rejected by a majority of eight. The
Minister obtained the King's consent for the dissolution of
Parliament. The elections were bitterly contested on one
programme alone — electoral reform. The House approved
of this reform by a majority of 109; but the Bill was again
rejected by the House of Lords — October, 1831. Great
disturbances took place in many districts and much excite-
ment was felt throughout the country.

At the re-opening of the House after the holidays the
latter re-confirmed the decision of the country, while making
a few alterations in the Bill. The Lords did not dare to
reject the Bill outright but entirely mutilated it by an
amendment. The Ministry then obtained from the King
a promise to create new peers favourable to the Bill, should
the House of Lords still prove refractory : under this threat
the Lords finally passed the measure. In June, 1832,
electoral reform was an accomplished fact. From boroughs,
which had become unimportant, 143 seats were taken:
64 were given to 42 cities and the remainder were
distributed among the counties. The old method of public
and written voting was retained, but the duration of the
elections was limited to two days. The conditions relative
to the right to vote were so changed that the total number
of the electors was increased by about one-third and reached

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

the number of 700,000. Here again the triumph was
substantially one of the middle-classes.

After this great political reform, public opinion exercised
a greater influence on government policy, as was shown in
the proposal to abolish negro slavery. This question had
been discussed at the Congress of Vienna and subsequently
it had again been raised with the hope of arriving at an
agreement among the Powers: but nothing decisive had
been arranged. The Minister, Canning, had brought in
a Bill which provided that in English colonies the more
severe penalties to which slaves were liable should be
abolished and their matrimonial arrangements should be
regulated. But these half measures only served to embitter
the relations between masters and slaves. In 1831, the
English Government liberated those slaves which were
dependent on the Crown, and in 1833 proclaimed the
emancipation of the remainder: the question was regulated
as follows : — all children of slaves under the age of six years
were declared free: the remainder, who numbered 750,000,
were still to continue in slavery for the period of seven years.
At the expiration of this period they would automatically
become free. Twenty million pounds were to be given as
an indemnity to the proprietors.

The humanitarian sentiments which had achieved the
solution of this old problem, induced the English Govern-
ment to adopt measures for the protection of factory children.
On January i, 1834, the employment in factories of any
child under the age of nine years was prohibited and the
hours of the working day were limited to all workers under
the age of eighteen. These were the first attempts at operative
legislation.

From this time onward the formation of great manu-
facturing centres brought together great masses of workmen,
who began to realise the power which they might wield by
united effort. Robert Owen, a distinguished philanthropist,
formed his cotton factory into a co-operative society: he
afterwards became a zealous promoter of social reform.
From the year 1833 he continually demanded of the Govern-
ment that the working day should be fixed at eight hours
in order to allow workmen the opportunity of educating

w.M. 87 G

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

themselves. In this way the Socialist movement was
initiated.

In 1834, relief for the poorer classes was better organised.
Hitherto the law had declared that their maintenance devolved
on their individual parishes, which exacted a tax for this
purpose. This tax increased enormously and became an
intolerable burden on the middle classes: laziness was so
greatly encouraged that the old law, which granted relief
only to the infirm, was restored: the sick poor were sent to
infirmaries: those who were in a condition to labour were
placed in workhouses, where they were compelled to work
and submit to discipline. Naturally, many who had previously
willingly received parish pay now preferred to work rather
than enter the workhouses: in a short space of time the
poor-rates were reduced by one-half. For the organisation
and maintenance of workhouses and the proper distribution
of the expenses necessary to this end, parishes were authorised
to unite together in the formation of * Unions * : thus between
counties and parishes, the two ancient administrations of
England, rose the Unions, to which were also entrusted
the working of a sanitary scheme. Even for public
works, many parishes were united together into one
district.

Thus, in a few years, many daring reforms were intro-
duced, but the House would still not hear of any radical
changes in the Irish political system. The emancipation
of the Catholics had not modified the economic situation
of Ireland: the Irish still cultivated the estates of their
foreign owners, they were forced to maintain luxuriously
the clergy of a religion which was not their own : they were
ruined by a Customs tariff which was entirely in favour of
England: therefore, they considered themselves as an
oppressed nation and welcomed the great tribune, O'Connell,
as the father of his country.

The social and religious opposition to the Protestant
proprietors easily assumed the character of an Irish National
sentiment. O'Connell and his supporters for some time
supported the Liberal Ministry, which attempted to
diminish the causes of enmity between the two countries,
but the reforms which it was able to pass were scanty

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

enough: it succeeded only in abolishing a few Anglican
bishoprics, and in dedicating the sums thus spared to
other uses.

But even these measures raised great opposition in
England, and enabled King William to dismiss this Ministry,
with which he was not in sympathy: the power was again
placed in the hands of the Conservatives — November, 1834.
The new Ministry, though it included such men as the old
Duke of Wellington and the eminent statist, Robert Peel,
only lasted six months: the dissolution of the Parliament
and the appeal to the country did not diminish the Liberal
majority, so that in April, 1835, ^^^ ^i^g w^s again forced
to accept a Liberal Ministry. The call to power of the
Conservatives, in 1834, was the last occasion on which an
English king attempted to choose a Ministry unsupported
by a Parliamentary majority.

Henceforth the House of Commons possessed such a
preponderating force as to change the Constitutional regime
for one which was strictly parliamentary. The old parties
abandoned their historic names : the Tories, who had hitherto
supported the power of the Crown in the Government, now
accepted the new political departure and styled themselves
Conservatives: in a similar manner, the Whigs united with
the Radicals and called themselves Liberals. The Parlia-
mentary sittings became public: as the ancient Hall of
Parliament had been destroyed in 1834 by fire, a new and
splendid House of Parliament was built, with galleries for
the public.

With the new Liberal Melbourne-Russell Ministry,
reforms were undertaken with greater ardour; the adminis-
tration of the cities was reorganised under mayors, aldermen,
and councillors: some families were deprived of their
hereditary privileges, which, till then, had left in their hands
the control of municipal affairs: electoral rights were given
to all taxpayers: a new Civil Service was organised: in
order to encourage the publication of newspapers, the tax
on journals was reduced from fourpence to one penny a
copy. This last measure doubled the number of journals
in the space of a few years.

On June 20, 1837, King William IV. died, leaving no

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

issue, and his niece, Victoria, succeeded him on the throne,
at the age of eighteen years.^

• ••••• •

In France, the first years of Louis Philippe's reign were
agitated both by Legitimist plots and Republican menace.
The romantic expedition of the Duchesse de Berry, with
its object of reconquering the throne of France, failed
completely in 1832. The Republican outbreaks at Paris
in 1832 and at Lyons in 1834 were severely repressed.
Bonapartists were also active: the son of Napoleon I. had
died at Vienna in 1832, but the nephew of Napoleon L had
assumed the claim to the throne: after the Revolution of
the Romagna, in 1821, he had, with his mother, resided
in Switzerland, where he had devoted himself seriously to
study, with the fatalistic confidence that one day he was
destined to reign over France and there to continue the
work of his uncle: in 1836 he formed a plot with a few
officers in the garrison of Strasburg, and attempted to
excite a military insurrection in France : the plot failed, and
Louis Napoleon was arrested. Louis Philippe considered
the affair as a mere boyish freak and ordered him to be
deported to America: but the young Napoleon returned
immediately to England and took up his abode there.

In the midst of all these dangers, and in spite of his
authoritative character, Louis Philippe had been compelled
to adapt himself to the exigencies of the time: therefore
he chose his ministers according to the manifestations of
the Parliamentary majority in the Chamber.

Thus, at first, the Presidency of the Chamber was held
by the Banker, Lafitte, who was a lover of popular adulation,
and on occasions tolerated the excesses of the people. But
when disorder had disgusted the public mind and Conservative
ideas came into favour, Casimir Perier came into power
with the object of restoring order and maintaining respect
for the Law. After Casimir Perier came de Broglie and
Guizot, representing the group which was called doctrinaire
from the dogmatic tone of its oratory and of the journals
devoted to it: the name was also derived from the tendency

* As women were excluded, by the Salic Law, from the throne of Hanover, the
latter passed to Ernest Augustus, Duke of Cumberland.

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

of this group to regulate its conduct more by general principles
and axioms than by the material facts which governed the
situation. With de Broglie and Perier was associated Adolphe
Thiers, a decided partisan of parliamentary government —
so much so, that to him is attributed the phrase, — * The King
reigns, but does not govern * — a phrase which wounded the
susceptibilities of Louis Philippe. Amidst all these con-
flicting policies, one form of government had persisted: —
a government preferred by the King, who wished to substitute
for the nobility of blood, which had hitherto ruled the State, —
an aristocracy of wealth. In fact, the reign of Louis Philippe
represented the domination of the banking world and the
industrial plutocracy: this particular class of government
desired, above all other things, tranquillity at home and peace
abroad, and such was the policy adopted by successive
French Governments during these years.

The only war conducted by the French Government
during this period was that of Africa. Algiers had been
conquered in 1830, with no precise programme of any
subsequent policy. The successive Algerian Governments
sought to establish their authority in the country, and occupied
the principal points of the littoral. But in the interior the
native tribes maintained their independence and hostility:
they took advantage of every opportunity of molesting or
attacking the French. The situation became more difficult
when the native forces were organised under one bold and
capable chief, — Abd-el-Kader, who was looked upon by his
people as both poet and saint: he succeeded in collecting
under him a large number of fighting men and inflicted
many defeats on the French. Finally, General Bugeaud,
who was appointed Governor-General of Algiers in 1840,
proposed to pursue the enemy without intermission: for
this purpose he created selected bodies of light horse, and
adopted those very tactics of mobility and rapidity which
had hitherto constituted the superiority of the Arabs. He
succeeded in occupying all the important points which
Abd-el-Kader had, till then, held in his own possession.
The latter was soon compelled to retreat into the desert,
where he was reduced to a nomadic life. But the war still
dragged on for some years, and was even extended to

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Morocco, for Abd-el-Kader obtained the aid of the Sultan
of that country. General Bugeaud also defeated the Moorish
army, and forced the Sultan to expel Abd-el-Kader from his
territories. The latter returned to Algeria and succeeded
for some years in avoiding capture: it was not till 1847 that
he constituted himself a prisoner. With his surrender the
Algerian war may be said to have concluded.

In the ten years, dating from 1 830-1 840, Constitutional
Government triumphed also in the Spanish Peninsula. In
Portugal, King John VI. had died in 1826. His son, Don
Pedro, the Emperor of Brazil, should have succeeded him,
but he realised that had he resigned the throne of Brazil for
that of Portugal, the former would have separated from the
mother country. In this dilemma he determined to renounce
the throne of Portugal in favour of his daughter, Maria,
and proclaimed, in her name, a Portuguese Constitutional
Government. But his brother, Don Miguel, was in Europe:
the latter paid no attention to the claims of his niece, and
seized the throne, placing the political power in the hands
of a bigoted and reactionary Government.

Don Pedro hoped that the French Revolution of 1830,
together with the presence of Liberalism in England would
militate in favour of his claims: he had himself lost all
popularity in Brazil: a disastrous war had deprived him of
the Province of Banda Orientale, which constituted itself
an independent State under the name of the Republic of
Paraguay. Irritated against his people, Don Pedro, on
April 6, 1 83 1, abdicated in favour of his son, Don Pedro II.,
who was still a child : he himself, sailed for the Azores with
his daughter, Maria, in order to organise an expedition
against Don Miguel. With the indirect support of England
and France he was enabled to arm a fleet, and with it occupied
Oporto, where he was enthusiastically received (July, 1832).
The following year he gained a naval victory over Don
Miguel's fleet, off Cape St Vincent: Don Miguel was
forced to abandon Lisbon, and Queen Maria made her
triumphal entry into that city, saluted as Queen by the
English and French Ambassadors. The greater part of
Portugal then acknowledged the Government of Queen

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

Maria. Don Miguel took refuge at Santarem on the Tagus,
and there maintained himself in arms. This was all the
easier for him, since war had broken out in Spain from which
he hoped to draw advantage.

This also was a war of succession, with which were
bound up a number of conflicting political opinions. King
Ferdinand had no male issue : he had left by his wife, Maria
Cristina, a daughter, — Isabella, who was born in 1830:
in order to assure the throne to her he had abolished the
Salic Law and had restored the old Spanish custom of
admitting the female branch to the succession. Ferdinand
had died on September 29, 1833, and his brother, Don
Carlos, who had been the Presumptive Heir to the Throne,
took arms in defence of his rights: he possessed strong
reactionary opinions, and could thus count on the support
of the nobles, priests, and peasants. Maria Cristina, who
assumed the regency in the name of her daughter, necessarily
was supported by the Liberal Party and proclaimed a
Constitution in 1834.

Thus, both in Spain and Portugal, a Regency held power
in the name of two Queens, both of whom were minors:
these were both supported by the Liberals, while, on the
other hand, the two Pretenders were acknowledged by the
Absolutist Party. Since the Pretenders made common
cause, the Governments of Spain and Portugal resolved on
common action, and had the good fortune to obtain the
aid of England and France. An agreement was concluded
between Spain and Portugal on the one hand, and England
and France on the other, in April, 1834.

In Portugal, affairs were speedily settled: Don Miguel
was deposed and compelled to sign a convention at the end
of the year 1843, by which, on the payment of an annual
pension, he pledged himself not to interfere in the internal
politics of Portugal. He subsequently established himself
in Germany. A few months later. Queen Maria, now fifteen
years of age, was declared to have attained her majority.
Her father, Don Pedro, having died, a husband was sought
for her, and in January, 1835, she married Duke Augustus
of Leuchtenberg, son of Eugene Beauharnais. Two months
after the marriage the Duke died at the age of twenty-seven

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

years. A year after, Queen Maria married Prince Ferdinand
of Saxe Coburg, a young man of twenty, nephew of Leopold,
the new King of the Belgians.

In the midst of these dynastic events, a Constitutional
Government had been formed in Portugal. Spain was still
a prey to a terrible civil war. Don Carlos had been forced
to abandon Portugal in 1834: he was handed over to the
English fleet, which brought him to England, where he
was set at liberty. He profited by this to return immediately
to Spain: he there sought the hospitality of the Basque
mountaineers, who had taken up arms with enthusiasm to
defend monarchical and religious traditions and their ancient
privileges, — fueros^ — by which they fixed their own taxes
and were exempt from conscription and the salt duty: these
privileges had been menaced by the new Constituton.
This gave a new impulse to the war and all the country
to the north of the Ebro was speedily in the hands of the
Carlists.

The Absolutist Powers favoured the cause of the Pretender.
This dynastic war had now assumed the character of a war
of principles. Legitimist adventurers from every country
of Europe joined the ranks of the Carlists, while on the
other hand many Liberals who had fled from persecution
in their own country fought for the Constitutionalists. In
the end, the latter were victorious: in 1839, Don Carlos
was finally driven over the Pyrenees.

Henceforth all Western Europe was freed from
Absolutism: other European countries took courage from
this fact: in particular, the Liberals of Central Europe
redoubled their efforts to obtain Constitutional Government.

Even in Germany the French Revolution of 1830 had
made its influence widely felt: in the Southern States it
gave a greater impulse to the demand for reform, and the
language, both of journals and deputies, showed greater
vigour and freedom. Some of the more badly-governed
Northern States, such as Saxony, Brunswick, the Electorate,
Hesse Cassel, etc., broke here and there into open rebellion.
Under popular pressure Constitutional Governments were
formed. But the two most important States of the

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

Confederation, — Austria and Prussia, continued to maintain
the Absolutist regime.

Prussia was an essentially military power, but it also
possessed a well-ordered bureaucracy, and this latter carried
out works of decisive ^importance for the future of the nation:
— the Zollverein and the Customs League. By these reforms
25,000,000 Germans were reunited by commercial interests
under the patronage of Prussia: Austria, however, was
excluded. Thus something akin to a national sentiment
was founded, which was bound to grow stronger with the
lapse of time : the excellent material results of the Customs
Union strengthened this current of national feeling. The
Customs Union was introduced simultaneously with the
first railways, at a moment favourable to the commercial
and industrial development of Germany. So long as the
latter Power had been an essentially agricultural country,
with scanty commerce and ill-developed industries, the
political horizon of the people had been limited enough. Each
small State had merely been interested in local affairs, but
the development of economical life enlarged the political
horizon, whilst literature and science also contributed to
the greater intensity of the national life.

When French ambition seemed on the point of raising
its head in 1840, an explosion of patriotic sentiment was
provoked in Germany. This episode is connected with an
Eastern crisis which sprang from a schism in Islamism
itself, due to a quarrel between Sultan Mahmud II. and
his powerful vassal, Mehemet AH, the Viceroy of Egypt.

During the Greek War the Sultan had promised, to
Mehemet Ali, Crete and the government of the Morea, as a
recompense for the loan of the Egyptian fleet: but the
intervention of the Powers had not only occasioned to the
Viceroy the loss of his entire fleet but it had deprived him
also of the government of the Morea. Hence he demanded
that the Sultan should grant him the government of Syria
in recompense: but Mahmud II. was already apprehensive
of the ever-increasing power of the Viceroy: the intelligent
and energetic government of the latter had not only increased
the military forces at his disposal, but had vastly developed
the natural riches of Egypt: the Sultan, therefore, refused

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

to grant the demand. Relations between the two became
strained: the Viceroy refused to pay the annual tribute to
the Porte on the ground that he had already spent in the
Sultan's service more than the sum demanded: nor did he
limit himself to this refusal, but, taking advantage of the
first favourable opportunity, he seized Syria.

The Turkish armies sent to oppose him were defeated,
and the Egyptian troops advanced against Asia Minor.
In terror, the Sultan invoked the aid of the Powers, who
succeeded in enforcing peace. The Sultan was induced to
grant to Mehemet Ali the government of the whole of Syria
and the district of Adana. The arrangement displeased
the Sultan: shortly after (1835), he deprived the dynasty
of Karamanli of the Province of Tripoli, in Africa, and
included it in his own dominions: this encouraged his hope
of revenge on the Viceroy of Egypt, and he bent all his
efforts on reorganising his army. The Powers were appre-
hensive of the consequences of a fresh rupture, and sought
to reconcile Sultan and Viceroy. For a time they were
successful, but in 1837 war broke out again between the
two, and again the Turks were defeated.

Again European diplomacy enforced a cessation of
hostilities and attempted to arrange a durable peace: the
Turk in the meanwhile attempted to set his house in order
by introducing much-needed reforms: these were under-
taken by the advice of Rescid Pasha, the Turkish Foreign
Minister, who, on November 4, 1839, published the famous
decree (Jiatti-cherif), dated from Glilhane (the garden of the
Sultan); this decree promised a just and equal administration
for all Turkish subjects, both Turks and Christians.

This was the first step taken by the Ottoman government
towards modern civilisation : it is known as * Tanzimat ' —
an Arabic word which signifies * reform.* In reality, however,
the reforms introduced were few and ineffective, and even
these lost much of their power owing to the opposition of
the Old Turkish Party and to the passive resistance of the
bureaucracy.

The Powers, who sought a solution of the Eastern
problem, could not agree on the proper method to be em-
ployed. In Egypt, the Viceroy had employed both French

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

officers and officials, and France was proud of the prestige
she enjoyed in that country and desirous of increasing it:
she, therefore, determined to support Mehemet Ali in the
quarrel. Adolphe Thiers, who was Prime Minister, sought
to bring about a direct reconciliation between the Sultan
and Mehemet : he was confident that if he could succeed in
doing this the other Powers would be forced to recognise
the compact, since disunion among themselves would hinder
any attempt at its destruction. But the secret negotiations
of France became known to Palmerston, who was jealous
of French influence, and by an agreement with the other
Powers, he proposed to ruin these negotiations.

The Czar Nicholas I. was a determined opponent of
Louis Philippe — * the King of the barricades,' as he con-
temptuously termed him: in order to humiliate France he
therefore accepted the English proposal. Frederick William
of Prussia, who had just come to the throne, was alarmed
in common with all Germany at the reappearance of French
ambition : therefore he, too, was happy to enter the coalition
against France. Austria naturally joined the other three
Powers.

Therefore, on July i, 1840, the representatives of the
four Great Powers signed a convention at London, by which
it was arranged that Mehemet should restore Crete, Adana,
Northern Syria, and the Holy Cities of Arabia to the Sultan :
in lieu he was to receive the hereditary government of Egypt
and the government of Syria for his natural life. If within
ten days of receiving this communication he refused to
accept these conditions, Egypt alone should be guaranteed
to him: and should he remain recalcitrant for yet another
ten days, the Powers would not pledge themselves to any
concession.

This Treaty, which seemed aimed at the exclusion of
France from the European Concert, and which compelled
her to stand by in impotence and watch the ruin of her
client, roused intense exasperation in the minds of the French
people: they looked on the Eastern Question as one of
their national honour: their most bellicose instincts were
unfettered and the Marseillaise resounded everywhere. The

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

French Government had obtained permission from England
to transport into France the ashes of the great Napoleon:
even this event contributed to excite public opinion, since
it reminded Frenchmen of the military glory of the Empire.

The young Louis Napoleon, who had taken refuge in
London, determined to profit by this ebullition of renewed
enthusiasm for the memory of his uncle: and he decided
to attempt the reconquest of the throne of France. Some
officers who were quartered at Boulogne entered into a
conspiracy with him, and on August 6, 1840, he disembarked
in the neighbourhood of this town, hoping to raise an insur-
rection among the garrison: But again his attempt was
foiled. He attempted to return to the ship which had carried
him from England, but he fell into the sea, and was saved
from drowning by the efforts of those who had come to
arrest him. He was brought before the French House of
Peers and sentenced to perpetual imprisonment in the fortress
of Ham, a town in the department of the Somme.

During this episode, which aroused the mirth of the
majority of the nation, Thiers, whose pride and patriotism
had been deeply wounded by Palmerston's counter plans,
prepared boldly to face a European conflict. He
strengthened the army and navy and asked for a vote of one
hundred millions of francs for the fortification of Paris.
The nation seemed in complete accord with him : the rupture
of the Treaty of 18 15 was openly discussed, and it was
proposed to reconquer the Rhine frontier. This patriotic
effervescence in France and the threat of aggression roused
the German national instinct.

At Leipzig the commemoration of the invention of the
printing-press became the occasion of a great national
manifestation; it may be said that the year 1840 marked
a decisive date in the preparation of German unity.

In the meantime the hopes of Thiers had been disappointed ;
he had confidently expected that Mehemet Ali would have
bravely held out till the spring, and that in the meanwhile
the Quadruple Alliance would have dissolved. But the
Anglo- Austrian fleet bombarded Beirut on September 11,
and obliged the Egyptians to abandon that city. Mehemet's
troops soon evacuated the whole of Syria; Thiers still

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

continued to vociferate and threaten, but King Louis Philippe
did not desire to run the risk of a European War, and when
Thiers submitted to him the text of the Speech which he
was to read on the re-opening of the Chamber, its too bellicose
tone was not approved by the King. On this Thiers resigned
(October 20, 1840). The new Ministry, nominally under
the Presidency of Marshal Soult, but really representing the
views of Guizot, the Foreign Minister, displayed pacific
tendencies. The English fleet, too, had arrived at Alexandria,
and under its threat of bombardment Mehemet Ali decided
to submit, contenting himself with the hereditary government
of Egypt.

These events naturally irritated France against the other
Powers, but at the same time she felt uneasy at her own
isolation. The other States shared this feeling, and negotia-
tions were initiated in order to admit France once more
into the Concert of Europe. The four Allied Powers signed
a protocol by which they declared the Egyptian Question
to be closed and the clauses of the Convention of the previous
year abrogated: with the participation of France, a new
Treaty was concluded on July 13, 1841, called 'The
Convention of the Straits,* by which the closing of the
Bosphorous and of the Dardanelles to all ships of war was
fixed as a principle of international law : the only exceptions
to this rule were the lighter war-craft in the service of the
various embassies at Constantinople.

England was the only country which had profited by
this crisis, and her influence as a World Power increased
and solidified daily. This was due entirely to the work of
Palmerston, who judged every situation from the point of
view of English interests. His patriotism was violent,
egotistic, greedy, and scornful of men, nations, and theories :
but however distasteful it might be to other nations, it
increased the grandeur of his own country and excited the
enthusiasm of the populace, who were proud of * Pam,* as
they delighted to call their great Minister.

The political checkmate he had inflicted on France had
weakened her influence in the East, and had permitted
Palmerston to occupy the desert rock of Aden in order to
secure English commerce in the Red Sea. At the same

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

time he carefully watched the ambitions of Russia in Asia:
the latter Power was seeking to advance in Central Asia,
either by the conquest of Turkestan or by the insinuation of
her influence in Afghanistan and Persia: everywhere the
English succeeded in rendering fruitless the designs of
Russia. It was at this time that England completed her
conquest of India.

The East India Company had renounced the formula
by which it had described itself as the * Vicar of the Great
Mogul,' and at Delhi, the ancient capital of his Empire, it
proclaimed its independent sovereignty. Gradually, as it
assumed this character, the Company was compelled to
relinquish its commercial monopolies, since, as a sovereign,
it could not put its own interests in opposition to those of
its subjects. In 1813 the English Parliament reconfirmed
to the Company its possession of the Indian Dominions
for twenty years, but it had taken from it the monopoly of
English commerce with India, leaving to it its Chinese mono-
poly alone; even this was suppressed at the expiration of the
Convention in 1833; thus the Company finally lost all its
commercial attributes: the income of its shareholders was
derived exclusively from the land taxes exacted from native
cultivators.

Prosecuting her scheme of expansion, England also
opened China to Europe. Till now, the commerce of China
with the West had been confined to the Portuguese settle-
ment of Macao and to the European factories established
in the neighbourhood of Canton: here, however, the
Europeans were only allowed to stay for the period strictly
necessary for the transaction of their commercial affairs,
and then were obliged to return to Macao, where their
families resided. Chinese functionaries often impeded and
ruined English commerce, and the remonstrances of the
various European Governments had hitherto been in vain.
By the so-called Opium War the English obliged the Chinese
to sign the Treaty of Nankin (1842), by which the Chinese
opened to foreigners the five ports of Canton, Amoy, Fusciu,
Ningpo, and Shanghai: the island of Hong Kong was also
ceded to England, and China paid to her a heavy war in-
demnity. By this enterprise the English inaugurated a new

100

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS ' "'"'

era in the history of China, and at the same time they acquired
new territory in the island of Hong Kong, at the entrance
to the Bay of Canton; from a sterile rock they soon trans-
formed this possession to a flourishing colony.

Henceforth the colonies assumed an important part in
the economical life of Great Britain.

In the Mediterranean, Gibraltar, — occupied in 1704, —
Malta, and the Ionian Islands were essentially strategic
points : but in the other parts of the world England possessed
colonies important both for their extent and their population.

Canada was a former French colony which had been
ceded to England by the Peace of 1763, — it had remained
faithful to its new sovereign during the rebellion of those
other English colonies which are now known as the United
States: in 1791 it had obtained a Constitution from the
English Parliament by which it had been divided into two
provinces: — Lower Canada and Upper Canada: the former,
with its capital of Quebec, was chiefly occupied by settlers
of French extraction, while the latter, with its capital of
Toronto, was populated by English : each of these provinces
had an elective assembly and a Governor. Even during the
second war of independence of the United States (1812-
1 8 1 5), these colonies demonstrated their fidelity to England.
But a hostile feeling existed between the differing sections
of French Catholics and English Protestants. Since the
latter element appeared to be favoured by the Governors,
the French population nourished an increasing enmity
towards the Government. For a long time this feeling was
exhibited solely in the legal camp, but in 1837 it broke out
into open insurrection. This was repressed, and the
Government took advantage of the rising to suppress the
Constitution.

But the English Government was not slow to perceive
that the policy of reconciliation was preferable to that of
severity: it had the wisdom, in 1840, to vote the so-called
Act of Union, by which the Provinces were fused into one
only, under a Constitutional Government: the capital was
fixed at Montreal. The first Canadian Parliament was
opened in March, 1841, and marked the beginning of a

lOI

1* >«• -•■»>•

AMA''^V'"'- 'FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

complete reconciliation. Canada then numbered a little
more than a million inhabitants.

The maritime colonies did not possess much importance:
they consisted of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince
Edward's Island, the Island of Newfoundland, inhabited
by fisher-folk, and the Bermudas, which were discovered
by a Spaniard named Bermudes, but colonised by the
Englishman, Somers, and therefore called Somers* Islands.

Jamaica, however, was the most populous and the richest
of the English colonies of North America: it had been
occupied by the English in 1655 and had possessed from
that period a legislative assembly. In this island the negro
population was predominant: therefore, the emancipation
of slaves, which was voted by the English Parliament in

1833, produced grave consequences in Jamaica and in the
Antilles also, since the latter group of islands also possessed
a large negro population: the hostility between the two
races was very marked, and the proprietors, in order to
supply the lack of labour, were forced to have recourse to

• Chinese coolies.

British Honduras, British Guiana, and the Falkland
Islands, the latter of which faced the Straits of Magellan
and had been occupied in 1834, had no great population.

In Africa, without mentioning the islands of Saint
Helena and Ascension and the unimportant settlements of
the Guinea Coast, the Treaty of 1 8 1 5 had confirmed to
England the possession of Cape Colony, which had been
taken from the Dutch in 1806: naturally, the original Dutch
settlers, who were called * boers ' (peasants), were dissatisfied
with the change, and this discontent was increased by the
abolition of slavery, which caused them grave financial losses.
The native Kaffir tribes saw with grief the advance of the
white man: in the district of Natal, Kaflir chiefs rebelled:
they organised their tribes in a military manner and began
to attack the villages and farms of the colonists: but, in

1834, the Governor — Urban — who gave his name to the
principal port of this district, conducted a victorious ex-
pedition against them. At the same time many of the Dutch
colonists, irritated against the English, began (1836) their
emigrations towards the interior: these treks gave origin

102

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

later to the Orange Free State, situated between the Orange
River and the Vaal. A group of these settlers, led by Andreas
Fretorius, settled in Natal: but the English Governor
occupied their capital of Pietermaritzburg and obtained
their submission. In 1843 Natal was officially annexed to
Cape Colony, though it was still separated from the latter
by territory which was occupied by independent Kaffirs.

On the road to India the English possessed the Island
of Mauritius, which was seized from the French in 18 10:
from that point they attempted to establish their influence
in the vast Island of Madagascar. At the entrance of the
Red Sea they had occupied Aden : to the south of India,
they possessed the large Island of Ceylon — a former Dutch
Colony, tjfcen from Holland in the Napoleonic Wars: on
the other side of the Indian Ocean their possessions in the
Straits of Malacca assured their entry into the Chinese Sea,
where, besides the Island of Hong Kong, they had already
established naval stations on the northern coast of Borneo.

At the same time the colonisation of Australia assumed
importance owing to the influx of many free emigrants:
from 1787 to this epoch it had simply served as a convict
settlement: to the first colony, New South Wales, which
had for its capital Sydney, many others were added: Van
Dieman's Land or Tasmania, capital Hobart (1825); Western
Australia, capital Perth (1829); South Australia, capital
Adelaide (1834); and, not long after, the English Settlements
of the two Islands of New Zealand were established.

In 1840 penal deportation to New South Wales was
suppressed, since that province had developed a notable
prosperity: longings for autonomy were soon manifested
in this province, and the English Government, in order to
avoid an agitation, granted it a Statute in 1842, by which
the Governor was assisted by a legislative assembly composed
of 36 members, of whom 24 were elective. Thus, in this
farHDff colony was founded that representative system which
England introduced later into all those of her colonies where
a European population was predominant.

In initiating this new policy of autonomy, England

assured to herself the devotion of her colonies.

• ••••••

W.M. 103 H

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

With the accession of Queen Victoria to the English
throne (1837), the scandalous life of the Court ceased:
under the later kings Court frivolity had deprived the
monarchy of much prestige. The whole nation soon mani-
fested its cordial sympathy for their new Sovereign, who
was young and of a charming and attractive disposition:
she also added to the simplicity of her manners an extensive
culture.

In 1840 she married the German Prince, Albert of Saxe
Coburg Gotha: like her, he was born in 18 19 and was a
nephew of Leopold, King of the Belgians. Both the Queen
and her Consort were animated by the most excellent in-
tentions, and understood each other perfectly: in fact, the
Prince Consort became the most valued counsellor of the
Queen: with great tact he knew both how to maintain his
position as Prince Consort and how to conquer the prejudices
of the English aristocracy against a foreigner. The country
still continued its magnificent development: the railway
construction made rapid progress: in 1838 the first English
steamboat crossed the Atlantic: in 1840 a great postal
reform was introduced, by which, instead of the receiver
paying on letters a sum varying with the distance covered,
a uniform tariff of one penny was charged on each letter:
this system resulted in an immense increase of correspondence,
and was soon adopted on the continent.

But, in spite of this economic progress, great misery
existed among the working classes: a succession of bad
harvests increased the price of bread enormously. The
celebrated economist and philanthropist, Richard Cobden,
in 1835, formed with the distinguished orator, John Bright,
the Anti-Corn Law League — a union of propagandists
who were determined that the duty on all cereals should be
suppressed.

While he and his friends with exemplary ardour dedicated
all their powers to the attainment of this reform, the Radical
group, on the other hand, continued their agitation for
political reforms. This group was energetically supported
by the first Socialist organisations, which were founded at
this time.

Six articles of a People's Charter were formulated: —

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PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

annual elections, universal suffrage, secret voting, equal
electoral circumscription, the right of being elected without
conditions, and payment of members of Parliament. After
many tumultuous meetings in 1839 the Chartists presented
a petition to Parliament which bore more than a million
signatures, and since the House of Commons scornfully
ignored it, the demonstrators assumed a more violent attitude.
The tumults excited by the Radicals were energetically
suppressed.

Simultaneously, in Ireland, the Tribune O'Connell
announced that the year 1 843 would signalise the separation
of Ireland from England : he organised enormous meetings,
in which the minds of the Irish were excited to violence.
Finally, O'Connell was forbidden by the Government to
hold meetings and was arrested and committed for trial:
he subsequently went abroad, and, after travelling in Italy,
died at Genoa in 1847.

All these difficult problems had come into being during
the Conservative Ministry of Sir Robert Peel and had con-
tinued under the Liberal Ministry, which had been brought
to power by the elections of 1841. Peel rejected every idea
of political reform, but he sought to conciliate the minds
of the people by an attempt to maintain a just equilibrium
of social interests: in Ireland, he greatly augmented the
State subsidy of the Catholic Seminary of Maynooth.

In the summer of 1845 potato disease made its first
appearance: this destroyed the principal nutriment of
Ireland, and produced m that country a pitiful scarcity and
an enormous emigration. The misery of the working classes
in England was also great, and Tom Hood's Song of the Shirty
which was written in the Christmas of that year, was its
effective expression. Under similar circumstances. Sir
Robert Peel, who till then had steadily opposed the Cobden
propaganda, was persuaded of the necessity of abolishing
the protectionist duties; he had the boldness and honesty
to carry out the conviction which the force of facts had
imposed on him, and in 1846 he proposed the abolition of
the duty on corn.

During the memorable debate, which lasted full twelve
days, he said, ' I ask you to approve of this measure, since

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

cheapness and abundance in the country will aid in diminishing
crime and in elevating morality.'

Among the Conservatives who fought this great economic
reform with the greatest tenacity was a young and already
celebrated novelist, who was destined to play an important
role in English politics. This was Benjamin Disraeli^ whose
Hebrew ancestors had emigrated from Spain to Venice
when the Jews had been expelled from Spain; from Venice
they had emigrated to England in the seventeenth century
in order to seek their fortune — an end which they had
succeeded in attaining. Disraeli's father, together with the
young Benjamin, had been converted to the Anglican cult
in 1 8 17, when the boy was only twelve years old. The
young Disraeli was a lover of pleasure and luxury, and thrust
himself into aristocratic society without heeding the disdain
which his Hebrew descent procured for him : full of genius,
ambition, and courage, when his novels had gained for him
celebrity, he entered into political life as a representative
of rigid conservative principles.

His first speech in the House, on December 7, 1837,
was a disaster: he was forced to cut short his speech and to
resume his seat in silence amid the laughter and jeers of his
colleagues : as he sat down he uttered the words, * A day
will come when you shall hear me.* In fact, he became
one of the most finished orators of the House of Commons.

He meditated an infusion of new life into the Conservative
Party by forming an alliance with the Radical Party, in
order, as he said, to found the Party of Young England.
But during this time, unfortunately, he gave way to the
dictates of disappointed ambition, and because Peel had
neither deigned to flatter him or to promote him, he fought,
from this ignoble motive, every reform of the great Minister.

The Conservative Party divided over the proposed
reform, which was passed at length by the support of the
Liberal Party. But the passing of the Bill marked the end
of the political career of Sir Robert Peel. Those Conserva-
tives who were indignant with him on account of his
suppression of the Corn Laws seized the first opportunity
which presented itself, when Peel was no longer supported
by the Liberal Party, and voted solidly against him; this

106

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

forced his resignation. On June 29, 1846, he resigned.
On this occasion he uttered the following generous words : —

* I may, perhaps, leave behind me a name which will be
severely blamed by those who bitterly deplore the rupture of
Party ties, and who are convinced that fidelity to Party pledges
and the maintenance of great Parties are powerful and
essential means of government. Others will also blame me,
who, apart from personal interest, believe the principle of
Protection necessary to the prosperity of the country. I
shall leave a name detested by the controllers of monopolies,
who, for less honourable motives, demand a protection, by
which they profit. But perhaps also I may leave a name
which will sometimes be pronounced with gratitude in the
cottages of those who earn their bread by the sweat of their
brow, and who will remember me when they recruit their
strength with a food which is abundant and free of duty —
with a food which will taste to them all the sweeter since no
sentiment of injustice will embitter it.'

This great reform not only did not ruin agriculture, as
some had feared, but improved it, since it forced the pro-
prietors to introduce methods of scientific progress: on
the other hand, the prodigious development of industry
and commerce impelled England more and more towards
the principles of Free Trade: the new Russell-Palmerston
Ministry had only to follow the policy inaugurated by Sir
Robert Peel.

But in France, whilst the country progressed with an
assured step, the Government had halted. In the first ten
years of his reign, Louis Philippe had been forced to resist
Legitimist and Republican opposition, and Bonapartist
attempts: he now believed that all dangers were conquered
and that therefore he could adopt a policy of quiescence.
But the great development of industry and commerce in-
creased the importance and the numbers of the working
classes. This section of the community, seeing the riches
and the luxury of their employers, considered themselves
as a sweated class and began to give favourable reception
to the doctrine of a few advanced thinkers, who severely
and acutely criticised the crimes of the middle class and

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

attributed the cause to its economic organisation. Louis
Blanc formulated the Rights of Labour, while Eugene Sue
contrasted the nobility of mind of the poorer classes with
the egotism of the rich. In this way, even in the great cities
of France, a Socialist Party began to rise, though it was
still weak and disorganised. It joined itself to the remnants
of the Republican Party, which also lacked leaders. These
Parties had no legal standing nor means of enforcing their
opinion, therefore the Government ignored them: the
Chamber only represented the views of a minority of the
nation, and thought its position was secured by the support
of the middle classes. The King, who was seventy years of
age in the year 1843, ^^^ ^^^ understand the new era of
thought: his eldest son, who enjoyed great popularity,
died in 1842 in a carriage accident; with his death, a cord,
which united the dynasty with the nation, was severed,
since his son, the Count de Paris, was hardly four years old.
The Minister Guizot was in perfect agreement with the
King that there was no need of any reform.

But this Minister, though he still followed a quiescent
policy, possessed for seven successive years the votes of the
majority of the Chamber: apparently, therefore, no one
could blame the King for enforcing a policy which was not
conformable to the will of Parliament. But in, reality, one
half of the total number of deputies was composed of func-
tionaries of State, while the thirty or forty other deputies
who were necessary to obtain a majority in the Chamber
were bought by concessions of public works or other similar
methods of corruption : not only so, but when the time for
the selections arrived, the support of the electors for the
Government candidate was assured by the grant of many
personal favours. Guizot, who was personally scrupulously
honest, made corruption his system of government. Thus,
not even that small portion of the country which possessed
electoral rights — a little more than 200,000 — could make
its voice heard in the government of the country.

The Socialists and Republicans demanded nothing less
than universal suffrage: but the Liberal Opposition, which,
in spite of prevailing conditions, had been formed, only
requested a Parliamentary reform which would diminish

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PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

the number of those deputies who were members of the
Civil Service, and an electoral reform which would remove,
in some measure, the stigma of corruption from the elections.
Guizot and the King refused to make the smallest concession :
secure of the support of the Chamber, they ignored the
agitation, which was being spread by means of journalism
throughout the country.

The Foreign Policy, which was almost servile, rendered
the Government still more unpopular. With the exception
of the Algerian Campaign, the Government, to all appearance,
did not sufficiently guard the dignity, honour, and interests
of France, and, indeed, the general public took little interest
in the war in Algiers, except when a more than usually
important engagement took place. King Louis Philippe,
after the disorders of 1840, had deemed it opportune to
cement cordial relations with England, and for this purpose
had given way to the demands of England on every occasion.
Only on one question did he dare to withstand the will of
the latter Power: but this was dictated by simple dynastic
reasons.

In Spain, a heated contest had arisen at the conclusion
of the Carlist War, between the Moderates and the Progressi-
vists. The Queen Regent, Maria Cristina, supported the
Moderates, but her prestige was not great. But General
Espartero, who favoured the Progressivists, was at the height
of popularity owing to his victories over the Carlists. The
Queen Regent, in consequence of violent disorders which
had broken out here and there, was forced to leave Spain,
entrusting her two children to the courage and patriotism
of Espartero. He was appointed Regent of the Cortes:
but Spain was not tranquil, even under his government.
Espartero severely suppressed the riots and ordered Barcelona
to be bombarded: but the riots and tumults continued.
In 1843 Espartero was compelled to fly the country, and
took refuge in England. In November, 1843, the Cortes
proclaimed the majority of Isabella II., who then completed
her thirteenth year: she recalled her mother, but the power
remained in the hands of General Narvaez.

The really important question which now interested
the Courts of Europe was the marriage of the Queen.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

England would have preferred her to marry a Coburg — a
cousin of Prince Albert — the Consort of Queen Victoria:
France put forward the claims of one of the sons of Louis
Philippe: Austria suggested the son of Don Carlos. The
reciprocal conflict of interests brought about the rejection
of all these candidates. A Spanish cousin of the Queen was
now brought forward — Francisco d'Assisi, who was a brother
of Ferdinando VIL and of Don Carlos. This prince was
under the age of twenty-five years, but his health was more
than indifferent: the Queen did not hide her dislike for his
character or her contempt for his dullness of intellect. Louis
Philippe was greatly interested in concluding this marriage,
since this might give him also the opportunity of marrying
his son, the Duke de Montpensier, to Isabella's sister — the
Infanta, Luisa Fernanda. The line of reasoning adopted
by Louis Philippe was this: — if, as was probable, the Queen
Isabella should have no children by her husband, the crown
of Spain would pass to the descendants of Montpensier.
With the vision of settling one branch of his family on the
throne of Spain, Louis Philippe desired to finish the negotia-
tions as speedily as possible: he therefore broke the pledge
he had given to Queen Victoria, and on the i oth of October,
1846, successfully concluded the two marriages.

Naturally, Queen Isabella's marriage was an unhappy
one, and she sought consolation in the friendship of the
young General Serrano. But so far as international politics
were concerned, the Spanish marriages definitely broke off
the cordial relations hitherto existing between the Courts of
England and France. Lord Palmerston, who at that moment
had been appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in the
Russell Liberal Cabinet, was not slow in taking advantage
of this opportunity of showing his animosity to France.

This division of the Western Powers enabled the
Absolutist Governments to attempt the solution of a problem
which had faced them for some time.

After the ferocious repression of the Polish Rebellion
of 1830-1831, the small Republic of Cracow had become
the refuge of all those Polish patriots who were meditating
new insurrections, either in Russian Poland, in the Prussian

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

Duchy of Posen, or in Austrian Galicia. In order to eliminate
this peril, the three Northern Powers, in the spring of 1846,
occupied the city; and since they were now secure from the
danger of interference by either France or England, they
held a conference in Vienna in November of that year, in
which they concluded a Convention by which Cracow and
its district was annexed to Austrian territory, while Austria
ceded to Russia and Prussia a few Cantons of Galicia in
exchange. This Convention marked the end of Poland.

The two Western Powers contented themselves with
polite diplomatic protests, delivered separately, to the three
Northern Powers: but the populations of the whole of
civilised Europe felt the repercussion of the Cracow episode.
For this act of brutality, aimed at the Polish nation, was
accomplished precisely at the time when there was a vigorous
recrudescence of the sentiment of nationality throughout
Europe.

In the dominions of Austria herself an extraordinary
outburst of national sentiment marked the event. In par-
ticular, Hungary, though it enjoyed its own government,
more boldly affirmed its aspirations for a greater autonomy.

It had preserved its ancient Diet, which was divided
into two Assemblies: the Table of Magnates, in which the
great nobles sat by right of hereditary descent, and the
Table of States, which was composed of 1 10 nobles, nominated
by the 55 Committees into which the realm was divided,
two representatives of the cities, and the Croatian Deputies.
The Diet, which had been convoked in 1833, demanded
that the Emperor-King should visit Hungary more frequently;
that the meetings of the Diet should take place at Pest
instead of at the German town of Presburg, and that the
Magyar tongue should be adopted as the official language
instead of the Latin which had hitherto been used. In
these demands of national character all the Hungarians
were agreed: but they were divided on the question of
political refcw-ms into a Conservative and a Liberal Party.

The social organisation of Hungary was still mediaeval;
the nobles numbered about 700,000, and they, only, could
consider themselves as citizens, though they paid no taxes.
The first attack on this latter privilege was made with the

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

approval of the Diet: it consisted in the demand that the
nobles should pay the tax for foot passengers over the sus-
pension bridge — newly constructed over the Danube at
Pest. The Diet also approved several peasant reforms, and
thus the transformation of this feudal society was begun.

In order to spread the reports of the decisions passed
by the Diet through the country, which now began to take
an intelligent interest in such matters, a young lawyer named
Louis Kossuth founded a political journal in the Magyar
tongue: his bold language brought about his arrest, and he
was imprisoned for two years. This fact procured for him
an immense popularity.

The Diet, which had been summoned in 1833, sat for
three years and four months : when the Government declared,
in 1835, that its sessions were suspended, it permitted the
text of the laws to be compiled in the Magyar tongue: in
the Diet of 1 839-1 840, Magyar was finally declared to be
the official language. Henceforth the linguistic question
became the form under which claims to autonomy were
manifested.

But in the kingdom of Hungary, Hungarians were in
a minority: the Croat nationality was the most prominent,
among the others, since it was more compact in form: it,
also, had its own official Government under a native Governor
— the Ban — and above all it possessed its own history of the
Middle Ages. The Croats were unwilling to submit to
Hungarian supremacy. The struggle began to be apparent
in the Diet of 1843, ^" which the Hungarians proposed that
the Magyar tongue should be definitely established as the
only one that could be legitimately used in Parliamentary
debates: the Croat deputies still continued to speak Latin,
as they had done for centuries : but whenever a Croat began
a speech with the accustomed formula, ' Excellentissime
Domine,' the Hungarians refused to allow him to
continue.

By a decree, dated 1844, the Government recognised
the Magyar as the official language of the Diet, but it per-
mitted the Croats to preserve the Latin language for another
six years. The Croats, in their turn, in 1845, declared the
Croat language to be the official tongue in the Provincial

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PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

Diet of Agram. A dispute, pregnant with danger, was
thus accentuated in Hungary.

The Nationalist tendencies of the Southern Slavs awoke
a sympathetic echo in the hearts of the Northern Slavs who
inhabited the Austrian Empire: in particular, the Czechs,
who formed the majority of the Bohemian race, asserted
their nationality : so that, in Bohemia, Slav nationality awoke
and manifested itself in an enthusiasm for the Czech tongue,
and in an attempt to sustain it against the prevalent German
language.

The German provinces of the Monarchy in which these
conflicting tendencies did not exist appeared more tranquil;
but even here Liberal aspirations filtered through to the
populace and found vent, at the sittings of the Provincial
Diets, in demands for reform.

But the country where the national awakening assumed
a dangerous aspect was Italy: if, in country districts, the
peasants were indifferent to every political idea, in the cities,
on the other hand, the hatred of foreign domination became
every day more general.

As a matter of fact, in these years, Italians, not only
in the Lombardo-Veneto, but from one end of the Peninsula
to the other, manifested daily a greater interest in their
national rights. In 1843, ^^ Brussels, a book was published
which soon became famous: The Moral and Civil Primacy
of Italy.

It was the work of an Italian priest, Vincenzo Gioberti,
who had been an exile from Florence since 1833. In this
volume he celebrated the past glories of Italy and lamented
its present misery : but he added, * With a little goodwill
and determination we may still become, without agitation,
revolution, or injustice, one of the first nations of the world.'
He sought to harmonise the theories of revolution with the
reality of things; he renounced the Mazzinian aspiration
for unity, which he considered impracticable, and he was
satisfied with the idea of a Confederation of States existing
under the Presidency of the Pope: he expressed the hope
that both Pope and Princes, when they had once become
imbued with the principles of justice and piety, would unite
themselves fraternally with their peoples.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Vincenzo Gioberti participated in that democratic
Catholic movement which then appeared throughout all
Europe: he declared that the Italian Renaissance should
have as its base the corner-stone of the Pontificate. He
added: 'Rome, the religious capital, should be as well the
civil and moral metropolis of civilisation and of the human
race: as Rome is the privileged seat of Christian wisdom,
Piedmont should also be the principal centre of Italian
military force: hence on Rome and Turin hangs the fate of
Italy.'

This book, which by its singular temperance of thought
and by its eulogy of the Pope and Princes was not prohibited,
was widely circulated in the Peninsula, and excited great
enthusiasm amongst Liberals : the latter party were persuaded
by the Giobertian ideas to abandon secret societies and
conspiracies for a more practical road.

Just at this time came a new cry of revolt, with the tragic
episode of the brothers Bandiera. The latter were two
Venetian youths — officers in the Austrian Navy. They
were full of patriotic enthusiasm and had decided to conse-
crate their lives to the redemption of Italy. In agreement
with another Venetian officer, named Domenico Moro,
they had planned to capture the frigate on which they served :
but before they could put this idea into execution, they had
reason to believe that their plot had been discovered, and
they fled to Corfu. Here a rumour reached them that a
revolution had broken out in Calabria: with seventeen
companions they embarked for that district in order to aid
the insurgents: but before their arrival the rising had been
suppressed. These few youths found themselves surrounded
by a numerous body of troops: after a brief struggle they
were captured and taken to Cosenza, where, on July 27,
1844, nine of their number, among whom were the brothers
Bandiera and Domenico Moro, were shot. They fell under
the Bourbon bullets, shouting joyously to the few and mute
spectators of this terrible scene, ' Long live Italy! *

Mazzini and Gioberti were both animated by an intense
patriotic enthusiasm; both had a full and fervent faith in
the destiny of Italy, and both prophesied it clearly, affirming
that from Rome the regeneration of mankind should again

114

PROGRESS OF LIBERAL IDEAS

spring to light: but Gioberti believed that he had found an
easy and practical way of solving the Italian problem, and
was contented with demanding reforms, whilst Mazzini
wished to destroy all the existing States of the Italian
Peninsula in order to make room for one alone, — the Italian
Republic. Hence he gathered to himself the hottest and
nost excitable temperaments, while the more moderate
Liberals followed the Giobertian ideas. In the end the
latter founded that party which is called Neo-Guelf, since
it desired to place the Pope at the head of the Liberal
movement.

Another Piedmontese writer, Cesare Balbo, fostered
this last idea in his book. The Hopes of Italy. He maintained
that the first aspiration of the Italian should be one of national
independence: this alone should exclude Austria from the
Italian League. He suggested that the approaching down-
fall of Turkey pointed out to Austria that her true way of
advance lay in the Balkan Peninsula : there she could extend
her Empire and cede the Lombardo-Veneto to Italy. Yet
neither did the Austrian Government show itself disposed
to carry out such intentions, nor did the Government of the
Pope, Gregory XVI., justify the enthusiasm for the Papacy
displayed by Gioberti.

As public opinion gradually awoke. King Carlo Alberto
felt quickening within him his former patriotic ambitions:
his aspirations were, in part, fettered by his profound religious
sentiment, which bordered on mysticism. This alone
alienated him from every friend of political liberty, since
in their ideas he saw a menace, not only to the throne, but
to the altar also. This attitude of mind did not, however,
prevent him from aiming at national independence.

In 1845, Massimo D'Azeglio, in a familiar conversation
with Carlo Alberto, received from him the mission of con-
veying the information to the Liberals of the other Provinces
of Italy, that when the decisive moment arrived they could
count on the King. In April, 1846, the Piedmontese King
dared to face the indignation of the Austrian Government
on a question of Customs dues : compared with the servility
of all the other Italian States his opposition may be regarded
as a piece of great hardihood. But the kindling spark of the

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

new life of Italy was not destined to spring from Carlo

Alberto.

• ••••••

Political activity in Switzerland for a long time had been
concentrated in individual cantons: in many of these, the
Liberal Party succeeded in modifying the Constitution by
democratic reforms, in the hope that the Federal Pact might
also be reformed. But interwoven with these political
questions, religious animosities assumed such an importance
as to induce, in the year 1845, ^^® seven Catholic Cantons
of Lucerne, Uri, Schwytz, Unterwald, Zug, Fribourg, and
the Valais to form a separate League, called the Sonderbund.

The Federal Diet ordered its dissolution, but the Sonder-
bund decided to resist this command. In November, 1847,
the Federal troops occupied Lucerne and Fribourg; the
troops of the Sonderbund then dispersed and the Catholics
immediately offered their submission. Thus the lay party,
which demanded centralisation, triumphed over that of
Sectarianism and decentralisation. It was then that the
Federal Party saw the necessity of making changes in the
Constitution of 18 15: the Canton of Neuchatel took
advantage of these circumstances to fling off the yoke of the
King of Prussia, and reorganised itself in agreement with
Republican forms of Government.

The Swiss Constitution of 1848 substituted for a
Federation of States one Federal Government, which was
organised in such a manner as to provide a strong Central
power. A new Assembly was also constituted in place of
the former and ancient Diet: it possessed two Chambers: —
a National Council, which was directly elected by the people,
and a State Council, which consisted of deputies from each
individual Canton, — two deputies representing each Canton.
The executive power was centred in a Federal Council,
which was formed of seven members elected from the
Assembly, for the space of three years, and the seat of
Government was fixed at Berne. Finally Federal power
had vanquished the Cantonal system.

116

CHAPTER V

REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

Election of Pius IX. amid general enthusiasm : Reforms in the Pontifical
State and in Piedmont : Cavour a journalist : Conditions of the
Lomhardo-Veneto and of the Duchies of Modena and Parma, on the
eve of 1848 ; The Sicilian Revolution : The First Constitutions in
Italy : The French Revolution of 1848 ; Deposition of Louis Philippe :
Provisional Republican Government. — New Electoral Laws in Belgium.
— Revision of the Dutch Constitution. — End of the Chartist Agitation
in England. — Government of Narvaez in Spain. — The Constitution
in the Pontifical State. — The Insurrection in Venice and the ' Five
Days ' of Milan. — Beginning of the War of Independence : Austrian
Victories : Armistice {August 9, 1848). — War of Ferdinand II. against
Sicily. — Flight of the Pope and of the Grand Duke. — The Rising in
Vienna of March 13, 1848 ; Autonomy of Hungary and social reforms :
Concessions to Bohemia : New Rising at Vienna and the Triumph of
Democracy {May 5) ; The Slav Congress of Prague : Submission of
Bohemia '{June, 1848). — Radetzky and the Submission of the Lombardo-
Veneto. — Constituent Assembly : Abolition of Feudal Rights. — Jellalich,
the Ban of Croatia, and the Hungarian Government : Kossuth and
the rupture of Hungary with the Imperial Court. — The Revolt of
October 6 in Vienna : Re-occupation of Vienna. — Abdication of
Ferdinand I. in favour of his nephew, Franz Josef {December 2, 1848).
— The Campaign against Hungary : First Austrian Successes. —
Closing of Parliament : The Constitution of March 4, 1849. — Germany :
Liberal aspirations and manifestations of desire for unity. — March
18 and 19, 1848, at Berlin. — The National Parliament at Frankfort.
— The Question of the Danish Duchies. — The First successes of
Reaction — Dissolution of the Prussian Chambers. — Changes of the
French Republic : From the 2^rd to the 26th of June : Defeat of the
Socialist Party : The Republican Constitution : Election of Louis
Napoleon to the Presidency {December, 1848).

New ideas are like those strong perfumes which penetrate
into places which would seem to be hermetically sealed:
and absolutely barred to all new ideas was the Papal Court
during the fifteen years pontificate of Gregory XVI. Yet,
hardly had he died (June i, 1846) when a prevalent current
of Liberal ideas entered into the Conclave with the election
of Giovanni Mastai-Ferretti, who assumed the title of Pius
IX. He inaugurated his Pontificate with the grant of an
amnesty to political prisoners. In the minds of those Italians
who had already been influenced by the Neo-Guelf Party,

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this step alone was sufficient to foster the illusion that a
Pontiff had at last arrived who should restore the liberty
and the grandeur of the country. A splendid enthusiasm,
therefore, was manifested for Pius IX., which assumed
greater proportions when it was known that he had nominated
a commission of Cardinals, who were to inquire into the
reforms that might be found necessary to the well-being of
the Papal State: this enthusiasm was not diminished when
the Pope gave orders that plans of railway construction
should be proceeded with, since his predecessor, Gregory
XVI., had forbidden the introduction of railways into the
Papal State. Each time that the Pope issued from his Palace
he became the object of delirious acclamations from the
crowd, who, in the cry of * Long live Pius IX.*, concentrated
the expression of the hopes and the vows of Italy.

Pius IX. abandoned himself with joy to the pleasurable
emotions of popularity: but the majority of the members
of the Roman Curia was composed of tenacious adherents
of the old ideas, and these, aided by the Ambassadors of
the Absolutist Powers, among which latter Austria figured
conspicuously, sought to restrain the Pope from prosecuting
this new policy: Pius IX. possessed no very clear or precise
ideas on the subject, and his wish to please everybody pre-
vented him from coming to any definite conclusion. Months
passed, and none of the proposed reforms were actuated.
Thereupon the people began to manifest their desires more
clearly: the liberty of the Press was usurped rather than
conceded; political journals began to appear in the two
principal cities of the State — Rome and Bologna — in
January, 1847, and with them came the institution of various
clubs. Finally, in April, 1847, the Pope announced the
appearance of that State Council which had been demanded
by the insurgents of Rimini in 1845; but, owing to the
ill-will of the Curia, it first assembled on the 15th of
November.

Thus, more than a year had passed without any changes
in the essential governmental methods of the Pontifical
State; but one moral fact of extraordinary gravity had been
verified : the impetuous awakening of the national conscience.
The belief that the Head of Christianity, who had till then

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been considered the enemy of all new ideas, supported reform,
profoundly moved the whole Peninsula.

The first province to feel the effects of this emotion was
the neighbouring one of Tuscany: the demonstrations
which had there been made in honour of the new Pope, and
which had been organised with the especial object of spurring
on the Grand Duke to follow his example, had been tolerated
by the mild government of Leopold IL A clandestine
Press quickly arose, with the aim of exciting public opinion,
and this decided Leopold IL to give a wider and more lenient
law respecting the Censorship (May, 1847). Instantly, at
Florence, Pisa, and Livorno, important journals were
published. Through the advice of the Press, the Government
of Tuscany were led to introduce wide judiciary and adminis-
trative reforms.

In the Kingdom of Sardinia, Carlo Alberto was persuaded
that the first aspiration of the Italians should be for national
independence: towards this aim he sought to direct the
current of public opinion: therefore, in September, 1846,
he permitted the warm, patriotic speeches which were
delivered at the Congress of Scientists which was held at
Genoa, as also those of December, delivered on the centenary
of the flight of the Austrians from that city: the latter
demonstration was held with wild enthusiasm, for in paying
homage to the events of the past the people augured a speedy
repetition of the victory.

Metternich, the Grand Chancellor of Austria, who had
declared that Italy was nothing but a geographical expression,
began to be alarmed at the political agitations which were
manifested in that country. He brought pressure to bear
on the Pope which should induce him to change his policy,
and made the same suggestions to the Courts of Florence
and Turin: he realised, however, that the Grand Duke
was hand in hand with the popular desire, and his friendly
exhortations at Rome and Turin produced no result: he,
therefore, determined to carry out an act of bold menace,
which should coincide with a reactionary conspiracy pre-
pared at Rome, and which, as he thought, should put an
end for ever to the Italian political ferment. By the Treaties
of 18 15 Austria was allowed to garrison the citadel of
w.M. 119 I

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Ferrara, in Pontifical territory: but in August, 1847, these
troops, fully armed, occupied the rest of the city, and their
commandant assumed the effective Government of Ferrara,
seizing it from the Papal representative.

But the reactionary plots which had been organised in
the Pontifical State were discovered in time by the Liberals:
whilst the insolence shown by Austria in Ferrara aroused
a deep indignation throughout Italy. Pius IX., under the
pressure of public opinion, protested energetically, and
Carlo Alberto offered him his willing aid: even Mazzini
united his voice to the universal chorus, which incited the
Pontiff to liberate Italy. The Civil Guard was immediately
organised in the two States which seemed to be most
threatened by an Austrian invasion : — Tuscany and the Pon-
tifical State, — whilst in the Agrarian Congress of Casale
Monferrato a letter from Carlo Alberto to an intimate friend
was publicly read; in this letter the King expressed a wish
for a speedy war of independence, and declared himself
ready to march at the head of his army.

At this time. Carlo Alberto received the visit of Lord
Minto, one of the most distinguished English diplomats,
who, though his ostensible object was a journey of pleasure
through Italy, was, in reality, charged by the English
Government with a secret mission. Lord Minto exhorted
the King to put an end to his procrastinating and temporising
policy, to free himself from reactionary counsellors, and to
concede wide reforms. This advice was successful in con-
quering the King's vacillating policy, and on October 9 he
dismissed the Count Solaro della Margherita from his post
of Foreign Minister. The fall of this most conspicuous
representative of reactionary ideas was soon followed by
other measures: on October 30 he published a decree which
contained the so-long-desired reforms: — free election of
communal and provincial councillors, reform of the police
service, and administration of justice with some measure of
liberty to the Press. As already had been the case in the
Pontifical State and in Tuscany, so also in Piedmont, political
journalism sprang to life. This last factor, in the hands of
men who were distinguished, not only by their skill, but by
their honesty of purpose, aided powerfully in impelling the

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

Government in a Liberal direction, and it also educated the
Piedmontese people in the ideas of freedom and liberty.

The first political journal which appeared in Piedmont
was the Risorgimento, and was directed by Count Camillo
Benso di Cavour.^

The younger son of a noble and rich family, he had first
gone into the army: this profession was but little adapted
to his fiery temperament and Liberal aspirations, which
latter, even as a young man, he had cultivated with enthusiasm.
He was a sub-lieutenant of engineers, at Genoa, when the
French Revolution of 1830 originated. The young officer
could not restrain his enthusiasm: and he let fall a few
hasty words, which awakened the suspicions of the police.
In the following year his eagerness for a more unrestricted
life and his dissatisfaction with the way in which the King
was following the reactionary policy of his predecessors,
led him to resign his commission : he took over the manage-
ment of a few of his father's farms, and in this way acquired
a working knowledge of the more practical side of life.

