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Full text of "Future highways and urban growth"

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Digitized by the Internet Archive 

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http://www.archive.org/details/futurehighwaysurOOwilbrich 



FUTURE HIGHWAYS 

AND 

URBAN GROWTH 



Prepared By 
utfur ^milli ana ..^dAociateA 

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 



ILUNWS INSTITUTE OF 
TECHNOLOGY UeRARY 
CHICA60. ILLINOIS 



Under Commission From 
THE AUTOMOBILE MANUFACTURERS ASSOCIATION 



February, 1961 



PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
February, 1961 



1^ 



r 



FOREWORD 

In 1956, the Congress of the United States authorized a long-term 
program of expanded highway construction, financed through special 
federal taxes paid by motor vehicle owners. The program is ad- 
ministered through the U. S. Bureau of Public Roads, which has 
supervised all federal-aid highway projects since 1916. 

The new program will span a period of 16 years (fiscal 1957-72). 
Its objective is to provide increased financial assistance to state and 
local highway departments in the construction of major urban and 
rural traffic routes to standards of safety and capacity needed for 
present and future motor traffic volumes. 

A key element of this expanded road program is the National 
System of Interstate and Defense Highways — a nationally con- 
nected 41,000-mile network of urban and rural freeway routes.^ 



^Freeways are divided highways with full control of access. They pass under or over 
all intersecting crossroads, and permit continuous, uninterrupted flow. Their entrances and 
exits are located only at specifically designated points, and there is no direct access from 
abutting property. They may be toll roads or toll-free. 

The term expressway is often used interchangeably with freeway. Technically, how- 
ever, an expressway has only partial control of access, and may have occasional intersections 
at grade. 

i 



This study of Interstate highways and their impact on urban 
transportation was conducted by Wilbur Smith and Associates, con- 
sulting engineers of New Haven, Connecticut, under commission from 
the Automobile Manufacturers Association. 

Purposes of the study were threefold: 

1. To determine the extent to which the Interstate highioay 
system will meet the freeway requirements of urban areas of 
the United States up to the year 1980, and also the extent 
of requirements for fixed-rail and express-bus urban rapid 
transit systems in large metropolitan areas; 

2. To project the future use of urban and rural Interstate high- 
ways, and to appraise their effects on traffic growth and the 
relief afforded to other roads and streets; 

3. To assess the direct benefits to motorists in the form of fewer 
accidents and lower vehicle operating costs accruing from 
completion of the Interstate system by 1972, as well as the 
general benefits to the national economy, land values, and 
public services. 

Many individuals, organizations and agencies assisted in pro- 
viding needed background information for the study including the 
Bureau of Public Roads, the various state highway departments, 
and the American Transit Association. The entire firm, and par- 
ticularly Herbeit S. Levinson and F. Houston Wynn who were prin- 
cipally responsible for technical development, gratefully acknowledges 
the assistance of all who cooperated. 



lA/lwur S^mitn and ^>^6Aociate5 

February, 1961 



u 



REPORT IN BRIEF 

This is a comprehensive study of the National System of Inter- 
state and Defense Highways as it relates to future travel requirements 
and the changing shape of metropolitan America. 

Urban-Suburban Growth 

Two of every three residents of the United States now live in 
urbanized areas, with half of these urbanites living in suburban 
regions outside central cities. 

Expansion of Suburbia — Virtually all population growth of the 
next two decades will be in suburban portions of metropolitan areas. 
By 1980, three of every four of the nation's anticipated 245 million 
people will be urbanites — and over half of the nation's populace 
will live in suburbia. Most new growth will be at population densi- 
ties of approximately 2,500 people per square mile. This will about 
double the amount of land located within expanded urban limits 
by 1980. 

iii 



Land-Use Changes — Changes in population densities and land- 
use patterns have accompanied the expansion of suburbia. The move 
to the suburbs has precipitated new shopping centers and a dispersal 
of commercial services and industrial plants. Downtown, there 
has been a relative drop in sales and employment as the central 
business district has become more specialized as the locus of govern- 
ment, management and finance. Many of these changes can be 
expected to continue as multi-center communities increasingly de- 
velop to meet the needs of automobile-oriented 20th Century cities. 

Transportation Changes and Characteristics 

Past development of large cities and their downtown areas was 
encouraged by reliance of urban residents on public transportation. 
This condition now has changed substantially. Both the city and 
its suburban areas are increasingly dependent upon automobiles 
and motor trucks for movement of people and merchandise. 

Studies of urban travel characteristics in a dozen widely dispersed 
cities explain the increasing role of the automobile and truck in urban 
areas. They provide a basis for projection of future travel and evalu- 
ation of future express highway potentials. 

Total Trips — The inrban resident makes about two trips per 
day in a car or transit vehicle in large cities and two and one half 
or more trips in small cities; in all cities, the resident travels about 
10 miles each day in all pursuits. 

Trip Purposes — Approximately 20 per cent of all daily urban 
trips are to work; 18 per cent for business and shopping; 12 per cent 
for social and recreational purposes; 40 per cent, to home; 3 per cent, 
to school; and 7 per cent for miscellaneous reasons. 

Travel Modes — In all but a handful of large cities, the automo- 
bile now accounts for more than 85 per cent of all urban travel and 
is usually the dominant form of transportation for persons entering 
the downtown area. 

Transit travel is predominantly focused on the central business 
district whereas automobile travel is diffused throughout the 
urban area. 

The choice of travel mode has become closely related to car 
ownership and population density, which, in turn, are usually 
related to family income. Generally, low income is consistent 

iv 



with high density; income increases and density decreases with 
distance from the central business district. 
As urban densities continue to decrease, and as car ownership 
becomes greater, automobile travel will become ever more domi- 
nant in future years. 

Persons who have the use of a car make more trips than those 
who must use public transportation: households without cars 
average less than one trip per resident per day, whereas house- 
holds with more than two cars average three or more trips per 
resident per day. 

Trip Lengths — Existence of urban freeway systems will tend to 
increase urban travel by about 10 to 15 per cent as a result of 
freeway time savings and new freeway-oriented land-use patterns. 
Average vehicle trip lengths in the survey cities are expected 
to increase from almost 4.5 miles at present to more than 5.0 
miles by 1980. 

Trips on freeways are longer than other urban trips; by 1980, 
motorists using freeways will travel about seven to nine miles 
on freeways and about two miles on surface streets, whereas trips 
made entirely on arterials will approximate four miles. 

Present and Future Travel 

Increases in automobile ownership and use are expected to 
continue throughout the country, particularly in urban areas, com- 
mensurate with a rise in living standards and the over-all national 
economy. The ratio of private cars to persons will probably increase 
about 20 per cent by 1980 with one passenger car registered for about 
every 2.4 persons. By 1980, total registrations are expected to reach 
120 million. 

Nearly one half of the nation's motor travel now occurs on city 
routes that account for only 10 per cent of total highway mileage. 
This urban travel will more than double over the next two decades, 
while rural highway travel will increase about 30 per cent. By 1980, 
about 60 per cent of the anticipated 1,277 billion yearly vehicle miles 
of travel will be within expanded urban area limits. 

Urban Freeway Needs 

The National System of Interstate Highways, now under con- 
struction and scheduled for completion by mid- 1972, represents 
the backbone of an urgently needed urban freeway network. 



Existing Freeways — This 41,000-mile national freeway system 
embraces about 6,700 miles planned within present urbanized areas 
of the nation. The remaining 36,300 miles are intercity routes. 

About 2,100 miles of urban Interstate system freeways were in 
use early in 1961. Other urban freeways not on the system brought 
the total of existing urban freeways to approximately 2,900 miles. 

Anticipated Freeway Travel — A completed freeway system in 
any metropolitan area can be expected to accommodate a good part 
of all urban travel, particularly as the areas increase in size. Free- 
ways will serve more travel, be more extensively used and, therefore, 
become increasingly valuable in larger urban areas. 

In communities under 100,000 population, travel on freeways 
can account for up to one fourth of all daily vehicle miles. In 
metropolitan areas of more than one million persons, half or more 
of all vehicle miles of travel would be accommodated by an 
adequate freeway system. The average volume expected on 
each mile of a complete freeway system varies from about 25,000 
cars per day in cities under 100,000 population to about 70,000 
cars per day in large cities. 

Future Needs — Except for the largest and smallest cities, about 
one mile of freeway will be required for every 10,000 urbanites. 
Thus, by 1980, about 16,000 miles of such freeways will be needed 
to serve urban traffic within the continually expanding urban areas. 
Approximately 9,600 miles of Interstate system freeways will be 
within urban regions by 1980. ^ 

This mean^ that in addition to about 800 miles of existing urban 
freeways and those being built under the Interstate system program, 
approximately 5,600 miles of further freeway development will be 
necessary in urban areas by 1980. 

Future Use — With all needed freeways constructed by 1980, 
approximately one third of all annual travel will be on the nation's 
freeway systems. 

By 1980, average daily traffic on urban Interstate system routes 
will approximate 50,000 vehicles per mile, compared to 10,000 antici- 
pated on rural Interstate freeways. Many urban Interstate routes will 
be operating at capacity whereas most of the rural Interstate routes will 
have surplus capacity for future traffic growth. 

vi 



Interstate System Cost Savings 

Aside from the numerous general benefits that the Interstate 
system will produce in the form of higher property values and new 
business and industrial development, the system will also yield large 
savings for U. S. motorists. 

Although the system has only about 1.2 per cent of total U. S. 
road and street mileage, it will carry about 24 per cent of all motor 
vehicle travel when completed. Moreover, nearly 40 per cent of 
all motor vehicle owners in the nation will make daily use of the 
system. 

Because of the superior safety and traffic-carrying capacity of 
modern freeways as compared to ordinary streets and highways, 
the Interstate system also will save motorists more than two cents 
per mile in urban sections as a result of lower accident, fuel and 
vehicle maintenance costs, and about one cent per mile in rural 
sections. The accident reduction also means an annual saving of 
more than 9,000 lives when the entire system is completed. 

Total Savings — By 1980, the system will, be producing yearly 
savings to motorists of $5 billion in the form of reduced traffic 
accidents and other vehicle operating costs. Thus, the motoring 
cost savings will equal the total cost of the system in about eight 
years. 

In addition, some four billion vehicle-hours will be saved yearly 
by motorists using tjie Interstate s^^stem. If a monetary value of 
about $1.65 per hour were placed on this time saving, it would 
amount to over $6.5 billion per year. 

Net Savings — The accumulative net benefits to motorists that 
will result from completion of the remaining portions of the Inter- 
state system on schedule between 1961 and 1972 will total $98 
billion over the next 20 years. A total of 75,000 lives will be saved 
in this same period. 

Stretch-out Costs — A three-year delay in completing the Inter- 
state system — from 1972 to 1975 — would mean a cost of as many 
as 10,000 lives through traffic accidents, and aggregate road-user 
penalties of about $10 billion prior to completion of the system. 

Freeways in Urban Development — Transportation plans will 
adapt to the size, shape, function, past history, and future mission 

vii 



of each city. Planning and growth of the metropoUtan area will 
necessarily be on a regional basis for each particular urban com- 
plex, and will involve a system of total transportation integrated 
with urban land uses. 

The critical past lag in urban freeway development has handi- 
capped most large cities in their efforts to make needed adjustments 
to motor vehicle transportation. 

Freeway programs now planned and under construction in many 
urban areas can provide a prerequisite framework for urban de- 
velopment and revitalization. Freeways are a logical first step for 
needed land-use readjustments in older urban areas and a stabiliz- 
ing factor for new urban developments. 

Properly coordinated with other elements of a total urban trans- 
portation system — parking areas, arterial routes, and transit facilities 

— the freeway program will help to preserve productive land use, 
assist in urban renewal, and assure that future traffic congestion 
will not minimize the benefits of urban development. 

Where topographic interferences are not critical, the average 
spacing of freeways will vary directly with the number of lanes 
provided on each freeway — the greater the number of lanes, the 
wider the spacing. It will also vary inversely with the average length 
of freeway trip and population density. 

Urban Freeway Systems — Freeway plans for large metropolitan 
areas usually include crosstown routes, radial routes converging on 
the downtown area, and downtown-fringe "loop" freeways linking 
the radial routes. 

One objective of the downtown freeway loop is to remove from 
congested downtown streets about 50 per cent of all motor traffic 

— which in most cities is found to be merely passing through the 
downtown area to reach other urban destinations. 

At the same time, it must be recognized that the m-ban freeway 
network is being planned to serve the entire region. In most large 
areas, no more than 10 to 20 per cent of total vehicle trips within 
the urban community are made to or from downtown. 

The great bulk of motor trips in such areas is, therefore, to 
and from locations in other parts of the city. Neither a sharp in- 
crease in motor trips to the downtown area, nor a sharp decline in 

viii 



such trips, would have a marked effect on the total freeway mileage 
requirements of metropolitan regions. 

In most communities the central business district is not at- 
tracting new visitors in proportion to over-all urban growth since 
the proportion of total urban travel to or from downtown decreases 
as cities get larger. This is because cities are experiencing rapid 
growth in their low-density suburbs which usually have the smallest 
per capita downtown attraction in the urban area. 

Downtown will not generally increase in dominance because 
of growing competition from outlying areas. It will, however, be 
strengthened by improved highways, public transit and parking, and 
by the development of attractive high-density residential uses in 
surrounding areas. 

The future market potentials of downtown retail districts will 
depend increasingly on the development of complete freeway sys- 
tems that will substantially reduce driving time from outlying regions 
and enable downtown to more fully exploit its usually central loca- 
tion. Freeways will also make feasible the revitalization of down- 
town through selected street closures, pedestrian malls, and other 
pedestrian amenities. 

Terminal facilities, especially in the central business district, 
must be provided to complete the total transportation system. Parking 
areas should be attractively designed and carefully related to Inter- 
state and other freeways. In some cases, garages located near free- 
ways may be connected to the core area by shuttle buses. 

Public Transportation 

Mass transit services in most urban areas have shifted primarily 
to motor bus operations in recent decades, except in the very large 
cities where subway systems and other fixed-rail rapid transit facili- 
ties were already extensively developed. Patronage declines that 
have occurred in recent years are expected to continue although 
transit use may stabilize in some of the largest cities. 

But, while transit does not serve the majority of trips in any 
urban area, it is valuable for those particular movements or trip 
linkages that are concentrated in space and time, especially in high- 
density urban complexes. Thus, transit is a valuable adjunct to 
freeways in serving peak-hour movements along heavy travel corri- 

ix 



dors leading to and from the central business district, particularly 
in big cities. 

Maximum development of rapid transit facilities, based on even 
optimistic forecasts of transit patronage, do not appear to effect 
major changes in area-wide freeway requirements. 

Comparisons of the economic feasibility of alternate transit pro- 
posals usually indicate that new rapid transit routes should be care- 
fully integrated with freeway construction, and that motor buses 
should be used. Rail rapid transit will be limited primarily to areas 
where it now exists or where it can be readily adapted to existing 
railroad lines. 

Indicated Conclusions 

The study has shown the overriding importance of good high- 
way transportation to the total economy and well-being of the country, 
particularly the nation's rapidly expanding urban areas. It suggests 
the following principal actions: 

• There is urgent need for rapid completion of the 41,000- 
mile National System of Interstate and Defense Highways. Comple- 
tion of the urban components of the system at the earliest possible 
date is essential to the economy and mobility of the nation and foi 
the vitality of its cities. 

• Interstate highways now programmed will not be sufficient 
to meet the nation's future freeway needs. Accordingly, a continued 
and accelerated program of express highway construction, particu- 
larly in urban areas, should follow completion of the Interstate 
system in 1972. 

• Urban transportation needs will usually require that high- 
ways be augmented by public transit and that transit be fostered 
even though, at best, it will but hold its present levels. 

• Savings to the American public in lives, dollars, and time will 
far exceed the cost of the Interstate highway system. Hence, it is 
imperative that the necessary financing be provided for on-schedule 
completion of the Interstate system by 1972. 



CONTENTS 

Page 

INTRODUCTION 1 

Interstate Highways 2 

Objectives 2 

Present System 3 

Interstate Highways and Urban Mobility 4 

Purpose and Scope of Study 5 

CHAPTER I - Growth of Urbanization and Travel 7 

Summary 7 

Population 9 

Recent Growths 12 

Population Dispersion 14 

Trends In Land Use 18 

Residential Decentralization 18 

Industrial Areas 18 

Commercial Areas 20 

Central Business District 20 

Land Values and Real Estate 24 

Highway Transportation Trends 26 

Development of Highway System 26 

Land Areas Used For Highway Purposes 28 

Vehicle Registration 28 

Vehicular Travel and Related Trends 29 

Public Transportation Trends 32 

Local Transit 32 

Commuter Railroads 32 

CHAPTER n — Transportation and Urban Development 35 

Summary 35 

City Form 37 

Classical Patterns of Regionalism 38 

Patterns of Internal Growth 41 

Impacts of Travel Facilities 43 

Highway Orientation of Land Use 44 

xi 



CONTENTS (Continued) 

Page 

Stabilizing Influence of Freeways 44 

Effects of Alternate Transportation Improvements 45 

Change and Obsolescence 45 

Growth "Models" 46 

Basic Conditions 48 

Total Trips 49 

Parking Demands and Needs 49 

Corridor Movements 50 

Vehicle Miles 50 

Traffic Volumes 53 

Significance of Findings 53 

Future City Form 57 

Optimum Form 57 

Interurbia 58 

Central City 58 

Central Business District 59 

Freeway Impacts 60 

CHAPTER III - Characteristics of Urban Travel 61 

Summary 61 

Study Cities 63 

Travel Generation 64 

Effects of City Size 65 

Trip Generation by Mode 67 

Car Ownership and Use 68 

Car Ownership 68 

Car Use 73 

Trip Purposes 80 

Home Based Trips 82 

Planning Implications 85 

Characteristics of Work Travel 85 

Income and Travel Mode 86 

Importance of Car 88 

Changing Travel Modes 88 

xii 



CONTENTS (Continued) 

Page 

Modes Related to Purpose 88 

Effects of Car Ownership 90 

Correlated Analysis 90 

Central Business District 95 

Generation of Travel 95 

People Entering Downtown 98 

Trip Length 103 

Length of Work Trips 107 

Relation to City Size 109 

CHAPTER IV - Public Transportation in the Over-All Plan Ill 

Summary Ill 

Transit Origins 114 

Transit Trends 115 

Patronage 115 

Rapid Transit 116 

Consumer Expenditures 117 

Transit Revenues 118 

Contributing Factors 119 

Present Transit Operations 120 

Basic Facts 120 

The Importance of Transit — The Peak Hour 122 

Present Rapid Transit 122 

Transit Use 128 

Transit Use Curves 130 

Use of Specific Facilities 132 

Examples of Transit-Oriented Trips 134 

Future Rapid Transit 136 

Trends 136 

Rapid Transit Plans 138 

Types 141 

Comparative Characteristics 142 

Freeways and Rapid Transit 145 

Freeways Aid Transit 145 

xiii 



CONTENTS (Continued) 

Tage 

Comparative Capacities 147 

Relief to Freeways 148 

Comparative Travel Times 149 

Comparative Costs 149 

Potentials For Rapid Transit 149 

Criteria 151 

Forms 153 

Prospects 155 

CHAPTER V - Freeway System Use in Study Cities 157 

Summary 157 

Description of Freeway Systems 159 

Interstate Systems 160 

Composite Systems 165 

Freeway Use 169 

Total Urban Travel 170 

Freeway Potentials 172 

System Comparisons 175 

City Size and Volumes 178 

Effect of Freeways on Arterial Travel 180 

Freeway Trip Lengths 181 

Different Freeway Users 181 

CHAPTER VI - Future Travel and Interstate System Use 187 

Summary 187 

Status of System 190 

Bases For Future Travel Projections 192 

Urban Population Estimates 192 

Travel Characteristics and Magnitudes 193 

Extension of Projections to Other Areas 199 

Anticipated Future Travel 200 

Total Future Travel 200 

Effects of Alternate Construction Programs 205 

Urban Freeway Needs 208 

xiv 



CONTENTS (Continued) 

Page 

Urban Interstate System 209 

Other Urban Freeways 209 

Relation of Needs to Assumed Construction Schedule 210 

Freeways in Rural Areas 211 

Urban Influences on Rural Traffic 212 

External Origins of City Traffic 214 

Rural Interstate Needs 216 

Comparative Capacity Requirements 218 

CHAPTER VII - Complements to Urban Interstate Highways 219 

Summary 219 

Factors In System Planning 221 

Freeway Planning Considerations 221 

Freeways and Redevelopment 222 

Freeways and Arterial Streets 222 

Freeway Patterns 223 

Freeway Capacity 225 

Freeway Spacing „ 226 

Generalized Construction Priority 228 

Central Area Parking 230 

Types of Parking 230 

Downtown Revitalization 232 

Highways and Downtown Generation 240 

Parking Requirements 240 

Highway Capacity 240 

Implications 242 

CHAPTER Vm - Traffic Generation and Land-Use Impacts 

of Selected Highways 243 

Summary 243 

Wilbur Cross Highway 245 

Traffic and Travel 245 

Land Development 250 

Summary 252 

f 

XV 



CONTENTS (Continued) 

Page 

Nimitz Freeway 254 

Population and Registration 256 

Traffic Patterns 256 

Industrial Development 261 

Residential Growth 266 

Summary 267 

Los Angeles Freeway 267 

Interstate Route 85 269 

Traffic Volumes 270 

Travel Characteristics 271 

Comparisons 274 

Summary and Implications 274 

Highways and Traffic Generation 275 

CHAPTER IX - Direct Benefits to Road Users 277 

Summary 277 

Basic Factors In Highway Operation 280 

Cost of Operating a Car 280 

Studies of Operating Costs 281 

Time Savings 282 

Accidents 285 

Freeway Cost Savings 290 

Variables in Previous Studies 290 

Recommended Unit Cost Values 293 

Direct Benefits of Interstate Highways 295 

Over-all System Savings 295 

Savings if System Were Complete in 1960 296 

Savings Potential to Incompleted Portions 297 

Accumulative Savings Resulting From Interstate System 297 

Summary and Qualifications 303 

General Road-User Benefits 304 

Comfort and Convenience 304 

Capacity Attained 304 

xvi 



CONTENTS (Continued) 

Page 

CHAPTER X - General Benefits of Interstate Highways 305 

Summary 305 

Land-Use Benefits 307 

Freeways Benefit Residential Development 308 

Freeways Improve Land Values 308 

Industrial Development 312 

Freeways Benefit Business 313 

Over-all Public Benefits 316 

Benefits to Farmers 318 

Recreational Travel 318 

Contributions to Over-all Economy 319 

Social and Cultural Benefits 319 

Public Services 319 

Benefits to National Defense 320 

Impact of Delayed Construction 321 

APPENDICES 323 

Appendix A — Summary of Anticipated Vehicle Miles of Travel 

in United States 325 

Appendix B — Details of Present and Proposed Rapid 

Transit Facilities 327 

Appendix C — Supplementary Tabulations 332 

Appendix D — Selected List of References 370 



xvu 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

Figure 
No. Page 

1 National System of Interstate and Defense Highways 4 

2 Population Trends, United States, 1790-1980 9 

3 Growths in Population of Standard Metropolitan Areas, 1900-1956 . 11 

4 Growth of Metropolitan Area Population, 1950-1956 12 

5 Distribution of Metropolitan Area Population, 1950 and 1956 12 

6 Population Growths, 1950-1960, 27 Largest Metropolitan Areas ... 14 

7 Distribution of Population by Distance Rings from City Center 15 

8 Population Densities Related to Distance from 

Central Business District 16 

9 Factors Influencing Population Density, Typical 

Connecticut Town 17 

10 Industrial Relocation and Development Along 

Massachusetts Route 128 19 

11 Growth of Road and Street Mileage, United States 27 

12 Motor Vehicle Registration Trends, United States 29 

13 Annual Vehicle Miles of Travel Related to Economic Factors 30 

14 Vehicle Travel and Gross National Product 30 

15 Rural and Urban Travel in United States 31 

16 Patterns of Regionalism 39 

17 Theoretical Internal Structure of Cities 42 

18 Proposed Freeway and Arterial System, Nashville, Tennessee 47 

19 Corridor Travel Patterns in a Selected Corridor, 

Nashville, Tennessee, 1959 51 

20 Assigned 1959 Traffic Volumes to Proposed Freeway and 

Arterial System, Nashville, Tennessee 52 

21 Changes in 1959 Freeway and Arterial Volumes — 

Condition B, Nashville, Tennessee 54 

22 Changes in 1959 Freeway and Arterial Volumes — 

Condition C, Nashville, Tennessee 55 

23 Changes in 1959 Downtown Traffic Volumes, Nashville, Tennessee 56 

24 Population Distribution, 1950, Atlantic Urban Region 58 

25 Study Cities 64 

26 Trip Generation Related to City Size and Density 66 

27 Automobile Ownership Related to Urban Population in 

St. Louis, Missouri, and Phoenix, Arizona 69 

xviii 



ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) 