But his passion was politics: he studied the various
economic and social publications with great care: in his
frequent journeys to Switzerland, France, and England,
he grew more and more enthusiastic for Liberal institutions,
and he was persuaded that could they but once be introduced
into Piedmont, they would not only lead to the political
resurrection of the country, but they would bring about
an economic re-birth and a salutary revivication of every
energy. His love of work rendered all inaction intolerable
to him: he persuaded his father to allow him to take over
the administration of his great estate of Leri, in the Vercellese,
and he devoted himself with new ardour to the active life of
a country gentleman: he now organised industrial societies
and took an active part in railway enterprise, carrying the
same enthusiasm into business matters which he had displayed
in agricultural pursuits.

By the advice of certain of his Genoese friends, he wrote
a few articles for the Swiss and French Reviews on financial

^ Camillo Cavour was bom at Turin on August lo, 1810: his father was
the Marquis Benso di Cavour : his godfather was Prince Camillo Borghese,
then Governor of Piedmont, in the name of Napoleon I, and his godmother
was the Princess Pauline Bonaparte.

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and politico-economical questions: in 1846 he published
an article on railways, in which he compared the immense
consequences of the new discovery with those which were
derived from the geographical explorations of the fifteenth
century: he added that so far as Italy was concerned, railways
would enable her to conquer that summum bonum, — inde-
pendence,— without which she could not hope for any real
or durable improvement in her political conditions, nor
advance with an assured step along the path of progress.

The moment, therefore, that Carlo Alberto, by his
decree of October 30, 1847, granted a licence for the publi-
cation of political writings, Cavour flung himself into the
journalistic arena with all the ardour of his sanguine
temperament: few entered political life better prepared
than himself: he was now only thirty-seven years old, but
he was little known and much misunderstood in his native
city of Turin. The articles which he published in reviews
were widely diffused in other parts of Italy, but were not
read by the Piedmontese public, which knew nothing of the
fiery thoughts which agitated the mind of the young Cavour.

He had also joined in a few Liberal manifestations : he

had been one of the promoters of agrarian societies and a

founder of Homes for destitute children: but all these

philanthropic efforts did not impress the stubborn mind of

the Liberal middle classes, who felt for him some of that

antipathy which they had already bestowed on his father

on account of the reactionary zeal with which the latter had

exercised his authority as Vicar of Turin — a post which

corresponds to-day with that of the director of police. Under

such unfavourable conditions Cavour began his journalistic

life.

• ••••••

In Piedmont, Tuscany, and the Pontifical States, a few
reforms, which were enthusiastically received by the people,
enlivened political life, and a Customs League prepared the
way for one of a political nature : but very different conditions
prevailed in the other States of the Peninsula.

In the Lombardo-Veneto, also, the election of Pius IX.
had raised the hopes of the patriots and excited the minds of
the people: the patriots seized every opportunity which

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

offered itself of pacific protest against foreign tyranny,
whilst waiting until events should allow them to act in a
more efficacious manner.

These agitations, which assumed alarming proportions,
induced the Austrian Government not only to redouble its
police supervision, but also to send into Italy new reinforce-
ments for their army: the latter was commanded by the
aged Marshal Radetzky. Almost daily the Austrian police
had opportunities of observing the marvellous agreement
of the Italian subjects of Austria in their manifestations
against the Government at Milan; for instance, on January
I, 1848, many patriots begged the citizens to abstain from
smoking in order to damage, in some measure, the finances
of the Imperial Government. The invitation was generally
obeyed. The police were irritated at the attitude of the
people, and indulged in excesses: massacres occurred in
the streets : similar scenes were repeated in Pavia and Padua.
Later, in Venice, Daniele Manin, Tommaseo, and the learned
Dalmatian, Niccolo, who were considered as the chiefs of
the agitation, were arrested.

Austria took it upon herself to maintain order in the
neighbouring provinces: she, therefore, concluded a Treaty
with the new Duke of Modena, Francis V., — who had, in
1846, succeeded his father, Francis IV., — by which the
Duke conceded to the Emperor * the right to introduce his
troops into Modenese territory and to take possession of its
fortresses whenever the interests of common defence and
military policy demanded.' Thus the Duchy of Modena
may be considered henceforth as an integral part of those
Italian Provinces which were under the rule of Austria.

A similar Treaty was also made with the Duchy of
Parma. The Duchess, Maria Louisa, had died on December
17, 1847, ^^d, as had been arranged at the Congress of
Vienna, Charles Louis of Bourbon, formerly Duke of Lucca,
succeeded her: the latter, in order to assure his new throne,
deemed it advisable to conclude with Austria a Treaty
analogous to that which had been concluded with the Duchy
of Modena.

Neither had King Ferdinand of Naples expressed any
intention of granting reform : therefore the patriots of that

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kingdom prepared for revolution. Many clandestine pub-
lications were printed and distributed in order to incite the
people to rebellion. The little work, entitled Protest of the People
of the Two SicilieSy — the authorship of which the police were
unable to discover — created an immense impression: the
celebrated professor, Luigi Settembrini, was known by
Liberals to be the author of this work. On the ist of Sep-
tember, 1847, an insurrection broke out simultaneously at
Reggio Calabria and at Messina: but it was suffocated in
blood, and only resulted in new and more savage persecutions.

Sicily, in particular, had imbibed the spirit of opposition
to the Neapolitan Government. In the first days of January,
1848, the Revolutionary Party dared to affix on the walls of
the suburbs of Palermo a spirited appeal to the people,
urging them to rise on the 12 th of January — the King's
birthday. The invitation was accepted and the Revolution
broke out. After a fortnight's fighting, the Bourbon troops
were obliged to evacuate Palermo; a scanty garrison remained
in the city fortress, and these capitulated on February 4.
The other cities and towns in the island were not slow in
imitating the example of the capital; and a Provisional
Government, totally independent of that of Naples, was
organised in Sicily.

The minds of the Neapolitans were excited by the events
of Palermo; the Liberals, with increased boldness, held
demonstrations demanding a Constitution, and Ferdinand
IL, seeing plainly that Sicily was lost, desired at least to
preserve Naples; in a decree of the 29th of January, 1848,
he promised a Constitution, which was modelled on that of
France of 1830. The Kingdom of Naples now placed itself
at the head of the national movement : it thus passed before
the other Italian States, which had hitherto limited their
demands to simple reforms, while Naples exacted a new
Constitution.

Affairs were precipitated by the events of Sicily and of
Naples; great demonstrations were held at Turin; these
latter conquered the last scruples of Carlo Alberto, who
published, on February 8, a decree, promising a Constitution
and determining its essential points. On March 4, 1848,
this statute was promulgated by the King; later, it was

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extended by Victor Emanuel II. to the whole of the rest of

the Peninsula, and is the same which to-day is in force in the

Kingdom of Italy.

The Grand Duke of Tuscany, Leopold II., naturally

felt himself forced by the current of public opinion to concede

a similar Constitution. Rome, which had given the first

impulse to the movement, had now been surpassed by many

of the other States: it was not till the I2th of February,

1848, that the first Lay Ministry was formed in the States

of the Church; but that was now no longer sufficient: soon,

even here, the demand for a Constitution rose from the

people. It is true that the task of determining the limits

which separated ecclesiastical and lay affairs was an extremely

difficult one; but the news of the Revolution at Paris cut

short discussions, disputes, and all vacillation.

• ••••••

In France the Guizot Government had constantly opposed
all ideas of electoral and parliamentary reform, declaring
them to be inopportune: it stated that the country recognised
these measures as unnecessary. The Parliamentary Opposition
therefore proposed to organise great political demonstrations
in order to educate the public opinion. A whole series of
banquets was initiated in the summer of 1847, ^^^h of
which invariably concluded with violent diatribes against
the Government and demands for electoral reform. This
movement continued in the autumn, and assumed huge
proportions, since all the Oppositions found themselves in
agreement with this demand. It was then that the Government
began to take the matter seriously, but instead of initiating
reforms it proposed to restrain popular agitation.

A banquet was being organised at Paris on a bigger
scale than any of those which had preceded it; the date of
the event was fixed for February 22: full ninety deputies
had promised to attend. The Government realised that
the public mind was excited, and prohibited both the banquet
and the procession which was to have preceded it. Not-
withstanding the prohibition, however, an immense crowd
collected in the Place de la Madeleine on that date at the
point from which the procession was to have started: the
crowd was largely composed of students and workmen, and

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the police used every means in their power to disperse them.
On the following night, in the more crowded quarters of
Paris, workmen began to erect barricades. The Government
desired to use moderate measures, and called the National
Guard to arms ; the latter, however, refused to march against
the insurgents, and declared itself in favour of those reforms
which had been demanded. Naturally, the tumult was
increased by this intelligence, and the demonstration assumed
a more threatening character. Louis Philippe, who had
always reckoned on the support of the National Guard, was
disagreeably impressed and decided to dismiss his favourite
Minister: on the evening of February 23, Guizot's resignation
was announced. This event appeared to put an end to the
agitation.

But if the Liberal middle class only desired electoral
reform, there were other elements which were possessed
by much more advanced ideas: on the evening of February
23 a demonstration was held under the windows of the
Foreign Office: the soldiers charged the crowd, and fifty of
the latter fell to the ground wounded or dead : this distressing
occurrence served the Republican-Socialists admirably as
a preparation for Revolution. A few corpses were placed
on a car and were drawn through the streets in the midst of
an excited and angry crowd, while a workman on the car
itself held a lighted torch over the dead in order to show
their wounds to the crowd, and thereby further excite their
minds to revenge.

Such a nocturnal spectacle, accompanied by the noise
of pealing bells, transformed the demonstration to an
authentic Revolution, made with the object of deposing the
King. * Louis Philippe murders the people in the same
manner as did Charles X.: let him go and join him! * Such
was the thought which was rooted in the minds of all those
who had armed themselves and descended into the streets.

On every side barricades arose, so thickly that the aspect
of Paris, on the morning of February 24, signalled the rapid
growth of the Revolution. The soldiers, who had not slept
for two days, were wearied, disgusted, and demoralised;
they opposed but a faint-hearted resistance to the insurgents,
who found themselves speedily masters of the situation.

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

It was then that the old King decided to abdicate in favour
of his young nephew, the Count de Paris, who was at this
time a child of ten years of age: his mother, the Duchess
D'Orleans, was appointed Regent.

But there was not even time to publish the decree; at
one o'clock in the afternoon the insurgents arrived at the
Tuileries. Louis Philippe, with his family, left in two
carriages, escorted by a group of cuirassiers, whilst the
crowd penetrated into the Palace and committed the usual
acts of vandalism.^

The Duchess of Orleans, accompanied by her son and
her brother-in-law, the Duke de Nemours, went to the
Chamber, where she was received by the majority with
applause. The reign of Louis Philippe II. was just about
to be recognised, when a deputy, who was none other than
the celebrated poet, Lamartine, observed that it was im-
possible to deliberate on any question in the presence of
the Duchess and her son. The Duchess then retired, and
the monarchical enthusiasm evaporated, and finally disappeared
when the crowd invaded the Hall. The President declared
the sitting to be dissolved: the unpopular deputies speedily
left the Hall, but the Republican members remained in
order to deliberate on the formation of a Provisional Govern-
ment. The members of this new Government immediately
went to the Hotel de Ville, where another group of politicians
had already organised an Executive Council: those who
were members of this latter body were received into the
first group, and the fusion of these two groups constituted
the new Government. The crowd demanded the proclama-
tion of the Republic, and the Provisional Government
acceded to this request, reserving to themselves the right
of appealing to the country.

The Republican Government was composed of Republican
and Socialist elements. Its most illustrious member was
the poet and historian, Alphonse Lamartine, who represented
the Republican tendency. The Socialist members of the
Government were headed by their most famous chief, Louis
Blanc, while the advocate, Ledru-Rollin, constituted the
bond between the two parties.

^ Louis Philippe took refuge in England, where he died in 1880.

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The new Government proclaimed the full liberty of the
Press and also suppressed the tax on the newspapers, so
that many journals were immediately published in Paris
and in the principal French cities: these were sold in great
numbers and penetrated into the popular classes, spreading
the most advanced ideas. Full liberty of open meeting was
also proclaimed, and many working men's clubs were formed.
Another provision which was pregnant with grave conse-
quences was the authorisation given to all citizens to enrol
themselves in the National Guard: this force, which was
originally composed of the middle classes, now became a
military force of the proletariat. The Socialist Party wished
to hoist the Red Flag, and on the 25th of February an
immense crowd presented itself at the Hotel de Ville in
order to gain permission to adopt this symbol of the new
ideas: but Lamartine, by one of his brilliant discourses,
succeeded in persuading the crowd to renounce such a
desire. The Socialists, however, succeeded in obtaining
the proclamation of the principle of the Right to Labour;
and in order to apply this decree, the Government drew up
plans for the construction of National workshops.

The Revolution was received with stupefaction in the
Provinces, but no opposition was excited, for even in the
Provinces the Government of Louis Philippe was detested.
For the constitution of the Assembly, universal suffrage
was granted, so that the right of voting passed in one day
from a restricted body of about 250,000 persons to one of
more than 9,000,000. In the meantime the Government,
in order to relieve the prevailing financial embarrassment,
established an increase of forty-five centimes (fourpence-
halfpenny) on every franc of direct taxation. These forty-
five centimes created an antipathy to the Government,
especially in the country, since almost all the French peasantry,
who were also proprietors, found their pockets affected by
this provision.

In the Provisional Government, there existed two ten-
dencies,— that which simply had aimed at a political revolution,
and another which could only see in the violent upheaval
the instrument of a social revolution: these two tendencies
clashed. At the beginning the Socialist Party prevailed;

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

but on the occasion of a new Socialist manifestation, on the
1 6th of April, Ledru-Rollin, Minister of the Interior, who
had till now vacillated between the two parties, declared
for the Republican group, and gave orders to the National
Guard to disperse the demonstrators. The demonstration
was then energetically repressed.

A double current of thought also existed in Foreign
Policy: some would have aided the fire of the Revolution
to spread from Paris throughout Europe, and would have
had France support the peoples in their fight against their
tyrants. But the more temperate considered that it was
not to the interests of France to engage in war, and that the
more pressing necessity was to consolidate the Government
in the country.

Lamartine, who had accepted the post of Foreign
Minister, declared that the French Government desired
entrance into the family of those now existing, not as a
disturber of the world's peace, but as a regular and normal
power : —

' The French Republic proclaims itself the intellectual
and cordial ally of all rights and of all progress; it will never
promote a dark and incendiary propaganda among its
neighbours, but by the clarity of its ideas, by the spectacle
of order and peace which it hopes to give to the world, it
will exercise the only honest proselytism, — that of esteem
and of sympathy. This will not inflame the world : it will
shine from its own station on the horizon of the nations, in
order, simultaneously, to precede and to guide them.*

Taken as a whole, Lamartine's speech reassured the
Governments of Europe, though contradictory phrases in
it were not wanting: so that the peoples of Europe were
inclined to believe that France had promised to come to
their aid against the tyrants. As a matter of fact, the attention
of all was quickly withdrawn from France : for in almost all
of the European States, both peoples and Governments
began to be occupied with their own affairs.

The French Revolution of 1848 produced in Europe a
general democratic movement : but in constitutional countries
the effect was less severely felt than in those of absolute

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Governments. Thus, in Belgium, the Liberal Party, which
was in power, easily maintained order by carrying out the
electoral reform which had already been promised; State
functionaries were declared ineligible for election, and the
right of voting was rendered less difficult to obtain.

In Holland, the King, William IL, though he had
always been opposed to any political reform which had been
demanded by the Liberals, hastened to nominate a com-
mission, after the Revolution of Paris, for the revision of the
Constitution: the modifications which were introduced in
October, 1848, transformed this constitutional monarchy
into a Parliamentary one.

In England, the latest French Revolution had alarmed
the middle classes, and had revived, with the Republic, the
old national animosity to France of former times. This
movement, instead of giving an impulse to Liberal ideas,
in reality fostered reactionary tendencies. The Chartists
were led by an Irish Member of Parliament named O'Connor:
they believed that an exceptional opportunity of gaining
their end now presented itself: they framed a still more
colossal petition than those which had preceded it, and
organised an immense procession for April 12, which should
accompany the petition to Parliament. But, though the
Government was a Liberal one, it prohibited the procession,
and called on all peaceably disposed citizens to enrol them-
selves on that day as special constables: the invitation was
accepted, and 170,000, — a number which surpassed that
of the demonstrators themselves, — composed this body of
voluntary police. There was, therefore, no procession:
O'Connor, however, presented the petition. On examination,
it was found that instead of the 5,000,000 signatures which
had been announced by O'Connor, there were not even
2,000,000; a large proportion even of these consisted of
non-existent and ridiculous names invented by would-be
wits: this discovery covered both demonstrators and their
petition with ridicule. The Chartist agitation, which for
ten years had excited the country, ended with this
episode.

The Government also displayed much energy in Ireland:
a portion of the population, compelled by the prevailing

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

misery, had emigrated to America, and in Ireland some
excitable youths abandoned themselves to acts of violence:
an armed band attempted an insurrection, but its members
were captured and its chiefs transported.

In the Kingdom of Sardinia, in Tuscany, Naples, and
Sicily, new Constitutional Governments were organised,
and Pius IX. also granted a Constitution at Rome: in
addition to the two Legislative Assemblies common to other
States, Pius IX. created a * Senate inseparable from the
Pope,' composed of the Sacred College of Cardinals, which
shared the powers of Government.

Throughout Italy a greater development of democratic
conditions might be observed in all those Provinces and
States which had already obtained Constitutional Govern-
ment, while on the other hand, Revolution brol:-^ out in those
governed by Absolutist methods.

In the Lombardo-Veneto, and in the Duchi zs of Modena
and Parma, which might now be considered as simple
appanages of the Austrian dominions, the popular ferment
increased daily. Austria had recourse to extreme measures
and proclaimed a state of siege. The people, on the other
hand, prepared for revolution: they collected arms and
money, and cultivated nearer relations with the Piedmontese
and with Carlo Alberto.

The news that the capital of the Empire itself was in
a state of insurrection hastened the revolution. On March
17 it became known at Venice that several days previously
the Viennese people had risen with the demand for a Consti-
tution, and that Prince von Metternich had been forced to
fly. The Venetians then demanded loudly the release of
political prisoners: without waiting for the response of the
authorities they rushed to the prisons and broke them open,
carrying off, in triumph, Manin and Tommaseo. The
excitement increased on the following day; a conflict was
on the point of taking place between the soldiers and the
populace, when the Municipality, in order to avoid blood-
shed, demanded permission to organise the Civic Guard.
The two Governors, — civil and military, — had received
continuous and grave reports of the situation at Vienna,
and in the doubtful predicament in which they were placed,

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they consented to the demand. Meanwhile, the news
arrived that the Government had granted a Constitution:
peace at once returned and the city resumed its wonted
aspect. It seemed that quiet had been restored.

But at Milan, events had turned out very differently.
On the afternoon of March 1 8 a solemn demonstration was
held; the podesta^ Gabrio Casati, went to the Governor's
palace, preceded by an immense crowd, in order to demand
the institution of the Civic Guard: while the procession
was returning after having obtained the requisite signature
for the decree, hostilities broke out between the soldiers
and the crowd : a volley of musketry was fired and a citizen
was killed. At the sight of blood, the insurrection, which had
hitherto lain dormant, immediately broke out, and extended
to the whole city of Milan. Everywhere barricades were
erected and all classes of citizens eagerly took part in the rising,
with the firm resolution of driving the Austrians out of the
city. The combat lasted five successive days and nights.
On March 20, Marshal Radetzky proposed an armistice,
which was refused: on the 21st the Austrians were driven
from their barracks in the interior of the city: the walls and
the fortresses, however, remained in their hands; on the
22 nd, the fighting was concentrated at Porta Tosa, — now
called Porta Vittoria, — in order to open communications
with the surrounding country. Finally, the people triumphed.
The Austrian troops were driven from Milan, nor could
they remain longer in Lombardy, since all the cities had risen
against them. They were, therefore, obliged to retreat
towards the fortress of the Mincio.

At Venice, after two days of tranquillity, suspicions
were aroused as to the intentions of the Government: the
first vague notices of the successful revolt of Milan renewed
the agitation: a workman at the Arsenal killed Commandant
Marinovich, whose severity had rendered him unpopular.
Daniele Manin, on hearing this, went to the Arsenal, followed
by the Civic Guard, and by moral force alone succeeded in
obtaining its submission. Simultaneously, a Municipal
deputation persuaded the Austrian Governor to leave the
city with his troops: he retired, ceding his power to the
Municipality. Thus, on March 22, Venice was freed,

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

and a Provincial Government was formed on the following
day under the Presidency of Daniele Manin.

The other cities of the Veneto were liberated at the
same time from the presence of the Austrian troops, who
were forced to take refuge in Verona and other neighbouring
fortresses. Towards the end of March, all the territory
which had been occupied by Austrian troops, lying between
the Mincio and the Adige, was free: of their Italian pos-
sessions, the Austrians only retained the four fortresses of
Mantua, Peschiera, Verona, and Legnago: the only open
road to Austria which still remained, lay along the narrow
vale of the Adige, and here the Piedmontese army was
stationed.

One sole thought animated the breasts of all Italians, —
to bear aid to their brethren who were fighting against the
foreigner. The excitement felt at Turin when the news of
the * five days ' of Milan reached the city was tremendous :
on the night of March 23, the Council of Ministers, presided
over by Carlo Alberto himself, decided on war: the King
announced that fact to his people and declared that hence-
forth he adopted as his own the Italian tricolour — that flag
which had for so long been considered as the symbol of
revolution.

But aid in the War of Independence did not come from
Piedmont alone. The example of the Lombardo-Veneto
had caused both Modena and Parma to rise; speedily they
had deposed their Dukes: they had driven out the Austrian
forces and had followed the latter into the Quadrilateral.
The Grand Duke of Tuscany, though himself an Austrian,
had been forced by popular enthusiasm to organise an army
for the war. Pius IX., also, was compelled by Roman
sentiment to send a body of troops : and finally, a promise
was extracted from the King of Naples to despatch an army
of 15,000 troops; he contrived, however, to delay its
departure. Sicily was obliged to defend her own territories
against the Bourbon forces of Naples, and thus could not
dispose of her forces elsewhere; but in order to show her
adhesion to the general movement, she sent some hundreds
of volunteers into Lombardy.

For the first time in history all Italy was united in one

^33

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

determination: everywhere the famous phrase of Carlo
Alberto was repeated — * Italy relies on herself alone.' —
* Italia fark da se.' In very truth there was little else to be
relied on. Only two Powers showed themselves favourable
to the Italians, and these only up to a certain point, — England
and France. But England, after the French Revolution of
February, had suspended some of her Liberal sympathies,
and had no wish that the political conflagration should be
extended: as for the French Republic, it did not seem
inclined to take any decisive action which might aid the
formation of a great kingdom in Upper Italy: besides, its
intervention would have jarred on the susceptibilities of the
monarchical governments of Italy, and in particular on those
of Carlo Alberto.

On April i the Piedmontese armies began to arrive in
sight of the enemy, who were stationed on the banks of
the Mincio; by the engagements of Goito, Valeggio, and
MoDzambano, the Piedmontese succeeded in getting astride
the river and occupied the bridges of the central part, situate
between Mantua and Peschiera. Carlo Alberto then began
to invest Peschiera, — the nearest of the four fortresses of
the Quadrilateral.

But meanwhile, Austrian forces had crossed the Friuli,
occupied Udine, and marched rapidly on the Piave. The
Pontifical troops attempted, unsuccessfully, to impede the
Austrian advance at Cornuda; then, in order to prevent
Vicenza from falling into Austrian hands, they occupied
that city. The reinforcements encouraged Radetzky to take
the offensive. While the larger portion of the Piedmontese
army were engaged in the investment of Peschiera, which
seemed to be on the point of surrender, Radetzky left
Verona and marched towards Mantua, in the environs of
which he found the scanty troops of Tuscany. These
vigorously resisted for the whole of May 29, near the villages
of Curtatone and Montanara, but they were compelled by
the far superior forces of the enemy to withdraw. Their
long resistance, however, gave the Piedmontese army the
opportunity of concentrating in force on the Mincio; on
the following day, Redetzky attacked the bridge of Goito,
but found himself faced by such a formidable force, that he

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

was forced to retreat. Radetzky's attempt to bring aid to
Peschiera having failed, this fortress capitulated on May 30.
Unfortunately, these successes were the last of the campaign
of 1848.

Whilst the first phases of the war were developing.
Parliaments were opened in the various Italian States. The
Sicilian Parliament was the first to inaugurate its sessions;
it confirmed the venerated Admiral Ruggero Settimo in the
Presidency; discussions then took place on the formation
of the new Sicilian Government. The general current of
public opinion was in favour of federation and not unity;
hence the Sicilians thought of constituting a separate king-
dom, which should league itself with the other Italian States.
Secret negotiations were opened with Ferdinand of Naples,
in order to induce him to allow his son to assume the throne
of the island, but the King refused: Parliament then pro-
claimed the Bourbon dynasty to be for ever excluded from
the Sicilian Throne (April 13): a definite rupture now took
place between Sicily and Naples.

King Ferdinand, in his secret heart, proposed not only
to re-subjugate the whole of Sicily, but to revoke all the
concessions he had made to the Neapolitans: his behaviour
soon excited the suspicions of the Liberals. It is not strange,
therefore, that the Neapolitan Parliament found itself in
conflict with its King on its first sitting (May 1 5). Ferdinand
II. took instant advantage of the opposition manifested
against him on that day, not only by the deputies, but by
the Liberal middle classes; he quickly repressed all riots,
by the aid of those troops which had remained faithful to
him, and he dissolved the Parliament. He then ordered
General Guglielmo Pepe, who commanded those Neapolitan
troops which had started for Upper Italy, to return im-
mediately. The old General, rather than obey the treacherous
King, resigned his commission and invited the soldiers to
follow him beyond the Po in order to fight for National
Independence: only a few hundreds, however, obeyed his
orders. Ferdinand, though he did not dare to fling off the
mask completely, modified the electoral law and forced
an election, based on the new lists, obtaining by these means
a much more obedient House.

w.M. 135 K

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

But the first to give the signal to the Italian States of
desertion of the National Cause was Pius IX., whose reforms
had given the first impulse to Independence. Of a weak
character, and disinclined for perilous or glorious adventure,
he had never dreamed of being the herald of a revolution;
he had simply wished to ameliorate the lot of his subjects;
but the current of public opinion had taken him by the hand
and dragged him ever forward. The aim of the war, too,
threw the Pope into the liveliest apprehension : the reactionary
elements which surrounded him painted for him the possi-
bility of a new German schism, and it was then that
he decided to withdraw from the conflict : on the
29th of April, he declared in Concistory that as the
representative of God on earth, he could not desire strife,
and that he included both Austrians and Italians in one
paternal embrace.

This phrase, which was uttered at the moment when
the struggle between Austrians and Italians was fiercer
than ever, excited an immense disdain in the Peninsula;
there were riots in Rome, and the Pope finally yielded to
the pressure of the popular voice and allowed the Pontifical
troops to carry on the war in Upper Italy. But henceforth
everybody understood clearly that the Pope was no longer
in touch with the Italian nation.

This was the beginning of the desertion of the princes
from the National Cause; even among the people the
splendid agreement of the first days of enthusiasm showed
signs of demoralisation; though many still vaguely desired
a strong and united Italy, yet the Italian peoples had been
so long and so deeply divided, that it was impossible to
eradicate at the first attempt all their racial and topographical
hostilities. From this cause arose local conflicts and discords,
which had their effect on the Army and diminished its
enthusiasm.

The Duchies of Parma and Modena had proclaimed
by a plebiscite their annexation to the Kingdom of Sardinia;
Lombardy had followed the example of those duchies. But
Venice had proclaimed a Republic and the principal cities
of the Veneto had given their adhesion to it ; Padua, however,
with Vicenza, Treviso, and Rovigo, had felt alarm at the

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

Austrian advance, and had voted for immediate union with
Piedmont.

Naturally, in the Lombardo-Veneto region, which was
the theatre of war, political life had been essentially concen-
trated in the preoccupations which the fight against the
foreigner had awakened. The morale of Marshal Radetzky's
troops had been depressed by the defeat of Goito and the loss
of Peschiera; in order to encourage them, their leader
proposed at once to occupy Vicenza, which was held by the
Pontifical troops. He therefore left in the fortresses of the
Quadrilateral some few thousand men who might delay
and deceive King Carlo Alberto, and launched an attack
with the greater part of his army on Vicenza; the latter city
made a vigorous resistance, but was forced to capitulate on
June 1 1 . Radetzky himself returned in haste to the Quadri-
lateral, in order to compel Carlo Alberto to give battle, and
at the same time he sent troops to occupy Padua and Treviso.

These Austrian successes led the Venetians to consider
the advisability of joining themselves to Piedmont; a proposal
of union with the kingdom was approved by an assembly
which had been convoked in the Halls of the Ducal palace.
Daniele Manin himself urged his party to sacrifice their
personal preferences for a Republic on the altar of National
Independence. It was at this time that the Sicilian Parliament
offered the island Crown to Ferdinand, Duke of Genoa, —
second son of Carlo Alberto; Ferdinand begged to be
allowed time for the consideration of the proposal; every-
thing depended on the issue of the War of Independence,
and this issue was already seriously compromised.

By this time the Austrian reinforcements had arrived,
and the Austrians were cheered by their successes in the
Veneto; Radetzky, therefore, determined to resume the
offensive; with the concentrated mass of his forces he
attacked the Piedmontese on the heights of Custoza, between
the Mincio and the Adige; the battle lasted three days
(July 23-25); finally the Piedmontese Army was forced to
retreat, and recrossed the Mincio. Unfortunately, after
the March insurrection, the Italians had deemed the return
of the Austrians to be an impossibility; therefore, neither
on the Oglio nor the Adda had defences been prepared.

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Between the Mincio and Milan there was no position which
might be held by the King against the enemy: even the
engagement, under the walls of Milan, on August 4,
was disastrous to the Piedmontese. A war-council of the
Generals declared that it would be impossible to defend
Milan against the Austrians : the King, therefore, was under
the painful necessity of abandoning Milan — which was
again occupied by the Austrians — and of retiring into
Piedmontese territory.

On August 9, 1848, an armistice was concluded, by
which the frontier of the two States was established as the
dividing line of the two armies.

There were, however, some who would not recognise
this armistice, and wished to continue the war. Amongst
these was Giuseppe Garibaldi. In 1834 he had emigrated
to South America, where his poetic and romantic inclinations
had found free scope : at first he had fought for the Republic
of Rio Grande, which had rebelled against the Emperor of
Brazil; he had then assisted in the defence of Monte Video
against Manuel Rosas, the Dictator of Buenos Ayres, and
he had there acquired fame as a leader, both by his bravery
and by his military genius.

In the Spring of 1848, at the news of the Italian War of
Independence, Garibaldi had left Monte Video with a
company of devoted brothers in arms and had arrived in
Italy, where he organised a few companies of volunteers.
Hard on this followed the armistice of August 9 ; Garibaldi
refused to recognise it, and at the head of a thousand men
resisted the Austrians for a fortnight on the shores of Lake
Maggiore: a whole Austrian Army Corps was directed
against him, and he was compelled to take refuge in Switzer-
land. Neither had Venice wished to recognise the armistice :
it dismissed the commissaries of Carlo Alberto who had
come to Venice after the annexation to Sardinia, and it
entrusted the Presidency to Daniele Manin. Of all the
Italian territory which had risen against Austria, Venice
alone remained free. In the Duchies of Parma and Modena,
the Austrian troops had restored the ancient Governments.
The suspension of the war against Piedmont had given
Austria the opportunity of concentrating greater forces

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

against Venice. For the purpose of heartening the defenders,
the Venetian troops, on October 27, 1848, advanced against
Mestre, which was occupied by the Austrians, and inflicted
grave losses on the enemy; but, this notwithstanding, the
circle of iron which now girded the city remained un-
broken.

The heart of Ferdinand of Naples had been filled with
joy by the Austrian victories. He became more audacious,
prorogued the Neapolitan Parliament, and sent an army
against Sicily. The Duke of Genoa had renounced the
Sicilian Crown after the late disastrous war ; the Provisional
Government of Palermo was therefore forced to confront
the Neapolitan troops unaided; but it, too, had made no
great preparations for resistance. On September 3 the
Bourbon fleet anchored off Messina and began to bombard
the city; the guns from the citadel, which had remained
in the hands of the Bourbons, also opened a terrible fire on
the city; yet the inhabitants heroically sustained the unequal
struggle; not till September 7 were the enemy troops able
to enter Messina; yet, even then, the desperate defence was
continued from house to house, so that the Bourbon troops
set fire to quarter after quarter in order to put an end to the
struggle. When they had finally triumphed, they abandoned
themselves to horrible excesses. The commanders of the
French and English fleets, which patrolled the Sicilian
coasts, would not tolerate such barbarity, and imposed a
truce, which Ferdinand unwillingly accepted; this accom-
plished, they initiated negotiations, which lasted for some
months.

Through the continual disagreement of Pope, Ministers,
and public opinion. Government in the Pontifical States
was practically non-existent. The situation became so grave
that the Pope placed the Government in the hands of Pelle-
grino Rossi. The latter was a man of great ability and strong
character; he assumed the difficult charge with zeal and
courage, with the hope that he might yet be able to stem
the flood of reaction and mob law, which flowed in from
every side.

His first aim was to re-establish the prestige of the
Government and to maintain order and tranquillity in the

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

State; these successes gained for him the hate of the dema-
gogues, who, under the preceding weak Ministry, had
shown great audacity. But, at the same time, the reactionary
party violently opposed him and would accept none of his
administrative and financial reforms; nor did he receive the
support of the patriots, who considered him wanting in
enthusiasm in the conduct of the war against Austria; his
haughty manners, too, repelled those who would have
supported him: all these circumstances aided in the creation
of a strong current of hostility to the new Minister.

On November 1 5, as he was mounting the stairs of the
Cancelleria, which was then used for the sittings of the
Roman Parliament, he was assassinated; so greatly did
furious party feeling cloud all sense of moral criticism at
that time, that neither sympathy with the victim, nor horror
at the crime was felt by the Romans. The Radicals determined
to profit by the general confusion, and attempted by riots
to impose the choice of a Radical Ministry on the Pope.
The Pope obeyed the demands of the mob ; but a few days
later he fled secretly from Rome and took refuge in the
Castle of Gaeta, which Ferdinand of Naples had placed at
his disposition. By this act the Pope openly abandoned
the national cause. Amid great excitement the Romans
determined to convoke a Constituent Assembly, which
should decide on the destinies of the State.

In Tuscany, and especially at Leghorn, distrust of the
Grand Duke had given rise to frequent riots, and, in October
27, 1848, the Grand Duke was compelled, by the force of
public opinion, to appoint a democratic Ministry, of which
the novelist, Guerrazzi, and Professor Montanelli made
part. But Leopold H. soon followed the example of Pius
IX.; he first took refuge at Sienna, which was the centre of
the reactionary party, then he, too, fled to Gaeta. A Provisional
Government was then organised in Tuscany, at the head of
which was the novelist, Guerrazzi.

The one dominant thought of every mind was a speedy
resumption of the war against Austria. The probability of
success was small, since Piedmont now saw that she would
be unsupported: yet the Liberals felt that Piedmont, in
order to preserve its own prestige in the National movement,

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

should again make a bid for military fortune. The King
himself, Carlo Alberto, was of this opinion. He was now
the only Sovereign who had remained faithful to the National
Cause: he wished to renew the war in the hope that he
might this time prove victorious, and that his eagerness to
take up arms might at least show to the world the falsity of
the calumnious statements which had been bruited about
him. On March 12, 1849, ^^e armistice was cancelled:
on the 20th hostilities were to recommence. But the Austrian
situation was now entirely different from that of March in
the preceding year.

The Spring of 1848 represented the triumph of Liberal
and National aspirations, and hence, the Austrian Monarchy
was entirely demoralised. The first effect of the Revolution
of Paris was felt in Hungary, which already possessed its
own Constitutional Government; in the Table of the States,
on March 3, 1848, the deputy, Louis Kossuth, by his im-
passioned eloquence, succeeded in inducing the majority to
adopt a motion demanding of the Emperor-King not only
a Minister who should be responsible for Hungary, but also
a Constitution for the other States of the Empire, as guarantees
of a greater regard of Hungarian liberty and of better govern-
ment for all. From Hungary, the agitation soon spread to
the other States of the Monarchy. On March 13, one of
those Provincial Diets, whose work till then had passed
unnoticed, had arranged to meet at Vienna: this particular
Diet represented Lower Austria. Its representatives were
satisfied with a simple demand for reform, but the students
excited the crowd, which gave way to tumultuous demonstra-
tions; the soldiers fired on the crowd: this was the signal
of such furious disorder in the capital that Prince von Metter-
nich was compelled to resign his office and fly the country;
for more than forty years he had directed the politics of the
Austrian Government, but this incident closed his career.

The Emperor, Ferdinand, was the personification of
absolute incapacity; Metternich's disappearance from the
scene left him with not one counsellor who possessed either
decision or will-power: therefore the Government conceded
all that was demanded of it: — liberty of the Press, a civic

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

guard, and, finally, a Constitution. Meanwhile, journals
and public meetings spread ever-increasingly the spirit of
revolution. Power passed to the people: armed bodies of
students, in academic order, and a national guard formed
from the Liberal middle classes, organised a Committee,
which speedily became master of the situation.

The German Provinces followed the example of Vienna
in affirming their aspirations for National Liberty; but
Hungary led the way to autonomy, and the Government
yielded to its every demand : — the removal of the Diet from
Presburg to Pest, annual Parliamentary sessions, and a new
electoral law. At the same time, Kossuth, who now ruled
over the Lower Chamber, persuaded it to vote large measures
of reform, such as the obligation of all to pay taxes, and the
abolition of seigneurial rights. Even the Magnates were
forced to yield to the prevailing current.

But the Croats refused to give way to the will of the
Magyars, and agitated for their own autonomy: they de-
manded the triple autonomous Kingdom of Croatia, Dalmatia,
and Slavonia. In the meantime, they obtained the nomina-
tion of a new Ban, or Governor, in the person of the Croat
colonel, Jellalich, who favoured their national aspirations.

In Bohemia, too, the disputes became acute between
Czechs and Germans: as the revolutionary movement
gradually penetrated into the lower classes of the Czech race,
it assumed a more decided character of national autonomy:
even here, the Emperor conceded all requests for the equalisa-
tion of the Czech and German languages, and for the convo-
cation of the Bohemian Diet.

On April 25, the Emperor promulgated the first Austrian
Constitution, with two Chambers and an indirect suffrage,
based on property qualifications; but it neither satisfied
the democratic party, nor pleased the heterogeneous
nationalities of the Austrian Empire, since it aimed at a
centralised State with one Parliament for all these races.

Czechs and Poles would not recognise it; in Vienna,
the democratic party, which now dominated the Liberals,
and which considered itself master of the situation, since
the troops were absent in Italy, organised, on May 15, so
violent a manifestation that the Government annulled the

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

Constitution : a promise was extracted from the Government
that an Assembly should be convoked for the purpose of
preparing a Constitution. The democratic party hailed
this triumph with joy: but two days after, the Emperor
left Vienna in his carriage for his usual afternoon drive to
his castle of Schoenbrunn, and deemed it hygienic to prolong
his drive to Innsbruck, in the Tyrol.

The disapprobation of the Emperor of the general trend
of affairs was manifested by this withdrawal ; the step, taken
by him, influenced those more moderate elements which
were attached to the Monarchy, and they also began to
desert the Revolution, which was left entirely in the hands
of the Radicals. The Government attempted to disband
the academic legion, but students and workmen raised
barricades, and again the Government yielded.

The triumph of the Viennese democracy encouraged the
Bohemians to bolder efforts in order to obtain their autonomy;
they called a Congress for the purpose of organising the
Slav population; this Congress met at Prague on June 2.
During the sittings the conflicts in the city between Slavs
and Germans developed into riots; the Governor, Prince
Windischgratz, unable to come to an agreement with the
chiefs of the disorders, bombarded the city; after four days
of fighting, he remained master of the situation. On June
1 6 the Congress dispersed; the Bohemian Diet, which had
arranged its session, was also dissolved: the Bohemian
question, therefore, seemed as if it were finally settled.

Simultaneously, Radetzky in Italy, conquered the
Veneto, and a month later gained the decisive victory of
Custoza. Thus the Army regained all its prestige, and
since it had remained in the service of the Monarchy, it
enabled the latter to annul all the concessions it had made.

In the meantime, the Constituent Assembly opened at
Vienna and begged the Emperor to return to his capital;
he assented. But the Germans realised, with irritation,
that the majority of the Assembly was composed of Slavs;
these would not allow the privilege which the German
language had hitherto enjoyed in Austria. In the Assembly
many languages were spoken, and it became necessary to
translate into these languages all proposals on which it was

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

necessary to vote. The only important result achieved by
this Assembly was the abolition of such Feudal Rights as
had remained: — forced labour, exaction of the tithe, rights
of justice, etc.; but this was enough to transform Austria
into a modern State.

The peasants were satisfied with the results which had
been attained, and took no further interest in the political
movement: a portion of the middle classes, alarmed at the
increasing strength of the Radicals, also severed themselves
from the Revolution. The Austrian Court now felt more
secure of its own future; whilst the deputies gave themselves
up to long discussions on the proposed Constitution, the
Government deliberated on a way by which it might annul
the concessions made to Hungary. Naturally, the disputes
between Croats and Hungarians furnished the Government
with a useful weapon.

The Ban of Croatia, Jellalich, in secret accord with the
Emperor, proposed to invade the Hungarian territory.
But Kossuth, who had become a Minister, denounced in
Parliament the treachery of the Court : this naturally brought
about a complete rupture. General Lamberg was appointed
by the Emperor, Supreme Commandant of the Hungarian
troops: Lamberg went to Pest in order to demand that his
appointment should be ratified by the Ministry, as the
Constitution required. He was, however, captured by the
crowd and murdered as a traitor, September 28. Two days
later, Count Eugene Zichy was sent by the Emperor into
the Croat camp; he fell into the hands of the Hungarians,
who condemned him to death and then hanged him.

In consequence of these tragic episodes, the Emperor
decided to act with all possible energy: he declared the
dissolution of the Hungarian Parliament and openly prepared
for war. The Parliament of Pest, on the other hand, ap-
pointed a Committee of Defence, of which Louis Kossuth
was the animating genius.

Kossuth's party was not only national and Hungarian,
but it was also a democratic one: hence the Viennese
democracy sympathised with and adhered to it. The
Hungarian Parliament sent a deputation to the Viennese
Assembly and people, which the majority of the Assembly,

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

with the assent of the Ministry, refused to meet: but the
deputation was received very cordially by the democratic
committee of the Austrian capital, which understood perfectly
that if the Government succeeded in conquering Hungary,
its next step would be their own suppression. Therefore,
when the Government desired to send troops of the Viennese
garrison against Hungary, and a regiment of grenadiers
refused to obey this order, the democrats of Vienna supported
the rebel regiment: this new Revolution had an astonishing
success, October 6; General Latour, the Minister of War,
was taken by the crowd and hanged to a lamp-post. On the
morrow, the Emperor Ferdinand fled from Schoenbrunn
and took refuge in Slav territory at Olmiitz in Moravia; he
gave orders to General Windischgratz to coerce the capital
into submission.

Vienna had no means of raising a regular army; for a
few days it attempted defence, but on October 30 the Muni-
cipality entered into negotiations for capitulation. It was
then that a Hungarian Army arrived in sight of the city:
the struggle was resumed with ardour, but the Hungarians
were defeated: Windischgratz, by a new bombardment,
definitely mastered the city. Many of the democratic leaders
were executed; among these was Robert Blum, one of the
German deputies from the Frankfort Parliament, who had
come to Vienna in order to congratulate the Austrian Radicals
on their successes. Vienna became a prey to military terrorism.
The Assembly was transported to a small provincial city —
Kremsier, in Moravia — and occupied itself in the useless
labour of preparing a Constitution, which was destined
never to see the light.

The new Ministry, nominated at this time, was presided
over by Prince Felix Schwartzenberg, who proposed to
re-establish an absolute and centralised Monarchy. In
order that this should thoroughly succeed he deemed it
necessary for the Emperor Ferdinand to abdicate, so
that the new Sovereign might feel freed from every
pledge.

The incapable Ferdinand willingly listened to this advice,
and at his abdication on December 2, 1848, his young
nephew, Francis Joseph, mounted the throne: he was but

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eighteen years old, and naturally left the reins of Government
in the hands of Schwartzenberg.

The Hungarian Parliament refused to recognise Francis
Joseph as King, since, according to the Constitution, the
consent of the country was necessary for the King's abdica-
tion: it declared that Ferdinand was the legitimate king,
and Francis Joseph but a usurper, and it prepared for war.
Windischgratz, with more than 100,000 men, then invaded
Hungary. The Hungarian Government, after vain attempts
to check his advance, decided to abandon the capital and
to retire behind the line of the Theiss; on January 5, 1849,
the Austrians entered Pest and considered the campaign as
finished.

The belief that the Hungarian revolt could be easily
suppressed induced the Court to free itself from the Assembly
of Kremsier. After a few months' labour, the Parliamentary
commission had framed a project, which it presented: but
before the discussion began the Assembly was dissolved,
and the Government published, under the date of March 4,
1 849, a Constitution, which should be common to the whole
Empire; this document declared that the Hungarian
Constitution should remain intact, except in those particular
cases where its own provisions clashed with those of the
new Constitution; this clause in reality made the Hungarian
Constitution null and void. As a matter of fact the new
Constitution was never applied: its publication served as
a half-way house on the road to Absolutism.

Austria was so immersed in her own internal difficulties
that she was not able to interest herself in what was happening
in Germany.

In the latter country, also, the effects of the French
Revolution were chiefly felt in those States which already
possessed a Constitution, since in them the Liberals were
enabled to use legal means — to hold meetings and to demand
greater political liberty; their Government yielded without
opposition to the people's demands for more democratic
methods of control.

In Prussia, King Frederick William IV. was disposed
to obey the wishes of those who wished that his dynasty

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

should place itself at the head of the National Movement;
but as regarded internal methods of government, he held as
his ideal a patriarchal Government responsible to God alone.
After vigorous protests from the Liberals, he finally decided,
in 1847, to create a Diet — Landtag — which should be
composed of deputies, who should be nominated by the
Provincial Diets: a deliberative vote was to be granted
them on new taxation, and a consultative vote on new laws.
This, naturally, did not satisfy the Liberal aspirations of
the country: for the periodical convocation of the Landtag
was not provided for. The news of the Paris and Viennese
Revolutions excited the Berlin Liberals. Popular demonstra-
tions were held on May 18, and the King made his first
concessions by announcing the approaching convocation of
the Landtag. But while the crowd still stood before the
Palace, two musket shots came from the files of the soldiers.
This at once transformed the demonstration into a Revolution.
Cries of treachery were raised, and the crowd rushed to
arms; barricades were erected, and at five o'clock in the
evening a fight began, which lasted through the night. On
the morning of the 1 9th, the King decided to give orders
that the troops should withdraw. This was interpreted by
the officer in charge as an order to leave Berlin; instead of
simply evacuating the Royal Palace and the Public Offices,
the troops left the city; Berlin was now in the hands of the
Revolutionists, who considered themselves victorious. They
entered the courtyard of the Palace, bearing the bodies of
those citizens who had fallen in the conflict; the mob, with
loud shouts, demanded that the King should show himself
on the balcony; Frederick William appeared with the
Empress, who was ill and almost unconscious, hanging on
his arm : he was forced by the cries of the crowd to uncover
his head and salute their dead.

His brother, William, the heir apparent, whom the
crowd considered as responsible for the bloodshed, in his
capacity of Chief of the Army, was sent on a diplomatic
mission to London in order to protect him from the fury
of the people, who nicknamed him ' Prince Grapeshot.'
The King was forced to yield to the demand for a Provisional
Constituent Assembly, elected by universal suffrage. The

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Berlin Revolution deprived Frederick William IV. of the
prestige which was necessary to the leader of the National
Movement.

The Liberal movement in Germany soon went hand in
hand with the idea of a new national organisation; therefore
the proposal that deputies should be elected to an Assembly
which should discuss and vote for the new national Govern-
ment was favourably received by the bulk of the nation.

The 1 8th of May, 1848, marks an important date in
the political life of Germany: on that day the first session
of the new Parliament was held at Frankfort; 586 deputies
represented the German provinces. Among these were the
most illustrious names of Germany: — the aged poet, Ernst
Moritz Arndt, who was almost eighty years of age ; Dahlmann,
Grimm, and Gervinus, the celebrated German professors
who, ten years before, had been expelled from Hanover on
account of their political inclinations; other eminent historians
such as Raumer, Stenzel, and Waitz; the poet Uhland, the
eminent juris-consults, Mittermaier and Mohl, and others
who had rendered themselves illustrious by research. These
deputies had enthusiastically journeyed from all parts of
Germany in order to consult together on the reconstruction
of the nation. Baron Heinrich von Gagern of Hesse-
Darmstadt, who was exceedingly popular among the Liberals,
was chosen President of the Assembly.

The first item on the programme was the organisation
of a Provisional Government for the new Germany, which
should hold office till the Constitution should be completed.
The Archduke John of Austria — one of the sons of Leopold
n. — was chosen Head of the Government, with the title of
Regent; for many years he had lived at Gratz, far from
Court and Society; he had devoted himself to the study of
Natural Science, and his modest life had gained him immense
popularity. He accepted the post which was offered him,
and on his arrival at Frankfort, appointed a Ministry which
should serve under him; this body had no opportunity of
testing its efficiency since it never had anything to work
upon ; the Chancellor of the Exchequer had no finances to
administer since he received no money; the Minister of
War commanded no armies, for none of the German States

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

would entrust him with the control of their troops ; and the
Minister of Foreign Affairs could undertake no negotiations,
since the new State, which was about to be created, was not
yet recognised by Foreign Powers. In fact, at Frankfort,
the Assembly was occupied solely by theories; every day
the discussions of Parliament demonstrated this fact more
clearly. Before engaging on the task of the formation of
the new Constitution, the fundamental rights of man were
discussed. Many months were thus lost in reviewing all
the political, religious, social, and economic questions, with
the only result, that the Assembly separated itself entirely
from the true interests of the nation.

These eternal discussions were a gain to the party of
reaction, which gradually regained confidence in its own
strength: it, therefore, determined to allow free vent to the
eloquence of the Federal Parliament, which simply represented
a moral force, and it determined to concentrate all its activities
in individual States, with the conviction that could it succeed
in impressing upon these its own ideas, the Federal Parliament
might very easily be swept away.

So, while theoretical discussions prevailed at Frankfort,
the reactionary party in each individual State energetically
resumed the offensive, and here and there attained successes,
since the habits of the people were disturbed by the exaggera-
tions of the advanced elements.

But one question had keenly excited all Germany: — the
destinies of the Duchies of Schleswig-Holstein. These
belonged to the King of Denmark, as Duke of these two
Provinces. Holstein, which was inhabited by a German
population, formed a part of the Germanic Confederation;
while Schleswig, its neighbour, did not, and the two countries
had each its own separate administration. But ancient
memories knitted a kind of moral union between these two
States, — a nexus socialis, as jurists say. The Danish element
prevailed in the north of Schleswig, and a German in the
south of that province; these Germans, in agreement with
those of Holstein, attempted to unite the two Duchies more
closely, with the object of defending their own autonomy,
which was threatened by the centralising policy of the King
of Denmark. This problem, already complex, was rendered

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the more intricate by a question of succession; in Denmark
succession in the female line was admitted, whilst in Holstein
the Salic law was in force, and in Schleswig the matter was
doubtful.

King Frederick, on his accession to the Danish throne
in January, 1848, had promised a Constitution, with a Diet,
common to the whole of the country, in the hope that this
concession granted to Liberal sentiment would bind the
inhabitants of the German Duchies more closely to Denmark.
On the 23rd of March the city of Kiel rebelled; the rising
had the approval of the German garrison; it triumphantly
extended to Schleswig. The insurgents invoked the aid
of Germany, which suddenly manifested great enthusiasm
for the question of nationality: although Frederick William
IV. of Prussia experienced a certain reluctance in lending
aid to subjects who were rebelling against their own Sovereign,
the popular excitement prevented him from neglecting this
appeal of the Northern Germans. Prussian troops entered
the Duchies and repelled the Danes; they also occupied a
portion of Jutland. But the Danish fleet blockaded the
German coast and paralysed its commerce; this first im-
pressed on Germany the necessity of creating a fleet.

The prospect that Prussia might seize the magnificent
roadstead of Kiel and thus become a naval power, alarmed
England; Palmerston instantly determined to check the
Prussian advance. Sweden, too, was unwilling that this
strong German State should face her across the Baltic, and
issued from her tranquillity in order to place herself beside
Denmark. Nor could Russia view with equanimity an
increase of Prussian strength: to avoid war, Palmerston
offered his mediation. King Frederick W^illiam IV., who,
every day grew more disgusted with the revolutionaries,
spent no sympathy on those who had revolted from the King
of Denmark; he was, besides, preoccupied with the loss to
German commerce caused by the Danish blockade, therefore
he consented to withdraw his troops from Jutland and enter
into negotiations: an armistice was concluded in August. 1 848.

In Prussia, in the meantime, the Assembly had been
sitting since May, discussing the form of the proposed
Constitution. The majority were Liberal and Monarchical,

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REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

and the cordial support of the King was necessary if any
useful and durable work were to be done. But Frederick
William IV. *s mind proceeded spasmodically in its action,
and he was excessively timid of all ideas which savoured of
revolution : his wife, Elizabeth, of the House of Hapsburg,
became the leading spirit of reactionary cabals : the military
party, always extremely influential at Court, used its power
in the same direction ; gradually a concrete party was formed,
which called itself the ' Party of the Cross,* from the name
of its official gazette, the Krewz-Zeitung.

The violent and arrogant demeanour of the officers was
often the cause of conflicts between the military and the
civilians, and sometimes these incidents were of a sanguinary
character. The Chamber voted an Order of the Day,
inviting the Ministry to remind the officers of the duty of
respect they owed to the new Government, and added that
if these gentlemen did not feel able to give the respect due
to a Constitutional body, they should at once resign their
commission. The King refused to sanction this decree,
and the Assembly renewed its warning, declaring it to be of
the utmost urgency.

The provocative demeanour of the reactionary party
and the reticence of the King ended in the triumph of the
Chamber: the King determined on a coup-d'etat^ but he
sanctioned the decree and concentrated 50,000 soldiers in
the environs of Berlin.

In October, the news of the fresh Revolution at Vienna
aggravated the situation, since from the Assembly the
excitement was communicated to the people; the reactionary
party easily persuaded the King to take action: after the
tidings of the fall of Vienna, Frederick William IV. pro-
rogued the Chamber, but the majority refused to obey and
continued their session; the troops then occupied the Hall
and compelled the delegates to withdraw; the civic guard,
which had refused to act against the Assembly, was dissolved,
and Berlin was placed under martial law, — November 10-12,
1848.

So eager was the country for peace that it calmly submitted
to this coup-d'etat. On December 5 the King dissolved
Parliament and at the same time promulgated a Constitution ;
w.M. 151 L

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

but he reserved to himself the right, in case of necessity, of
publishing decrees which should have the force of actual
law, even before it had been approved by Parliament. Thus
King Frederick William IV., by the support of the army,
again held the power in his own hands.

While Monarchy triumphed over democracy in Berlin,
the Frankfort Parliament continued its laborious and theo-
retical discussions. In the midst of philosophical discussions,
two practical questions which needed instant settlement
intruded themselves: — (i) What territories should be
included in the new Germany? and (2), who should be at
the head of the new Federal State which was to supplant
the Confederation ?

The first question specially concerned Austria; many
were anxious to exclude her from the new State on the ground
that she was politically bound to non-German countries;
but the Germans of Austria refused to be separated, and
they were supported in their opposition by all those who were
unwilling that the King of Prussia should be Chief of the
new State; it was clear that, were Austria to be excluded,
the selection of the King of Prussia was certain.

In November, 1848, the Austrian Government offended
the Frankfort Parliament by the execution of the deputy
Blum, and the Parliament vigorously protested; the Minister
Schartzenberg aimed at a great central system, and declared
that Austria must be included with all her territories; this
proposal was naturally obnoxious to all Germans who were
not Austrians.

In the midst of these warring interests the new Imperial
Constitution was framed; it established the creation of two
Chambers, a Chamber of States, which should be composed
of members elected by the Governments and the local
assemblies, with a popular Chamber, elected by general
suffrage. But the one important decision was always post-
poned; the prevailing opinion in the Parliament was against
the inclusion of the Austrians in the new State, but in favour
ofa perpetual international alliance with her. Au tria, however,
was too much occupied with her Italian and Hungarian

wars to prevent the Separatist movement.

• • • • • • •

1.12

REFORMS AND REVOLUTIONS

Even in the French Republic moderate ideas began to
gain ground. Already in the Constituent Assembly the
Republican element had prevailed over that of the Socialist;
the latter attempted to seize the power by force; on May
15, 1848, a tumultuous crowd succeeded in penetrating
into the Palais de Bourbon at Paris, where the Assembly held
its sessions, and proclaimed a Provisional Socialistic Govern-
ment; but the National Guard hastened to the scene: it
freed the Assembly and arrested the chiefs of the insurrection ;
Louis Blanc, fearing that he might be compromised, fled
the country.

This event excited great indignation in the Assembly,
and it decided on the suppression of the national workshops,
which had been inaugurated to give labour to the unemployed.
A furious insurrection broke out; the Assembly, in defence
of public order, gave plenipotentiary powers to General
Cavaignac; for three days, June 24, 25, and 26, sanguinary
street fighting took place at Paris in which both parties
committed excesses; the Archbishop of Paris, Monsignor
Aifre, who attempted to address the revolutionists, was shot
dead. But Cavaignac triumphed, and was acclaimed by
the Assembly as the Saviour of France; but his triumph
was but a sad one, and was soon followed by ferocious
reprisals; many thousands of the insurgents were transported.
Naturally, the Socialist Party was defeated and disorganised.

The Assembly could now tranquilly await the formation
of the Constitution; it established that legislative power
should be entrusted to an Assembly of 750 persons, elected
by universal suffrage; the executive power was centred in
a President, who was also to be elected by universal suffrage;
his term of office was restricted to four years, after which
period another interval of four years must elapse before
he could seek re-election.

The Presidential election was fixed for December 10,
1848. The candidates were: — Lamartine, who flattered
himself that the majority of the country would vote for him;
Ledru-Rollin, the Socialist candidate, and General Cavaignac,
who was supported by moderate Republicans; but, the man
who in a short space of time became far more popular than
any of the above was Louis Napoleon.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Those millions of peasants who now voted for the first
time, and who had hitherto received no political education,
were acquainted with but one name alone in the national
story — Napoleon, and for that name they voted. Many of
the lower classes, with Socialistic tendencies, also voted for
him, because Louis Napoleon in his book, Napoleonic Ideas^
had affirmed that the dominant aim of the great Napoleon
had been the triumph of the lower classes; he had added
that he proposed to carry out and continue his great ancestor's
intention . Finally, the Monarchical Party having no candidate
of its own, thought that it might utilise Louis Napoleon's
personality, of which they had a poor opinion, to direct the
country towards the restoration of the Monarchy. So, by
a series of fortunate chances, on December lo, 1848, Prince
Louis Napoleon gained 5,434,226 votes, whilst Cavaignac
received 1,498,000, Ledru-Rollin 370,000, and Lamartine

7,913-

The new President chose the Palais de I'Elysee for his

residence; he formed a Ministry from the Right, which,

by means of prefects and Government agents in the provinces,

soon gave a moderate direction to political life.

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CHAPTER VI

THE TRIUMPH OF REACTION

Resumption of the War between Piedmont and A ustria : Battle of Novara,
March 23, 1849. — Abdication of Carlo Alberto. — The ' Ten Days ' of
Brescia. — Ferdinand II. subjugates Sicily. — Absolutism restored
in the Kingdom of Naples. — Re-establishment of the Grand Ducal
Monarchy in Tuscany. — The Roman Republic and Giuseppe Mazzini :
Intervention of the French, Neapolitans, Spaniards, and Austrians
in the Roman State. — June 13, 1849, at Paris, and the Defeat of the
' Mountain.' — Fall of the Roman Republic, July 2, 1849. — The
Retreat of Garibaldi. — Magnificent resistance of Venice : The War
in Hungary : Kossuth Dictator : Entry of a Russian Army into
Hungary : Capitulation of Vilagos, August 13, 1849. — Changes in
Germany : Offer of the Imperial Crown to Frederick William IV. :
His refusal. — End of the Frankfort Parliament. — Various attempts of
the King of Prussia to form a German Union. — Re-establishment of
the Diet of Frankfort, 1831. — Constitutional Government preserved
in Prussia : In Austria the Constitution is abrogated. — Difficulties
which beset Victor Emmanuel at the beginning of his reign in the King-
dom of Sardinia : Massimo D'Azeglio, President of Ministers :
Peace with Austria and the Proclamation of Moncalieri.

Amid the general disasters of 1848 the Austrian Government
had the good fortune to possess an army solidly organised
and devoted to the service of the Sovereign. The Austrian
Army, under the command of the aged Marshal Radetzky,
rendered, at this time, immense services to Austria, and
later, on the renewal of the war against Carlo Alberto, finished
its work. This time Piedmont stood alone: Naples and
Sicily hastened to resume their fratricidal warfare; the
Governments of Rome and Florence were entirely occupied
in consolidating their Republics; the Lombardo-Veneto
and the Emilian Duchies awaited the advent of the Piedmon-
tese troops as the signal for revolt; Venice was absorbed in
defending herself; therefore the Piedmontese Army faced
the Austrians alone.

It is true that by immense sacrifices Piedmont's number
of fighting men had been raised to 90,000, but the majority
of these were newly enrolled and had never been under
fire: in addition, the extremists spread discontent in the

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Army, and the latter had no confidence in the officers who
had directed the preceding campaign. King Carlo Alberto,
realising his own inadequacy, completed his sacrifice — for
him a terrible one, indeed — and relinquished the supreme
command; the Polish General, Chrzanowsky, succeeded
him: unfortunately, he did not rise to the heights which
the occasion demanded of him.

Marshal Radetzky, the Austrian leader, commanded in
Italy an army of 100,000 men, all of them rendered enthusi-
astic and sanguine by the recent successes; Radetzky's
victories had restored to him his youthful vigour, and in
this latest period he increased the fame which he had already
won by fresh exploits. His intention was to concentrate
his troops near the Ticino, to march boldly into Tuscany,
and there to give decisive battle to the Piedmontese forces:
if he were successful — and he was confident of victory —
the insurrection of the Lombardo-Veneto would soon die
down.

Therefore, on March 20, without encountering any
resistance, he passed the Ticino, near Pavia, with 70,000
men. General Ramarino had been instructed to defend
this passage, but instead of obeying these orders and stationing
his troops at La Cava — a position which commanded the
Ticino at this point — he remained on the right bank of the
Po: it is true that he sent a few battalions to La Cava, but
these were forced to retreat before the Austrian advance.
Ramarino was accused of treachery : certainly his disobedience
to orders, whether through carelessness or incapacity, was
fully proved. He was, therefore, condemned to death, and
shot in the citadel of Turin.

On March 21 the Austrians advanced and came into
collision with the Piedmontese forces near Vigevano and
Mortara; at Vigevano and the neighbouring Sforzesca, the
Italians were victorious, but they were defeated at Mortara:
Chrzanowsky then concentrated his army at Novara. The
Piedmontese forces were depressed by the disaster of Mortara :
in spite of this the battle opened favourably for them, and
the King's second son, — the Duke of Genova, — who had
two horses killed under him, succeeded in driving the
Austrians from Bicocca; but Chrzanowsky had decided on

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THE TRIUMPH OF REACTION

a defensive battle, and would not deliver an attack; instead
of sending reinforcements for a decisive blow, he gave the
order for retreat. Fresh troops arrived in the meantime to
aid Radetzky's forces; after an obstinate struggle, which
lasted till night, Radetzky remained in possession of the
field. — March 23, 1849.

Carlo Alberto again and again had flung himself into
the hottest fighting, in the hope that he might meet a
soldier's death: but his efforts were vain. Death spared
him for a more bitter fate. He demanded an armistice,
but the conditions which the Austrians imposed appeared
to him to be too severe; with the hope that his son
might obtain easier conditions from the Austrians, he
abdicated the throne in his favour.

Since public life had become distasteful to him, he
determined to exile himself far from Piedmont, and took
refuge in Portugal. Thus the Piedmontese Sovereign was
the first of a new body of exiles, who were no longer con-
spirators, but who had been conquered in open field in
defence of Italian Unity. The last few months of Carlo
Alberto's life were passed at Oporto, where he died heart-
broken on July 28, 1849, at the early age of fifty-two
years.

At the beginning of hostilities between Austria and
Piedmont, several cities of the Lombardo-Veneto, such as
Como, Bergamo, and Brescia, had risen in arms; but the
news of the Piedmontese disaster compelled their submission.
Brescia, alone, deceived by false rumours of victory, held
out against Austria and besieged the Austrian garrison,
which occupied the citadel; but they were soon besieged,
in their turn, by Austrian forces, at the head of which was
General Haynau, that ferocious soldier who gloried in the
terror of his name: he invited the Brescians to surrender
in a proclamation which terminated thus : — * Brescians, you
know me! I keep my word.'

Proudly and bravely the Brescians resisted the Austrian
arms for ten days; they yielded only when the whole city
was wasted by fire and sword, and the streets were piled
with corpses. But those ten days of blood reiterated to the
world the message that Italy would no longer submit to the

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Austrian : it is true that in the Po valley Austrian power was
restored, but its only supports were guns and gibbets.

The same may be said of the Bourbon regime, which
Ferdinand II. had succeeded in re-establishing in Sicily by
force of arms. Catania resisted heroically till it was sacked
and burnt by the victors: the Provisional Government at
Palermo negotiated with the Bourbons, but the people
appointed other leaders and attempted to maintain their
resistance; the royal troops were forced to fight for three
days before they could enter the city: they were at last
allowed to enter by the promise of lenient conditions which
the King later refused to keep, — May 15. The island was
subdued, but the chief citizens went into exile, and those
who remained still nourished in their hearts a determination
to shake off the Bourbon yoke at the first opportunity.

In Naples, the Parliament which had been convoked on
February i, 1849, was definitely closed on March 13. Not
only was there no attempt to install a Constitutional Govern-
ment, but many of the principal inhabitants, who had trusted
in the King's word and taken part in the political life of the
country, were either arrested as rebels or driven into
exile.

King Ferdinand, in his castle of Gaeta, was the host both
of the Pope and of the Grand Duke of Tuscany: this tri-
umvirate rejoiced in the news of the Austrian successes
and longed for the time when their Governments should
be restored to them.

In Tuscany, the Moderate Party were dissatisfied with
Guerrazzi's Government, and at the same time anxious to
avoid collision with Austria; on April 12, 1849, Florence
rose against the Government, and sent a message to the
Grand Duke requesting him to return; the Moderates
formed an interim Government while awaiting Leopold's
arrival. Almost the whole of Tuscany supported the action
taken by Florence; Leghorn alone maintained its revolu-
tionary attitude. The Grand Duke sent one of his Generals
to take possession of the Government, and begged the
Austrians to send troops into Tuscany: this latter step
caused universal indignation. Leghorn resisted the Austrian
troops, but was soon compelled to submit. Though the

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THE TRIUMPH OF REACTION

reprisals taken by the Tuscan Government were milder
than those made by Ferdinand II. of Naples, yet even here
some of the more prominent Liberals, including Guerrazzi,
were thrown into prison, and others were forced to
emigrate.

At Rome, the Constituent Assembly, at its meeting in
February, 1849, had proclaimed a Republic. Naturally,
Pius IX., at Gaeta, had protested, and following the counsels
of Cardinal Giacomo Antonelli, who henceforth inspired
his policy, he invited the Catholic Powers to restore his
Government. Foreign intervention appeared imminent after
the battle of Novara. In this grave crisis the Roman Assembly
determined to place the executive power in the hands of a
triumvirate: — Mazzini, Saffi, and Armellini.

Many Italians who, on account of their patriotism, had
been expelled from their own States, had hastened in these
days to Rome. The first troops against which both Romans
and Italians were called upon to defend themselves were
the soldiers of the French Republic.

After the battle of Novara, the President, Louis Napoleon,
in order to gain the support of the clericals for his future
schemes, determined to restore the Pope in Rome; but he
did not dare to manifest his intention to the Assembly, which
consisted mainly of Liberals: he therefore adopted an
equivocal policy.

He caused to be passed an extraordinary vote of credit
for the maintenance of an expeditionary corps, for three
months, in the Mediterranean; concerning the destination
of this corps he was silent; he simply gave out that the
object of its mission was to counterbalance Austrian influence
and to maintain that of the French nation ; he ordered the
fleet at Toulon, on which a large body of troops under
Oudinot had embarked, to be made ready for sea.

It sailed for the Roman State; Oudinot on his arrival
at Civita Vecchia, by ambiguous phrases and protestations
of friendship induced the inhabitants to offer no resistance
to his landing. But the Roman Republic considered this
foreign intervention as an offence, and determined to repel
force by force. On April 30, Oudinot's troops arrived under
the walls of Rome, with the persuasion that entrance

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into the city would be easy, since Oudinot was convinced
that the reactionary element would open the gates and that
the volunteers would be thrown into disorder; disillusion
quickly followed; he met with a formidable resistance, in
which Garibaldi specially distinguished himself; the latter
had hastened to Rome with his volunteers, and the fame
that he had already acquired in America was confirmed in
his first engagements in Italy. After six hours of sanguinary
combat, the French were compelled to retreat along the
Civita Vecchia road as far as Palo.

The news of this military undertaking opened the eyes
of the French Liberals, and aroused their indignation. The
Constituent Assembly passed an order of the day, by which
it demanded that the Government should immediately
forbid the expedition from passing the limits assigned to
its undertaking. The President knew that the elections
for the Legislative Assembly were near; therefore, in order
to gain time, he pretended to yield to the request of the
Assembly, and sent an ambassador to Rome in the person of
Ferdinand de Lesseps, who later acquired fame by piercing
the Isthmus of Suez. Lesseps negotiated with the Trium-
virate and succeeded in arranging a cessation of hostilities,
while the basis of future agreement between the Pope and
the Romans should be discussed.

• ••••••

In the meantime, King Ferdinand I. of Naples, in order
to procure the Pope's friendship, sent an army against the
Roman Republic. But Garibaldi, at Palestrina and Velletri,
inflicted on them two severe defeats, compelling Ferdinand
to abandon his intention.

Spain had also sent troops to the Pope's aid; but the
8000 Spanish soldiers who had landed at Terracina satisfied
their military honour by occupying a few hamlets in the
district, where no opposition was to be met with.

Austria acted more vigorously, and she would have
willingly undertaken, unaided, the task of restoring the
Temporal Power. After having occupied the territory of
Ferrara, the Austrians advanced on Bologna, which for
some days resisted magnificently. Having captured Bologna,
Austria marched on Ancona, which also refused to surrender;

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THE TRIUMPH OF REACTION

but, besieged both by land and sea, she was compelled to
open her gates to the enemy on June 19.

Before this, however, fighting had again been resumed
at Rome.

The election for the legislative Assembly had resulted
in a great victory for the Monarchists; only 250 Republicans
sat in the new Assembly of 750 deputies, and the majority
of this section belonged to the most advanced party — the
* Mountain * — ^whose excesses strengthened the reactionary
tendencies of the other deputies. Hence, Napoleon was
enabled to proceed more openly. He recalled Lesseps from
Rome and refused to confirm his negotiations; at the same
time he gave orders to Oudinot, to whom he had sent re-
inforcements, to continue the fighting. On June i, Oudinot
warned the Roman Government that hostilities were about
to recommence; he added that in order to allow French
residents in Rome to leave the city, he would not attack the
forts before June 4. Relying on this promise, the Roman
Generalissimo, Giuseppe Roselli of Ancona, neglected to
guard the strong positions of Villa Panfili and Corsini,
outside the gate of San Pancrazio; Oudinot occupied these
positions on the evening of June 3, as if these outposts were
no part of the defence. These heights dominated the gate
of San Pancrazio, and thus were of decisive importance to
the defence of Rome: on this account. Garibaldi attempted
to reoccupy them. The conflict lasted for a whole day, and
is memorable for the many acts of individual valour on the
part of the Garibaldians, who several times gained these
heights without being able to maintain the positions taken.
The young poet, Goffredo Mameli, author of the famous
hymn, * Fratelli d' Italia,' which had been sung on every
battlefield in the war of independence, fell wounded in this
engagement; the poet-soldier was carried to the hospital,
and died three days later.

The French Liberals protested violently : Ledru-Rollin
presented an Order of the Day which accused the President
and his Ministers of having violated that article of the
Constitution which says: — ' The French Republic will never
employ force against the liberty of other peoples.^ The Assembly
rejected the motion; on this, Ledru-Rollin and his friends

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organised an insurrectionj which broke out in the streets
of Paris on June 13. But the army of rebels who, the year
before, had gravely imperilled the safety of the Assembly
existed no more at Paris. On this account, the rebellion
assumed no great proportions, and was easily quelled.
Ledru-RoUin succeeded in escaping and took refuge in
England. Louis Napoleon instantly took advantage of the
situation; thirty-three deputies were implicated in this
rebellion, and were cancelled from the number of National
Representatives, while public meetings and liberty of the
Press were restricted. President and Assembly were thus
agreed upon the destruction of the Republican Party.

Fighting still continued at Rome. The final assault
took place on the night of June 29-30. An armistice was
agreed upon on July i , for the purpose of collecting the dead
and wounded; on the morrow the Roman Assembly de-
termined to abandon a defence which had been rendered
impossible. During the entry of the French into the city
on July 3 the deputies, in sign of protest, proclaimed the
Roman Republic, which had been discussed and approved
during the siege. The hall of the Assembly was closed on
July 4, and General Oudinot re-established the Papal Rule
in Rome.

Venice, too, felt that she must reinstate herself in the
eyes of the Italians, after the degradation of the fall of the
Republic in 1797; and, in very truth, she acquired new
glory and merit in the hearts of all Italians. She had the
good fortune of being directed in her resistance against
Austria by Daniele Manin, the only statesman whom the
events of 1848 and 1849 had produced in Italy. After the
battle of Novara, Venice could no longer count on the aid
of Piedmont; yet the Assembly of Representatives who were
gathered in the Hall of Greater Council on April 2, 1849,
unanimously declared, * Venice will resist Austria at all costs ^
and President Manin was invested with full powers.

The Austrians concentrated at Mestre and attacked
the fort of Malghera, on the margin of the lagoons; the
bombardment lasted for twenty consecutive days and finally
reduced Malghera to a mass of ruins: this fort was then

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THE TRIUMPH OF REACTION

abandoned and the defenders retired over the long bridge
which united the city to the continent; some of the arches
were broken in order to impede the Austrian advance, and
the defence of the bridge was organised.

During this obstinate resistance, secret agreements were
made with the Hungarian insurgents. But food began to
fail, and the Austrians, who had advanced to the edge of
the lagoons, succeeded in reaching the city with their shells.
That portion of the city which was being bombarded was
abandoned by the inhabitants, and the consequent crowding
of the fugitives caused disease to break out in several quarters.
The situation day by day became more acute, and was soon
rendered almost intolerable. On August 6 Piedmont trans-
formed the armistice of March into a definite Treaty of
Peace; the Hungarian rebellion had also been quelled by
the Russo- Austrian troops; all further opposition, therefore,
seemed vain: on August 22, 1849, Venice capitulated, and
many prominent Venetian patriots, such as Daniele Manin
and Nicolo Tomaseo, were forced to fly from the country.

Magnificent had also been the resistance of Hungary.
At the beginning of the year, the Hungarian Government,
which had retired to Debreczin, had proclaimed universal
conscription, so that it was soon able to dispose of consider-
able forces. The Polish General, Bem, by a series of bold
and rapid movements, restored Hungarian power in Transyl-
vania, where Magyars, Saxons, and Rumanians were
exterminating each other in a ferocious racial war: whilst
two young Hungarian leaders, Arthur Gorgey and George
Klapla successfully resumed the offensive against the
Austrians, who were forced to abandon Pest.

These fortunate successes of the Hungarian arms induced
the Assembly of Debreczin to proclaim the deposition of
the reigning dynasty. A Provisional Government was
formed, which did not assume the title of Republic because
the sentiment of the country was monarchical : but it placed
Louis Kossuth at the head of the Executive, with the title
of President Governor.

Austria, however, now that it was freed from its struggle
with Piedmont, was able to send other troops against Hungary,
under the supreme command of the ferocious Haynau, who

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had rendered his name infamous by the massacre of Brescia.
But Hungary resisted with such energy that the Emperor
Francis Joseph decided to demand aid of the Czar
Nicholas.

The Russian Czar was proud of the fact that the effects
of the revolutionary crisis of 1849 had not been felt in his
dominions: willingly, therefore, he accepted the task of
quelling a Revolution outside his Empire. In 1848 he had
sent his troops to suffocate the National and Liberal move-
ments of the Boiars against the Hospodars of Moldavia and
Wallachia. He now joyfully seized the opportunity of
saving his colleague of Austria. A Russian army of 100,000
men crossed the Passes of the Carpathians and entered
Hungary. It was then that the Hungarians lost courage;
the quarrels between their chiefs, more especially between
Gorgey and Kossuth, aggravated the situation. The Govern-
ment abandoned Budapest and retired first to Zegedin, then
to Arad, while, on the one side Austrians, and on the other
Russians, penetrated ever more deeply into the country.
On August 1 1 Kossuth was forced by the Council of War
to resign his powers to Gorgey, and he took refuge in Turkey;
two days later, Gorgey judged the continuation of the war
to be an impossibility; he would not surrender to the
Austrians, but, with his camp of 23,000 men at Villagos,
he capitulated to the Russian troops. This event marked
the end of the Hungarian Revolution.

A sanguinary period of repression followed, and General
Haynau's reprisals increased the hatred with which he was
regarded by all civilised peoples. Many were executed:
at Arad, in one day, thirteen Generals were gibbeted;
Gorgey owed his life alone to Russian intercession, and he
was interned at Klagenfurt. The Austrian Government
pressed Turkey to surrender the Hungarian fugitives who
had taken refuge in that country, and this demand was
supported by the Russians; but Turkey demonstrated a
higher code of civilisation than that possessed by the reaction-
ary Governments, and, to her honour, refused; in this
refusal she was supported by England. But she withdrew
the refugees from the frontier and interned them in distant
provinces.

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THE TRIUMPH OF REACTION

Austria may be said to have triumphed completely in
her own dominions, but the preoccupations caused by her
wars of repression had prevented her from attending to
German politics.

When, in March, 1849, Austria had resumed her conflict
with Piedmont, the Parliament of Frankfort, by a small
majority, had decided on the exclusion of Austria from the
new national State: it had also decided to appoint one of
the German princes as head of the Federal State, with the
title of Emperor of the Germans: finally, on March 28,
1849, the Parliament nominated King Frederick William
IV. of Prussia as Emperor.

Though Frederick William IV. had long dreamed of
the Imperial Throne, he was reluctant to accept it, except
from the hand of his peers, — those Sovereigns who held
their power by * the Grace of God ' ; he had also a strong
objection to any offer made to him by representatives of the
Revolution. Therefore, when the President of the Parlia-
ment, Edward Simpson, headed a deputation to Berlin in
order to offer him the Imperial Crown, the King replied
that he could not accept it without the consent of the other
German Princes, and the revision of that Constitution which
the Parliament had framed. Only the smaller States sup-
ported his nomination : the four Kings of Bavaria, Wiirtem-
berg, Saxony, and Hanover, were unwilling that their
co-Sovereign should be invested with a higher dignity than
their own : Austria, also, flushed with the victory of Novara,
ordered the Austrian deputies to resign their Parliamentary
positions. And, to add to the difficulties, the Parliament
declared its resolution to maintain unaltered the Constitution
to which it had given birth. Frederick William IV. decided
to refuse the Crown offered him by the Frankfort Parliament :
he declared, however, his willingness to continue his labours
for German Unity.

The situation at Frankfort rapidly developed: the
majority of the Austrian deputies had obeyed the mandate
from Vienna and had returned home: of the remaining
deputies, the more moderate resigned, so that the situation
remained in the hands of the extreme section. On May 4

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

the Assembly declared its determination to promulgate the
Constitution in spite of the opposition of the Princes; in
order to force the Government to accept it, the more advanced
elements of the Parliament organised Revolutions in every
part.

These were easily quelled in Prussia. In Saxony the
movement was more serious — only the intervention of
Prussian troops succeeded in restoring order after many
days of sanguinary fighting. In the Grand Duchy of Baden
and the Palatinate the rebellion assumed great proportions:
here, also, the Princes demanded the aid of Prussia. The
few deputies who had remained at Frankfort determined,
on the approach of the Prussians, to transfer their seat to
Stuttgart, in the hope that Wurtemberg would also revolt.
But on June i8, the Wurtemberg Government ordered
their Hall of Assembly to be occupied by the military, and
the deputies were dispersed.

Thus ended the first German Parliament.

The King of Prussia, however, whilst quelling the
Revolution, sought on his own account to revert to the ideal
of unity, and to actuate it by an accord with the various
Governments, which, he flattered himself, would be grateful
to him for his action against the rebels. Diplomatic
Congresses were, therefore, held at Berlin. But the
opposition of Austria, and the secret jealousy of the
Kingdoms of Germany, prevented the negotiations
which had been initiated from attaining any practical
result.

In addition, the renewal of the war with Denmark had
been of no advantage to Prussia. All negotiations for peace
having failed, hostilities recommenced in April, 1849: but
the events of the preceding year were practically repeated;
the German troops obtained some successes, and the Danish
troops were once again repelled in Jutland : the troops which
garrisoned Federicia were surrounded and besieged; but
the Danish fleet succeeded in disembarking numerous
reinforcements in the neighbourhood of the city and
inflicted a severe defeat on the besiegers. The same
diplomatic reasons which had prevented the Prussian
advance in the preceding year again prevailed, and

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THE TRIUMPH OF REACTION

Prussia concluded a new armistice, which later led to the
Peace of 1850, by which the Prussians evacuated the
occupied territories.

Austria was now freed from the embarrassments which
had fettered her, and was in a position which enabled her
to wait for the opportunity of restoring the ancient order of
things in Germany. She, therefore, in April, 1850, begged
the German Governments again to send their delegates to
Frankfort, in order to reorganise the Government of
Germany. Prussia opposed this initiative with such
violence that war between Austria and Prussia seemed
imminent.

But Frederick William IV., with his usual vacillation
in grave crises, dared not risk the war: after prolonged
hesitation, he finally yielded completely to the Austrian
demands. The Confederation anterior to 1848 was revived:
the Federal Diet reassembled at Frankfort in May, 1851,
and suggested that the very memory of Revolution should
be cancelled. Almost all the Confederate States again
suppressed the concessions of 1848 and re-established the
ancient order of things.

But the Constitutional system was maintained in Prussia.
The King, however, modified the electoral law and divided
the electors into three classes, according to their property
qualifications. He established that the number of deputies
should correspond with the taxes paid by each of these three
classes. Naturally, in the first category, but few electors
were necessary in order to amass the sum stipulated for the
election of a deputy: in the second class a considerable
number were necessary for the raising of the prescribed
sum, and in the third class an enormous number of
votes were necessary for the return of but one representa-
tive.

This system, which favours the rich alone, was
introduced provisionally, but it still exists in the Prussia
of to-day. Manifestly, a Chamber elected on these
lines would be intensely Conservative, and it approved
this and other emendations of the Constitution : in
ordinary affairs Parliamentary sanction was not necessary,
for its power consisted almost entirely in the approval

w.M. 167 M

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of new taxes. These modifications made, the King decided
to promulgate the Constitution — ^January 31, 1850: a few
days later, he swore to it, and faithfully maintained his
oath.

In Austria, on the other hand, the Constitution given
by Francis Joseph on March 4, 1849, was never applied,
and on December 31, 1851, it was solemnly annulled by an
Imperial Decree. The Government declared that Hungary,
by its rebellion, had forfeited its ancient Constitution, and
neither the Diet nor the Assembly of Committees was re-
established. Hungary, therefore, passed under the Absolutist
regime and was governed by functionaries sent from Vienna.
Thus, in Europe, the Austrian Government assumed an
ever-increasingly reactionary attitude.

Piedmont, alone, in Italy, had preserved its Constitution.
This was fortunate, both for itself and for Italy, and was
due, principally, to King Victor Emmanuel II., who had
succeeded Carlo Alberto in the dark days which followed
the battle of Novara.

He was then in the full flower of his youth, for he had
but barely reached his 29th year: in the war of 1 848-1 849
he had carried out those traditions of valour which are hereditary
to his House. It may easily be imagined, then, how keenly
he felt the humiliation of entering on his reign in the position
of a vanquished monarch. Fortunately, he had not inherited
his father's indecision: from the day on which he ascended
the throne, he saw clearly before him his pole-star, and marched
directly towards it.

On March 24, 1849, accompanied by a few officers, he
interviewed Radetzky, personally, in a locality near Novara,
called Vignale. Necessity forced him to sign the severe
conditions imposed on him by Radetzky, which permitted
the Austrians to occupy, temporarily, a portion of Piedmontese
territory: but he would not yield to the urgent prayer of
Radetzky that he should restore an Absolutist Government
in Piedmont. Animated by a noble sentiment of filial
devotion, and guided by an exact perception of the political
crisis, he determined to carry on the Liberal traditions of
his father, and to raise high that tricoloured flag, which

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THE TRIUMPH OF REACTION

represented the agreement of the House of Savoy with the
ideas of the Revolution.

In order to show clearly the direction which he intended
to give to Piedmontese policy, he chose for the head of his
Ministry a man whose name alone was a sufficient guarantee
of loyalty and patriotism : — Massimo D'Azeglio. ^ The latter
characterised the precise and constant aim of Piedmont in
the words, ' We will begin again and do better.'

The first and gravest question concerned relations with
Austria. The conditions which ruled Italy seemed to render
a renewal of the war impossible : it became necessary, then,
to transform the armistice into a stable peace. The negotia-
tions were long and difficult; Piedmont decided to secure
from Austria an amnesty for those citizens of the Lombardo-
Veneto who had shown their hostility to Austria; this Power,
however, declared that in any case this was a matter for the
Emperor to decide in his relations with his subjects and had.
nothing to do with Piedmont; but Piedmont insisted, and the
Austrian Government finally promised that an amnesty
should be published before the notification of Peace. The
Peace Treaty was signed at Milan on August 6, 1849, and
Piedmont consented to pay a war indemnity of 75,000,000
lire.

It was necessary that this Treaty should also be ratified
by Parliament. In vain Cesare Balbo proposed * that the
Peace Treaty should be voted in silence as a protest.' The
majority of the members, instead, carried a motion to suspend
the approval of the Treaty until a law should be passed
regarding the rights of citizenship of the exiles from the
Lombardo-Veneto. This suspension threatened serious
difficulties, and might have led to a war with Austria, who
was certain of her position and everywhere victorious; the
Ministry was reluctant to assume responsibility. The
Chamber was dissolved, and Massimo D'Azeglio, in sum-
moning another Parliament, advised the King to appeal
directly to the country's sense and loyalty, and to demand
public support for the Government. This Proclamation of
Moncalieri, so called from the name of the town in which
it was signed by the King, was certainly dangerous, since
the Ministry sheltered itself behind the King and put on

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

him the onus of advising the people to express clearly its
political sympathies: but it exercised a salutary effect on
the electors, who sent back a considerable majority of
Ministerialists to Parliament, and these, without discussion,
approved the Treaty of Peace with Austria.

This important question settled. Piedmont was able to
devote its attention to its own internal affairs and to develop
the liberties sanctioned by the Statute.

170

CHAPTER VII

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

England : Its industrial development and the Foreign Policy of Palmerston.
— France : Struggle between the President and the Assembly : Coup
d'etat of December 2, 185 1 ; The Plebiscite and the new Constitution :
Proclamation of the Empire, December 21, 1852. — Development of
the Constitutional Rdgime in Piedmont. — Cavour becomes Minister :
The ' Marriage.' — Cavour President of the Ministers. — Moral growth
of Piedmont. — The Neapolitan trials. — Reaction in the other Italian
States. — The Lombardo-Veneto under the military dictatorship of
Radetzky : Sequestration of emigrants' property and the protest of
Piedmont. — The Czar's Projects. — Russian occupation of the Danubian
Principalities. — Uncertain Policy of Austria. — Russo-Turkish War
and Anglo-French intervention on behalf of Turkey. — Landing of the
Allies in the Crimea : Defence of Sebastopol. — Alliance of the Kingdom
of Sardinia with the Western Powers. — Fall of Sebastopol. — Congress
of Paris : Conditions of Peace in the East : New Principles of Maritime
Right : Discussion of the Italian Question. — Centralisation of Italian
life in Piedmont. — Diplomatic rupture of France and England with
the Kingdom of Naples. — Austria's change of policy in the Lombardo-
Veneto. — Impatience of the Party of Action : Expedition of Sapri. —
Sepoy Mutiny in India. — Anglo-French Expedition in China. —
Representative Government in the English Colonies of Australia, the
Cape, and Canada.

Europe, in the first years which followed the revolutionary
crisis of 1 848-1 849, appeared sunk in political inertia.

Even England was possessed by a spirit of inaction:
the Liberal Party, which was in power, was satisfied with
completing its programme, and on January i, 1850, it
abolished the last of the great monopolies, — that is, the Act
of Navigation, which dated from the time of Cromwell and
had been modified by Huskisson. Henceforth, ships of all
nations could enter English ports, with merchandise of every
description. The activity of the country was especially
centred in business affairs: these were years of great industrial
initiative, signalised by the first Universal Exhibition, which
was opened in London, in the Crystal Palace, on the ist of
May, 1 851. In the same year the electric submarine cable
between Dover and Calais placed England in direct tele-
graphic communication with the Continent of Europe.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Contrasted with this internal peace, the restless spirit
of Palmerston, which made the presence of England felt
in every European question, rendered her foreign policy
all the more conspicuous. Wishing to remove Greece from
the French influence, he raised the question of a Jew of
Gibraltar, named Pacifico, whose house in Athens had been
sacked in a riot. Palmerston demanded an indemnity, and
when he encountered difficulties, sent a fleet to blockade
the port of the Piraeus — ^January, 1850; Greece, naturally,
was forced to yield. In a discussion in the House on this
subject, Palmerston proudly affirmed the aim of his policy: —
' Just as an ancient Roman believed himself entitled to all
respect when he was able to say, " Civis Romanus sum,"
so the Englishman, in every country where he may chance
to be, may rest assured that England with vigilant eye
watches over him.'

In the European events of 1 848-1 849 he usually supported
the cause of the insurgents; and when Austria pressed the
Sultan to allow the extradition of Kossuth, Palmerston
energetically supported Turkey in her resistance to the
claim. In 1851, Kossuth went to reside in England, and
Palmerston made a speech in his favour. This attitude of
mind irritated Queen Victoria, whose tendencies, strongly
Conservative, were accentuated by Prince Albert, her Consort.
On this account the Queen repeatedly showed her dissatis-
faction with Palmerston 's policy, and explicitly declared
that she would not tolerate his independent method of action
unless his proposals were first submitted to her. But,
notwithstanding these reproaches, Palmerston continued
to follow his own initiative in foreign policy.

But he placed English interests above theories. When
Louis Napoleon made his coup d'etat of December 2, 1851,
Palmerston, without any authorisation from the Ministry
of which he formed part, manifested to the President his full
and warm appreciation of the step. This time, however,
his colleagues and the Queen united in forcing him to resign
his post, December 16,1851. A few days later his Ministry
fell, and the power passed to the Conservative Party.

In France, the President Louis Napoleon, in agreement

172

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

with the Legislative Assembly, the majority of which was
Conservative in tendency, began that reactionary policy
which was characterised in the phrase, ' a home-policy on
the lines of the expedition to Rome.' But when he proposed
to modify the Constitution in such a manner as to permit
the re-election of the President, he clashed with the general
feeling of the Assembly, and it rejected the proposed revision
of the Constitution. Persuaded that he could not attain
his aim by legal means, the President prepared a coup d'etat^
and surrounded himself with men who were absolutely
devoted to him, such as Saint Arnaud, Morny, and Persigny.

On the night of December 1-2, 1851, the chiefs of the
various parties were arrested in their houses: amongst these
were General Cavaignac, General Lamoriciere, General
Changarnier, whom the Assembly would have placed at
the head of those Parisian forces with which they would
have overawed the President, and Adolphe Thiers, whose
History of the Consulate and the Empire^ which he had begun
to print in 1 845, had so greatly aided to spread the enthusiasm
for Napoleon I. Thiers had at first supported Louis Napoleon,
but had passed over to the opposition. Other principal
citizens who might have become a source of embarrassment
to the Government were also arrested. Napoleon sent
troops to occupy the Parliament House, and caused proclama-
tions to be posted, by which the President pronounced the
dissolution of the Assembly. By a plebiscite, fixed for
December 14, he asked the people to vote on the following
modifications of the Constitution; — {a) A head of the
Executive power to be elected for ten years, {B) A State
Council, which should prepare all laws, {c) A Legislative
Corps, elected by universal suffrage and individual scrutiny,
which should discuss these laws and vote on them, and {d)
A Second House, formed of the notables of the country.

When, on the morning of December 2, Paris became
aware of these facts, many deputies of the opposition assembled
in one of the Municipal buildings. They declared the
Constitution to be violated, and pronounced the deposition
of the President: but before they could commit any overt
act, they were arrested and imprisoned: the populace looked
on with indifferent eyes, for but little sympathy was given

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

to an Assembly which had so often shown itself inspired by
reactionary sentiments. The middle classes were preoccupied
by the dread of the Socialistic bogey, and feared that an
insurrection might lead to excesses. Newspaper agitation
was lacking, since all the printing offices were occupied by
the military; the journalists, indeed, assembled to protest,
but they were unable to find means of printing their resolution.

On December 3 a proclamation signed by Victor Hugo
and other Republicans was published : barricades were erected
in some places, but any resistance was soon suffocated in
blood. Grave disorders occurred in the provinces, and
thirty departments were placed under military law; but,
finally, all opposition was successfully stamped out.

Meanwhile, the plebiscite invoked by Louis Napoleon
was taken. The opposition journals were not allowed to
be printed, and all who abused the President were imprisoned.
Under such conditions the country approved the coup d'etat
by a majority of 6,799,000 votes out of a total of 7,439,000.

Relying on this plebiscite, Louis Napoleon promulgated
the new Constitution, which was based on the Constitution
of the Year 8, given by Napoleon Bonaparte after the coup
d'etat of the 4th Brumaire. By it the only authority in
France was the President, who was elected for ten years, and
eligible for re-election; not only could he declare war and
peace and form Treaties, but he alone could sanction the
laws. His power was exercised through the medium of
Ministers, who were responsible to him alone. He himself
was responsible to the French nation, but the latter had no
means of manifesting its ideas; it could only do so by a
plebiscite on the invitation of the President. The executive
power being thus strongly centred in one person, the Legis-
lative power was divided into three councils, of which two —
the State Council and the Senate, were emanations of the
President, since he it was who nominated their members;
the Legislative Corps was, however, elected by universal
suffrage, but the functions of the deputies were extremely
limited; they could only discuss and vote on the proposals
presented to them by the State Council, without possessing
the power either of proposing laws, or modifying the pro-
jected measures : the journals were only allowed to publish

174

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

the arid summary of the sittings, which was officially handed
to them by the authorities. Thus the Legislative Corps
became insignificant, while the Senate and the State Council
acquired great authority : — the State Council, since it prepared
the laws, and the Senate, since it revised them, or, if they
were found to be contrary to the Constitution, cancelled
them altogether. All these offices were richly endowed,
and with them Louis Napoleon was able to reward his friends
and his relations.

But the more zealous of the supporters of Louis Napoleon
agitated for the restoration of the Empire; the Prince-
President, in his journeys, was often greeted with the cry of,
'Vive I'Empereur! ' and he made it increasingly clear that
he desired the Imperial Crown. The Senate, which was
the guardian of the Constitution, proposed the restoration
of the Empire in favour of Louis Napoleon; a plebiscite
was demanded on this proposal, which took place on November
20, and resulted in 7,824,000 votes in favour of the Empire,
and 252,000 against it. On December 2, 1852, the corona-
tion of the new Emperor took place, and he assumed the
title of Napoleon III.

The new Emperor chose as his residence the Palace of
the Tuileries. The Powers had welcomed the coup d'etat
of December 2 because it represented the triumph of
reaction; but the restoration of the Empire aroused some
apprehension. In any case, they finally recognised the new
Sovereign.

But Napoleon III. was considered as an interloper by
his brother Sovereigns; so much so, indeed, that though he
desired to marry, he could find no princely house willing to
enter into relationship with him. He resolved to make an
alliance of affection, and in January, 1853, he married the
beautiful Spanish Countess, Eugenia di Montijo. On the
morning of the marriage he granted a large amnesty to
political prisoners, permitting them to return to their country
if they but promised obedience to the existing institutions.
Many eminent persons, such as Victor Hugo, Quinet, and
others, would not accept the amnesty, and continued from
abroad an implacable fight against the Empire.

Whilst the new Court was being organised, the activity

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of the country was specially concentrated on business under-
takings, in the development of industry and commerce, in
banking, in railway construction, and extensive public
works. England and France competed together in these
labours of civilisation.

After the disasters of 1849, Piedmont also had attempted
to repair the damages she had suffered, and to recover her
riches and prosperity of the past: political life had been
actively maintained, since many Italian patriots, who had
emigrated from other States of the Peninsula, had come to
make their stable residence in the only Italian Province
which had preserved the tricolour flag and a Constitutional
Government.

The country quickly adapted itself to the new regime;
political journalism, which was given complete freedom and
not shackled by taxes, aided, in an efficacious manner, the
political education of the people. The D'Azeglio Ministry
occupied itself with the internal reorganisation of the country,
and followed a distinctly Liberal policy.

In February, 1850, Count Siccardi, the Minister of
Justice, brought forward a law abolishing the ecclesiastical
privileges of a separate tribunal — annulling the right of
asylum in churches and other sacred places, and limiting the
number of Feasts of Obligation. This was the first step
towards investing the State with its own rights of Sovereignty;
but precisely because this law followed the direction of the
policy indicated by the Government, it was violently combated
by the party of reaction.

In the bitter discussion which followed, Camillo Cavour
particularly distinguished himself. Cavour had done nothing
worthy of notice in the preceding years ; in the first election
of April, 1848, he had not been returned; he was, however,
elected in the supplementary election of June, but having
allied himself to the Party of the Right, he had fallen in the
election of January, 1849, when the democratic party had
won. Finally, by the election, for which the King had been
responsible, in July, 1849, ^^ ^^^ definitely taken his place
in the Chamber, and now achieved his first oratorical
success.

176

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

Notwithstanding great opposition, the Law passed both
the Chamber and the Senate. The reactionary party attempted
to impede the Royal assent, but the King stood firm and
sanctioned the Law. The clericals then became violent.
At this very time the Minister of Agriculture, Count Pietro
di Santarosa, fell mortally ill. Being a fervent Catholic, he
demanded the sacraments of the Church; but the priests
who attended him claimed that first of all he should declare
his repentance for having drawn up the Siccardi Law.
Santarosa refused to sign the document presented to him,
and religious consolation was denied him.

His successor in the Ministry of Agriculture was Cavour
— October, 1850. An enthusiastic partisan of the doctrine
of Free Trade, he was assured that if Piedmont would only
embrace it she would vigorously enter into the new business
current which was then running through Europe. But,
under the circumstances which then governed Piedmont,
he contented himself with concluding with individual Powers
commercial treaties of moderate tone, which, while they
increased the prosperity of Piedmont, aided her in her inter-
national relations, since Cavour invariably represented them
as benevolent concessions made to individual States.

Till now the Ministry of Agriculture had been regarded
as a secondary post; in Cavour's hands it assumed an absolute
pre-eminence over the other Ministries, whether from the
many and bold reforms which Cavour presented, or because
the new Minister dared to discuss questions which belonged
to other departments: in every case, he expressed with
perfect frankness his particular views. Sometimes, even
without authority, he spoke as though he were at the head
of the Ministry, and Massimo D'Azeglio, who was in weak
health and a lover of tranquillity, allowed him so to do. In
1 85 1 he assumed the post of Minister of Finance.

It was due entirely to Cavour and to D'Azeglio that the
Government of Victor Emmanuel not only succeeded in
conquering the antipathies which had been manifested at
the inception of the reign, but in acquiring each day a greater
ascendancy in the country, which marked with satisfaction
that there was a governing and directing force which main-
tained a clear and constant policy. D'Azeglio had made

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

honesty the dominant principle of his Government, and in a
speech to the House he declared that no one, in speaking of
the rights of the people, had yet mentioned one supreme
right to which he desired to call attention: — that of good
example — the right of being governed with loyalty and with
justice. It was D'Azeglio who first originated for the King
the sobriquet of * Re Galantuomo,' (' King Honestman ') —
a nickname which increased the affection and trust which
already existed between the Sovereign and his people.

It was at this time that the great thinker, Vincenzo
Gioberti — who, after the events of 1849, ^^^ retired to Paris
— published his book on the Civil Restoration of Italy^ in
which, after having mentioned the mistakes made by the
Italians in 1 848-1 849, he declared his renunciation of the
dream of Papal Sovereignty, and added that for the sake of
her future peace Italy should rid herself of the Temporal
Power of the Papacy. He stated that Italy looked to Piedmont
for the direction of the national movement. This book
aided not a little in confirming Victor Emmanuel in the
determination, which afterwards led him to fulfil the destiny
of Italy in Rome, the Capital. But it was still very necessary
to proceed with prudence, for throughout Europe reaction
was becoming bolder; even in France, where occurred the
coup d'etat of December 2, 1 8 5 1 .

In Piedmont, too, the Extreme Right manifested its
reactionary tendencies still more boldly. Cavour became
alarmed. He was profoundly convinced that reaction would
ruin the future of Piedmont for ever, and he decided to
separate himself from the party of reaction and join himself
to the group of democrats which, under the guidance of
Urban Ratazzi, had gradually left the more advanced elements
of the Left in order to follow a more temperate policy.
Cavour realised that the union of the Right and Left Centres
would give a majority over the extreme wings, and would
enable him to carry out the policy which even then he was
formulating. He did not believe that his Ministerial
colleagues would dare to go so far; therefore, he secretly
conferred with Ratazzi, thinking that when he had taken
this step D'Azeglio and the other Ministers would agree
to it.

178

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

The first sign of his agreement was shown in the debate
of February, 1852, when Di Reval of the Extreme Right
remarked that Cavour had simultaneously divorced one
section of the Chamber, and had made a ' marriage *—
connubio — with the other: and by this epithet the Parlia-
mentary was henceforth called. Cavour's defection caused
a great split in the Ministry, and Cavour, in May, 1852,
was forced to resign. But without him the D'Azeglio
Ministry could not stand; in October of the same year
D'Azeglio himself advised the King to call Cavour to the
Head of the Government. A Ministry was formed which
was practically based on the * connubio.''

Under Cavour's Presidency a more vigorous and bolder
policy was initiated, since Cavour wished Piedmont to enjoy
a prestige equal to the height of the new ambitions of the
country. Hence, the first object to be attained was the
moral aggrandisement of Piedmont. Piedmont must become
a model State of civil and economic progress, which should
show to Europe the capacity of the Italians to govern them-
selves in liberty, and should thus attract the sympathies of
the other patriots of the Peninsula. It was a policy of wide
horizon, which simultaneously embraced internal Govern-
ment, economic statistics, religion, diplomacy, and every

branch of public life.

..«■•••

A furious reaction raged in the other Italian States. In
the fight against Liberalism, King Ferdinand II. of Naples
especially distinguished himself. Among the many political
trials which he demanded, the most important one was that
of the * United Italy * Society. After long months of trial,
the process ended on January 31, 1851; Luigi Settembrini,
Carlo Poerio, Nicolo Nisco, and others of the most
distinguished and cultured men of the Kingdom were sent
to the galleys.

In the Pontifical State the Temporal Power had been
restored by the intervention of the greater Catholic Powers.
Spanish troops, after remaining for some time, left in
February, 1850; but the French still stayed on in Rome,
and the Austrians in the Romagna. When the French had
occupied Rome they allowed all those who might have reason

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

to fear Papal revenge to leave the city. Louis Napoleon,
unwilling to appear a too warm partisan of reaction, deemed
it opportune to advise the Papal Government, in a letter
which was publicly printed, on a few essential points of
policy: — a public amnesty, a lay administration, the intro-
duction of the Code Napoleon, and moderate Governmental
policy: but this only served to irritate the Pope against him,
for Pius IX. had completely abandoned the Liberal aspirations
of the first years of his Pontificate.

But the Pope perfectly understood that before his return
some concessions must be made: he therefore issued a
motu propria from Portici, where he was then staying, by
which he annulled implicitly the constitutional changes which
had been made, and established a State Council for matters
of finance, and Provincial Councils, that is to say, the same
concessions which he had already made in 1847: but the
number of exclusions from the amnesty were such as to render
it illusory. Finally, in April, 1850, Pius IX. decided to
return to Rome, and took up his residence at the Vatican;
his Government policy became that which had existed
previous to the Revolution.

In Tuscany, the restoration of the Grand Duke had
been made, partly by the moderate section, which had
hoped in this way to save representative Government,
and partly by the Austrian troops, who had captured
Leghorn and continued to be quartered in the Grand
Duchy.

Leopold II. was embarrassed by the two tendencies in
the State: the doubtful situation was well represented by
the President of the Ministers, Giovanni Baldasseroni,
who declared that Tuscany, from its central position in the
Peninsula and its restricted territory, could not separate
its own policy from that of the rest of Italy: and since, in
Piedmont, the Constitution still stood but had been suppressed
in the remaining States, an intermediate position was indi-
cated. On September 21, 1850, the Grand Duke declared
that political circumstances did not permit him to restore
a Constitutional Government, and ' since it had not yet been
possible to convoke a Constitutional Assembly, all power
would, for the present, remain in his own hands : in doubtful

180

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

cases a Council of State would be summoned, and Constitu-
tional methods would be adopted when possible.' But
when reaction appeared to be triumphant throughout Europe,
the Tuscan Constitution was abolished. May, 1852, and
Guerrazzi and his companions were put on their trial.
Guerrazzi was condemned to the galleys for fifteen years,
but this punishment was commuted later, by the Grand
Duke, to perpetual banishment.

The Ducal Governments of Modena and Parma had been
restored by the Austrian troops in 1848. Duke Francis V.,
at Modena, followed on broad lines the policy of his father,
though he was less cruel. But at Parma, the young Charles
IV. had succeeded to his father, Charles Louis de Bourbon,
who had abdicated in 1849. The new King's system of
Government was the most infamous that can be imagined.
Dissolute, arrogant, ignorant, and criminal, the Duke indulged
his every caprice. Neither person nor property were secure
from him. The hatred which had accumulated against him
explains the fact that when he was assassinated in 1854, the
only sentiment felt by his people was that of an immense
relief. His son, Robert, succeeded him on the throne under
the Regency of his mother; the Government became more
humane, but the policy continued to be reactionary and
Austrophile.

In the Lombardo-Veneto, Radetzky ruled as a military
despot: he had acquired the distinguished favour of the
Emperor by his conduct of the last war, and this fact enabled
him to act as a dictator. The population adopted a decided
attitude of mute but tenacious opposition: Austrian func-
tionaries and soldiers were severely boycotted. In 1851
the Emperor Francis Joseph hoped that his presence might
arouse sympathy in Italian breasts, and visited Milan and
Venice; but everwhere he was met by hostile silence; -it
Como the Communal Council refused to vote expenses for
the fetes, and it was consequently dissolved.

Two distinct currents began to manifest themselves in
the midst of this atmosphere of hostility towards the foreigner :
the richer classes had faith in the Liberal Monarchy of
Piedmont, but the Piedmontese policy was still too timid

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

to claim the enthusiasm of the crowd. But the great majority
of the people readily welcomed the Republican unitarian
idea of Mazzini.

After the fall of the Roman Republic, Mazzini had
fled to Switzerland, where he had founded a publishing
society, which issued a series of political-patriotic writings:
in the Spring of 1850 he went to England, where he formed
a Central Committee which should prepare a national Italian
war: he kept himself in continual touch with the sub-
committees in the various provinces of Lombardo-Veneto.

In order to procure the necessary funds he founded the
National Italian Loan, whose one pound shares were easily
placed, though the owners exposed themselves to terrible
danger in case of discovery.

The most active of the revolutionary committees was
that of Mantua, under the presidency of a priest of great
ability and generous character — Enrico Tazzoli. Each
day the conspiracy spread wider and extended to the greater
part of Lombardy and Venice. By pure chanr ^ the police
arrested one of the conspirators, and gradually succeeded
in discovering the whole plot. In a short space of time
more than 200 prisoners were confined in the prisons. On
December 2, 1852, the executions began at Mantua, in the
plain which lies in front of the Belfiore fortress. The arrest
of many of the conspirators and the flight of many others
had thrown into confusion the preparations for the Revolution ;
yet, at Milan a group of ardent citizens prepared themselves
for the struggle, under the illusion of repeating the miracle
of the five days of 1848. On the evening of Sunday,
February 6, 1853, a few groups of insurgents attacked, by
surprise, some corps of the guards and killed a few sentjnels,
who were, after all, like themselves, only poor victims of
Austrian tyranny who had been brought by Austria into
I <?v with the object of oppressing a sister nation. But the
Revolution received no enthusiastic support; many of the
more fiery patriots, who realised the impossibility of success,
had discouraged it. In a few hours the two hundred who
had taken up arms were dispersed by the troops; many
were arrested, and the Austrian Government sent sixteen
to the gallows.

182

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

A few days later, the Emperor Francis Joseph * having
considered how manifest was the participation of the political
refugees from the Lombardo-Veneto in the recent events
at Milan,' decreed, * All property, landed and personal, of
the political refugees from the province of the Lombardo-
Veneto is to be considered as confiscated from this
day.'

These refugees had become, since their exile, citizens
of the Kingdom of Sardinia; therefore, Cavour demanded
explanations from Vienna of this violation of international
right. But Austria was encouraged by the indifference
displayed by Europe towards Piedmont; it declared that
this step was necessary for the security of the monarchy, and
refused to withdraw the decree. Though Cavour felt that
he was isolated, he had the courage to face any risk; he
recalled the Piedmontese ambassador at Vienna — which
naturally determined the retirement of the Austrian Am-
bassador at Turin — and in a memorandum directed to the
Great Powers of Europe, he protested against the arrogance
of Austria, and stated that it was the duty of a regular
Government to prove the complicity of these emigrants
before condemning them ; he then introduced in the Subalpine
Parliament a Bill of Credit with which to compensate the
exiles who had been dispossessed.

These events strongly aroused the public opinion in the
Peninsula. Many were alienated from the Mazzinian ideas,
which were dreams rather than possibilities, and the futile
sacrifice of so many lives; others, who saw the Piedmontese
Government in strong and courageous hands, and heard
it loudly affirm its sentiments of Italian nationality, felt their
hearts go out towards Piedmont.

In reality, the fundamental problem was this: — How
could a State, which only counted five millions of inhabitants
and which had issued from the rout of Novara, languid in
strength, exhausted in its finances, and deprived of allies,
renew the war against Austria, and conquer that Empire,
which counted 38,000,000 inhabitants ?

This was the dominant question, since such a victory
would necessarily determine the solution of other problems
besides the Italian one. Unfortunately, the illusion of 1848,
w.M. 183 N

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

that Italy could act alone, had vanished; therefore, in order

to reach the long-dreamed-of end it was necessary not only

to sustain the moral force of Italian patriotism, but to procure

also the material force of an ally; this then was the reason

why opportunity was sought for the intrusion of Piedmont,

with its small forces and its vast dreams, into the general

current of European affairs.

• ••••••

On the evening of January 9, 1853, during a ball in the
Winter Palace at Petrograd, the Czar, Nicholas I., addressed
the English Ambassador, and, leading him aside, entered
into an interesting conversation with him. He congratulated
him on the formation of the New English Ministry, under
the Presidency of Lord Aberdeen, his personal friend,
declared his satisfaction at the good understanding existing
between his Government and that of England, and added,
* Turkey is in a critical state, and may be a cause of many em-
barrassments', we have in our arms a sick man — mortally sick;
it would be a great misfortune were he to die before all necessary
arrangements had been made.* A few days later he expressed
the same thought with more precision: he affirmed that he
did not aspire to occupy Constantinople permanently, and
that he would be quite content with the protectorate of those
Balkanic States, which might hereafter be organised in
Turkish territory; that England, also, might take for herself
Egypt and Crete. In fact, he thought that by an agreement
with England he could easily arrive at the definite solution
of that Eastern Question which constituted the dream of
his life: he had begun his reign with this undertaking in
view, and he wished to see the conclusion of the matter in
his lifetime.

With the triumph of reaction he imagined that he had
become the arbiter of Europe. He calculated on the grati-
tude of the Emperor Francis Joseph, nor did he know that
Schwartzenberg, before his death, had said that Austria
would amaze the world by her ingratitude; he had no great
opinion of Frederick William IV. of Prussia, his brother-in-
law, but he was certain that he would be more favourable
than hostile. For Napoleon I. he cared little, since he
thought that his whole energy would be spent in consolidating

184

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

his power in France; briefly, he judged that the European
situation was such as to favour his ambitious designs.

But the English Government was alarmed at these
projects, and was unwilling to enter into similar negotiations;
It contented itself with replying that the disease of the sick
man was not mortal and that, in any case, an attempt should
be made to cure him. But the Czar believed that the memories
of Napoleon I. would render an agreement impossible
between the English and French Governments, and flattered
himself that he could placate England by allowing her to
share in the booty; he determined to precipitate matters;
in February he sent an extraordinary Ambassador to Con-
stantinople— Prince Menschikoff, with the ostensible
pretext of settling various outstanding differences which
had long existed between the Russian and Turkish Govern-
ments, but in reality with the instructions to search out an
excuse for war.

Soon after the arrival of the Ambassador at Constantinople
one of the questions to be discussed — regarding Montenegro
— was settled. This region, though the Turks considered it
as their own dominion, had in reality, owing to its impreg-
nable position, maintained its independence under the govern-
ment of its Prince-Bishops (vladika), a power which was
transmitted hereditarily from uncle to nephew in the family
of Petrovich of the village of Niegosch. These Prelates
demanded their investiture from the hands of the Patriarch
of Petrograd, a custom which soon gave to Russia a kind of
moral guardianship over Montenegro. This form of Patri-
archal and Ecclesiastical Government existed in Montenegro
till the close of 1 851, when the young Danilo, on his accession,
deemed it advisable to laicise the State: he assembled the
principal Montenegrins in March, 1852, and the transfor-
mation was approved by them. Danilo styled himself Prince,
and established the right of succession in his family according
to the law of primogeniture.

This action irritated Turkey profoundly, and she at
once sent an army into Montenegro. Prince Danilo ener-
getically defended his country, but at the same time he
invoked the aid of the Czar, who collected troops in Bess-
arabia, which assumed a threatening attitude towards Turkey.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Austria, who desired at any cost to avoid a Russian inter-
vention in the Balkans, attempted to extinguish the flame
before it should spread, and for this purpose advised the
Sultan to cease hostilities: by its determined and energetic
attitude, Austria induced the Sultan, at the beginning of
February, 1 853, to desist from strife and to leave Montenegro
in the conditions which existed before the war.

Another question which had been unsettled for some
time concerned the Holy Places, and the rights of the
respective Christian communities over the chapels, altars,
and memorials in those spots of Palestine consecrated by
the life of Jesus. Catholics and Greeks continually disputed
together, and sometimes their quarrels ended in bloodshed.
For many years France had assumed a species of
Protectorate over the Catholics of the Levant: in her
turn, Russia supported the cause of the Orthodox: these
two contrary influences each endeavoured to gain the ear
of the Sultan, who gave polite but dubious replies to both
parties.

Such was the situation when Prince Menschikoff arrived
at Constantinople and assumed an arrogant demeanour
towards the Turkish Ministers. The question of Montenegro
had already been settled, and the Czar's representative was
forced to accept the situation. The question of the Holy
Places was not sufficiently important to cause war: France,
on her part, with great generosity, attempted to facilitate
the negotiations of the Sultan with the Czar; on May 4,
1853, the representatives of France and Russia countersigned
the Firman which closed the question of the Holy Places,
and established that the cupola of the Holy Sepulchre should
be restored in its existing form; that the Catholics should
possess a key of one of the doors of the Church; that the
Orthodox should have the priority in exercising their cult
at the tomb of the Blessed Virgin, and that the two gardens
of Bethlehem should belong in common to both Catholics
and Orthodox.

The Czar, therefore, lacked all pretext of war. But he
had put forward another demand — that of establishing a
protectorate over all the Orthodox Greeks in the Turkish
Empire; this was a very difl^erent thing from the French

186

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

Protectorate over the Catholics, since these latter were
numerically insignificant, whilst the orthodox numbered
more than ten millions, and in the Balkan Peninsula were,
in number, superior to the Turks; such a demand meant
the annulment of the power of the Sultan in the Balkan
Peninsula.

The Ambassadors of France and England counselled
the Sultan to refuse this claim, and Prince Menschikoff
indignantly quitted Constantinople. The Russian Govern-
ment, under the pretext of taking a guarantee, occupied with
its troops the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia —
July, 1853. War seemed imminent.

Austria found herself in a difficult and delicate situation :
the Emperor Francis Joseph did not wish to appear un-
grateful towards Russia, but at the same time he aimed at
impeding her aggrandisement in the Balkan Peninsula:
these two aims were so essentially contrary that the attainment
of both was an impossibility: the difficulty was increased
by the certainty that, in order to bridle Russian ambition,
it would be necessary to treat with Napoleon III., whose
very name constituted a peril for Austria, since it seemed
to personify the ideas of revolution and nationality. Count
Carl Ferdinand von Buol-Schauenstein had succeeded to
Prince Schartzenberg as Foreign Minister; he imagined
that the difficulty might be solved by diplomacy; but in the
long negotiations which followed, the interested Powers
had many opportunities of detecting his dubious and crafty
policy.

On October 4, 1853, the Sultan again demanded that
Russia should withdraw her troops from the Danubian
Principalities, and declared that, if within a fortnight the
evacuation was not completed, hostilities would begin. The
Czar naturally refused the demand and war was declared.
The Czar asked for the Alliance of the Central Powers;
Austria not only did not accept the suggestion, but she
refused to promise neutrality; she declared that she would
reserve to herself full liberty of action. Frederick William
of Prussia showed the Czar more deference, but the Austrian
attitude gave him courage and saved him from compromising
himself. Hence Russia was isolated.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Nor could she draw the small Principalities of Monte-
negro and Serbia into the struggle. Through the intervention
of Austria, Montenegro had made peace with Turkey only
a few months before, and Austria and France now begged
her to preserve her neutrality. Serbia had undergone a
series of dynastic changes. The Obrenovich dynasty had
been deposed in 1842: Alexander Karageorgevich, the
nephew of the first hero of National Independence, through
the favour of Austria, had been exalted to the throne. This
Prince, eager to show his devotion to Austria, declared
himself neutral. Greece manifested her desire of profiting
by the occasion by entering the war and attempting to extend
her northern boundaries; but King Otho did not dare to
rouse the wrath of the Western Powers. These latter, fearing
lest mere diplomatic veto should prove too weak for the
temptation, sent a French corps to the Piraeus, which there
remained during the period of the war and forced Greece to
remain tranquil.

But while Russia could find no allies, Turkey was able
to conclude an agreement with France and England; these
two Powers also concluded another Treaty between them-
selves— April 10, 1854 — by which they pledged themselves
neither to treat separately with Russia nor to seek personal
aggrandisement from the war.

The English Government appointed Lord Raglan
Commander-in-Chief of the troops; Raglan had been
Wellington's aide-de-camp, and he rigidly defended his
own authority against that of Marshal Saint-Arnaud, the
bold and ambitious French Commander-in-Chief. Whilst
the Anglo-French Army was assembling at Gallipoli, the
Turkish forces, under Omar Pasha, sought to defend the
line of the Danube. But the Russians, under the command
of the aged Marshal Paskievich, succeeded in crossing the
river and laid siege to Silistria, which made a magnificent
resistance: this enabled the Anglo-French to send a strong
corps to Varna. Meantime, Austria was preoccupied on
account of the Russian seizure of the Danubian
Principalities, and Russia, in order to avoid complications,
withdrew her troops from these territories. Austria, by
a pact with Turkey, temporarily occupied these provinces,

188

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

so that one of the theatres of war was filled by a neutral
Power.

In the North, whilst the English Admiral, Napier,
blockaded the Russian Baltic ports, the French General,
Boraguey D'Hilliers landed in the Isle of Aland and occupied
the fort of Bomarsund — May, 1814. But it was impossible
to conclude a decisive campaign in these waters. Therefore
the Western Powers, in order to compel Russia to make
peace, decided to attack Sebastopol — that formidable arsenal
in the Black Sea, which constituted a perpetual menace to
Turkey.

In September, 1854, the Allied troops — 30,000 French,
20,000 English, and 7,000 Turks, with horses, mules, and
all the munitions of war — left Varna and landed on the western
coast of the Crimea; by a battle on the banks of the river
Alma, a way to Sebastopol was opened.

General Menschikoff, who commanded the Russian troops,
decided to remain with his army in open country in order to
annoy the besiegers and prevent communication with
Russia: but, simultaneously, he took energetic measures to
defend Sebastopol. He ordered Admiral Kornikoff to close
the entrance to the harbour by sinking some of his battle-
ships, and to disembark men, provisions, and munitions in
order to reinforce the garrison of that city: he entrusted
the outer works of defence to Colonel Todleben, who with
great skill defended the surrounding country: he constructed
trenches which were protected by faggots and sandbags,
which might easily be moved, and he assumed an attitude
of offence rather than defence.

At the opening of the siege. Marshal Saint-Arnaud
died of cholera — a disease which was devastating the army;
he left the command to General Canrobert, a brave man,
who desired to spare his soldiers, and was inclined to fight
a waiting battle; on this question he was in complete accord
with Lord Raglan. The Allies, whilst attacking the trenches
of Sebastopol, were compelled to defend themselves against
Menschikoff, who had received reinforcements, and now
attempted the offensive. On October 25 he tried to gain
possession of the small port of Balaklava, in which the English
had collected their stores. He was not successful, but he

189

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

inflicted great losses on the enemy. On November 5, with
more numerous forces, he assaulted the Allies in the position
of Inkermann; the battle was a bloody one, but finally the
Russian Army was defeated.

Notwithstanding these successes, Sebastopol could never
be blockaded on all sides. Disease, meanwhile, ravaged
the armies: rain, icy wind, and snow terribly impeded the
besiegers. As England had no obligatory military service,
it was impossible for her to supply her losses: it was feared
that the war might be of long duration. In the hope of
finding a speedy solution the two Western Powers continued
their pressure on Austria, trusting that the interests of the
Court of Vienna would triumph over her gratitude ; in fact,
every day increased Austria's irritation against Russia; on
December 2, 1854, she was induced to sign a Treaty with
England and France by which she pledged herself to defend
the Danubian Principalities in case of a Russian offensive,
and promised that if Peace were not secured by January i,
1855, she would deliberate with the two Western Powers
on an efficacious way of ending the war. She allowed herself
to be drawn into taking this step, but still hoped that circum-
stances would render it unnecessary to maintain her promise.
But the Allies needed prompt aid, and began to turn their
eyes to the small but strong Piedmont.

For some time Cavour had observed with sorrow the
tendency of international policy, since an agreement of the
Western Powers with Austria would have assured the pre-
dominance of that power in Italy. By good fortune the
uncertain and equivocal policy which Austria had adopted,
induced France and England to negotiate with Piedmont.
Cavour, who understood the all-importance to Piedmont of
rising from her isolation, caught the ball on the bound.
With a courage which appeared temerarious, he assumed
the responsibility of concluding the Alliance without guarantees
of any sort — ^January 10, 1855.

This Treaty provoked bitter criticism in the Subapline
Parliament, especially from the Liberals, who were irritated
at the idea of buttressing, by armed force, the barbarism
and despotism of Turkey: besides, the prospect of an

190

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

Alliance, in which they might find themselves side by side
with Austria, alarmed them. The discussion was an ani-
mated one : finally, on February i o, the Treaty was approved
by the Chamber by 95 votes to 64.

Meanwhile, the siege of Sevastopol continued, accom-
panied by grave inconveniences and by terrible disasters.
The winter was very severe, and the Allied Troops suffered
enormously. The mortality among the English, who were
totally unprovided with all necessaries, was frightful: in
January, 1855, the English corps was reduced to 10,000
men. Public opinion in England was roused against the
Government for its culpable negligence in the administrative
department: on January 29, 1855, the House approved
the proposal of a Radical member that a Parliamentary
inquiry should be held on the manner in which the war had
been conducted, and the Aberdeen Ministry resigned. The
only man who possessed the confidence of the country was
Palmerston, who was Secretary of State for Home Affairs.
The formation of the new Ministry was entrusted to him,
and he instantly took energetic measures to ameliorate the
conditions of the English Army. A disaster also happened
to the French: a frigate, which had sailed from Toulon,
laden with soldiers and munitions of war destined for the
East, was overtaken by a storm amid the rocks of the Straits
of Bonofaccio, and sank with all on board.

As for Russia, the War brought to light grave defects
in the State machinery and dishonesty in the administrative
department: the dissatisfaction of the people could no longer,
as formerly, be suffocated. The Czar was broken down in
health and disillusioned. On a certain February day in
1855, in which the thermometer marked twenty-three degrees
below zero, he left the Palace, against the advice of his
doctor, who was aware of his enfeebled state and had begged
him to take precautions. A severe attack of pneumonia
followed : it was then, and is still believed that he deliberately
sought death; he died on March 2. His son, Alexander II.,
succeeded him at the age of thirty-seven years. The death
of the Czar, who had been prime mover of the War, seemed
as if it would facilitate peace, since the new Sovereign was
known to possess a more pacific disposition, but the latter

191

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

seemed in no way disposed to submit to the imposition of
the Western Powers. Therefore, round Sebastopol the
struggle fiercely continued. There was a universal per-
suasion that the fortress must fall before Peace could be
negotiated.

General Canrobert saw that the siege must be prolonged,
and resigned his position as Commander-in-Chief: but he
consented to remain on the scene of action as a simple Com-
mander of an Army Corps. The Emperor, Napoleon III.,
who had even thought of personally assuming the command
of his Army, determined to place General Pelissier in supreme
command. The latter, of a resolute and daring disposition,
obtained some successes and prepared a great attack for
June 1 8. But the issue was not favourable: the Allied
troops were repulsed with considerable loss.

With the summer heats, cholera again devastated the
ranks of the armies: on June 28 the Commander of the
English troops succumbed to this terrible malady. He was
succeeded by General Simpson.