Figure 
No. Page 

28 Car Ownership Related to Family Income, United States, 1958 .. 70 

29 Car Ownership Related to Family Income 71 

30 Licensed Drivers Related to Median Family Income, 

St. Louis, Missouri, 1957 72 

31 Car Ownership Related to Family Size and Employment, 

Chattanooga, Tennessee, 1960 73 

32 Vehicle Ownership Related to Trip Frequency, ., 

St. Louis, Missouri, 1957 >, 74 

33 Trip Generation Related to Car Ownership 76 

34 Automobile Trips Related to Car Ownership 77 

35 Use of Cars in Multi-Car Families 78 

36 Use of Cars in Multi-Car Families Related to 

Place Garaged, Chicago, Illinois, 1956 79 

37 Daily Trips Related to Economic Class and Purpose, 

Phoenix, Arizona, 1957 80 

38 Trip Purposes in Study Cities (Average Per Cent) 81 

39 Trip Generation by Purpose, Study Cities (Average Per Cent) 84 

40 Car Ownership and Income Related to Work Travel, 

St. Louis, Missouri, 1957 87 

41 Transit Usage Related to Car Ownership 91 

42 Transit Use Relationships in Study Cities 93 

43 Central Business District Transit Use Relationships in Study Cities 94 

44 Trips to or from Central Business District Related to City Size 97 

45 Central Business District Trip Attraction 99 

46 People Entering Typical Central Business Districts 102 

47 Trends in Per Capita Visitation to Typical 

Central Business Districts 104 

48 Trip Purpose Related to Trip Attraction and Time-Distance 

Between Zones, St. Louis, Missouri, 1957 105 

49 Trip Lengths of Various Trip Purposes, St. Louis and 

Kansas City, Missouri, 1957 106 

50 Travel Time to Work 107 

51 Auto Trip Length Related to Population Distribution 108 

52 Trends in Transit Patronage .■:. 115 

53 Transit Trend Indices .......:....... 116 

xix 



ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) 

Figure 

No. Page 

54 Average Weekday Traffic on Cleveland Rapid 

Transit System, Cleveland, Ohio 117 

55 Trends in Consumer Expenditures for Transportation 118 

56 Trends in Transit Revenue and Income 119 

57 Typical Hourly Variations in Rapid Transit Passengers 125 

58 Transit Use Curves 130 

59 Typical Transit Diversion Curves 135 

60 Passenger Traffic Flow, Congress Rapid Transit, Chicago, Illinois 146 

61 Comparative Travel Times to Central Business District by 

Transit and Automobile 150 

62 Comparative Round Trip Travel Costs by Transit and Automobile 151 

63 Generalized Rapid Transit Potentials in Urban Areas 152 

64 Summary of Urban Travel Factors 156 

65 Study Cities in Relation to Interstate Highway System 159 

66 Urban Interstate Systems in Study Cities 161 

67 Urban Interstate Systems in Study Cities (Continued) 162 

68 Proposed Miami Expressway System, Miami, Florida 166 

69 Proposed Nashville Freeway System, Nashville, Tennessee 167 

70 Proposed Houston Freeway System, Houston, Texas 168 

71 Proposed Phoenix Freeway System, Phoenix, Arizona 169 

72 Freeway Travel Related to Urban Area Size 176 

73 Assigned Freeway Traffic Volumes in Relation to Urban Area Size 179 

74 Effect of Freeway Systems on Urban Travel 180 

75 Freeway and Arterial Trip Lengths, 1980 181 

76 Urban Freeway Use Curves 183 

77 Frequency of Urban Highway Use, Indianapolis, Indiana 185 

78 Status of Interstate Highway System, September, 1960 190 

79 Summary of Future Travel Trends 200 

80 Vehicle Miles of Travel in United States, 1940-1980 203 

81 Anticipated Distribution of 1980 Travel 205 

82 Vehicle Miles of Travel on Interstate System in 

United States, 1960-1972-1975-1980 205 

83 Traffic Volume Profile, U. S. Route 40, Reno, Nevada 212 

xic 



ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) 

Figure 
No. Page 

84 Population and Traffic Between Waterbury and 

New Haven, Connecticut 213 

85 Traffic Delineation of Urban Markets 215 

86 Typical Interactance Relationships 217 

87 Types of Freeway Systems 224 

88 Generalized Freeway Spacing Criteria 227 

89 Center City Access Plan, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 233 

90 Proposed Transportation Terminal, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 233 

91 Proposed Daniel Boone Expressway Garage System, 

St, Louis, Missouri 234 

92 Proposed Plan for Downtown Providence, Rhode Island 235 

93 Downtown Circulation and Parking Plan, 

New Haven, Connecticut 237 

94 Downtown Circulation and Parking Plan, Detroit, Michigan 238 

95 Proposed Street Plan for Downtown Tulsa, Oklahoma 239 

96 Central Business District Freeway and 

Parking Area Requirements 241 

97 Driving Times from Hartford, Connecticut, 1960 246 

98 Route 15 Traffic Volumes, East of Hartford, Connecticut 247 

99 Trends in Vehicle Miles of Travel, Routes 15 and 44, 

Hartford, Connecticut 248 

100 Distribution of Local Work Trips, Route 15, Town Line 

Between Manchester and Vernon, Connecticut 250 

101 Increase in Number of Dwellings, Routes 5, 15, 44 

Corridors, Hartford, Connecticut 251 

102 Density of House and Building Lots Related to Driving Time 

and Distance from Hartford, Connecticut 253 

103 Nimitz Freeway, Alameda County, California 255 

104 Proportional Origins of Nimitz Freeway Traffic, 

Alameda County, California 259 

105 Hourly Distribution of Alameda County Passenger Cars, 

Nimitz Freeway (South of San Leandro, California) 261 

106 Population Distribution in Relation to Nimitz Freeway, 

Alameda County, California 263 

107 Investment in Industrial Development, Alameda County, 

California 263 

xxi 



ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) 

Figure 
No. Page 

108 Location of New Industrial Developments Along Nimitz Freeway, 

Alameda County, California 265 

109 Trend of Residential Market Value, Alameda County, California 266 

110 Interstate Route 85 and Related Highways, North and 

South Carolina 269 

111 Traffic Volumes Along 1-85 Corridor in North Carolina 270 

112 Characteristics of Passenger Car Travel Along Interstate 

Route 85, North Carolina 271 

113 Characteristics of Truck Travel Along Interstate Route 85, 

North Carolina 273 

114 Effect of Freeways on Total Corridor Travel 275 

115 Trends in Accident Costs Per Vehicle Mile 286 

116 Effect of Access Control on Accidents and Fatalities 287 

117 Accident Costs Related to Control of Access in Massachusetts 289 

118 Freeway Cost Savings, (Cents Per Vehicle Mile) 293 

119 Cumulative Net Benefits of Interstate Highway System, 

1961 to 1980, Normal Construction Program 299 

120 Summarv of Cumulative Net Benefits of Interstate Highway 

Systern, 1961 to 1980, Normal Construction Program 302 

121 Products Hauled by Truck as Per Cent of Total Delivered 317 



xxu 



TABULATIONS 

Table Page 

1 Population Changes, 1950-1960, For the 27 Largest Metropolitan 

Areas in the United States 13 

2 Number and Size of Shopping Centers in the United States, 

October, 1960 21 

3 Trends in Retail Sales in Selected Metropohtan Areas — 22 

4 Distribution of Sales in Consumer Trade and Hotels, Motels, 

and Movie Theaters in Selected Areas of New York Metro- 
politan Region, 1948 and 1954 23 

5 Trends in Assessed Valuation — Downtown Los Angeles 25 

6 Land Uses in Urban Areas 28 

7 Summary Transportation Indices in Relation to Economic Growth, 

1940-1959 33 

8 Comparison of Trips to and from Downtown Nashville, 1959, 

with Alternate CBD Generation 49 

9 Comparison of 1959 Parking Demands in Downtown Nashville 

with Alternate CBD Generation 50 

10 Comparative 1959 Travel Assignments, Nashville, with Alternate 

CBD Generation 51 

11 Generation of Travel in Study Areas 65 

12 Trips by Urban Residents According to Mode in Study Areas 67 

13 Trip Generation Related to Car Ownership, Average Daily Trips 

per person 75 

14 Driver Trips in Multi-car Families 78 

15 Trips by Urban Residents According to Purpose in Study Areas 81 

16 Home-based Trips by Urban Residents in Study Areas According 

to Purpose 83 

17 Home-based Trips per Employed Resident in Study Areas 85 

18 Characteristics of Work Trips Related to Familv Income, St. Louis, 

Missouri, 1957 '- 86 

19 Comparative Use of Automobile for Various Trip Purposes 89 

20 Transit Usage in Study Areas 92 

21 Travel to or from Central Business Districts in Study Areas 95 

22 People Entering Central Business Districts, Typical Weekday 100 

23 Weekday Traffic Passing Through and Destined For Typical 

Central Business Districts 101 

24 Summary of 1959 Transit Operations 121 

xxiii 



TABULATIONS (Continued) 

Table Page 

25 Existing Rapid Transit Systems of Major Metropolitan Areas 123 

26 Rapid Transit Use, Principal Rail Systems 124 

27 Daily and Peak-hour Rapid Transit Use in Major Cities, Typical 

Weekday 125 

28 Reported Peak-hour Track Loads 126 

29 Utilization of Freeways by Urban Transit Buses in Various Cities 127 

30 Fringe Parking at Rapid Transit Stations in Selected Cities ... 129 

31 Reasons for Choice of Travel Mode, Cook County Transportation 

Usage Study 133 

32 Rapid Transit Travel Times with High Performance Cars 137 

33 Comparison of Proposed Rapid Transit Systems 140 

34 Rail and Bus Rapid Transit Characteristics 143 

35 Passenger Use of Congress Street Expressway, Typical 1959-1960 

Weekday 147 

36 Allocated Interstate Mileages in Study Areas 164 

37 Summary of Existing Travel in Study Cities 170 

38 Summary of 1980 Travel in Study Cities 171 

39 Existing Travel in Study Cities Potential to Proposed Freeway 

Systems 173 

40 Anticipated 1980 Travel in Study Cities Potential to Proposed 

Freeway Systems 174 

41 Comparative Future Freeway Usage in Study Cities, 1980 ___. 177 

42 Freeway Use in Study Cities, Percentage of Separate Local Cars 

Appearing in a Day and a Week on Selected Sections of Urban 

Freeway Systems 184 

43 Summary of Design Standards for Interstate Highways 189 

44 Status of National System of Interstate and Defense Highways, 

September 30, 1960 191 

45 Anticipated Urban Population Distribution 193 

46 Present Daily Passenger Car Use by Residents in Study Areas, 

(Weekday Travel) 194 

47 Anticipated 1980 Daily Passenger Car Use by Residents in Study 

Areas, (Weekday Travel) 195 

48 Summary of Anticipated Population, Registration and Travel 201 

49 Estimates of Vehicle Miles of Travel in United States, 1960-1980 202 

50 Summary of Anticipated 1980 Travel in United States 204 

xxiv 



TABULATIONS (Continued) 

Table Page 

51 Anticipated Miles of Freeway Construction in United States 

Necessary for 1980 Needs — - 211 

52 Distribution of City-bound Traffic on Approaching Rural High- 

ways - 213 

53 Percentage Distribution of "Local" Work Trips, Route 15 at 

Manchester- Vernon Town Line, Connecticut, Typical 1960 Day 249 

54 Motor Vehicle Registration Trends, Alameda County, California 257 

55 Hourly Variations of Northbound Passenger Cars by Place 

Garaged, Nimitz Freeway at South City Limit of San Leandro, 

Typical Weekday, August, 1960, 7:00 a.m.-7:00 p.m. 260 

56 Summary of Industrial Growth in Alameda County, California 262 

57 Greatest Proportions of Total Residential Growth in Selected 

Sectors, Los Angeles, California 268 

58 Illustrative Examples of Traffic Generation 276 

59 Estimated Cost of Operating a Motor Vehicle 280 

60 Savings Reported from Turnpike Travel 283 

61 Summary of Travel Times in Nashville, 1959 284 

62 Freeway Fatality Savings 287 

63 Freeway Cost Savings in Urban Areas 291 

64 Freeway Cost Savings in Rural Areas . 292 

65 Recommended Freeway Cost Savings in Urban Areas 294 

66 Recommended Freeway Cost Savings in Rural Areas 294 

67 Anticipated Benefits in 1980 of Completed Interstate System 296 

68 Estimated Benefits in 1960 if Interstate System Had Been Com- 

pleted 297 

69 Anticipated Benefits in 1980 of Existing Interstate Highways .. 298 

70 Anticipated Net Benefits in 1980 Resulting from Completion of 

Remainder of Interstate System 298 

71 Summary of Accumulated Net Benefits of Interstate Highway 

System, 1961-1980 300 

72 Summary of Accumulated Net Benefits of Interstate Highway 

System, 1961-1980, Lives and Time Saved 301 

73 Changes in Value of Land Near Selected Highway Facilities -. 310 

74 Business Volumes after Construction of Bypass Freeways 314 

XXV 



APPENDIX TABULATIONS 

Table Page 

A- 1 Rural and Urban Population in the United States, 1900-1960 ..-. 332 

A- 2 Growth of Central Cities and Rings of Standard Metropolitan 

Areas (SMA's), 1900-1956 333 

A- 3 Metropolitan Areas of the United States, 1950 334 

A- 4 Population Inside and Outside Urbanized and Standard Metro- 
politan Areas, 1950 334 

A- 5 Populations Inside and Outside Central Cities, 1950 334 

A- 6 The Timing of Urban Growth and Decentralization in the 
United States for 99 Metropolitan Areas with Central Cities 
of 100,000 or more Inhabitants 335 

A- 7 Civilian Population of the United States, 1950-1956 336 

A- 8 Comparison of Residential Density at Selected Distances from 

the Center in Three Metropolitan Areas 336 

A- 9 New Shopping Centers Reported in the United States, 1947-1960 337 

A-10 Retail Trade in Selected Standard Metropolitan Areas and 

Component Parts, 1948 and 1954 338 

A-11 Mileage of Existing Roads and Streets 341 

A-12 Motor Vehicle Registrations, Travel and Gross National Product, 

1921-1959 342 

A-13 Estimate of Motor Vehicle Travel, 1956-1958 344 

A-14 Estimated Domestic Passenger Miles, 1958 and 1959 344 

A-15 Home-Based Trips in Study Areas by Mode of Travel 345 

A-16 Trips to and from "Eat Meal" in Study Areas with other 

Terminus at Non-Home Purpose 346 

A-17 Home-Based Trips per Household by Purpose in Study Areas 347 

A-18 Work Trips by Residents of Study Areas (All Trips to Work).. 348 

A-19 Business and Shopping Trips by Residents of Study Areas (All 

Trips to Business and Shop) 349 

A-20 Social-Recreational Trips by Residents of Study Areas (All 

Trips to Social-Recreational) 350 

A-21 Travel Modes to Office Buildings in Houston, Texas, 1959 351 

A-22 Changes in Annual Trans-Hudson Passenger Movements by 

Modes of Travel, 1948-1958 352 

A-23 Daily Trips to San Francisco Central Business District, 

1912-1954 352 

A-24 Trends in Raihroad Commutation, 1922-1955 353 

A-25 Summary of Transit Trends 354 

xxvi 



APPENDIX TABULATIONS (Continued) 

Table Page 

A-26 Changes in Transit Patronage 355 

A-27 Rapid Transit Trends — 355 

A-28 Rapid Transit Track in United States, 1940-1959 356 

A-29 Summary of Turnstile Passenger Counts, Cleveland Transit 

System 357 

A-30 Distribution of Consumer Expenditures for Transportation 358 

A-31 Transit Riding in Selected Cities, 1959 358 

A-32 Person Trips Leaving Philadelphia Central Business District, 

Spring Weekday, 1955 359 

A-33 Summary of Principal Rail Rapid Transit Operations 360 

A-34 Car Ownership of Transit Users, Capital Region, Hartford, 

Connecticut, September, 1960 361 

A-35 Cost-Income Summary, Planned Rapid Transit Systems 362 

A-36 Cost-Passenger Relationships, Planned Rapid Transit Systems, 

1980 363 

A-37 Capital Costs and Related Data, Alternate Transportation Sys- 
tems, National Capital Region 364 

A-38 Comparative Travel Factors, Transit and Highways, Peak Hours 366 

A-39 Origins of Northbound Passenger Cars on Nimitz Freeway 

South of San Leandro 367 

A-40 Cost of Motor Vehicle Accident, United States, 1950-1959 368 

A-41 Cook County Expressway Accident Rates, 1959 368 

A-42 Test Runs on Freeways and Surface Streets, Los Angeles, Cali- 
fornia 369 



XXVll 




Ill II 



INTRODUCTION 



i HE continuing 20th Century expansion of the American city has made the 
daily movement of people and goods a complex and difficult problem despite 
significant technological advances. Suburbanization, or "city sprawl", and traffic 
congestion are both a consequence and a stimulus of the new metropolis. 
Increased dependence on the private automobile, the shift away from public 
transportation, and the trend toward country living — all have altered the ur- 
ban setting. 

Individually, and nationally, there is a vital dependence on motor vehicle 
transportation. Paradoxically, however, the popularity of the motor vehicle 
has, in many instances, limited its efficiency, particularly in large cities. Its 
acceptance and use have outpaced the building of roads and parking facilities. 
Changes in land-use and travel patterns have further aggravated the problem. 

Existing urban freeways have had a tremendous impact on patterns of ur- 
banization and travel: they have served the expanding metropoUs, often guid- 
ing growth and stimulating travel by improving mobiUty, tapping new areas, 
and reducing street congestion. In turn, they have often become overloaded 
during peak hours and have intensified parking problems. 

As cities grow and urban decentraHzation continues, new patterns of land 
use and travel emerge. Highway accessibility becomes increasingly important 
to the welfare of the metropolitan community with freeways evolving as the 
backbone of the urban transportation system. 



INTERSTATE fflGHWAYS 

The importance of good highway transportation to the national economy 
and to urban mobihty has long been recognized. This nationwide awareness 
of the need for good roads has become crystallized in the National System 
of Interstate and Defense Highways. 

In 1939, the Public Roads Administration studied two nationwide free- 
road systems: one of approximately 14,200 miles, and the other of about 26,- 
700 miles — the latter was proposed as an interregional system.^ This study 
was followed in 1941 by enlargement of the interregional system to about 29,300 
miles, and by the selection of a network of strategic defense routes. 

In 1944, the Pubhc Roads Administration made studies of additional sys- 
tems — one embracing approximately 98,400 miles, one 36,000 miles, and one 
33,920 miles. The latter was subsequently recommended as an Interstate sys- 
tem.2 The Federal Aid Highway Act of 1944 laid the groundwork by authoriz- 
ing the Interstate System, and by providing a balanced federal aid program 
of primary, secondary, and urban improvements. 

Objectives — The philosophy of the Interstate highway system was clearly 
set forth in the Interregional Highway Report of 1941: 

"The cities and metropolitan areas of the country are known to include the 
sources and destinations of much the greater part of the heavy flow of 
traffic that moves over the Nations highways. The system of interregional 
highways proposed, within the limit of the mileage adopted, connects as 
many as possible of the larger cities and metropolitan areas regionally and 
interregionally. For this reason, although in miles it represents scarcely 
over one per cent of the entire highway and street system, it will probably 
serve not less than 20 per cent of the total street and highway traffic. 

In the selection of all of these systems, one common objective prevailed: To 
incorporate within each of the several mileage limits adopted, those prin- 
cipal highway routes which would reach to all sections of the country, form 
within themselves a complete network, and jointly attract and adequately 
serve a greater traffic volume than any other system of equal extent and 
condition. 

"All facts available to the Committee point to the sections of the recom- 



^Toll Roads and Free Roads, House Document No. 272, 76th Congress, 1939. 

^Interregional Higfiways, Message from the President of the United States Transmitting a 
Report of the National Interregional Highway Committee, Outlining and Recommending a 
National System of Interregional Highways. House Document No. 379, 78th Congress, Second 
Session. 



mended system within and in the environs of the larger cities and metro- 
politan areas as at once the most important in traffic service and least ade- 
quate in their present state of improvement. These sections include routes 
around as well as into and through the urban areas. If priority of improve- 
ment within the system he determined by either the magnitude of benefits 
resulting or the urgency of need, it is to these sections that first attention 
should be accorded." 

Present System — The present National System of Interstate and Defense 
Highways is an outgrowth of the Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956. As defined 
today, it encompasses a 41,000-mile network of limited-access highways. The 
system, shown in Figm-e 1, wiU connect 42 state capitals and about 90 per cent 
of cities with more than 50,000 population. 

It has been designed to: 

Join major centers of population; 

Connect primary centers of industrial activity and natural resources with 

labor and material supply centers and major shipping points; 

Provide access to important military installations and defense activities; 

Provide access to major recreational and historical areas; 

Connect as many seats of county government as economically feasible; 

Provide for continuity of travel into, through, and around urban areas from 

rural freeway approaches; 

Provide for large traffic movements between population and industry with- 
in urban areas; 

Provide for needed capacity in the traffic corridors; 

Connect with major highways of adjacent states; and 

Provide an integrated system, with a minimum of stubs or spurs, to per- 
mit general traffic circulation. 

The enabhng legislation calls for construction of highways to standards 
adequate for 1975 traffic needs, and thereby sets forth a forward-looking pat- 
tern for future federal highway aid. 

The act clearly states that traffic congestion in cities can no longer be toler- 
ated and that immediate steps must be taken by both federal and state highway 
administrators to program highways on the basis of use or need. Equal empha- 
sis is given to urban and nural needs. 

The Interstate system will be the most important road network in the coun- 
try, carrying more traffic per mile than any comparable national system.^ It 



SAmerican Association of State Highway Officials, A Policy on Design Standards (Inter- 
state System, Primary System, Secondary, and Feeder Roads), Revised, Washington, D. C, 
September 1, 1956. 




Figure 1 
National System of Interstate and Defense Highways 



will include the roads of greatest significance to the economic welfare and de- 
fense of the nation, and therefore will be designed to high standards. Con- 
trol of access will insure safety, permanence, and utility, and will provide flex- 
ibihty for future expansion. 

Because of their nature and extent, Interstate highways involve changes in 
design, fiscal concepts, conventional planning procedures, relations between gov- 
ernment departments, and co-operation among diverse public and private bodies. 
More important, they require careful integrated planning with respect to other 
transportation facilities and adjoining land uses. 

Interstate Highways and Urban Mobility — The 6,700 miles of Interstate 
highways currently programmed for urban areas will substantially contribute to 
urban mobility. In many communities it will be necessary to supplement Inter- 
state routes with other urban freeways, and in some cases new transit arteries. 

Sound urban transportation planning will require a logical sequence of 
priority based on travel demands, land uses and urban area growth, and a bal- 
ance between local, state and federal participation. It follows that slowdowns in 
urban highway construction, or deemphasis of urban Interstate highways, will 
have a detrimental effect on the entire urban economy. 



PURPOSE AND SCOPE OF STUDY 

This study analyzes the usage and impacts of the National System of Inter- 
state and Defense Highways, particularly as related to urban areas. Its purpose 
is threefold: First, it indicates transportation needs of future urban areas; sec- 
ond, it predicts the use and effects of the Interstate system on urban and rural 
travel; and third, it determines the benefits to be derived from the system and 
the penalties resulting from a halt or delay in construction. 

Accordingly, it has been necessary to investigate the alternate approaches 
to urbanization and urban transportation. In this regard, consideration has been 
given to many questions that commonly arise: What is the most likely form of 
future metropoHtan areas? What will be the role of the future central business 
district? What will be the function of pubUc transportation? How can Inter- 
state highways and other freeways be most effectively used? What complements 
to urban Interstate highways will be required? What are the economic implica- 
tions and benefits accruing from Interstate highway improvements? 

Many opinions and predictions relative to future growths and distribution 
of population have, therefore, been reviewed. The role of urbanization and the 
preferred forms of metropolitan areas have been anticipated, since future trans- 
portation plans must be based on these assumptions. 

While the study is concerned primarily with highway development, it is 
obvious that in many areas highway transportation alone will not suffice. Ac- 
cordingly, the potentials of transit, especially rapid transit, have been thoroughly 
investigated, particularly as they relate to highway and freeway development. 