The Allied Armies, in consequence of large reinforce-
ments, amounted to 180,000 men; the Russians numbered
150,000. The supreme command in the Russian Army
had also been changed: Prince Michael GortsciakofF,
succeeded Menschikoff, who was recalled to Petrograd.
GortsciakofF, though averse from the idea of attempting the
relief of the city by a decisive attack on the Allied camps,
yielded finally to the opinion of a Council of War, which
advised giving battle: on August 16, 1855, on the bridge
of Traktir, over the Cernaia, this battle took place, and the
Russians were repelled.

After the battle of the Cernaia, the great bombardment
of Sebastopol began, and the besieged were no longer in a
position to repair damages. On the 8th of September the
general assault of the last positions took place; the MalakofF
redoubt was defended by the Russians with obstinate
desperation: finally. General Macmahon, at the head of a
division, succeeded in storming it. The Russians now
determined to evacuate Sebastopol, which was reduced to
a heap of ruins.

But the war did not yet terminate ; the Russians did

192

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

not abandon the Crimea, and the Allies received new re-
inforcements. Russians and Turks fought together fiercely
on the Asiatic frontiers, and in November the Russians
obtained an important success, capturing the strong fortress
of Kars from the Turks.

The Allies, in their turn, had made vigorous manifesta-
tions in the Baltic Sea and had bombarded Sveaborg, in the
Gulf of Finland. Some of the Allied Powers wished for the
continuation of the war ; Turkey, who was certain of the
support of the Western Powers, had everything to gain in
the prosecution of the war; the Kingdom of Sardinia also
hoped that the war would drag on and induce such inter-
national complications among the Powers as might lead to
the solution of the Italian problem; England, whose military
successes had been few, desired a greater enfeeblement of
Russian power, and proposed to destroy the fortress of
Kronstadt, in the north, as that of Sebastopol had been
destroyed in the south. But France was fatigued and satis-
fied: she had no particular animosity against Russia, nor
was there between them any great rivalry in interests;
therefore, satisfied with the military glory which she
had already obtained, and which was indispensable to a
Napoleonic Empire, she would very willingly have consented
to peace. On his side, Alexander II. was convinced that
the continuation of the war would be attended by great
difficulties, partly owing to the condition of his army and
finances, and partly owing to the dubious attitude of Austria,
who, he feared, might pass over to the side of the enemy.

Certainly Austria was no longer able to maintain the
doubtful and ambiguous position which she had hitherto
occupied ; she feared, too, that if the war continued, and
she still refused to enter the Alliance, that Napoleon III.
would raise the Polish Question, which, if it damaged Russia,
was scarcely less hurtful to Austria, and might cause a
rebellion to break out in Italy and in Hungary. It was at
this time that King Victor Emmanuel II. visited Paris and
London, and received in both capitals great dynastic welcome
and an enthusiastic popular ovation.

The Court at Vienna was alarmed and determined to
suffbcate the blaze as quickly as possible; therefore, on

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

December i6, 1855, in agreement with the Western Powers,
she sent Russia an ultimatum, begging her to accept, within
a month, certain conditions which had already been diplo-
matically discussed; Russia was given to understand that,
in case of refusal, Austria would make common cause with
the Western Powers. Alexander II. understood the dangers
of the situation, and he proposed Paris as the seat of the
Peace discussions.

The Congress opened on February 28, 1856; the
Presidency, as was natural, was given to the French Minister
of Foreign Affairs, who was at that time Count Colonna
Walewski, natural son of Napoleon I. He possessed neither
great ability nor learning, but he knew something of most
subjects, and possessed no strong personal opinions on any.
The English Foreign Minister, Clarendon, represented his
country at the Congress — a man of excellent parts, who had
on various occasions demonstrated great diplomatic skill.
The representative of Austria was Count von Buol, who
thought himself superior to all his colleagues. Bismarck,
who had the opportunity of knowing him well, said of him,
* / should like for an hour of my life to be as great a man as Count
von Buol considers himself always to he\ my glory would then
he assured before God and man J* Russia was represented by
the aged Count OrlofF, who had already played many im-
portant parts in the political and military changes of his
country. The youngest of all the representatives was Ali
Pacha, who represented Turkey; though only forty years
of age, he had already been Ambassador to London and
Minister of Foreign Affairs; he now held the post of Grand
Vizier. Cavour represented the smallest State; therefore
he showed modesty and reserve in those questions in which
he was not interested, and sought solely to gain the good-
will of the rest of his colleagues.

Austria was the only non-belligerent Power represented,
and owed this privilege to the position she had occupied
as mediator. Prussia was displeased at her own omission
from the Congress; but England feared lest she should
show herself a client of Russia and perhaps an Ally of Austria,
and stipulated that she should be excluded from the Congress.
Later, she was admitted to discuss the question of the Black

194

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

Sea, since, with the other Powers, she had signed the Con-
vention of the Straits in 1841; Manteuffel, her Minister of
Foreign Affairs, assisted on this occasion.

The Western Powers did not wish to appear as supporters
of barbarism against civilisation, and therefore they had
insisted that Sultan Abdul Megid should first grant reforms;
the Sultan, on February 18, 1856, had published in a hatti-
humavoum^ — motu propria^ — a declaration of equality of all
cults and nationalities in the Empire, and eligibility of all
Christians to State offices. In the Congress of Paris the
Powers took note of this decree. Turkey was admitted to
the participation of all the advantages of public right and of
the European Concert, and the Powers pledged themselves
to respect the independence and integrity of the Ottoman
Empire.

The restitution of all territory which had been conquered
or occupied during the war was fixed by the conditions of
Peace. The convention of July 13, 1841, regarding the
closing of the Straits, was confirmed; the Black Sea was
declared to be closed to all ships of war except such few as
should serve for the policing of the coasts of Russia and
Turkey, and open to the navigation of mercantile ships of
every nationality: its neutrality was formally laid down.
Russia and Turkey pledged themselves neither to construct
nor preserve on their coasts any military or naval arsenal.
The liberty of the navigation of the Danube was affirmed,
and in order to facilitate its development an international
commission was appointed, charged with the execution of
the necessary labours of dredging the mouths of the Danube.
Russia consented to a rectification of the frontiers of Bess-
arabia, and ceded a portion of this territory to the principality
of Moldavia. It was finally determined that the Principalities
of Moldavia, Wallachia, and Serbia should have an inde-
pendent national administration, and should preserve their
privilege under the Protectorate of those Powers who were
present at the Congress, and not, as formerly, under Russia
alone. Russia also permitted the neutralisation of the Island
of Aland in the Baltic.

After the signature of this Treaty, March 30, 1856, a
few more sittings were held, on the steps necessary to be

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

taken for securing the fulfilment of some of its clauses;
other important questions were also discussed. On the
proposal of Lord Clarendon, the Congress expressed the
desire, that should threatening disputes arise, the mediation
of a friendly power should be sought before seeking recourse
to arms. By the advice of Napoleon IIL, the Congress
fixed the four following principles of maritime right: —
I. Abolition of Piracy; 2. Contraband of war excepted,
a neutral flag covers all enemy merchandise; 3. No neutral
merchandise, even if under an enemy fiag, can be seized
unless it be contraband of war; 4. No blockade must be
permitted unless it be effectual, i.e. maintained with sufficient
strength to prevent all access to an enemy shore.

The most important of these supplementary sittings was
held on April 8; Napoleon IIL would have liked to have
procured for Victor Emmanuel some positive advantage,
such as the cession of Parma and Modena, which Duchies
might have been exchanged for the Danubian Principalities;
but the proposals put forward by him were negatived by
Austria. Unable to obtain any material advantage for the
King of Sardinia, Napoleon determined, at least, to give him
some moral satisfaction, and ordered his Minister of Foreign
Affairs, Count Walewski, to raise the Italian Question;
Walewski, in fact, before the Congress was dissolved, rose
to say that, in order to complete the work of the delegates,
preventive measures- should be taken in order to avoid those
complications which might hereafter arise. He emphasised
the abnormal situation in the Pontifical State, the northern
portions of which were garrisoned by Austrians, whilst
French troops remained in the capital; he then censured
the evil government of the King of the Two Sicilies. The
English Minister, Clarendon, then spoke and brought
strong charges against both the Roman and Neapolitan
Governments, declaring that some remedies must be sought
for these indisputable evils. Count von Buol, the Austrian
representative, declared that the plenipotentiaries had
received no mandate to discuss any other question save
that of the Orient.

Cavour, with well-calculated moderation, recognised
the right of each plenipotentiary to take no part in questions

196

PERIOD OF PREPARATION

which had not been foreseen in the instructions already
received by him, but he added that he felt it to be his duty
to lay stress on the difficult situation of Piedmont, which,
whilst she saw around her the inhabitants of the rest of the
Peninsula in a constant state of revolutionary unrest owing
to the violent and reactionary procedure of their Govern-
ments, on the other hand saw herself menaced by Austria.
The latter, invited by the Sovereigns of the minor States to
maintain order in their territories, had finally occupied, in a
military manner, a great part of the Peninsula, advancing as
far as Ancona on the one hand and Piacenza on the other,
thus destroying the equilibrium of the various Italian States.
The discussion was a stormy one — much more so than
appears from the published resum^ of the proceedings, and
ended in the declaration that the Austrian plenipotentiaries
united themselves to those of France in the desire that the
Austrian and French troops should evacuate the Roman
State as soon as could conveniently be done without danger
to the Pontifical Sovereignty: that the greater number of
the delegates recognised that a milder system of Government
should be introduced into the Italian States, and especially
into the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies.

Cavour, before leaving Paris, handed to Count Walewski
and Lord Clarendon a memorial, in which, after having
noted that the opposition of Austria had prevented the
slightest alleviation of the Italian Question, he called the
attention of both France and England to the perils which
beset the Sardinian State — the only State which had erected
a barrier against the revolutionary spirit, and had known
both how to remain independent of Austria, and how to
counter-balance her invading influence.

This was the part played at Paris by Cavour, with whom
now for the first time the Italian people became acquainted,
by means of the Press: but in his private conversations
with Napoleon and Lord Clarendon, he succeeded in per-
suading them that the Italian Question could only be solved
by a war against Austria, and that it was the first duty of
Piedmont to prepare for such an eventuality; he obtained,

both from one and the other, warm promises.

• • • . • • •

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Henceforth, the current of public opinion in the whole
of Italy turned with greater hope to Piedmont, and that great
dictator of Venice, Daniele Manin, interpreted this opinion
in September, 1855, while he was in exile at Paris.

* Believing, above all things, that Italy must first be made,
and that this is the prevailing and precedent question, the
Republican Party says to the House of Savoy, ** Unite Italy
and we are with you ! If not. No." '

After the Congress of Paris, in every part of the Peninsula,
the Liberals manifested their enthusiasm for the policy of
Cavour. Even Garibaldi joined this movement. After the
events of 1849 ^^^ ^^^^ had passed some time in New York,
where he had worked as a factory hand in a small candle
manufactory; then he had again taken to the sea as a captain
of a small merchant vessel, and in 1854 had again returned
to Nice: in the following year he received a small legacy
from a brother, and with it bought half the Island of Caprera,
near La Maddalena, in order to lead a freer and more inde-
pendent life. In August, 1856, Cavour called him to Turin,
and had a first conversation with him, encouraging his hope.
At the same time, Giorgio Pallavicino, once prisoner in the
Spielberg, and Giuseppe Farina, a Sicilian exile, formed
the * Societa Nazionale ' at Turin, in order to propagate the
policy of unity with Piedmont, with the aim of completing
the great work of the liberation of Italy.

Meanwhile, other emigrants joined those who had
already received such generous hospitality from Piedmont,
and found there a new country in which they obtained
employment, professorial chairs, and, finally. Parliamentary
seats. In Piedmont, in fact, that fusion of thought, hopes,
and affection was made which was to be the base of the new
country.

France and England, willing to materialise their mani-
festation made at the Congress of Paris regarding Italy,
had taken diplomatic action against the Governments of
Naples and Rome.

During the Crimean War, King Ferdinand of Naples
repeatedly and openly manifested his sympathy with Russia
and his aversion from the Western Powers. These, therefore,
desired to give him a lesson, and addressed to him a mutual

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PERIOD OF PREPARATION

Note, inviting him to change the policy of his Government
in a more Liberal sense and to grant an amnesty to all political
prisoners. Ferdinand II., relying on the support of Austria,
energetically replied that he tolerated the interference of
no State in his home affairs. Diplomatic notes, each more
bitter than the last, succeeded each other, till Napoleon
decided to recall his Ambassador, October, 1856. England
was not slow in following his example, but the whole matter
ended there. Ferdinand II. continued his ferocious and
reactionary policy, which roused fresh insurrections.

With regard to the Pope, Napoleon III. was grateful
that he had consented to be the godfather of his son, who
had been born during the Congress of Paris: he had no
intention, therefore, of alienating his friendship. Hence
he limited himself to friendly advice, which proved perfectly
inefficacious.

But Austria, after the Congress of Paris, entirely changed
her system of Government in her Italian dominions: she
restored the property sequestrated in 1853, granted an
amnesty to political prisoners, and remitted to various
communes their debts to the State. The Emperor, Francis
Joseph, visited Venice and Milan in person, and sought in
every way to propitiate the population. But on the very
day on which he made his solemn entry into Milan, the
Turin journals announced the gift by the Milanese to Turin
of a monument in honour of the Piedmontese Army; the
Municipality of Turin placed this monument in a conspicuous
spot in the Piazza Castello, in front of the seat of the Senate.
The discussions of the Municipality and the violent language
of the Piedmontese journals of that date, which, in alluding
to the journey of the Emperor, commented on his past
cruelties, roused the indignation of the Austrian Government :
the latter decided to break off diplomatic relations with
Piedmont: this was all the easier since after the events of
1853 they had been maintained by means of simple Charges
d'Af aires.

But at the same time the Austrian Government continued

its system of cajolery towards its subjects of the Lombardo-

Veneto; the Emperor suggested that the aged Marshal

Radetzky should send in his resignation, and appointed in

w.M. 199 o

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

his place the Archduke Maximilian — brother of the Emperor.
The Archduke was noted for the nobility of his sentiments
and the breadth of his culture. The latter did his best to
win the goodwill of his new subjects and to unite himself
in friendly relations with the principal personages of the
Lombardo-Veneto. Notwithstanding all his good intentions,
the results of his policy were scanty enough. The citizens
of the Province showed that they were entirely at one with
the sentiments already expressed by Daniele Manin: — * It
matters nothing to us if Austria become humane; we simply
ask her to leave us to ourselves.'

Meanwhile, Cavour governed Piedmont as if it were
already Italy, and with his eyes fixed on the future, created
the powerful military port of Spezia; in 1857, he initiated,
entirely with Piedmontese money, the gigantic work of
piercing the Mont Cenis.

Mazzini still continued to disagree with Piedmontese
policy and appeared to pin his whole faith to popular in-
surrections; he secretly visited Genoa and arranged with
Carlo Pisacane an expedition against the Kingdom of Naples.
Pisacane was a fiery Neapolitan emigrant who had
distinguished himself in the war of 1846, and in the defence
of Rome in 1849. On June 25, 1857, Carlo Pisacane, with
twenty-six courageous companions, embarked at Genoa on
the steamship Cagliart of the Rubattino Firm, which was
starting for Tunis; when the ship was in open ocean they
compelled the captain to change his course and steer towards
Naples. They liberated en route all the political prisoners
on the Island of Ponza, and the next day landed at Sapri, in the
province of Salerno. Instead of finding the welcome they
had anticipated, they met with the hostility of the peasants
of the district, and shortly after a strong body of Bourbon
troops attacked them; Pisacane, with nearly all his com-
panions, was killed while fighting heroically against odds.
The steamship Cagliari was soon after captured by a Neapolitan
frigate and brought to Naples, where the captain, sailors,
and passengers were thrown into prison and the steamer
considered as a prize of war. The Piedmontese Government
energetically protested, and the passengers were then set
free. As two of the engineers of the boat were English,

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PERIOD OF PREPARATION

Cavour begged the English Government to support his
protest; but it was only after long hesitation that the Nea-
politan Government finally decided to release the Cagliari
and free the prisoners.

The unsuccessful ending of the Sapri expedition alienated
the public still further from the Mazzinian methods ; thus
Cavour's programme was finally adopted by all the Liberals

in the Peninsula.

• ••••••

At this time both French and English attention was
concentrated on the extreme East; a diplomatic difference
had risen between England and China, ending in a state of
war between the two countries — 1 856 : France showed a dis-
position to unite herself with England in the matter. But
the beginning of hostilities was retarded by a great rebellion
in India.

The East India Company, in order to maintain order
over its ever-extending territory, kept an army of 270,000
men, of which 40,000 were Europeans. The rest were
Sepoys, and appeared content with their pay and treatment.
But causes of discontent were not lacking, such as enormous
taxes, abuses of Government, and ill-treatment of every
kind. The dethroned Princes fostered the discontent, which
was rendered more acute by the religious propaganda of the
English missionaries.

The natives looked with hatred on the English, and this
sentiment affected the loyalty of the Sepoys. A prophecy
was widely believed that the English rule was destined to
be extinguished one hundred years after its inception. This
date was marked by the year 1857.

The religious susceptibilities of the Sepoys were hurt
by the distribution of cartridges greased with the fat of the
cow, an animal adored religiously by the Indians. Whole
regiments refused to use these cartridges, and they were
dismissed. But since the disaffection increased, an attempt
was made to punish the rebels, and the revolt broke out in
May, 1857. The rebels soon seized the city of Delhi and
there proclaimed a descendant of the great Mogul as their
King. The insurrection had now a definite aim.

In the valley of the Ganges the rebellion assumed great

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

proportions: regiments rose and massacred the whites.
Certain English troops had arrived at Ceylon on their way
to China: these were lent by the English Government. An
expedition was sent against Delhi, and the city was retaken
after much bloodshed.

The English Army then marched against Lucknow,
where the European residents had resisted the rebels for
three months: on September 26 a small army, which had
come to the rescue of the besieged, entered the city, but soon
found themselves beleaguered in their turn. Only in November
could it be liberated by a new army, commanded by Campbell,
who deemed it advisable to abandon Lucknow for the time
and retreat with the English, whom he had rescued. The
city was not definitely occupied by the English till 1858.

The result of the rebellion was the suppression of the
company. Already, in 1853, Parliament had refused to
extend its privileges for more than twenty years: in 1858
a Bill transferred the government of India to the Crown,
under a Secretary of State in London, assisted by a Council
and a Viceroy, nominated by the Sovereign, who resided in
India. Full religious liberty was assured to all the natives
without distinction of race or religion; equality of justice
and respect of property and ancient customs were also
promised to all.

The expedition against China had in the meantime been
successful. At the end of December, 1857, the English
and French fleet had bombarded Canton and had occupied
it, capturing the Viceroy — Yeh — who was sent to Calcutta.
In order to impose Peace on the Emperor, the Allies moved
to the north, in the Gulf of Pecili, with the design of marching
on Pekin. After a bombardment of the forts on the Taku
and their occupation, the French and English Ambassadors
could advance with security to the neighbouring city of
Tsin-tsin, where an Imperial Commission met them, fully
prepared to treat of peace. Treaties were concluded between
China, England, and France, by which China was compelled
to open new ports to Europeans, to grant religious liberty
throughout her Empire, and to admit an English and French
representative to the Court of Pekin. A heavy war indemnity
was then exacted.

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PERIOD OF PREPARATION

But the Russians also established their power in the
East, in the province of the Amur, and obtained the opening
of the Chinese ports to Russian commerce. A Russian
Embassy was established at Pekin.

In Central Asia, Russia had renewed her attempts to
advance against the Khanates of Bokhara and Khokand, and
even incited the Shah of Persia to again march on Herat —
1856; this again provoked English intervention, and the
Shah finally recognised the independence of Herat. Anglo-
Russian rivalry now began to be the essential problem of
Central Asia.

• ••••••

Whilst India was being absorbed into the English
Dominions, complete autonomy was granted to Australia, and,
in general, to all English colonies populated by Europeans.

The southern part of New South Wales was formed
into the colony of Victoria, and the two, with Southern
Australia and Tasmania, now took on independent political
life. Auriferous discoveries in 1851 brought a large increase
of population to Australia; complete Parliamentary represen-
tations and responsible Ministers were granted to all
Australian States in 1855. The policy was strongly demo-
cratic ; universal suffrage and the secret ballot were proclaimed,
this latter came into force in England in 1872. A new
colony now rose in the north — Queensland, with its capital,
Brisbane.

The two islands of New Zealand were also automatically
governed, but the native Maori population here caused
some trouble. Towards 1866 these were driven to the
centre of the northern island.

The Cape of Good Hope obtained representative insti-
tutions at the victorious close of the Kaffir War in 1853.
The Orange Free State had also been subjugated, and the
Boers had retired between the Orange and the Vaal; but
the Liberal Ministry then in power in England did not
approve of this policy of conquest, and the conquered colony
was handed back to the Boers, who organised a new State
beyond the Vaal — the Transvaal. The discovery of diamonds
in Griqualand, in 1867, increased the importance of the
colony of the Cape of Good Hope.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

The North American colonies not only possessed a
perfect Parliamentary system, but they claimed federation;
It was not, however, till 1867 that this step obtained the
approval of the Home Government.

The ancient absolutist system now existed only in
Gibraltar and a few fortresses. With the exception of India
and the Crown Colonies, which were governed by councils,
the Parliamentary regime was introduced into all these
English colonies, where the European race was numerically
superior.

204

CHAPTER VIII

TRIUMPH OF NATIONAL AND LIBERAL IDEAS.
CREATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY.

Napoleon and his policy of nationality. — Secret agreement of Plomhihres.
— Prelude of War of 1859. — Austria's Ultimatum. — Battles of Solferino
and San Martino. — Preliminaries of Peace signed at Villafranca. —
Situation of Tuscany, the Romagna, and the Duchies : Peace of Zurich.
— Cession of Savoy and Nice to France, and Annexation of Central
Italy to Piedmont. — The Expedition of the ' Thousand.' — The Marche
and Umbria. — Proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy. — More Liberal
Policy of the French Government after i860. — Constitutional Govern-
ment in Austria. — Absolution of serfdom in Russia. — Polish Renais-
sance.— Triumph of Rumania : Organisation of the Danubian
Principalities. — Serbia becomes more independent. — Montenegro and
Greece. — Turkish Reforms. — French Expedition in Syria. — Anglo-
French War with China. — Opening of Japanese ports. — French in
Indo-China and Africa. — Suez Canal.

Napoleon's life and ideas make him one of the most interesting
figures of the nineteenth century. He was wise enough to
understand that nationality was the dominating principle of
his age; he was convinced that France, by her championship
of this principle, might obtain those Alpine and Rhenish
provinces which ethnologically belonged to her. With
this grandiose foreign scheme was linked his internal policy.
With Europe reorganised on the principle of nationality,
a period of profound peace, he felt, would ensue, which
would enable him to develop French industry and commerce,
and ameliorate the condition of the working classes, for he
saw that the latter were destined to become increasingly
important.

But his courage was not equal to his intellect: there were
striking contradictions, in this man, — strength and weakness,
tenacity and despondency, intellectual limpidity, and nebulous
ideality. Therefore his policy abounded ever in the unex-
pected. His intimate surroundings were partly responsible
for this. His cousin, Prince Napoleon, represented Liberal
and anti-clerical opinions, whilst the Empress had Spanish
bigotry in her blood. The vacillating mind of the Emperor

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was unable to make definite decisions; almost invariably
the realisation of his ideas depended on the driving force
of circumstances.

Cavour had inspired him with confidence and had
persuaded him that war with Austria was a necessity; but
Italians had not forgiven him nor forgotten the Roman
adventure. Orsini's attempt to assassinate him caused a
real change in his policy. Since the plot had been prepared
in England, the Government of the latter country was asked
to guard against a similar contingency in the future.
Palmerston attempted to bring in a bill to this effect, but
the violent language of French journals wounded English
susceptibilities. The Bill was rejected and Palmerston
resigned — February, 1858.

From prison, Orsini, who had thought that this crime
would benefit his country, wrote a moving letter to Napoleon,
begging him to aid Italy. Napoleon was profoundly im-
pressed and did his utmost to save Orsini from the extreme
penalty, but public opinion was too strong for him. Cavour
tried to persuade Napoleon that the way of suffocating
revolutionary excesses lay only in the Emperor's intervention
in Italian affairs. A secret colloquy was held at Plombi^res,
in 1858, when the Emperor declared himself ready to aid
Piedmont and drive Austria from Italy. This promise was
verbal and was not even communicated to the French
Ministers.

On January i, 1859, at a diplomatic reception. Napoleon
expressed his regret to the Austrian Minister that the relations
between Austria and France had recently lacked cordiality,
but he assured him that his personal sentiments to the
Austrian Sovereign remained unchanged. These words
made a marked impression on the bystanders and were
considered as a prelude of war. At Turin, on the opening
of Parliament, Victor Emmanuel roused a frenzy of joy in
the hearts of Italian patriots by the words, * We are not
insensible to the cry of pain which rises to our ears from
every part of Italy.' In the same month, at Turin, Prince
Napoleon married Clothilde, the eldest daughter of Victor
Emmanuel. It was generally understood that this matri-
monial alliance covered a political one.

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CREATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY

Austria now deemed it desirable to strengthen her Italian
position. Her troops were massed on the Piedmontese
frontier; Cavour boldly asked for a war credit of fifty millions,
and Garibaldi organised his volunteer * Alpine Hunters.*
This body was recruited from all parts of Italy. Since
Napoleon had stipulated with Cavour that his aid was only
to be expected in case of Austrian aggression, Cavour
determined to provoke an attack, which was not easy.
Napoleon was vacillating, and French public opinion was
opposed to war. Cavour's greatest difficulty lay in the fact
that the English Conservative Government was friendly to
Austria, and attempted to heal her division with France.

Out of regard for England, Napoleon entered into
negotiations. Russia proposed that the question should
be submitted to a Congress: the English Government
supported this suggestion, but Austria would only accept a
Congress of the five great Powers, which would thus exclude
Piedmont; even here, however, she would not tolerate any
territorial discussions, and she insisted that before the opening
of this Congress, Piedmont should disarm. To this the
English Government assented, and pressed Napoleon to
persuade Piedmont to yield. Probably with the object of
gaining time. Napoleon consented. "Whilst European
diplomacy laboured for peace, Cavour boldly played for war;
feigning to accept the proposals of the Powers, he wearied
Austria by emphasising trivial matters in order to provoke
her to the attack.

Cavour's policy finally exasperated the military councillors
of the Austrian Court. The latter, persuaded that diplomacy
was useless, decided to insist on the disarmament of Piedmont;
she hoped that Piedmont could be crushed before French
help could arrive; she could then obtain the aid of Germany
in the event of a war with France. On April 23, 1859, she
sent an ultimatum demanding that within three days Piedmont
should lay down her arms. This was equivalent to a declara-
tion of war, and the King, Cavour, and the nation welcomed

it as such.

• ••••••

Napoleon willingly accepted Victor EmmanuePs appeal
for help, and gave orders to his soldiers to march into Piedmont.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Prussia was under the regency of William, brother of
Frederick William IV., who was seriously ill. Austria had
hoped that German national sentiment would determine
Germany to act against France; but as she would make no
sacrifice herself to Prussia, and her haughty attitude alienated
the Prussian Court, her hopes were disappointed; the Regent
feared to abandon Austria, but desired compensation for his
services; he, therefore, waited for a favourable opportunity
of intervention. The other German States were more
enthusiastic, but both they and Prussia feared Russia, who,
desirous of punishing Austria for her perfidious policy
during the Crimean War, not only declared herself neutral
but gave the German States to understand that should they
aid Austria, Russia would immediately declare war on them.
England declared herself neutral, and Austria was thus
isolated.

The rulers of the Italian States were withheld from
interference by dread of public opinion, Ferdinand II. of
Naples would willingly have acted against both Piedmont
and Napoleon, but he feared the danger. On the occasion
of the marriage of his eldest son, Francis, he determined to
liberate those honest and patriotic citizens who had been
sent to the galleys. Fearing their presence in Naples, he
ordered them to be taken to Cadiz, and from there transported
to America. These unwilling emigrants, when once on the
high seas, forced the captain to disembark them in England,
from whence many returned to Piedmont. Ferdinand died
soon after, and Cavour begged his successor, Francis, to
grant a constitution and unite himself with Piedmont
and France — an invitation which Francis contemptuously
rejected.

Pius IX., bound hand and foot to Austria, hoped for the
triumph of the latter, for he feared that her defeat would
lead to a revolution in the Romagna, where Austria's soldiers
upheld the Papal Power.

In Tuscany, a pacific and bloodless revolution broke out
at the declaration of war. The dynasty which then governed
Tuscany, was the only one which was not hated by the Italian
people. Leopold's only fault was that he was of Austrian
blood, and had introduced Austrian troops on his re-entry.

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CREATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY

At the outbreak of war the Piedmontese Ambassador
at Florence officially demanded the alliance of the Grand
Duke; Leopold refused, and this refusal roused Florence to
rebellion; the chiefs of the insurrection demanded the
abdication of Leopold, the proclamation of his son, Ferdinand
IV., alliance with Piedmont, and Constitutional Liberty.
This demand offended and disgusted the Grand Duke, who
left Tuscany that same evening.

A provisional Government was organised, which offered
the dictatorship to Victor Emmanuel during the war, reserving
the question of Tuscany's definite annexation till the termina-
tion of hostilities. Cavour was anxious not to rouse
Napoleon's suspicions, since the Tuscan question had not
been discussed with him: he replied that Victor Emmanuel
would assume the office of Protector and the command of
their troops. The Piedmontese Ambassador, Carlo Bon-
compagni, was named Commissary Extraordinary of Tuscany.

Francis V., Duke of Modena, alone dared to declare
his alliance with Austria, but time speedily showed him the
folly of his decision.

The proclamation of Napoleon III. announced the
liberation of Italy from foreign control, from the west to the
shores of the Adriatic. The Emperor had promised at
Plombi feres to send 200,000 men if Italy could furnish
100,000 more. But the Piedmontese Army numbered only
60,000 men, and Napoleon sent no more than 120,000.

The Austrian Army, exclusive of her garrisons, amounted
to 170,000 under the command of General Giulay. To
carry out the Austrian programme of crushing Piedmont
before help arrived needed both audacity and decision — two
qualities which Giulay lacked.

On April 29 the Austrians crossed the Ticino and
advanced towards Sesia; but Giulay's indecision was fatal.
While he hesitated to strike, French troops joined the
Piedmontese and Napoleon personally assumed the command
at Alessandria. Napoleon proved himself an excellent
strategist, and thoroughly deceived the Austrians. At
Montebello, the Austrian Army first came into touch with
the Piedmontese, and met with a strong resistance. Victor
Emmanuel, under Napoleon's orders, drove back the enemy

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at Palestro, and the courage and fortitude of the Piedmontese
Army enabled Napoleon to cover his main movement to the
left, which consisted in crossing the Ticino and menacing
communication with Milan. Guilay was forced to give
battle at Magenta, June 4; his defeat permitted Victor
Emmanuel and Napoleon to make their triumphal entry
into Milan, now for ever freed from foreign domination.
Garibaldi, in the meantime, had defeated the Austrians at
Varese. In his march forward he was met everywhere with
the greatest enthusiasm as the herald of Italian Unity.

Parma and Modena deposed their Sovereigns and
proclaimed their union with Piedmont. Austria retired
from the Romagna and Bologna; the Cardinal Legate was
deposed and the tricolour flag hoisted. The Romagna,
the Marche, and Umbria, were everywhere in revolt: in
these latter territories the revolt was suppressed by the Papal
troops with great cruelty, especially at Perugia, where the
soldiers of the Church massacred, outraged, burnt, and
pillaged; but the Romagna maintained its liberty and invited
the dictatorship of Victor Emmanuel.

After Magenta, Giulay had been dismissed, and the
Emperor of Austria personally took command, with Marshal
Hess as his adviser. On June 24 the battles of Solferino
and San Martino were fought. After twelve hours' hard
fighting, the Austrian Army was forced to retreat over the
Mincio. The Italo-French Armies pursued them; Venice
was besieged by sea, and Napoleon arranged with Kossuth
for the insurrection of Hungary.

But the difficulty of his task began to preoccupy Napoleon :
he was filled with sorrow at the sight of the dead at Solferino :
the famous Quadrilateral had yet to be taken ; rumours from
France of clerical dissatisfaction at the revolution of the Papal
States disquieted him. Everywhere, too, he saw a growing
desire on the part of the Italians to unite themselves with
Savoy. He had dreamed of an Italian Federation protected
by France; he had no wish for a United Italy under an
ancient dynasty. Prussia was reported to be anxious to aid
Austria, and in that case France would need all her troops
on the line of the Rhine.

All these rumours were to Napoleon so many reasons

210

CREATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY

for peace. He proposed an armistice, to which Francis

Joseph consented. The preliminaries of peace were

discussed at Villafranca. Lombardy was to be ceded to

Napoleon with the arrangement that he should hand it over to

Victor Emmanuel II.; a federation of the Italian States

under the presidency of the Pope was proposed. The

Veneto, Mantua, and Peschiera, though forming part of the

proposed federation, were to remain under the rule of Austria.

The Sovereigns of Tuscany and Modena were to be reinstated;

but since Napoleon would not hear of Austrian intervention,

the difficulty was to bring about this restoration. Francis

Joseph also objected to the annexation of Parma and Piacenza

by Piedmont.

Victor Emmanuel was painfully impressed by these

unexpected conditions : Cavour, in a state of violent irritation

begged the King to withhold his consent. But Victor

Emmanuel wisely took the chances offered him, and Cavour

immediately resigned his post.

• ••••••

Italy shared Cavour's fury and indignation. No one
could understand why the French Emperor should not have
finished his half-accomplished task, and imprecations were
muttered against him when it was known that Venice was
still under the Austrian heel. Cavour retired, it is true,
but in his retirement he determined that the conditions
should not be carried out. Carlo Farina accepted the dic-
tatorship of Modena and Parma, determined at all costs to
prevent the restoration of the old dynasties. Bettino Ricasoli
assumed the direction of Tuscan affairs, and proposed to
carry out the programme of Italian Unity under Piedmont.
Popular Assemblies at Florence, Bologna, Modena, and
Parma also proclaimed their annexation to Piedmont.

Austria threatened to break up the peace negotiations
at Zurich. Though Napoleon could have tolerated the
-union of Parma, Modena, and Piacenza to Piedmont, he
opposed that of Modena and of the Papal States. The Pied-
montese Government of Ratazzi-Marmora was timid and
uncertain in action, and a definite Treaty of Peace was signed.

Cavour in his retirement decided that another way must
be tried, — that of a closer union with England and a widening

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of the breach between her and France. Lord John Russell
and Palmerston were now in power in England: the sym-
pathies of both were frankly for Italy, and they were supported
by Sir James Hudson, their Ambassador at Turin — an
enthusiastic admirer of Cavour.

The attitude of Central Italy and the popularity of the
Italian Cause in England convinced Napoleon that he could
not hinder the annexation; he therefore changed his policy,
and in January, i860, dismissed his Minister, Walewski, who
was hostile to Italy, and appointed Thouval. To pacify
England he concluded a favourable treaty of commerce
with her, and arranged for a second expedition to China.

The critical situation of Italy induced Victor Emmanuel
to lay aside his personal resentment against Cavour, and he
again appointed him Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign
Affairs. Cavour's first action was to send a Circular Note
to the Powers, pointing out that it was impossible for Victor
Emmanuel to withstand the wishes of the nation. To
Napoleon he proposed a plebiscite of Central Italy, knowing
well that Napoleon could not refuse to permit the very means
which had won for him the French Throne. At Plombi^res,
Savoy had been promised to Napoleon in exchange for his
aid, but since he had but half carried out his scheme the
question had been dropped. Cavour now again offered
Savoy; the Emperor insisted on the cession of Nice, and
Cavour was obliged to consent, stipulating, however, that
recourse should be had to a plebiscite in both these cases.
Garibaldi was stung to the quick by the cession of his native
city, and pronounced a violent tirade in Parliament against
Cavour : but the Chamber, though respecting his sentiments,
approved the Treaty, which , indeed, was necessary under
the circumstances.

Meanwhile, a plebiscite was held in Central Italy on
two questions: — Union with Piedmont or a Separate King-
dom. Tuscany voted for Union by 366,571 votes to 14,925
while Parma, Modena, and the Romagna gave 426,000
votes for their union with Piedmont and but 756 votes
against. The will of the population was thus absolutely
shown.

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CREATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY

The news of the events in Upper Italy set Sicily in
a blaze; insurrection succeeded insurrection. Francesco
Crispi returned from exile and kept alive the hopes of his
companions. The Piedmontese determined to give active
help to the neutral movement in the island, and prepared an
expedition at Quarta. Garibaldi had been approached on
the subject of acting as chief of an expedition, but the news
came that the rising had already been suppressed, and he
refused. Only on April 20 was he persuaded by the fiery
words of Nino Bixio and Francesco Crispi.

But for Cavour, the position bristled with difficulties.
He had already aroused the antipathy of Europe by the
annexation of Central Italy : he was now asked to encourage
an expedition against a Sovereign who was at peace with the
monarch whose Minister he then was. The King happened
to be in Emilia: an interview between him and Cavour at
Bologna ended in the determination to allow the expedition
to continue its preparation and to depart without Government
hindrance.

It had been arranged by Garibaldi with the Rubattino
Company that a pretence should be made of capturing two
of their vessels in Genoa Harbour. On May 6, Nino Bixio,
with a few companions, boarded the ships and proceeded
with them to Quarta, where the embarkation had been
prepared. About 1,200 volunteers, full of enthusiasm, of
all ages, and from all parts of Italy, had joined the expedition.

To conceal his real object. Garibaldi sent sixty men out
of his little company to the frontiers of the Papal States, so
that the Powers might imagine that the expedition was
directed against the Pope. The Bourbon Government,
however, knew of the raid, and Neapolitan ships were on
the watch; to avoid these. Garibaldi approached Sicily by a
devious route, and on May 1 1 arrived at Marsala. Here
he found two English cruisers detailed for the protection of the
English wine factories; in less than two hours the Garibaldians
had almost finished their disembarkation: the Neapolitan
men-of-war now arrived and bombarded the empty boats
till the English captain boarded one of their vessels and
begged the Neapolitan commandant to respect the British
flag flying on the factories. During this interval, the munitions

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of war had been landed by Garibaldi. The Bourbons could,
therefore, only possess themselves of one empty boat, the
other having been sunk in harbour.

On the following day Garibaldi proclaimed the dictator-
ship of Sicily in the name of Victor Emmanuel, and many
Sicilians flocked to his banner. A sharp engagement took
place near the capital between his small force and the Bourbon
Army, ending in the complete defeat and retreat of the
latter to Palermo. By a clever manoeuvre. Garibaldi avoided
the troops which were sent after him, and on May 27 carried
the city at the point of the bayonet. After a week of san-
guinary fighting the Bourbons evacuated Palermo.

This success encouraged the Piedmontese Government
to act openly. Fresh troops were sent to Sicily from Piedmont,
and Garibaldi gained a new victory over the Bourbon troops
at Milazzo.

Francesco II. of Naples, fearing to lose his throne, now
declared his willingness to grant a Constitution, and to ally
himself with Piedmont. The Government of the latter
country was forced to act guardedly, since, with the exception
of England, all the European Powers regarded Garibaldi's
action with strong disfavour. Victor Emmanuel, in order
to pacify Napoleon, wrote a letter to Garibaldi commanding
him not to cross the Straits, but in a private note accompany-
ing it, he advised him that his own hopes and intentions
were with Garibaldi for the conquest of Naples. Cavour
had no sympathy for the treacherous Bourbon dynasty,
and attempted to rouse an insurrection in Naples before
Garibaldi's arrival.

On August 19, Garibaldi landed in Calabria. Every-
where he was welcomed by the inhabitants, and the Bourbon
troops fled before his small army. On September 6, Francis
II. fled to Gaeta, and on the afternoon of the 7th Garibaldi
made his triumphal entry into Naples.

Cavour now attempted a new stratagem, and induced
the King to advance against the Marche and Umbria, which
the year before had proclaimed their union with Piedmont.
The Pope had suppressed this revolt and now overawed
these provinces with troops collected from the whole of
Europe, under the command of General Lamorici^re.

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CREATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY

Massacres and excesses of every kind were daily committed by
the Papal troops; on September ii Victor Emmanuel sent
an Ambassador to the Pope, declaring that if these foreign
troops were not dismissed he would feel compelled to inter-
fere. The Pope returned a fiery refusal. On September
13 the Italian troops crossed the frontier, and on the i8th
the Papal troops were defeated at Castelfidardo; Lamorici^re,
who had shut himself up in Ancona, was forced to surrender
on the 29th. The undertaking was successful in less than
a score of days.

Whilst Victor Emmanuel marched at the head of his
troops into the Abruzzi, Garibaldi, at the head of an army
of 24,000 men, after a sanguinary conflict, defeated a Bourbon
Army of twice their number on the banks of the Volturno;
a few days after, Naples and Sicily by a plebiscite declared
their union with the Kingdom of Victor Emmanuel.

On October 26 the King met Garibaldi near Teano.
Garibaldi saluted him as King of Italy and with great self-
command quietly retired to his farm at Caprera, leaving
the King to reap the harvest of his glorious enterprise. On
February 12, 1861, Francis II. of Naples embarked for the
Papal States in a French ship, lent him by Napoleon. Gaeta,
besieged by sea and by land, surrendered on the morrow.

Thus, in less than two years. Piedmont was transformed
into a Kingdom of twenty-two millions of inhabitants. The
first Italian Parliament assembled at Turin on February 18,
1 861. Victor Emmanuel, though he now reigned over
the greater part of Italy, was still, officially, only King of
Sardinia. On March 14 the Chamber unanimously passed
the motion that Victor Emmanuel should take the title of
• King of Italy.'

The Italian successes had strongly affected France.
On the one hand, the clericals were provoked at Napoleon's
friendship with the House of Savoy, which they accused of
spoliating the Pope. On the other hand, his commercial
agreement with England offended French Industrials, who
were Protectionists to a man. Napoleon, therefore, deemed
it opportune to conciliate public opinion by a more Liberal
policy, and gave greater powers to the Senate and to the
Legislative Corps.

W.M. 215 P

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

The absolutist Austrian Government was shaken by
the constitution of a United Italy. The loss of Lombardy
had caused grave financial embarrassments to Francis Joseph,
and he was obliged to have recourse to his subjects in order
to fill his depleted exchequer. The Emperor, therefore,
decided to adopt a more Liberal policy; he restored the
traditional Diets in his motley Empire, and accorded its
ancient Constitution to Hungary. An Imperial Parliament
was selected from the Provincial Diets to deal with affairs
common to the Empire. But the decree granting these
reforms never came into force since it pleased no one. The
Hungarians would not hear of an Assembly which should
occupy itself with Imperial affairs, and the remainder of
the Empire considered the changes too Conservative in
tendency.

In 1 86 1 Francis Joseph promulgated another decree,
by which the Reichsrath became a central body, divided
into two Chambers, — Lords and Commons. The system
of elections, even here, which supplied the Lower House,
secured the ruling power to the richer classes.

But the Hungarians were unanimous in the determination
to have their ancient Constitution restored, and decided
that their legislative rights should be shaped with none
other than their own Sovereign. Martial law was again
proclaimed in Hungary. The , Venetians took no part in
the elections, while the Czechs, seeing that the House was
to all intents German in composition, followed the example
of Hungary and retired from the Assembly.

The current of Liberal thought ran so strongly in Europe
that it penetrated even to Russia; the latter country, before
changing its politics, was forced to undergo a social trans-
formation. With the exception of Great and Little Russia
and Lithuania, the European Empire consisted of vast
estates inhabited by 23,000,000 serfs and their masters.
Alexander II. decided to abolish the system in order that
Russia might take her proper place in the world, and in
1866 he accomplished this vast reform. Each serf was
given his cottage and the garden which surrounded it. Half
the estate was retained by the proprietor and half allotted
to the village commune: the State advanced the purchase

2l6

CREATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY

money to the communes, which pledged themselves to repay
the sum in forty-nine annual instalments.

This generous reform assured to the peasant his personal
and legal liberty and the administration of his communal
affairs, and transformed mediaeval Russia into a modern
nation. But the Czar steadily refused to grant any political
liberty to the upper classes. Poland, which had been roused
by the Italian struggle for freedom, awoke once more to
national aspirations. Peaceful demonstrations were first
attempted. On February 25, 1861, the anniversary of the
battle of Grochow, an immense crowd flocked to the cathedral
in order to pray for the souls of the patriots who had fallen
thirty years before. Two squadrons of gendarmes charged
the people, who fell on their knees, chanting their national
hymns. Many were killed and wounded, and the political
situation became acute.

A European inquiry was held into the status of the
Danubian Principalities, and it was decided that Moldavia
and Wallachia .should be united into one country —
Rumania: each State was to possess a Legislative Assembly,
and both were to be governed by a hospodar, elected for
life. In 1859, Alexander Cuza was proclaimed Alexander I.
of Rumania. Turkey protested, but Europe was occupied
in watching the Italian War ; mainly by the support of
Napoleon III. the new State was consolidated.

In Serbia the weakness which Alexander Karageorgeo-
vich displayed both to the Sultan and to Austria had alienated
from him the affection of his people. Alexander was deposed
in 1858, and Milosh Obrenovich was recalled; he immediately
ordered the Assembly to proclaim the hereditary rights of
his family to the throne.

On the death of Prince Danilo in i860. Prince Nicola
had succeeded to the throne of Montenegro; Nicola was
then a student at Paris, and his father, Mirko, acted as
Regent. Some few Montenegrins having aided their nation
in Herzegovina, in their insurrection against the Turk,
Omar Pasha, in 1862, entered Montenegro with an army
of 60,000 men. In spite of a brave resistance, Mirko was
forced to yield, and in August, 1862, Prince Nicola was

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

compelled to accept the conditions laid down. The principal
of these stipulated that a free road should lie open to Turkey
through Montenegro to Herzegovina.

Revolts of the smaller States in the Turkish Empire
continued, but the jealousy of the Powers prevented the
fulfilment of their national aspirations. Greece could obtain
none of her desires. King Otho had obeyed the dictates of
the Powers and suffocated all political agitation ; this conduct
rendered him so unpopular that in 1862 he was forced to
abdicate. William George, Prince of Denmark, was elected
King of Greece by the Assembly on March 30, 1863, under
the name of George I. England ceded the Ionian Isles, but
insisted on the neutralisation of Corfu.

All attempts at reform in Turkey seemed impossible.
A proposal was made that Christians should be admitted
to the army; but they preferred to pay for their exemption,
and the Mussulmen refused to obey Christian officers. The
question was, therefore, left in abeyance.

The Christians were not anxious for reforms, fearing
that they should lose the privileges which their religious
communities had obtained for them. Patriarchs and Bishops
supported them in this view. Owing to the absence of
the spirit of nationality, reforms fell dead and were again
abandoned.

In Asia, Turkish rule was even a greater failure than
in Europe, especially in Syria, where the Christian populations
were numerous. Two rival tribes inhabited the Mountains
of Lebanon — Maronite Christians and Druse Mahometans.
In i860 the Druses, aided by hordes of Bedouins and other
barbarians, massacred Maronite men, women, and children;
the Turkish authorities took no steps to punish this outrage.
Some fugitives succeeded in reaching Damascus, but their
pursuers followed them there and continued the massacres
with the tacit consent of the Governor.

Great indignation was felt in Europe at these atrocities.
Owing to the efforts of Napoleon III. a French corps of
6,000 men landed at Beyrout and restored order. On June
5, 1 86 1, by previous agreement, the French abandoned
Syria; a convention was concluded with the Sultan by which
Syria was placed under a Christian Governor, nominated

218

CREATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY

by the Sultan, who should preserve order by means of
territorial troops.

England, however, looked with jealous eyes on French
influence in the East, though English and French were
fighting side by side in China. The Chinese Government
having broken the Treaty of Tientsin, the Allied forces
landed in China. They successfully marched on Pekin,
and in October, i860, occupied the Summer Palace; the
immense riches of the ages accumulated in this Palace were
distributed among the victors. The English then burned
the Palace and besieged Pekin. The Convention of Pekin
was signed on October 25, i860. The former concessions
were amplified and the Allied troops entered the Imperial
City. Russia and the United States profited by this occasion
to obtain similar privileges.

This expedition also facilitated the opening of Japan to
Europe. The Dutch alone had had access to this country,
till the middle of the century, but first the United States,
then England and Russia, and finally England and France,
obtained treaties granting them certain free ports.

But the lack of an Asiatic base deprived France of the
advantages to be derived from the treaties. On this account,
therefore, Napoleon III. determined to found a colony in
Indo-China: the massacre of French Missionaries by the
Emperor of Annam supplied him with the needed excuse.
In 1859 the French occupied Saigon, and in 1861 took
over the whole of Cochin-China. By a treaty with the
Emperor of Annam, the territory occupied was officially
handed over to the French, and Cambodge also became a
French Protectorate.

In Senegal, too, the French founded a colony. Though
the Algerian War had finished, military expeditions still
took place. The oasis of the Sahara and the district of
Kabylia became French possessions. French influence was
also dominant in Egypt. Said Pasha continued the good
work of his father, Mehemet Ali, and permitted Ferdinand
de Lesseps to cut through the Isthmus of Suez. 200,000,000
francs were necessary for this undertaking; 400,000
shares of five hundred francs were distributed, of which
220,000 were raised by the French and the remainder by

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

the Viceroy. Twenty thousand soldiers were lent by the
Viceroy for the work, and the first section of the canal was
completed in 1862.

Owing to this important work the Red Sea became the
world's chief maritime road. In 1862, in order to acquire
a base in this sea, France bought the Bay of Obock, which
faced the English Aden. .

Under Napoleon I. France initiated her grandiose
colonial policy. Unfortunately, the Emperor was induced
by his advisers to interfere in American affairs. The United
States, then occupied with her War of Secession, was not
able to oppose his policy.

220

CHAPTER IX

FROM THE WAR OF SECESSION IN AMERICA TO THE WAR
OF 1866 IN EUROPE

Economical and political developments of the United States. — Disputes
between North and South : The Slave Question. — Election of Lincoln
and rupture of the Union. — Confederate States against the Federal
Government. — Abolition of Slavery: Death of Lincoln. — Civil War
in Mexico. — Franco- A nglo-Spanish Expedition. — Franco-Mexican
War. — Maximilian of Austria, Emperor of Mexico. — The Roman
Question : Proclamation of the 7iecessity of ' Rome, the Capital of
Italy.' — Aspromonte : Convention of September 15, 1864. — Insurrection
of Poland : Attitude of European diplomacy. — Renewal of contest
for the German Duchies of Denmark : German intervention in the
Duchies.— Otto von Bismarck Prime Minister of Prussia. — Austria
and Prussia against Denmark : Peace of Vienna, October 30, 1864. —
Disputes between the victors : Convention of Gastein, 1865. —
Bismarck's conversation with Napoleon III. at Biarritz. — Preparation
of the Italo-Prussian Alliance. — War against Austria, June, 1866. —
Struggle of Prussia with the Southern and Western States : Austrian
Disaster at Sadowa, July 3. — War in Italy : Custoza and Lissa. —
Mediation of Napoleon III. — Preliminaries of Nikolsburg, July 26.
— Treaties of Prague and Vienna.

The United States had increased in a stupendous manner:
at the end of the War of Independence, thirteen primitive
States contained 3,250,000 inhabitants: in the census of
i860 the thirty-two States, which composed the Union,
numbered 31,000,000. An ever-increasing immigration
largely accounted for this. Generally the immigrants settled
on the Atlantic coasts, but the great movement west com-
pleted the colonisation of new territories, which entered as
new States into the Confederation. Already America had
distinguished herself by her industrial development; every
invention there found a home, and not a few owed their
existence to the country. In the midst of this increasing
prosperity grave disputes sprang up between the Northern
and Southern States. The Puritan democracy of the North,
whose prosperity was based on small holdings, commerce,
and industry, had given birth to a progressive and utilitarian
society, whilst the South was occupied by a landed aristocracy,

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

isolated in their vast estates, less intent on gain, and lacking
any stimulus to progress.

The commercial North was strongly Protectionist, while
the agricultural South supported Free Trade in order to
avoid paying too dearly for their commodities, and to prevent
their exports of cotton, tobacco, and sugar from being heavily
taxed in reprisal.

But the great scission was caused by the Slave Question.
The different evolution of North and South had led to the
practical disappearance of slavery in the former, while the
plantations of rice, sugar, cotton, and tobacco in the latter
seemed to demand servile labour. Slavery, therefore, was
defended in the South, while the North was largely abolitionist.
The European immigrants had settled mainly in the North,
where labour was paid well and highly valued. The resultant
prosperity of the North aroused Southern rivalry and jealousy.
Naturally, the new-comers were opposed to slavery, and they
strengthened the desire for abolition.

In order to diminish these differences various com-
promises were attempted: slavery was forbidden in those
new States which sought entry into the Union. Kansas,
in 1854, was allowed free choice in the matter. North and
South, therefore, rivalled each other in sending emigrants
to this State: this competition resulted in a civil war, with
two Governments and two Constitutions — pro-slavery and
abolitionist. An increasing free population, however, caused
the latter to prevail.

In this local war, John Brown, an enthusiastic abolitionist,
lost two sons : he determined to give his life to the cause of
abolition, and attempted to raise a rebellion in the South
in the hope that the slaves would join him and support his
efforts. His revolt was quickly suppressed, and he was
hanged, December 2, 1859. Great indignation was felt in
the North, and reprisals became more violent.

The South believed that slavery was necessary to its
prosperity, and proposed to break loose from the North.
In the Presidential election of i860 the South declared
that the election of an abolitionist President would be the
signal of a rupture. On the election of Abraham Lincoln, a
Northerner devoted to the cause of Abolition, South Carolina

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FROM WAR OF SECESSION TO WAR OF 1866

declared its independence and the abrogation of the Consti-
tution of 1788. Before Lincoln assumed the Presidency,
seven Southern States sent delegates to Montgomery with
the object of forming a new Confederation — called the
Confederate States of America. Jefferson Davis was chosen
as President.

At first the North was disposed to a policy of laissez-
faire, but Lincoln, on assuming the Presidency, declared
that no State could legally separate itself from the Union,
and that any act of violence against the United States was
revolutionary. In April, 1861, the Secessionists captured
Fort Sumter in Carolina. The North, which had hoped
for a peaceful settlement, now enthusiastically supported
the Government in the strife. Four more Southern States
joined the Secessionists: Delaware and Maryland sup-
ported the North, and Missouri and Kentucky remained
neutral.

The Secessionist Government transported its capital
to Richmond, which was situated less than a hundred miles
south of Washington. The Federal Capital was menaced;
the Southerners won the battle of Bull's Run on July 21,
but the Federal General, MacClellan, cleverly prevented
any further hostile successes in the neighbourhood of the
capital.

The North possessed the greater part of the riches of
the country, and more than two-thirds of the entire population.
But the aristocratic South possessed a more military spirit
than the Northern merchants. The Federal army and navy
were almost entirely officered by Southerners, and these
now crowded to the defence of the Southern States. The
South, therefore, had an army and navy already prepared,
and in addition they had organised a great number of privateers,
while the North had to create their army and navy: the
beginning of the contest, therefore, was favourable to the
South.

The neutral States of Kentucky and Missouri were, at
first, the principal theatre of war : here the Southern troops
were repulsed, and in 1862 General Grant occupied the
capital of Tennessee, and in the battle of Pittsburg repulsed
the Confederate Army. The Federal fleet besieged

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Vicksburg, and the upper valley of the Mississipi as far
as Memphis was secured to the Union.

MacClellan, however, was forced to retreat on Washing-
ton, pursued by the Confederate General, Lee. The latter
now attempted to detach Maryland from the Union, but
MacClellan defeated him at Antietam, and on September 17,
1862, forced him to recross the Potomac.

The war was also fought at sea. In 1862 Commandant
Farragut bombarded and captured New Orleans, the key
of the Lower Mississipi. The Federal fleet then ascended
the latter river as far as Port Hudson, and thus succeeded
in dividing the western Southern forces from the eastern
divisions, so that the onus of sustaining the war fell on the
latter. The Federal blockade also ruined the cotton industry,
so that in 1862 the situation of the South had become grave
indeed.

In spite of the demands of the Abolitionists, President
Lincoln did not proclaim Slave Emancipation. The
salvation of the Union was his first aim, and he
wished to avoid giving offence to the Central States.
It was not till 1863 that slaves became free citizens of the
United States.

This year was the decisive one of the war. Lee again
advanced north and entered Pennsylvania: but General
Mead defeated him at Gettysberg and drove him back into
Virginia — July 3, 1863. The same date marked the capitu-
lation of Vicksburg. Port Hudson surrendered a few days
later, and on November 25 Grant defeated the Southerners
at Chattanooga and forced them into Georgia.

In 1864 Virginia and Georgia were the chief theatres of
war. Grant commanded the Federals in Virginia and sent
Sherman to Georgia. Many fierce and sanguinary battles
were fought. Grant besieged Petersburg, the key to the
Confederate capital, while Sherman in Georgia captured
Atlanta, and a few days later received the surrender of
Savannah.

But the end of the war was at hand. Sherman marched
north through Carolina: Charleston was occupied by the
Federals, and in March, 1865, Sherman joined forces with
Grant, Some fighting took place round Richmond and

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FROM WAR OF SECESSION TO WAR OF 1866

Pittsburg, but the Confederate capital was abandoned in
April; Lee capitulated on April 9, and Jefferson Davis
was captured in May, 1865, and imprisoned in Fort
Monroe.

Before the conclusion of war, Congress approved an
amendment to the Constitution to the effect that neither
slavery nor involuntary servitude could exist in the United
States, nor in its subject territories. Thus slavery was
definitely abolished.

But Lincoln — the man who had directed the Union in
this terrible crisis — was assassinated on April 14, 1865,
five days after Lee's capitulation. The whole civilised world
mourned his death.

The war had absorbed all the activities of the United
States: her armies numbered 4,000,000, and 500,000 men
lost their lives in the struggle. Nor were her financial
losses less colossal. It may then be easily understood how
Napoleon III. was able to foster the dream which is connected
with his Mexican expedition, and which his courtiers
foolishly assured him, was * the greatest idea of his
reign.'

After its proclamation of Independence, Mexico was a
prey to civil war between the Democratic Federal Party
and that of the Centralist Clericals. At the end of i860,
the democratic party, under Juarez, triumphed.

Some foreign merchants whose businesses had been
damaged during the war demanded an indemnity, which
Juarez refused. France, Spain, and England made common
cause against Mexico. A triple fleet occupied Vera Cruz:
Juarez immediately entered into negotiations, which Spain
and England accepted and withdrew their fleets.

Napoleon, however, determined to profit by the pre-
occupation of the United States, and resolved to create a
Catholic Empire, which should be allied to France; this,
he believed, would enable him to dominate America and
secure a market for French exports: he was supported by
the Mexican clericals. A force of 30,000 French troops,
under General Forey, landed at Vera Cruz in 1862. Puebla
was besieged, and did not capitulate till May, 1863, when

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Juarez retired to the northern provinces and organised a
national resistance. Forey called an Assembly, which
nominated as Emperor, Maximilian, brother of the Emperor
of Austria, and heir to the rights of the ancient Spanish
monarchy.

Maximilian, an intelligent and cultured prince, was
reluctant to accept the offer. The persuasion of Napoleon
and the ambition of his wife conquered his hesitation. He
received the benediction of the Pope, and, with his wife,
sailed for Mexico, where he arrived in May, 1864.

At first the French troops were victorious, under Bazaine,

who had succeeded Forey, but this success was transitory:

a terrible guerilla warfare followed with ferocious reprisals

on both sides. Maximilian was unable, under these disastrous

circumstances, to acquire popular sympathy, and Bazaine's

devotion to the cause grew tepid: in France the Mexican

adventure was unpopular. Napoleon, too, seeing that in

the United States the Federals were gaining the day, looked

forward to the time when America, basing its demand on

the Monroe doctrine, should insist on the withdrawal of

the French troops — a blow which would greatly damage his

reputation in France.

• ••••••

In Europe, Napoleon's word had lost its power. Three
great questions now agitated Europe: — i. The destinies of
Italy; 2. The Polish Question; 3. The dispute over the
German Duchies of Denmark.

After the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy, Cavour,
whose ardour was only strengthened by difficulties, was
anxious that the first declaration of the Italian Parliament
should affirm the right of Italy to Rome as her capital. In
his memorable discourse in Parliament in March, 1861,
he fixed thus the precise terms of the problem : —

* If Italy could be imagined as strongly united without
possessing Rome as her capital, then the Roman Question
would be almost impossible to solve. Neither climate nor
topography nor strategy settle the site of a capital; the
question is decided solely by the popular sentiment. Rome
fulfils all the conditions, — historical, moral, and intellectual,
— which are necessary to the capital of a great State. Rome

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FROM WAR OF SECESSION TO WAR OF 1866

is the only city in Italy whose history and associations are not
wholly municipal. The History of Rome from the time of
the Caesars till to-day is the history of a city whose importance
extends infinitely beyond its own territory — a city destined
to be the capital of a great State.'

Parliament affirmed on March 27, 1 861, the necessity of
Rome as a capital, and negotiations were begun with the
Pope with the object of inducing him to sever his temporal
from his spiritual power.

But at this moment Cavour was attacked by severe
illness. Wearied and worn by mental tension and fatigue
he succumbed to his malady on June 6, 1861, at the age of
fifty years. His death closed the most brilliant epoch of the
Italian Risorgimento,

The new Kingdom was beset with difficulties. Four
dynasties: — Naples, Tuscany, Modena, and Parma plotted
at restoration; Austria and the Papacy aimed at destroying
the new political edifice; almost all Europe looked askance
at the new State; the Garibaldians were impatient to take
Rome from the Pope and the Veneto from Austria; the
different peoples of the Peninsula maintained their secular
jealousies; finance was exhausted, administration disorgan-
ised, and brigandage flourished in the southern provinces;
Francis II. at Rome encouraged the latter evil, hoping by
organised murder and robbery to attain his restora-
tion.

Negotiations were resumed, but the Pope, — even though
France offered her mediation, — energetically refused any
concessions. In 1862, Ratazzi became Prime Minister,
and Garibaldi decided to act; in Sicily, where he was enthusi-
astically received, he enrolled volunteers to the cry of * Rome
or Death ! '

But Rome was still occupied by the French. Impelled
by the clericals. Napoleon declared that the entry of Garibaldi
into the Papal States would be regarded by him as a casus
belli, and Ratazzi was forced to forbid Garibaldi's expedition.
At Aspromonte, in Calabria, his small force was surrounded
by bersaglieri. Shots were exchanged, and Garibaldi was
wounded, August 29, 1862. He and his troops were made
prisoners and were not released till the amnesty granted to

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

all prisoners on the marriage of Maria Pia, daughter of
the King, to Louis of Portugal. Durando, Minister of
Foreign Affairs, had sent a Circular Note to the Powers,
informing them that the Garibaldian expedition had but
expressed an imperious necessity, and that the situation
was intolerable.

But the hopes of the Italian nation were fixed on Rome,
and Napoleon was begged to withdraw his troops from that
city. He did so on the understanding that the portion of
the Papal States which were left to the Pope should be
respected, and he insisted that the capital of Italy should be
fixed at Florence. In spite of the opposition of the entire
nation, Florence was proclaimed the capital in 1865, and
the French retired from Rome, to the deep disgust of the
Pope. Napoleon, in trying to please both the Italians and
the Roman Curia, had disgusted both.

Even graver was the Polish situation. The claim of the
Poles to their ancient Lithuania aroused Russian patriotism.
Polish youths who had taken part in previous agitations
were arrested in 1863, and this proceeding kindled the
flames of insurrection. Armed Poles, at night, entered
fourteen fortresses and many Russian soldiers were killed
in their sleep.

In the rebellion of 1830, Poland was garrisoned entirely
by Polish troops, and thus for some time maintained her
liberty. But in 1863 Russian soldiers and functionaries
dominated the whole country, and the insurgents did not
succeed in occupying even one small town; the rebellion
hence became a guerilla warfare of woods and forests.
Western Europe enthusiastically supported the Poles;
funds were raised and volunteers enrolled for the
Cause.

The hopes of the Poles were based on Napoleon, the
champion of Nationality. Napoleon was anxious to preserve
Russian friendship, and attempted friendly advice to the
Czar, which the latter brutally rejected. England — always
the rival of Russia — sympathised openly with Poland.
Strangest spectacle of all, Austria, in order to revenge herself
on Russia, became a champion of freedom and gave shelter

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FROM WAR OF SECESSION TO WAR OF 1866

to the rebels, who, when defeated by the Russians, retired
into Austrian Poland.

Napoleon counted on the aid of both Austria and England.
These two Powers demanded of Russia the restoration of
the Polish regime of 18 15. GortschiakofF, the Russian
Chancellor, divined that this Entente was purely diplomatic,
and insisted that the insurgents should first submit; he
laid down that the Polish Question only concerned those
Powers who had shared Poland — Russia, Prussia, and
Austria. The demand of England was simply inspired by
the desire to break up Franco-Russian friendship; having
compromised Napoleon, she declared her disinclination to
adopt other than diplomatic means in the Polish Question.
Napoleon comprehended that he was caught in a snare and
was forced to abandon the Poles to their fate. Prussia
induced Austria to declare military law in her Polish
dominions, and the last Polish bands were destroyed in
1864.

A terrible repression followed. Many Poles were
executed, and many deported to Siberia. All reforms were
abolished. The Catholic clergy were persecuted and Poland
remained under martial law. The nobility and the middle
classes were crushed by confiscation and heavy taxes, but
the peasants were allowed, by the payment of a small in-
demnity, to become proprietors. Nationally and religiously
compromised, Poland entered on a new social transforma-
tion.

Reaction now dominated Russia. The last reform of
Alexander I. was the creation of Provincial Assemblies,
called zemstvos^ representing the aristocracy, the middle
classes and the peasants. The Czar now completely abandoned
his policy of reform.

The Polish Revolution had not only broken the Franco-
Russian friendship, but had alienated Napoleon III. from
England and Austria. Prussia considered the time as a
favourable one for the solution of the question of the German
Duchies of Denmark.

In November, 1863, Frederick VII. of Denmark died
and was succeeded by Prince Christian of Glucksburg.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Prince Frederick of Augustenburg claimed Holstein,
Lauenberg, and Schleswig, and was supported by the Diet
of Frankfort. Saxon and Hanoverian troops entered Holstein
in 1863. The Powers advised Denmark to evacuate the
country south of the Eider, and in 1864 Holstein was
occupied by Federal troops.

Under the pretext of obliging the Danish King to
respect the rights of the Duchies, Prussian and Austrian
troops occupied Schleswig. Each of the two Powers worked
independently of each other. This subtle policy was inspired
by Bismarck, who had recently become Prime Minister of
Prussia.

Otto von Bismarck was born in 18 15, at Schoenhausen
in Brandenburg, of noble family: he had become prominent
in 1848 as an ardent absolutist: he had also represented
Prussia at the Diet of Frankfort, and his political ideas had
become definite and precise. He was persuaded that the
Confederation was dead, that Prussia alone could unite
Germany, and that Austria must be expelled from German
dominions. As Ambassador at Petrograd, he had obtained
the friendship of the Czar, and had kept alive Russian hostility
to Austria. His residence in Paris, as Ambassador, for a
short time in 1862 ,had sufficiently manifested to him the
vacillating mind of Napoleon III.

In 1862, William I. of Prussia, who had succeeded his
brother, Frederick William IV., appointed Bismarck Prime
Minister. William I., though sixty years of age, possessed
energy and a strong character. He enthusiastically believed
in national unification, but felt that military power was
essential to this. With Roon and Moltke, War Minister
and Chief of the Staff respectively, he had planned great
schemes of military reform. When, however, these were
presented to the Chamber, the Liberals refused the required
credits and counted on the country to support them in this
refusal. William I., a sincere absolutist, was irritated by
their obstinacy. Persuaded that a great army was necessary
to Prussia as the head of German unity, he placed at the
head of the Government, Bismarck, as the man best adapted
to carry through his policy.

Bismarck's reactionary reputation widened the breach

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FROM WAR OF SECESSION TO WAR OF 1866

between Crown and Liberals. The latter, anxious for
German unity, counted on wide reforms as an inducement
to the other German States to join the Union. Bismarck
had faith only in armed force. Soon after taking ofBce he
declared in the Chamber that speeches and associations
were useless, and that Prussia must attain her end only by
fire and iron: he, therefore, supported the proposed military
reforms. The Chamber passed a vote of censure on Bismarck,
and was dissolved. William I. contented himself with the
assent of the Upper House, and proceeded with his military
plans. The Press and the country still opposed them, and
Bismarck therefore restricted the liberty of the Press,
and in a few months became the most hated man in
Prussia.

Bismarck now turned his attention to the Polish and
Danish Questions: he cleverly worked the first problem to
the advantage of Prussia in the second. Aware that Russian
support was essential to his Danish plans, he aided the Czar
to suppress the Polish rebellion. This support was all the
more welcome to the Czar since he found himself faced by
the hostility of all Europe. The King of Sweden sympa-
thised with Denmark, but was restrained by Russian accord
with Germany. The lack of cordial relations between
France and England prevented armed common action on
behalf of Denmark. Bismarck felt it necessary to free
himself from the fetters of the Federal Diet, which sustained
the cause of Prince Augustenburg and desired to exclude
Austria from the Diet. He therefore resolved, temporarily,
to make common cause with the latter.

Personally, he was convinced of the necessity of expelling
Austria from Germany. But, when the Danish problem
presented itself, he determined to bait his trap for Austria
with an alliance, and thus from the very beginning demon-
strated the unscrupulous and merciless policy towards
foreign countries which marked his life schemes. Austria
welcomed an agreement, either because she wished to break
through her isolation or because she genuinely shared the
enthusiasm of German peoples for the Germans of the
Duchies. The Prussian Liberals were indignant at this
alliance, and refused to grant the war credits.

W.M. 231 Q

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Notwithstanding this refusal the war broke out. The

Allied troops invaded Schleswig. The Danes resisted

magnificently and every inch of ground was disputed. After

the sanguinary battle of April i8, the Allies occupied the

major part of Jutland. Later, by a bold stroke, they captured

the island of Alsen. Abandoned by the Powers, the Danish

King was forced to make peace with Austria and Prussia on

August I, 1864. By the Treaty of Vienna, in October, the

Duchies of Schleswig, Holstein, and Lauenburg were added

to Prussia and Austria. The Saxon and Hanoverian troops

evacuated the provinces they had occupied.

• • • • • • •

Bismarck had calculated on the fact that community of
interests forms a fruitful source of conflict. The possession
of these distant provinces was only an embarrassment to
Austria, and she would willingly have ceded them to
Frederick of Augustenburg. Prussia, however, coveted
them for herself, for the possession of the coasts and the
port of Kiel was of great value to her. The question grew
acute. Bismarck, to justify his crime, placed the claims of
the Prince of Augustenburg before a committee of jurists,
who came to the conclusion that only the King of
Denmark could legitimately claim the Duchies. But
these rights had been transferred to Prussia and Austria.
The Federal Diet's opinion was thus discounted and
disposed of.

The Austrian Government was beset with difficulties:
not only was Venice hoping for a speedy liberation, but the
Constitution of 1861 had only embarrassed Austria the
more: the Czechs would not attend the Reichsrath: the
German Liberals fiercely opposed the Government : Hungary
chafed under oppression. Francis Joseph began to wish
for a reconciliation with Hungary; but to effect this a war
must at all costs be avoided. He therefore met the King of
Prussia at Gastein and made a provisional division of the
plunder. The administration of Schleswig was to be the
affair of Austria and that of Holstein was to be the
care of Prussia ; Lauenburg was bought by Prussia
from the Austrians for fourteen-and-a-half millions of
francs.

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FROM WAR OF SECESSION TO WAR OF 1866

Bismarck felt this arrangement to be but temporary.
While the King, Roon, and Moltke continued their military
preparations, he pursued his diplomatic labours. In 1865:
he met Napoleon at Biarritz: he pointed out the European
necessity of expelling Austria from Germany, and hinted
at an alliance with Italy, which latter would obtain the Veneto.
The health of Napoleon was already feeble, and he came to
no decision. He expressed his sympathy with the principle
of nationality, but gave no formal pledge. Indeed, he
thought that a war between Prussia and Austria would be
a difficult achievement for the former, and would be of
lengthy duration : he imagined that when both these countries
were exhausted by the war, France would have the opportunity
of interfering and sharing some of the spoil.

Bismarck was now entirely satisfied that France would
not interfere in favour of Austria, and he returned immediately
to Berlin: he assumed a provocative demeanour to Austria,
and invited Italy to make common cause with Germany
against her. A secret Treaty was signed by Berlin and Italy
on April 8, 1866. Austria, foreseeing what was to come,
offered to Victor Emmanuel, through Napoleon, the cession
of the Veneto, if he would sever his alliance with Germany.
Victor Emmanuel refused, and Bismarck determined to
precipitate events. War was declared in June, 1866. Many
German States joined Austria in this war, since they under-
stood that the victory of Prussia and exclusion of Austria,
would diminish their own independence.

• ••••••

Bismarck had deliberately planned this war, which he
deemed necessary to the settlement of the ancient rivalry
with Austria. King William was dubious. Queen Augusta
and the Crown Prince were opposed to it, as was the greater
part of German public opinion. Prussia had against her
three groups of enemies — Hanover, Hesse Cassel on the
west. South Germany and Austria. The Western States,
though forming a barrier between Prussia and the Danish
Duchies, possessed but weak military forces, while the
Southern States were slow in their preparation. The
Prussians decided, therefore, to paralyse the Western States
first of all and to suppress the Southern resistance with the

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

same forces. The Austrian Army was the chief danger,
but this was diminished by the Alliance with Italy,
since Austrian forces would be needed to defend the
Veneto.

In a few days Hesse Cassel and Hanover were occupied
by Prussian troops; the Hanoverian troops were surrounded
and forced to capitulate: the smaller Southern States sub-
mitted, and the Northern were conquered in a fortnight.
Prussia, then, felt herself able to restrain and isolate the
Southern States.

Austria had 200,000 men under General Benedek in
Bohemia, and Prussia's greatest effort was there concentrated.
Saxon troops had left their own country undefended and
formed part of this Austrian Army: Prussia occupied
Saxony and entered Bohemia with 300,000 men. Half of
this force pursued the Saxon Army, and the other half under
the Crown Prince penetrated the difficult passes of the
Riesen Gebirge.

On June 29 the two Prussian Armies formed a junction.
Benedek, who had observed the advantage which the needle-
gun gave to the enemy, and who found himself inferior in
numbers, telegraphed to the Emperor an urgent message
that peace should be made at any cost, as an Austrian catas-
trophe was inevitable. Francis Joseph, who naturally knew
nothing of what had happened, sent a peremptory message
to Benedek to the effect that he had never heard of peace
being concluded without the preliminary test of battle, and
that in any case peace was impossible as yet: he demanded
if a battle had yet been fought, and ordered Benedek to
retreat if, for any reason, a battle was impossible. Benedek
now considered himself morally bound to give battle, and
the rival armies met on July 3 at Konigratz and Sadowa.
The Austrians were disastrously defeated. The Prussian
Army marched on Vienna and encamped at fifteen kilometres
from the capital. In the meantime the Bavarians had been
defeated, and Hesse Darmstadt, Nassau, and Frankfort had
been occupied.

Austria, however, was victorious in Italy. From lack of
combination among its Generals the Italian Army was
defeated at Custoza and forced to retreat across the Mincio.

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FROM WAR OF SECESSION TO WAR OF 1866

The Austrian Emperor, in order to recall his troops from
Italy to the defence of the capital, after the defeat of Sadowa,
telegraphed to Napoleon III. that he was ready to cede the
Veneto to Victor Emmanuel, and invoked the Emperor's
mediation in order to obtain peace with Italy and an armistice
with Prussia.

Napoleon seemed to have become the final arbiter of
the situation. But circumstances had developed very differ-
ently from what he had anticipated. Prussia, instead of
being exhausted by a long war, had, in three weeks, defeated
her enemies and had become a formidable military power.
An efficient army and resolute measures would have been
necessary to enable France to impose her own terms on
Prussia. But Napoleon had imagined that the war would
have dragged on indefinitely and had neglected to make
any military preparations: his malady had undermined his
health and weakened his will power. He offered his media-
tion, which Bismarck, who wished to avoid French interven-
tion, refused. The latter stated that solemn pledges bound
Germany to Italy, and that Italy, for her part, was anxious
to wipe out the late defeat.

The Italians had hoped much from their fleet. But here,
again, incompetence and divisions brought about a naval
defeat and the Austrian fleet, under Tegetthoff, defeated
the Italian navy at Lissa, July 20.

Fearing that France might claim Rhenish territory,
Bismarck impressed on his Sovereign the necessity of peace
with Austria. William I. wished to march on Vienna, but
Bismarck would not expose Austria to too deep humiliation,
and was apprehensive lest France might prepare herself for
war. An armistice was concluded at Nikolsburg, by which
Austria ceded to Prussia her rights over the Danish Duchies,
and promised to pay a war indemnity. She recognised the
dissolution of the German Confederation and gave Prussia
carte blanche in the reorganisation of Germany, from which
she confessed herself excluded. Prussia pledged herself
to obtain from Italy peace, on the cession of the Veneto.

The Italian Government learnt with consternation the
terms of the peace which were concluded without its inter-
vention. Bismarck declared that he had fulfilled his pact

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

by obtaining the Veneto for Italy. In order to avoid a
prolonged war with Austria, now free to concentrate her
forces in the Peninsula, Italy accepted the terms arranged
for her by Prussia, and peace was signed between Austria,
Prussia, and Italy. A plebiscite of the population of the
Veneto pronounced for union with the Kingdom of Italy
by 647,246 votes to 69. On November 7, 1866, Venice
triumphantly welcomed her King, Victor Emmanuel.

236

CHAPTER X

COMPLETION OF ITALIAN AND GERMAN UNITY

The Northern Confederation : Power of Prussia : Its Treaties with the
Southern States. — Diminution of prestige of Napoleon III. : Question
of Luxembourg. — Mentana. — Reorganisation of Austro-Hungary. —
Government of Queen Isabella of Spain : Revolution of 1868. — Leopold
of Hohenzollern and the Throne of Spain. — Declaration of War between
France and Prussia. — First German Victories. — Capitulation of
Sedan, September 2, 1870. — Napoleon III. a prisoner. — Proclamation
of the Republic at Paris, September 4. — Marshal Bazaine and the
Surrender of Metz. — Siege of Paris. — -Gambetta and the Provincial
Armies. — Capitulation of Paris. — Assembly of Bordeaux and the
Preliminaries of Peace, February 26, 1871. — Proclamation of the
German Empire. — Completion of Italian Unity : Occupation of
Rome. — New Electoral Reform in England : Disraeli and Gladstone :
The Expedition in Abyssinia : Precautionary measures in Ireland. —
Political Life in Europe in and about 1870. — The Clerical Party and
the Vatican. — Ecumenical Council. — Beginning of Socialist organisa-
tion.— Triumph of the Middle Classes.

The victorious war of 1866 changed the hatred of the
Prussians for Bismarck into an enthusiastic admiration: he
profited by this to make his peace with the Parliament. At
the same time he awaited the organisation of a new
Germany.

In the preparation of the new organisation a Confederation
of States was maintained in appearance only. In reality,
they were entirely in the hands of the Federal Government,
which consisted of a Praesidium or Presidency, a Federal
Council (Bundesrat), and an elective Assembly (Reichstag).
The President, who was the King of Prussia, represented
the Confederation to Foreign Countries and decided on its
foreign policy: he was also supreme head of the military
forces. In internal affairs, as Head of the Federal Govern-
ment, he promulgated the laws, convened and dissolved
Federal Assemblies, and appointed Federal Government
Employees. Bismarck's idea was that the Constitutional
and Monarchial Bundesrat would neutralise the action of
the popular Reichstag, and that in this way the effective

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

authority would still remain in the hands of the King of
Prussia. Outside this Northern Confederation of twenty-
one States, remained four Southern States — Bavaria, Wiirtem-
berg, Baden, and Hesse Darmstadt. As conquered enemies
they were forced to submit to the terms of the victorious
Prussia, which consisted of an indemnity and a rectification
of frontiers.

These four States, by the Treaty of Nikolsburg, were to
form a Southern German Confederation, with an independent
national position. Napoleon III. believed that this division
of Germany into three parts would have secured the safety
of France. But he had not reckoned on the growing sentiment
of German nationalism: nor had he realised the subtlety
and force of Bismarck, who knew both how to wreck the
Emperor's plans, and how to take immediate advantage of
any false move. Napoleon, after the Treaty of Nikolsburg,
had demanded from the King of Prussia the cession of the
Rhenish Provinces of Bavaria and Hesse. Bismarck not
only returned a haughty refusal but made use of this offer
to bind the Southern States to Germany. He laid before
them the ambitious designs of France, and impressed on
them that Prussia, and Prussia alone, could protect them
from French annexation: in 1866 these four States concluded
a separate alliance with Prussia, arranging for reciprocal
aid in case of aggression.

By the reorganisation of the Zollverein, Bismarck bound
the Southern to the Northern States by the bonds of com-
mercial interests.

The smaller States, now feeling themselves secure and
prosperous, were not anxious for a closer union with Prussia.
Bismarck, however, was determined to effect this. To
precipitate the Union, he planned a great War of National
interest, in which all petty rivalries and jealousies should be
swept away. He transformed the policy of German unity
into one of Foreign Policy, because he was persuaded that
only in face of a common enemy could Princes and People
be united. Therefore, in order to fulfil his programme he
willed and prepared war on France.

Unfortunately, on the other side of the Rhine the ground

238

ITALIAN AND GERMAN UNIFICATION

was favourable to the growth of the war spirit. In order to
satisfy French pubHc opinion Napoleon had begun negotia-
tions for the acquisition of Luxembourg. Till 1866 this
Grand Duchy, which belonged to William III. of Holland,
had formed part of the German Confederation, and a Prussian
garrison occupied the capital. But with the dissolution of
the Confederacy the bonds which united it to Prussia were
relaxed: Prussia had not even invited it to become part of
the Northern Confederation: she, however, raised objections
to the withdrawal of the troops, and the King of Holland
was ignorant of the intentions of Prussia regarding the
Grand Duchy. Napoleon III. offered to purchase it. The
King of Holland was only too eager to part with it, and the
bargain was on the point of being concluded when the
journals began to discuss the matter. Germany professed
to be indignant at the alienation of what she called * German
territory.' The King of Holland in alarm then broke off
the negotiations. This diplomatic defeat was all the more
bitter to France since her Government had published its
intentions of purchase to Europe. Napoleon considered it
a casus helli^ but knew that his armies were unprepared for
war: he determined, however, to insist on the retirement
of Prussian troops from Luxembourg. By the Treaty of
London of 1839 Luxembourg had been placed under the
tutelage of the Powers. Luxembourg thus became a
European Question. A conference was held in 1867 at
London, in which Prussia consented to evacuate Luxem-
bourg, which was to continue under the rule of the Dutch
King. But at the same time its neutrality was guaranteed
by the Powers.

Napoleon painfully realised that his word had lost its
force in Europe: it was at this moment, too, that the United
States demanded the withdrawal of his troops from Mexico.
• All these events combined to shatter the Napoleonic
prestige. So long as this was unimpaired, France had been
in agreement with Napoleon, but diplomatic defeats induced
the Opposition to indulge in lively protest, since even the
great commercial progress of the country had been accom-
panied by flagrant scandals and an evident weakening of the
country's moral fibre.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Napoleon made great concessions to the Press in order
to calm the Opposition, but this measure only spread dis-
content more rapidly. Even the Paris Exhibition of 1867,
splendid as it was, could not make France forget her
humiliations. From Mexico arrived the news of the
unhappy Maximilian's last attempts at resistance. Then
came the notice of his imprisonment and execution,
June 19, 1867.

In 1866 the last of Napoleon's troops had been with-
drawn from Rome. Garibaldians and Romans again
determined to attempt the capture of Rome for the Italians,
hoping that France would permit the inclusion of the city
in the Kingdom of Italy were the thing once accomplished.
Napoleon feared lest compliance should lose for him the
support of the Church, and at his wish Garibaldi was arrested
and sent to Caprera. The Romans attempted to throw off
the Papal ybke unaided, but the revolt was repressed in
blood. Garibaldi escaped from his confinement and put
himself at the head of his volunteers. Napoleon thereupon
again sent troops to Civita Vecchia, and though Garibaldi
defeated the Papal troops at Monte Rotondo, French and
Papal troops defeated him a few days later at Mentana.
The Garibaldian exhibition of 1867 had failed and French
troops again occupied Rome.

Thiers made a violent discourse against the Italian
Revolution in the Chamber, and Rouher, the Prime Minister,
declared that * Never, never ' would France support such
violation of her honour and of Catholicism as the Italian
occupation of Rome.' The gulf between Italy and France
became wider, to Napoleon's sorrow, who aimed at a triple
alliance of France, Austria, and Italy against Prussia, but
the Roman Question barred all idea of any understanding
between France and Italy.

The alliance with Austria seeemd easier. After Sadowa,
Francis Joseph felt the necessity of reconciliation with
Hungary. The latter country was constituted as a separate
entity in Home Affairs. In Foreign Affairs its politics were
those of Austria, with a common army and navy.

Hungary then numbered 16,000,000 inhabitants, of
which the Magyars alone formed about one-third. The

240

ITALIAN AND GERMAN UNIFICATION

remainder of the population consisted of peasants with no
political existence. But two groups had a special importance :
the Croat-Slav to the south-west, and the small nation of
Saxons in Transylvania — a German colony of 200,000
Inhabitants. The latter group, however, feared the Rumanian
Orthodox peasants, and willingly made common cause with
the Magyar. Rumanian Transylvania, therefore, was
incorporated with Hungary.

But in Croatia the population were almost entirely Croats.
The latter were weary of the unavailing strife and accepted
a compromise by which Croatia should become an autono-
mous State and the Croat language the official tongue. Five
Croat deputies made part of the Hungarian deputation to
the Sovereign, and a Croat Minister in the Hungarian
Government attended, exclusively to Croatian affairs.

Beust, the Austrian Chancellor, was responsible for the
reconciliation of the Emperor with his German subjects,
and under his regime liberal laws were passed. The
Bohemians were also anxious for autonomy and attempted
to follow the obstructionist tactics of Hungary. Though
their resistance was strong, their attempt was un-
successful and ended in Prague being placed under military
law.

Francis Joseph was eager to avenge the defeat of Sadowa,
and cultivated friendly relations with Napoleon. But he
feared an Italo-Prussian Alliance, since he realised that
Italy had unwillingly accepted the frontiers assigned to her
in 1866 and aimed at the possession of the Trentino and
Trieste. He attempted to form an alliance with both France
and Italy, but the latter demanded as a chief condition that
the French troops should be withdrawn from Rome.
Napoleon feared to disgust the clericals, and the negotiations
finally ended in nebulous promises and hopes of some future
agreement. This result was to a great extent due to Bismarck,
who did his utmost to prevent the proposed alliance.

The eyes of Europe were now riveted on Spain, which
was in open Revolution.

Queen Isabella II., a woman of easy virtue, limited
intelligence, and fanatic devotion, was in the hands of her

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

favourites and confessors. Under their guidance she had
attempted to restore absolutism and to impose clericalism
more firmly on the country. Violent crises, in which the
Army had taken part, had unsettled the country, and the
various political parties had been captained by Generals.
Finally, in 1868, the Revolution triumphed, and Queen
Isabella fled to France. The Assembly prepared a new
monarchical Constitution, with two Chambers, and negotia-
tions were entered into with the various claimants to the
Spanish Throne. At length. Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern
was mentioned as a probable candidate. He was the brother
of Charles of Hohenzollern, who had recently been called to
the Rumanian throne in place of Prince Cuza, who had
abdicated.

This selection created grave dissatisfaction in France,
which saw in a Hohenzollern Prince on the Spanish Throne
one more enemy in Europe. The Duke de Grammont, the
French Foreign Minister, declared in Parliament that
France would never allow such a choice and that, were his
candidature insisted upon, the Government would know
how to do its duty without hesitation or weakness. The
King of Prussia was therefore asked to withdraw the candi-
dature. He replied that the whole affair only concerned
his family, but promised as Chief of that family to approve the
withdrawal of Prince Leopold, should the latter consent so
to do. On July 12, 1870, the renunciation of Leopold was
publicly announced. The peril of war, therefore, seemed
to be dispelled. But the French Government insisted that
this candidature should be renounced for ever. William L
happened to be at the Baths of Ems and was annoyed at
this persistence. Therefore, when Benedetti, the French
Ambassador, demanded an audience in order to ascertain
the King's decision on this point, the King sent a messenger
by his aide-de-camp that Leopold's renunciation had finished
the affair so far as he was concerned, and that he had nothing
more to add. He then telegraphed to Bismarck the substance
of this episode. Bismarck had seen with intense anger,
that this occasion of prosecuting war had slipped from his
grasp. But the telegram gave him his opportunity: by
cancelling the words of explanation contained in the King's

242

ITALIAN AND GERMAN UNIFICATION

message, he gave to the refusal the character of a brutal
insult. Such, at least, was the impression in France when
the text of the despatch, which Bismarck had artfully com-
municated to the Press, was read by the French people. On
July 17, 1870, France declared war on Prussia.

Napoleon, in the grip of a mortal malady, allowed
himself to be drawn into this decision by his Ministers:
the Alliance which he had desired with Austria and Italy
was not realised. Russia threatened to attack Austria should
she move against Prussia, and the Roman Question alienated
Italy. French hopes that the Southern States of Germany
would ally themselves with France as formerly, or at least
remain neutral, were disappointed.

France had also counted on the aid of Denmark, since
Christian IX. could not have forgotten his losses of 1864,
but England and Russia, both connected by marriage with
the Danish dynasty, counselled neutrality. England declared
her own neutrality unless the independence or neutrality of
Belgium should be violated. The struggle was, therefore,
confined to Germany and France. Bismarck had succeeded,
as in the preceding wars, in completely isolating his
enemy.

Napoleon trusted in his army, but soon realised that it
was hopelessly unprepared for war. Organisation was
lacking, the fortresses were depleted of munitions, the
magazines were empty: disorder was predominant every-
where.

Prussia, on the contrary, had prepared thoroughly for
the war. In ten days 400,000 men were on the frontiers:
in numbers, strength, and arms, the Germans were far
superior.

In the early days of August the Germans penetrated
Alsace-Lorraine at three different points: the half-formed
French Army Corps were repelled, and the Germans,
trusting to their superior weight, thrust themselves between
the armies commanded by MacMahon and Bazaine.
Bazaine retreated to Metz and was in brief time surrounded
by the Germans and his communications cut off. Marshal
MacMahon, with whom was the Emperor, planned to retire

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

to the capital: the Emperor had suggested this step, but
the Empress, fearing the effect which his retreat might have
on the minds of the Parisians, dissuaded them. MacMahon
then marched to relieve Bazaine, but Moltke forced him
to the north and made him accept battle at Sedan. The
Germans, who had occupied the surrounding heights,
annihilated the French with their artillery. Napoleon for
several hours remained in the hottest of the fire. Then,
seeing that further resistance was impossible, and desirous
of sparing further carnage, hoisted the white flag.
The letter which he sent with a flag of truce to
William I. contained these few words: — 'Not having
succeeded in dying at the head of my troops, nothing
remains to me but to place my sword in the hands of Your
Majesty.'

A few thousand soldiers succeeded in crossing the
Belgian frontiers. 82,000 were declared prisoners of war.
Only after the capitulation was signed did William I. consent
to grant the Emperor an interview of the briefest description.
The following morning the Emperor was imprisoned in
the castle of Wilhelmslohe, and his army was interned in
various German fortresses.

The news of the Sedan disaster provoked furious anger
in Paris : an immense crowd, on September 4, surrounded
the Chamber of Deputies. The Parliament was invaded —
those deputies who were favourable to the Empire were
abused and maltreated. Gambetta, the great Republican
orator, declared that Louis Bonaparte and his family had
for ever ceased to reign in France: then, followed by the
crowd, he went to the Hotel de Ville, where a Provisional
Government was formed entirely of Republican deputies.
General Trochu was appointed Governor of Paris and
President. He enjoyed great popularity on account of his
opposition to the Imperial Government.

The situation was characterised by a frightful simplicity.
400,000 Germans were already in France and another
700,000 of reinforcements were ready, while France no
longer possessed any army at all. 50,000 had perished in
the first battles: 100,000 were prisoners: 180,000 were

244

ITALIAN AND GERMAN UNIFICATION

besieged in Metz, and the others were surrounded in various
German fortresses. Arms, munitions, and food were alike
lacking. The country had lost its faith in the Generals
who had conducted the country to ruin.

All this notwithstanding, the Government of National
Defence prepared with greater energy for resis-
tance.

Every fit man was organised in the new army, and since
the enemy advance had paralysed the fleet, the sailors were
employed in territorial defence. Thiers made a futile
diplomatic journey through Europe, where he only found
expressions of platonic sympathy.

Strasburg, after a terrible bombardment, capitulated
on September 4, and Paris was invested. The largest French
Army was shut up in Metz. Bazaine, instead of identifying
himself solely with his military position, attempted political
strategy. Knowing that his army was the only force left to
France, he deemed himself arbiter of the situation. In order
to preserve his army intact, for his own personal advantage,
he made no sortie from Metz and would not recognise the
Government of National Defence. In the vain hope of
issuing from Metz and imposing his will on France, he
entered into treatment with Bismarck, who led him on till
he committed the vile and criminal treachery of capitulating
with 173,000 men and 1400 guns. Metz was ceded to the
Germans.

The whole German Army was now gathered round
Paris. Gambetta left Paris in a balloon and went to Tours,
where he organised resistance in the Provinces. By his
persuasive eloquence he raised armies on every side which
disputed French soil, inch by inch, with the Germans. He
had hoped that France would again repeat the miracle of
1792, and drive the enemy from her frontiers. At any rate,
he saved the honour of France. 600,000 men marched on
Paris, demonstrating an admirable bravery and enthusiasm.
But they were lacking in instruction and organisation,
ill-clothed, though the winter was exceptionally severe,
and ill-armed. The Germans possessed every equip-
ment, and, after German fashion, were robbing the
inhabitants of those things which they themselves lacked:

245

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

they possessed too many advantages, and the issue was not
doubtful. 1

Whilst the Provinces strove to liberate Paris, the latter
city defended herself heroically. But General Trochu's
sorties were made with no special scope, nor had he great
confidence in irregular troops. Famine entered the city.
It was not till the position was known to be hopeless that
the Parisians lost heart. Their provincial armies were
defeated, their last supplies of food exhausted: German
bombs were raining on the city; a last and unsuccessful
sortie was attempted. The city capitulated on January 28,
1 87 1, and the fortresses of Paris passed into German hands:
an armistice of three weeks was granted for the purpose
of electing a stable Government with which negotiations of
peace might be carried on.

The nation was exhausted, and the elections produced
a majority in favour of peace. The Assembly of Bordeaux,
February 12, 1871, confirmed the deposition of Napoleon
III. and named Adolphe Thiers as Head of the Executive
Power. The preliminaries of peace were settled at Versailles,
February 26, 1871. France consented to pay an indemnity
of five milliards of francs. She ceded Alsace and Strasburg
and a large part of Lorraine, ^ with more than 1,500,000
inhabitants. Thiers was able to save Belfort, which resisted
till February 16, but he was forced to allow the German
troops to enter the city of Paris and to occupy the Champs
•Elysees, until the peace preliminaries were ratified by the
Assembly.

The Germans entered Paris on March i, but on that
very day the Assembly ratified Peace, and the Germans were
forced to leave the city on the morrow. With the bronze
taken from the captured cannon the victors erected a colossal
statue of Germany in the Niederwald, near Mainz.

* Bazaine entered Germany as a prisoner. On his return to France he was
condemned to death — a sentence commuted to perpetual imprisonment. Bazaine
succeeded in escaping to Spain, where he died in misery.

^ Lorraine was not included in the German States, but was dependent directly
on the Empire (Reichsland). At the beginning she was not even allotted an
Assembly for local affairs, but was ruled with a special and severe code, in
order to secure the prompt Germanising of the country. With this object it
was deemed wise to found in Strasburg a grandiose German University.

246

ITALIAN AND GERMAN UNIFICATION

By fire and iron Bismarck had set the seal on German
unity. The Southern States had already begun to talk of
substituting their particular treaties with Prussia for an
alliance based on that of the Confederation of the North.

With their admission, Germany would consist of twenty-
five States, and the Constitution of 1867 was adopted as
that of the whole of Germany. Some concessions were
made to the most important States — notably Bavaria and
Wurtemberg. But in reality all that was left of the ancient
system was a species of decentralisation.

The ceremony of the restoration of the German Empire,
which took place on January 18, 1871, was a logical sequence
of the completion of German Unity. It would have been
natural to celebrate the event in any one of the German
cities which were associated with German national history:
but the triumph of force could not so easily be affirmed at
home as on the soil of a conquered nation. In order that the
humiliation of the French nation should be eternally associated
with the birth of the German Empire, the latter was pro-
claimed at Versailles, in the very Palace from which Louis
XIV. had dictated laws to Europe. The function was,
essentially, a military one, and the Emperor in assuming
the crown, declared that he accepted it from the Princes and
Free Cities of the Confederation.

Italian Unity was also completed during the Franco-
Prussian War. Napoleon, the Ally of Italy in 1859, had
formally requested Italian aid against Prussia at the beginning
of hostilities. Personally, Victor Emmanuel was eager to
give the aid required : but Rome and Mentana had not been
forgotten, and the spirit of the nation was hostile to such
an expedition.

French troops at Rome had been withdrawn for home
defence, and the occasion was deemed opportune throughout
the Peninsula for the incorporation of Rome with United
Italy. Victor Emmanuel, * with filial affection,^ begged the
Pope to consider the special conditions of Italy, and to
renounce the Temporal Power. The Pope replied that he
would only yield to force. By the fall of the Empire, Italy
considered herself freed from all pledges formerly given to

W.M. 247 R

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

France. Therefore, on the night of September 12, 1871,
General Cadorna crossed the Papal frontier and reached
the walls of Rome without meeting with any resistance.
The troops of Pius IX. opposed the entry of the Italians
into Rome, in order to show Europe that the Pontiff only
yielded to superior force. That object attained, the Pope
issued orders to his troops to desist from further defence,
and retired to the Vatican, where he constituted himself a
* prisoner.' The Italians entered through the breach in
the walls at Porta Pia on September 20, 187 1. A plebiscite
of the Roman people gave 133,000 votes for inclusion in
the Kingdom of Italy, and 1,507 against.

This event was not only all important to Italy but to the
world at large, since the entry of the Italians into Rome
signalled the abolition of the Temporal Power of the
Papacy.

Before the new Government was transported to Rome
a discussion took place concerning the position of the Pope :
it was necessary to tranquillise the consciences of Catholics
with regard to the consequences of the suppression of the
Temporal Power. It was evident, also, that the Holy See
must have complete independence in order to direct im-
partially the interests of the religious world. Cavour's
principle of * a Free Church in a Free State * was applied,
and the so-called * law of Guarantees ' was formulated, by
which all sovereign honours and prerogatives were accorded
to the Pope, to whom were also left the Palaces of the Lateran,
and the Vatican, and the Villa of Castel Gandolfo; an
annual income of ;£i 29,000 was assigned to him as the exact
sum inscribed in the budgets of the Pontifical State for
varied ecclesiastical needs. In addition, the Kingdom of
Italy renounced certain rights of ecclesiastical procedure
which had been exercised by preceding Governments. But
the Pontiff would not recognise the Law of Guarantees and
refused the annual grant. None the less, the change of
capital took place in July, 1871, and King Victor Emmanuel
II. took up his residence at the Palace of the Quirinal.

Whilst Italy and Germany completed their unity,
England was launched on the path of democratic evolution.

248

ITALIAN AND GERMAN UNIFICATION

The general electoral reform of 1832 now appeared
insufficient, and an extension of the vote was demanded.
The two political leaders were now Disraeli and Gladstone,
the former giving new vitality to the Conservative Party
by the insertion on his programme of large social reforms :
the latter championing the Parliament against the Crown,
and upholding advanced theories of liberty and justice. In
the Parliamentary discussion on electoral reform Disraeli
had no precise programme, but he adopted the singular
tactics of allowing the most progressive of his opponents
to proclaim their views, and then of insisting that his followers
should support much more daring and comprehensive
schemes than those of the Radicals themselves. These
reforms increased the number of the electors from 1,300,000
to 2,500,000. The working classes now received the right
of voting, and England entered on a democratic regime.

Whilst in these reforms Disraeli surpassed the most
ardent Radicals, he followed, both in language and action,
the example of Palmerston in asserting England's might
in foreign politics.

Theodore, a feudal Abyssinian chief, had succeeded in
giving a certain unity to Abyssinia by assuming a species
of kingship. In spite of English protest he refused to release
certain missionaries and a consul whom he had imprisoned:
Disraeli determined to avenge the insult, and despatched
in December, 1867, 20,000 men under Napier. In April,
1868, at Magdala, Napier gained a decisive victory.
Theodore committed suicide, and John, who had aided the
English, was placed on the throne by them as Emperor of
Abyssinia.

The Liberals came to power in 1868, and Disraeli
resigned his post: he was succeeded by Gladstone as Prime
Minister. A coalition between Liberals and Radicals kept
him in power for six successive years. Gladstone turned
his attention to the Irish Question. Everywhere, in Ireland,
emigration and famine had thinned the population, which
in a few years had sunk from 8,000,000 to 5,000,000. The
Fenian Society aimed at erecting an Irish Republic, and
various abortive risings took place in 1867.

Gladstone determined to abolish some of the most odious

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

abuses: in 1871 the Anglican Church was disestablished
in Ireland and its endowments were divided between the
Catholics and Presbyterians; hospitals were also endowed.
The Land Act of 1870 was intended to deal with certain
agricultural evils, but its effect was almost nugatory; the
Education Act of 1870 diffused instruction among the
working classes and provided for their gratuitous instruction.

• ••••••

Henceforth power went to the class which was numeri-
cally superior. The old aristocracy lost all political im-
portance: with the development of the new industrial life
its very wealth diminished. Its place in political life was
taken by middle class families enriched by banking, manu-
facture, and commerce: these rich parvenus imitated the
aristocracy and, when possible, allied themselves by marriage
with that class: satisfied with the results they had already
won, they formed, in English political life, the modern
Conservative Party. But the great commercial and industrial
development gave birth also to the Liberal-Democratic
Party, which was formed by the members of the prosperous
lower middle classes: this latter party vigorously impelled
the Government forward on its new political path.

Apart from these two parties, which in most constitutional
countries alternately seized the reins of power, stood the
Catholics and Socialists : their aims were ®f an international
character, and to them politics were a means of attaining
their social or religious ideal.

Subsequent to 1849, the Clerical Party was everywhere
reinforced. Pius IX. wished to formulate a policy which
he deemed necessary for the Church in the world: he
appointed a commission of Cardinals, which, after five years*
work, formulated the Syllabus: — that is, a catalogue of the
principal errors of Modern Society; liberty of the Press,
of religion, of conscience, and of education, civil marriage,
lay education, and popular sovereignty were considered to
be positive evils; in fact, all the principal fundamentals
on which is based the Modern State were condemned.

In order to concentrate the whole power of the Church,
it was determined to proclaim the doctrine of Papal Infalli-
bility— that is to say, the infallibility of the Pope in spiritual

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ITALIAN AND GERMAN UNIFICATION

matters when he speaks as Pastor or Doctor of all Christians.
This Doctrine was approved by the Ecumenical Council —
the twentieth in the history of the Church. This Council
was held in Rome, three centuries later than the preceding
one of Trent.

The entry of the Italian troops into Rome suspended
the labours of this Council indefinitely. From henceforth
Catholics assumed a position of hostility towards Modern
Society.

The Socialist Party now began to be organised. Karl
Marx and Engels in 1848 had published their Collectivist
pamphlet with its famous appeal to the proletariat for unity.
But in 1848 the Socialist movement was prominent nowhere,
except in France, and in i860 Socialism appeared dead.
But in 1862 the English Trades Unions had entered into
relations with French and Belgian Socialists. Marx, in
1864, succeeded in forming the International Union of
Labour. This Union ended by becoming a political society,
its fundamental idea being that all social history represents
the fight of classes, and that the proletariat must conquer
its place in society from the middle classes. Bakunine, a
Russian, in 1868, introduced ideas of anarchy and violent
revolutionary methods into the Society. This led to a
schism in the Union, which impeded its progress.

During this time the German National Socialist Party
was founded. Lassalle's Socialist-Democratic Party, which
was founded in 1863, fused with the party of Marx and
constituted the German Socialist Labour Party : its organisa-
tion and methods were imitated by most European Socialist
organisations. Even as early as 1870, Socialism began to
have its effect on political life.

The period, which is closed by 1870, marks the triumph
of the middle classes : it must, however, be recognised that
they merited their victory, since from the middle classes
sprang almost all the champions of the new ideas. This
triumph was signalled by great Public Works which entirely
modified the conditions of life. Science progressed with
incredible alacrity: railway lines were everywhere con-
structed, and this increase of means of communication
introduced radical changes into the Postal Service. Mountains

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were pierced by railways: isthmuses severed by canals:
telegraphic wires united the various countries. In 1865
the first submarine cable crossed the Atlantic, from Ireland
to New York. Gas transformed the nocturnal aspect of
cities, and gigantic enterprises were undertaken with
redoubled energy.

All these changes added to the comfort of material life,
and ease and luxury, which had hitherto belonged to the
few, were largely increased. Simultaneously, education,
which had been the privilege of the upper classes, descended
to the lower ranks of the people. The Press, no longer
fettered by taxes, was everywhere expanded. The working
classes, who now possessed their daily paper, hastened to
reclaim their political place in the State.

252

CHAPTER XI

GERMANY BEGINS TO DOMINATE EUROPEAN LIFE

The German Empire: Reconciliation with Austria: Kulturkampf :
Military laws and diplomatic alarm : Increase of Socialism and
change of general Imperial Policy. — Kingdom of Italy : Death of
Mazzini : Foreign and Internal Policy : The Left in Power : Death
of Victor Emmanuel II. : Death of Pius IX. and A ccession of Leo
XIII. — France : The Commune : Government of Thiers : Presidency
of MacMahon : Legitimist Failure : Constitutional Laws : Elections
of 1876 ; Conflict between President and Chamber : Triumph of
Republicans. — Spain : Prince Amedeo of Savoy : His Government :
His Abdication : Republican Interval : Restoration of Monarchy :
Alfonso XII. : End of the Carlist War : Constitution of 1876 : Cuban
War. — England : Gladstone's Reform : Foreign Policy of Peace :
Ashantee War : Electors of 1874 and the Disraeh Ministry : Grandiose
Imperialistic policy.

Political success and the strength of the German arms had
exalted German prestige to its zenith: the new Empire
became the central sustaining column of the political life
of Europe. This development marked a change in the life
of humanity. England, France, and Italy had based their
policy on idealism, but Force now became the principal
factor.

The magnificent results of German policy were attributed
to the triumph of Force: the fact that that Force had tri-
umphed only because it had served and coincided with the
thought of the age, and had exactly responded to German
development and moral preparation, was completely forgotten.
Military Law became the ruling passion of the German
nation: Germany had been conquered by Prussia. In the
formation of Italy, Piedmont had directed the national
movement, and had been fused with the rest of the nation.
In less than two years, from a nation of 5,000,000 it had
become one of 22,000,000: it did not, therefore, maintain
its predominance in the new State. But in Germany, Prussia
had long ranked as a Great Power, and its own population
was numerically superior to those of the other States, which

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

had entered the Empire. Therefore, the military spirit which
ruled it extended to the whole nation.

The new Germany openly declared that a gigantic
military organisation was the only mode of maintaining
peace; therefore, following the example of Prussia, she
determined on the formation of a war treasure, and destined
for such a use a portion of the French indemnity to the
amount of 150,000,000 francs in gold and silver. In the
castle of Spandau, near Berlin, this Imperial German War^
treasure was added to the Prussian War Fund, which was •^
already lying there.

The inert and impotent German Confederation had
been transformed into the first military Power in the world.
The balance of power in Central Europe had been transposed.
Austria was the first to recognise this, and hastened to admit
that the long rivalry between the Hapsburgs and the
Hohenzollerns had ended in the triumph of the latter. A
sincere reconciliation took place between the two Emperors.

Great internal reforms characterised the first years of
the new Empire, in administration, finance, and justice.
The Prussian aristocracy noted these changes with disgust,
seeing in them a menace to their ancient power and privileges ;
their influence at Court was mainly used in attempting to
arrest this Liberal movement.

But a stronger and more decisive opposition was formed
in the Chamber by the Catholic Party. In Prussia, Catholics
were in a minority, but in the Empire, out of 40,000,000
of inhabitants 14,000,000 were Catholics; many of these also
represented the separatist opinions of their various districts.
The majority of the Catholic clergy were unwilling that the
Imperial Crown should be worn by a Protestant Dynasty,
the more so since the latter had not only refused to defend
the Temporal Power in Italy, but had energetically upheld
the Rights of the State against those of the Church. The
Catholic Party was vigorous and well-organised, and in the
elections of 1871 furnished more than one-sixth of the total
number of the deputies of the Reichstag. It selected as its
head Windthorst, who had championed the cause of the
despoiled dynasty of Hanover, and was Bismarck*s most
formidable Parliamentary opponent.

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GERMANY BEGINS TO DOMINATE EUROPE

The struggle began when the Government defended
those Catholic theologians who refused to recognise the
dogma of Papal Infallibility. Bismarck deprived the clergy
of the supervision of the Catholic elementary schools, and
limited the disciplinary power of the Bishops: the Jesuits
and the orders affiliated to them were expelled from German
territory: the majority of the Bishops opposed a firm
resistance to these laws, which they declared to be cruel
and unjust; many of these prelates were tried and con-
' demned, and the language of the Catholic journals naturally
increased in violence.

The struggle, which Virchow termed * Kulturkampf,*
or the * Fight for civilisation,' was continued unhesitatingly
by Bismarck. He made civil marriage obligatory, and
suppressed the German Legation to the Holy See. In 1875
nearly all the episcopal Sees were vacant, as their titulars
were either in prison or in exile.

While engaged in this conflict Bismarck did not neglect
the question of military supremacy. The Army was placed
on a Peace footing of 400,000 men. The military party
under Moltke, observing the marvellous resiliency of France,
did their utmost to bring about a second war, in which
France should be entirely crushed. The situation in 1875
was so tense that all Europe looked for war. Through the
pacific efforts of England and Russia, the bellicose tone of
the German journals was modified and the political atmosphere
appeared more serene; but the German attitude of menace
constituted a perpetual danger. GortsciakofF, the Russian
Chancellor, did not conceal from European diplomats that
the danger of war had been finally conjured by the efforts
of his master. Bismarck neither forgot nor forgave Russia's
conduct on this occasion, and though he concealed his
irritation, his policy towards Russia was henceforth changed.

In 1877 Bismarck, wearied by perpetual Court intrigues,
desired to resign. This, however, the Emperor would not
permit: Bismarck then determined to take a holiday of ten
months, which he devoted to the study of international
commerce and finance.

Many State loans had been paid off by the unexpected
French indemnity, and German capital was forced to seek

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

other fields of employment. Manufactures developed with
incredible rapidity; a fever of speculation possessed the
country, culminating at last in the terrible financial crisis
of 1873 — ^^^ gravest which history has ever recorded. The
increase of manufactures led to a corresponding augmentation
of the working classes, and Socialism made notable progress.
The spread of the latter doctrine was shown by the elections
of 1877, and the Conservative Party was alarmed. Bismarck,
who had been a Conservative until the war with Austria,
had, since that period, united with the Liberals. He now
again ranked himself with the Conservatives: his struggle
with the Catholics gradually became less bitter, and the
Reichstag submissively followed his example.

In Italy, Parliamentary Government triumphed, following
the impulse which had been given it by Cavour. But many
difficulties obstructed the path of progress. Among the
various peoples which now formed United Italy were strong
ethnological and traditional differences, and the backward
Governments of some provinces had left a low level of
civilisation. Italian literature was the common bond of the
nation, but this fact naturally affected only the cultured
class. Piedmont had directed the renaissance of the nation,
and had furnished nearly all the essentials for welding its
component parts into one concrete whole. The Statute of
Carlo Alberto became the Constitutional map of Italy.

Victor Emmanuel was at this time fifty years old. After
the death of Cavour the King exercised a greater personal
influence, though he scrupulously confined himself to his
Constitutional prerogatives. The electoral law of 1870
was still identical with that of 1848, and although the right
of vote was given to all who paid taxes to the amount of
forty francs, yet only a total of 550,000 electors could be
raised out of a population of 26,000,000 inhabitants.

The reactionary party had almost retired from political
life. The Clericals obeyed the rule of the Roman Curia,
forbidding Catholics either to vote or receive votes, so that
Progressives alone filled the Chamber. Republicanism
was no longer in favour; Crispi's well-known formula of
' the Monarchy unites but the Republic divides us,* swayed

256

GERMANY BEGINS TO DOMINATE EUROPE

the minds of many. The new Republican deputies contented
themselves with a Radical programme. The Chamber
was, therefore, composed of the Right or the Moderate
Party, and the Left or the extreme Radical. After Cavour's
death, the Right continuously held the reins of power, and
the elections, after the annexation of Rome, strengthened
its hands.

The new life of the nation was inaugurated under
excellent auspices: the opening of the Suez Canal restored
its pristine importance to the Mediterranean and brought
many new advantages within the reach of Italy. Communi-
cation with foreign countries was greatly facilitated by the
piercing of Mont Cenis, the longest tunnel then existing.
At the same time the Italian Parliament voted the expenses
necessary for the boring of Mont St Gothard, which was
completed in 1871. Throughout the Kingdom there was a
reawakening of activity: the cities were enlarged and em-
bellished : agriculture flourished, for the sale of ecclesiastical
property had greatly ameliorated cultivation. Gradually
the extreme misery of many districts diminished, and this
fact, with rigorous police regulations, speedily suppressed
brigandage: this latter work was greatly aided by the fall
of the Temporal Power, since the Papal States no longer
afforded a secure and easy asylum for these outlaws.

But the financial situation still continued difficult; the
expenses of war, the reorganisation of the State, commercial
and industrial development and public education had
determined a serious deficit in the State Treasury, so
that notwithstanding the increase of existing taxes, and the
formation of new ones, the financial condition of United
Italy increased in gravity. Quintino Sella, the Italian
financial expert, succeeded, after painful and excessive labour,
in restoring the equilibrium, and he may be called the
financial liquidator of the Revolution.

But the generation to whom the Unity of Italy was due
was gradually passing away. Giuseppe Mazzini, the prophet
of the New Italy, died at Pisa in 1872. A few months
before his death, he traced, in noble words, the programme
of international policy which Italy should adopt when once
she was mistress in her own house.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

* If Italy desires to he great^ powerful, and prosperous, she
must incarnate in herself the idea of a Europe, divided naturally,
according to the tendencies and missions of her peoples. She
must plant conspicuously on her frontiers a banner with the
inscription, " Liberty and Nationality,^^ and every act of her
international life must be carried out with this end in view,*

He emphasised the necessity to Italy of the disappearance
of the Austrian and the Turkish Empires, and recommended
the wise policy of a solid understanding with the Slav nations;
he declared that the mission of Italy was to cement the
agreement with the Slav, Hellenic, and Daco-Roman races;
only thus the way into Asia would lie open to Italy.

But the men who now ruled the destinies of Italy were
content with a much more modest programme. Their
chief preoccupation was with the attitude of France.
According to Thiers, the greatest error of French policy
had been the aid given to the formation of Italy. The
reactionary party desired the restoration of the Temporal
Power, and when MacMahon was appointed President in
1873 Italy deemed it necessary to protect herself against
the growing menace by closer relations with Germany and
Austria. In that year Victor Emmanuel visited the Austrian
and German Emperors at Vienna and Berlin — ^visits which
were returned in 1875.

The Minghetti Ministry, seeing that stability and
equilibrium were returning to Italian finance, imposed
crude taxes in order to hasten that consummation. The
Left took advantage of the irritation of the country, and
gathered round Depretis, who was called by the King to
form a new Cabinet on the fall of the Minghetti Ministry.
New elections carried the Left triumphantly to power, and
Francesco Crispi became President of the Chamber. Crispi,
though he had renounced Mazzinianism, was still an ardent
member of the extreme Left.

Hardly had this change of policy taken place when
Victor Emmanuel died in Rome, January 9, 1878, at fifty-
eight years of age.

His remains were buried in the Pantheon, and his
country's eulogy of him was written on his tomb : — ' To the
Father of the Fatherland.*

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GERMANY BEGINS TO DOMINATE EUROPE

One month after the King's death, Pius DL passed
away. The new conclave chose Cardinal Pecci as his suc-
cessor, who ascended the throne under the name of Leo
XIII. He followed his predecessor's policy in formally
protesting against the usurpation of the House of Savoy

and again constituted himself a * prisoner ' in the Vatican.
• ••••••

After the fall of the Napoleonic dynasty, the Government,
which had been produced by the insurrection of September
4, split into two parts; one remained in the besieged capital
and the other took up its seat at Tours, in order to organise
the provincial forces.

Even before the fall of the Empire the Republican
element had prevailed: it now found itself in power. In
order to maintain itself there, it was compelled to flatter the
people which had established it, and which daily was becoming
more nervous and excitable. On the capitulation of Paris
the Government was discredited, and the advanced elements
boldly spread their revolutionary propaganda. As a large
number of Parisians, at the conclusion of the blockade, had
left Paris for the country, the field was left clear for the most
fanatic revolutionists.

The provinces, though they had approved the fall of the
Empire, disapproved of the way in which the Revolution
had supplanted it: they considered that the Revolution was
exclusively of Parisian origin and lacked legality. Gambetta,
though he ha'd aroused great enthusiasm, lost popularity
by his programme of resistance a Voutrance, France was
divided into Parisians and Provincials, and the majority of
the latter were of reactionary tendencies. The elections
for the new National Assembly distinctly showed this fatal
antagonism. The majority of this Assembly — 400 out of
750 members — were country gentlemen, representatives
of the ancient monarchical parties : Legitimists and Orleanists.
Thiers was appointed Head of the Assembly, as the only
deputy who before the war had protested against hostilities.

Thiers promised to confine himself to the speedy con-
clusion of the Treaty of Peace and the reorganisation of
France, leaving her free to choose her own system of Govern-
ment. The Assembly voted the preliminaries of Peace,

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

confirmed the deposition of Napoleon III. and his dynasty,
and on March 1 1 closed its sittings at Bordeaux and established
the seat of executive power at Versailles.

An exceptionally strong Government was necessary to
cope with the fierce party passions which agitated France,
and the Government of Thiers was deplorably weak. The
National Guard of Paris was composed wholly of fanatic
revolutionaries, and had become a grave element of danger
to public order.

Thiers wished to affirm his authority at Paris and, for
this purpose, sent troops to demand the surrender of the
cannon held by the National Guard: the troops were sur-
rounded at Paris by an enraged mob, which was supported
by battalions of National Guards. The Generals in command
of the Government troops were shot down, and Thiers, full
of indignation, determined to await his opportunity, till he
had organised an army strong enough to dominate the
insurgents.

Meanwhile, the National Guard installed themselves
at the Hotel de Ville of Paris. A Council General of ninety
members was elected, and formed itself into an anti-Govern-
ment, which was called * the Commune.* It was essentially
a Government of violence, and concentrated all its energies
in civil war. But its aspirations were Socialist; instead of a
central Government, it desired to substitute a federation of
free cities, each of which should exercise its right of sove-
reignty in its own territories.

Other towns followed the example of Paris, but these
local insurrections were suppressed. The Commune sent
its troops against the Government of Versailles, but they
were repelled, and some of their chiefs who had fallen into
the hands of the Government troops were shot without trial.
In revenge, the Communists imprisoned many of the notable
personages of Paris as hostages, amongst others the Arch-
bishop— Monsignor Darboy.

An army, consisting of prisoners of war returned from
captivity in Germany, now marched under MacMahon
against Paris. For a month this sanguinary struggle con-
tinued, under the impartial eyes of the Germans, who held
the suburban forts of Paris. In May 22 the Versailles

260

GERMANY BEGINS TO DOMINATE EUROPE

troops entered the city by an unguarded gate, and the last
desperate struggle took place behind the barricades. The
exasperated Communists shot the hostages, and the Versailles
troops gave way to regrettable reprisals. The Communists
set fire to various public buildings — amongst others, the
Tuileries — in order to retard the advance of the Government
troops. The fight continued from May 21-28, and this
week has been called the * Week of Blood.' More than
17,000 persons perished in this fratricidal strife. Those
of the prisoners who had not been immediately shot were
transported to New Caledonia and Cayenne. The Revolu-
tionaries were at last defeated, and Monarchists and Republi-
cans were left to dispute the power.

The Assembly had been elected without limits of time
or power. In reality it lasted five years, and was a constituent
Assembly. As each party wished to be responsible for a
settled form of Government, and neither were strong enough
to do so, a kind of Provisional Constitution was voted in
1 871: by it, the Head of the Executive power assumed
the title of President of the French Republic, and had the
powers of a Parliamentary Sovereign, save that he was
responsible to the omnipotent Assembly.

By the Treaty of Frankfort, May 10, 1871, the payment
of two of the four milliards of indemnity was to be made
before May i, 1872, and the remainder before March, 1874.
But Thiers so well fulfilled his pledge to the Assembly, and
the co-operation of the French nation was so enthusiastic
that the whole of the vast indemnity was paid on March 1 5,
1873: by the summer of 1873 French soil was free from the
German invader.

The fundamental problem of the species of Government
remained to be settled. The Monarchists were divided
among themselves, one party supporting the claims of the
Comte de Chambord (Henry, Duke de Bordeaux), and the
other sustaining the rights of the Comte de Paris (nephew
of Louis Philippe). Of these parties, the former, or Legitimist,
constituted the reactionary Right, and in no way recognised
the work of the Revolution, while the Orleanists formed
the more progressive Centre Right, and were willing to
preserve the Liberal conquests of modern France.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Thiers, though he had been in his youth an Orleanist,
saw clearly that a Republic meant safety for France at the
present juncture. He, therefore, aimed at systematising
the existing Republic with the organisation of a regular
Government. The Monarchist majority, when it detected
the policy of Thiers, withdrew its support from him, and
Thiers resigned his position as President.

MacMahon succeeded him and adopted a contrary
policy, favourable to the Monarchists and to the Clerical
party of reaction. The two groups of Monarchists were
fused into one under the leadership of the Count de Chambord,
and were audacious enough to propose not only the restoration
of the Legitimist Dynasty in France, but also the re-establish-
ment of the Temporal Power in Rome.

But the Count de Chambord refused to recognise any
other flag than the white Bourbon banner, and the Orleanists
realised the hopelessness of an attempt to place a reactionary
King on the throne : thus, the restoration of the Monarchy
disappeared from the field of practical politics.

France was weary of the equivocal situation, and in 1875
the Assembly was impelled to vote for a stable Constitution,
which might serve either as a Monarchy or a Republic:
the Republican Party, with admirable patience, under the
leadership of Gambetta, awaited its opportunity. New
elections sent a Republican majority to Parliament.
MacMahon, who till now had acted impartially, was per-
suaded by his own party — the extreme Right — to dismiss
the new Republican Cabinet, and he nominated one in its
place which was both clerical and reactionary. Again the
House was dissolved, and another appeal was made to the
country. The death of Thiers strengthened the position
of Gambetta at the Head of the Republican Party, which
was solidly organised. Again the Republicans won a victory :
in January, 1879, their party obtained a majority in the
Senate, and MacMahon resigned his post as President.
He was succeeded by a Republican deputy — ^Jules Grevy,
who was the first President to observe strict party neutrality,
an example which has been followed by his successors.
Gambetta was nominated President of the Chamber, and
declared that the whole strength of the nation must be

262

GERMANY BEGINS TO DOMINATE EUROPE

concentrated on scholastic, military, and economic questions.
An amnesty was granted to the exiled Communists: the
seat of Government was again transferred to Paris, and the
14th of July, which commemorated the fall of the Bastille,
was proclaimed as the National Feast: this celebration
indicated the democratic character of the Government.

After the retirement of Leopold of Hohenzollern, the
Provisional Government of Spain offered the Crown to
Prince Amedeo of Savoy — the second son of Victor Emmanuel.
Amedeo began his reign with the most excellent intentions:
he wished to govern as a Constitutional King, but Spain
was not ready for an enlightened Government. Carlists,
Republicans, and Progressivists again began their agitation.
An attempt was made on the King's life, and on February
II, 1873, he abdicated the throne and returned to Italy.

The young King Alphonso, son of the ex-Queen,
Isabella, was now proclaimed King, and the country, which
was weary of war, welcomed his advent with pleasure. He
was an intelligent and cultured Prince, and had been educated
in the best institutions of England, France, and Switzerland.
But his health was delicate, and the transition to the throne
from the college at the dangerous age of eighteen years
flung temptation in his way, which he was too weak to resist,
and his health was weakened by the resultant life of pleasure.

Alphonso and his Ministers concentrated their attention
on the Carlist difficulty: their efforts to cope with this
question were crowned with such success that in February,
1876, Don Carlos was forced to re-pass the French frontiers.
Cuba, which for some years had engaged the attention of
the mother country, was now dealt with: 30,000 men under
Campos were sent to the island. After eighteen months*
fighting an agreement with the Cubans permitted them to
send deputies to the Spanish Cortes, and the colony was
pacified.

• ••••••

In England, Gladstone improved the electoral laws,
introducing secret voting in 1872: he also attempted to
democratise the Army by abolishing the sales of commissions.
In his foreign policy he adopted pacific measures, and had

W.M. 263 S

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

recourse, in many questions, to arbitration. A diplomatic
conference in London in 1871, though stipulating that in
future no Power can free itself from treaty obligations without
the consent of the contracting parties, allowed Russia's
claims in the Black Sea, and abrogated the articles in the
Treaty of Paris concerning this question.

The case of the Alabama — a Southern privateer which
had been armed in England and had done much damage
to the coasts of the North — was submitted to a conference
of international jurists, who decided that England should
pay the United States an indemnity of ;^3, 200,000. Under
Gladstone's colonial policy the only increase to the English
possessions consisted of the Gold Coast Settlement, which
had been bought from the Dutch in 1 87 1 . The neighbouring
Ashantees, who were dissatisfied at this change of owner-
ship, made incursions into English territory. An expedition
under Sir Garnet Wolseley successfully destroyed their
power and occupied their territory. But this latter event
took place when Gladstone was no longer in power.