The extent to which the Interstate system will satisfy urban area transporta- 
tion needs has been indicated. Attention was also given to the traffic that this 
system will serve, the impacts it may have on the development, growth, and sta- 
bihty of communities, and the urgency of its completion. In most of these analy- 
ses, it was necessary to deduce and generalize from studies-in-depth of selected 
cities, and from a series of specially conducted impact studies. 

Obviously, new arteries of travel must be adequately supplemented by ter- 
minal facihties and attractive means for dispersal and concentration of vol- 
umes. Accordingly, consideration has been given to the proper integration of 
freeways and transit with off-street parking facilities and collector-distributor 
routes. 

Finally, the economic values of the Interstate system have been explored. 
Particular emphasis has been placed on benefits to motorists and others that 
will be derived from the urban and rural segments of the Interstate system. 



Conversely, losses or penalties that would result if the system is not completed 
on schedule also are discussed. 

The background information on urban growth and travel presented in the 
early chapters of this study is essential for a thorough understanding of future 
transportation needs. These exploratory analyses of city developments, popu- 
lation growths and distribution, travel patterns and characteristics, and transit 
usage provide a sound framework for evaluation of the specific problems dis- 
cussed in subsequent chapters. 




GROWTH OF 
URBANIZATION AND TRAVEL 



SUMMARY 

1 WENTIETH century technology — symbolized by electric and 
atomic power, the telephone, the automobile and the highway — has 
exerted a strong centrifugal influence on the American city. The 
metropolis is exploding in every direction both with respect to 
population and area. Areas formerly considered remote are now being 
occupied by people who work, shop, or visit in the urban center and 
its environs. 

Strong social and economic forces have motivated the trend 
toward suburban living and the accompanying regional urbaniza- 
tion, despite a lag in urban freeway development. The automobile 
and the highway link suburbia with its environs just as the established 
city was linked to its central business district by mass transit. 

About two thirds of America's 180 million people live in urban 
places, and the number is constantly increasing. By 1980, three 
out of four of the nation's anticipated 245 million people will be 
urbanites. 

Urban areas are decentralizing as they expand, with most ex- 
pansion taking place outside the central cities. Approximately half 
of all urbanites lived in suburbia surrounding central cities in 1960, 
compared with one out of three in 1950. New growth will be at 
densities of about 2,500 people per square mile, about doubling the 
amount of land within urban limits by 1980. 

This continuing decentralization has substantial impact on the 
patterns of land use and transportation needs of the nation's cities. 
Central business districts have not generally been increasing in size 
and focus in proportion to metropolitan area growth — they have en- 



countered substantial competition from satellite commercial and 
industrial centers that are developing to serve the suburban populace. 
There is greater reliance on automobile travel as mass transit riding 
continues to decline — the number of transit riders reduced from 17 
billion in 1929 to about 10 billion in 1959. 

Approximately three of every four families in the United States 
own cars. Some 74 million registered vehicles travel more than 720 
billion vehicle miles annually over the nation's 3.5 million miles of 
streets and highways. 

Commensurate with a rise in living standards and the national 
economy, increases in automobile ownership and use are expected 
to continue throughout the country, particularly in urban areas. 
The ratio of private cars to persons will probably increase about 
20 per cent by 1980 with one passenger car registered for about 
every 2.4 persons. 

Transit riding will continue to decline. New highway facili- 
ties will be required to serve the expanding motor vehicle travel. 
Because of the continued "urban sprawl" and population dispersion, 
it is apparent that Interstate highways and other urban freeways 
will be of paramount importance in the total metropolitan transpor- 
tation system. 



^v ITHIN the twentieth century, the United States has evolved from a rural 
to an urban nation. Advances in the personal transportation of man and his 
goods, together with increasing industrial progress, have been instrumental 
in the urbanization and evolution of the nation's great cities. Within the last 
generation, urban transportation has become dominated by motor vehicle 
transportation. 

The American city is gradually adapting to this new mobility and personal 
independence. Residential areas, commercial centers, and industrial develop- 
ments, both within the established central city and the surrounding areas, have 
gradually become oriented to automobile accessibility. An understanding of 
these basic trends and patterns in urban growth and travel is prerequisite for 
the anticipation of future urban transportation needs and freeway use. 

8 



POPULATION 

The population of the United States is steadily becoming more urban in 
character — cities have grown in number, area, and population. Trends in 
rural and urban population, shown in Figure 2, clearly denote the increasing 
urbanization of the country.^ 



lAdditional population trends are detailed in Tables A-1 through A-8, Appendix C. 



300 

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260 

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Figure 2 

Population Trends 

United States 

1790-1980 



9 



In 1900, when the nation's population totaled approximately 76 million 
people, about 40 per cent lived in urban places. Each successive decade showed 
an increase in both urban and rural population, with the greatest increases 
occurring in urban areas. In 1950, about 60 per cent of the nation's 150 milhon 
residents lived in urban areas.^ Preliminary 1960 census figures indicate a 
national population of approximately 180 million, vsdth about two thirds urban. 

In 1900, there were only six cities in this country with populations of more 
than 500,000; together they accounted for about 11 per cent of the total popu- 
lation. All were built around dominant central cores where employment 
and retailing were concentrated. In 1960, twenty-one cities of more than a 
half million people accounted for approximately 16 per cent of the nation's 
total population. 

The urbanization trend wdll continue. By 1980, the total population is 
expected to approximate 245 million, with three out of every four Americans 
hving in urban places.^ The 1980 urban population will approximately equal 
the present (1960) total population. By 2000, it has been estimated that about 
85 per cent of the nation's inhabitants wdll live in urban areas.* 

The growth of the nation's metropolitan areas has been similar. As depicted 
in Figure 3, the proportion of the nation's population residing in metropolitan 
areas rose from about 32 per cent in 1900 to nearly 59 per cent in 1956. The 
proportion living in central cities increased from about 21 to 31 per cent 
during this period, whereas the proportion living in adjacent suburban areas 
increased from 11 to 27 per cent. The number of metropolitan areas grew 
from 52 in 1900 to 168 in 1956.^ 

Urban "decentraHzation" is not new and has consistently been related 
to city size. New York City was decentralizing as early as the 1850's and, 
by the turn of the century, nine other cities had begun to disperse.^ However, 



2The "old" census definition of urban population showed 59 per cent urban, and the 
"new" definition, 64 per cent. 

3U. S. Department of Conunerce, Bureau of the Census, "Current Population Reports, 
Series P. 25," reported in Statistical Abstracts of the United States, 1958, p. 6. Projections 
of the total population of the United States by age and sex, 1955 to 1980. The cited 
estimate is based on the Series III Projections. 

^Pickard, Jerome P., Metropolitanization of the United States, Urban Land Institute, 
Washington, D. C, 1959. 

5Bogue, Donald J., Population Growth in Standard Metropolitan Areas, 1900-1950, 
U. S. Housing and Home Finance Agency, Washington, D. C, 1953, pp. 61-71. 

^Schnore, Leo F., "The Timing of Metropolitan Decentralization," Journal of the American 
Institute of Planners, Vol. XXV, No. 4, November, 1959. The nine cities are Cincinnati, 
San Francisco, New Haven, Boston, Albany, Baltimore, St. Louis, Scranton, and Duluth. 

10 



it was not until the 1920's that the pace intensified — 60 cities decentralized 
between 1920 and 1940. This deconcentration followed intensive city-building 
in the 40-year period between 1880 and 1920. 



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Figure 3 
Growths in Population of Standard Metropolitan Areas 

1900-1956 



11 



Recent Growths — Growths in 
metropohtan area population between 
1950 and 1956, depicted in Figure 4, 
denote the rapid growth of suburbia 
in recent years. In 1956, more than 
96 milhon hved in 168 standard 
metropohtan areas, (counties with 
central cities of over 50,000 popu- 
lation), an increase of about 12 
million over 1950. The number 
living in central cities was up ap- 
proximately two million, from about 
49 million in 1950 to 51 million in 
1956. The number of people living 
in satellite cities and other parts of 



[OTHER SUBURBIA] 




SATELLITE CITY 




CENTRAL CITY 




1956 

Figure 4 

Growth of 

Metropolitan Area Population 

1950-1956 



OTHER SUBURBIA 
13.1 % 



SATELLITE CITIES 
28.3 % 



suburbia increased from about 35 million in 1950 to 45 million in 1956. 

The population of central cities increased about five per cent, whereas 
areas outside of cities gained 29 per cent. The greatest increase, percentage- 
wise, was in the "rural" parts of the metropolitan rings surrounding central 
cities which grew 56 per cent, compared with a 17 per cent increase in the 
"urbanized" parts of suburbia. 

The rapid growth of suburbia in the six-year period has reduced the pro- 
portion of metropolitan area population residing in central cities. As shown in 
Figure 5, this proportion decreased from 59 to 53 per cent. 

Decade growths in population be- 
tween 1950 and 1960 in the nation's 27 
largest metropolitan areas, shown in Table 
1, clearly reflect the continuing trend 
toward urban decentralization. Some 
population decreases occurred in the old 
established cities whereas all metropoli- 
tan areas expanded. For example, Buf- 
falo's population declined nine per cent, 
yet its metropolitan area grew 20 per cent; 
Pittsburgh lost 11 per cent while its metro- 
politan area gained eight per cent; St. 
Louis was down 14 per cent, whereas its 
metropolitan area increased 19 per cent. 
Central cities that gained population either 
extended their corporate limits, or were 




OTHER SUBURBIA 
17.7 % 



SATELLITE CITIES 
28.8 % 



Figure 5 

Distribution of 

Metropolitan Area 

Population 

1950 and 1956 



12 



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ITROPOLITAN 


CENTRAL SUBURBS Ml 




CITIES 


AREAS 




Figure 6 






Population Growths 






1950-1960 






27 Largest Metropolitan Areas 





not fully developed in 1950. For example, Houston, where most of suburbia is 
located within the city limits, grew 55 per cent.'' 

The total growth within the 27 metropolitan areas is portrayed in Figure 6. 
In aggregate, these areas contained approximately 63 million people in 1960, 
of which 30.5 million or 48 per cent resided in the central cities. In 1950, 59 per 
cent of the 51.4 million population lived in central cities. Within the last 10 
years, the central cities grew 1.5 per cent, the suburbs 53.9 per cent, and the 
metropolitan areas 23.1 per cent. 

Population Dispersion — The shift of people to suburbs has been ac- 
companied by corresponding movements within the central city itself. An 
increasing proportion of urban residents live in outlying sections of the central 
dty, whereas the number of inhabitants in old, core areas has declined. The 
patterns of population distribution within Chicago, Philadelphia and Wash- 
ington, shown in Figure 7, denote this trend.^ 



'Census figures are as of September, 1960. 

SAdapted from the following sources: Growth and Redistribution of the Resident 
Population in the Chicago Standard Metropolitan Area, a Report by the Chicago Community 
Inventory, University of Chicago, to the Office of the Housing and Redevelopment Coordi- 
nator and the Chicago Plan Commission; Blumenfeld, Hans, "The Tidal Wave of Metropolitan 
Expansion," Journal of the American' Institute of Planners ( Winter, 1954 ) ; Silver, Jacob, 
"Trends in Travel to the Central Business District by Residents of the Washington, D. C, 
MetropoUtan Area, 1948 and 1955," Bulletin 224, Trip Characteristics and Traffic Assignment, 
Highway Research Board, Washington, D. C, 1959. 



14 



In 1900, some 21.5 per cent of Chicago's 1,698,375 residents lived within 
two miles of the central business district; 43.2 per cent lived within four miles; 
and 94.2 per cent lived within eight miles. In 1950, 24.6 per cent Hved 
within fom- miles of downtowm; and 75.7 per cent lived wdthin eight miles. 
The median distance of the population from dowTitown increased from 3.4 
miles in 1900, to 5.9 miles in 1950. 

In 1948, 24.5 per cent of the 1,109,851 residents of the Washington area 
lived within two miles of the central business district, compared v^dth 18.4 
per cent in 1955, when its population was 1,454,437. The per cent living over 
eight miles away increased from 2.9 to 6.1 in the seven-year period. 

Approximately 24 per cent of Philadelphia's 1,293,697 residents in 1900 
lived within two miles, and 72.6 per cent within five miles of its central busi- 
ness district. By 1950, when its population had increased to 2,071,605, 3.1 
per cent lived within two miles and 14.1 per cent within five miles of dowoi- 
town. The median distance from downtown increased from 3.6 miles in 1900 
to five miles in 1950. Urban redevelopment may be expected to further reduce 
population densities; close-in areas (three to five miles from City Hall) are 
expected to lose one fifth of their population by 1980.^ 



^Information obtained from Philadelphia Urban Traffic and Transportation Board. 




I 920 i 1930 I 1940 ! I 950 



CHICAGO 



DO I I9I0| 19201 19301 19001 I960l 

PHILADELPHIA 



1948 I 1955 



WASHINGTON DC. 



TOTAL POPULATION 


YEAR 


CHICAGO 


PHIL. 


WASH. DC. 


1 900 


1,698,575 


1,243,697 




19 10 


2,185283 


l,549P08 




1 920 


2,701,705 


1323,779 




1 930 


3,376,438 


1,950,96! 




1 940 


3,396308 


1,931.334 




1 948 






1.109,851 


1 950 


3j620,962 


2,071.605 




1 955 






1.454,437 



MEDIAN 


DISTANCE 


YEAR 


CHICAGO 


PHIL 


WASH.D.C. 


1 900 


3. 4 


3 6 




19 10 


4 1 






1 920 


5 3 


3 9 




1 930 


5 7 






1 940 


5 8 


4 6 




1 948 






3 6 


1 950 


5 9 


5 .0 




1955 






4 4 



Figure 7 

Distribution of Population 

By 

Distance Rings From City Center 



15 



In the New York metropolitan area, dispersal of the populace continues. 
Manhattan and Brooklyn have remained almost stationary, population- wise, 
whereas outlying areas have grown. The fringe counties, with only eight 
per cent of the metropolitan population in 1910, accounted for 24 per cent in 
1954. During this period, the population of Manhattan declined in relative 
importance, comprising 31 per cent of the metropolitan total in 1910; 16 per 
cent in 1930, and 14 per cent in 1954.1° 

Present Densities — Relative declines in net residential densities as dis- 
tance from the central business district increases, are illustrated in Figure 
8 for five typical urban areas.^^ In all cities, there is a consistent decrease 
in densities between the city center and the periphery of the area. In Chicago, 
for example, the density at four miles is about 60 per cent of that at one mile, 
whereas at 10 miles it is about 20 per cent. As densities decrease in inner 



lORegional Planning Association, Inc., Population 1954-1975 in the New Jersey — 
New York — Connecticut Metropolitan Region, Bulletin 85, November, 1954. 

iiPigure 8 was compiled from data contained in Chicago, Pittsburgh, and St. Louis 
metropolitan area transportation studies, from "Land-Use and Traffic Modeb," Journal 
of the American Institute of Planners, Volume XXV, No. 2, May, 1959, and from data 
in Public Roads, Volume 30, No. 2, April, 1959. 




DISTANCE 



10 12 14 

FROM CBD-MILES 



Figure 8 

Population Densities Related to Distance From 

Central Business District 



16 



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oc 

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II 13 15 17 19 
MINUTES 



TIME 



.5 1.5 2.5 3.5 4.5 5.5 6.5 7.5 8.5 
MILES 

DISTANCE 



.5 3.0 75 12.5 >25 
% SLOPE 

GROUND SLOPE 



Figure 9 

Factors Influencing Population Density 

Typical Connecticut Town 

zones and increase in outer zones, there is a tendency for the curves to 
level off over a period of time. 

The patterns are strikingly similar for the Philadelphia, Pittsburgh and 
Washington areas, and for Chicago and St. Louis. In all five cities, densities 
diminish rapidly for the first eight to ten miles, vv^here they are about 10 to 20 
per cent of the one-mile densities. Beyond the eight-to-ten mile radius they 
diminish gradually. Toronto, Canada, unlike the other cities, has comparatively 
uniform densities for the first few miles. 

Terrain and time-distance from the central business district affect popu- 
lation density.i2 These effects, depicted in Figure 9 for a Connecticut city, 
show patterns similar to those found in other cities. Density, however, depends 
slightly more on time from the cential business distiict than on distance. There 
is also some tendency toward higher densities on level ground. 

The shifts in population do not represent complete dispersion. Much 
of the suburban expansion is a result of new growth in peripheral areas where 



i2Pushkarev, Boris, "Population and Space in an Urban Region: The Atlantic Urban 
Region," City Planning at Yale, No. 2, 1955. 



17 



developable land is still available. This grow^ is generally taking place at 
a lower concentration, thereby accelerating the trend toward a more homo- 
geneous density within the metropolitan community. 

Future Densities — Lower over-all densities can be anticipated in the 
future because of the greater residential "holding capacities" of suburbia. 
Most new growths are expected to develop an average density of about 2,500 
persons per square mile, in contrast to central cities with densities that often 
exceed 10,000 persons per square mile. Land devoted to urban development 
will probably double by 1980. Thus, the total population of the urban complex 
will increase, but it will be spread over a larger area. By 1980, urban areas 
in the United States will occupy nearly 58,000 square miles compared to about 
24,000 square miles in 1950; they will comprise about two per cent of the 
nation's land area. 

TRENDS IN LAND USE 

Strong economic and social forces have motivated the trend toward subur- 
ban living despite a lag in urban freeway development. Accompanying 
the pattern of residential suburbanization has been the relocation of 
retail outlets and a dispersal of commercial service and industrial 
activity. Greater work opportunities now exist in suburban areas. Consequently, 
relative reductions in downtown retail sales and employment have occurred. 

Residential Decentralization — The move to suburban areas has been 
influenced largely by improved educational and economic levels, increased 
emphasis on "family" living, and the desire to own a home. The typical 
suburbanite — unlike many central city dwellers — is a home-owner. 

A study of attitudes and practices of residents in Providence, R. I., in 
1956, clearly indicated the views of city dwellers toward suburbia.^^ It 
showed that "there is a compulsive urge among residents of the city to move 
to the suburbs or to the country, and there is little compensating urge among 
residents of the suburbs or the country to move to the city." Fifty-three per 
cent of the city residents interviewed thought of moving out of the city, and 
76 per cent of these thought they might actually do it. 

Industrial Areas — Changes in the patterns of non-residential land use 
have also resulted from population shifts. In recent years, most industrial 
expansion has occurred in and around established urban areas rather than 
in areas distant from large employment markets. 



ispratt, Robert W., "Attitude and Practices of Residents of Greater Providence Concern- 
ing Downtown Providence 1956," as reported in Trade, Transit and Traffic, Providence, 
Rhode Island, Wilbur Smim and Associates, 1958. 

18 



This is not a new transition; almost as soon as railroads became estab- 
lished, industries began to decentralize by seeking locations in suburban areas. 
More recently, the growing use of trucks has made factories less dependent 
on sites near railroads. 

Changing technology has created decentralized industrial parks to replace 
the multi-storied loft buildings of the old cities. Industry has moved out of 
the central city to take advantage of low-cost sites with ample space for 
assembly lines on a single level and for expansion and parking; accessibility 
to labor force has also been a factor. The government's policy of permitting 
war industries to write off costs of new plants in a five-year period has also 
Hkely encouraged many corporations to build outside cities. 

For example, as shown in Figure 10, Route 128, the perimeter freeway 
circumscribing the Boston metropoHtan area, is flanked by a series of new 
industrial parks and several regional shopping centers. As of September, 1957, 
there were 99 new industrial and commercial plants located along the highway, 
costing over $100 million and employing 17,000 persons; more than 70 plants 
were previously located within a four-mile radius of Boston.^* 



i*Bone, A. J. and Wohl, Martin, "Massachusetts Route 128 Impact Study," Highways 
and Economic Development, Bulletin 227, Highway Research Board, Washington, D. C, 
1959. 




cao losroii 

O ■''ion SHOCPIM CEKTCII 



Figure 10 
Industrial Relocation and Development Along Massachusetts Route 128 



19 



Ck)mmercial Areas — The integrated regional shopping center has become 
an integral part of the American scene. Based on planned, constructive de- 
centralization, it has adapted to the suburbs and the automobile. Its location 
at key focal points within the suburban trade areas places it in a strategic 
position with respect to purchasing power. 

Shopping center development in the United States and Canada increased 
rapidly in the years following World War II. Since 1947, almost 1,300 shop- 
ping centers have been built, aggregating about 62 million square feet in 
regional centers and 150 million square feet outside of centers.^^ 

As of October, 1960, shopping centers in the United States totaled 3,800, 
with an estimated 423 million square feet of floor area. They are shown by 
number and size in Table 2. 

Today, there are approximately 100 large regional shopping centers in 
the country, each with 400,000 square feet or more of store building area; all 
are located on sites of from 40 to 100 acres, and have at least one major de- 
partment store of 150,000 square feet or larger. 

Existing shopping centers have completely altered old retail patterns. 
These centers, with a future physical life of 40 years or more, must be con- 
sidered in any long-range metropolitan area plan. 

Central Business District — Trends in retail sales in urban areas, sum- 
marized in Table 3, clearly reflect the growing economy and metropolitani- 
zation in the nation. The largest percentage increases in retail sales volumes 
between 1948 and 1954, (both in 24 large metropolitan areas and in the entire 
country), have occurred in the "suburban rings" surrounding the central city, 
whereas the central business district appears to be declining in relative impor- 
tance as the center of retail trade transactions.^^ 

Between 1948 and 1954, retail sales in suburban areas increased 53 per 
cent compared with a 21 per cent increase in central cities and a one-per-cent 
increase in central business districts. During this period, the proportion of retail 
sales in central business districts decreased about 25 per cent as a result of 
shifts in the location and purchasing power of the populace and greater 
mobility. 



iSHoyt, Homer, "The Status of Shopping Centers in the United States," Urban Land, 
Vol. 19, No. 9, Urban Land Institute, October, 1960. See Table A-9, Appendix C. 

leMcMillan, Samuel C, "Changing Position of Retail Trade in Central Business Districts," 
Traffic Quarterly, July, 1957, p. 357. See Table A-10, Appendix C, for detailed changes in 
various metropolitan areas. 

20 



Table 2 

NUMBER AND SIZE OF SHOPPING CENTERS 

IN THE UNITED STATES 

OCTOBER, 19601 



SIZE OF CENTER 

(Square Feet 

of Floor Area) 


NUMBER 


TOTAL 

FLOOR AREA 

(Square Feet) 


AVERAGE SIZE 
(Square Feet) 


1,000,000 and over 


19 


21,565,000 


1,135,000 


700,000 - 999,000 


17 


12,876,000 


757,000 


600,000 - 699,000 


10 


6,315,000 


632,000 


500,000 - 599,000 


12 


6,330,000 


528,000 


400,000 - 499,000 


37 


16,650,000 


450,000 


350,000 - 399,000 


35 


12,250,000 


350,000 


300,000 - 349,000 


61 


19,825,000 


325,000 


250,000-299,000 


67 


18,425,000 


275,000 


200,000-249,000 


145 


32,625,000 


225,000 


100,000-199,000 


503 


75,450,000 


150,000 


50,000- 99,000 


415 


31,050,000 


75,000 


Under 50,000 


477 


16,695,000 


35,000 


Total Reporting 


1,798 


270,056,000 


150,197 


Estimate for shopping 
centers not reporting 
store area 


2,043 


153,225,000 


75,000 


TOTAL 


3,841 


423,281,000 


110,200 



iSource: Compiled by Hoyt, Homer in "The Status of Shopping Centers in the United 
States," Urban Land, Vol. 19, No. 5, Urban Land Institute, October, 1960. Tabulations based 
in part on information in Directory of Shopping Centers in the United States and Canada, 
1961 Edition, National Research Bureau, Inc., Chicago, Illinois. 

21 



Table 3 

TRENDS IN RETAIL SALES IN 
SELECTED METROPOLITAN AREAS^ 

PERCENTAGE CHANGE 
AREA 1948-1954 

United States Total -.„ ..„ + 32 

24 Standard Metropolitan Areas - - +32 

Central Business Districts + 1 

Central Cities +21 

Surrounding Areas — + 53 



iSource: McMillan, Samuel C, "Changing Position of Retail Trade in Central Business 
Districts", Traffic Quarterly, July, 1957, p. 357. 



A general decline in downtown retail sales from 1948 to 1954 is evident 
when dollar values for the two years are standardized. These decreases usually 
ranged from one to two per cent in urban areas of 100,000 people, up to 14 per 
cent in areas of one million or more population.^'^ A substantial decrease has 
also occurred in core-area sales per capita, ranging from 14 per cent in areas 
of 100,000, to 28 per cent in areas of three million population. 