A split had occurred in the Liberal Party over the question
of Trades Unions. The Law of 1871, which recognised
the latter, forbade intimidation by picketing. The Liberal
Party demanded the removal of this veto, but Gladstone
refused. In this refusal he was supported by the more
temperate of his followers, who were alarmed by the acts of
the Commune. Gladstone appealed to the country, which,
however, returned a Conservative majority. This election
is notable as registering, for the first time, the entry of the
Labour Party into the House of Commons.

Disraeli's Government now came into power, and held
ofiice for six-and-a-half consecutive years. He busied
himself with social progress and passed a law placing em-
ployers and employed on an equal basis: the hours of boy
labour in factories were also limited, and permission was
also given to municipalities to destroy unhealthy houses,
and to build others in their places at low rentals.

The contrast between Gladstone's and Disraeli's system
of government lay in their foreign policy. Gladstone's
quietism in this respect stands out in strong relief with
Disraeli's strenuous efforts to increase the prestige of England.

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GERMANY BEGINS TO DOMINATE EUROPE

Disraeli may be said to be the creator of the Imperial policy,
in that he attempted to bind more closely the colonies with
the motherland, and thus found an Enrpire based on com-
munity of origin, traditions, and interest.

He transformed the Fiji Islands into an English colony
at the beginning of his Ministry. His boldest stroke was
the purchase of the bonds of the Suez Canal from the French
bondholders. In 1874, for 100,000,000 francs he bought
the 176,000 Canal shares, and secretly acquired in European
money markets a portion of the remainder, thus giving
England predominance in the Suez Canal Company, and
thus preparing the way for English domination in Egypt.
By his advice, the Prince of Wales undertook a journey to
India, in order to acquaint himself with his subject peoples :
Disraeli also proposed in 1876 that India should be trans-
formed into an Empire, which should give an Imperial title
to the British Sovereign. But his foreign policy was chiefly
indicated by his treatment of the Eastern Question.

265

CHAPTER XII

FROM THE EASTERN QUESTION TO THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE

Disorders and abuses in Turkey. — Insurrection of Herzegovina : Bosnia .
Murad V. ascends the Throne. — Turks in Bulgaria. — Serbs and
Montenegrins declare war on Turkey. — Abdul Hamid ascends the
Throne. — Energetic attitude of Russia : Declaration of war, 1877. —
Russian advance in Bulgaria. — Defence and Fall of Plevna. — Peace
of San Stefano. — Congress of Berlin, 1878. — Austro-German Alliance.
Revolutionary crisis in Russia : Assassination of Alexander II. —
Bismarck's fight against Socialism. — Wars of Zululand and Afghani-
stan.— Parnell and the Irish Question. — French Expedition to Tunis :
Foundation of the Triple Alliance, 1882.

Turkey's power seemed to have been increased by the
Crimean War, but the increase was one in appearance only.
In Africa and Europe her authority over her vassal States
decreased daily. Tunis and Egypt, by their contact with
civilisation, disdained the yoke of a semi-barbarous potentate.
Tripoli alone remained to Turkey of all her African pos-
sessions. Her Asiatic possessions of 13,000,000 inhabitants
were extensive, and the population of the European States
amounted to 8,000,000. But disorder was everywhere
rampant, and State robbery and injustice held sway; every-
where Christians were maltreated.

The Panslavist programme, therefore, spread rapidly
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in 1875 a revolution broke
out in those countries. Serbia and Montenegro sympathised
with their Christian Slav brothers, and secretly furnished
them with men, arms, munitions, and money.

The resurrection of the Eastern Question alarmed
European diplomats. The various Consuls of the Great
Powers were instructed to enter into relations with the
insurgents and ascertain their complaints; they were told
to promise them a representation of their wrongs to the
Sultan, but the invariable answer to these suggestions was
that no trust could be placed in Turkish pledges.

266

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE

The Turkish Government, as usual, promised all that
was asked and more. A plan of radical reforms was an-
nounced. A few days after, the interest of the Public Debt
was diminished by 50 per cent. Military expenses
accounted in part for this bankruptcy, but the enormous
sums spent in the Sultan's private pleasures were mainly
responsible.

The war continued in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Three
Powers were specially interested in the Eastern Question: —
England, Austria, and Russia. France and Italy were too
occupied with matters of internal organisation to pay much
heed to it. Russia was engaged in the conquest of Central
Asia, and her fleet was unprepared: for the moment she
contented herself with diplomatic action only, and simply
waited her opportunity for intervention.

The interest of Austria's many Slav subjects naturally
induced that country to defend those Slavs who were subject
to Turkey. But the fear of a Greater Serbia was ever before
her eyes on the one hand, and on the other she was unwilling
to admit the claims of Russia in the Balkans. She united
herself diplomatically to Russia in order to impede the
latter's activity.

But England, alarmed at the Russian advance in Central
Asia, determined at all costs to prevent her extension in
the Balkans. Very reservedly she united herself to the other
Powers. Austria was charged with the preparation of a
note to Turkey, which should suggest many much needed
reforms. The Sultan declared that the Note so exactly
expressed his own opinions that he would promulgate the
suggested reforms without any alteration. The insurgents
were not, however, impressed by the proclamation, and
the Spring of 1876 witnessed a more violent stage of the
war than ever.

The Bulgarians now became excited, and throughout
the Balkans the relations between Christians and Moham-
medans became more acute. In 1876 the French and
German Consuls were massacred in Salonica by the Turkish
population; the Turkish authorities took no steps to stop
the outrages, and French and German warships appeared

267

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

in Eastern waters. The punishment of the guilty was
obtained, together with an indemnity for the families of the
murdered men.

In May, 1876, Abdul Aziz was deposed and was
succeeded by Murad V. A few days later the deposed
Sultan was found dead in his bedroom; doubts have been
expressed as to whether he did or did not commit
suicide.

The atrocities committed in Bulgaria by those irregular
troops, which went by the name of Bashi-Bazouks, roused
the indignation of Europe. The popular sentiment in
England was so strong that the Government was compelled
to proceed cautiously with its foreign policy.

Serbia and Montenegro formed a League against the
Turk, July 2, 1876. The Montenegrins obtained some
successes, but the Serbs, who had attempted an entry into
Bulgaria, were repelled by the Turks. The Government
at Constantinople realised the gravity of these rebellions
and acted with virile energy. Serbia was invaded, and, in
August, Milan invoked the mediation of the Great
Powers.

Murad V. had shown signs of mental weakness. He
was now deposed, and his brother, Abdul Hamid IL,
succeeded him. Reforms were postponed, and the Turks now
marched on Belgrade with the resolution of crushing the
Serbian nation. The Czar now interfered and presented
an ultimatum, declaring that he would immediately break
off relations with Turkey if an armistice were not granted
to Serbia.

The Sultan gave way and a diplomatic Congress was
held at Constantinople to agree on the conditions of peace
and the programme of reforms. But, while the Conference
was sitting, the Sultan, by the advice of Midhat Pasha,
promulgated a Constitutional regime, with two Houses of
Parliament, according to Western ideas. When the Con-
ference presented the result of its deliberations to the Sultan,
the latter summoned a National Council, which energetically
rejected the proposals of the Great Powers.

Thereupon the Congress broke up and left Constantinople.

268

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE

The Turkish Government now treated directly with Serbia
and Montenegro. The former country accepted a Treaty,
based on the status quo ante^ but Montenegro was obstinate,
and, realising that Russia would support her, rejected the
Turkish proposals.

Alexander III. now determined to act. Austria promised
him her benevolent neutrality, and permitted Russia to
occupy the Eastern provinces of the Balkans under certain
conditions.

The Czar's armies crossed the frontiers on April 22,
1877. Only one Power protested — England. It was
impossible, however, for the latter to intervene unsupported.
But she demanded satisfaction on three points: — i. The
independence and integrity of Egypt; 2. The security of
the Suez Canal ; 3. The independence of Constantinople.
Russia satisfied her on these three points, and the danger
of English intervention was avoided.

Russia had prepared two armies — a European one
under the Grand Duke Nicholas and an Asiatic one under
Loris Melikoff. Her way to the Danube led Russian armies
through Rumania. King Charles took advantage of this
opportunity, and proclaimed the independence of his country:
he, therefore, also, declared war on Turkey.

Success crowned the first efforts of the Russians: Kars
was invested and Erzeroum menaced. In spite of rough
weather and the vigilance of the Turkish fleet, the Danube
was crossed and the Russians occupied the Shipka Pass:
while a flying detachment threatened the railway between
Philippopolis and Constantinople.

But a series of reverses followed; Loris Melikoff was
forced to retreat from Kars and return within the Russian
frontiers. All Russian gains in Europe, with the exception
of the Shipka Pass, were again lost. The Russians were
threatened on both flanks ; to protect their right they attacked
Plevna, which was occupied by a Turkish force under Osman
Pasha. They were, however, repulsed and forced to await
new reinforcements.

But even^ these did not enable them to capture the
town, and again they were repelled with enormous losses.

269

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Todleben was then entrusted with the siege and concentrated
all his efforts in a rigid investment of the city. Melikoff
now captured Kars and laid siege to Erzeroum. Plevna
fell on December ii, 1877. Serbia now declared war on
Turkey and occupied Nish, while the victorious Monte-
negrins penetrated almost to Scutari: Greece was restrained
by England from joining in the general Balkan hostili-
ties.

On January 20 the Russians reached Adrianople, and
here the first preliminaries of peace were signed: these
included the independence of Serbia and Rumania, and a
large increase of their territories: Montenegro also received
territorial compensations. Bulgaria was transformed into
an autonomous Principality: Bosnia and Herzegovina
received a mandate for autonomous administration, and
Turkey consented to indemnify the expenses of the war.

Austria and England were alarmed by these successes.
The former concentrated her troops on her Eastern frontiers,
while England voted a credit of ;^6,ooo,ooo and despatched
her fleet to Prince's Island in the Sea of Marmora.

All Europe watched the course of events with anxiety.
The situation depended on Germany. Bismarck proposed
himself as * the honest broker,' and suggested a Congress
at Berlin. Russia hastened to sign a final peace at San
Stefano, March 3, 1878, at which the preliminaries of peace
were affirmed and the independence of Montenegro finally
recognised by Turkey. Kars and Batoum, in Armenia,
were ceded to Russia.

Austria and England protested violently against the
Treaty, and again war seemed imminent; Bismarck refused
to restrain Austria, and as the Russian Army was unfitted
both by health and by scarceness of munitions for fresh
hostilities, the Czar was forced to come to terms with both
England and Austria, and secret treaties renouncing a
portion of the fruits of Russian victories were made with
both these countries. A Congress was held at Berlin to
discuss the Treaty of San Stefano, in June, 1878: but before
this opened, both Turkey and England had also signed a
secret treaty by which England pledged herself to defend

270

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE

Turkey's Asiatic possessions, and received, in return, the
occupation and administration of the Island of Cyprus.

At the Congress of Berlin, Russia was represented by
Gortsciakoff, who flattered himself that Bismarck would
give him his support in return for the aid given by Russia
to Germany in 1870. Benjamin Disraeli, now Lord
Beaconsfield, represented England, while Austria sent Count
Andrassy as her envoy. The President of the Congress was
Bismarck, now at the zenith of his power and prestige.
Waddington and Luigi Conti represented France and Italy
respectively. The youngest diplomat was Karatheodory,
the representative of Turkey.

Many changes were made in the terms of the Treaty.
To Austria was given the occupation and administration of
Bosnia and Herzegovina and the organisation of Novi
Bazar: this last territory divided Serbia from Montenegro.
Bulgaria was given the territory north of the Balkans, with
1,500,000 inhabitants. The Macedonian region, which
the Treaty of San Stefano had allotted to Bulgaria, was
restored to Turkey. Montenegro was sacrificed. Part of
the new territory which she had obtained was taken by
Austria. Serbia also suffered; with the object of keeping
alight the rivalry between Serbia and Bulgaria, territory
bordering on the latter State was assigned to the former:
Greece obtained a promise of rectification of her
frontiers.

The fruits of Rumania's victory were snatched from
her by Russia. The Danube was neutralised and the Danube
fortifications were dismantled. The Russian Government
renounced the conquests in Asia on condition that Turkey
ceded the city of Khotur to Persia.

The Congress concluded its labours without attempting
to settle fundamental principles. The utilitarian aims of
Bismarck had been the only guide of the Congress. Senti-
ment and imagination were alien to its members, and the
Congress rose, leaving the impression that those present
had reduced it solely to a competition of organised
robbery.

• ■•«•••

271

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Many difficulties attended the execution of these
deliberations. Bosnia and Herzegovina opposed an obstinate
resistance to Austrian occupation. The capital of Bosnia —
Serajevo — was disputed house by house; only after serious
losses did the Austrians suffocate resistance.

Rumania silently allowed Russia to take possession
of Bessarabia, and withdrew her functionaries as the Russians
advanced. Though the Congress of Berlin had imposed
on the Balkan States equality of religious rights, Rumania
refused to accord the privileges of citizenship to the Russian
Jews, and naturalisation was denied to these foreigners.
A few Spanish Jews, who had been installed for many years
in the country, alone were allowed this concession. In
order to confirm her independence, Rumania transformed
her principality into a Kingdom, and Charles of Hohenzollern
assumed the title of King of Rumania, March 26, 1881.
Serbia followed this example, and Prince Milan, in 1882,
styled himself King of Serbia.

A young German Prince, Alexander of Battenberg, was
called to the throne of Bulgaria. Discontent was rife in
Bulgaria owing to the loss of the province of Eastern Roumelia,
which had been restored to Turkey by the Berlin Congress.

The Albanians had formed a league to oppose the
Montenegrin occupation of that territory which had been
granted her by the Congress. The province of Dulcigno
was therefore given to Montenegro, in exchange, and since
Turkey refused her free consent to this concession, a naval
demonstration was made, in consequence of which the city
of Dulcigno was surrendered to Montenegro, 1880.

The Greeks also were unable to obtain the concessions
promised them, and they prepared for war. The Powers,
however, intervened, and Turkey was forced to cede to
Greece the province of Thessaly, and that of Epirus as far
as the River Arta.

• ••••••

The difficulties of the solution of these questions were
such that the dissensions between the Great Powers were
greatly aggravated after the Congress of Berlin.

Russia was enraged to see that Austria, without striking
a blow, remained predominant in the Balkans. Gortsciakoft'

272

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE

returned from Berlin full of hatred towards Bismarck, and

openly proclaimed his hostility to Germany. Before this

common menace, Germany and Austria naturally drew

tighter the existing bonds of friendship. This understanding

led to an Alliance hostile to Russia, October 7, 1879, and

henceforth the Austro-German League became the central

column of the new European equilibrium.

A secret Treaty signed at Gastein obliged Austria and

Germany to give each other reciprocal aid in case of a Russian

attack, and to preserve a benevolent neutrality if the attack

proceeded from any other Power, unless the latter should

be aided by Russia.

• ••••••

Russia, however, was in no position to take the offensive,
since all her energies were occupied in combating her own
revolutionary crisis.

The Russian Liberals had been sorely disappointed at
the abandonment by Alexander of his more enlightened
policy, and the more intelligent of the Russian youth began
to form the so-called Nihilist Society. The members of the
latter organisation considered all peaceable means of destroy-
ing error and uprooting tyranny impossible, and relied on
science alone. At first the Russian Government paid little
heed to their propaganda, but when a few of the leaders
had been arrested and severely punished, the Nihilists
entered into open war against the Russian Government,
1878.

Each condemnation of a Nihilist was followed by the
assassination of a State functionary: later, minor State
officials were passed over and a series of attempts were made
on the life of the Czar himself: in December, 1879, the
Imperial train was blown up ; by a lucky chance the Emperor
had travelled by a previous train and thus escaped. In
February, 1880, the dining-room of the Winter Palace at
St Petersburg, with the adjoining Guard-room, was destroyed
by explosives. Again the Imperial family escaped owing
to the fortuitous postponement of the dinner.

The Czar then gave ear to the counsels of Loris Melikoff,
who advised a wider and more Liberal policy in accordance
with the needs of the people. Some months passed quietly;

273

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

a scheme of Provincial Councils, together with an Assembly
of these representatives, aided by the nobles, was carefully
thought out; a decree of the Czar authorising these reforms
was signed on March 13, 1881, and the text of the decree
was to have been published on the following day in the
public journals. But the Czar had delayed too long. As he
was returning from a review of the troops, a bomb was flung
at his carriage, killing the horses and wounding his Cossack
escort; the Emperor descended in order to attend to the
wounded, when a second bomb was flung at his legs. He
was mortally wounded and died on the same day.

His son and successor, Alexander III., at first intended to
publish the dead Czar's decree on his accession, but the
thought that such a step might be construed as a capitulation
to the forces of violence, restrained him. The principal
authors of the assassination were put to death.

PobiedonozefF, the Procurator-General of the Holy
Synod, now became the Czar's counsellor; by his advice
the Czar published a proclamation which stated that the
Divine Voice bade the Czar reinforce and preserve autocratic
government. Loris MelikofF then resigned, and all the
abuses and excesses of the ancient regime were restored.
New plots and new executions took place, but the outbursts
grew rarer, and finally ceased.

In Foreign Policy the Czar continued Russian hostility
towards Germany. The Power with which an Alliance
could easily have been made was France, but in the eyes of
the Czar the Republic spelt Revolution.

Meantime, in Germany, Bismarck had engaged in a
strenuous conflict with the Radicals and Socialists. Two
attempts had been made in 1878 against the life of the aged
Emperor, and, in consequence, the Chancellor suppressed
all Associations with either Socialistic or Communistic
tendencies.

But Bismarck realised that the Socialistic aspirations
were, in part, just and reasonable, and in 1881 presented
his first scheme of insuring the worker against misfortune
or sickness. The calmer and more able policy of Leo XIII.
enabled Bismarck to establish a peaceful modus vivendi with
the Catholic Church.

274

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE

But his work of military preparation still continued;
the peace footing of the Army was raised to 427,000 men.
He kept a jealous watch on international policy, and the fear
of an alliance against Germany led him to foment the rivalries
existing between Russia and England, and England and
France.

On Lord Beaconsfield's return from the Congress of
Berlin, he received a triumphal ovation in London. He
had raised England's power and prestige to the highest
point, since by the mere menace of war he had stopped
Russia's progress, saved Turkey from ruin, and gained for
England Cyprus and the Protectorate of Asia Minor.

The Beaconsfield Ministry also pursued a daring colonial
policy in Asia and Africa.

The discovery of diamonds had increased the prosperity
of Cape Colony. The Boers were not satisfied with their
own Government, and were induced by English agents to
invoke the aid of England. In spite of Boer protests,
Beaconsfield promptly annexed the Transvaal.

The English now declared war on the Zulus — a fierce
tribe which had continually made incursions into Cape
Colony; the Zulus, under their chief, Cetewayo, fought
bravely and inflicted grave losses on the invaders. The son
of Napoleon III., who was now twenty-three years old, had
joined this expedition, but in a reconnaisance both he and
the small escort which accompanied him were surprised
and massacred. The war ended in the capture of
Cetewayo and the reorganisation of his country under
English control.

Simultaneously, England was engaged in war with
Afghanistan. A Russian mission had been received by the
Afghans with great honour, while a similar mission, sent
by England, was forbidden access to the country by the
Emir, Shere Ali. An English Army, in consequence,
invaded Afghanistan, and the Emir fled into Turkestan,
where he died shortly after. His son and successor, Yakub,
accepted the English Protectorate in May, 1878, but the
English Resident at Cabul was massacred and Yakub was
dethroned. He was succeeded by Abdhur Rahman in July,

275

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

1880. The latter promised to guide his foreign policy by
English advice; a railway was made, connecting Kandahar
with the Indus, and the Province of Baluchistan, through
which the railway ran, was annexed by England.

But the expenses of the wars and the consequent deficit
in the Budget caused the fall of the Beaconsfield Ministry,
April, 1880. A Liberal Ministry, under Gladstone, succeeded
it.

During the Beaconsfield Ministry, the Irish Party,
under Parnell, came into prominence. Since this Party
was too weak to obtain its demands by Parliamentary
methods, it adopted the policy of obstruction in the House :
in Ireland it formed the Land League and introduced the
system of boycotting, so called from Boycott, its first
victim.

By alternate mildness and coercion, Gladstone unsuc-
cessfully endeavoured to solve the Irish problem. In 1882
the Viceroy of Ireland and his secretary were assassinated.
New laws of repression were passed, but the Irish Question
remained definitely unsettled.

Discontent at the English annexation of the Transvaal
led the Boers to rebel against English rule in December,
1880. Under the leadership of Joubert and Kruger the
Boers were victorious, and the defeat of Majuba Hill caused
great sensation in England. Gladstone again introduced
his pacific policy, and on August 3, 188 1, a convention was
signed at Pretoria, recognising the independence of the
Boers in all matters of Home Policy, but acknowledging
the Protectorate of England in the Republic's foreign
relations.

In Egypt, Ismail Pasha, the Khedive, had almost ruined
the country by extravagant expenditure. France and England
deemed it necessary to intervene on behalf of his creditors :
the Khedive was obliged to set apart a sum of money sufficient
to pay off the interest of the Egyptian loans. Two Controllers-
General were appointed, one French and the other English;
the economies introduced by them aroused discontent
among the officers of the Khedive's Armies. These latter
persuaded the Khedive to dismiss the two Controllers. But
France and England energetically protested, and obtained

276

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE

from the Sultan a Firman by which Ismail Pasha was deposed
and succeeded by his son, Tewfik. The French and English
dual control was re-established. Till now the two Powers
had agreed perfectly in the condominium^ it was not long,
however, before England's influence prevailed over that
of France.

The Republican Party in France had triumphed by the
election of Jules Grevy over that of the reactionaries. Its
various conflicting elements, which had united against the
common foe, now broke into distinct sections. The Radicals,
especially, were irritated at the so-called policy of opportunism
of the Government. But the supporters of the latter were
strong enough to keep it in power, and many important
reforms were passed.

France had now regained confidence in herself, and
once more gazed beyond her frontiers. In her isolation,
war with Germany was at present impossible. Therefore,
in order to satisfy the national ambition, she began her work
of peaceful penetration of Tunis.

Here she came into contact with Italy, which possessed
in Tunis many colonists and a multitude of interests. Each
country attempted to gain the favour of the reigning Bey.
Bismarck, either because he desired to divert French attention
from the Rhine, or because the division of the Latin nations
was agreeable to the interests of Germany, strongly advised
the French to occupy Tunis. A pretext of war was furnished
in April, 1881, when a Tunisian tribe invaded Algiers.
Jules Ferry, the Head of the French Ministry, sent an
expedition to Tunis, and on May 12, 1881, General Br^art
arrived at Bardo, the residence of the Bey. Here a Treaty
was signed, which established a French Protectorate over
Tunis. This expedition produced grave consequences, for
it rendered the equilibrium of Europe unstable, and marked
a decisive severance between France and Italy.

The French occupation of Tunis excited hostility in
Italy, and encouraged the idea that closer relations with the
Central Powers was desirable. Austria welcomed the
proposal, as in such a case she would be free from the fear of
Italian attack in the event of a war with Russia. Germany,

277

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

also, gladly accepted the prospect of another Ally in case
of a war with France. Italian political leaders somewhat
precipitately hastened the rapprochement^ and a visit of King
Humbert to Vienna took place in October, 1881.

Gambetta at this time attempted a reconciliation of the
two Latin nations, but Bismarck, with extraordinary skill,
annulled his efforts, and, partly by threats and partly by
flattery, induced Italy to enter the Austro-German Alliance.
DifHculties were not lacking. Francis Joseph had not
repaid the visit of the Italian King, and the Pope informed
the Emperor that if he visited Rome he would not receive
him personally. Notwithstanding, the negotiations between
Italy and the Central Powers continued, and on May 20,
1882, the Treaty which is called the Triple Alliance was
signed.

Territorial guarantees were established, and thus Italy
was delivered from the danger of the Roman Question.
This constituted Italy's only advantage, whilst the other
Powers not only definitely separated Italy from France, but
were assured that in an international crisis Italy would at
least remain neutral. Each of the Allies pledged themselves
to enter into no alliance which should be directed against
one of themselves. If either of the Allies were attacked by
another Great Power, the other two agreed to preserve a
benevolent neutrality: but should more than one Great
Power attack either of the Allies, the other two should
immediately join forces with the Power attacked. The
Treaty was signed for a duration of five years.

But this Treaty was simply based on policy, and was
cemented neither by the sentiments nor hearts of the nations
concerned. The Italian people still aspired after the provinces
of Unredeemed Italy, and this desire was accentuated in
the same year by an unhappy event. A young student,
Oberdank, was found at Trieste in possession of bombs,
and he was accused of an attempt on the life of the Austrian
Emperor. His execution caused general indignation in
Italy. Thus, even in the first year of the Triple Alliance,
a sincere understanding between the Governments of Vienna
and Rome seemed impossible of attainment.

278

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE

It may be said that the international as well as home
policy of individual States, in these years especially, was
mfluenced by the desire of immediate gain. Idealism seemed
to have vanished from the sentiments of the nations, and
material interests acquired an overwhelming influence over
the life of humanity. On June 2, 1882, Giuseppe Garibaldi,
the great champion of idealism, disappeared from this world's
scene.

W.M. 279

CHAPTER XIII

COLONIAL EXPANSION

The English in Egypt : Rebellion of Arabi Pasha : Bombardment of
Alexandria : The Soudan Expedition. — English Reform of 1885 ;
Gladstone and the Irish Question : Split of the Liberal-Unionists. —
France : Death of Gambetta : Jules Ferry and the Conquest of Tonquin.
— The English in Burmah. — French Protectorate in Madagascar. —
The Independent State of the Congo. — Berlin Conference and European
occupation of Africa. — German claims. — Crispi's Italian colonial
adventure. — International agreement for the partition of Africa. —
French Domination in West Africa. — Development of the Congo. —
Anglo-Portuguese disagreement. — Ambitious projects of England :
Cecil Rhodes. — German advance and the Anglo-German agreement
of 1890.

Europe now seemed to have assumed a stable position, which
forbade any idea of ambitious designs of conquest. Plans
of expansion, therefore, necessarily developed outside the
Continent; this extra-European expansion was manifested
the more strongly since it was determined both by political
and by economic reasons.

European industrial development had increased by leaps
and bounds; at the head of this economic movement were
England and France. Italy and Germany, which had once
simply occupied the position of clients in the world's labour
markets, had now entered the lists as competitors; colonial
adventures were still more vigorously prosecuted in the
search for new markets for national trade. The Tunis
expedition marked the beginning of this enlargement of
European political life. England had watched the French
adventure in Tunis with a jealous eye, but had not deemed
it prudent to interfere. She, herself, had found compensation
in Egypt. ^ _ . ' . .

European interference in Egyptian affairs had increased
the native hatred of foreigners; nationalist and religious
agitation fomented this bitterness. At the head of the
anti-European movement was Arabi Pasha, whom the
Khedive, in 1882, in obedience to popular clamour, had

280

COLONIAL EXPANSION

appointed Minister. Arabi at once dismissed all European
functionaries, and in consequence Mussulman fanaticism
became more fiercely excited.

In June, 1882, a general insurrection against all
Europeans broke out in Alexandria. The Khedive paid a
visit to the city, ostensibly for the purpose of calming the
spirits of the people; but Arabi Pasha, who accompanied
him, occupied himself in organising the fortifications of
the city. The English Government, though it was in the
hands of Gladstone, thought it necessary to interfere, and
begged France to unite with her in a military operation.
The French Government, influenced either by fear of
dangerous complications, or by the conviction that England
alone would profit by this arrangement, refused its co-
operation. The Commander of the British fleet thereupon
ordered the Egyptian Government to desist from the work
of fortification, and threatened in case of refusal to bombard
the city.

No answer having been returned to this demand, the
English fleet bombarded the town, and in a few hours the
forts were silenced. Arabi Pasha retired, with his troops,
to Kafr-Dowar, in order to protect the railway, while bands
of Bedouins sacked and burned that portion of the city
which the bombardment had spared. The Khedive placed
himself under British protection and proclaimed the dismissal
of Arabi Pasha from his oflice of Minister; Arabi's reply
was to proclaim himself the Supreme Head of Egypt.

England now invited Italy to co-operate with her in
the re-establishment of order in Egypt: the Italian Govern-
ment feared to undertake the necessary risks and sacrifices,
and was also anxious to avoid European complications: it,
therefore, refused the invitation. England now determined
to act alone.

General Wolseley, who was in command of the English
land forces, determined to seize the Suez Canal, in order to
attack the Egyptians in flank; de Lesseps, who was the
President of the Suez Company, protested, but Wolseley
disembarked his troops at Port Said, occupied the Company
buildings, and permitted the Canal to be used by English
transports only.

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Arabi Pasha concentrated all his forces at Tel-el-Kebir,
where a decisive battle took place on September 13. The
Egyptians were defeated, and the English entered Cairo
victoriously. The Khedive returned from Alexandria, and
Arabi Pasha and his followers were captured and condemned
to death — a penalty which was afterwards commuted to
exile.

Thus England set her foot firmly in Egypt, where she
gradually established her own authority in place of the
Anglo-French financial condominium. This caused a coolness
between the two countries and contributed not a little to
the growing isolation of France.

Mohammed Achmet — an Arab, who enjoyed the reput-
tation of sanctity — was now invited by the warlike tribe of
the Senussi to proclaim a Holy War in the Nile Valley. He
was proclaimed Mahdi or Prophet in the Soudan — a territory
which belonged to Egypt. At the head of his followers he
gained several victories over the Egyptian forces, and suc-
ceeded in conquering the Soudan. England, who was
satisfied with the possession of Egypt and the Suez Canal,
advised the Khedive to surrender the Soudan and evacuate
Khartoum, which was still occupied by a small Egyptian
garrison.

General Gordon, who had distinguished himself in China,
had, in 1884, been appointed Governor of Khartoum by the
Khedive, in order to direct the peaceful evacuation of Egyptian
forces from the Upper Nile Valley. He now found himself
besieged in Khartoum by the forces of the Mahdi. When it
was ascertained that his life was in danger, English opinion
was excited, and Gladstone sent an army of relief into the
Soudan under the leadership of Wolseley.

Some months were absorbed in preparation for the
expedition. When the advance guard of the British Army
finally arrived at the gates of Khartoum, it learnt that the
city had been betrayed to the Mahdi two days previously
and that Gordon had been killed. Wolseley then retired
with his troops into Egypt, and the Egyptian frontiers were
fixed at the first cataract of the Nile.

Great discontent and indignation were excited in England
by the failure of this expedition, for Gordon ranked high

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COLONIAL EXPANSION

In the popular imagination as a hero. The Gladstone
Ministry, which after long vacillation and hesitation had
undertaken the Relief Expedition, was accused of lukewarm-
ness in the rescue of Gordon and was strongly discredited.

The Gladstone Government had drawn up a Bill of
Electoral Reform framed for the purpose of equalising
representation and enlarging the vote. But it did not endure
even till the new elections, so strong was the disgust of the
country at the Prime Minister's weak Foreign Policy.

The new system of elections was inaugurated under a
Conservative Government, at the head of which was Robert
Cecil, Marquis of Salisbury; the latter had several times
been associated in the Ministry with Disraeli, and had
figured in the Congress of Berlin as the Second Plenipoten-
tiary of England. But the elections proved favourable to
the Liberals, and the first vote of the new House of Parlia-
ment overthrew the Salisbury Ministry. Gladstone then
returned to power and adopted a more strictly Radical policy.
In the new House the numerical difference between the
Conservative and Liberal parties was not great; the result
was that victory depended entirely on the votes of the Irish
Nationalists, captained by Parnell. Irish politics, therefore,
became predominant. Gladstone ended by persuading
himself that the one and only solution of the Irish Question
lay in the adoption of the Home Rule scheme, which was
championed by Parnell. Gladstone had the courage to
propose to Parliament that Ireland should be organised as
an autonomous colony with her own Parliament and Ministry.
He also presented a Bill which would enable Irish peasants
to purchase the farms which they cultivated. Had these
Bills been passed the Irish Question would have been
definitely solved.

But English public opinion looked askance on this
project. Joseph Chamberlain, who had entered the House
with a revolutionary reputation and an ultra-Radical pro-
gramme, resigned his portfolio and separated from his leader;
he founded the group called Liberal-Unionist, from their
wish to maintain the Union of England and Ireland under
one Government alone.

A coalition of Conservatives and Unionists formed the

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majority in the House; on June 7, 1886, after a heated
sitting, in which Gladstone had the courage to invite the
country to dissociate itself from the traditional English
policy in Ireland, and to secure by generous concessions
that which repression had never been able to obtain. Home
Rule was rejected by a majority of thirty votes. Gladstone
dissolved the House. Animated by a species of mysticism,
he conducted a fiery electoral campaign. But the suscepti-
bilities of British pride triumphed over Gladstone's able
dialectic; the new elections secured the triumph of his
adversaries, and in September, 1886, Gladstone resigned.

Whilst England's aged statesman was taking a leading
part in England's political life, France had the misfortune
to lose a great statesman in the flower of his age. L^on
Gambetta, whose sage counsels and fiery eloquence had
largely contributed to the solidity of the Republic, and who
had definitely installed Labour in the Government, died on
December 31, 1882, at the early age of forty-four.

Jules Ferry, whose name particularly represents the
colonial development of France, ranked next to him in
importance. Under his first Ministry the Tunis expedition
had been made; the conquest of Tonquin marked his
second.

Napoleon IIL had founded the colony of Cochin China
and established a Protectorate of Cambodge along the banks
of the Mekong. But exploration of the upper basin of that
river showed that its falls prevented the Mekong from
becoming the natural outlet of the rich provinces of Southern
China; it was judged that the Songkoi would be more adapted
for this purpose, and settlements were founded in the basin
of that river in Tonquin, which was the richest province of
the Empire of Annam. The Emperor of Annam opposed
this penetration: a series of hostilities ensued in which
China, which claimed high sovereignty over Annam,
participated.

In 1883, Jules Ferry acted energetically. He ordered
Hu^ — the capital of Annam — to be bombarded, and pro-
claimed a French Protectorate over both Tonquin and
Annam. But numerous Chinese bands, known by the name

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COLONIAL EXPANSION

of * Black Flags,' entered Tonquin and keenly defended it
against the French: French troops were then disembarked
in Formosa, where, however, they were decimated by disease.
In 1885 they occupied Lang-son in Tonquin, but were
speedily compelled to evacuate that city.

The difficulties and the length of this war excited keen
hostility in France, and the news of the latest disasters
rendered the Ferry Ministry extremely unpopular. In
1885, at the moment when China had initiated peace negotia-
tions, the Ministry fell. On June 9, 1885, China renounced
its sovereignty over Tonquin and Annam, and promised
commercial liberty to the French in Southern China, and
especially in Ju-Nam.

But this latter rich province was connected with that
portion of Burmah which was still independent, and which
has its commercial outlet in British Burmah. The English
determined to forestall the French, and in 1885 made an
expedition into Burmah. Mandalay, the capital, was occupied
and the whole country annexed to British India. China
showed hostility, but a Treaty between her and England in
1886 gave the former the moral victory: China was recog-
nised as sovereign of the country, but she promised to permit
English administration in Burmah and to facilitate British
commerce in Ju-Nam. This was the most important event
of the brief Salisbury administration (January, 1 885-1 886).
Colonial competition between France and England had become
keen: the French occupation of Tunis had been parried
by the English occupation of Egypt: the establishment
of France in Tangiers had evoked the annexation of Burmah
to British India.

In Madagascar, after a similar contest, France had
prevailed. In 1883 a French fleet bombarded some ports
of the island; Queen Ranavalo resisted till December, 1885.
Madagascar became a French Protectorate. A French
Resident was stationed at Tananarive, while the Bay of Diego
Suarez and the city of Tamatave were occupied permanently
by France. In recognition of her non-interference England
was allowed to affirm her sovereignty over the Sultanate of
Zanzibar.

But preoccupations caused by the Russian victories

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

over the Turcomans and their entry into Merv absorbed
England's attention at this time. The situation became
strained when the Russians initiated hostilities against the
Amir of Afghanistan, and the English Government protested
vigorously. For some time war between England and
Russia seemed inevitable, but diplomacy and moderate
councils prevailed, and an agreement concerning the Russo-
Afghan frontier settled the matter peaceably.

• ••«•••

One of the characteristic features of this epoch was the
partition of Africa among the European Powers. When
explorers had succeeded in penetrating lands which had
hitherto seemed impenetrable, and discovered the interior
of the Dark Continent, the European Powers resolved to
absorb the new territories.

They professed to be actuated by the desire of combating
slavery, which still desolated Africa and formed a by no
means negligible branch of commerce. Under Leopold IL
of Belgium, an International African Association was founded;
but the various National Committees which formed it soon
added colonial ambition to humanitarian aims. France,
through Brazza-di-Savorgnan, began her occupation of the
French Congo; German merchants and explorers sought
a permanent territory in East and West Africa: King
Leopold, through Henry Stanley, laid the base of the Congo
State. A new series of international problems now arose
from these events.

Bismarck, whose aloofness till now had been due to his
belief that colonial enterprise diverted the attention of the
nation from more intimate and important affairs, was influ-
enced by the strong current of public opinion, which eagerly
desired colonial expansion in order to satisfy national
ambition.

He himself could have wished that private merchants
would have taken the initiative in founding colonies, which,
later, the Government would have favoured and protected.
When, in 1884, Franz Ltideritz, a Bremen merchant, took
possession of the Bay of Angra Pequena, between the
Portuguese possessions of West Africa and Cape Colony,
Bismarck telegraphed to the German Consul at the Cape,

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COLONIAL EXPANSION

charging him to acquaint the English Government with
the fact that this particular territory was henceforth under
German protection. In the same year he adopted the system
of direct State intervention: on July 5, 1884, the German
Consul, Nachtigal, planted the Imperial flag at Togo, in the
Gulf of Guinea, and a few days later repeated the performance
at the mouth of the Cameroon River; these settlements were
to serve Germany as the two entrances to the great Mussulman
States of Central Africa.

Once having adopted this policy the Chancellor im-
mediately attempted to dominate the other Powers, and
proposed a diplomatic Conference which should create an
mternational agreement with regard to Africa. This Con-
ference was held in Berlin from November 15, 1884, to
February 26, 1885. It recognised the independence of the
new Congo State; the principles of the free navigation of
the Congo and Niger were fixed on the lines laid down by
the Congress of Vienna for European rivers : it was established
that, in future every Power which should occupy fresh
African territory should officially communicate this fact
to the remaining Powers, so that conflicts and disputes
should be avoided: definite plans were formulated for the
abolition of the slave trade.

In the meantime Dr Peters, aided by Gerald Rohlfs —
the German Consul at Zanzibar — had undertaken an
expedition into Eastern Africa; treaties, which they con-
cluded with the various tribes, laid the foundations of the
new German Colony. This latter also arose by private
initiative and was administered by a Company: but so many
difficulties were raised with regard to this enterprise by the
Sultan of Zanzibar, that Bismarck ordered a naval demonstra-
tion against this proteg^ of England ; later, he made an
agreement with England concerning the respective zones
of influence.

Simultaneously, Germany cast her eyes towards Oceania;
a German Company seized a part of New Guinea, and
Germans established themselves in the Marshall Islands:
in August, 1885, the Imperial flag also flew over the Caroline
Islands, which Spain, though she had never exercised her
rights, had considered her own for centuries.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Great indignation was caused in Spain by this high-
handed procedure. Bismarck, in order to pacify this feeling,
very cleverly proposed that Pope Leo XI IL should act as
arbiter between Spain and Germany. This choice of the
Pope as judge in the dispute was not only agreeable to Spain,
but aided the development of the Chancellor's Home Policy.
Leo XI IL, in December of the same year, decided that
Germany must recognise the sovereignty of Spain over the
Islands, but that Spain should give important commercial
and residential privileges to Germany.

Before this conflict was definitely closed, King Alfonso
XII., who had long been ill of consumption, died on November
25, 1885, at twenty-eight years of age. His daughter,
Maria, a child of five, succeeded him provisionally, under
the Regency of her mother, Maria Christine of Austria,
who was then enceinte. When, a few months later. May 17,
1886, the Regent gave birth to a son, the latter by the pre-
cedence which the male possesses over the female in the
Spanish Succession, was recognised as King under the title
of Alfonso XIII.

During the Congress of Berlin Italy started her colonial
expansion. The Rubattino Navigation Company, in 1870,
had established a coaling station in the Bay of Assab in the
Red Sea, and had purchased from the petty chiefs some coastal
territories. In 1882 it ceded these to the Italian Govern-
ment, which, after taking possession, attempted to open
friendly relations with Abyssinia. But in the autumn of
1884, the Italian traveller, Bianchi, and his companions
were massacred on the road to Makall^ — 150 kilometres
from the coast. The anger roused by this event in Italy
furnished the Italian Government with a plausible excuse
for preparing an expedition, which was represented to the
country as a counter-balance to the French occupation of
Tunis.

From 1862 the French had possessed in the Straits of
Babel-Mandeb the military and commercial port of Obock.
After the English occupation of Egypt the French proposed
to increase the importance of the station by seizing the Bay
of Tagiura, which was weakly guarded by the Egyptian

288

COLONIAL EXPANSION

garrisons. England hastened to occupy Berbera and Zeila
on the Somali coasts, and since the Egyptian Government
seemed impotent to preserve their ports in the Red Sea,
the English Ministry, in order to impede further French
activity in this direction, hinted to the Italian Government
that it would look with a friendly eye on an enlargement of
Italian possessions from Assab to Massaua.

Early in 1885 Italian troops occupied Massaua. The
Egyptian troops yielded the town without resistance. The
Italians were to have co-operated with the English against
the dervishes, but the fall of Khartoum prevented the accom-
plishment of this design. Therefore, the Italian troops of
Massaua and its environs limited their activities to the
foundation of cordial relations with John, the Negus of
Abyssinia: they were, however, unable to vanquish his
hostility.

On January 26, 1887, Ras Alula, an Abyssinian Chief
with numerous followers, surprised and surrounded at
Dogali a column of 500 Italians, which, after a fight of eight
hours, in which their ammunition was consumed, was almost
completely annihilated. This disaster produced a great
impression in Italy, and its effect was felt in the Italian
Chamber, where the loyalty of the majority, which had
always supported Depretis, was severely shaken. Depretis
again sought aid from the Left. A few months later he died,
and Crispi became Prime Minister.

From 1891-1893 Crispi directed the politics of Italy.
Unlike Depretis, he possessed an iron will combined with
unlimited self-reliance. His energetic and bold government
kindled the enthusiasm of the nation.

At the beginning, it seemed as if things were going well
with the Italian colony, to which Crispi gave the name of
Eritirea. In 1888, the Negus John marched against Massaua,
but was forced to retire. Menelik — one of his vassals —
rebelled against him, and he was at the same time threatened
by the dervishes. John marched against the latter, but died
soon after from a wound received in a skirmish with them.

Abyssinia, now, was plunged into civil war, for the
claimants to the throne were numerous. The Italian Govern-
ment determined to profit by the situation, and extended its

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

territories to Keren and Asmara. It entered into a league
with Menelik, who in return made lavish promises, and in
1889 signed the Treaty of Uccialli, in which he professed
to place himself under Italian protection.

At the same time Italy, by a series of treaties, succeeded
in establishing her protectorate over a vast zone of the Somali
Peninsula; the British East African Company ceded to
Italy the rights it had obtained from the Sultan of Zanzibar
over various parts of this region. In 1891, by an agreement
with England, Italy's zone of influence in Eastern Africa
was definitely determined. In this zone Abyssinia was
included.

To the easy optimists of those days, it appeared that
Crispi had laid the firm base of a fortunate future for the
Italian colonial venture.

The years 1890 and 1891 mark the period of extensive
agreements regarding African possessions. But many serious
disputes had first taken place among those Powers which
were chiefly concerned with colonial competition. England
— that ancient colonial Power — whose only competitor till
then had been France, had noted with disgust the entry
of Germany into the colonial field, where the latter had
immediately attempted to take a prominent part.

At Togo the Germans had inserted themselves between
the French and English colonies of the Gold and Slave Coast.
Till then, all these European possessions had been limited
to the coast region, and merely served as points of departure
for various explorations and expeditions, by which each of
the Powers sought to arrive first in order to establish its
pre-eminence in the neighbouring regions, and to draw to
its factories the commerce of the interior. The common
aim of these expeditions was the Upper Niger, which the
French sought to attain by way of Senegal and Algeria. The
immensity of the Sahara Desert and the fierce resistance of
the Tovareg tribes impeded an extensive advance from
Algeria, but the French Senegal expedition was successful
and occupied many regions; owing to this, France took
the lead in Western Africa: by an agreement, concluded
in 1890, England, herself, recognised as French the territory

290

COLONIAL EXPANSION

south of Algeria, as far as Sai on the Niger to Barrua on
Lake Chad.

The regions which surround Lake Chad are considered
to be the most fertile in Africa. The English, therefore,
endeavoured to reach them through their Niger colony,
while the French attempted to join their dominions to the
north of Lake Chad with the French Congo. In rivalry
with these, the Germans from their colony of the Cameroons
also strove to reach the same region.

In this competition the French, English, and Germans
found themselves restrained by the new Independent State
of the Congo, which extends from the mouths of the Congo
to Lake Tanganyika. The Congo State possessed no other
tie with Belgium than that of a common Sovereign, but the
King ceded the territory to Belgium, which thus became a
great colonial Power.

But Portugal, also, had conceived a design of colonial
expansion. For centuries she had possessed the colonies of
Angola in the Atlantic, and Mozambique on the Indian
Ocean, but she had been satisfied there with the establish-
ment of factories. A new fever of commercial and
exploratory enterprise took possession of the nation, and
the idea was entertained of joining the two colonies and
placing their populations under a regular and organised
rule. But this project met with strenuous opposition from
England,

Methodically and firmly the English continued their
advance from the south; they had renewed the conflicts
with the Zulus and the Kaffirs, with the intention of uniting
their territory of Cape Colony with that of Natal, and of
subjugating the eastern coast as far as the Portuguese
dominions of Mozambique; at the same time they had been
alarmed by the German settlements in the south-west, and
since these latter aimed at a junction with the Boer Republics
of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, the English
hastened to prevent such a catastrophe by occupying, in
1887, the territory of Bechuanaland. Ever advancing
to the north, they ended by isolating the Boer Republics
and confining the Germans within clearly defined
limits.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

When they had arrived on the banks of the Zambesi,
the English determined to bar the Portuguese advance in
this direction; with this object they made special treaties
with the tribes of these regions; when the Portuguese
explorer, Serpa Pinto, entered into the region of the Upper
Zambesi, the smouldering conflict between English and
Portuguese ambitions burst into a flame. England demanded
the withdrawal of Portuguese troops from this region; as
Portugal was the weaker she was obliged to obey the
injunction and renounce the realisation of her dreams, and
contented herself with the reorganisation of her own
possessions.^

The reasons which dictated this harsh policy towards
Portugal lay in the fact that England began to entertain
the grandiose scheme of uniting her dominions of the Cape
with the valley of the Nile. The man who personified this
plan of expansion was Cecil Rhodes, who has been called
by his admirers the Napoleon of the Cape; he had gone to
the Cape in 1871 for reasons of health and fortune; he had
associated himself there with diamond mining, and with
great ability had united in one immense society the small
companies which had competed with each other at Kimberley.
He had then plunged into politics and had determined on
the union of the various political parties of the South: —
the Cape, Natal, Orange Free State, and the Transvaal.
Simultaneously, he desired to extend the British dominions
to the north and to join them across the Lake district with
Egypt.

In 1884 Gordon had invited Rhodes to accompany him
to Khartoum. He had replied, ' This part of the map has
nothing to do with my plans; certainly I hope some day
to arrive at Khartoum, but it will be from the south.* Hence
he had maintained the necessity of the annexation of the
territory of Bechuanaland, and in 1889 he founded a
company which obtained from Queen Victoria the commercial
monopoly and sovereign rights over an immense region,

*The Anglo-Portuguese dispute closed with the Treaty of June ii, 1891,
which confirmed English rights over the territories confined between the Orange
River, the Germany colony of the South-west, the Portuguese colony of Angola,
the French Congo, German East Africa, the Portuguese possessions of East
Africa, and the Boer Republics.

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COLONIAL EXPANSION

with no precise limits, situated to the north of Bechuana-
land and the Transvaal, and between the Portuguese
possessions of East and West Africa. This region was
later called Rhodesia in his honour. In July, 1890, Cecil
Rhodes became Prime Minister of Cape Colony; the develop-
ment of this sphere of English influence towards the north
made rapid progress, which was materially aided by the
advance of the telegraph and railway.

In Eastern Africa, the Germans, who were situated on
the coast opposite Zanzibar, and the English at Mombasa,
strove to advance into the region of the Lakes. Here, also,
disputes arose between the two Powers, for the Lake district
forms the reservoir of the main part of Africa and therefore
constitutes the political and strategic knot of the Dark
Continent. But the two Governments were anxious to avoid
a rupture, since stronger than their disputes was their
common enmity of Russia and France. In 1890 an agreement
was concluded: one of the clauses of this famous treaty
refers to Europe. From 1807 England had possessed the
Island of Heligoland in the North Sea, the possession of
which Germany keenly desired for strategic reasons, since
without its annexation the canal destined to join the Baltic
and North Seas would be deprived of its full value. Desirous
of obtaining good conditions in the African Question,
England now ceded it to Germany. The latter, on her
side, gave England a free hand in Zanzibar, which now
definitely became an English Protectorate; Germany ceded
Witu and renounced her aims on Uganda; she also satisfied
all the English claims which regarded South-west Africa.
In exchange, she was given carte blanche in the extension of
East African possessions as far as the Lakes of Nyassa and
Tanganyika. Since beyond these Lakes the Congo Free
State begins, England also renounced, by these concessions,
the contemplated union of her South African colonies with
the Valley of the Nile: but she extracted a promise from
Germany that free transit should be given to English
goods across German territory: this economically united
the dominions of the two Companies of the South and
East.

In this partition of Africa, the Powers claimed immense

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

regions which at that time were still unoccupied, and which
had hardly been explored. Generally speaking, each Power
considered as its own the territories which lay behind the
occupied coasts (Hinterland). By this criterion, they
determined the broad lines of their respective spheres of
influence ; thus occasions of dispute were avoided, since
each nation now possessed a clearly defined field in which to
carry on its civilisation and progress.

294

CHAPTER XIV

THE TRIPLE AND DUAL ALLIANCES

Development of Industrial Life and pacific tendencies. — Renewal of Triple
Alliance. — Reign of William II. : Retirement of Bismarck : Pre-
paration for Germany's Industrial Hegemony. — Social changes :
Social questions dominate purely political ones. — Financial and
Political crisis in Italy. — African War : Battle of Adua : Economical
position recovered. — Austria-Hungary : Tragic death of Archduke
Rudolf : Electoral Reform in Austria : Conflicting interests of
nationalities : Reform and progress in Hungary. — Events in the
Balkan Peninsula : Economic transformation in Russia : The Trans-
Siberian Railway : Agreement with France : Internal policy of
Russification : Death of Alexander III. — War between China and
Japan : Russia's aims in the Extreme East. — Reconciliation with
Bulgaria. — Nicholas II. at Paris : The Franco-Russian Alliance. —
Disturbances in France : Boulanger. — Panama scandals : Anarchist
plots : A ssassination of Carnot : Recrudescence of colonial ex-
pansion : Marchand at Fashoda and the agreement with England. —
The English in Egypt, in the Soudan, and at the Cape : Home Rule :
Gladstone's retirement into private life : Triumph of Conservatives
and Liberal-Unionists : Chamberlain : Plans of Imperial Federation.

European peace had greatly favoured the development of
industrial life; commercial activity everywhere increased,
pari passu, with the extension of communications and trans-
port. Steam had already revolutionised industrial life, — a
new impulse was now given by electricity. The characteristic
feature of the age was the development of manufactures:
this produced a modification of social conditions in various
countries, which was more or less profound, according to
the differing degrees of industrial development.

The civilian population of the world increased rapidly.
In the great industrial centres, the working classes, which
had rapidly multiplied, realised their own force: for the
first time they found themselves in close contact with the
upper classes; comparison of their own social conditions
with those of the latter led them to desire a higher degree
of comfort and superior education ; in order to obtain these
they strove to take their part in the political government
of the State. These ambitions explain the reason why almost

w.M. 295 u

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

every Government of that day underwent a democratic
transformation.^

Alone, of European States, Germany manifested no
democratic tendencies, though its economic evolution had
been superior to that of any other country: the Reichstag
did not succeed in becoming a predominant power, but only
served as a bridle for autocracy; the Emperor still remained
the authentic Lord of his people.

Naturally, under these conditions, a democratic constitu-
tional party could make no progress; therefore Democrats
and Radicals took refuge in Socialism. Bismarck was
profoundly impressed by the rapid growth of Socialist ideas,
and he combated them either by exceptional laws and perse-
cution, or by an attempt to bind the worker to the State by
founding a whole system of insurance in his favour; but
Socialism, in spite of a brief arrest, continued its upward
way.

William L died in March, 1888, at the age of ninety-
one; his son, Frederick IIL, succeeded him; but for more
than a year the new ruler had been seriously ill and he only
reigned three months : naturally, with a moribund Sovereign,
Bismarck had full liberty of action. But when William IL
succeeded Frederick IIL the situation was entirely changed.

William II. was born in 1859: his boyhood had been
passed amid the enthusiasm of clamorous German victories,
and he had drunk deep of glory and patriotism. Clever,
determined, feverishly and embarrassingly active, it was
not long before he chafed at Bismarck's control, and the
conflict between them was soon publicly manifested. At
first the Emperor's impetuous character seemed to endanger
the peace of Europe, but it became evident that he desired
peace, and his activity was vented in frequent European
journeys, in reviews of his army and navy, and in military
reforms. In these latter, particularly, he acted with energy;
he promoted younger men, and — commencing with Moltke

^ The Swiss Government, in particular, evolved on ultra-democratic lines.
It introduced — first of all into individual cantons, then, in 1874, into the Federal
Constitution — two new institutions ; popular initiative and the referendum,
which gave an opportunity to the people of direct collaboration with legal
functions. If 50,000 citizens demanded the revision of the Constitution, this
proposal was referred to the popular vote — referendum : the revision of other
laws required only 30,000 signatures.

296

THE TRIPLE AND DUAL ALLIANCES

himself — placed the elder officers on the retired list. But
he was not satisfied with being a soldier-king. He wished
to lead the policy of his country, and it was then that the
conflict between the unlimited audacity of the young Emperor
and the iron will of the aged Chancellor became acute.

In March, 1890, Bismarck was forced to hand in his
resignation. He had laboured incessantly all his life, yet,
though seventy-five years old, he had no desire for repose.
When the Emperor, as a mark of esteem, conferred on him
the title of Duke of Lauenburg, Bismarck sarcastically
remarked that he would reserve it for the occasions on which
he should travel incognito. He retired to his castle of
Friedrichsruhe, but he never forgave the Emperor. He
died in 1898 at the age of eighty-three.

Soon after Bismarck's retirement, by special invitation
of the Emperor William, an international conference was
held at Berlin, with the object of diminishing the difficulties
which international competition had raised, regarding the
amelioration of the working classes. It marked an important
departure, since it placed social questions above those of
politics. The deliberations of the Congress did not corre-
spond to the interest which the gathering had aroused; the
rest from work on holidays, and the time limitation of the
labour of women and boys were the only questions discussed.
Various Governments immediately framed laws which should
meet the views of the conference on these subjects.

But even before this congress had met. Socialists from
the more progressive nations had gathered at Paris during
the exhibition of 1889, in order to call attention to their
aspirations; it had then been decided that a world-wide
affirmation of their agreement should be made by a universal
strike on May i, 1890, of one day's duration, specially called
in order to demand an eight-hours' day. In the great
industrial centres imposing demonstrations were held, and
impressed on the most intelligent the necessity of a speedy
solution of working class questions.

A movement of Socialistic tendency was formed in the
bosom of the Catholic Church, and Pope Leo XIII. openly
charged his clergy with the special care of the weak and
oppressed. Not only so, but on May 15, 1 891, he published

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the Bull, * Nov arum rerum^ in which, while he condemned
both Socialism and strikes, and defended property and family
life as the indestructible basis of human society, he neverthe-
less affirmed the need of providing for the proletariat. Social
questions began to take a preponderant part in the political
life of humanity.

• ••••••

International politics continued to be based on the fact
of the Triple Alliance, which was regularly renewed each
time it lapsed. The Court of Berlin succeeded in adding
economic ties to the diplomatic ones which bound Austria
and Italy to it. These commercial treaties were to run from
1 892-1 903, and were based on the principle of facilitation
of the entry of exports of the contracting parties into their
respective territories; those products which were threatened
by competition were heavily taxed. Since Germany was
by far the most important manufacturing State, this system
of moderate protection aided her in attaining her industrial
hegemony. Favourable commercial treaties, concluded with
other countries, powerfully assisted her in her attempt.^

Germany possessed great mineral wealth, but it must
be recognised that she knew how to produce from it the
maximum possible profit. In her excellent schools she
sought a personnel which should employ the most recent
and cheapest of manufacturing methods: this enabled her
to plant her products everywhere, and she was strongly
supported in this commercial invasion by the Imperial
Government. Germany even surpassed France, whose
supremacy in commerce and manufacture had, till that time,
appeared to be firmly established, and she became an alarming
competitor of England; the latter, though she still continued
to be the head of this world-wide movement, saw with
stupor the increasingly rapid strides which Germany made
in order to overtake her.

The development of her mercantile marine kept pace
with that of Germany's manufactures and commerce: in

* One consequence of this augmented industry in Germany was the speedy
diminution of emigration; in 1885, with a population of 46,000,000, about
170,000 Germans emigrated : in 1898, when her population had ascended to
56,000,000, only twenty-seven persons emigrated. All had found possibility of
work in their own country.

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THE TRIPLE AND DUAL ALLIANCES

a short time, Hamburg — the most striking manifestation
of Germany's economic power — became the most active
industrial centre of the European continent. In 1895 the
Kiel Canal was inaugurated; this marked a new step in the
way of progress.

Naturally, a great fighting fleet was necessary in order
to protect the mercantile marine and the new colonies; this
programme was openly manifested, when, in 1897, William
II. appointed as Naval Minister, Admiral von Tirpitz, who
had long desired the opportunity of forming an immense
navy. Simultaneously, Bernard von Biilow was chosen as
Foreign Minister; later he became Chancellor, and with
the collaboration of these two celebrated men, the Emperor
proposed to open out for Germany a future of unlimited
power and glory.

Italy was passing through a period of grave economic
and political disturbance. A national deficit had been created
in the last years of the Depretis Ministry. Two circumstances
had specially fostered it — a mania for spending the national
money on public works, and the increased military expenditure
induced by the formation of the Triple Alliance. The
former circumstance was due to the intemperate manner
in which the Government pandered to local interests, which,
with the disappearance of political parties, had become the
only Parliamentary policy. Crispi's grandiose policy aggra-
vated the deficit, which had to be covered by new taxes.

To weaken still further the economic situation of the
country, commercial relations with France were broken in
1888, for the latter, in consequence of Crispi's pro-German
policy, had refused to renew her commercial treaty with
Italy. A war of tariff reprisals ensued, fraught with loss to
each country.

Italian discontent was increased by the Banking scandals,
the chief of which concerned abuses committed by the
Directors of the Banca Romana, and roused great popular
indignation. In Southern Italy and Sicily the population
was in ferment: they complained, not without reason, that
they were exploited by the upper classes, and the Socialists,
who had lately become more numerous in Italy, attempted
to found a propaganda on the existing misery: they organised,

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especially in Sicily, Associations called * Fasci dei Lavoratori.*
Serious riots, directed against local communal councils, took
place in Sicily at the end of 1893 ^^^ ^^^ beginning of 1894,
in order to obtain suppression of food taxes and the re-
partition of communal land.

The Government placed Sicily under military law,
arrested the Chiefs of the Central Committee of the * Fasci,*
held courts-martial, and repressed the revolt with great
severity. Crispi profited by the occasion and dissolved all
Socialistic associations: he also repressed and muzzled the
advanced political sections.

By these measures he raised bitter enemies: the Leader
of the extreme Left, Felice Cavalotti, produced documents
relating to the Banking scandals and instituted a fierce cam-
paign against Crispi, with the result that the latter became
more domineering and violent.

The Italian situation in Africa had become profoundly
modified. The moment that Menelik had dominated
Abyssinia, he denounced the Treaty of Uccialli, which had
made his country an Italian Protectorate. The dervishes
also menaced the Italians from Cassala, but they were defeated
at Agordat ; General Baratieri, Governor of the Colony,
succeeded, in July, 1894, in driving the dervishes from
Cassala, and occupied that important position. A dispute
with the Ras of Tigre led to an open break with Menelik,
who came to the relief of his vassal with 100,000 men,
and an Italian column of 2,000 men was surrounded and
massacred — December 7, 1895.

Baratieri, though he had received reinforcements,
continued to act on the defensive, but on March i, 1896,
he marched with 17,000 men against the enemy at Adua.
By some unfortunate misunderstanding the Italian columns
lost touch with each other and were separately defeated by
the Abyssinians. The Italians retreated, leaving one-fourth
of their number on the field, besides 2,000 prisoners.
Baratieri was instantly superseded by Baldissera, who
reorganised the troops and mitigated the consequences of
the disaster.

The report of this defeat roused popular fury in Italy,

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THE TRIPLE AND DUAL ALLIANCES

The Crispi Ministry fell and was succeeded by that of
di Rudini, who renounced Crispi's colonial policy and
initiated negotiations for peace, and the release of the prisoners.
This proved a difficult matter, but at length peace was made.
Italy renounced the Tigre and her protectorate over
Abyssinia; to England she ceded the Fort of Cassala,
which served the latter country in her Soudanese expedi-
tion.

The discontent aroused by the African fiasco and by
the Banking scandals enabled the extremists — Republicans
and Socialists on the one hand, and the Clericals on the
other — to carry on a lively propaganda, which flourished
particularly in Milan, where the industrial development
had brought together a large mass of workers. In May,
1896, an insurrection broke out at Milan, which, though
speedily repressed, left a painful impression in the
country.

Fortunately, the year 1898 marked the beginning of an
economic revival, which broadened and deepened, obliterating
the painful memories of those stormy times.

The Austro-Hungarian dynasty was still the strongest
buttress of that State: a tragic misfortune, however, befell
it. A feeling of horror was aroused throughout Europe on
January 31, 1889, by the news of the dark crime committed
the night before in the Castle of Meyerling, under circum-
stances which were officially shrouded in silence and mystery,
— when the Crown Prince Rudolph, the only son of the
Emperor, was assassinated, with his mistress, the Baroness
Vecsera.^ The Archduke Rudolph, by his marriage with
the Princess Stephanie of Belgium, had but one daughter,
therefore the nephew of the Emperor — Francis Ferdinand
— was, by the Hapsburg Laws of Succession, recognised
as the Heir Apparent.

The essential base of the Austrian policy continued to
be the German Alliance. The relations between Austria
and Italy were much clouded, for, besides the vexed

* A few years later another tragedy befell the House of Hapsburg, when on
September lo, 1898, the Empress Elizabeth was assassinated by an Italian
anarchist.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

questions of the visit owed by the Emperor to King
Humbert, many difficulties arose from Austria's harsh
treatment of her Italian subjects. While Lombardy was
in her possession, Austria had treated her Italian subjects
with some consideration, since they formed no inconsiderable
portion of the inhabitants of the Empire; but after 1866
the Italians numbered less than one million, and fearing lest
they should intrigue with Italy, the Austrian Government
in every way favoured the development of the Slav populations
at Trieste, in Istria, and Dalmatia, and the German population
in the Trentino, thus rousing bitter racial jealousies.

Till 1878 the German element, which represented the
richest, most cultured, and most important part of the Empire,
had been the dominant race in Austria; but, by degrees, the
Slav peoples of the monarchy had begun to develop their
commerce and manufactures, and had formed a strong middle
class, which was intolerant of German domination. But in
its turn the Court, influenced by its new foreign policy,
which aimed at gaining the sympathies of the Slav populations
of the Balkan Peninsula, deemed it necessary to propitiate
the Austrian Slavs. This caused a change in Austrian
Home policy. It was now that the Czech deputies, abandoning
the policy of absenteeism, returned to the House in the
hope of securing political advantage. German domination
ceased, but the Austrians sought to form functionaries,
who, instead of being attached to their own nationalities,
should give whole-hearted devotion to the State.

Industrial progress and social transformation led the
country to feel acutely the electoral anomalies, and an urgent
desire for reform arose. Some electoral reforms were
granted, but even after these modifications, uproar and
tumults disturbed the Austrian Chamber; legislative work
was often rendered impossible, and the Crown seized on
these disorders as a pretext for summoning Parliament only
at long intervals.

In Hungary, under the Wekerle Ministry, the law of
civil matrimony was passed, railway tariffs underwent im-
portant reforms, the traffic of navigable rivers was developed,
and the port of Fiume was founded. These improvements
coincided with the industrial development of Hungary,

302

THE TRIPLE AND DUAL ALLIANCES

and in 1896 an exhibition at Budapest manifested the progress

of the country.

• ••••••

The seizure of Eastern Roumelia by Bulgaria disturbed
the equilibrium of the Balkan States. In November, 1885,
Serbia declared war against Bulgaria, but the troops of the
latter country defeated the Serbians and entered their
territory. Austria, at the request of Milan, intervened and
imposed, by threats, an armistice on Bulgaria. Alexander
of Battenberg, the ruling prince of Bulgaria, had for some
time adopted an independent attitude towards Russia, and
his success in arms displeased the Czar; in August, 1886,
Alexander was forced to resign his throne, and returned to
Germany.

Stambuloff, the President of the Bulgarian Assembly,
assumed the Regency, and was for eight years absolute
dictator of Bulgaria. His principal aim was to transform
his country into a free State and to deliver it entirely from
Ottoman control. In 1887, Stambuloff caused Ferdinand
of Saxe Coburg to be elected Prince of Bulgaria; the latter,
however, left the Government entirely in the hands of his
Minister, who sought to direct Bulgaria in the path of
civilisation and progress. Bulgaria owed to Stambuloff
much of its prosperity, though it must be recognised that
that Minister was cruelly severe to his enemies and political
opponents.

Stambuloff's dislike of Russia alienated the sympathies
of that country, while Austria favoured Ferdinand. The
latter, however, though recognised by no Power, continued
to govern Bulgaria. Austria had also attempted to establish
her influence over Serbia, where Milan, who had led a
scandalous life, felt the need of support from the neighbouring
Empire. Nor was the situation changed when Milan
abdicated in favour of his son, Alexander — 1889.

Russia looked askance on Austria's designs in the
Balkans, but her own ambitions lay in the Far East. Between
1 891 and 1903 she had completed the Trans-Siberian
Railway. At the same time the Czar, Alexander III., con-
quered his hesitations and entered into cordial relations
with France. In April, 1891, a declaration was signed at

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Paris, in which France and Russia pledged themselves to a
friendly agreement in case either should be threatened.
This Convention was transformed into a Treaty, in 1894,
by which the two Powers agreed to unite their forces in case
of attack on either. French enthusiasm for Russia had
facilitated a loan, which furnished to Russia the necessary
capital for her economic transformation.

Alexander busied himself in the Russification of those
Russian provinces which were peopled by foreign elements,
and ended by applying this operation to Finland, which
held the position of a particular State with the Czar at its
head as Grand Duke of Finland. This State had been
distinguished by a notable progress in the nineteenth century,
especially in matters of education. Russia, jealous of this
advance, demanded that Finland should contribute to the
general Imperial expenses: the Finns replied that their
small State took no part in world politics and therefore ought
not to bear the financial burden thus incurred. In 1890
Russia endeavoured to unite Finland more closely to herself.
Russian colleges were founded in Finland and in certain
Government departments a knowledge of the Russian language
was made imperative. In 1891 it was decided that communi-
cation between the Governor-General and the Finnish State
should be made in Russian ; the use of Russian money was
made obligatory in Finland, and the two postal services
were united.

On November i, 1894, the Czar Alexander died, and
was succeeded by his son, Nicholas II., a young man, aged
twenty-six. The new Emperor's health was delicate, and
his character was not distinguished by strength. He neither
changed the policy nor personnel of the Government.
Pobiedonozeff, the Procurator-General of the Holy Synod,
continued to be the principal personage of the Government,
and under his guidance the policy of reaction and Russification
was accentuated.

The attention of Nicholas II. was drawn in matters of
foreign policy to the events in the Far East. "When he
ascended the throne, the war between China and Japan
had begun. Till 1867 Japan had been a country feudally
organised under an Emperor. The latter, however, was

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THE TRIPLE AND DUAL ALLIANCES

only the depository of authority; the acting power, in
command of the military forces, was the Shogun or General-
issimo— an hereditary post. In 1867, the Japanese rebelled
against the Shogun and restored the power of the Emperor.
At this time the young Mikado Mutsuhito, had ascended
to the throne; he introduced large reforms, applying the
principle of equality, and in 1889 he promulgated the
Constitution. The Japanese in a few years had succeeded
in attaining an extraordinarily high degree of civilisation.
They now determined to impose their authority on the
neighbouring portions of the continent and the neighbouring
islands, and directed their attention to Corea. Here, however,
they came in contact with the Chinese, who considered
Corea as within their own sphere of influence.

From the first, the military and naval supremacy of
Japan was assured. While China was still preparing for
war, Japan landed a force in Corea, under Yamagata, and
occupied the capital. On September 16, 1894, by the
victory of Japanese over Chinese troops at Ping-Yang, all
Corea fell into the hands of the Japanese. Yamagata advanced
towards the Yalu, on the frontiers of Corea and Manchuria,
while Admiral Ito's fleet gained a naval victory at the mouth
of that river. In October, the Japanese passed the Yalu
and advanced towards Mukden, whilst another army besieged
Port Arthur, which capitulated in a fortnight. A third
Japanese Army occupied Wei-hai-wei on February 5, 1895,
whilst another fleet captured Formosa and the Pescadores
Islands.

China then demanded peace. Japan, fearing the inter-
vention of European Powers, hastened to conclude a treaty
by which Corea was declared independent of China;
Formosa, the Pescadores, the peninsula of Liaotung, with
Port Arthur, were ceded to Japan, and an indemnity of
over ;^24,ooo,ooo was promised.

Europe was greatly impressed by the news of China's
defeat, and cast covetous eyes on this enormously rich and
presumably moribund Empire. Russia, who for long had
desired Manchuria, was alarmed at the establishment of
Japan in the Chinese Empire. The Czar, therefore, in
conjunction with France and Germany, intervened, and

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

imposed on Japan a modification of the Peace Treaty.
Reluctantly, and indignantly, Japan consented to sacrifice
a portion of her spoils and renounce her rights to Port
Arthur; she claimed, however, ^^ 10,000,000 in compen-
sation. Secretly she resolved on revenge, and concentrated
the whole of the Chinese indemnity on the creation of a
colossal armament.

In Europe, Russia was now reconciled to Bulgaria;
the dictatorship of Stambuloff in this country had become
odious to many, and Prince Ferdinand chafed under his
control; on May 9, 1894, Stambuloff was forced to resign.'
The Czar, Alexander III., died soon after, and with the
disappearance of the two men who had personified the
hostility between the two countries, bitterness ceased.
Ferdinand allowed his son, Boris, to be educated in the
Orthodox religion, and this step sealed the reconciliation —
1896. After a reign of ten years, Ferdinand was at last
acknowledged by the Sultan and the Powers as the reigning
Prince, and the Bulgarian Question was solved.

In the same year, Russia concluded an Alliance with
France; in October, 1896, the Czarina and the Czar visited
Paris where they had an enthusiastic reception. President
Faure returned the visit in the following year, and the
proclamation of the Dual officially counterbalanced the
strength of the Triple Alliance.

The consolidation of the French Republic had induced
Russia to enter into the Alliance, but France had in the
meantime undergone a series of political vicissitudes.

Republican differences had awakened the hopes of the
Monarchists. After the death of the Comte de Chambard
in 1883, th^ two monarchical parties had fused under the
leadership of the Orleanist Comte de Paris. But when the
Monarchists determined to act more boldly, the Republicans
issued a law expelling the Pretenders, and establishing that
no eldest son of French Royal blood should reside in French
territory.

Soon after, Gr^vy, then President, was foolish enough

* In the succeeding year, Stambuloff was assassinated by the relations of men,
it is said, whom he had doomed to death.

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THE TRIPLE AND DUAL ALLIANCES

to defend his nephew, who was gravely compromised in a
scandal concerning the sale of the Legion d'Honneur.
Popular indignation forced him to resign in 1887, and he
was succeeded by Carnot. General Boulanger, Minister
of War, from 1 886-1 887, had in the meantime acquired
great popularity by his glowing, patriotic speeches. When
the Ministry fell, Boulanger was head of an Army Corps;
his political views led the Government to place him on
the retired list; he then openly placed himself at the
head of that party which desired the revision of the
Constitution.

In January, 1889, so strong was public opinion in favour
of Boulanger that it was feared that he would attempt an
overthrow of the Government by a coup-de-main. The
Government, informed of Boulanger's plans by its secret
agents, prosecuted him; he fled abroad, and enthusiasm in
his favour speedily diminished. The Paris Exhibition of
1889 aided to distract public opinion from politics. The
elections of that year were a triumph for the Republicans,
and marked the end of the Boulangist crisis.

The Panama scandals now disturbed the peace of the
Republic. Ferdinand de Lesseps had organised the Company
for the purpose of cutting through the Isthmus of Panama.
His great age prevented him from dedicating to the work
the same watchful energy and skill which he had associated
with the piercing of the Isthmus of Suez, and the Society,
formed by him, failed in 1889. On inquiry it was discovered
that the funds of the Company had been frittered away, and
that many millions had remained at Paris in the pockets of
journalists, deputies, and Ministers. These scandals gave
an opportunity of propaganda to the Socialist Party, and
fifty Socialist deputies were returned by the elections of
1893. This Parliamentary party forced the Government
to incline more and more towards the party of the Left.

A series of Anarchist attempts served to arrest the
movement of Socialism. In 1884 the President of the
Republic was assassinated by an Anarchist, and Casimir
Perier — the candidate of the Moderate Party — succeeded
him. Certain still unknown reasons induced him to resign
his post in January, 1895. Felix Faure, who was fortunate

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

enough to conclude the Franco-Russian Alliance, succeeded
him.

The hope of regaining Alsace-Lorraine had aroused
the French enthusiasm for this Alliance, but, in reality,
Russia gave an eminently pacific character to the Dual
Alliance, and the status quo ante was confirmed.

France, meanwhile, had engaged in colonial enterprise
with ardour and success. The King of Dahomey was
conquered, and surrendered his Central African territory
to France: the extension of the province of Senegal into
the Soudan continued: in 1896 France annexed Madagascar
and exiled Queen Ranavalo to Algeria. In Asia, she re-
organised her great colony of Indo-China, but the King of
Siam, influenced by England, opposed French penetration
in the region of the Upper Mekong.

Indeed, France, in all her colonial enterprise, had to
reckon with either the latent or open hostility of England.
In the Soudan this animosity was exhibited in a marked
degree. The French Ministry had arranged a plan for
joining the French possessions in the Gulf of Aden with
those of the French Congo, and confided this task to Colonel
Marchand, who, after vanquishing more than ordinary
difficulties, arrived at Fashoda — an abandoned Egyptian
station on the White Nile — where he repulsed the dervishes
and established a French post. But the English speedily
came on the scene.

The English occupation of Egypt had now become
permanent. As Agent and Consul-General, Evelyn Baring,
afterwards Lord Cromer, succeeded in twenty-four years
of able administration (i 883-1907) in gradually eliminating
all the ties which bound Egypt to Turkey and to the European
Powers, substituting English influence in their place. In
many ways, and especially in perfecting her water power,
England increased the economic prosperity of Egypt. For
some time English attention was concentrated wholly on
Egypt and but small attention was paid to the Soudan.
But when the new Mahdi's powers appeared to be weakening.
Lord Cromer and General Kitchener decided to establish
the Egyptian dominions of the Upper Nile. English Armies

308

THE TRIPLE AND DUAL ALLIANCES

and railways advanced simultaneously, till in 1897 they
arrived at Berbera. On September i, 1898, the decisive
battle of Omdurman destroyed the Empire of the Mahdi.

On their arrival at Khartoum the English demanded of
the French the withdrawal from Fashoda of Commandant
Marchand. War and peace for a moment trembled in the
balance, but Emile Delcass^ was now at the head of the
French Ministry, and his ruling policy was the maintenance
of good relations with England. In spite of hostile French
public opinion he yielded to England's request. France
definitely renounced any claim in the Nile Valley, but her
rights to the East and North of Lake Chad were recognised,
and the French Congo was united to the Sahara and Algeria.
The territorial unity of the immense French Empire of the
Western Soudan was thus precisely established.

This improvement in Anglo-French relations marked
a great change in international politics; whilst the Anglo-
Egyptian dominions were established as far as the Nile, the
English advanced from South Africa towards the region
of the great lakes. Cecil Rhodes still persevered in his
attempt to induce the Boers of the Transvaal to fall in with
his scheme of South African Federation. But the Transvaal
Boers, at the head of whom was Paul Kruger, refused their
co-operation.

An enormous quantity of foreign emigrants had been
drawn in recent years to the Transvaal by the discovery of
gold ; a great city — ^Johannesburg — had arisen close to the
mines, which in size far surpassed the capital, Pretoria.
The foreigners — ' uitlanders ' — almost all English by birth,
had no political rights, and considered themselves exploited
by the Boers. An insurrection was organised by Dr Jameson,
who, at the head of 800 men, invaded the Transvaal. This
small force the Boers easily defeated, and captured the leader
with the majority of his men. The English authorities
disowned Jameson's attempt, but Rhodes, who had evidently
taken a major part in the planning of the expedition, resigned
his Premiership, Though Jameson was sentenced to death
by the Pretoria High Court, Kruger handed him and his
men over to the English authorities, by whom Jameson
was condemned to a nominal penalty only; this leniency

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rendered the Boers suspicious, and they united themselves

more closely to the Orange Republic in order to defend

their common interests.

• ••••••

Proud of her colonial dominion, England isolated herself
from the two great Alliances which comprehended the
remaining Great Powers of Europe; but her inclinations
were towards the Triple Alliance, since the formation of the
latter was aimed against her own two traditional enemies —
France and Russia.

German expansion did not alarm England, who, on the
contrary, used every means in her power to smooth the
difficulties which were raised by the new German colonial
ambitions. She was in agreement with Austria in the latter's
aim of bridling Russian ambition in the Balkans. With
Italy, too, the friendship, which dated from the days of the
Italian Risorgimento^ had been cemented, after the French
occupation of Tunis, by the common desire of combating
French influence in the Mediterranean, and this Italo-
English agreement was maintained in spite of Ministerial
changes.

In August, 1886, Salisbury succeeded Gladstone as
Prime Minister. He still concentrated his efforts on Foreign
Policy. The dominant question, was, at that time, the partition
of Africa, and a considerable portion of the latter country
was annexed to England during the Salisbury administration.
At the same time Salisbury fostered the attempts to bind
the colonies closer to the mother country.

When, in 1887, the Jubilee of Queen Victoria was
celebrated, the idea was first promulgated of combining
the units of the British Empire in a Federation. A Conference
of autonomous colonies was therefore held at London, but
English political tact did not press the question, and time
was allowed for maturation.

Joseph Chamberlain, once a Birmingham merchant,
supported the Salisbury Ministry; Gladstone's Home Rule
Bill had separated Chamberlain from his former leader, and
he had formed a group of Liberal-Unionists, who directed
their efforts in the direction of internal reform. The Salisbury
Ministry was impelled by Chamberlain to carry out a great

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THE TRIPLE AND DUAL ALLIANCES

scheme of county reform. County Councils were elected,
wielding the non-judiciary powers of magistrates. All of
these were placed under the supervision of the Local Govern-
ment Board.

In Ireland, Salisbury adopted repressive measures.
Little by little, English people had begun to look with a less
hostile eye on Home Rule, and Parnell, still in agreement
with Gladstone, quieted the Irish with the hope of speedy
reform. In 1890 Parnell was condemned for adultery:
Gladstone, whose partisans were, generally speaking, animated
by Puritanical principles, openly separated from him: the
incident caused a split in the Irish Party, which was, however,
healed by the death of Parnell in 1 89 1 .

Gladstone was carried to power by the elections of 1892;
his bold programme included, besides Home Rule, the reform
of the House of Lords, separation of Church and State in
England and Scotland, and other Radical reforms. In spite
of only a small majority in the House, Gladstone brought
forward a new Home Rule Bill, which gave two Houses of
Parliament — Upper and Lower — to Ireland, for purely
Irish affairs, and reduced the number of Irish Members
in the Imperial Parliament to eighty members. Though
the Commons passed this Bill, it was unanimously rejected
by the House of Lords, September, 1893. Gladstone would
have once again appealed to the country on the question of
these reforms, but his party was divided. Tired, disillusioned,
and weary, he retired into private life on May i, 1894,
leaving the leadership to Lord Rosebery.

The House of Lords again rejected several reforms
passed by the Commons, but Rosebery succeeded in legalis-
ing two important measures, — one enlarging Progressive
Succession Duty, and another creating Parish Councils;
these completed the administrative reforms of 1888.
Gladstone's retirement, however, weakened the Liberal
majority, and Rosebery resigned his post in June, 1895.
The power passed to the Conservative and Liberal-Unionist
Coalition, which was fused into one party, and aimed at
large internal reforms with a broad Imperial policy. Salisbury
was nominally the head of this Ministry, but it was animated
by Chamberlain alone — now Colonial Minister — who gave

W.M. 311 X

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

new life to the Imperialist programme by the declaration
that the prosperity of the citizen went hand in hand with
the power of the State.

The elections of 1895 assured a life of many years to
this Government. It chiefly devoted itself to the extension
of English foreign possessions and the actuation of Imperial
Federation. Customs tariffs, and colonial disinclination to
share in military expenses, were obstacles to this plan, but
Australia had already formed the nucleus of a fleet, and
Cape Colony had sent a warship to England at the celebration
of the Queen's Diamond Jubilee. A new Conference was
held in London, in which the denunciation of most-favoured-
nation treaties with Germany and Belgium were demanded,
in order to prepare the way for Colonial preferential tariffs.

In her great Naval Review at Spithead, England showed
the world the pomp of her sea-power; this martial and
grandiose exhibition clearly showed why Salisbury did not
lament over the * splendid isolation ' of the greatest Power
the world had ever seen, under whose sceptre reposed
400,000,000 of people.

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CHAPTER XV

WORLD-POLITICS

MacKinley President of the United States : War with Spain for Cuba :
Rapid American victories : Spain loses Cuba, Porto Rico, and the
Philippines. — Theodore Roosevelt and American Imperialism. — The
Panama Canal. — Czar's proposal for the reduction of armaments and
the First Hague Conference. — Anglo-Boer War: English occupation
of the Orange and Transvaal Republics : Guerilla warfare till the
Peace of 1902. — William II. and his friendship for the Sultan : the
Bagdad Railway. — European penetration of China and the Boxer
Insurrection : International Expedition of 1902. — Assassination of
Humbert I. : Reign of Victor Emmanuel III. : More friendly
relations with France : The Dreyfus Affair : New President Loubet
and the Ministry Waldeck-Rousseau. — Death of Queen Victoria : The
Australian Federation : New Foreign Policy under Edward VII. :
Anglo- Japanese Agreement : Reconciliation with France. — Visit of
King Victor Emmanuel III. to Paris and the Arrival of Loubet at
Rome. — The New Pope, Pius X., and rupture of his diplomatic
relations with France : Russo-Japanese War. — Military disasters
of Russia and the internal Revolution : Elections of the First Duma. —
Separation of Norway from Sweden.

The closing years of the nineteenth century, and the first of
the twentieth, mark the open affirmation of world-politics,
towards which the immense development of the new means
of communication fatally impelled the human race. Along
this road, with all the energy of modern thought, marched
the people of the United States.

After the War of Secession, the imperative duty of the
United States was to cement the union of North and South
— a difficult and complex task, which should also unite by
a wise policy of conciliation the hearts and minds of the two
peoples. In the resultant period of calm was developed the
industrial life of the South: thus, the economic differences
which had so greatly contributed to the antagonism between
the North and South began to diminish.^

^ But the negro problem remained acute, especially in the South, where the
negro races constituted a notable part of the population : for notwithstanding the
proclamation of equality, the degree of social and intellectual development,
and the difference of colour, which in the mind of the white man marks the
essential difference between the two races, determined the white population to
preserve at all costs, not only its political prestige, but its civil and social
superiority; the separation of the two races was imposed in all departments of
life, either by laws or custom.

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

In the meantime, enormous mineral wealth was discovered
in many parts of the country — coal, petroleum, iron, and
copper — and everywhere cities or factories sprang up.
Amongst the various business firms trusts were formed,
which acquired an immense practical power. The workmen
naturally united in associations and organised strikes in
order to obtain rises in wages and a diminution of hours of
labour: but the social question in the United States was
not so acute as in Europe, for though wages were higher
there, necessities cost less.

In the midst of this economic transformation a movement
was started for the commerical union of various American
States: for this purpose the Pan-American Congress was
held at Washington, under the presidency of the Minister
Blaine, who had been its organiser, in the hope of forming
an American ZoUverein. But no precise decision was arrived
at, since the other States feared the predominant influence
of the United States. And in truth, the prosperity of the
great Republic had developed to a marvellous degree, and
with it the population correspondingly increased. The
census of 1890 marked 63,000,000 of inhabitants — more
than double the population of i860: the number of the
States of the Union had now reached forty-four. Hardly
60,000,000 of inhabitants were to be found in all the re-
mainder of the American Continent. The second American
State in the matter of population was Brazil, which numbered
16,000,000 of inhabitants. The aged Emperor, Don
Pedro II., who had abolished slavery in 1888, had been
obliged to abdicate in consequence of a revolution which
had broken out at Rio de Janeiro in 1889, so that the whole
of Independent America was under a Republican form of
Government. The ambition of the people of the United
States increased with their riches, and they soon had an
opportunity of realising their aims. In 1895, the island of
Cuba, which had been always exploited by the retrograde
colonial government of Spain was again in arms; Spain,
after many years of warfare, had not succeeded in dominating
the rebels: the aid of men and money to the rebels from
America, rendered the task of suppression more difficult.
At the same time the inhabitants of the Philippines, unable

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WORLD-POLITICS

longer to support ecclesiastical tyranny, rose, and, captained
by Aguinaldo, fought for some time against the Spanish
troops.

The length of the war had naturally injured the economic
relations existing between the United States and Cuba, and
this circumstance increased the desire of many Americans
for intervention. In January, 1898, an American cruiser
— the Maine — entered the port of Havana and remained
there some time, arousing the suspicions of the Spaniards:
on February 15 it was suddenly blown up, and 255 sailors
perished. Fruitless inquiries endeavoured to elicit the
cause of the disaster: but public opinion, in the United
States, ran high against the Spanish Government, and great
patriotic feeling was roused in Spain by the American
agitation. In vain the Pope proposed his mediation: after
a series of diplomatic negotiations, predestined to failure,
and which appeared to be initiated in order to gain time for
military preparation. President MacKinley, on April 11,
1898, in a message to the Senate, declared himself favourable
to armed intervention between Spain and Cuba : the Congress
gave free powers to the President and proclaimed the
Independence of Cuba.

War therefore broke out between the two countries.
All the Powers declared their neutrality: Dewey's fleet
destroyed that of Spain at Manilla on May i and blockaded
the port. Admiral Cervera, who found himself blockaded
by Admiral Sampson at Santiago di Cuba, made a gallant
attempt to break through on July 3: his ships were either
destroyed or forced on shore, and Cervera was made a
prisoner. Sampson telegraphed to his President that he
offered the destruction of the Spanish fleet as a gift to the
nation for Independence Day. A few days later Santiago
capitulated.

American Imperialism swelled rapidly. Porto Rico was
soon in their power. Spain, through France, demanded
peace, and the preliminaries were signed on August 12 at
Washington. By these, America claimed Spain's renunciation
of Porto Rico and Cuba, but when the negotiations were
opened at Paris the United States also insisted on the cession
of the Philippines, as well as the payment of an indemnity

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of 80,000,000 dollars: the island of Guam, near the Isthmus
of Panama, was also demanded by the Americans. Peace
was signed at Paris, December 10, 1898.

Thus Spain lost all her important colonies. Her remaining
possessions in the Pacific — the Caroline Islands, Marianne,
and Palaos — she ceded to Germany.

America, after some hesitation, withdrew her troops
from Cuba, which became a Republic under the protection
of America; the Philippine Islanders, after the retirement
of the Spaniards, vainly attempted to maintain their inde-
pendence, under Aguinaldo: but the latter was captured
in 1 90 1 in an ambuscade. The Philippines still fought on,
until they were compelled by superior force to make their
complete submission.

In the Pacific Ocean the Americans also occupied the
Sandwich Isles. In 1897 Hawaii had become Federal
territory, and in 1898 the American flag was hoisted in
Honolulu. The Samoan Islands were divided in November,
1899, between America and Germany: England, in com-
pensation, was allowed to establish a Protectorate over the
Tonga and Savage Isles.

So satisfied were the Americans with their President*s
Imperialism that he was re-elected in the presidential elections
of 1900: his policy, in fact, corresponded to the prodigious
development of American commerce, which had reached
two milliards of dollars. Her coal production was superior
to that of any other country, her petroleum rivalled that of
Russia. Her population had risen to 76,000,000. In his
message to Congress, of December, 1900, the President
announced that the State possessed a balance of 80,000,000
dollars: fifty of these were to be devoted to the relief of
taxation, and the remainder were destined for the fleet and
the army. President MacKinley was assassinated in 1901,
but his successor, Roosevelt, followed his policy and became
the apostle of United States Imperialism. Under Roosevelt
the cutting of the Panama Canal was completed. A new
Company had been formed, after the failure of the original
society, which simply proposed to utilise the labour already
accomplished in order to sell it. An American society, in

316

WORLD-POLITICS

the meantime, began the work of the Nicaraguan Canal.
Roosevelt professed to support the Nicaraguan scheme
in preference to that of Panama, and this piece of clever
diplomacy induced the Panama Company to sell its property
to the United States for only 2,000,000 of francs.

Roosevelt then negotiated with Colombia for the rights
of constructing the canal. A Convention, signed by the
Colombian Government, stipulated that a strip of land on
each side of the canal should be ceded to the United States,
in exchange for 500,000,000 of francs and an annual payment
of 1,250,000 francs. The Colombian Senate refused to
ratify this Convention, whereupon the inhabitants of the
district through which the canal was to pass rebelled against
Colombia and founded the Republic of Panama. Colombia
was prevented from enforcing their submission by the
United States, which recognised the new Republic, receiving
from it, in exchange for tms service, the cession in perpetuity
of a zone, ten miles wide, along the canal, so that the United
States could consider the work as constructed on Federal
territory. The labour of digging the canal was undertaken
with vigour, and the country was completely sanitated.
The door was now open for the economic conquest by America
of the Pacific and Far East.*

America now determined to enter into world-politics,
and Roosevelt was re-elected by a large majority in 1904.

A few days after the signature of the Spanish-American
Treaty of Peace, the world was impressed by a proposal,
emanating from the Czar, Nicholas II.: this was no other
than an invitation of the representatives of the Powers to an
International Congress for the purpose of limiting arma-
ments. Public enthusiasm was roused, and the various
Governments accepted the invitation.

The Peace Congress, as it was called, met on May 18,
1899, at the Hague, where the young Queen of Holland
accorded a distinguished reception to the delegates. The
impossibility of agreement on the central theme was soon
made evident, and the general public took but little interest
in the decisions of the Congress concerning the rules of war.

* The Canal was opened to traffic on August 15, 1914.

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Owing to Germany's opposition, the principle of arbitration
was not rendered obligatory, but a permanent Court of
Arbitration was established at the Hague. Certain modes
of war were prohibited — explosive bullets, asphyxiating gas,
etc. — and the principles of the Convention of Geneva of
August 22, 1864, were extended to naval warfare.*

The first Hague Congress had hardly closed its sittings
when a new war was threatened.

Cecil Rhodes, after his abortive attempt on the liberties
of the Transvaal, felt that war was inevitable in order to carry
out his scheme of South African Unity, and he returned to
England in order to prepare public opinion and to conduct
in English journals a hostile campaign against those Boers
who directed the South African Republic. In 1898 Kriiger
was re-elected President of the Transvaal; Cecil Rhodes,
now certain of Chamberlain's support, returned to Africa
to direct the Chartered Company and to make preparations
for the war against the Transvaal. The English Government
hotly sustained the cause of the ' uitlanders ' : an attempt
at agreement was made in June, 1899, at Bloemfontein, by
Alfred Milner, Governor of the Cape, and President Kruger,
but no result was obtained. In October, 1899, war broke
out.

The President of the Orange Free State, Steyn, pro-
claimed an alliance with the sister Republic, and his country
was drawn into the conflict. The struggle was longer than
had been imagined by the English Government, since
Kruger, in anticipation of the event, had for many years
been accumulating munitions of war. He boldly faced the
struggle, confiding in Germany's aid. Certainly, in Germany,
as in Europe generally, public sentiment was on the side of
the Boers; but the German Government had begun to be
swayed by other counsels, and by one of those sudden changes,
which William II. introduced into his policy, the pro-Boer
sentiment was abandoned, and in November, 1899, the
German Emperor went to London in order to bring about
an Anglo-German agreement.

^ Henri Dunant was the apostle of this Association, whose rules were later
.made the foundation of the Red Cross Society.

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WORLD-POLITICS

The Boers invaded Natal and besieged Ladysmith and
Kimberley. On December 15, 1899, General BuUer suffered
a heavy defeat. England now seriously concentrated her
efforts; 200,000 men, of whom 25,000 were drawn from
her colonies, were now in South Africa. Lord Roberts was
Commander-in-Chief, with Lord Kitchener as Head of the
Staff. The Boers only mustered 55,000 men, but they
defeated the attempts of the English to relieve Ladysmith.
Whilst General French came to the relief of Kimberley,
Lord Roberts forced Cronje to surrender. The Boers
evacuated Natal, and on March i, 1900, Ladysmith was
saved.

After strenuous fighting, the Boers were forced to
evacuate the Orange Free State. On June 5 the English
penetrated the Transvaal and occupied Pretoria. President
Kriiger in September, 1900, embarked for Holland. He
had hoped to enlist German sympathies, but William II.
refused to receive him; as Bulow explained afterwards,
anxiety for the safety of Germany's infant fleet led her to
avoid any collision with England. Lord Roberts, after
proclaiming the annexation of the Transvaal and Orange
territory, returned to England, and the war was considered
as finished. But a guerilla warfare broke out on all sides
in 1 90 1. The English destroyed the harvests and cattle
in order to suppress the rising; the Boer women and children
were placed in concentration camps, where bad food, over-
crowding, and insanitary conditions induced a frightful
mortality. On March 9, 1902, the Boers were again
victorious, and captured Lord Methuen. He was, however,
generously liberated by his captors. A few days later,
negotiations of peace were entered into, and on May 31,
1902, the Convention of Pretoria was signed, by which
the Boers laid down their arms and recognised the King of
England as their Sovereign. A speedy autonomy was
promised them with Parliamentary representation. England
g^ve ;^3, 000,000 for the reconstitution of factories, and
accorded extensive credit to the Boers: a further vote of
;^5,ooo,ooo was passed by the House of Commons on behalf
of the Transvaal and Orange Free State on November 5 of
the same year. English sentiment now veered round in

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

favour of the Boers, who had won public esteem by their
bravery. Since the Boers outnumbered the English, not
only in the Boer States, but even in Cape Colony, they soon
began to gain political supremacy.^

England's South African embarrassments had greatly
aided the development of the ambitious aims of Germany in
the East. The days had passed when Bismarck had said
that the whole Eastern Question was not worth the bones
of a Pomeranian Grenadier.

William II. had always carefully cultivated the friendship
of the Sultan, Abdul Hamid II., and he now succeeded
in supplanting English influence at Constantinople. For
England, since her occupation of Egypt, no longer showed
herself keen on sustaining the integrity of the Ottoman
Empire. In October, 1898, William II., accompanied by
the Empress and his Minister, von Biilow, visited with
great pomp Abdul Hamid at Constantinople; the Sultan,
who had been accustomed to being treated with arrogance
by the Great Powers, was extremely flattered by German
affability. From Constantinople, William II. went to
Palestine and was received everywhere with the highest
honours. At Jerusalem he founded a Protestant Church
and gave land, bought by himself, to the German Catholic
Association. But though on every occasion he invoked
the name of Christ, he assumed the tone of the Protector of
the Mussulman world: at Damascus he openly declared,
* the three hundred millions of Moslems, scattered over the
world, may rest assured that on all occasions the German
Emperor will be their friend.' Having no Moslem subjects
in his own colonies, this policy served him as a useful weapon
with which to annoy other colonial Powers.

His aim was to greatly develop German penetration in
Turkish Asia: already commercial and financial societies
had initiated a series of enterprises: commercial houses
were established in many places, and shipping lines were
organised in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Emperor

^ Cecil Rhodes died on March 26, 1902, at forty-nine years of age; Paul Kruger
died on July 14, 1904, at the age of seventy -nine. The body of the latter was
taken to Pretoria, where it was buried with military honours, by order of the
English Government.

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WORLD-POLITICS

wished particularly to assure to German Companies the
construction of great railway lines, which, through the fertile
plains of Mesopotamia, and along the banks of the Tigris
and Euphrates, should lead to the Persian Gulf, which opens
the way to India. Other Powers — and England in particular
— ^were not anxious to see the Germans established on the
Persian Gulf, where they had, till that time, been
predominant. Baron Marschall, who was for ten years
the Ambassador of William II. at Constantinople, was
given the task of overcoming the particular difficulties of
this concession.

In China, also, the European Powers vied with each
other in the attempt to gain concessions. The Germans
occupied Kiao-Chau; the Russians, Port Arthur; England,
Wei-hai-wei, all of which had been wrung by pressure
from the Chinese Government.

This European penetration excited Chinese hostility.
The sect of Boxers rose in rebellion, bilrning railway stations
and massacring foreigners. The rebellion assumed great
proportions, and the German Ambassador at Pekin was
murdered by Chinese soldiers: every embassy, except that
of England, was burnt, and Europeans took refuge in the
latter.

The Powers determined to take action. William II.
gave ferocious orders to his soldiers to give no quarter,
and to act in such a way that the name of a German
should terrify the Chinese for centuries to come. Marshal
W^aldersee was in command of the German troops, and
was named Generalissimo of the International Expedi-
tion.

Those Allied troops which were already in China had
marched on Pekin, and on August 15 had entered the city,
liberating the Ambassadors, who were still besieged in the
English Legation. Russia conducted a separate campaign
in Manchuria, where her railways had been damaged by
the rebels, and the Russians had succeeded in restoring
order there.

The European expedition reached China in September,
and they occupied important positions. Peace was concluded
in December, and China promised to pay an indemnity of

321

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

a milliard of francs, to punish those officials who were impli-
cated in the revolt, and to renew all her previous concessions.
European penetration became more intense, and Germany
figured in the Far East, also, as a leading Power.

• ••••••

Meantime, Italy had suffered a national calamity. On
July 29, 1900, King Humbert was murdered by an anarchist.
Much sympathy was felt throughout Italy for the Royal
family.

Social measures distinguished the policy of the new
reign, and were rewarded by the rapid development of
Italian commerce. The economic conditions of Italy im-
proved rapidly: each year the national finances showed a
substantial balance to the good.

Italy's relations with France became more cordial. A
commercial agreement had been concluded between the
two nations, and this facilitated improved economic relations
and a more friendly national feeling. In 1902 France
pledged herself not to oppose Italy's ambitions in Tripoli,
while Italy consented to give France a free hand in
Morocco. On the renewal of the Triple Alliance, in
June, 1902, Italy assured France that in no case and in
no way, would she aid or abet an attack against the latter
country.

In July, 1902, Victor Emmanuel III. entered on his
visits to the Courts and capitals of Europe. Since Francis
Joseph had not returned the visit of King Humbert, the
King of Italy did not visit Vienna. This fact, together with
his visit to St Petersburg, and the Italian reconciliation with
France, was displeasing to the Central Powers. In 1903
the Italian King and Queen visited President Loubet at
Paris and were enthusiastically received.

Delcass6 continued to direct French Foreign Policy
(i 895-1 905). The existing ties with Russia were streng-
thened, the friendship with Italy was deepened, and the
relations with England became more and more cordial.
In the latter case a whole past of bitterness and hate had to
be wiped out: colonial dissension, also, had to be settled
on a friendly basis : Delcasse's task, though difficult, was not
impossible, since England rapidly began to comprehend

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WORLD-POLITICS

that Germany, both at sea and in the colonial field, was a far

more formidable competitor than France.

• ••••••

On January 29, 1901, Queen Victoria of England died
at the age of eighty-two years. The sixty-five years of her
reign had marked the constant and rapid rise of English
prestige and power over the whole world, an enormous
increase of mercantile trade, and in political matters, the
full development of Parliamentary power and colonial
autonomy.

Under her Government, English colonies became almost
Sovereign States, with their own spheres of action, and
political ideas in the colonies were far more advanced than
those of England herself: in Australia this was specially
the case. Here, immense natural pastures had furnished
the first wealth of the country: the discovery of gold in 1851
had attracted so many emigrants that in one decade the
population had tripled, and in 1891 amounted to 4,000,000.
Agriculture and commerce increased rapidly, and a
corresponding advance was made in means of com-
munication.

The population rapidly centred in the cities. Melbourne,
which in 1861 possessed a population of 140,000 inhabitants,
in 1 891 mustered 500,000. Sydney, in the same period,
had increased from 95,000 to 487,000. Fifty per cent, of
the population inhabited the cities, and this fact facilitated
culture and aided the aspirations of the people to take part
in political life.

As early as 1855 all the colonies, with the exception of
Western Australia, which was but thinly populated, had
enjoyed complete autonomous Government: in 1890
Western Australia, also, obtained a Constitution. Through
the predominance of the urban and artisan element, the
most democratic ideas triumphed: universal suffrage, which
was introduced into New South Wales in 1855, was extended
to the other colonies, with the exception of Tasmania; the
legislation of the States was purely Socialistic; agrarian
laws favoured the development of small holdings, while the
tributary system was based on the exemption of taxes for
the poorer, and a progressive system for the richer, classes.

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Thus, in Australia a new society arose which sought to
carry out in every field the principle of equality: the lack
of social traditions facilitated the introduction of the most
daring reforms.

Gradually, even in Australia, the idea of a federation
found favour, with the sole scope of assuring the military
defence of Australia. In 1885 a Federal Australian Council
was formed, though as yet it rather represented an aspiration
than a real function, seeing that it had not any executive
power. But following a council held in London, which was
formed by colonial delegates and English Ministers, the
Australian Naval Force Act was approved in 1887, by which
the Australians pledged themselves to pay the expenses of main-
tenance of five cruisers and two torpedo-boats, which England
had hitherto kept in those seas. In 1889a genuine project of
Federation, analogous to that of Canada, was proposed by
Sir Henry Parkes, one of Australia's most notable statesmen ;
ten years passed, however, before his proposal was actuated;
New Zealand, alone, would not identify herself with the
scheme. In 1897 the Convention of Adelaide approved a
Constitution, which was promulgated in March, 1898, and
sanctioned by the Queen, July 9, 1900. Six colonies formed
this Federation — New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland,
South Australia, Tasmania, and Western Australia: these
States included 4,000,000 of inhabitants. The seat of
Government was provisionally fixed at Melbourne, but it
was determined to construct a new central capital — Canberra,
in New South Wales. Federal legislation was conducted
by two Houses and a Senate for the six States, but each
State possessed its own Government, and legislated for its
own purely local affairs.

Edward VII., son of Queen Victoria, succeeded her
on the throne. He exercised a notable influence on
England's foreign policy, and gave it an entirely new
direction.

England had till now ignored Germany's commerce
and industry. But in the years 1 890-1900 the latter in-
creased enormously, German exports alone increasing from
3,409 millions in 1890 to 4,555 millions in 1900. Simul-
taneously Germany aimed at naval expansion, and her Naval

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WORLD-POLITICS

Act of 1898 assured her a powerful fleet. With this
competition it was impossible for England to maintain her
' Two-Power ' standard. France and Russia, therefore,
passed into second line, and Germany became her chief and
only antagonist.

England's Alliance with Japan in 1902 enabled her to
watch Russian movements in Asia; by this Alliance each
Power pledged herself to preserve a strict neutrality if the
other were attacked by one Power alone; but should an
attack be made by a coalition of two, active aid would be
given.

At the Coronation of Edward VII. in 1 902 a third Colonial
Conference was held under Chamberlain, the Colonial
Minister. It was decided to hold these Conferences
periodically. The question of preferential Colonial Tariffs
was discussed and the special treatment of colonial exports
to the mother country. The Colonies pledged themselves
to aid in military expenses; Canada, however, in lieu of
financial help, promised to augment her military establish-
ment.

Edward VII. sought to strengthen England's already
excellent relations with Italy, and one of his first visits was
to the King of Italy. From Rome he went to Paris, where
he declared that the old hostility between France and England
had ceased, and that both must henceforth travel together
along the road of peace and civilisation. President Loubet
returned this visit in July, 1903, and the basis of the future
Anglo-French Entente was laid on this occasion. In
October, 1903, a Convention was signed between the two
countries, in which it was determined that arbitration should
henceforth settle all outstanding questions between the two
nations.

• ••••••

On April 8, 1904, M. Delcasse and Lord Lansdowne
concluded the negotiations for the elimination of all possible
causes of discord between France and England, and a Treaty
was signed to this effect — the most important, perhaps, in
contemporary history, since it marked the end of secular
animosity between the two countries.

The most difficult points concerned Egypt and Morocco.

325

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

France now agreed to allow England to remain in peace in
Egypt; she merely stipulated that her commercial and
financial interests should be safeguarded, and that her schools
should be preserved. England gave a free hand to France
in Morocco, demanding only the * open door ' in conjunction
with a pledge that no fortress on the African side should
imperil the safety of Gibraltar.

France renounced her fishery rights on the coast of
Newfoundland, and obtained in recompense some African
territories, with a rectification of the Gambia, Chad, and
Niger frontiers. The disputes concerning Madagascar, the
New Hebrides, and Siam were also amicably settled. Thus
the gulf of secular enmity between France and England
was closed, and the two countries seemed henceforth destined
to aid instead of fighting, each other.

Naturally, Germany noted with displeasure the healing
of this ancient feud, nor did she see without annoyance the
daily increasing friendship between Italy and France. In
April, 1904, the month which saw the Anglo-French
agreement. President Loubet visited Victor Emmanuel III.
at Rome, and was received by the people with enthusiasm,
since popular sentiment sealed the work of the two Govern-
ments.

• ••••••

Loubet*s visit to Paris had another consequence: it
aggravated the hostile relations already existing between the
Pope and the French Republic.

In the last years of the nineteenth century France had
been disturbed by the discussion as to whether the Jew,
Captain Dreyfus, who had been condemned as a spy, was,
or was not, innocent. Clerical and reactionary influence had
again revived during this dispute: in order to check it, the
Waldeck-Rousseau Ministry passed a law which established
regulations concerning the authorisation of Religious
Congregations. This measure encountered passionate
resistance, which impelled the succeeding Ministry to take
violent measures against those Religious Congregations
which refused to submit; many were dissolved by force.
This increased the tension between the Papal See and the
Republic.

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WORLD-POLITICS

Leo XIII., who had always attempted reconciliation,
had died on July 20, 1903, at ninety-three years of age. At
the opening of the resultant Conclave, Cardinal Rampolla,
who for sixteen years had shown his friendship towards
France, received the most votes; it was then that the
Cardinal Bishop of Cracovia declared himself charged by
the Emperor to veto Rampolla's election. The moment
was a dramatic one. Rampolla, white to the lips, rose and
declared that while he considered himself unworthy of
the high office of Pope, he felt bound to protest against
this violation of the liberty of the Sacred College. In the
end, the Patriarch of Venice, Giuseppe Sarto, was elected,
and on August 4, 1903, this son of lowly parents, who had
reached his position by passing through every grade of the
ecclesiastical career, was raised to the Pontificate, and assumed
the Tiara, under the name of Pius X.^

The new Pope followed the policy of his predecessors
and continued to remain in the Vatican, announcing his
election to all the Powers except Italy. When Loubet
visited Victor Emmanuel at Rome, the Pope sent a protest
to the Powers against the insult given by the Head of a
Catholic nation in visiting the Italian King at Rome.
Diplomatic relations with France were then broken, and the
French Chamber suppressed the Embassy to the Vatican:
the idea of breaking the Concordat and separating Church
from State, made progress in France. The Minister Combes
brought forward a Bill to this effect, which was approved by
the new Rouvier Ministry.

This Law, which marked the end of the regime of the
Napoleonic Concordat^ was passed on December 11, 1905,
and was to take effect in one year from that date. The
difficulties which it encountered were conquered by the tact
and ability of the Minister Briand, who was the framer of
the law. Gradually religious excitement calmed down and
economic and social problems began to take first place
in the Home politics of France.

Whilst France, by her understanding with England,
and her friendship with Italy, was preparing for herself a

* On January 20, 1904, Piua X. prohibited the future use of the 'Veto,' under
pain of excommumcation.

w.M. 327 y

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

stable international situation, her Ally suffered a terrible
defeat.

Russia had for a long time aimed at two objectives — one
in Eastern Europe and the other in the Far East; but, in
these later years, she had concentrated her attention on the
Far East, and had, on this account, assumed a pacific attitude
in European affairs, striving only to maintain the status quo
in the Balkans.

Russia had occupied Manchuria during the Chinese
expedition, but instead of evacuating, she tranquilly began
to organise and to Russianise it. This Slav advance in the
Far East excited the hatred of Japan. The sight of Russia
consolidating and installing herself definitely in the territory
which Japan had won, and had been forced to restitute,
roused Japanese patriotic sentiment, and Russian activity
in Corea aggravated the situation.

Japan demanded the immediate evacuation of Manchuria,
and the cessation of Russian activity in Corea. The Russians
attempted to temporise, but Japan precipitated events. On
February 6, 1904, she recalled her Ambassador from St
Petersburg, and on February 9 initiated the war without
formal declaration. Russian cruisers were torpedoed in
Port Arthur and suffered great damage.

Japan repeated her tactics of the Chinese War. Corea
declared herself the Ally of Japan : the latter's troops landed
in Corean territory and Port Arthur was blockaded. Russia,
who had not believed war to be so imminent, and who
was ignorant of Japan's military strength, was absolutely
unprepared. While Japanese patriotism was solid for the
war, the majority of the Russian people unwillingly allowed
hostilities. Add to this, that Japan's situation near the seat
of war gave her an immense advantage over Russia, whose
troops and material had to be conveyed from an immense
distance.

After the early disasters, the Czar appointed Kuropatkin
as Generalissimo, and Admiral Makaroff Commander of
the Fleet at Port Arthur. But Makaroff's ship sank by collision
with a mine, and Russia lost in him a tower of strength
and hope. The Japanese now succeeded in surrounding
Port Arthur both by land and sea. In June the Russian

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WORLD-POLITICS

fleet attempted to issue from Port Arthur, but the Japanese
fleet under Togo attacked and destroyed a great part of it.
Another attempt on August lo led to its almost complete
destruction. Already the Japanese in Corea, under Koroki,
had passed the Yalu and driven the Russians back into
Manchuria: in the great battle of Liao Yang, which lasted
ten days, the Russians were again routed and retired towards
Mukden. In September the Japanese succeeded in cutting
the water supply of Port Arthur, and the besieged were
forced to resort to the use of distilled sea-water. The
Japanese General, Nogi, towards the end of the month
invited Stoessel to surrender, but his offer was indignantly
refused.

Meantime the Baltic fleet started on its long and cautious
journey. In the North Sea, Rodjestwenski imagined that
he saw two Japanese torpedo boats in the midst of an English
fishing-fleet, and opened fire on the latter, killing and
wounding the fishermen. Indignation in England was so
keen that, for a moment, war was imminent. But finally
England agreed to the proposal of Russia that the question
should be settled by the tribunal of the Hague. The struggle
for Port Arthur endured through November and December,
and it was not till January i that Stoessel, who found himself
dominated by sea and land, capitulated. Japan, in order
to show her admiration of the defenders, allowed four
Russian torpedo-boats to leave the port. The land garrison,
on giving their -parole to take no further part in the operations,
were allowed to return to Russia.

All the forces of the Japanese were now directed against
Mukden, where Kuropatkin ran grave risk of being sur-
rounded. With enormous losses the Russians succeeded
in opening their way to Kharbin, whilst Mukden was
occupied by the Japanese, March lo, 1905. Linievich
succeeded Kuropatkin as Generalissimo, but he was forced
to continue the retreat towards Kharbin, incessantly pursued
by the Japanese.

Admiral Rodjestwenski's twenty ships, with 11,000
men, finally reached the Chinese Seas in May, 1905. At
the Straits of Tsuschima, he was attacked by Admiral Togo's
fleet, and after a two days' engagement the Russian force

329

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

was destroyed. Rodjestwenski was made prisoner. The
Russians, still harassed in their retreat by the Japanese,
now lost hope, and the Japanese occupied the Island of
Saghalin without encountering opposition.

Russia was definitely defeated. Roosevelt's proposal
as mediator between the belligerents was accepted ; in
August, 1905, the representatives of Russia and Japan met
at Portsmouth, in the United States, and on September 5
peace was signed. Russia abandoned to Japan the Protectorate
of Corea, and ceded to her the southern half of the Island of
Saghalin: Port Arthur and the Peninsula of Liaoting were
also transferred to her, with the railways existing there.
Russia, also, undertook to evacuate Manchuria, which was
restored to China and opened to international commerce.
Russia only retained the railways of Northern Manchuria
in her possession.

Japan's moderate terms of peace facilitated the re-establish-
ment of cordial relations with Russia, whose attention was
speedily occupied by a Revolution which broke out in many
parts of the Empire.

The installation of factories, and her augmented commerce,
had increased the number and wealth of Russia's middle
classes. Little by little, the latter evinced a desire to par-
ticipate in the political life of the country. The increase
of the middle classes corresponded to that of the proletariat.
In the massed centres of industry the Government could
not forbid the formation of co-operative and benefit societies,
and it was not long before the members of the intellectual
classes joined these societies and propagated their Liberal
ideas. To guard against the danger, the Government decided
to organise other bodies, at the head of which should be
persons whom they could trust. The priest, Gapon, in St
Petersburg, founded an association of thousands of workers
in the metallurgical factories.

A ferment of ideas now permeated the life of Russia —
Liberal aspirations on the part of the middle classes, and
a desire of amelioration on the part of the proletariat. A
minority of the nobles understood the position, but a large
majority of the aristocracy and the bureaucracy, with the

330

WORLD-POLITICS

clergy, remained violently opposed to all changes. Since
the Sovereign was surrounded by the latter alone, the
aspirations of the people were entirely misrepresented to
him.

The peasants* sentiments were with the Government:
but with the increase of the population the yielding capacity
of the land had not correspondingly improved. The bolder
spirits abandoned agriculture and became factory hands
in the cities, but the majority suffered great privations,
which they strove to alleviate by the use of vodka. ^ Whilst
the agitation in the country only aimed at a redistribution
of the land, that of the cities was purely political. The more
fanatic of the lower classes formed terrorist associations,
and a series of assassinations of highly-placed personages
was organised by them. The intellectuals propagated their
new and Liberal ideas in the hope of changing the Govern-
ment system by Parliamentary methods.

The war with Japan had thrilled the nation with anger
at bureaucratic incompetence: while the terrorists continued
their outrages, the Liberals conducted a lively propaganda,
and convoked for November 6, 1904, a General Congress
of the Zemstvo — ^Provincial Assemblies — in order to discuss
national interests.

The Government, which needed both men and money,
dared not refuse, but insisted that the discussions of this
Assembly should be private, and that its proceedings should
not be published in the Press. None the less, the news
leaked out that the Liberals had demanded the liberty of
Western nations — freedom of conscience, liberty of the
Press, the right of holding public meetings, and an elective
Assembly. The Czar published a decree, December, 1904,
by which he invited his Ministers to introduce some
Liberal reforms connected with the Press, with local
administration, and the social conditions of the lower
classes.

These, however, were not enough: a radical political
transformation was needed: the workers, who had hitherto
been content with aiming at economic reform, now joined

* More than one-fourth of the finances of the Russian Empire was furnished
by the sale of vodka, which was a State monopoly.

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

in the demand for political rights. Gapon, wishing to assure
for himself an eminent position in the changed regime, which
he thought was now inevitable, placed himself at the head
of a procession of workers, in order to present a petition to
the Czar. The procession, was, however, fired upon by the
military and driven back — ^January 22, 1905.

The Liberals now determined on rebellion. Hostile
demonstrations and assassinations occurred with greater
frequency. On February 18, 1905, the Grand Duke Sergius,
who was considered the personification of reaction, was
killed by a bomb. The more moderate temperaments
continued their propaganda and reiterated their demand
for a representative Government.

Colossal strikes, agricultural riots, and mutinies of the
sailors followed the news of the defeat of Mukden and the
destruction of the fleet. The Government yielded, and on
August 18 announced the creation of the National Duma
(Assembly), which was composed of 412 elective members:
but it decreed that the Duma should only be possessed of
auxiliary powers in the discussion of the proposed legislation :
the sanction of the Imperial Council would first be necessary,
and the law must finally receive the approval of the Czar,
who, indeed, could sanction laws which had not been approved
by the Duma.

This announcement disillusioned the people, but the
declaration of peace and the moderate terms of Japan
preserved tranquillity, though agitation still continued.
Count Witte induced the Czar to sign a decree, which
proclaimed liberty of conscience, speech, and press, the
right of holding public meetings, and inviolability of the
person; it established also that no law could be passed
without the sanction of the Duma, and it enlarged the right
of vote — October 30, 1905.

Thus the old Russian regime fell: its most bigoted
supporter, Pobjedonozeff, resigned. But the nation felt
that these concessions had been unwillingly dragged from
the Emperor. Simultaneously, it became conscious of its
own force and had no faith in a Government which only
yielded to menace. The agitations, therefore, did not die
down.

332

WORLD-POLITICS

To add to the perplexities of the Government, the non-
Russian portion of the population chafed under its repressive
policy. Finland demanded and gained her ancient autonomy
— 1906 — with extraordinary facility. Universal suffrage
was given without distinction, and women were admitted to
the right of elective representation. Poland, too, in the throes
of revolutionary and Socialistic legislation felt her hopes
revive. Armenia and the Baltic provinces distinguished
themselves by sinister revolts.

The wind of revolution, which passed over all Russia,
penetrated the fighting services. Mutinies of sailors and
soldiers took place. The revolutionary party deemed itself
arbiter of the situation; but military discontent was appeased
by small concessions, and the Government were able to
deal with the revolutionists. The most serious attack was
at Moscow, December, 1905, but in spite of a furious
resistance the revolt was quelled.

The Government now permitted the formation of electoral
lists and elections, and the first Duma was convoked at
Petersburg on May i, 1906. Even Russia now entered
into the Constitutional path.

Another Revolution had peacefully developed in the
Scandinavian Peninsula. Norway would no longer support
the position of inferiority imposed upon her by Sweden.
A special Norwegian Consular Service was demanded at
first, which the King refused. This caused great excitement
in Norway, and on June 7, 1905, the Norwegian Parliament
declared its separation from Sweden. The latter country
at first determined to act with energy against Norway, but
finally accepted the verdict of a Norwegian plebiscite: this
produced 368,200 votes favourable to separation and 184
against. The Swedish Government, therefore, no longer
opposed this universal desire. A neutral territory was
arranged between the two nations, and it was resolved that
matters under dispute should be submitted to the Hague
Arbitration tribunal. Sweden recognised Norway's inde-
pendence, and King Oscar, while expressing sorrow at the
event, declared his hope of a durable peace between the two
countries.

333

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

The new State adopted a monarchical form of
Government. On November i8, 1905, the Storthing
unanimously elected to the throne Prince Charles of
Denmark, who had married the youngest daughter of
Edward VII. of England: he accepted the crown
and mounted the throne, assuming the name of Haakon,
in deference to the memory of the ancient Norwegian
kings.

334

CHAPTER XVI

UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM

The Moroccan Question : William at Tangier s : The Algefiras Conference.
— The race for Naval Supremacy between Germany and England. —
Second Conference of the Hague. — The Anglo-Russian Agreement. —
Initial difficulties of Constitutional Government in Russia. — The
Balkan Railways. — Turkish Revolution of 1908, — Austrian annexa-
tion of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the resultant grave disturbance
of the International situation. — Austrian and German Armaments :
Agadir : Franco-German Agreement. — Turco-Italian War in Tripoli :
Treaty of Lausanne. — War of the Balkan States against Turkey : The
Peace of London. — The Victors disagree : Second Balkan War : Peace
of Bucharest. — The United States : Election of President Wilson. —
Pan-American Conference. — Latin States of America.

The weakening of Russia by its military disasters and by
internal revolution had diminished the strength of the Dual
Alliance. Germany, therefore, seized on the opportunity
of asserting her power, and sought to demolish the new
diplomatic combination against her: she therefore raised
the Moroccan Question.

The Powers had for some time considered the Empire
of Morocco as unstable: the authority of the Sultan of
Fez had never been solidly established, and certain Powers
had already found excuses for interfering in Moroccan
Affairs.

Spain, who had long possessed the fortresses of Ceuta
and Melilla, on the coast of Morocco, had only military and
historical interests in that country. England's economic
interests were greater than those of any other Power, and
in 1894, on the accession of Mulai Abdul Aziz to the throne,
she had figured prominently in the political affairs of Morocco :
in addition, from a military point of view, it was important
to her to secure the safety of those coasts which faced the
Straits of Gibraltar.

But, more than any other Power, France was concerned
in the peace and prosperity of Morocco. French territory
or French spheres of influence ran along the whole length

335

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of the frontiers of Morocco, and on this account France felt
herself called to exercise a preponderating influence on
Moroccan politics. But in 1889 Italy and Germany had
both claimed a share in the interests of Morocco. In that
year, William II. had, with great pomp, welcomed a Moroccan
Embassy at Berlin; it had visited the works of Krupp and
had been shown distinguished hospitality: the Italian
Minister at Tangiers had at the same time successfully
demanded permission that Italian officers should direct
the Arsenals of the Sultan. But whilst Italian penetration
was not vigorously pressed, Germany hastened to impose
her commerce on the country, and furnished the Moors with
arms.

The Moorish Government profited by the differences
of the Powers, and succeeded for some time in staving off
an attempt at European intervention. But the anarchy of
the country increased, and the Sultan's treasury was so
depleted that his authority became merely nominal.

France determined on vigorous action, and sought from
England, Italy, and Spain a free hand in Morocco, which
was granted on conditions that the title and interests of Spain
in that country should be safeguarded. In full accord with
the Mediterranean Powers, and with the agreement of the
Sultan, France began her peaceful penetration of the country:
the Sultan obtained a French loan and placed his custom-
houses under French control.

This settling of an international question, without the
interposition of Germany, annoyed the latter, and she
protested. On March 31, 1905, the German Emperor
arrived at Tangiers and loudly announced his intention ' of
visiting the independent Sovereign of Morocco, adding that * he
trusted that under the high Sovereignty of the latter a free Morocco
would be opened to international commerce without exclusion or
monopoly of any kind soever.'' Europe was startled, and the
uneasiness was increased when, shortly after, Prince Bulow
proposed to the Powers an International Conference, which
should regulate reforms in Morocco. In spite of the
opposition of the French Minister, the Sultan declared his
adhesion to this proposal. It was at this time that the
Russian fleet was destroyed by Japan. The Rouvier Ministry

336

UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM

dared not risk a conflict with Germany, and M. Delcassd
resigned, June 6, 1905.

In order to avoid war a Conference was organised, and
on October 26, William II., at Berlin, pronounced a bellicose
toast, which ended with the words, * Hurrah for dry powder,
keen swords, and tense muscles /'

The Conference opened in 1906 in the little Spanish
town of Alge^iras. In vain, Germany attempted to induce
England to renounce her pledge to France in 1 904. England,
Italy, and Spain remained faithful to their treaties, in spite
of German pressure. Germany was only supported by
Austria, and found herself in a minority.

On April 7, 1906, the Conference closed, having practi-
cally sanctioned all those reforms already proposed by France.
A State Bank was organised and a police force formed for
the eight Moorish ports which were open to International
trade. Though France saw her aims in Morocco somewhat
restricted, she was able to prosecute the work she had already
begun.

• • • • • • •

Germany had observed with anger the solidity of Anglo-
French friendship: her hostility to England, therefore,
grew more acute. She had created a formidable fleet by
carrying out her Naval Programme of 1898, but England,
by fresh eflbrts, had maintained her superiority, and in
February, 1906, the first Dreadnought had been launched.
The competition between the two Powers became more
keen. By a fresh Naval Programme Germany increased
the number and weight of her ships, and in 1908 had also
constructed a Dreadnought. Two hundred millions of
francs were now spent on the Kiel Canal in order to make
it navigable for warships. In 1907, at the Second Congress
of the Hague, England's representative put forward a plea
for the limitation of Armaments. Even while the Congress
was sitting, a new German Naval Bill was passed by the
effbrts of Admiral von Tirpitz, increasing still further the
naval power of Germany.

Though the efibrts of the Second Hague Congress were
of no practical utility, yet an increased number of States
took part in its deliberations. Out of forty-four States,

337

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

thirty-two were favourable to compulsory arbitration, but
the absence of equanimity prevented the acceptance of the
principle by the Congress. Attention, however, was paid
to the rules which should govern naval and military warfare.
A much more important event than the deliberations of the
Congress took place during its session. Russia and England
came to an agreement concerning their ancient disputes.
This understanding added to the displeasure of Germany,
who saw in all this the machinations of Edward VII., who,
she thought, endeavoured to isolate and encircle her. From
thenceforward her pride was in a constant state of irritation.
The European equilibrium became unstable.

The English Conservative Ministry had resigned in
December, 1905, because its chief, Balfour, did not entirely
approve of the proposal of Chamberlain that the mother
country should concede to her colonies a preferential tariff;
Balfour, unwilling to entirely abandon the principle of Free
Trade, contented himself with proposing economic reprisals
against foreign high tariffs: this, perhaps, had not satisfied
Chamberlain, who had resigned, and this determined the
fall of the Ministry.

The power passed to the Liberal Party, under Campbell-
Bannerman: for the first time a compact Labour Party
entered the House.

The change of Ministry had no effect on foreign and
colonial policy, for the latter henceforth dealt with one
problem alone — the antagonism of Germany. But the
Conservative Imperialist policy was not abandoned. A
fourth Colonial Conference was held in London in 1907,
under the presidency of Campbell-Bannerman, the Prime
Minister; the latter pointed out to the delegates that his
presence marked a new epoch, since the Confe.ence was now
simply between the Imperial Government and the Govern-
ments of the autonomous colonies. It was decided to give
the name of ' Imperial * to the Conference, which should
be held every four years. A General Staff was to be selected
from the military representatives of each unit of the Empire.
Against the wishes of the delegates the Prime Minister
decided to refuse colonial preferential tariffs, declaring that

338

UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM

Free Trade was necessary to maintain cheap rates for the
necessities of life.