The proportion of retail sales in the central business district decreases as 
the size of the city increases. The decrease is most rapid as cities grow to 
100,000 population, but is only slight thereafter. As cities get larger, the 
proportion of competitive commercial facilities in outlying and suburban areas 
increases. 

"Interceptor" rings of retail outlets have been a consequence of the de- 
centralization trend started in the 1920's at intersections of radial and concentric 
travel routes, and are a competitive influence on the established retail center.^^ 
Chicago is now starting on its fifth interceptor ring; Detroit has three; in 
Los Angeles, interception of trade started before downtown was firmly es- 
tablished. Even smaller urban areas, as Omaha and Charlotte, are developing 
satellite shopping areas. The new, post-war interceptor rings often locate along 
circumferential highways — particularly where they intersect major radial routes. 



i^Horwood, Edgar M., and Boyce, Ronald R., Studies of the Central Business District 
and Urban Freeway Development, University of Washington Press, Seattle, Washington, 
1959, p. 34. 

iSNelson, Richard L., The Selection of Retail Locations, F. W. Dodge Corporation, New 
York, 1959. 

22 



As urbanization continues, a larger proportion of shopping will be done in 
outlying areas. Therefore, the size of the city, and the inter-relationships be- 
tween the core and surrounding areas, often measured by accessibility, are 
primary influences on downtown retail sales. 

The distribution of sales in consumer trade, hotels, motels, and movie 
theaters in selected parts of the New York Metropolitan Region verify the 
changes that are taking place. As shown in Table 4, there were relative 
declines in Manhattan, Essex County and Brooklyn, and gains in 19 other 
counties. In 1948, 29 per cent of the total sales were in Manhattan compared to 
about 25 per cent in 1954; outlying counties had about 50 per cent of the total 
sales in 1948 and 56 per cent in 1954. 

Office Space — In the last few decades, downtown office space has remained 
about the same; per capita office space has consistently decreased although 
there have been some increases in central office space, with the concentrations 
and shifts varying from city to city. Insurance companies, for example, have 

Table 4 

DISTRIBUTION OF SALES IN CONSUMER TRADE AND HOTELS, 

MOTELS, AND MOVIE THEATERS IN SELECTED AREAS OF 

NEW YORK METROPOLITAN REGION 

1948 AND 19541 

AREA PER CENT OF TOTAL 

1948 1954 

Manhattan, Total 28.9 24.6 

Central Shopping Area^ 17.0 14.1 

Rest of Manhattan 11.9 10.5 

Essex County, Total 6.8 6.7 

Newark Central Shopping Area^— - 2.0 1.7 

Rest of Newark... ..._ 2.1 2.1 

Essex Outside Newark 2.7 2.9 

Brooklyn, Total 14.6 12.7 

Central Shopping Area^ 2.1 1.5 

Rest of Brooklyn 12.5 11.2 

Region's Other 19 Counties 49.7 56.0 

SALES OF ENTIRE REGION , ......100.0 100.0 



iSource: U. S. 1954 Census of Business, Series on Retail Trade, Selected Services, and 
Central Business District Statistics, supplemented the estimates. 

2Central business district as defined by U. S. Bureau of the Census. 

23 



decentralized considerably since 1956, although many have been prevented from 
moving to the suburbs by their ownership of central buildings that are difficult 
to liquidate.^* 

Land Values and Real Estate — During the first 150 years of this country's 
growth, urban real estate, rents, and prices followed a cyclical pattern of specu- 
lative activity, followed by a collapse and slow recovery.^'' Since 1933, urban 
real estate prices, and particularly costs of urban lands, have moved upward 
precipitated by changes in the economy, expansion of the population, and 
the trend toward higher dollar income. Between 1933 and 1959, the national 
income rose from $87 billion to $400 billion. 

Many factors improve suburban land values. Rapid growth must be 
anticipated in suburban population in single-family home areas on the edges 
of cities, particularly in states such as Florida, California, Texas, Arizona, New 
Mexico and Colorado, The number of young people reaching marriageable age 
in the 1960's as a result of the high birth rate that began in 1945 will increase. 
There are greater space requirements for homes, shopping centers, schools, 
airports, and highways. The movement of factories and office buildings to the 
suburbs helps create new communities on land previously vacant. Traffic con- 
gestion in old central cities has undoubtedly been a stimulus to decentralization. 

Other factors tend to enhance central city land values and may thereby 
reduce the demand for new suburban areas. The construction of apartments 
near downtown, occurring in New York, Chicago, Kansas City and other large 
cities, as families, many without children seek to move closer to central offices, 
theaters and stores, may increase, (The number of new apartment units built 
in the United States in 1959 increased 40 per cent over 1958. )2i Redevelopment 
of central city areas will provide new open-area communities in the midst of 
downtown, as in Chicago, and Pittsburgh, and as planned for Los Angeles and 
other cities. 

Downtown retail land values have generally declined or have failed to 
offset the decreasing purchasing power of the dollar. However, in virtually 
all cases, old structures have been valued upward, as the constant rise in 
the construction costs of new buildings has offset depreciation. Many 



i^University of California, Proceedings of First Annual Meeting, Conference in City and 
Regional Planning, Berkeley, 1954, p. 6. 

20Hoyt, Homer, "The Urban Real Estate Cycle — Performances and Prospects," Urban 
Land Institute, Technical Bulletin No. 38, June, 1960. 

2iHoyt, Homer, "The Urban Real Estate Cycle — Performances and Prospects," Urban 
Land Institute, Technical Bulletin No. 38, Jime, 1960. 

24 



old structures, valued on the basis of current-cost-less-depreciation, now sell 
for more than when they were new.22 

The relative decrease in downtown land values is apparent from the trends 
in assessed valuation for Los Angeles shown in Table 5.^ Since 1945, the total 
city assessed valuation has increased about three times; from $1.1 billion, to 
$3.5 billion, and has reflected the growth within the entire metropolitan 
area. In the same period, the assessed valuation downtown grew about 50 
per cent, from $116 million to $173 million, but decreased from about 11 
per cent of the city's total in 1945 to about five per cent in 1960. 

The movement of retired people, industries, and tourists to Florida, Cali- 
fornia, Arizona and New Mexico will continue to increase land values in cities 
within these states. 

In recent years, the chief areas of rapidly rising land values have been 
relatively large tracts on the fringes of growing cities, where the provision of 
sewer and water lines has made the land desirable for residential building, 
shopping centers or new industry. 

New concentrations of buildings and changes in land uses brought about 
by the use of the automobile will determine areas of future high land values. 
Peak downtown land values will probably not be obtained in new concen- 
trations because land uses will spread over greater areas to provide for parking. 



22Hoyt, Homer, "The Urban Real Estate Cycle — Performances and Prospects," Urban 
Land Institute, Technical Bulletin No. 38, June, 1960. 

23Information compiled by Automobile Club of Southern California. 



Table 5 
TRENDS IN ASSESSED VALUATION - DOWNTOWN LOS ANGELES^ 



FISCAL 
YEAR 


DOWNTOWN 

ASSESSED 
VALUATION 

$116,000,000 


PER CENT OF 
TOTAL CITY 

10.6 


TOTAL CITY 

ASSESSED 
VALUATION 


1945-46 


$1,100,000,000 


1950-51 


172,000,000 


9.0 


1,900,000,000 


1953-54 


165,000,000 


7.4 


2,200,000,000 


1954-55 


166,000,000 


7.0 


2,400,000,000 


1955-56 


168,000,000 


6.7 


2,500,000,000 


1956-57 


168,000,000 


6.3 


2,700,000,000 


1957-58 


173,000,000 


5.7 


3,000,000,000 


1958-59 


173,000,000 


5.0 


3,500,000,000 



iSource: Automobile Club of Southern California; Downtown Los Angeles Business 
Men's Association. 

25 



fflGHWAY TRANSPORTATION TRENDS 

Highway transportation has been an important catalyst to the changing 
metropoHtan community. Its prodigious expansion within the twentieth century 
is unparalled, and has been impHcit in all population and land-use changes. 2* 

The nationwide attitude toward automobile ownership is best set forth in 
Middletotvn in Transition:^^ "Car ownership in Middletown was one of the 
most depression-proof elements of the city's life in the years following 1929, 
far less vulnerable, apparently, than marriages, divorces, new babies, clothing, 
jewelry and most other measurable things, both large and small — while, there- 
fore, people were riding in progressively older cars as the depression wore on, 
they manifestly continued to ride . . . All of which suggests that, since about 

1920, the automobile has come increasingly to occupy a place among Middle- 
town's 'musts' close to food, clothing and shelter." 

Development of Highway System — Although highway origins may be 
traced to the trails of Colonial America, the modem road system, for the most 
part, has been developed since World War I. The great stimulus to highway 
building was the Federal Aid Road Act of 1916 which initiated joint federal 
and state highway construction (with apportionment to states on a basis of 
population, area, and mileage). In 1921 federal aid was limited to a selected 
system of interstate and intercounty toll-free highways. 

Road Mileage — Trends in roadway and street mileage. Figure 11, depict 
the progressive improvement of the nation's roads. In 1904 there were over 
2,000,000 miles of roads, yet only about 150,000 miles (six per cent) were 
surfaced; excluding city streets, only 144 miles had high-type pavement. By 

1921, about 13 per cent of the 2,925,000 miles were resurfaced, whereas today, 
over 70 per cent of the 3,478,787 miles of roads and streets are surfaced.^^ 

Statistically, there is one mile of road (two thirds of which is surfaced) 
for every 48 persons and every square mile of area in the United States; nearly 
the entire population of the country lives within a few miles of a surfaced 
road; about 145,000 miles of roads are numbered and marked with U. S. 
route shields; and, two thirds of all farms are accessible via hard-surfaced 
roads.27 



2*Highway transportation trends, based on information compiled from the U. S. Depart- 
ment of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, are detailed in Tables A- 11 to A- 14, Appendix C. 

25Lynd, R. S., and H. M., Middletown in Transition — A Study in Cultural Conflicts, 
Harcourt, Brace and Ck)mpany, New York, 1937. 

26U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Highway Statistics. Present 
mileage is as of December 31, 1958. 

27U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads. Highway Transportation, 
Background Information Prepared for National Academy of Sciences, National Research 
Council, Transportation Research Study, Woods Hole, Massachusetts, August, 1960. 

26 













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Growth of Road and Street Mileage 

United States 



27 



Land Areas Used For Highway Purposes — The nation's 3,500,000 miles of 
highways have been estimated to occupy about 22,000,000 acres — an average 
of six acres of land per mile of road. The authorized 41,000 mile National 
System of Interstate and Defense Highways will require about 1,500,000 acres, 
of which about three quarters (1,150,000 acres) will be located on new rights- 
of-way. Thus, the Interstate System, which will serve more than 20 per cent 
of all travel will require only a 5 per cent increase in the amount of land 
presently used for roads.^s 

The proportion of land devoted to streets in urban areas is considerably 
larger than the national figure because of the greater concentration of popu- 
lation. As shown in Table 6, streets occupy from 25 to 30 per cent of all 
urban land.^ 

Vehicle Registration — Motor vehicle registrations have grown continually 
from 4 in 1895 to about 74 million in 1960. As shown in Figure 12, registra- 
tions have increased rapidly in recent years, and have almost tripled since 1930. 



28U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Highway Transportation, 
Background Information Prepared for National Academy of Sciences, National Research 
Council, Transportation Research Study, Woods Hole, Massachusetts, August, 1960. 

, 29Bartholomew, Harland, "Land Uses in American Cities", Harvard City Planning Series, 
Volume XV, Harvard University Press, 1955. 



Table 6 
LAND USES IN URBAN AREAS^ 

PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL DEVELOPED AREA 

In 53 In 33 In 11 

TYPE OF AREA Central Cities Satellite Cities Urban Areas 

Residential 39.6 42.2 28.0 

Commercial 3.3 2.5 2.6 

Industrial 6.4 7.8 5.7 

Railroads 4.8 4.6 6.2 

Streets 28.2 27.6 27.6 

Public and Semi-Public, Including Parks.. 17.7 15.3 29.9 

TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 



iSource: Bartholomew, Harland, "Land Uses in American Cities", Harvard City Planning 
Series, Volume XV, Harvard University Press, 1955. 

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10 1915 1920 1925 


1930 1935 1940 


1945 1950 1955 I960 



Figure 12 
Motor Vehicle Registration Trends 

United States 

Passenger car registrations in 1960 totaled 61.6 million, and commercial 
vehicles 12.3 million.^" Three out of every four U. S. families — (almost 40 
million) own at least one car; seven million have more than one. 

Projections of automobile ownership and use (detailed in Chapter VI), 
anticipate a twenty per cent increase in the ratio of private cars to people by 
1980. By this year, there will probably be about one passenger car registered 
for every 2.4 people. Registrations in 1980 should approximate 120 million 
vehicles. Approximately seventy per cent of all cars will Hkely be owned 
in urban areas. 

Vehicular Travel and Related Trends — Highway travel has kept pace with 
the expanding economy and the increased automobile ownership. It has 
surpassed 720 billion vehicle miles in 1960, compared with 696 billion in 1959 
and 665 billion in 1958. 

As shown in Figure 13, there have been consistent increases in vehicle 
miles of travel, gross national product (GNP), and highway expenditures.^^ 



30In 1958, 56,870,684 passenger cars, 270,163 buses, and 11,187,499 trucks totaled 
68,328,346 vehicles. In 1959, 58,591,000 passenger cars and 11,855,000 trucks and buses 
totaled 70,446,000 vehicles. 

3iSource: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads. Also see Table A-12, 
Appendix C. 






GROSS NATIONAL PROC 
VEHICLE MILES-ALL R( 


UCT-1947 

)ADS AND 

UNITS OF 
STRUCTION, 
riON-1947 


DOLLARS 
STREETS 






y 





EXPENDITURES BY ALL 
MENT ON HIGHWAY CON 
ANCE AND ADMINISTRA- 


GOVERN- 
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DOLLARS. 












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Figure 13 

Annual Vehicles Miles of Travel Related 

TO Economic Factors 



Prior to 1931, vehicle mileage increased 
more rapidly than GNP; between 1931 
and 1953, both increased at about the 
same rate, except for the war and post- 
war years, 1940-1949, when highway 
travel fell below GNP. Since 1953, 
highway travel has increased somewhat 
faster. Highway expenditures have 
lagged behind travel since 1940. Be- 
tween 1940 and 1958, highway travel 
increased 120 per cent, GNP 93 per cent, 
and highway expenditures 91 per cent. 

The consistent relationship between 
GNP and vehicle miles of travel is also 
apparent from Figure 14. Except for 
the war and depression years, there have 
been about two vehicle miles per 1947 
dollar of GNP. 

BuraX and Urban Travel — Recent 
trends in rural and urban trayel are 
depicted in. Figure 15. Between 1936 
and 1958, annual vehicle miles on all 



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Figure 14 

Vehicle Travel and 

Gross National Product 



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Figure 15 
Rural and Urban Travel in United States 



31 



roads and streets increased 164 per cent, (from 252 billion to 665 billion ).32 
The urban percentage of total travel declined from 51.3 per cent in 1936, to 
a low of 43.4 per cent in 1954 and 1955, and then increased to 46.2 per cent 
in 1958. Passenger cars accounted for more than 82 per cent of all 1958 travel. 

Intercity Travel — Intercity travel in 1959 totaled an estimated 729 billion 
passenger miles. Automobile and bus travel were more than double the pre-war 
rate and accounted for 93.1 per cent of this total. The remainder was distributed 
among airlines, 3.9 per cent; and railroads, 3.0 per cent.^^ 

PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION TRENDS 

General trends in public transportation and commuter railroad riders are 
related to changes in urbanization, economic levels, and vehicle ownership in 
Table 7. 

Although urban areas have increased in size and population, public 
transportation continues to decline. Factors conducive to increased automobile 
usage — the desire for individual transportation and the greater dispersion of 
urbanized areas — have, generally affected public carriers adversely. Because 
of urban scatteration, people prefer to make their trips entirely by private car. 

Since 1940, urban population has increased about 61 per cent; automobile 
registrations, 128 per cent; and vehicle miles of travel, 138 per cent. Transit 
riding has decreased about 27 per cent, and commuter railroad passengers, 
three per cent.^* 

Local Transit — The use of public transportation has declined from about 
17 billion annual riders in 1929 to about 10 billion in 1959. There were 102 
rides per capita in 1959, compared with 252 about 30 years ago — a reduction 
of 60 per cent. These declines are expected to continue, but at a slower rate, 
as car ownership rises and urban area population densities reduce. 

Commuter Railroads — The number of commuter railroad passengers has 
declined in recent years, but at a somewhat lesser rate than transit passengers. 
The 221 million passengers carried in 1959 were about 35 per cent less than 
the number carried in the peak year, 1947, and about 50 per cent less than 
during the 1925-1930 period. Passenger miles in 1959 totaled about 4.5 billion, 
and were about 25 per cent less than in 1947 and about 30 per cent less than 
the 1925-1930 average. 



32U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads. 

33Intersta'te Commerce Commission. 

s^Transit trends are further discussed in Chapter IV. 

32 



Table 7 

SUMMARY TRANSPORTATION INDICES IN RELATION TO 

ECONOMIC GROWTH 

1940 - 19591 

(1940 = 100) 
ITEM 



YEAR 


Total 
Popu- 
lation^ 


Urban 
Popu- 
lation 


Gross 
National 
Product^ 


Manu- 
facturing 
Employ- 
ment 


Total 
Vehicle 

Regis- 
trations 


Vehicle 

Miles of 

Travel 


Transit 
Riders 


Commuter 

Railroad 

Passengers 


1940 


100 


100 


100 


100 


100 


100 


100 


100 


1941 


101 


101 


116 


113 


108 


110 


108 


101 


1942 


102 


101 


130 


124 


102 


89 


137 


125 


1943 


103 


102 


145 


131 


95 


69 


168 


136 


1944 


105 


100 


156 


129 


94 


70 


176 


139 


1945 


106 


100 


153 


125 


96 


83 


178 


141 


1946 


107 


111 


136 


129 


106 


113 


178 


149 


1947 


109 


113 


135 


136 


117 


123 


172 


150 


1948 


111 


114 


142 


139 


127 


132 


163 


145 


1949 


113 


116 


141 


135 


138 


140 


145 


135 


1950 


115 


119 


154 


140 


151 


152 


132 


99 


1951 


117 


120 


165 


148 


160 


163 


123 


117 


1952 


119 


122 


171 


151 


164 


170 


115 


114 


1953 


121 


122 


178 


155 


173 


180 


106 


112 


1954 


123 


124 


176 


151 


181 


186 


95 


109 


1955 


125 


125 


188 


156 


193 


200 


88 


108 


1956 


127 


139 


193 


161 


201 


208 


84 


108 


1957 


130 


146 


198 


163 


207 


214 


79 


109 


1958 


132 


153 


193 


157 


211 


220 


74 


104 


1959 


135 


159 


206 


162 


217 


230 


73 


97 



I960* 136 161 212 165 228 238 NA^ NA 



^Sources: Automobile Manufacturers Association, Automobile Facts and Figures — 1959; 
American Transit Association, Transit Fact Book, 1960; Association of American Raikoads, 
Statistics of Class 1, Railways of the United States; U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau 
of Public Roads, Highway Statistics; Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstracts of the United 
States, 1958. 

2Includes Armed Forces 

3In Constant 1947 Dollars 

^Preliminary 

6NA — Not Available. 

33 






♦ 




CHAPTER 



1 

2 




nil 




TRANSPORTATION 

and 

URBAN DEVELOPMENT 

SUMMARY 

UZTY growth and structure have continually adapted to available 
transportation facilities. Within the past several decades, American 
cities have evolved to a form made possible by the motor vehicle. 

Freeways are catalysts in shaping the land-use patterns within 
the modern metropolis, and exert a positive influence on land uses: 
they stimulate new, carefully planned developments; they stabilize 
land uses by delimiting basic long-range patterns, and by giving 
an aspect of permanence to new freeway-oriented developments. 
In built-up areas, they effectively aid community development by 
containing residential units, and serving as buffers between conflict- 
ing land uses. Freeways also serve to improve the accessibility, and 
hence competitive position of the central business district. 

Impacts of alternate land-use patterns on traffic volumes, as de- 
termined from a series of growth "models" in Nashville, Tennessee, 
show that changes in the levels of downtown attraction developed no 
substantial changes in over-all freeway loadings. With an extremely 
concentrated downtown, arterial streets in and on the immediate 
approaches to downtown show considerable increases (up to 25 
per cent), although no significant changes were noted along outlying 
sections of arterials. The model seems to indicate that an area's 
over-all freeway needs are relatively independent of the degree of 
concentration downtown. 

Planning the growth and pattern of the metropolitan area is 
essential since otherwise suburbia will continue to develop without 
waiting on a total plan. Obviously, no single stereotyped plan can 
be used for all urban areas, each has its own particular character — 



35 



geographically, economically, and culturally — that must be recog- 
nized. The balance between centralization and decentralization will 
vary from area to area. Intelligent arrangement of land uses with 
respect to travel facilities is more iriiportant than "city form" per se. 

The multi-centered community, however, appears to be meeting 
the needs of the 20th Century city. Its dispersal of functions helps 
to promote more efficient travel and reduce the problems inherent in 
providing access and parking facilities for an extremely concentrated 
core area. 

The patterns of present central cities will remain essentially the 
same for many years, although marked changes will take place in 
surrounding areas. The trend toward a leveling of central city 
population density will continue, although in a few cases, higher 
densities may result from urban renewal and redevelopment. 

Downtown will not generally increase in dominance because 
of growing competition from outlying areas. It will, however, be 
strengthened by improved highways, public transit and parking, and 
by the development of attractive high-density residential uses in sur- 
rounding areas. 



V^ITIES have traditionally been the centers of culture and commerce. The 
sources, Hnkages, and magnitudes of their travel patterns depend on the kind, 
amount, location, and intensity of the activities that generate movement. Each 
land use has its own particular spatial locational requirements. These activities 
are usually physically separated, thereby requiring travel from one to another. 

The growths, internal structures, and functions of cities have continually 
adapted to available transportation facilities. The number and kind of trips, 
and their mode of travel depend upon the type, focus, and technology of an 
urban society; the number, emphasis, and mode may change, but the similarities 
will probably be greater than the differences because human wants are basically 
the same. 

Changes in land-use patterns will, therefore, influence travel. Similarly, 
changes in access facilities will affect the utilization of land. This interaction 
has been paramount since the onset of urbanization. 

Urbanization of the United States has attracted much thoughtful study 
during the past decade. Demographers are in broad agreement on the probable 

36 



range of national population growth during the remainder of the 20th Century, 
the over-all dispersion of people according to region or geographic area, and 
the extent to which they will congregate in urban areas. It is recognized that 
natural laws are at work reshaping the conventional city and adapting it to 
take better advantage of technological improvements in transportation and many 
other functions of urban living. 

There are, however, divergent views regarding the optimum forms of urban 
development and transportation — as to the impact of freeways on community 
organization, the merits of centralization versus dispersion of activities, and 
the effects of alternate land-use patterns on freeway and transit needs. 

The recent trend toward "city-regions" requires new concepts and bold 
approaches to urban transportation planning. As freeway development con- 
tinues, knowledge of the interactions between land use and transportation be- 
comes essential. Accordingly, an urban "growth model" has been analyzed to 
explore the impact of land use on freeway needs. 

CITY FORM 

The development of cities has, from earliest times, been related to 
the movement of people and goods. Transportation has successively domi- 
nated the location of cities at ocean ports, river landings, railroad stations, and 
other locations where trade routes intersect or converge, or transshipment is 
required.^ Within the city, converging points of subways, streetcar lines and 
transfer points, and more recently, highway interchanges, have influenced 
growths. 

Internal city structure has been strongly influenced by the time-distance 
relationships made possible by alternate travel modes. The horsecar, electric 
street railway, rapid transit and automobile have, in turn, increased the effective 
radius of the urban area. Suburbia traces its origins to the suburban railroad 
station where clusters of residential areas developed within short walking 
distances; today, these clusters are centers of many flourishing communities. 

In the days of horsecars, a commuting distance of between two and three 
miles limited the city's area to about 20 square miles. Streetcar, railroad, and 
rapid transit lines later expanded the radius of urban movement to five miles, 
and the urban area to about 80 square miles. The automobile, however, has 
made a commuting radius of 25 miles more feasible, encompassing an urban 



iChicago, for example, was developed at a portage point; Pittsburgh at the confluence of 
two rivers; New York, in a fine natural harbor. 