The Entente with France and the Alliance with Japan
remained the base of English policy. The * Splendid
Isolation * was renounced, and agreements were willingly
sought after. To the traditional friendship with Italy was
added an agreement with Spain. But a more solid impression
was made by the Treaty with Russia, August 31, 1907.
Asiatic conflicting interests were reconciled and an arrange-
ment was arrived at with regard to Persian affairs.

Hitherto, Persia had been governed despotically, but
in 1906 the dying Shah granted a Constitution and convoked
a Parliament. He died, however, before the new Government
came into power, 1907. The new Sovereign, Mohammed
Ali, did not inspire the confidence of his Parliament, and
a period of constant agitation occurred. In the meantime,
Russia and England agreed to divide Persia into three zones
of influence, the northern of which was supervised by Russia
and the southern by England, while the middle zone was
left free to its own devices. This agreement was rendered
necessary, even here, by the desire manifested by Germany
to insinuate herself in this region, with the object of making
it a high road between Europe and Asia.

Afghanistan was declared by Russia to be outside her
zone of influence, and she promised to use the English
Government as intermediary in her relations with that
country. England, for her part, promised to exercise in
Afghanistan a merely pacific influence.

England had also hoped to penetrate Tibet — the
entrance to which had hitherto been jealously prohibited to
Europeans. In her agreement with Russia she promised to
preserve the integrity of Tibet, under the sovereignty of
China. The two Powers pledged themselves to send no
representative to Lhassa, nor to seek any concession from
Tibet.

A visit of Edward VII. to Nicholas II. in June, 1908,
sealed this Treaty.

In Russia the new Constitutional Government was
traversing a difficult path.

339

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

On May lo, 1906, the Czar solemnly opened the Duma.
The majority of its members belonged to the Constitutional-
Democratic Party, called * Cadets,' from the two letters
K and D, which are the initials of the two Russian words
signifying * constitutional * and * democratic' The pro-
gramme which it presented to its Sovereign was as follows : —
universal suffrage, responsibility of the Ministry to the
Duma, abrogation of the laws of exemption, suppression of
the Imperial Council, civil equality, agrarian laws, com-
pulsory and free elementary education, and full and complete
political amnesty. On the refusal of the Ministry to accept
this programme, the Duma demanded its dismissal. This
was not granted, and, on July 22, the Duma itself was
dissolved in spite of the protests of its members.

The appointment of a new Ministry under the presidency
of Stolypin marked the dissolution of the Duma. This new
Ministry, while restoring order and suppressing terrorism,
passed many wise and liberal measures tending to the social
and economic amelioration of the peasants.

In February, 1907, the new Duma was elected, but in
consequence of the discovery of a revolutionary plot, in
which several members were implicated, it was dissolved on
June 16, having existed one month longer than its
predecessor.

The Government now automatically modified the
electoral laws, and the new regulations not only assured a
predominant number of representatives of the richer classes,
but gave the Government the power of exercising an immense
influence on the elections themselves. This coup d'etat^
though received calmly enough in the country, utterly
destroyed the power of the Duma. Owing to these laws,
the new election returned a Conservative body of represen-
tatives to the Duma. This third Parliament was naturally
reactionary, and Russian in spirit. It docilely obeyed the
the Government and voted the first Constitutional Russian
budget. The Government now considered the Revolution
as finished, and turned its attention away from reform to
the reorganisation of its military forces. Whilst awaiting
this reconstruction it adopted a prudent attitude in its foreign
policy. Yet, at Austria's announcement that she was about

340

UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM

to connect the Bosnian railways with those to the East,
towards Salonica, the Russian Foreign Minister demanded
the concession of a railway from the Danube to the Adriatic.

This question of the Balkan Railways marked the re-
awakening of Austrian ambitions in the Balkan Peninsula.
Austria appeared weary of playing a second part in the Triple
Alliance, and soon found a favourable occasion of affirming

her aspirations.

*••■•••

The Government of Turkey had been going from bad
to worse, and a patriotic and nationalist party called * The
Young Turks * was formed, under the direction of a * Com-
mittee of Union and Progress.' An insurrection occurred
in 1908 in Salonica, demanding the restitution of the
Constitution of 1876. The revolt triumphed, and the
Constitution was proclaimed. This change furnished a
pretext for a profound modification of the international
situation.

In October, 1908, the Emperor of Austria proclaimed
the annexation to his Empire of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In his turn, Ferdinand of Bulgaria proclaimed at Tirnovo
the independence of his State, and assumed the title of Czar
of the Bulgarians. On the following day the Island of Crete
proclaimed its union with Greece.

Numerous protests were raised at these happenings.
Turkey's protest was naturally especially vehement. King
George of Greece did not dare to face a hostile Europe, and
placed the Greek cause in the hands of the Powers, who
declared their disapproval of the annexation. Bulgaria,
however, by payment of an indemnity, had obtained, from
Turkey, recognition of her independence.

But European peace was more gravely disturbed by the
annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which not only roused
Turkish protests, but excited the furious anger of both Serbia
and Montenegro. Russia and Italy, whose agreements
with Austria were based on the status quo of the Balkan
Peninsula, were gravely preoccupied with the turn of affairs.
The Russian Government, in agreement with France and
England, proposed the convocation of an international

341

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

conference, but Austria preferred to avoid a discussion and
treated directly with the various Governments interested.

In order to placate Italy she withdrew her troops from
the Sandjak of Novi-Bazar, and renounced her treaty rights
over Montenegro. Germany, who desired to remain friends
with both Austria and Turkey, was embarrassed, but per-
suaded her ally to offer Turkey 60,000,000 of francs as
indemnity, together with the renunciation of postal rights
and capitulations in Turkey: these conditions Turkey
accepted, and thus acknowledged the annexation.

Having satisfied Turkey, Germany devoted her efforts
to the cause of Austria. In order to deprive Serbia of any
hope of external aid, Prince Btilow adopted a threatening
tone towards Russia, who, being totally unprepared for war,
frankly recognised the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Serbia, therefore, was forced to abandon her protest, and,
naturally, also, Montenegro was compelled to submit : Prince
Nicholas, in 19 10, assumed the title of King, which was
recognised by the Powers.

But the Turkish Revolution was not yet at an end. A
revolt against the new regime broke out in 1 909. The Sultan
supported the rebels, but two army corps marched on
Constantinople and Adrianople from Salonica and the feeble
resistance was quelled. The Sultan was deposed and im-
prisoned at Salonica.

The new Sultan, Mohammed V., declared himself
happy to be the first Sultan of Liberty : but, in reality, the
' Committee of Union and Progress * was, as it had been
before, the master of the country.

For a short time, in the early constitutional days of the
new Turkish regime, the power of England seemed again
in the ascendant at Constantinople; but since the prevailing
element in the Revolution was the army, which was im-
pregnated with German spirit, German diplomacy, under
the able guidance of von Marschal, again became predominant.

In Portugal, also. Revolution triumphed, October, 19 10;
the Royal family was exiled, and a Republic was formed.
Nor were these crises limited to Europe : in 1 9 1 1 a
Revolution broke out in China, which it became impossible

342

UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM

to dominate, so that the immense Chinese Empire also
became a Republic.

• • • • p • •

The crisis which had threatened Europe was now passed.
The Austrian-German caucus had triumphed. But the
situation was still tense. Serbia dreamed of revenge: Russia
determined on reorganising her military forces in order to
be able to face German arrogance, whilst Italy's diffidence
of Austria increased. Each small incident served to provoke
Italian popular hostility towards Austria. Even the supporters
of the Triple Alliance now declared it to be only a painful
necessity.

Austrian sentiment towards Italy was no less bitter, and
the increase of her fleet seemed to be aimed against Italy.

Meantime, grave diplomatic difficulties embarrassed
France in the work she had begun in Morocco. Here the
situation was complicated: the Sultan had been deposed in
favour of his brother, Mulai Hafid. Germany hastened to
recognise the new monarch, but both France and Spain
demanded guarantees of him, which he unwillingly gave
and then neglected to maintain, trusting in Germany's
support. All this rendered difficult the work of French
organisation in Morocco.

Certain tribes protested against this reorganisation, and
rose against the Sultan, who was far from popular even in
his own capital. Speedily he found himself besieged by
the tribes of Fez, his only defence the French Military Mission.
He invoked the aid of France, who sent an expedition of
20,000 men under General Moinier. The latter successfully
routed the tribes and relieved the capital: one of the most
important operations in this expedition was the capture of
Mesquinez.

Spain fancied that she saw a menace in this expedition
and enlarged her Hinterland of Ceuta and Melilla, whilst
Spanish troops embarked at Caracce. Germany now seized
her opportunity and declared that France was exceeding
her mandate of Alge^iras : she stated that before giving her
consent to further extension of French power, she would
insist on a guarantee of equal economic rights in Morocco

w.M. 343 z

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

and territorial compensation. As an emphatic threat, she
sent a warship to Agadir — ^July i, 191 1.

The situation again became grave, but, contrary to
German expectation, the Agadir incident served definitely
to strengthen the Triple Entente. England felt herself
drawn into the Continental political welter by that ruling
principle which had guided her foreign policy in great
historical epochs, namely, her determination to prevent
any one nation from dominating Europe. Lloyd George
declared that England had rights and interests on the African
coast, and would insist on their being considered.^ France,
however, attempted reconciliation, and consented to discuss
the question with the German Government on the bases of
complete freedom of action for herself in Morocco in return
for territorial compensation to Germany. The negotiations
were difficult and almost impossible, but at the end of August
the question was amicably settled. France obtained per-
mission to establish a Protectorate in Morocco, and promised
to respect economic equality and to maintain commercial
liberty. She ceded, to Germany, certain territory in the
French Congo, which brought the German colony of the
Cameroons in touch at two places with the Congo River.

Neither the French nor German nations were satisfied
with this arrangement, and both the French Foreign Minister
and the German Colonial Minister resigned their posts.
Frenchmen felt that even open war would be preferable to
the continued menaces of Germany. In Germany, it was
thought that the immense military forces of the nation should
be used, not for the purposes of bargaining, but for the
absolute imposition of the national will. In the Reichstag,
Heydebrand openly declared that peace could only be
secured by the sword, and his provocative speech was warmly
applauded by the Crown Prince, who was present on this
occasion.

The political atmosphere was charged with electricity,
and the smaller States feared being drawn into the war
which seemed inevitable. Belgium, especially, was anxious
concerning her insufficient military organisation. King
Albert impatiently awaited the completion of the measures
^ George V., son of Edward VII., had now succeeded his father on the throne.

344

UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM

which were necessary to secure the independence of his
Kingdom, and the Chamber approved a Credit for the
fortifications of Antwerp and the increase of Belgium's
military strength.

Italy had, meanwhile, determined on the occupation of
Tripoli, whither she had turned her gaze after her failure
to obtain Tunis. When Germany recognised the French
Protectorate over Morocco, Italy feared that the Mediter-
ranean equilibrium would again be disturbed to her own
disadvantage, and she decided to act energetically. On
September ii, 191 1, she declared war on Turkey.

The Powers declared their neutrality on Italy's assurance
that * the base of her policy continued to be the maintenance
of the status quo in the Balkan Peninsula.* European public
opinion looked coldly on the enterprise, and even Italy's
allies were unsympathetic — Germany, because she feared
the disintegration of Turkey, and Austria, because she was
apprehensive of excitement in the Balkan Peninsula, and
was not anxious for the increase of Italy's power and
prestige.

As the war dragged indifferently on, Italy determined
to force Turkey to conclude peace, and in April, 191 1, she
occupied twelve Greek islands in the ^Egean, the principal
of which was Rhodes. Secret negotiations with Turkey
were now undertaken, but it was not till October, 191 2, that
peace was signed at Lausanne and Italy proclaimed her
sovereignty over Tripoli.

The Balkan States considered the moment opportune
for the final resolution of their ancient quarrel with Turkey,
and united, with a new programme: — the Balkans for the
Balkan peo'{)les. Greece, Serbia, Montenegro, and Bulgaria
decided on united action, and declared war on Turkey in
October, 19 12. Rapid successes attended their invasion
of Turkey. The Greeks captured Salonica and occupied
Jannina : Crete from the beginning of the war had declared
her union with the motherland : the Greek fleet also captured
and occupied those of her ancient possessions in the i^gean
which had not been seized by Italy. The Bulgarians advanced
to within twenty-six miles of Constantinople, while the

345

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

Serbians gained numerous victories in Macedonia, and with
the Montenegrins besieged Scutari.

Turkey demanded peace, and an armistice was concluded
with the Balkan Powers on November 30 : the Balkan and
Turkish delegates met at Lausanne to negotiate peace terms.

The Triple Alliance viewed the situation with anger
and dismay. Germany, who had calculated on the integrity
of Turkey, in order to further her own ends, feared the
gradual dismemberment of that State. The rising power of
Serbia alarmed Austria, who saw in her successes obstacles
to her own march to Salonica. Italy was anxious to bar the
further advance of Greece to the north. These three Powers,
therefore, determined to draw more tightly the bonds of
their pact, and on December 5, 1912, they solemnly renewed
the Triple Alliance.

It was decided by the Great Powers that Albania should
become an autonomous State and that Serbia should possess
but one port on the Adriatic. Turkey was on the point of
yielding to the demands of the victorious States, when a
Revolution against peace broke out at Constantinople, and
the Porte decided to continue the war. On February 3,
19 13, hostilities recommenced.

Again the Balkan Powers triumphed. In March,
Jannina capitulated to the Greeks, while the Bulgarians
occupied Adrianople. A new armistice was concluded.
Montenegro, who was determined on the capture of Scutari,
continued the struggle, and on April 23 Scutari capitulated.
Austria, who had decided that Scutari should become
Albanian, now threatened to interfere. The Montenegrins
were, therefore, forced to abandon Scutari, which was
occupied by international troops. To Rumania, in exchange
for her neutrality, Bulgaria ceded the city of Silistria.

Peace was finally signed on May 30, 1913. The Sultan

ceded to the Allies all those territories to the west of a line

drawn from Enos, on the ^^gean Sea, to Midia, on the Black

Sea, with the exception of Albania, the disposition of which

was left in the hands of the Sultan. Greece maintained her

island conquests, with the exception of Imbros, Tenedos,

and Castellorizo, which were restored to Turkey.

• ••••••

346

UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM

Bulgarian ambition was far from satisfied, and owing to
the intrigues of Austria, Ferdinand of Bulgaria broke every
treaty-promise and treacherously attacked the Greeks and
Serbs, June 13, 19 13. The Greeks and Serbians successfully
repelled their former allies, while Turkey marched on
Adrianople, and Rumania on Sofia. The Bulgarians were
forced to yield. At the Peace of Bucharest, August 6, the
Dobruja was ceded to Rumania — a part of Macedonia
between the Struma and the Vardar was given to Serbia, and
Greece occupied the town of Kavalla. The Bulgarians
renounced their claim to Adrianople, which was restored to
Turkey.

The rapid march of events had prevented Austria from
intervening, but the growing power of Serbia disturbed the
Austrian Government so greatly that she demanded of her
allies common action against Serbia. Germany dissuaded
Austria from her purpose, and the Italian Government replied
that the proposed war was not a defensive one, and that,
therefore, such action was not compatible with her treaty
obligations. Austria dissimulated and postponed her action
to some more convenient season.

Whilst the attention of the European Powers had been
concentrated on the events in the Near East, the United
States had vigorously prosecuted the labours involved in
the cutting of the Panama Canal. This new ocean road,
together with the political problems it called into being,
irresistibly drew the United States into the vortex of world-
politics.^

The determination of the United States to complete the
commercial conquest of the Pacific still remains a cause of
jealousy to Japan, who has greatly developed her own
commerce. Another cause of bitterness between the two
nations arises from the problem of Japanese emigration to
the States, and in particular to California. The white

* The canal charges were fixed at 5s. 6Jd. a ton, the same as those of the Suez
Canal, though the latter also charged 8s. 4d. for each passenger. In ten years
the Americans had completed the canal at the cost of 1875 millions of francs :
the total length of the canal is about 55 miles, and the passage may be made in
twelve hours. It was opened for traffic in August, 19 14. In the first year 131 7
ships passed through, of which 481 were American and 464 English.

347

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

population of California, though their own numbers are
insufficient to develop the resources of the country, are hostile
to the settlement of the yellow races, either because the
thrifty habits of the Japanese enable them to compete
successfully in the labour market, or because eventually
their presence may create a new problem similar to that of
the negroes. In 1882 Chinese labour was excluded: the
Californians wished this prohibition to be extended to the
Japanese, but the Federal Government avoided a collision
with Japan. When, therefore, in 1906, the school com-
mittees of San Francisco decided to exclude Japanese children
from the schools. President Roosevelt interposed his authority
in favour of Japan, and laboured for a method of reconciliation.
In 191 3, the Californian Legislature forbade Japanese to
possess property in the State. The Federal Government,
which has no authority to control the legislation of individual
States, was embarrassed by the protests of Japan, but both
Governments applied themselves successfully to the friendly
solution of the problem.

The total population of the United States in 19 10
amounted to 92,000,000: if one include the inhabitants
of her colonies and dependencies, the number rises to
102,000,000.

In 1912, the Presidential elections, owing to the division
of the Republican Party, carried the Democrat, Woodrow
Wilson, to power. He selected as his Secretary of State,
W^illiam J. Bryan, one of the heads of the Democratic Party.
His first reform was the abolition of Protection : the resultant
loss to the State Exchequer was supplied by the introduction
of a small income-tax. In Foreign Policy President Wilson
manifested a pacific tendency, though he acted energetically
in the Mexican problem.

• • • • • • •

Under Porfirio Diaz, Mexico had made great progress:
in 1 9 10, Diaz, though in his eightieth year, was for the eighth
time elected President. His dictatorial methods had, how-
ever, alienated his people, and a Revolution broke out:
Madero, the head of the Democratic Party, was proclaimed
Provisional President: in May, 191 1, Diaz resigned and
sailed for Europe, but the country still remained disturbed.

348

UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM

Nor after the election of Madero did the disorders cease.
In 191 3 Madero was imprisoned by Huerta, to whom he
had confided the army: while being taken from one prison
to another, Madero was assassinated. Huerta, therefore,
became President, but was unable to re-establish order, and
the rebellion became permanent.

The United States could not view with indifference
these disorders on her borders. An army was despatched
to the frontiers, and warships were sent to the Mexican
coast. The arrest of American soldiers by General Huerta
led to the occupation of Vera Cruz.^

This action roused universal suspicion of the ambitious
aims of the great Republic. The Argentine, Brazil, and
Chili offered their mediation: the United States demanded
the dismissal of Huerta ; after some delay the latter resigned
and sailed from Mexico on a German cruiser.

The increasing interference of the United States in the
affairs of the smaller Latin States excited the fears of the
latter in Central America.

An attempt had several times been made to unite the five
small Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Costa Rica, but rivalry and jealousy had hitherto pre-
vented this consummation. In 1907 the five Republics
sent their delegates to a Conference at Washington with the
object of securing peace and harmony. Many institutions
and schools were founded in the Republics for this purpose,
but new disorders arose. Meanwhile, the United States
had granted a loan of 15,000,000 dollars to Nicaragua and,
as a guarantee, had taken over the financial control, which
soon became a political one. The same system was applied
to Honduras. In 191 3, Nicaragua pledged herself to grant
to no other Power than the United States the right of con-
structing an inter-oceanic canal across Nicaraguan territory,
and ceded to the United States a naval base on the Pacific,
with one or two small islands. In the other Republics, also,
the various sources of wealth fell into the hands of the United
States.

^ On this occasion the Americans forbade the disembarkation, from a German
steamer, of arms and munitions sent to Huerta.

349

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

At San Domingo, also, the United States established
its financial and political control, and the disorders in Haiti
seemed to indicate a similar future for this island also. The
United States also endeavoured to obtain a base in the
Galapagos Islands, which dominate the entrance to the
Panama Canal and belong to the Republic of Ecuador: but
the project fell to the ground, owing to the opposition of the
inhabitants of the latter State.

The relations between Colombia and Washington had
long been strained owing to the Panama Revolution. In
19 1 3 the United States proposed conciliatory terms, which
were, however, not accepted. Her object was to obtain
coal bases in the islands of Sant' Antonio and Providencia,
with the option, of constructing an inter-oceanic canal in the
Gulf of Darien, which latter fact indicates how greatly the
United States is preoccupied by the fear of the possible
opening of another canal, a rival to that of Panama.

With Venezuela, also, the United States were not on
good terms, since the former country had never satisfied the
demands of European Powers for compensation on behalf
of their subjects, and had laid herself open to the danger of
naval demonstrations on the part of the Powers concerned,
thereby wounding the amour-propre of the American Republic.

Brazil was the largest State of Latin America, and had
made notable economic progress. A third Pan-American
Conference was held in 1906 at Rio di Janeiro. But no
progress was made with the idea of a Union of the two
Americas. Since the birth of the Republic of Panama and
the intervention of the United States in Central American
affairs, the Latin Republics distrusted their northern neigh-
bour. Fear of falling under her domination prevented the
delegates of the Congress from translating into concrete
fact their warm protestations of fraternity. The Pan-
American Union, was, however, reorganised, and a seat
was allotted to it at Washington, where a building had been
erected for this purpose by the millionaire, Carnegie.

The Argentine Republic had also greatly developed.
In 1910 it celebrated the centenary of its independence by
holding an Exhibition, and a fourth Pan-American Congress

350

UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM

was held at Buenos Ayres. Yet, though important deliberations
took place, a diffidence of the intentions of the United States
might have been remarked. Indeed, after the Congress,
a possibility of the Union of the Argentine, Brazil, and
Chili was discussed — the three best organised and most
highly-civilised States of the South.

Chili also had made good progress since she had pursued
a stable policy. In 1 9 1 o the great railway line was inaugurated
across the Andes, joining the Chili railways with those of
the Argentine.

Peru is unfortunate enough to abut on five States, and
with all of these arise frequent boundary disputes.

Even in Latin America the problem of armaments is
gradually taking a large place in political life, since each
State, once its resources have been developed, has need of
arms to ensure itself against the cupidity of the others;
so that the most important and most civilised South American
countries possess both armies and fleets.

331

CHAPTER XVII

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

The Pacifist procession at Basle and the Palace of the Peace at the Hague. —
The principal International Problems. — Germany's ambitions and
her immense armaments : Strength and character of the German
Socialist Party. — Desire of the Austrian Court to change the Balkan
Situation : Internal difficulties of the Monarchy : Italian anger
against Austria : Universal Suffrage in Italy. — German Influence
in Turkey. — Contrast between National sentiment and Government
policy in Russia. — The Anti-Militarist Feeling in France : Election
of Poincare as President. — The English Empire. — Democratic trans-
formation of England : Irish Home Rule. — The situation in the spring
of 1914. — The Meeting of Konopischt. — Some reflections on the present
period.

On November 24, 19 12, at the beginning of the Balkan
War, a great Pacifist demonstration was held at Basle;
the International Congress of Socialists, which was
then sitting there, closed the day by a solemn proces-
sion, which traversed the city towards the cathedral
square, where from the ancient stone chair the most
famous leaders of the Party proclaimed the opening of
the era of Universal Brotherhood: August Bebel, the
aged champion of German Socialism, closed the speeches
by the affirmation of the world-wide power of the Inter-
national Union of Labour.

The declaration of the various Governments corresponded
to these words of peace. On August 28, 1913, a few days
after the signature of the Treaty of Bucharest, which marked
the end of the Balkan War, in the presence of Queen
Wilhelmina and the representatives of the principal Powers,
at the Hague, the Palace of Peace was solemnly inaugurated.
On that occasion the delegates of the various Governments
affirmed that the day was near when Right should subjugate
Might, and the useless arms of war should fall for ever from
the hands of mankind.

The reality, unhappily, was far removed from these
generous aspirations. Too many unsolved problems still

352

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

remained, and some of them assumed the character of
imminent necessity.

Three principal questions since 1870 had absorbed
international political life : — the question of Alsace-Lorraine,
the East, and the equilibrium of the Mediterranean.

The question of Alsace-Lorraine, which had in its most
active stage often threatened the peace of Europe, appeared
to have entered on a calmer phase, and a hope existed that
Germany would finally allow the peoples of this region to
pronounce firmly on their own destiny. The Mediterranean
Question had also become less dangerous since the Italian
occupation of Tripoli. The question of the Near East, too,
seemed to have simplified into the application of the principle,
' The Balkans for the Balkan nations ' : but the annexation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina had made Austria an occupant
of the Balkan Peninsula; the problem thus became strangely
complicated, while the development of the Balkan States
had given a new importance to the Adriatic Sea and the
problems connected with it. Add to all this that the recent
Balkan War had left many elements of unrest, and simul-
taneously had shown the ease with which the Turk might be
definitely expelled from Europe. A new crisis, therefore,
seemed imminent, and closely connected with it was,
very naturally, the question of Constantinople and the
Straits.

To the ancient disputes among the European Powers
concerning the Near East was now added their hunger after
the dominions of Asiatic Turkey, since the solution of this
problem no longer, as hitherto, appeared difficult. For
some years in Asiatic Turkey, the aspirations for autonomy
had reawakened, and disorders and rebellions had become
of frequent occurrence : the Arabs, mindful of their ancient
civilisation, aimed at complete equality with the Turk and
the official recognition of their tongue. In Syria, Palestine,
and Mesopotamia, there was a strong agitation for a greater
administrative independence. In Armenia violent episodes
between the Armenians and the Kurds had been the order
of the day: and in the midst of this dissolution of the Ottoman
Empire, England, Germany, Russia, France, and Italy
sought to extend their pacific penetration: whence there

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FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

arose a clashing of ambitions and interests, and a resultant
new and vast international competition.

Germany had, however, surpassed all other nations in
her attempt at expansion: with marvellous continuity she
had founded a close web of econmic interests in Turkish
Asia, the main thread of which was the great Bagdad
Railway, which would, it was hoped, seriously compete with
the Suez Canal. Many diplomatic and financial difficulties
had impeded the construction of this line, but finally Germany
had succeeded in overcoming them all.

Colonial rivalry also constituted grave elements of danger.
Germany sought everywhere to satisfy her need of expansion :
but every portion of the earth's surface had already been
appropriated, and the portion which had been allotted to
Germany was small indeed. She — the first military World
Power — in all her colonies possessed only 12,000,000 of
inhabitants, and therefore held the fifth post in rank among
Colonial Powers, after little Belgium.

By her world-wide commerce, her industrial pro-
duction, the development of her railways and waterways,
by the importance of her mercantile marine, she had
succeeded in becoming the Second Power of the World,
directly after England, and her progress had been so
rapid that she hoped shortly to occupy the first place
among nations.

For many years, whenever disputes had arisen, wherever
political organisms were falling into decay, wherever large
colonies belonged to small States, there might have been
seen Germany's ever present menace. Her system of in-
timidation had already gained her some successes: but these
had been insufficient. The German nation had gradually
persuaded itself that the only means by which great results
might be obtained were those of force. When the Eastern
crisis of 1912-1913 had threatened a new European War,
Germany hastened to augment her military forces in a
grandiose manner.

It would have seemed that the triumph of the Socialist
Party in 191 2 would have rendered this programme im-
possible. It was by far the strongest party in the Reichstag,
having received more than 4,000,000 of votes and was

354

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

composed of no members. But the majority of German
Socialists, though expressing Pacifist sentiments, not only
were strongly nationalist, but in their souls were proud of
Germany's military power and of the imperious tone in
which she sought to dictate laws in the Assembly of the
Powers.

The commemoration of the Centenary of 1813 served
admirably to inflame popular enthusiasm for the Army.
All Parties agreed in the determination to assure victory
to the German arms, and joyfully approved the enormous
increase of 136,000 men in the Army, so that the
German Army now stood on a peace footing of 900,000
men.

In addition to the permanent expense which this increase
demanded, an exceptional vote of a milliard marks was
demanded for new material of war: this sum, to pacify the
Socialists, was covered by a forced loan from the wealthier
classes, and the Socialists, while declaring themselves hostile
to all armaments, calmly voted the funds, which were to
serve for the means of war.

If in Germany the ambitions of the Government found
a favourable atmosphere in the pride of the people, who
desired to establish German hegemony of the world by
military force, the same aims in Austria were particularly
supported by the Court, which there dominated the State,
and especially by Francis Ferdinand. The House of Hapsburg
aimed at re-occupying in the Balkans the predominant position,
of which recent events had deprived it: it determined to
re-open the way to Salonica, but it comprehended that for
this purpose recourse to arms was necessary. With this
object in view it systematically increased its land and sea
forces, and the Austro-Hungarian Delegations each year
approved, without opposition, all the increased expenditure
demanded by the Government.

In the meantime, internal difficulties continued to agitate
the Monarchy. In vain the Austrian Government attempted
to reconcile the Germans and the Czechs in Bohemia, pro-
posing a modus vivendi on the question of languages; the
disputes were so violent that the Constitution of Bohemia
was suspended in July, 1913.

355

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

In Galicia, also, the negotiations initiated by the Govern-
ment, in order to resolve, in a pacific manner, the two questions
which were dividing the Poles and the Ruthenians, i.e. the
creation of a University of the Ruthenian language and the
reform of the electoral system at the Diet of Leopoli, led to
no result. These and the other nationalist disputes of the
Austrian Empire had a continual repercussion in the Reich-
srath, so that the labours of the latter were often interrupted
by obstructionist manoeuvres. In Hungary, the quarrels
between those who would remain loyal to the Compromise
of 1 867, and the Separatist Party, who desired their segregation
from Austria, had become violent. Count Stephen Tisza, in
order to conquer the obstructionists, was appointed President
of the Chamber in May, 191 2. By means of police measures
he removed from the scene his most tumultuous opponents,
and succeeded in passing Governmental legislation: scenes
of frightful violence characterised the sessions of Parliament,
and one deputy fired three times at Tisza, who, however,
remained unhurt. To appease popular dissatisfaction with
the electoral laws, the latter were remodelled and became
law, but they were so framed that the Germans and Magyars,
though they were numerically the weaker, held the pre-
ponderant vote.

The disputes between the Hungarians and the Croats
had become more acute owing to the growing desire of the
Croats to unite themselves to the Austrian Slavs and thus
create a greater Croatia, which should be independent of
Hungarian rule. Here, again, agitation reached such a
pitch that, as in Bohemia, the Constitution was suspended.
The Hungarian Government, also, in its attempts to render
the city of Fiume Hungarian, while the great majority of
its inhabitants was Italian, adopted certain measures against
the municipality which roused passionate anger in Italy.
Still fiercer was the wrath excited in Italy by the decree of
Prince Hohenlohe, the Governor of Trieste, who ordered the
Podestk to dismiss from municipal employment all those
persons who were not of Austrian nationality — a measure
which essentially affected Italian citizens.

Austria, in fact, appeared to be doing her utmost to

356

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

arouse hostile opinion in Italy. The labours of the Marquis
San Giuliano, who had directed the foreign policy of Italy
for four years, grew increasingly difficult.

Giolitti, the Italian Prime Minister, profited by the
national satisfaction felt by all classes at the result of the war
in Tripoli, and succeeded in annulling all party sentiment
in the Italian House. He introduced and passed by an
immense majority, in 191 2, a measure of Universal Suffrage
which increased the number of electors from 3,000,000 to
8,000,000.

But the elections, resulting from this measure, returned
members to the new Parliament who were far from docile
to Giolitti, and that Minister resigned in 19 14. Antonio
Salandra succeeded him. During this crisis, Italy learned with
astonishment that General Porro, who had been offered the
post of War Minister, had refused his acceptance unless the
Government should place in his hands 800,000,000 lire for
military expenses. This demand corresponded accurately
enough to the great armaments which were being prepared
by the Central Powers. But the very idea of war was so
unthinkable in Italy, that another General was found who
accepted the post of War Minister without demanding so
large a sum for military expenses.

Meanwhile, the Austrian-Hungarian Delegation at Buda-
pest approved a new extraordinary credit of 509,000,000
of crowns, 426,000,000 of which were destined for the

fleet.

• ••••••

Both Turkey and Austria were in agreement with the

idea that the Balkan situation should be modified. Turkey,

though only possessing two vilayets in Europe, of 1,900,000

inhabitants, ruled over 19,000,000 of people in her Asiatic

dominions. Germany, whose influence was still great in

Turkey, proposed to aid her in the reorganisation of her

army, and sent General von Sanders at the head of a military

mission to Constantinople. This mission did not consist

merely of instructors, for the German officers composing it

received effective commands in the Turkish Army. In this

way Germany held Turkey in the hollow of her hand, for at

the first threat of war the German Command, being masters

357

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of Constantinople and the Straits, could enclose the Russian

Fleet in the Black Sea.

• ••••••

The Balkan Question again loomed large in Russian
politics; on account of this, Russia's ancient rivalry with
Austria again became acute, so much so, indeed, that during
her last political crisis she had deemed it opportune to take
military precautions.

Russia's population had increased rapidly. She now ruled
over 160,000,000 of people, and in the midst of this rapid
increase the elements which were generating the political
transformation of the country had greatly developed. This
was the moment chosen by the reactionaries to restore absolute
government. Notwithstanding the principles proclaimed
in 1905, the bureaucracy was still omnipotent and continued
its efforts against freedom. Arrests and arbitrary exile were
common features of this time: nor did the men who suc-
ceeded each other at the helm of Government attempt to
actuate a policy conformable to the Constitutional regime.

The Government and the Duma, however, were in
agreement concerning the defence of the country; all the
extraordinary credits for military expenses, which were
demanded by the Ministry were approved by the Duma.
The Government, itself, augmented the annual contingent
of troops and improved the existing armaments. Delcasse,
the French ex-Minister, who, in February, 191 3, was sent
as Ambassador to Russia in order to quicken the Franco-
Russian Alliance, did his utmost to unite French financial
security to Russian strength, and thus to assure in the day
of danger the co-operation of the two countries.

Russia and France were the two Powers most immediately
concerned in, and menaced by, the enormous increase of
the German Army, and, therefore, they sought every way
of safety.

As a matter of fact, for some time past, France had ceased
to interest herself in German armaments, nor was she alarmed
by her military preparations: indeed, in 1908, she had
reduced her own military service to a period of two years,
and whilst the application of this law notably diminished
her military efficiency, her navy was disturbed by a series of

358

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

catastrophes, the causes of which have never been satisfac-
torily ascertained. At the same time, a weakening of respect
towards authority was everywhere observed, coupled with
an outbreak of indiscipline in administration and a recurrence
of strikes in the public services. Aristide Briand, who was
Prime Minister from 1909-1911, attempted to check this
anti-military current, and to initiate an anti-revolutionary
policy of social defence. When Raymond Poincare became
President in February, 191 3, this policy was energetically
pursued. But pacifist ideas had made such progress in
France, that but few believed in the immediate and imminent
possibility of war. Therefore, when the new Briand Ministry
brought forward a measure for the increase of armaments,
and a return to the period of three years' military service,
it was met by violent opposition, and approval of the
measure was only obtained after a long and severe
contest.

• ••••••

In England, not only was naval rivalry with Germany
continued, but projects for a better military organisation
were discussed. Lord Roberts, the Commander-in-Chief,
openly affirmed the possibility of a foreign invasion, and
added that in order to cope with this danger, compulsory
military service was necessary to England's safety; he
organised a regular campaign of speeches and pamphlets in
order to rouse the country from its false security; Asquith,
the Prime Minister, did not believe that the danger was
grave enough to compel the introduction of a measure so
profoundly distasteful to national sentiment, but he made
provision for an increase of voluntary enlistment.

A Colonial Congress was held in London in the summer
of 1909, with the object of organising military defence: it
elaborated a plan, if necessary, for the rapid incorporation
of all the Imperial Forces in one homogeneous Army.
Particular agreements concerning naval defence were made
with individual colonies, since a few, like New Zealand,
proposed to continue the system of financial contribution
to the Metropolitan naval budget, while others, like
Canada and Australia, desired to maintain their particular
fleets.

W.M. 359 2 A

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

To the two great Federations of English colonies —
Canada and Australia — a third had been added — South
Africa. The promises made to the Boers had been fulfilled,
and the Legislative Assemblies of the Transvaal and the
Orange Free State had been organised in 1907; the move-
ment for federating the two remaining colonies of the Cape
and Natal had made rapid progress: Natal, with her purely
English population, raised some objections to the
numerical superiority of the Boers, not only in the
Transvaal and the Orange Free State, but also in Cape
Colony. Finally, the identity of economic interests con-
quered all scruples.

A Natal Convention, opened at Durban on October 12,
1908, and concluded at the Cape, closed its labours in
February, 1900; the Constitution of United South Africa
was established, with a Governor-General, a Council of
Ministers, and a Parliament composed of a Senate and a
House of Assembly.

The Union assumed the character of a bi-lingual State,
since both Dutch and English were considered as official
languages, on a footing of perfect equality. The Constitution
was approved by the King and the English Parliament, and
the Union was inaugurated in May, 19 10, with a population
of 5,973,000 inhabitants. The first Governor-General was
Herbert John Gladstone, fourth son of the great statesman ;
he appointed as his Prime Minister, General Louis Botha,
who, with the same enthusiasm which he had applied to
the War of Independence, now flung himself into the
actuation of a programme of conciliation and co-operation
of races.

As Prime Minister, General Botha represented the
South African Union at the Imperial Conference, which,
according to the determination taken in 1907, was held in
London, and coincided with the coronation of the new King,
George V.

In this Conference, Ward, the representative of New
Zealand, proposed the creation of an Imperial Council of
State, but the desire of autonomy caused the proposals to
be rejected.

More important than its public declarations were the

360

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

secret sittings of the Conference, held in conjunction with
the Admiralty and the Committee of Public Defence. The
decisions then taken and maintained in secrecy were of such
importance that General Botha declared that they marked
the beginning of a new era in the history of the Empire.^

The long duration of the Liberal Ministry, which came
into power in December, 1905, permitted the inauguration

* Only representatives of the autonomous colonies had taken part in this
Imperial Conference, i.e. the three Federations of Canada, Australia, and South
Africa, and those of the two extensive islands of New Zealand and Newfoundland.
The Federation of Canada was now composed of nine States, with a population
of more than 7,000,000. The Australian Federation possessed 5,000,000, in-
cluding the inhabitants of Papua. On the South African Union depended
Basutoland, Bechuanaland, Suaziland, and Rhodesia, with a total population
of 8,000,000. New Zealand, which had assumed the title of ' Dominion,' included
1,050,000 inhabitants, and Newfoundland, whose economic conditions had been
greatly improved by the discovery of coal and copper, 240,000 inhabitants. On
it depended the desolate land of Labrador, with 4,000 inhabitants.

The immense Indian Empire — England's greatest dominion — still continued
to be under the Government of the English State, which had succeeded in
unifjdng this heterogeneous conglomeration of various peoples and races, and
which had established the territorial Anglo-Indian Law — a magnificent document
of English practical sense.

But there also existed a General Legislative Council, which contained native
elements, though the Councillors were generally nominated by the Government;
the native element had been largely introduced into the administrative of&ces,
though the principal functionaries were English. Therefore, even in India,
especially in recent years, after the development of Japan had seemed to point
to the renascence of Asia, new aspirations came to birth, particularly among the
higher classes of the population.

The reformers printed journals and held national conferences with the object
of obtaining a change of Government and a more general participation of the
natives in the higher of&ces of the State : they also claimed an authentic national
representation and a stricter defence of India's economic interests; the agitation
spread, and, favoured by local circumstances of discontent, caused disorders —
1 907- 1 908 — which compelled the Government to take severe measures of
repression.

On the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the incorporation of India
with the Enghsh State, King Edward VII. published an Imperial message,
which was read with great solemnity by the Viceroy, November 2, 1908; in
this, while afl&rming the intention of the Government to repress energetically
all disorders, he promised the gradual organisation, the prudent development of
representative institutions, and the entry of natives into Government of&ces,
without distinction of race or religion. A few days later. Lord Morley, the
Secretary of State for India, presented a measure to Parliament by which
greater power was given to the General Legislative Council of India as well as
to the Provincial Councils : a certain number of Councillors were to be appointed
by election according to a determined category ; but in the Viceroy's Council,
which consisted of 68 members, the functionaries still had a majority of four
votes over the elected members : in the Provincial Councils, on the contrary,
elected Councillors possessed a small majority.

The India Councils BUI, which was approved by the English Government
in 1909 entered into vigour in 1910, and it seemed that calm had been
re-established. In 191 1, the new King George visited India, and, on December
12, was proclaimed Emperor of the Indies, at Delhi, with extraordinary pomp.

361

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

of great social reforms; the very character of English
Government was modified. Naturally, all these changes
were preceded by a grave constitutional crisis, due to the
determined opposition of the House of Lords, which
continually rejected the measures proposed by the
Liberal Ministry and approved by the House of Com-
mons.

In the autumn of 1909 the Chancellor of the Exchequer,

On this occasion he proclaimed the transference of the Imperial capital from
Calcutta to Delhi, which is the ancient capital of Indian tradition and legend,
and is situated in the geographical and railway centre of India.

Side by side with the India which is administered directly from England, and
which possesses a population of about 240,000,000, England allows the existence
of vassal States, which obey a control sufficient to assure good and progressive
government. There exist about seven hundred of these States, some of which
are really important, such as Hyderabad, whose inhabitants number 13,000,000;
Mysore, 5,000,000, and Baroda, 2,000,000.

The Island of Ceylon — 4,000,000 inhabitants — forms no part of the Indian
Empire, but is a colonial entity. Like India, Ceylon may be said to be semi-
autonomous since it possesses partially representative institutions. Such also
are the colonies of Mauritius, 380,000 inhabitants, and the . lalta group, 230,000
inhabitants.

But even in the so-called Crown colonies, which are in direct dependence
on the mother country, with but few exceptions, a. Executive or Legislative
Council, partially composed of colonists, exists.

Egypt — 1 1 ,000,000 of inhabitants — constitutes an individual case. Nominally
under the sovereignty of Turkey and governed directly by the Khedive, it was,
in reality, under a species of English Protectorate, which not only occupied the
country by arms, but, by filling the highest posts with English functionaries,
had gradually absorbed the whole administration. Naturally, a Nationalist
Party existed in Egypt, the extreme elements of which aimed at the absolute
expulsion of the English from the country, whilst the more moderate members
merely proposed a limited autonomy. The Turkish Revolution and the estabhsh-
ment of a Constitutional Government at Constantinople excited this section of
Egyptians, but the English Egyptian Government appeared to pay small heed
to their aspirations. On February 21, 1910, the Prime Minister, Butros Pacha,
was assassinated by a Nationalist student : repression of every manifestation
of hostility to England was the consequence of this act. But by slow degrees
the Government enlarged the power of the Provincial Councils, and in 191 3
reorganised the General Assembly; the latter was partly composed of elected
members, but it only possessed a consultative vote except in the imposition of
new taxes. The great river works, which gave to Egypt a new prosperity, still
continued; in January, 1912, the new dam of Assouan was raised five metres,
which permitted the irrigation of 1,400 additional miles.

Egypt, in consequence of the expedition of 1896- 1898, again possessed the
immense region of the Soudan; this was administered by an English Governor-
General. Here, too, England soon succeeded in procuring the economical
resuscitation of this country, which had been ruined by the Mahdi.

The Island of Cyprus had also seen an increase of prosperity under English
administration. Nominally it was still under the High Sovereignty of Turkey,
but in reality the Government was completely in the hands of an English Com-
missioner, with an executive council of eighteen members, of which five were
elected.

Though the mother country only numbers 45,000,000 of inhabitants, English
possessions comprehend fully 370,000,000 souls.

362

;

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

Lloyd George, presented a budget, in which he proposed
to supply the deficit in the revenue by a tax which greatly
affected the wealthy and landowning classes: on the other
hand, the taxes affecting the lower, middle, and working
classes were lightened. His proposals, though they excited
fierce opposition on the part of the Conservatives, were
accepted by the House of Commons. Hence, it was thought
that the budget would immediately be rejected by the House
of Lords, but the latter skilfully suggested that such a radical
reform should be submitted to the decision of the country.
Notwithstanding the Government and Radical opposition,
and a Ministerial declaration to the effect that such a step
would retard the measure for a year, and in spite of the
assumption of the House of Lords that it possessed the right
to dissolve Parliament, the King assented to the proposal
and dissolved the House, January 8, 1910.

The new elections gave 275 seats to the Liberals and
273 to the Conservatives: there were also returned forty
members of the Labour Party, and eighty-two Irish members.
Thus the Liberals by their coalition with the latter groups
could still hold the power, and they passed a Bill —
* Parliament Bill ' — which deprived the Lords of the right
of interference in financial measures, and limited their right
of vote in other cases : it was established that a Bill approved
by the Commons in three consecutive sessions, should
become law, by the simple assent of the Crown, even without
the consent of the House of Lords. In order to avoid the
necessity of approving this project, the Lords framed a
scheme for the modification of their own House, but refused
to yield their rights.

The death of Edward VII. imposed a truce on Party
strife. Negotiations between the chiefs of the two Parties
were initiated, in the hope of arriving at an agreement; but
since this was not possible. Parliament was again dissolved:
the Ministry, however, had obtained a secret promise from
the King that he would use his constitutional powers, if
circumstances should so require it, in order to render
efficacious the decisions of the country.

The new elections did not relieve the situation. The
House now consisted of 272 Liberals, 272 Conservatives,

363

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

42 Labour members, and 84 Irish deputies. Again the
Lower House passed the Parliament Bill, but the House of
Lords changed the nature of it so profoundly that it was
returned to the Commons.

The Prime Minister, Asquith, in a tumultuous sitting,
asked the House to reject, en bloc, all the amendments voted
by the Lords, and to remodel the measure in such a manner
as to restore it to its primitive form. The House accepted
his proposal. Asquith, in presenting the Bill to the Lords,
stated that if it were again rejected the King would create
500 new peers in order to assure a Liberal majority in the
Upper House. In such circumstances, resistance seemed
vain; many peers, in order to prevent the threat from being
carried into execution, refrained from voting : on August 9,
191 1, the House of Lords passed the Parliament Bill by 131
votes to 1 14.

Thus the Constitutional crisis passed; the Lower House
now possessed dominant power, and the English Government
became more democratic in character.

The Asquith Ministry succeeded in passing a whole
series of daring reforms by a rigorous application of the rules
relating to the closure of discussion. Social legislation
assumed such proportions as to demand continual and new
taxation, and large landowners were thus compelled to sell
a considerable proportion of their estates. The division of
these large properties into small holdings was one of the
objects which Lloyd George proposed to attain by his
policy.

Whilst, under Government pressure, the whole of English
life became more democratic, the Irish Question reached its
acute phase. On April 11, 1912, the Asquith Ministry
brought forward a Home Rule Bill for Ireland, which, while
it preserved the supreme authority for the Home Parliament,
created for Ireland a special Parliament, with two Houses,
the executive power being entrusted to a Lord Lieutenant,
aided by a Ministry, which was responsible to the Irish
Parliament.

Ireland, in the Home Parliament, was to be represented by
forty-two members. With the object of guaranteeing the
Protestant region of Ulster, which in its dread of falling

364

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

under Catholic dominion was agitating for a special
Government, it was established that the Irish Parlia-
ment should not have the right to recognise any
religion as official or to prohibit its exercise. The
Government also declared that it proposed to grant
similar measures of Home Rule to Scotland and Wales:
Irish Home Rule, therefore, would only be the first step
towards a great reform.

This Bill, which was passed by the Commons on January
17, 1 91 3, was rejected by the Lords: after having again
been approved by the Commons the Lords again rejected it,
whilst the Unionist Conservatives carried on a vigorous
propaganda, in Ulster, in favour of organised resistance, and
a body of volunteers was formed, provided with arms and
ammunition.

Despite the proposal of the Government to exclude
Ulster from the application of Home Rule, the agitation
almost assumed the form of a rebellion in the Spring of 19 14,
and many English officers, who were garrisoned in Ireland,
resigned their commissions rather than be sent to re-
establish order in Ulster. The situation became extremely
grave.

The English Government, preoccupied by intestine
discords, and absorbed in the work of the internal trans-
formation of the country, not only desired to avoid any cause
of foreign friction, but would willingly have resigned the
naval contest of armaments with Germany: in the Spring
of 1 9 12 the English First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston
Churchill, modified the principle of the Two-Power standard;
he declared that the maintenance of that principle was easy
so long as the two strongest Powers after England were
France and Russia; but in face of the enormous development
of the German Navy, England must be contented in fixing
the proportion of the English and the German fleets, as 16
to 10. As if in reply, in February, 191 3, the German Naval
Minister, von Tirpitz, stated before a Parliamentary Com-
mission, that he considered this proposal acceptable. The
English Minister went a step further and frankly proposed
a naval holiday for all the Powers — that is — a simultaneous
suspension of naval construction for a year. This proposal

365

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

was not accepted by Germany, but the tension in the relations

between the two countries was relaxed.

• ••••••

As a matter of fact, Germany proposed to maintain
friendly relations with England, with the object of restraining
her for some time, when war should ultimately break out;
she judged this latter to be inevitable and imminent. Trusting
in the superiority of her arms, in the lightning rapidity of
her action, she flattered herself that she could crush France
before Russia could arm herself, and arrest Russia before
the English Government had conquered its hesitation to
plunge into a Continental War. Thus her long meditated
plan was developing successfully, and it seemed as if
Germany's dream of world-domination was about to be
realised.

In the Spring of 19 14, the European situation appeared
to favour German audacity. Disorder had reached its height
in France; on March 16, Madame Cailloux, the wife of the
Minister of Finance, exasperated by the furious campaign
carried on against her husband by the Figaro newspaper,
shot dead the editor of that journal. A Ministerial crisis
arose, and with it a series of scandals : the elections of May
pointed to the greater prevalence of extreme opinions.
Political uneasiness distinguished the whole country, and
seemed to point to a tremendous crisis. In Russia, too, labour
agitation developed alarmingly in the great industrial centres,
and colossal strikes seemed to indicate revolution. In
England, Edward Carson, the organiser of the Ulster agitation,
established a Provisional Government in that Province,
which entrusted to him the right of deciding the hour of
revolution.

One of the Powers of the Triple Alliance — Italy — was
also agitated in June, 19 14, by a general strike, which
assumed an alarming character in the Romagna and the
Marche. In some parts of the province of Forli, Ravenna,
and Ancona, the rebels were for some days masters of the
situation. But Italy's embarrassments were matters of
but little moment to her Allies, who feared that in the step
which they were meditating they would be unable to obtain
her co-operation: they would have been content with her

366

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

assurance that she would adopt a hostile attitude towards
France.

The new military plans of France and Russia were
barely formed, so that the superiority of the Central Powers
was still secure: but the financial effort made by the latter
could not be renewed every year. It was necessary, there-
fore, to take advantage of the hour and precipitate the
event.

The Balkan Question was still acute, and from it a pretext
for war might easily be drawn; Albania was in permanent
rebellion; Serbia, whose aggrandisement had been prevented
by Austria, brooded on her hate with patriotic fervour,
A spark might kindle a general conflagration.

At this time, the Emperor William II., accompanied by
Admiral von Tirpitz, paid a visit to the Austrian Heir
Apparent — Francis Ferdinand — who, on account of the
advanced age of Francis Joseph, chiefly directed Austrian
policy. The meeting took place at the Castle of Konopischt,
in Bohemia, the favourite residence of the Archdukes, on
June 12 and 13, 19 14; the two princes reaffirmed the
community of their views in international politics and the
loyal collaboration of the two States.

There was such abundant material in the world for
conflagration that circumstances would certainly have speedily
furnished the provocative spark. But, when on the evening
of June 13, William II. bade adieu to the Archduke and his
Consort, who could have believed that a fortnight later the
two august hosts would have been assassinated at Sarajevo,
and this new tragedy of the Austrian dynasty would have
marked the beginning of the most terrible war which has
ever devastated the earth ?

The period comprised between 1 871 and to-day represents
the most grandiose and rapid transformation which has
ever affected the life of humanity. In less than half a century
the benefits of civilisation, which had for so long been the
prerogatives of Europe, were extended over the whole earth,
and international policy, by enlarging its views, assumed a
universal character : in individual States an ever-deepening
political penetration was carried out in new social strata.

367

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

This result of the long labour of the ages had been
facilitated and accelerated by the great inventions of the
time, and by the rapidity with which new scientific principles
had been practically applied.

Even before 1871 the results of railway construction
might have been noted in Europe, but in the ensuing period
railway construction had assumed great proportions, not
only in Europe but in the whole world: steam navigation
and telegraphy developed prodigiously; and as if this were
not enough to determine the vast medley of men, goods,
interests, and ideas, the telephone arrived in 1876, the motor
in 1894, wireless telegraphy in 1902, and the aeroplane in
1908. Thus distance was almost annihilated, and the surface
of the earth, which to the men of former time had appeared
so immense, seemed small to the new generation.

The present means of communication are exercising
on modern life changes, greater and more grandiose than
those which were produced by the geographical discoveries
of the fifteenth century; the latter only revealed to men,
for the first time, the notable extent of the earth, but it was
reserved for our days to render possible the expansion of the
European race in all continents and to open the remotest
regions to civilisation.

And, above all, the riches and productions of the earth
can be exhausted to-day by mankind proportionately to the
enormous developments of machinery. Even in this field
the transformation had begun in the preceding period, but
in the last forty years it has assumed the proportions of a real
revolution; electricity was added to steam, and these two
forces, obeying the genius of mankind, rendered life
easier and profoundly changed both habits of life and
thought.

The enormous industrial development which was derived
from these and which was facilitated by an immense credit
organisation, brought about profound social changes: it
may be affirmed that human society has been transformed
into an immense laboratory in which there will soon be no
place for an idle man.

The prodigious development of journalism powerfully
contributed to the preparation of this new society. With

368

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL CONFLAGRATION

the triumph of Constitutional Government, the Press, now
free, had begun to be widely circulated: the progress of
popular instruction prepared for it a great future. The
march of industry, too, came in good time to correspond to
new needs; the new rotary machines guaranteed rapidity
and accuracy to the printing of newspapers, which could now
penetrate into the masses. Thus, interest in political life
began to influence the minds of the humblest, even in those
social classes which hitherto had paid but small heed to it.
Just as in the fifteenth century the innovation of printing
popularised knowledge, so to-day the development of journal-
ism has popularised politics more and more each day,
increasing the force of public opinion in the events of daily
life.

This movement, fatal and irresistible, is also accelerated
by the progress of military art. For, to-day, an infinite
number of soldiers are required in war, and this condition
will end by placing, everywhere, in the hands of the people,
not only political but military force. This will assure to
democracy a triumphant and upward road.

The transformation, which is verified under our eyes,
has many points of analogy with that which occurred at the
end of the fifteenth century, and which induced historians
to mark that period as the end of the Middle Ages and the
opening of the Modern Era. The unification of the great
nations, Spain and France, as in Italy and Germany of
the nineteenth century, produced conditions favourable to
change: wider ideas of international policy broke down
tradition; while political relations were only confined to
the Christian world, the alliance of France with Turkey
occasioned surprise to a public still tinged with ancient modes
of thought: at the beginning of the twentieth century the
alliance of England with Japan came as a new example
of the extension of international bonds outside the white
race.

In the years which have transpired between 1871 and
1 9 14, the ideas of peace and progress have been associated
so closely, as to raise the hope that a European War had now
been rendered impossible. Amongst all civilised peoples
a spirit of brotherhood had been fostered, and the

369

FROM WATERLOO TO THE MARNE

internationalisation of both Labour and Capital seemed to
root the idea more deeply in the mind of humanity. The
world was moving towards an order which should conciliate
human aspirations and ancient traditions.

Suddenly, the deluding dream vanished, to give place to
a terrible and ghastly reality. But in the agony and horror
caused by the inhuman destruction of to-day are developing
the germs of the new life of the world.

Glasgow: w. coixms sons and co. itd.
370

Some New Publications

from MESSRS COLLINS' LIST

Published from their London Offices, 48 PALL MALL, S.W.

Note. — fSMessrs Collins will always be pleased
to send lists of their forthcoming books to
any one who will send their name and address.

I Wonder Why : sixteen Songs for the Children
Music by Sir ALFRED SCOTT-GATTY, k.c.v.o.

Author and Composer of Plantation Songs, Little Songs Jor Little Voices, etc.
Words by THE HON. MRS STUART PLEYDELL-BOUVERIE

Pictures by W. GRAHAM ROBERTSON

Author of Pinkie and the Fairies, etc.

Large 4to. Boards. Sixteen Songs and 16 plates in colour. 12s. 6rf. net.

Also an Edition de Luxe on hand-made paper, numbered and signed.

Limited to 100 copies. Price, £2 25. net.

Prospectus on Application.

The many thousands of people who remember the Plantation Songs :
'Playin' on de ole Banjo,' 'Good-night,' 'Who Did?' and the rest, \vill
welcome this deUghtful song book by the same celebrated composer.
It is, in fact, rather more than a song book, for the charming plates that
Mr Graham Robertson has drawn for each song make it in addition an
almost perfect picture book for young folk. Sir Alfred Scott-Gatty, late
Garter King at Arms, was known throughout the length and breadth of
England in the days when he and Lady Gatty used to sing the Plantation
Songs together. The present volume is published posthumously and
contains songs that were written for his great nephews and nieces, full
of melody and full of fun.

From the Unconscious to the Conscious

Dr. GUSTAVE GELEY

Translated from the French by S. DE BRATH. M.I.C.E.

Demy %vo., with 23 Illustrations from photographs hy the author.

Price, 15s. net.

Dr Geley has those gifts of scholarship and imagination which are
so rarely found in the same individual; and in this volume he has under-
taken a work that places him not only among the great thinkers but
also among the great pioneers. The scientists of the nineteenth century
devoted all their best energies to unravelling the mysteries of matter.
The twentieth century seems more likely to undertake the greater investi-
gation of spirit. And Dr Geley, working from the basis of the masses
of knowledge stored up for us by the older scientists, has built up a theory
of the Being of Mankind that represents the first important synthesis
in this kind. He draws upon nearly every department of learning for
his argument, and with the typical French genius for lucid statement
and the arrangement of material, has endeavoured to indicate the road
of man's past and future development. Philosophically, he may be
called an ideahst in so far as he believes that spirit is an ' absolute ' and
matter only a representative complex; but the bulk of his argument is
drawn from science rather than from philosophy. In one sense this work
may be taken as a counterblast against Darwin's Descent of Man, and like
it will probably be regarded by posterity as marking the change of an
epoch in our beliefs concerning the fundamental problems of existence.

History of English Furniture

PERCY MACQUOID, R.I.

With plates in colour after Shirley Slocombe, and numerous illustrations
selected and arranged by the author; in four volumes : I. — The Age
of Oak; II. — The Age of Walnut; III. — The Age of Mahogany;
IV. — The Age of Satinwood. £21 per set, or £5 5s. per volume.
Size, 15 in. x 11 in.; bound in red buckram, gilt.

A New Index

The subject has been divided into four periods, the first dating from
1500 to 1660, comprising furniture that can be attributed to the Renais-
sance, and its evolution from the Gothic. The second from 1660 to 1720,
when the change is varied by the Restoration and Dutch influence,
followed by a distinctly assertive English spirit. The third period covers
the introduction from France of fresh ideas in design, clearly marking
another change, lasting from 1720 to 1770. The fourth, 1770-1820,
which was inspired by an affectation for all things classical. While the
book only purports to deal with English furniture, it is obvious that
reference is freely made to foreign styles in order to keep the matter in
perspective.

Illustrated Prospectus voill be stni on Application.

A History of Aeronautics

Ef^ ■\rT\7'T A AT Author of Paanon Fruit, etc.
. y^. V 1 V I/VIN , Formerly Editor of Flyini

AND LIEUT-COL.

W. LOCKWOOD MARSH, o.b.e.

Secretary of the Royal Aeronautical Society.
RoyalSvo. With numerous illustrations and diagrams. Price 30s. net.

There has hitherto been no complete history of the art and develop-
ment of aviation, heavier or lighter than air. It is to fill the undoubted
gap left in the hterature of this subject, a heterogeneous mass of disjointed
narrative and technical treatises, that this book has been designed. It
takes aviation from its legendary period right through to the facts and
feats of to-day. The technical side of the subject has special treatment,
for instance, the development of the internal combustion engine, which
has formed the vital core of aviation. The book is profusely illustrated
from photographs and diagrams. It is the only book that covers the
whole ground and is written in simple and very readable style.

Aspects of Literature: Essays in Literary Cnticlsm

J. MIDDLETON MURRY

Demy 8vo. Price 10s. net.

The theme developed in this book of essays by the Editor of The
AthencBum, who is recognised as our leading critic of the new school, is
the necessity of formulating a new theory of criticism. This is, however,
attempted with a minimum of abstract argument, since Mr Murry's
view is that criticism can only be of cogency and vailue when it deals
with specific works of art. Accordingly he considers in separate essays
a variety of writers and Uterary subjects : Thomas Hardy, Samuel
Butler, Coleridge, Keats, Tchehov, Rousseau, Ronsard, Anatole France,
The Present Condition of EngUsh Poetry, Shakespeare's Criticism. The
conclusions he reaches as to the scope and principles of literary criticism
are formulated in an introductory essay on 'The Function of Criticism.'

This contains what is, in effect, a new theory of criticism, of which
the essence is an emphasis on the intimate relation of literature to Hfe.
This relation is envisaged under a new aspect, and estabUshed as the
pinnacle of a humanistic Philosophy. From this naturally derive standards
of Uterary criticism which are vahd for the criticism of hfe also. These
standards are to some degree implicit throughout the essays in the book,
which is, however, put forward less as a complete exposition in practice
of the theories reached in conclusion than as a document showing the
phases of a critical evolution.

Dostoevsky and His Creation

A Psycho-Critical Study JANKO LAVRIN

Crown 8vo. Is. 6d. net.

Mr Janko Lavrin is probably the first Serbian author whose critical
literary work has been produced in England. His study of Dostoevsky
is an extremely able book, and Mr Lavrin attacks his subject from a
different point of view to that which we are accustomed to in this
country. He was educated partly in Russia and while still a University
student was for two years editor of a Russian Uterary and political
monthly, Slavansky Mir (Slavonic World). He was subsequently on the
stafi of the biggest Russian newspaper. Novoe Vremya. His contributions
to that paper written from Albania and Serbia during the first two years
of war were published in book form in Petrograd. He is now Lecturer
in Russian and Russian literature at the University of Nottingham.
Apart, however, from the interest of the origin of this highly modern
study, his criticism is admirably done and his scholarship on this particular
subject unimpeachable.

Modern Drama in Europe

STORM JAMESON

Crown Svo. 10s. Gd. net.

The very low ebb to which the drama has fallen in recent years in
England is found also to be the mark in most European countries. An
amount of criticism has been levelled at the productions offered that is
surprising both in its virulence and in its ineffectiveness. This failure
to be constructive is probably due to the fact that modem criticism ia
mostly ephemeral in nature, appearing in the daily press and obliterated
like the grass of the field, written out of many different minds, from
different standards and points of view. Here is a more permanent,
comprehensive work that passes all contemporary drama beneath the
same spear, measuring its quaUty by the same measure. Some of the
dramatists reviewed are Ibsen, Strindberg, Hauptmann, Barrie, Shaw,
Galsworthy, Pinero, Drinkwater, Donnay, Rostand, Guitry, etc. It ia
an able and searching study, constructive in idea.

LONDON: 48 PALL MALL

W. COLLINS SONS & CO. LTD.

GLASGOW MELBOURNE AUCKLAND

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^AY AND TO $1.00 ON Jhp ^'""^'^°"RTH
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UNIVERSITY OF CAUFORNIA LIBRARY

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