37 



area of over 2,000 square miles; express highways will further reduce driving 
times and thereby enlarge the size of the urban area.^ 

Mass transportation concentrated people in downtown areas with unprece- 
dented efficiency, and was soon followed by high-density developments of both 
working and living areas. During the late 19th and early 20th Centuries, these 
high-density regions were necessarily dependent on mass transit facilities, and, 
in turn, sustained transit. It was not unusual in the late 1920's to find cities still 
largely influenced by mass transportation with as much as 30 to 40 per cent of 
all employment located within one mile of the city center. 

Today, American cities are evolving to a form that is directly related to 
the personal mobility made possible by the automobile and are adjusting to the 
automobile as they once adjusted to mass transportation. Cities are at different 
stages in this metamorphosis, depending on the amount of urban growth that 
has taken place in and around them within the past 30 to 40 years. Cities 
that were large at the beginning of this era have changed the least, while 
newer areas — including such large cities as Houston and Phoenix — have 
grown-up with the private car and have almost completely adapted to it. 

New building types are evolving and are encouraging automobile usage 
just as the elevator and skyscraper once stimulated the use of public transpor- 
tation. Symbolic of the new city are the two-car family, the single family 
subdivision, the shopping center, the one-story factory, the motel, and the 
drive-in restaurant. 

The new flexibility of movement has facilitated the transition from mass 
to private carrier, as urban land uses disperse. New patterns of travel have 
evolved. Instead of flowing radially between homes in the suburbs and jobs 
in the city center, traffic now flows over wide areas. This diffusion is a direct 
result of the increase in job and living opportunities made possible by auto- 
mobile travel. 

Classical Patterns of Regionalism — Transportation and accessibility have 
been important elements in all rationalizations of urban growth and structure. 
The better known patterns of regional structure are shown in Figure 16. 

Von Thunens "Isolated State" — First published in 1826, this concept 
related the intensity of land development to marketing and transportation 
costs. A single city in the center of a uniform plain was surrounded by an 
agricultural economy. With only wagon transportation and no well-defined 
highways, the cost of bringing specific farm products to the city was equal for 



2Bartholomew, Harland, "Planning for Metropolitan Transportation", Planning and Civic 
Comment, Vol. 18, September, 1952, p. 1. 

38 



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M 1,000 

THEORETICAL LOCATION 
OF REGIONAL CENTERS 



r' 



X 



HINTERLAND 'A* 



CHRISTALLER AND 
DICKINSON 



HINTERLAND TRADE 



I 




,Y' 



I. 




LAND UTILIZATION 



VON THUNEN 






HINTERLAND "B" 



v 



75 TO 100 MILES 



' METROPOLIS V 



EXTENDED OR INTERMETROPOLITAN TRADE r~|METRQpoL|g .g. 

DEVELOPED TRANSPORTATION ^— ' 

I • 

MARKETING 

DEPENDENCY i ^OUNDARY OF METROPOLITAN INFLUENCE 

INDUSTRIAL \ DIFFICULT TO DEFINE 

SATELLITE j CONSTANTLY CHANGING 

'». VARIES FOR VARYING PURPOSES 



A, 



AREAS OF METROPOLITAN INFLUENCE -gras 



Figure 16 
Patierns of Regionalism 



38 



all points equidistant from the market. The result was a system of concentric 
belts or zones about the central city, each of decreasing intensity.^ 

This over-simplified concept of land utilization had no rural-urban fringe 
such as those that exist today. Urban life was contained by the city boundary, 
while all surrounding areas were agricultural. 

Gras' "Metropolitan Hinterland" — In 1922, Gras set forth the metropolis, as 
the center of commercial dominance over an adjacent territory termed the 
"hinterland."* Commercial functions of the metropolis included (1) "hinterland 
trade" between the metropolis and its hinterland, and (2) "extended trade" 
between the various metropolises. 

Christallers Theory — Christaller, like Von Thunen, assumed a hypothetical 
agricultural economy.^ However, the various community services were located 
at certain centers and formed hamlets evenly distributed over a uniform area. 
In this manner, a hierarchy of urban centers was built around the "central city" 
of Von Thunen's "Isolated State." Each urban concentration became the basis 
for a series of belts and zones just as the central city, with the larger cities 
tending to develop "fringe" areas. The smallest central place served an area 
with a radius of about two miles. 

Christaller assumed a pattern of hexagonal zones of influence around each 
class of urban center. The central city exists because essential services must 
be performed for the surrounding land. Wholesaling, large-scale banking, 
specialized retailing and other services are among its functions. As the com- 
munities decrease in size, their service functions become simpler. 

The transportation requirements were determined by the distribution 
and position of urban centers. Each hamlet was connected with the rural area 
it served, and in turn, was linked with the village or city next in rank, resulting 
in a system of primary, secondary, and local roads and railways, which carried 
traffic volumes in proportion to the size of the cities connected. 

Comparisons — All of these patterns are obviously modified by natural 
factors, locational advantages, and transportation facilities. Whereas, Von 



3Wehrwein, George S., "The Rural-Urban Fringe", reprinted from Economic Geography, 
Vol. XVIII, July, 1942. 

*Gras, N. S. B., An Introduction to Economic History, New York, Harper and Brothers, 
1922. 

^Christaller, Walther, Die Zentralen Orte Suddeutschelands, Gustav Fiseher, Jena, 1933. 
Extensively cited by Dickinson, R. E.,'City, Region, and Regionalism; Geographical Contri- 
bution to Human Ecology, Kegan Paul, London, 1947; and by Ullman, E., "A Theory for 
the Location of Cities" — The American Journal of Sociology, XLVI, 1940-41, pp. 853-864. 

40 



Thunen's "Isolated State" was perhaps more closely depictive of the 19th 
Century metropolis, Christaller's theory is exemplified by the changing auto- 
mobile metropolis — for example, the increasing primary trading area. In older 
cities, such as Chicago, many of the subcenters are linked to transit routes. 
In newer areas, like Phoenix, subcenters are generally in suburbia, oriented to 
the automobile and serving many functions previously or otherwise provided by 
the central business district. In some areas, the various centers appear to be 
equalizing in importance. 

Patterns of Internal Growth — Three generalizations of city structure — 
the concentric zone, sector, and multiple-nuclei patterns — are shown in Figure 
17. Although examples of each growth pattern can be cited, most American 
cities are composed of varying proportions of all three types. The actual 
distribution and functional classification of land use in American cities is far 
more complex than the simple sum of the three types — the present metropolis 
more closely resembles the agglomerated development pattern also shown in 
Figure 17. 

Concentric Zones — Burgess found that social-economic status increased 
with distance from the central city.^ The urban area was divided into 
five concentric zones: Zone 1 is the central business district; Zone 2, 
the "transition zone", surrounds downtown, with its residential areas rapidly 
deteriorating because of business and industrial encroachment. Zone 3, the 
"zone of independent working men's homes", includes families who have moved 
from the zone of transition, but still desire to live close to work. Zone 4 contains 
better residences, usually single-family homes. Zone 5, the "commuters zone," 
is often located beyond city limits in suburban areas or in satellite cities. 

Analysis of population distribution, densities, and traffic capacities in an 
urban area are often consistent with the concept of concentric zones. 

Sectors — This concept of axial development assumes that growth takes 
place in wedge or sector form along the main transportation routes radiating 
outward from the central business district.^ Growth along a particular axis of 
transportation usually consists of similar types of land use; thus, a high-rent 
residential area in a given quadrant tends to migrate outward along a specific 



6Burgess, Ernest W., "The Growth of the City" in The City, ed. by R. E. Park, E. W. 
Burgess, and R. D. McKenzie, University of Chicagp Press, Chicago, 1925, pp. 49-62. 

7Hoyt, Homer, "City Growth and Mortgage Risk", Insured Mortgage Portfolio, Vol. I, 
Nos. 6-10, U. S. Federal Housing Administration, Government Printing Office, Washington, 
D. C, Dec., 1936 - April, 1937. 

41 




CONCENTRIC ZONE THEORY 




SECTOR THEORY 





MULTIPLE NUCLEI 



URBAN AGGLOMERATION 



1 CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT 

2 WHOLESALE LIGHT MANUFACTURING 

3 HIGH DENSITY RESIDENTIAL 

4 MEDIUM DENSITY RESIDENTIAL 

5 LOW DENSITY RESIDENTIAL 



6 HEAVY MANUFACTURING 

7 OUTLYING BUSINESS DISTRICT 

8 RESIDENTIAL SUBURB 

9 INDUSTRAL SUBURB 
10 COMMUTERS ZONE 



Figure 17 
Theoretical Internal Structure of Cities 



42 



avenue or radial line, whereas a low-quality housing area, if located in another 
quadrant, tends to extend outward to the very margin of the city in that sector. 
Illustrative examples include the lake fronts in Chicago and Cleveland, Fairmount 
Park in Philadelphia, Wilshire Boulevard in Los Angeles, Lindell Boulevard 
in St. Louis and Monument Ave., Richmond. 

Multiple Nuclei — In many cities, the land-use pattern is built around 
several nuclei rather than a single center.^ In some cities, the nuclei have existed 
since the city's origin; whereas in others they have developed as growth has 
stimulated migration and specialization, or as the convergence of highway 
or transit routes has tapped new market areas. This pattern, illustrated by 
the multi-centered Los Angeles area, is in many respects a prototype of the 
future region. 

The rise of separate centers for urban development often reflects four 
factors: certain activities require specialized facilities; certain like activities 
group together because they profit from cohesion; certain unlike activities are 
detrimental to each other; and certain activities are unable to afford the high 
rents of the most desirable sites. 

Composite Pattern — When all three growth patterns are superimposed, 
a close approximation to the actual pattern of urban development is obtained. 
Land uses develop concentrically about a multiplicity of nuclei. In some areas, 
the pattern is distorted by a series of wedges that penetrate the urban area 
and are linked to access routes, topography or other localized factors. 

IMPACTS OF TRAVEL FACILITIES 

Historically, the development of transportation facilities has tapped new 
areas and intensified land use, with consequent increases in land values along 
major routes. Thus, the Gulf Freeway in Houston, the Shaker Heights rapid 
transit in Cleveland, the subway in Toronto, the seaport of New Bedford, and 
the river ports of Cincinnati and St. Louis have all stimulated development and 
affected land values within their zones of influence.^ Most transportation facili- 
ties have, however, tended to outlast the land values and uses they created. 



^Harris, Chauncey D. and Ullman, Edward L., "The Nature of Cities", Annals of the 
American Academy of Political and Social Science, CLXII, November, 1945, pp. 7-17. 

9Hoyt, Homer, One Hundred Years of Land Values in Chicago, University of Chicago 
Press, Chicago, Illinois, 1933. For example, land values in the Chicago Loop, as a per- 
centage of total city values, reflect changes in transportation and building technology over 
a period of 90 years. The development of the horsecar and steam railroad lines in the 
suburbs reduced central land values from 28 to 12 per cent of the total city value between 
1856 and 1873. Construction of the central elevated rail loop and subsequent downtown 
activity raised the figure to 40 per cent in 1910. Similarly, highway transportation will likely 
change central city land values. 

43 



Thus, availability of transportation will necessarily modify the type and in- 
tensity of land use: for example, two communities, separated by a deep canyon, 
and, without land communications, would grow as individual entities. When 
linked by a trans-canyon crossing, they become two subcenters of an over-all 
complex. The new interplay between the two communities would change land 
use and land values; the "generated" traffic could soon overload the facility 
and again alter land-use patterns. 

Highway Orientation of Land Use — The mobility of automobile trans- 
portation has facilitated a reorientation of land uses within the urban area. 
"Ribbons" of commercial development have fronted along all-purpose high- 
ways. Freeways, like railroads and transit lines, have stimulated and become 
magnets for new land-use developments. 

Illustrative examples of planned auto developments that contribute to 
land values and intensity include freeway-linked Roosevelt Field Shopping 
Center, Long Island; Century City, Los Angeles, with a planned site population 
of 60,000; the planned downtown Tulsa Civic Center with almost 2,000 parking 
spaces; Lloyd Center, Portland, Oregon; and industrial development along 
Routes 128 in Boston and 401 in Toronto. In the Metropolitan New York area, 
a series of super shopping centers have located on or near the parkway and 
expressway system, completely circumscribing the established commercial 
districts. 

Stabilizing Influence of Freeways — The question naturally arises as to 
whether freeways stabilize land use or precipitate change. There can be no 
doubt that freeways have been instrumental in the more intense utilization 
of land, but even in these cases, there is an aspect of permanence. Once the 
change has been made, the "turnover" in use is usually far less than along 
other highways. 

Freeways also stabilize land uses by delimiting basic long-range patterns. 
The reasons are quite apparent: access to and from freeways is limited to 
designated interchange points; and ribbon-type developments cannot be con- 
structed. Freeway related developments must, therefore, be carefully planned 
and integrated with arterial streets. Often, larger sites are required to provide 
the desired ingress and egress. 

The Merritt-Wilbur Cross Parkways in Connecticut, and their continuation, 
the Berlin Turnpike, illustrate this point. Both routes are four-lane divided 
facilities; the former is controlled access whereas the latter has no access limita- 
tions. Both have stimulated land development. Along the Parkways, several 
modem, well-planned industrial developments have been built. Conversely, 

44 



the Berlin Turnpike has almost exclusively stimulated "highway-oriented" busi- 
ness — e. g., restaurants, service stations, and motels. 

Freeways in built-up areas can effectively stabilize land uses by containing 
residential communities, and serving as buffers for conflicting land uses. Ex- 
periences along the Westchester parkways in New York, the Santa Ana Free- 
way in Los Angeles, and the John C. Lodge Expressway in Detroit show no 
adverse effects on the majority of residential properties. ^° 

Effects of Alternate Transportation Improvements — Planning of urban 
transportation facilities must, therefore, consider impacts on land use. These 
impacts may often be most pronounced on established central business districts, 
where attractive access is essential for continued vitality. 

Provision of express highways and related downtown parking areas will 
tend to increase the market potentials of downtown, afford more selective com- 
petition with outlying shopping centers, and encourage more orderly arrange- 
ment of outlying commercial areas. Improved transit will further strengthen 
downtown, particularly in high-density cities. 

Without improvements in accessibility, there will likely be some weaken- 
ing of the established central business districts, increasing obsolescence down- 
town, and the haphazard development of outlying areas. 

Where cars are prohibited from entering downtown, auto-borne travelers 
would soon shift to other commercial centers, thereby adversely affecting 
downtown. In addition, new sites would develop on the perimeter of the 
prohibited areas. 

A city linked only by transit would have a strong downtown with ribbon- 
like high-density apartment clusters along each route, subcenters where routes 
intersect, and voids or low-density uses in between; its downtown would, how- 
ever, have difficulty competing with outlying "auto-oriented" centers. 

A city served only by express highways (no transit) could develop many 
nucleations and could encourage a widespread "broad-acre" development. 

The fact that transportation can achieve such opposite effects makes it the 
key to future urban development. The proper juxtaposition of various trans- 
portation forms must, however, depend on what is technologically feasible and 
publicly acceptable. 

Change and Obsolescence — Land values reflect changes in city growth; 
however, the rate of change has not been constant for each of the many com- 



lOLand-use benefits are detailed in Chapter X. 

45 



ponents of the evolving city. The useful structural life of a house, a factory, 
an office building, a street, or a car is vastly different, but useful structural life, 
per se, is not an adequate measure for buildings and streets that are reaching 
technological obsolescence long before they are worn out or even paid for. 
Consequently, in every city there is a need for modernization — the demolition 
or rejuvenation of outmoded "but not necessarily outworn" facilities and the 
addition of street capacity and vehicle reservoir space. All of this should 
be done concurrently with the building of new homes, factories and shops for 
new urban growth. 

Transportation facilities generally outlive land-use functions. Changes in 
rates of obsolescence tend to complicate the provision of an efficient transpor- 
tation system designed to serve specific land uses. A freeway system may still 
be serviceable when adjacent land uses become obsolete and occasionally 
near-blighted. 

Technological obsolescence of industries and old residences will tend to 
depreciate land values along a specific travel corridor. In certain areas, such 
as near downtown districts, revitalization and renewal will take place. However, 
because of the basic costs involved, most areas will not be revitalized and a hier- 
archy of lower land uses may take place through time. 

GROWTH "MODELS " 

Alternate patterns of land development and growth were tested for this 
study in Nashville, Tennessee, to evaluate the possible impacts of extreme cen- 
tralization and dispersion on urban travel requirements.^^ Nashville was selected 
as a "model" because it typifies medium-sized metropolitan areas, because of the 
extensive urban Interstate system programmed for the community, and because 
of the availability of current origin-destination data. Its downtown is centrally 
located and will be served by a network of radial freeways interconnected by a 
downtown loop, as shown in Figure 18. 

In 1959, there were about 648,000 daily vehicle trips within the metro- 
politan area. Movements wholly within any of the 130 zones were classified 
as "intrazone" trips and totaled about 108,000. Approximately 467,000 trips 
were interzone and about 73,000 more had external origins or destinations. 
When stopping points incidental to basic trips were removed by "linking" trips to 
and from the incidental stops, 490,000 basic non-intrazone trips remained, of 



"The Nashville origin-destination data are based on comprehensive studies now in 
progress, sponsored by the Tennessee Department of Highways and Public Works in con- 
junction with the Bureau of PubUc Roads. 

46 



^ 



) 




,-r 



\^' 



4^ 



f 



^- 



r 



\ 



I £/ 



. SEMI-CONTnO(_UCD ACCESS 




-X — - — J 



Figure 18 

Proposed Freeway and Arterial System 

Nashville, Tennessee 



47 



which approximately 15 per cent had origins or destinations in the Nashville 
central business district. 

Basic Conditions — Three possible growth conditions were analyzed and 
programmed on high-speed computers. These conditions reflect, in a relatively 
crude way, extremes of centralization and decentralization in the central area.^^ 
In all three conditions, the same total number of interzone vehicle trips within 
the metropolitan area (about 490,000) has been assumed; however, the pro- 
portions generated in the CBD have been varied. 

The existing (1959) travel pattern was considered as "Condition A" and 
served as a reference for the other two conditions. 

The "centralized" model, "Condition B", assumed that the passenger ve- 
hicle trips to and from the central business district, for work and shopping 
purposes would double. Increases were assumed to be generally proportional 
to existing CBD trip patterns. 

Since the total number of trips in the system remains the same, increases 
in CBD travel were compensated for by reducing non-CBD movements. This 
was done by revising the origin-destination pattern of trips at the "home"; since 
"Condition B" called for a doubling of the home-based work and shopping 
trips generated in the CBD, the non-CBD trips in each home zone were reduced 
accordingly.^^ 

The "decentralized" model, "Condition C", assumed that the central business 
district would diminish in importance to such an extent that it would continue 
to attract only about half of its present passenger vehicles. Home-based CBD 
work and shopping trip generation was reduced in half. The reduction was in 
proportion to existing interzone movements, and resulted in a corresponding 
increase in movements between non-CBD zones. 

The total number of trips to the CBD, and the total vehicle miles of travel 
for each condition were calculated. In addition, traffic assignments were made 
to the proposed freeway and arterial system for each of the three cases. 



i2Many assumptions can be made with respect to the distribution of urban land use and 
population growth: most new growth may take place in centrifugal areas — the present 
"normal" growth pattern, or occur in close-in areas oriented toward the CBD with respect 
to land uses and employment concentrations. Similarly, downtown may increase in domi- 
nance, remain essentially the same, or reduce in status to one of several regional foci. 
Centers of employment may locate adjacent to centers of residence, thereby minimizing 
travel; locate at opposite ends of the community; or locate to take advantage of natural sites 
in proximity to rail, water, and highway access and labor force. In Nashville, these diverse 
assumptions were reduced to three basic conditions, e. g. the present CBD land-use pattern, 
approximately doubling the CBD's attraction, and almost reducing it by half. 

i3For example, suppose that 20 per cent of the work and shopping trips made by residents 
of one of the suburban zones presently terminate in the CBD. By doubling CBD attraction, 
40 per cent of such trips would be expected to terminate there, reducing non-CBD trips 
from 80 per cent to 60 per cent of the total. All non-CBD work and shopping movements 
would be reduced to 60/80 of their present values to keep the trip pattern in balance. 



Total Trips — The total vehicle trips into and out of Nashville central 
business district are compared in Table 8. The present CBD presently generates 
about 15 per cent of the total vehicular movement (Condition A). The cen- 
tralized model ( Condition B ) generates about 22 per cent and the decentralized 
model (Condition C), about 10 per cent. 

Parking Demands and Needs — Downtown parking requirements wiU be 
significantly influenced by the changes in traffic attraction of the Nashville 
central business district. Accordingly, the parking demands for extreme con- 
centration and dispersion of activities in the Nashville area are summarized in 
Table 9. An increase in the level of generation in the downtown area will 
necessitate proportionate increases in downtown parking facilities; similarly, a 
decrease in activity would develop a surplus of downtown spaces. 

There are presently about 15,100 parking spaces downtown; 3,100 at curbs 
and 12,000, off-street. When corrected for efficiency of usage, these represent 
about 13,000 "effective" spaces. The present maximum accumulation of 
parkers (11:30 a.m.) approximates 11,200 cars — 86 per cent of the effective 
parking supply. 

When the downtown attraction is increased (Condition B), about 15,700 
spaces would be required — 121 per cent of the effective parking supply. 



Table 8 

COMPARISON OF TRIPS TO AND FROM DOWNTOWN NASHVILLE, 1959 

WITH 
ALTERNATE CBD GENERATIONi 

CONDITION 



A B C 

Existing Centralized Dispersed 



TYPE TRIP No. Per Cent No. Per Cent No. Per Cent 



To or From Central 

Business District 75,000 15.4 105,000 21.6 46,000 9.5 

Non-CBD Origin 
and Destination 413,000 84.6 383,000 78.4 442,000 90.5 

TOTAL 488,000 100.0 488,000 100.0 488,000 100.0 



iSource: Origin-destination study now underway. 

49 



Table 9 

COMPARISON OF 1959 PARKING DEMANDS IN 

DOWNTOWN NASHVILLE 

WITH 

ALTERNATE CBD GENERATIONi 

CONDITION 



A 
ITEM Existing 

Present Spaces.. 15,100 

Effective Spaces2 13,000 

Peak Accumulation 11,200 

Per Cent of Effective 

Spaces Used 86 

ADDITIONAL SPACES 

REQUIRED 1,800 (surplus) 



B 

Centralized 


C 

Dispersed 


15,100 


15,100 


13,000 


13,000 


15,700 


6,900 


121 


53 


2,700 


6,100 (surplus) 



iSource: Parking study in downtown Nashville conducted Summer, 1960. 
2At about an 85-per-cent efficiency factor. 



Substantial increases in the total downtown parking capacity, as well as parking 
facilities within key core blocks would be required. 

A decrease in downtown attraction ( Condition C ) would increase the num- 
ber of surplus spaces; less than 7,000 spaces would be required compared to an 
effective supply of 13,000. 

Corridor Movements — The movements from a typical corridor. Sector "I", 
in Nashville to downtown and to other sections in the city are shown in 
Figure 19. In each condition, there were about 18,000 trips having origins 
"in Sector "I", located south of downtown. 

Despite changes in interzonal trip linkages, the over-all patterns of travel 
show striking similarities. An increase in downtown attraction results in re- 
duction of travel to other sectors, and conversely, certain trip lengths are in- 
creased and others are reduced in each case. 

Vehicle Miles — The total travel for each of the three conditions was about 
the same, and approximated 2.4 million vehicle miles daily. As shown in Table 
10, the proportions of travel on freeways, arterials and local streets were ap- 
proximately equal for each condition: about 62 per cent of all urban area travel 
was on arterials; 31 per cent on freeways, and seven per cent on local streets. 

50 




Figure 19 

CoBBiDOR Travel Patterns in a Selected Corridor 

Nashville, Tennessee 

1959 



Table 10 

COMPARATIVE 1959 TRAVEL ASSIGNMENTS 

NASHVILLE 

WITH 

ALTERNATE CBD GENERATIONi 

PER CENT OF TOTAL TRAVEL IN SURVEY AREA^ 

CONDITION 

ABC 
STREET SYSTEM Existing Centralized Dispersed 

Local Streets 6.2 6.3 6.6 

Arterial Streets 62.2 62.4 62.2 

Freeway 31.6 31.3 31.2 

TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 

iSource: Origin-destination study now underway. 

2Total travel is approximately 2,400,000 vehicle miles daily excluding intrazone trips. 

51 




TH0US4NDS Of VEHICLES 



Figure 20 
Assigned 1959 Traffic Volumes to Proposed Freeway and Arterial System 

Nashville, Tenn£ssee 



52 



Traffic Volumes — Traffic was assigned to the proposed street and freeway 
system for each of the three conditions. The traffic flow map, Figure 20, 
graphically depicts the 1959 usage of this system, based on the present (1959) 
origin-destination pattern. Traffic volumes on all routes increase rapidly as they 
approach the central business area. The heaviest volumes — approximately 
30,000 vehicles per day — are usually found on the downtown freeway loop and 
on adjoining radial portions of the freeway system. 

The changes in area-wide traffic volumes, resulting from increasing and 
decreasing the levels of activity downtown, are portrayed in Figures 21 and 22, 
respectively. Freeway traffic volumes throughout the system are approximately 
the same for all three conditions; there are no substantial changes in over-all free- 
way loadings. With a concentrated downtown — Condition B — a few radial 
sections of freeway, mainly on approaches to downtown, show increases of over 
15 per cent; outlying sections show decreases up to about 15 per cent. With a 
dispersed downtown — Condition C — certain sections of radial freeways 
generally on approaches to downtown, show decreases up to about 15 per cent. 

Changes in arterial street volumes are somewhat more apparent. With in- 
creased CBD generation (Condition B), volumes on radials approaching down- 
town are consistently higher — often over 15 per cent — than under present 
conditions, and virtually all circumferential movements show decreases. When 
downtown traffic generation is reduced, radial streets show reductions up to 25 
per cent; whereas many circumferential movements show increases of ap- 
proximately this amount. 

The greatest changes in arterial street volumes are in the central business 
district itself and, as showni in Figure 23, are almost directly proportional to 
changes in the levels of generation within the area. With an extremely con- 
centrated CBD (Condition B), traffic volumes are consistently over 25 per cent 
greater than "normal" conditions. With downtown attraction reduced (Con- 
dition C), traffic volumes are consistently about 25 per cent less. 

Significance of Findings — It is evident that changes in the intensity of land 
use will exert a corresponding influence on traffic volumes. The Nashville 
study has shown that many of these changes may not affect freeway traffic 
volumes to the extent that may have been otherwise anticipated. 

In Nashville, traffic was assigned to freeways and arterials for three distinct 
levels of downtown traffic generation. A review of these assignments shows 
no substantial change in over-all freeway loading from one set of conditions 
to the next. Changes in the levels of downtown attraction did not change the 
over-all freeway system needs in terms of system location, coverage, and extent. 

53 




DCCREAS£ rNCREASE 
nSSQ UMD 5-I4 PER CENT 

nn OD '5-20 



Figure 21 

Changes in 1959 Freeway and Arterial Volumes 

Condition B 

Nashville, Tennessee 



54 




nrmn QnnD s-,a per cent 
iiD on s z** 



OVER 2A 



Figure 22 

Changes in 1959 Freeway and Arterial Volumes 

Condition C 

Nashville, Tennessee 



55 



m iiE o^z" 





CONDITION B 



CONDITION C 



Figure 23 

Changes in 1959 Downtown Traffic Volumes 

Nashville, Tennessee 

With an extremely concentrated downtown (Condition B), arterial streets 
in and on the immediate approaches to downtown show considerable increases, 
although no significant changes are noted along outlying sections of arterials; 
somewhat the reverse is true with a decrease in CBD activity (Condition C). 

In Nashville, the most significant changes in traffic loadings occurred within 
the core area encompassed by the freeway loop. The expansion of CBD 
activity will therefore tend to increase volumes within and on the approaches 
to downtown. 

The results of the model must be considered as tentative since the as- 
sumptions represent some oversimplifications. For instance, if downtown 
decreases in importance, substantial decreases would likely take place in im- 
mediately surrounding areas.^* The model, nevertheless, seems to indicate that 
an urban area's over-all freeway needs may be relatively independent of the 
degree of concentration downtown. Changes in the level of downtown activity 
do not appear to affect total freeway needs. 



i^In the model, the methods of trip distribution resulted in an increase in these areas. 



56 



FUTURE CITY FORM 

Cities will continue to adapt to scientific, technological and social progress, 
and to the mobility provided by the automobile and truck. Urban expansion 
will occur in auto-oriented suburbia because of strong social motivations, in- 
creasing personal incomes, and availability of home sites. 

It is essential that sound and comprehensive transportation and land-use 
plans be provided, since suburbia is developing without waiting on a total plan. 
Transportation and land use should be complementary and in balance. 

Optimum Form — The ideal form of an urban area would minimize travel 
and, at the same time, preserve the amenities of urban culture and suburban 
living. There is some merit to the containment of individual communities, i. e. 
"self contained towns" — and, in isolated cases, such towns have been successful. 
However, they are not always in accord with the desires of the people. Choice 
residential sites are not usually consistent with centers of employment, and 
reasons for living in a given commimity are often predicated on socio-economic 
factors which may be dissimilar to the reasons for working in a given place. 

Extreme centralization requires a huge capital investment in transporta- 
tion facilities and is often contingent on high-density living. Extreme de- 
centralization could result in lack of downtown focus, and extensive urban 
sprawl. Sound urban area development, therefore, will require a balance 
between the extremes of decentralization and concentration. This balance might 
require a less extensive physical plant of transportation and terminal facilities, 
make optimum use of both highways and transit, and retain a satisfactory 
urban environment. 

Long-range transportation and land-use plans must recognize the structure, 
economy and other particular qualities of each metropolitan area; no one type 
of plan can be successfully applied to all urban areas. Intelligent arrangement 
of land uses with respect to travel facilities is more important than city form, 
per se. An ecological equilibrium should be provided between human concen- 
tration and internal circulation. 

The multiple-centered community appears, nevertheless, increasingly to 
be meeting the needs of the 20th Century city. Its dispersal of functions affords 
opportunities to foster more efficient travel and thereby reduces the problems 
inherent in providing access and parking facilities within extreme concentrated 
areas. It appears to be a natural consequence of urban expansion. 

In some areas, small integrated communities will emerge with all activities 
within walking distance; in other communities, decentralization will take place 
to such an extent that public transportation may cease to exist. In a few large 
areas, transit may complement the automobile. Obsolescence or replacement 

57 



of the automobile is unlikely in the 
foreseeable future; even if the car 
were suddenly superseded by a new 
form of transportation, at least a 
generation would be required for 
transition. 

Urban growth in the next 20 years 
will mainly develop densities similar 
to those in the new suburban com- 
munities surrounding the larger cities, 
about 2,500 persons per square mile. 
The additional areas brought within 
the urban definition during the next 
20 years will about double present 
urban area. 

Interurbia — Diffusion between 
urban areas will continue to take 
place as cities, suburbs, and metro- 
politan regions overlap. Planners 
envision 18 urban regions encom- 
passing one third of the nation's 
populace by about 1980, with dis- 
tinctions between town, suburb, and 
country disappearing. Freeways will 
continue to open up the countryside.^^ 

One such region, the "Atlantic 
Urban Region", extends from Maine 
to Virginia and fulfills the predic- 
tion of Patrick Geddes, a 19th Cen- 
tury British sociologist and biologist. 
The population distribution within 
this "supercity", depicted in Figure 
24, shows relatively little undeveloped countryside remaining in the broad 
complex; highway transportation is helping to fill in the existing voids. 

Central City — The patterns of present central cities will remain essentially 
the same for many years, although marked changes will take place in the 




LEGEND 



URBAN POPULATION 
9^ Urbanized Areas (Showing extent of each area) 

• Places of 25,000 or more 

• Places of 10,000 to 25,000 

• Places of 2,500 to 10,000 

RURAL POPULATION 

• Places of 1,000 to 2,500 

■ 500 persons (outside places of 1,000 or more) 



Figure 24 

Population Distribution 

1950 

Atlantic Urban Region 



i^Tunnard, Christopher, "The Landscape of the Big Street", City Planning at Yale, No. 2, 
Yale University, 1957, p. 2. 



58 



surrounding areas. The trend toward a leveling of central city population 
density will continue, although in a few cases, higher densities may result from 
urban renewal and development. 

Employment in central cities may increase, but will probably tend to 
be a lesser proportion of all employment within the metropolitan area. In 
many central cities, the movement of middle-income people to suburbia may 
be encouraged by increasing obsolescence of residential areas, and by some 
reorientation of employment centers.^^ 

To counter this move, modernization within the central city will be re- 
quired. Where cities recentralize, they must provide the amenities of suburbia, 
and at no greater cost. Considerable ingenuity and skill in planning, design, 
economic, and community organization will be required to maintain compara- 
tively high densities and make city living attractive. Large-scale redevelop- 
ment will be essential, but it will be predicated on total obsolescence of present 
city structures and economic feasibility. The prospect of such central city 
revitalization en masse does not appear likely within the near future. 

Perhaps as suburbia becomes somewhat obsolete, (both functionally and 
socially) the move back to the cities will take place. However, this shift is 
not anticipated within the next 20 years on any large scale, except in select 
corridors of certain large cities. To the extent that it occurs, some increases in 
transit usage may be anticipated. 

Central Business District — The central business district will not generally 
increase in dominance and will be subject to growing competition from outlying 
commercial areas. It will remain, nonetheless, the vital and dominant focal point 
of the area, and will increase as a cultural and social center. In certain cities, 
downtown office functions will likely increase. 

The stabilization and decline in relative importance of the central business 
district will result from the continued urban population dispersion, the conse- 
quent proximity of competitive outlying areas, and the shift of non-essential 
activities to new, modem, low-cost sites. 

Downtown will be strengthened by improved highways, public transit 
and parking, and by the development of attractive high-density residential 
uses in the surrounding areas. 



i^Vemon, Raymond, The Changing Economic Function of the Central City, Council for 
Economic Development, 1959. 

59 



The downtown "white collar" activity attracts from the new higher 
income suburbs beyond the ring of low and middle-income population groups 
that have occupied old homes near the city center. Redevelopment of many 
older residential areas to "luxury" apartments will, therefore, be in keeping 
with the changing functions of downtown. 

Studies of central business district traffic generation show a direct relation 
between type of floor area in use and the attraction of persons.^^ Retail func- 
tions in the CBD attract the greatest number of people per unit area and 
warehouses, the least. An increase in office space will not offset a corresponding 
decrease in retail areas in terms of total person generation. Therefore, since 
retail space is stabilizing, and in some situations decreasing, the total generation 
in downtown will probably decrease. 

Since the peak-hour generation of office areas is slightly greater than that 
of retail areas, the decrease in retail areas and increase in office space will 
tend to add slightly to the over-all peak-hour transportation needs of the central 
business district. This may be slightly offset as the close-in, loft building 
industrial areas recede in importance. As industries continue to seek new sites, 
areas are developed for other purposes, viz., multi-family residential. 

Freeway Impacts — There can be no doubt that a modern, well-planned 
system of express highways will benefit both the central city and surrounding 
areas. First, it will improve accessibility throughout the area, and thereby 
improve the attractiveness of the central business district. Second, it will stimu- 
late the planned development of the entire urban complex. Third, it will be 
an impetus to redevelopment of the older central city areas. 



i^Harper, B.C.S., and Edwards, H. M., "Generation of Person Trips by Areas within the 
Central Business District", Traffic Origin and Destination Studies, Appraisal of Methods, 
Bulletin 253, Highway Research Board, Washington, D. C, 1960. An equation was fitted to 
the form; y = bi xi + bz X2 -f bs xs -|- K in seven cities. An approximate generalized equa- 
tion would be as follows: 

y = 14x1 + 5x2 + xs — 1800 
where: 

y = number of persons destinations in a zone in the CBD in an average 24-hour 

period from within the metropoUtan area. 
Xi = area of retail floor space in use in the zone expressed in thousands of square feet. 
X2 = area of service-office floor space in use in the zone expressed in thousands of 

square feet. 
x» = area of manufacturing-warehousing floor space in use in the zone expressed in 
thousands of square feet. 



60 




CHARACTERISTICS 

of 

URBAN TRAVEL 



SUMMARY 

1 HE characteristics of travel as measured in 12 dispersed study 
cities of various population sizes reflect the daily activities of American 
city residents and their adaptation to the automobile. They show 
that the automobile has become the primary mode of urban travel. 

Today, more than three fourths of all urban travel is by car, 
except in a iew of the nation's oldest and largest cities. The urban 
resident makes about two trips per day in a car or transit vehicle in 
large cities like Detroit and Chicago, and averages two and one half 
or more trips a day in smaller cities, such as Reno. In all cities, the 
resident travels about 10 miles each day in all pursuits. 

A large proportion of urban trips — up to 80 per cent or more — 
begin or end at home. From city to city, the occupants of the aver- 
age residence generate approximately the same number and type of 
trips each day. About 20 per cent are trips "to work"; 18 per cent "to 
business and shopping"; 12 per cent for "social and recreational" pur- 
poses; 40 per cent "to home"; 3 per cent "to school"; and 7 per cent 
for miscellaneous reasons. 

Trips are generated by each land-use class in accord with cer- 
tain characteristic patterns. In general, the rate at which trips take 
place between pairs of areas tends to decrease with distance and 
time. It is also affected by competition between areas providing 
similar types of attractions. Freeways will, therefore, facilitate a 
reorientation of urban travel. 

The reasons for the increasing use of automobile transportation 

61 



are readily understandable. The choice of travel mode — private 
car or transit — has become closely related to car ownership and 
population density; car ownership and density, in turn, are usually 
related to family income. In most cities, low income and high 
density are related, with income increasing and density decreasing 
with distance from the central business district. The trends are 
toward lower population densities, higher family income and greater 
car ownership; therefore, transit riding will continue to decline and 
car use will increase. 

Travel to the central business district is increasingly by car, al- 
though transit retains a substantial proportion of downtown trips. 
Automobiles carry more than half of all people who enter downtown 
areas, except for the few cities with established rapid transit systems. 

Downtown has not been attracting new visitors in proportion to 
over-all urban growth since its relative attraction of travel decreases 
as the size of urban area increases; as cities get larger, a smaller pro- 
portion of total urban travel is to or from downtown. This is because 
cities are experiencing rapid growth in low-density suburbs which 
have the smallest per capita CBD-trip potential in the community. 
Improvements in accessibility, as provided by freeways, will reduce 
travel time and impediments to downtown travel, thereby increasing 
the market potentials and competitive position of the central busi- 
ness district. 

Although the central business district is the largest generator of 
travel within the urban region, the great majority of automobile trips 
are dispersed throughout the metropolitan area. In most cities, less 
than 15 per cent of trips by car have origins or destinations within the 
central business district. 

More than half of all automobiles entering most central business 
districts are merely passing through, and have destinations elsewhere 
in the urban region. These vehicles could be readily diverted to 
downtown freeway loops, thereby freeing other streets for local traffic. 

The characteristics of travel clearly show that the city must fully 
integrate the automobile into its over-all structure. New express 
highway networks will be required to provide the needed urban mo- 
bility and urban Interstate routes will be essential segments of these 
freeway systems. 



62 



.M.OST travel generated within urban limits is created by the people 
who live there, and by people who are attracted to the area from surrounding 
localities. The patterns of travel reflect the movement of people engaged in 
the daily routines of making a living, provisioning their homes, and socializing 
with their neighbors. 

Characteristics of urban trip generation explain the functioning of the 
modern city. They give a better understanding of the interrelationships between 
urban travel and city development, and provide the bases for anticipating 
urban travel needs. 

Trip patterns are dynamic in character; they respond to competition, to 
changes in the direction of urban growth, and to transition from public to 
private transportation. Future urban transportation needs will be contingent 
upon the changes in land use and travel that are expected to occur. Analysis of 
present travel, therefore, is prerequisite to the projection of future travel and 
the evaluation of future express highway potentials. 

STUDY CITIES 

In this chapter, the interrelationships between land uses, trip generation, 
and mode of travel are analyzed in detail for 12 urban areas of varied size, wide 
geographic distribution, and diversified economic base. These study areas, 
shov^ni in Figure 25, extend from Washington, D. C, to Phoenix, Arizona, and 
range in size from Reno (54,000 population) to Chicago (over 5 million 
population ) . 

Selection of specific cities for "study-in-depth" was based on the ready 
availability of current travel information and on their diversity as to location 
and type.^ Within the past seven years, a comprehensive home interview origin- 



lAnalyses have been based on information contained in the following origin-destination 
studies, co-sponsored by the U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, 
the respective state highway departments, and local governments: Chicago Area Transpor- 
tation Study, Final Report, Volume I, Survey Findings, December, 1959; Detroit Metropolitan 
Area Traffic Study, Parts I and II, 1955; Mess Transportation Survey — National Capital 
Region, Traffic Engineering Study, Wilbur Smith and Associates, 1958; The Washington 
Metropolitan Area Transportation Study, Regional Highway Planning Committee, 1948; A 
Highway Planning Study for the St. Louis Metropolitan Area Volume I — Highway and Travel 
Facts — Wilbur Smith and Associates, 1959; Houston Metropolitan Area Traffic Survey, 1953; 
Kansas City Metropolitan Area Origin and Destination Survey, Volume I — Traffic Studies, 
Wilbur Smith and Associates, 1959; A Major Street and Highway Plan, Phoenix Urban Area, 
Maricopa County, Wilbur Smith and Associates, 1960; Traffic Study, Phoenix, Maricopa Coun- 
ty, 1956-1957; A Major Highway Plan, Broward County, Florida (Fort Lauderdale Area), 
Wilbur Smith and Associates, 1960; A Master Highway Transportation Plan for the Charlotte 
Metropolitan Area, Wilbur Smith and Associates, 1960; Major Street and Highway Plan, 
Truckee Meadows Area, Washoe County, Nevada (Reno Area), Wilbur Smith and Associates, 
Richardson Gordon and Associates, 1960; Pittsburgh Area Transportation Study — currently in 
progress; Nashville Metropolitan Area Transportation Study, Wilbur Smith and Associates — 
currently in progress. 

63 




HOUSTON 
© 



FORT 
MAUDERDALE 



>,'*v«:>3»?^>4;.>«7>3if,jg«fjafl^,sjii<e^^ 



'feKs -^ >!.;;.'■;** -J*^' 



Figure 25 
Study Cities 

destination survey of travel habits, co-sponsored by the U. S. Bureau of PubHc 
Roads, state highway departments, and local, county and city governments, 
has been made in each city. Detailed analyses of present and future transpor- 
tation needs, based on assumed growth and land-use development patterns, 
have been made or are currently underway in each survey city. Results of 
these analyses are presented in this chapter.^ 

TRAVEL GENERATION 

Travel characteristics of residents within the 12 urban areas are sum- 
marized in Table 11. Some of the principal findings are as follows: 

The number of daily trips per person ranges from about 1.6 in Pittsburgh 
to about 2.5 in Reno. 

The number of persons per car ranges from about 2.4 in Reno to over 3.8 in 
Chicago. 



2The home-interview, origin-destination surveys recorded most travel performed by resi- 
dents of a large sample of households in each city. In small cities (Reno), as many as 20 
per cent of the homes were interviewed regarding weekday travel by residents. A 10-per- 
cent sample of households was obtained in cities of 150,000 to 300,000 population, and a 
five-per-cent sample in cities of half a million to one million population. In larger cities, 
samples were taken of at least one household in 30. 

64 



Table 11 
GENERATION OF TRAVEL IN STUDY AREAS^ 

POPU- TRIPS TRIPS PERSONS CARS 

YEAR LATION IN PER PERSONS PER PER PER 

OF STUDY PER- PER DWELL- DWELL- DWELL- 

VRBAN AREA SURVEY AREA SON CAR ING ING ING 

Chicago, 111. 1956 5,169,663 1.92 3.85 5.96 3.10 0.80 

Detroit, Mich. 1953 2,968,875 1.77 3.51 5.88 3.31 0.94 

Washington, D. C. 1955 1,568,522 1.67 3.75 5.05 3.02 0.81 

Pittsburgh, Pa 1958 1,472,099 1.61 3.75 5.26 3.26 0.87 

St. Louis, Mo. 1957 1,275,454 1.94 3.48 6.05 3.12 0.90 

Houston, Texas 1953 878,629 2.22 3.43 7.16 3.22 0.94 

Kansas City, Mo 1957 857,550 2.18 3.26 6.69 3.07 0.95 

Phoenix, Ariz 1957 397,395 2.29 2.87 6.88 3.01 1.05 

NashviUe, Tenn 1959 357,585 2.29 3.35 7.52 3.28 0.98 

Fort Lauderdale, Fla. 1959 210,850 1.69 2.72 3.63 2.15 0.79 

Charlotte, N. C. 1958 202,272 2.36 3.28 8.10 3.43 1.05 

Reno, Nev 1955 54,933 2.48 2.43 6.87 2.77 1.14 

iSource: The tables presented in this chapter have been compiled from the various 
summaries of origin-destination data for each study area. These source materials, prepared 
for various purposes, do not always add to the same totals; thus data have been slightly 
adjusted to achieve comparabiHty wherever possible. 

The number of trips per dwelling unit per day ranges from about four in 
Fort Lauderdale to more than eight in Charlotte. 

The number of persons per dwelling unit ranges from about 2.2 in Fort 
Lauderdale, and 2.8 in Reno, to about 3.4 in Charlotte. 

The number of cars per dwelling unit ranges from about 0.8 in Fort 
Lauderdale, Washington, and Chicago, to about 1.1 in Phoenix and Reno. 

Effects of City Size — Individuals make more trips in small communities 
than in large ones. As shown in Figure 26, the number of daily trips in vehicles 
decreases as the size and/or density of the community increases. (In large 
cities like Detroit and Chicago, the urban resident makes about two trips daily, 
whereas in smaller cities like Reno, the average is two and one half or more 
trips per day.) These differences may be attributed to greater car ownership; 
almost total dependence on the private car for transportation; comparative 
availability of parking space; and shorter average trip lengths, which enable 

65 



3.0 



2.5 

Q 

U2.0 
0. 

Z 

o 

"^ 15 

a. 



Ui 
Q. 1.0 

CO 
Ql 
EC 

^0.5 













































■""- 


— 


-•- 


-- 


- .^ 


; 
























• 








• 


■ 








~ 


































[ r 


>OPULAT 


inM 




Li. 


lUIN 


























































, 







100 i.OOO 

NUMBER OF PERSONS IN STUDY AREA (THOUSANDS) 



10,000 



3.0 



2.5 

Q 

WiZ.O 
a. 

2 
O 

to 

a: 
Q- 1.0 

CO 
Q. 



0.5 



POPULA" 



ION DENSITY 



1,000 2,000 3,000 4,000 5,000 6,000 7,000 8,000 9,000 10,000 

PERSONS PER SQUARE MILE 
{1950 URBANIZED AREA) 



Figure 26 
Trip Generation Related to City Size and Density 



drivers to make more trips. In cities of every size, the resident travels about 10 
miles per day in all pursuits. 

Smaller cities generally have lower average land-use densities and relatively 
few destinations within walking distance. In old, densely populated central 
cities of the large metropolises, many trips are made on foot and are not reported 
in the origin-destination data. Trips to the corner drug store, neighborhood 
grocery, school or church do not require either bus or car; some trips to 
work are also made by foot. 

Trip Generation by Mode — Travel modes, average car occupancies, and 
proportions of truck traffic are summarized in Table 12. 



Table 12 

TRIPS BY URBAN RESIDENTS ACCORDING TO MODE IN 

STUDY AREAS 1 

( Thousands ) 

PER CENT OF rrtTA r 
TOTAL PERSON VFtJICTV 

TRIPS TRIPS 

P^^SO^ TRIPS ^Tfr I^il^s PER 

Passen- Tran- In In Occu- Truck and CENT 

URBAN AREA YEAR Driver get sit Total Autos Transit panctj Trips Trucks) TRUCKS 

Chicago 1956 4,811 2,706 2,414 9,931 75.7 24.3 1.56 828 5,639 14.7 

Detroit 1953 2,991 1,394 879 5,264 83.3 16.7 1.46 495 3,486 14.2 

Washington .. 1955 1,278 709 639 2,626 75.7 24.3 1.56 219 1,497 14.6 

Pittsburgh .... 1958 1,292 603 482 2,377 79.7 20.3 1.47 229 1,521 15.1 

St Louis 1957 1,359 731 387 2,477 84.4 15.6 1.54 , 280 1,639 17.1 

Houston 1953 1,085 616 252 1,953 87.1 12.9 1.57 202 1,287 15.7 

Kansas City .. 1957 1,108 577 185 1,870 90.1 9.9 1.52 181 1,289 14.0 

Phoenix 1957 586 266 58 910 93.6 6.4 1.45 168 754 22.2 

Nashville 1959 493 263 63 819 92.3 7.7 1.53 91 584 15.6 

Ft. Lauderdale 1959 238 114 5 357 98.6 1.4 1.48 31 259 12.0 

Charlotte 1958 303 140 35 478 92.7 7.3 1.46 52 355 14.6 

Reno 1955 81 53 2 136 98.5 1.5 1.65 22 103 21.4 



^Source: Origin-destination studies in each area. 

67 



Urban travel is predominantly by automobile. In almost every American 
city, more than three fourths of all trips are made by car. The proportion of 
travel by car in the study cities ranged from about 75 per cent in Chicago 
and Washington to more than 98 per cent in Reno and Fort Lauderdale. The 
car accommodated more than 90 per cent of all trips in cities under one million 
population surveyed after 1955.* 

The average car occupancy in the study cities was relatively constant at 
approximately 1.5 persons per car. Car occupancy ranged from 1.4 persons 
per car in Phoenix to almost 1.7 in Reno. 

Commercial vehicles were a substantial proportion of the travel in all cities, 
accounting for between 12 and 22 per cent of all vehicle trips. In most 
cities, trucks accounted for about 15 per cent of the total vehicular travel. 

CAR OWNERSHIP AND USE 

Car ownership and use are related to socio-economic status within the 
community. The lowest ratio of cars to population is in the low-income, 
high-density areas, whereas high-income, low-density areas have a high ratio 
of cars to population. Where people own fewer cars, they make fewer car trips. 

Usually there are more car owners in single-family residential areas than 
in high-density apartment areas. Density and income being equal, fewer cars 
are owned and used by persons living near the central city than those in out- 
lying areas. Quality of public transportation is a factor since areas with 
efficient and frequent public transit often have lower car ownership and use 
than areas with poor transit service. High-density areas are often in proximity 
to employment and commercial outlets, thereby minimizing the need for private 
transportation. 

Car Ownership — Throughout the country, car ownership is greater in 
low-density urban areas than in high-density urban areas. For example, there 
were 2.4 people per passenger car in Los Angeles County in 1959 compared 
with 6.1 people per car in the five boroughs comprising New York City. 

Within all strata of the urban community, car ownership has increased 
rapidly in recent years. For example, cars owned in Houston, (Harris County) 
Texas, increased from about 283 automobiles per thousand population in 1949, 
to approximately 350 in 1959; in Detroit (Wayne County), Michigan, ownership 
increased from 295 per thousand persons in 1949 to about 350 in 1959; in the 



3The relatively low proportion of auto travel in Houston in 1953 (86 per cent) is directly 
related to lower car ownership tihroughout the nation in the early 1950's; it has since been 
reported to have increased to about 94 per cent. 















CARS OWNED PER THOUSAND POPULATION 
o O O o o c 

3 O O O O O C 

1 1 1 . 1 






























r- 

1 

1 







---• 






PHOENIX 1 






IHHill 




1 












1 




I 












ST 


LOUIS 1 


















20 

PER CENT 


1 

4( 
01 


1 
60 80 

- URBAN POPULATION 


1 
10 






Figure 27 

Automobile Ownership Related to Urban Population 

IN St. Louis, Missouri, and Phoenix, Arizona 

Chicago area (Cook County) of Illinois, the change was from 206 cars per 
thousand persons in 1949 to 285 in 1959. 

To show how car ownership varies within a community, urban populations 
in Phoenix and St. Louis have been grouped by increments of 10 per cent 
(deciles) according to average level of car ownership in the various zones and 
the results plotted in Figure 27. In St. Louis, with relatively low car owner- 
ship, the rate of ownership rises steadily through successive deciles of popula- 
tion. However, in Phoenix, with a relatively high, over-all level of ownership, 
there is littie difference in the number of cars owned by each tenth of the 



100 rv 




UNDER 1,000- 2,000- 3,000- 4,000- 5,000- 6,000- 7,500- OVER 

1,000 2,000 3,000 4,000 5,000 6,000 7.500 10,000 10,000 

AVERAGE INCOME OF SPENDING UNITS ( DOLLARS ) 



OWN NO CAR 



OWN ONE CAR 



lOWN TWO OR MORE CARS 



Figure 28 
Car Ownership Related to Family Income 

United States 
1958 



population above the 40-per-cent level. This may be interpreted to mean that 
car ownership in Phoenix is approaching a practical "saturation level" beyond 
this point. If this is the case, it would appear that an ownership ratio of about 
one car for every 2.5 persons represents a normal saturation level. 

Income — About three fourths of all households in the United States own 
one or more passenger cars. As shown in Figure 28, low-income families own 
relatively few cars because they are expensive to buy and maintain; however, 
when family income exceeds $5,000 per year, 90 per cent or more of all 
families are found to own one or more cars. At income levels higher than 
$7,500, multi-car ownership increases rapidly. 

The influence of family income on car ownership is clear from Figure 29, 
which shows how ownership relates to family incomes under $5,000 in Phila- 
delphia (1947), Washington (1948 and 1955), Dallas (1950) and St. Louis 
(1957).^ Car ownership varies according to the year of study, type of city, 
and incomes of residents. In all cities, car ownership increases as family incomes 



^Sources: Origin-destination studies in study cities, also Dallas Metropolitan Area 
Survey, Texas State Highway Department in conjunction with U. S. Bureau of Public 
Roads, 1950, Philadelphia-Camden Area Traffic Survey — Pennsylvania Department of High 
ways and New Jersey State Highway Department in conjunction with U. S. Bureau of Public 
Roads, and Philadelphia City Planning Commission, 1950. The purchasing power of a given 
level of income varies markedly from year to year and from city to citv. Thus, while the curves 
shown in Figure 29 are not entirely comparable, the trends, nevertneless, are significant. 



70 



increase: for average incomes of $5,000, there are about three to four persons 
per car owned, whereas for average incomes of $2,500, there are about five to 
14 persons per car owned. 

Rising hving standards and higher family incomes will, therefore, contribute 
to higher car ownership in urban areas. Most of the continuing increases in 
ownership will, however, take place in lower-income families. In Washington, 
D. C, where the average car ownership increased from 5.5 persons per car 
in 1948 to 3.75 persons per car in 1955, the largest gains were made by the lowest 
income families. 

Conversely, car ownership in the higher income populations was almost 
static. As median income levels approached $5,000 (based on 1950 census 
data), families were found to have nearly the same number of cars in all four 
cities, regardless of date. Evidently, car ownership is approaching saturation 
in these areas. 

The curves for Dallas, Texas, and Washington, D. C. (1955), show what 
happens as area-wide ownership approaches the saturation level. In these 
cities, ownership is almost uniform except for the lowest income families who 
own appreciably fewer cars; additional car ownership will, therefore, be largely 
proportional to area-wide population increases. This is also true in some of 



UJ 

z 

O 24 



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O 

a: 
111 
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UJ 

o 
to 

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q: 

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o 

oc 

UJ 
CD 

s. 

3 



20 



16 



12 



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PHILADELPHIA, PA.- 1947- AVG. 
8.7 PERSONS PER CAR 












\ 














_2 


1/ 












> 


\ 






















WASHINGTON, DC- 1948- AVG. 
5.5 PERSONS PER CAR 




7 r 












\ 


\ 


k 




















WASHINGTON, DC- 1955 -AVG. 




> 


V -." 


\ 








3 rtMSUNS ft« tAK 










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ST LOUIS, M0.-I957-AVG. 






7 


^ 


.^ 




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3.5 PERSONS PER CAR 








~ 


*^ 


-- 




..^ 


/ 






// 




^'*^" 










— ■ = 


^ / 


r 


DALLAS, TEXAS- 1950- AV6. 3.5 PERSONS PER CAR 










1 




_ 






_ 












1,000 2,000 3,000 4,000 5,000 

' AVERAGE ANNUAL FAMILY INCOME (DOLLARS) 

Figure 29 
Car Ownership Related to Family Income 



6,000 



71 
























LICENSED DRIVERS PER 










CAR OWNED 




^ 


\ 






/ 












X 






"""""■- 





POPULATION LICENSED 




/ 


/ 




TO DRIVE 































<Z 2-3 3-4 4-5 5-6 6-7 7-9 

ESTIMATED FAMILY INCOME 
(THOUSANDS OF DOLLARS) 



Figure 30 

Licensed Drivers Related to Median 

Family Income 

St. Louis, Missouri 

1957 



the study areas where, because of the 
year of survey and the nature of the 
area, the ratios of people to cars are 
appreciably lower than shown for 
Dallas and Washington. 

Effects of income on licensed 
drivers in the St. Louis area are 
depicted in Figure 30. As incomes 
rise, the proportion of population over 
16 years licensed to drive increases 
from about 30 per cent in low-income 
families to about 75 per cent in high- 
income families. Similarly, licensed 
drivers, per car owned, decreased 
steadily with increases in income 
from an average of 1.5 drivers per car 
in low-income groups to about 1.3 
drivers per car for higher inconie 
levels. 



Thus, where cars are few, the ratio of drivers to cars is high; where cars 
are many, the ratio of drivers to cars tends to approach one. It would appear, 
therefore, that high-income families may be gradually approaching an upper 
limit of car ownership (one licensed driver per car owned). 

Family Size — Family size, and the number of job-holding members in the 
family are also significant criteria in determining car ownership. In Chatta- 
nooga, for example, families without cars were smaller in size than families 
with one, two or more cars.^ As shown in Figure 31, the number of job- 
holding members averaged much less in families with no car than in families 
with one. car. The number of cars owned, therefore, reflects the number of 
employed persons and increases as the number of job holders increase. 

The implication is clear that car ownership increases as the average 
number of family members of driving age increases. This is further confirmed 
by the average number of licensed drivers per household in Chattanooga. One- 
car dwellings averaged 1.6 licensed drivers; two-car families, 2.2 drivers; three- 
car families, slightly more than three licensed drivers per household; and only 



^Chattanooga Metropolitan Area Transportation Survey now in progress, by Tennessee 
Department of Highways and Public Works and City of Nashville in conjunction with U. S. 
Bureau of Public Roads, and Wilbur Smith and Associates. Data from this study have been 
analyzed in part herein. 



72 




Figure 31 

Car Ownership Related to Family Size and Employment 

Chattanooga, Tennessee — 1960 



3.5 licensed drivers in the average four-car dwelling — an excess of cars over 
drivers. 

Car Use — The amount of daily travel in an urban area is directly related 
to the availability of an automobile. Car use is greatest in areas of high income, 
and, therefore, high ownership. Low car ownership — many persons per car — 
generates low rates of trip production, whereas high-car ownership is consistent 
with high rates of trip production. Thus, the number of daily trips per person 
increases as car ownership increases; persons having the use of a car make more 
trips than those who must use public transportation. 

The average number of trips per car is also greater in small cities than in 
large cities because of lower densities and less attractive transit service. 

Total Trip Generation — The effects of car ownership on trip generation 
are clearly illustrated in Figure 32, which shows how total daily travel in the 
St. Louis area declines as car ownership decreases. Populations with only one 
car for eight or more persons averaged less than one trip per person per day 
in automobiles or public transit, whereas populations with one car for every 
three or fewer persons produced from two to three trips per person per day. 

73 



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CO 

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a. 

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3.5 



3.0 



2.5 



2.0 



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2 4 6 8 10 

AVERAGE NUMBER OF RESIDENTS 



12 14 16 

PER VEHICLE OWNED 



18 



Figure 32 

Vehicle Ownership Related to Trip Frequency 

St. Louis, Missouri — 1957 

Expressed in terms of trips per household, the range of trip production varies 
from 2.5 trips per dwelHng per day in the low-income, low-ownership brackets, 
to 10 trips per household per day in high-income, high car-ownership popula- 
tions. The pattern is similar in other cities. 

As shown in Table 13, daily trips per person by all modes of travel in 
Washington, Kansas City, Phoenix and Nashville decrease as car ownership 
becomes smaller. 

Households that have no cars average less than one trip per resident per 
day (as in Nashville in 1959 and Chicago in 1956), whereas households with 
more than two cars average three or more trips per person per day. 

The effects of car ownership on the number of people making trips are 
apparent from a review of Figure 33. More people make trips when car 
ownership is high. Where there are 1.5 persons per car, about 80 per cent 
of all people over five years of age make trips. This proportion decreases to 
about 60 per cent where car ownership exceeds four persons per car. 

The number of trips by that proportion of the populace actually making 



74 



Over 
6.0 


AVERAGE 

TRIPS 

PER 

PERSON 


1.2 


1.7 


0.9 


1.9 


0.9 


2.2 


1.1 


2.3 


1.1 


2.3 


1.1 


2.4 



Table 13 

TRIP GENERATION RELATED TO CAR OWNERSHIP^ 
Average Daily Trips Per Person 

AVERAGE NUMBER OF PERSONS PER CAR 

URBAN AREA 1.5-2.0 2.0-2.5 2.5-3.0 3.0-3.5 3.5-4.0 4.0-5.0 5.0-6.0 

Washington (1955) _- -2 2.7 2.2 2.0 1.7 1.5 1.3 

St. Louis (1957) 3.2 2.6 2.4 2.2 1.8 1.7 1.3 

Kansas City (1957) ._. -2 2.9 2.6 2.3 1.9 1.4 1.4 

Phoenix (1957) 3.4 2.8 2.5 2.0 1.6 1.5 1.2 

NashviUe (1959) 3.5 3.2 2.8 2.5 2.3 1.8 1.4 

Charlotte (1958) 3.6 3.1 3.0 2.1 2.1 1.9 1.6 



^Source: Origin-destination studies in each area. 
*Data not indicated for this category. 



trips also decreases from more than four trips per person for high levels 
of car ownership to three per person for low levels of car ownership. 

Driver Trips Per Car — The average number of auto driver trips generated 
by residents in zones within Charlotte, Nashville, Washington, Detroit, and 
Pittsburgh are shown in Figure 34. In each city, the average use of cars 
owned is generally commensurate with ownership — use is low wherever car 
ownership is low. Greatest use of each car (average number of driver trips 
per car each day) occurs in zones where car ownership averages between 1.2 
and 1.5 cars per household. 

The curves for all five cities follow consistent patterns with vertical spacing 
on the curves reflecting the varying use of public transportation. Daily car 
use at every level of ownership averaged more than in cities where transit 
received less patronage. Charlotte and Nashville, where transit accommodates 
about eight per cent of the daily travel, have high car use and strikingly similar 
patterns. Detroit, Pittsburgh, and Washington, all more transit-oriented with 
about 20 per cent of all trips by this mode, have similar patterns and lower 
car use. 

Several factors contribute to the patterns of car use depicted in Figure 34. 
The zones of low car ownership usually represent low-income populations in 
high-density areas near the center of the city where many destinations are 
within walking distance and where transit is most convenient. Accordingly, a 

75 



i 



100 



90 



80 



70 



60 



50 



40 



t 



N*, 



\ <0/ 




y 



HIGH CAR OWNERSHIP 




LOW CAR OWNERSHIP 



^ 



1.0-1.5 1.5-2.0 2.0-2.5 2.5-3.0 3.0-35 35-4.0 4.0-5.0 
AVERAGE NUMBER OF PERSON PER CAR 



5.0-6.0 



Figure 33 
Trip Generation Related to Car Ownership 



76 



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CHARLOTTE. N.C. L 






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3 0.2 0.4 

AVERAGE 


0.6 0.8 1.0 1.2 1.4 1. 

NUMBER OF CARS PER HOUSEHOLD 


6 



Figure 34 
Automobile Trips Related to Car Ownership 

higher proportion of daily travel is more easily diverted to other modes of travel. 
Where car ownership is low, most of the cars are used for travel to and from 
work, and consequently are unavailable for other trips during most of each day. 

Multi-Car Families — The number of driver trips per car in most multi- 
car families tends to average a little less as successive cars are acquired. As 
shown in Table 14, three-car families in Chicago averaged 2.86 driver trips per 
car, compared with 2.99 trips for one-car families; in Nashville, three-car 
families averaged 3.68 trips whereas one-car families averaged 4.70 trips. 

The use of successive cars in multi-car families in Nashville, Chattanooga, 
and Chicago is depicted in Figure 35. In all three cities, the use of the 
second and third cars (i. e. average number of trips per car) is generally less 
than the use made of vehicles owned by one-car families. In Nashville and Chat- 
tanooga, with metropolitan area populations slightly under 400,000 residents, 
the increase in daily auto trips per family attributable to the second and third 
cars is considerably less than the average auto travel in one-car families. In 
Chicago, use of the car in one-car families is much less than in smaller cities 
because of the availability of extensive public transportation facilities and 
higher land-use densities, and travel by the first and second cars are comparable; 
use of the second and third cars is less work-oriented than the first car and, 
therefore, is somewhat less affected by densities and transit. 



77 



Table 14 
DRIVER TRIPS IN MULTI-CAR FAMILIES^ 



CARS PER FAMILY 



One 



AVERAGE DRIVER 
TRIPS 



Driver Trips 
Average Per Car 
Average First Car| 



CITY 



Chicago 

2.99 
2.99 



Nashville 

4.70 
4.70 
4.70 



Two 


Total Driver Trips 
Average Per Car 


5.92 8.24 
2.96 4.12 




Average Per Second Car^ 


2-9«HHi;3.54 








Three 


Total Driver Trips 
Average Per Car 


8.57 11.00 
2.86 3.68 




Average Per Third Car^ 


2.65 2.76 









1 Source: Origin-destination studies in each area. 

2Assumes first car averages same number of trips as one-car families. 

^Assumes first and second cars average same number of trips as in two-car families. 



14 



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^■H FIRST CAR 



2.6 






CHATTANOOGA 
I960 



NASHVILLE 
1959 



CHICAGO 
1956 



Figure 35 
Use of Cars in Multi-Car Families 



78 



Land-use densities and public transportation affect car use within each 
city. Their effects are apparent in Figure 36 which relates use of first, second 
and third cars to distance from the Chicago central business district. Families 
living about 15 miles from the Loop make nearly twice as much use of the first 
car as those who live in or adjacent to it. Use of the second and third cars 
follows a similar, but less pronounced pattern. 



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5 3.5 5.5 7.5 9.5 11.5 13.5 15.5 
MILES FROM CBD (LOOP) 



Figure 36 

Use of Cars in Multi-Car Families Related to Place Garaged 

Chicago, Illinois — 1956 



Income — Effects of family income on both the number and character 
of trips performed in the Phoenix area is clearly illustrated by Figure 37. 
Similar relationships have also been found in many of the study cities. 

Trip production increases with income: low-income groups in Phoenix 
produce about 1.6 trips per person daily whereas high-income groups produce 
about 3.6 trips per day. Work trips are a reasonably stable component of daily 
travel, but trips for other purposes increase rapidly with rising income levels. 
The highest economic class produces nearly twice as many non-work trips per 
person per day as the lowest economic group — the greatest increases are in 
shopping and business travel. 



79 




LOW AVERAGE HIGH 

ECONOMIC CLASS 



VERY HIGH 



VERY LOW 



Figure 37 
Daily Trips Related to Economic Class and Purpose 

Phoenix, Arizona — 1957 

Work trips are produced at substantially the same average rate per person 
in the middle and upper income families, and at somewhat lower rates in low- 
income brackets. Low-income populations tend to congregate at high density 
in areas of mixed land use with some job opportunities within walking distance 
of dwelling places; thus, actual work travel in these zones may probably be 
greater than indicated. 

TRIP PURPOSES 

Trip purposes reflect the daily activities of residents within an urban area. 
The one or more persons who work to support each household make daily trips 
to their jobs. Shopping for food and other essentials generates travel, and trips 
to school, church and various social and recreational activities are often made 
by members of the household as a unit. 

Trip purposes in the study cities are shown in Table 15, and graphically 
surmnarized in Figure 38. In all cities, trips may be grouped in a few basic 
categories: about 40 per cent of all trips were reported "to home"; 20 
per cent "to work"; 12 per cent "social and recreational"; 18 per cent "business" 
and "shopping"; 3 per cent, "school", and the remainder (about 7 per cent), 

80 



Table 15 

TRIPS BY URBAN RESIDENTS ACCORDING TO PURPOSE 
IN STUDY AREASi 

PER CENT OF TRIPS TO: 

Busi 
URBAN AREA YEAR Home 

Chicago - -- 1956 43.5 

Detroit 1953 39.5 

Washington 1955 41.7 

Pittsburgh 1958 43.4 

St. Louis 1957 40.5 

Houston 1953 40.3 

Kansas City 1957 38.4 

Phoenix 1957 37.2 

NashviUe 1959 37.6 

Fort Lauderdale- 1959 38.6 

Charlotte 1958 36.6 

Reno - 1955 38.6 

Average Per Cent 39.6 

^Origin-destination studies in each area. 



Work 


Busi- 
Tiess 


Shopping 


Social- 
Recre- 
ational 


School 


Other 


All 
Pur- 
poses 


20.5 


12.4 


5.5 


12.8 


1.9 


3.4 


100.0 


23.5 


6.9 


8.2 


12.1 


3.0 


6.8 


100.0 


23.4 


6.6 


8.2 


7.1 


4.4 


8.6 


100.0 


21.0 


13.5 


8.4 


7.9 


5.8 


0.0 


100.0 


20.8 


6.0 


10.5 


12.3 


3.0 


6.9 


100.0 


18.9 


7.1 


10.1 


10.8 


4.9 


7.9 


100.0 


20.6 


6.7 


9.9 


12.9 


2.8 


8.7 


100.0 


18.2 


7.9 


11.5 


11.2 


5.0 


9.0 


100.0 


19.1 


6.5 


10.5 


13.6 


3.3 


9.4 


100.0 


17.2 


11.7 


13.8 


12.9 


0.4 


5.4 


100.0 


21.9 


7.5 


9.0 


12.8 


2.8 


9.4 


100.0 


16.9 


11.2 


10.4 


14.3 


0.3 


8.3 


100.0 


20.2 


8.7 


9.7 


11.7 


3.1 


7.0 


100.0 




ALL TRIPS 



HOME - BASED TRIPS 



Figure 38 
Trip Purposes in Study Cities 

(Average Per Cent) 

81 



miscellaneous.^ The non-work trips are spread rather uniformly through- 
out daylight and evening hours; whereas trips to and from work are concen- 
trated within a few peak hours. In most cities, each of the four peak hours — 
7 to 9 in the morning and 4 to 6 in the afternoon — account for seven to 10 
per cent of the total daily travel. 

Trips "to home" ranged from about 37 per cent in Charlotte and Phoenix 
to about 43 per cent in Pittsburgh and Chicago. The highest proportions were 
in large transit-oriented cities, since nearly all transit trips begin or end at home. 
"Travel to work" was the dominant non-home purpose in all cities, ranging 
from 17 per cent in Reno and Fort Lauderdale to about 23 per cent in Washing- 
ton and Detroit. The relatively low proportions of work trips in Reno and Fort 
Lauderdale reflect the special character of these areas; Reno is a tourist 
center, and many retired people live in Fort Lauderdale. 

Home Based Trips — More than 80 per cent of the trips made by urban 
dwellers begin or end at places of residence.'^ As shown in Table 16, home- 
based travel in the study cities ranged from 86 to 92 per cent of all "linked" 
trips. ^ Nearly all transit trips, about 94 to 99 per cent, were found to begin 
or end at home; between 87 and 95 per cent of all auto passenger trips were 
home-based. 

"Home-based" trips are distributed according to purpose category in Table 
16 and Figure 38. About 34 per cent of all trips are for work; 21 per cent 
are social-recreational; 17 per cent, shopping; 11 per cent, business and seven 
per cent, school. The remaining 10 per cent comprise miscellaneous trip 
purposes. 

Work Trips — Work travel was the most important category in all com- 
munities, accounting for more than one fourth of all home-based trips in resort 
areas such as Phoenix, Reno and Fort Lauderdale, and up to 40 per cent or 
more in cities of over a million inhabitants, as Detroit and Washington. 



^In the 1945-1949 period, trip purposes in urban areas were: "home" about 43 per cent, 
"work" 23 per cent, "business" and "shopping" 14 per cent, "social-recreatoinal" 12 per 
cent, "school" 2 per cent, and the remainder "miscellaneous". 

7See tables A- 15 through A-20, Appendix C, for additional breakdowns of home-based 
trips by purpose categojy. About three fourths of all trips are "home-based". However, when 
trips are "Hnked" to ehminate minor travel interruptions, as changes in the mode of travel 
in the course of a trip, the proportion of home-based trips is even greater; these comparisons 
are detailed in Table A-15, Appendix C. 

8The definition of "home-based travel" is somewihat agglomerated in smaller cities be- 
cause many persons go home for lunch at noon. In the origin-destination surveys, these 
trips were reported as destined to or from an "eat-meal" category which did not identify 
"home" as the actual place of terminus. However, the auto-driver category is the only 
classification where "eat-meal" trips ( part of the personal business category ) seriously affects 
the proportion of home-based travel, "(see Appendix C). In Phoenix, Charlotte, and Reno, 
for example, /'eat-meal" trips that were not otherwise identified with a home termimis, 
accounted for 20 to 29 per cent of all non-home-based driver trips, whereas in larger cities, 
the proportion was much smaller. 

82 



Table 16 

HOME-BASED TRIPS BY URBAN RESIDENTS IN STUDY AREAS 
ACCORDING TO PURPOSEi 

HOME- TOTAL 
BASED HOME- 
TRIPS BASED 

^CENT ^^^ CENT OF HOME-BASED TRIPS TO AND FROM: ™i^ 

OF ALL Social- DWELL- 

LINKED Bust- Shop- Recre- All ING 

URBAN AREA TRIPS Work ness ping ational School Other Purpose s UNIT 

Chicago* 86.8 37.5 9.7 18.9 22.8 4.0 7.1 100.0 5.17 

Detroit 87.0 41.6 8.6 13.9 20.1 6.3 9.5 100.0 4.67 

Washington .... 91.6 43.1 9.6 14.2 12.5 9.4 11.2 100.0 4.23 

Pittsburgh' ...- 87.0 37.7 21.6 14.9 13.8 12.0 ....» 100.0 4.21 

St. Louis 91.3 37.5 8.1 17.3 21.5 6.4 9.2 100.0 4.90 

Houston 91.0 33.1 8.9 17.3 18.6 10.8 11.3 100.0 5.51 

Kansas City 88.2 33.4 8.8 17.2 22.7 6.0 11.9 100.0 5.14 

Phoenix 85.3 25.2 10.2 19.7 20.0 11.6 13.3 100.0 4.76 

NashviUe 85.5 30.3 8.5 16.9 23.9 7.4 13.0 100.0 5.48 

Ft. Lauderdale,- 86.5 27.9 15.3 24.0 22.9 0.9 9.0 100.0 2.82 

Charlotte 83.9 32.2 8.0 15.6 23.8 6.6 13.8 100.0 5.56 

Reno 86.5 29.2 12.7 18.1 26.3 0.5 13.2 100.0 4.88 

Avg. Per Cent .. 87.6 34.0 10.8 17.4 20.8 6.8 10.2 100.0 4.78* 

^Source: Origin-destination studies in each area. 

^Chicago and Pittsburgh data are for "linked" trips — see Table A-15, Appendix C. 
*A11 trips in Pittsburgh have been identified with one of the listed purposes. 
♦Unweighted average. 



Social-Recreational Trips — Social and recreational trips were second in 
importance in all cities except heavily transit-oriented Washington and Pitts- 
burgh; they ranged from 14 per cent of all home-based trips in Pittsburgh to 
over 26 per cent in Reno. 

Shopping and Business Trips — Travel for shopping and personal business 
ranged from 24 per cent in Charlotte to over 35 per cent in Pittsburgh and 
Fort Lauderdale.' 



9In Pittsburgh, business and shopping trips amount to more than a third of the home- 
based travel, mainly because of the unusually low production of social trips. In Fort 
Lauderdale, although neady 40 per cent of the home-based trips were made for shopping 
and business purposes; work and school travel were less than average in this community 
because of the large percentage of elderly, retired residents. 

83 



School Trips — Trips for school purposes were highly variable, depending 
on the season when interviews were made and the proportion of school-age 
children in the population. They ranged from less than one per cent in Reno 
and Fort Lauderdale to more than 10 per cent in Houston, Phoenix and 
Pittsburgh.io 

Trips Per Household — There is a relatively stable pattern of trip genera- 
tion on a per household basis, with approximately 4.8 home-based trips per 
household per day. Trip production varied within 15 per cent of this average 
except in Fort Lauderdale where the trips generated for all purposes was low 
because of small family size, curtailed activity of retired couples, and few 
school-age children. 



Trips produced by the 
various purpose categories are 
graphically summarized in 
Figure 39. 

Work trips averaged 
about 1.6 trips per dwelling 
unit per day and had an 
average occupancy of about 
1.2 persons per car with 
about 0.9 driver trips per 
car; they ranged between 1.5 
and 2,0 trips per household 
per day in most communi- 
ties. 

Business and shopping 
trips averaged 1.3 trips per 
dwelling unit and had an 
average occupancy of 1.4 
people per car with approxi- 
mately 0.7 driver trips per 
car. 



52.0- 



,1.0 



1.63 




1.32 



1.00 






3.0- 



2.18 




SOCIAL a 
RECREATION 



Figure 39 
Trip Generation by Purpose, Study Cities 

(Average Per Cent) 



lOMiscellaneous trips consisted of trips to "change-of-mode" points of trips to "serve 
passenger" (mostly by auto drivers). In Pittsburgh, these trips were all reclassified to 
specified purposes by linking the two parts of trips for "change of mode" or by identifying 
the "serve passenger" trips with the passenger's purpose. This accounts for the high per- 
centage of "school" trips in Pittsburgh, since many of the "serve-passenger" trips represent 
the transport of school children by their parents. 



84 



About one social trip per dwelling unit was made daily with an average 
occupancy of 2.2 people per car and about 0.3 driver trips per car; social and 
recreational travel per household varied widely, from about 0.5 trips per day in 
Washington, to 1.3 trips per day in Charlotte, Nashville, and Reno. 

Planning Implications — Non-work trips for shopping, business, social and 
recreational and other purposes have been shown to increase in frequency as 
income and car ownership levels rise. Since automobile ownership in urban 
areas will probably continue to increase at a greater rate than population 
between now and 1980, non-work trips will represent a larger share of all 
travel as the ratio of cars to population increases. 

Most non-work trips are made during midday and evening hours, rather 
than at peak hours. Thus, peak-hour travel will become a smaller proportion 
of 24-hour travel. The implication is that new highways built to accommodate 
peak-hour travel will receive relatively more over-all use in future years than 
they do at present. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF WORK TRAVEL 

Work travel is the most important and most stable component of a com- 
munity's daily travel. Trips to and from work increase in general proportion to 
population and labor force, and do not increase significantly as income and 
car ownership rise. 

The direct correspondence between work trips and labor force is ap- 
parent from Table 17. The number of home-based trips per resident employee 

Table 17 



HOME-BASED TRIPS PER EMPLOYED RESIDENT 
IN STUDY AREASi 

TOTAL 

EMPLOYED HOME- WALK TRIPS 

RESIDENT BASED TRIPS PER WALK TRIPS PER PER 

LABOR WORK TRIPS LABOR TRIPS TO LABOR LABOR 

URBAN AREA FORCE ( LINKED) FORCE WORK FORCE FORCE 

Chicago" 2,260,000 3,233,000 1.43 

Detroit" 1,200,000 1,738,305 1.45 128,360 0.10 1.55 

Washington 710,442 1,030,439 1.45 

St. Louis 590,678 836,504 1.42 51,700 0.09 1.51 

Kansas City 379,075 570,375 1.50 

Phoenix ..- 122,764 211,747 1.73 

Fort Lauderdale . 47,510 77,140 1.62 

Charlotte 79,131 127,945 1.62 

^Source: Origin-destination studies in each area. 

^Population in employed labor force at same percentage of all population employed at time of 1950 census. 

85 



lies within a small range — from 1.4 in Chicago to 1.7 in Phoenix. In most 
cities, there are about 1.5 trips per employed person. The smaller average 
number of trips to work in auto and transit by workers in large cities may be 
compensated for by more trips on foot in high-density areas. For example, 
pedestrians traveling to work, reported in Detroit and St. Louis, add substantial- 
ly to the average trips per worker in those cities. 

Income and Travel Mode — Family income and car ownership are indicative 
of the mode of transportation that will be chosen for specific kinds of travel 
by workers. The number of workers who occupy each car is directly related 
to the ratio of persons to cars owned which is, in turn, determined by economic 
status. As shown in Table 18, there is a close correlation between economic 
levels, cars ownied, and the number of workers who ride to work in each 
car. The cars owned per worker increases from about 0.3 in the extreme 
low-income categories (under $2,000) to over 1.0 in the high-income groups 
(over $7,000), whereas the average occupancy decreases from 1.7 to 1.2. More 
than three times as many passengers are carried in cars owned by low-income 
workers than in cars owned by mediimi or high-income workers. 



Table 18 

CHARACTERISTICS OF WORK TRIPS 
RELATED TO FAMILY INCOME 

St. Louis, Missouri — 1957^ 

CARS OWNED AVERAGE 

AVERAGE INCOME PER WORKER OCCUPANCY 

(People Per Car) 

Less than $2,000 0.34 1.67 

$2,000 - $3,000 0.43 1.40 

$3,000 - $4,000 0.54 1.38 

$4,000 - $5,000 0.65 1.32 

$5,000 - $6,000 0.85 1.30 

$6,000 - $7,000 0.99 1.18 

$7,000 - $9,000 1.23 1.17 

Over $9,000 1.40 1.13 

iSource: St. Loviis Metropolitan Area Transportation Study, 1957. 



PASSENGERS 
PER CAR 



0.67 
0.40 
0.38 
0.32 
0.30 
0.18 
0.17 
0.13 



The interrelations between travel mode, income, and use of car for work 
are portrayed in Figure 40, More than half of the low-income workers (resi- 
dents of high-density apartment districts near the central city) travel regularly 
to and from work in private cars and about tliree fourths of the cars owned by 
the low-income populations are used primarily for work trips. Relatively low 
car ownership is compensated for by higher car occupancies. Even in the 
lowest income brackets, more persons rode to work in cars than used public 





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ESTIMATED FAMILY INCOME 
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ESTIMATED FAMILY INCOME 
(THOUSANDS OF DOLLARS) 



Figure 40 

Car Ownership and Income Related to Work Travel 

St, Louis, Missouri — 1957 



87 



transit — about 90 per cent of the high-income workers rode in cars compared 
to sHghtly over 50 per cent of low-income workers. Thus, transit riding to 
work decreased consistently as income levels increased. 

Ten per cent of the lowest-income workers walked to work, whereas a 
very low proportion of the medium and high-income groups made work trips 
on foot. 

The proportion of cars driven to work decreases as the number of cars 
ownec^ per resident increases. In families that average less than one car per 
worker, three fourths or more of their cars are used for work travel. In 
families where there is more than one car per worker, and where car ownership 
exceeds the number of residents employed, a smaller proportion of their 
cars are used for work. 

Importance of Car — The car is an essential mode of travel for workers 
at every economic level, even in the largest cities. It provides an economic 
advantage which enables the worker to extend his employment commuting area. 
The car expands the labor market in which workers, especially those from low- 
income families, can compete for jobs; workers can become increasingly flexible 
in their places of work and residence. Thus, car ownership becomes an 
economic necessity rather than a prestige symbol. As decentralization of em- 
ployment opportunities continue, the automobile's importance in providing 
mobility will increase. 

Unless the quality and coverage of mass transportation can be greatly 
improved (and this is not likely), there is little chance that workers who own 
cars can be attracted back to transit except for centrally oriented travel. 

CHANGING TRAVEL MODES 

The average citizen continues to increase his preference for automobile 
travel. In the immediate post-war period, about two thirds of all urban trips 
were by car; today, more than 85 per cent of all trips are by car in all but the 
very largest cities. In St. Louis, for example, about 85 per cent of all trips 
were made by car in 1957 in contrast to less than one third in 1945. 

Modes Related to Purpose — Travel modes of various purpose categories 
within the study cities are summarized in Table 19. The proportion of total 
trips by car ranges from about 75 per cent in Chicago and Washington to over 
98 per cent in Reno and Fort Lauderdale. 

Work trips are the most "transit-oriented" of all purpose categories, ranging 
from 67 per cent by car in Chicago to 97 per cent in Fort Lauderdale and Reno. 
The average number of work trips per day by auto drivers tends to decrease 

88 



Table 19 

COMPARATIVE USE OF AUTOMOBILE 
FOR VARIOUS TRIP PURPOSESi 

PER CENT OF TRIPS BY AUTOMOBILE 

Business and 

URBAN AREA Work Trips Social Trips Shopping Trips All Trips 

Chicago 67.4 86.5 81.5 75.7 

Detroit 78.8 93.4 88.7 83.3 

Washington 69.7 88.3 82.9 75.7 

Pittsburgh 76.8 93.0 89.0 79.7 

St. Louis 79.9 92.6 89.5 84.4 

Houston 82.5 95.6 93.2 87.1 

Kansas City 92.6 96.8 94.6 90.1 

Phoenix 96.2 99.0 98.0 93.6 

Nashville 89.5 97.3 96.0 92.3 

Fort Lauderdale 96.5 99.0 99.3 98.6 

Charlotte 89.5 97.5 95.8 92.7 

Reno 97.3 98.7 98.4 98.5 



iSource: Origin-destination studies in each area. 



as cities become larger in general accord with the availability of transit (or 
the unavailability of cars).ii 

Between 82 and 99 per cent of all business and shopping trips are by car. 
The amount of business and shopping travel in a community appears to increase 
almost directly with an increase in car ownership. The quality of transit service 
seems to have little bearing either on the average shopping trip rate per car or 
mode of travel. 

Social-recreational travel is related even more strongly to car ownership 
than business-shopping travel, ranging from 87 per cent by car in Chicago to 
99 per cent in Fort Lauderdale. 



iiSmall cities with high car ownership average well over one driver trip to work per 
car. On the other hand, large cities with relatively low car ownership and a well-established 
public transit system average as little as 0.75 driver work trips per car. 

89 



Travel to typical office buildings in Houston, Texas, clearly illustrates the 
present-day dominance of automobile travel.^^ About 92 per cent of the workers 
and visitors traveled to downtown buildings by automobile, whereas 97 per cent 
traveled to outlying office buildings by automobile. 

Similarly, travel to regional shopping centers is predominately by car, 
even in the largest metropolitan areas. For example, the Cross-County Shop- 
ping Center in Yonkers, New York, attracted more than 40,000 persons on a peak 
pre-Christmas Saturday, of which 93 per cent came by car; the 20,000 cars that 
entered the center averaged 1.8 persons per car, children excluded. At Garden 
State Plaza, Paramus, New Jersey, 24,000 cars entered the center on a typical 
peak pre-Christmas day, bringing over 95 per cent of all shoppers. 

Effects of Car Ownership — The effects of car ownership on the use of 
transit in St. Louis, Kansas City, and Philadelphia are illustrated in Figure 41. 
The proportion of all trips made by transit in each zone in the St. Louis study 
area is plotted against the average number of cars owned per dwelling place, 
and a trend line drawn. Similar trend lines are shown for the other cities. 

Transit use in St. Louis decreases as auto ownership increases. Where 
ownership is very low, transit accounts for up to half of all travel by zone resi- 
dents; however, its use decreases rapidly as car ownership builds up to 1.5 
cars per household, at which point there is negligible transit use. 

The curves for Kansas City, Philadephia and St. Louis show similar pat- 
terns. However, city size and population density, as reflected in the quality 
of transit service, also relate to transit use. Transit in Philadelphia accommo- 
dates a larger proportion of trips at all car ownership levels than in St. Louis 
or Kansas City, and is more extensively developed. Similarly, St. Louis transit 
has a more extensive system than Kansas City. Thus, transit service tends to 
be more frequent and more extensive in larger cities, thereby diverting more 
travel from automobiles at every level of car ownership. 

Correlated Analysis — The preceding analysis of specific cities has shown 
that the use of public transportation is related to car ownership, family income, 
and population density. Accordingly, a correlated analysis of these factors as 
related to transit usage in the study cities is shown in Table 20 and in 
Figure 42. 

The clusters of points on the scatter diagrams show remarkably consistent 
relationships between tlie use of public transportation, urbanized area popula- 



i2See Table A-21, Appendix C. 

90 



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AVERAGE NUMBER OF CARS PER DWELLING UNIT 

PHILADELPHIA, ST. LOUIS AND KANSAS CITY 



.•..•V 



00 0.3 0.6 0.9 1.2 1.5 1.8 2.1 

AVERAGE NUMBER OF CARS OWNED PER DWELLING 

ST LOUIS, MISSOURI - 1957 

Figure 41 
Transit Usage Related to Car Ownership 



91 



Table 20 
TRANSIT USAGE IN STUDY AREAS^ 

COLUMN 

I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 

1950 Per 

Urban- People Cent Per 

ized Per Dwell- of Cent 

Area Passen- ing Unit Prod- Prod- Internal of CBD 

Popu- ger Car Per Car uct uct Person Person 

lation (Study (Study [Cols. [Cols. Trips By Trips By 

CITY Density Area) Area) 1x2] V Col. 4 1x3] V Col. 6 Transit Transit 

Chicago. 7,713 3.85 1.25 29,695 172 9,641 98 24.3 71.0 

Washington-. 7,216 3.75 1.23 27,060 164 8,875 94 24.3 43.1 

Pittsburgh 6,045 3.75 1.15 22,669 151 6,952 83 20.3 51.0 

Detroit 6,734 3.51 1.06 23,636 154 7,138 84 16.7 43.2 

St. Louis 6,146 3.48 1.11 21,388 146 6,822 83 15.6 46.8 

Kansas City -. 4,687 3.26 1.05 15,280 124 4,921 70 9.9 30.4 

Houston 2,594=" 3.43 1.06 8,897 94 2,750 52 12.9* 26.0 

Phoenix 3,921 2.87 0.95 11,253 106 3,725 61 6.4 10.7 

Nashville 4,821 3.35 1.02 16,150 127 4,917 70 7.7 20.3 

Charlotte 4,085 3.28 0.95 13,399 116 3,881 62 7.3 13.9 

Reno 2,0003 2.43 0.88 4,860 70 1,760 42 1.5 NAS 

^Sources: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census; origin-destination studies in each area. 
^Houston about doubled its city limits prior to the 1950 census, thus the area actually urbanized at the 
time of the study had a much higher density. 
'Estimated. 

♦Reported as six per cent 1959-60. 
«NA - Not Available. 

tion density and car ownership. The best correlations are obtained when transit 
usage is directly related to the combined effects of households per car and 
population density — using both parameters tends to adjust for the changing 
time periods within a given urban area.^^ 

The following indications are apparent: 

Transit usage increases rapidly as urbanized density increases. 
Transit usage increases rapidly as the number of people per car or house- 
holds per car increases, and it decreases as car ownership increases. 
These relationships may be plotted as a series of "S" shaped (ogive) curves 
with the steepest points where 50 per cent transit usage is expected.^* 



i3These findings are corroborated by the relationships of intrazone transit usage found 
during the Chicago Area Transportation Study, 1956. This study showed that knowledge 
of both car ownership and residential density provide an accurate understanding of transit 
usage. A coefficient correlation (r) between percentage of trip origins by mass transportation, 
net residential density and car ownership of .86 was found. (A perfect correlation is 1.0.) 
It was indicated that the data provide a statistically significant basis for making esti- 
mates of mass transportation users. 

i^When the data are plotted on normal probability paper, they cluster about a straight 
line. This means, therefore, that the data may be approximated by a normal distribution. 



92 

















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POPULATION DENSITY IN THOUSANDS 
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DWELLING UNITS PER CAR 



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10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 

SQUARE ROOT- 

[(POPULATION DENSITY) (DWELLING UNITS PER CAR)] 



Figure 42 
Transit Use Relationships in Study Cities 



93 



Similarly consistent relationships between the proportion of transit trips 
to or from the central business district, car ownership, and population density 
are shown in Figure 43. The proportion of CBD trips by transit also increases 
as the population density and/or households per car increase. The increases 
are, however, at a much steeper rate than for all transit trips within an urban 
area and show the specialized use of transit in serving the central business 
district, particularly in the large, high-density urban areas. 

The proportion of CBD trips by transit is two to three times as great as 
the proportion of all trips by transit within an urban area. In Chicago, about 
70 per cent of all CBD trips are made by transit, whereas only about 25 per cent 
of all trips in the area are made by this mode. In Phoenix, ( with a low popula- 
tion density and high auto ownership) about 11 per cent of CBD trips are made 
by transit compared with only seven per cent of all trips within the area.^* 

It is apparent that high land density provides an environment favorable to 
mass transportation; good service can be provided and patronage can be at- 
tracted, whereas in low-density areas, the reverse is true. 



l6"Transit Use" curves, showing relationship between the proportion of transit trips and 
the product of urbanized area population density and households per car, are described in 
Chapter IV. 



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1 CMICA60 

2 WASHINOTC 

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Figure 43 
Central Business District Transit Use Relationships in Study Cities 



94 



When a family does not own an automobile, mass transportation is almost 
essential, whereas a family with one car is less likely to use mass transportation; 
hence, multi-car families will make even fewer trips by transit. 

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT 

The central business district is the focal point of the entire metropolitan 
area. Its role and traffic generation vary with its size, age, and intensity of 
development. These factors also influence its roadway, transit, and parking 
requirements. 

Generation of Travel — Traffic generation characteristics of the central 
business districts in tlie study cities are shown in Table 21. The proportion 

Table 21 

TRAVEL TO OR FROM CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICTS 
IN STUDY AREASi 



URBAN PER CENT OF TOTAL AREA TRIPS 

AREA BY EACH MODE TO OR FROM CBD 

Transit Auto All Person 

Trips Trips Trips 

Chicago 27.2 3.5 9.2 

Detroit 25.1 6.6 9.8 

Washington 59.7 25.3 34.8 

Pittsburgh 16.3 4.0 6.5 

St. Louis 33.8 6.6 10.6 

Houston... 36.5 16.3 19.0 

Kansas City 40.3 8.7 11.4 

Phoenix 72.5 14.8 15.4 

Nashville -.- 50.5 13.9 16.3 

Charlotte 46.5 21.7 23.5 



Trips Per 
Capita 

to or from 
CBD 



0.18 
0.17 
0.56 
0.10 
0.20 
0.40 
0.24 
0.33 
0.36 
0.52 



iSource: Origin-destination studies in each area. 



95 



of total urban area trips having downtown origins or destinations varies from 
seven per cent in Pittsburgh to 35 per cent in Washington. ^^ In most larger 
cities, the downtown attracts about 10 per cent of all travel; in the smaller 
cities, up to 25 per cent of all trips are to or from the downtown area. Thus, 
the vast majority of person trips within an urban area have origins and 
destinations elsewhere than downtown. 

A high proportion of all travel in public transit vehicles is focused on the 
CBD, but a relatively small proportion of trips made in cars is generated in 
the CBD. 

Transit — The proportion of total urban area transit trips to or from 
the CBD ranges from about 16 per cent in Pittsburgh to more than 70 per cent 
in Phoenix. In Kansas City, Charlotte, and Nashville, about 40 to 50 per cent 
of all transit trips are generated in the CBD. In larger cities, as Detroit and 
Chicago, about 25 per cent of all transit trips are to or from the CBD. 

Auto Trips — In almost every city, less than 20 per cent of all trips by car 
are generated in the central business district. The remaining 80 per cent have 
origins and destinations throughout the urban area. The proportion of car 
trips generated in the downtown area in the study cities ranges from about 
four per cent in Chicago to 25 per cent in Washington. 

In St. Louis, for example, the seven per cent of the auto riders who travel 
to and from the central area each day deliver more than half of all persons 
going to and from the central city; the remaining 93 per cent of the auto trips 
are dispersed throughout the remainder of the area. In Kansas City, about 10 
per cent of the auto riders travel to and from the CBD and account for more 
than 70 per cent of all downtown trips. 

Downtown's relative attraction of travel decreases as the size of urban 
area increases. As cities get larger, a smaller proportion of the total urban 
area travel is to or from the central business district. 

As shown in Figure 44, more than 25 per cent of the total urban area auto 
trips are to or from downtown in areas under 150,000 population. This per- 
centage decreases to less than five per cent in areas exceeding two million. 

The proportion of total person trips also declines as the size of the area 
increases, but at a slower rate — from more than 28 per cent in areas under 



l6The delineation of the central business district is not totally uniform from city to city. 
The most notable exception is Washington, where tlie entire "Zero Sector" is defined as 
the CBD — this oversized area generates a disproportionately high amount of the city's 
total trips. 

96 



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"~~~ 



2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 20 30 40 50 

STUDY AREA POPULATION (HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS) 



Figure 44 
Trips to or from Central Business District Related to City Size 



150,000 population to about 10 per cent in areas over two million. The difference 
between the two curves in Figure 44 illustrates the increasing use and im- 
portance of mass transportation in serving central business districts in larger 
cities. 



97 



Each successive increase in metropolitan area population will, therefore, 
result in a decrease in the proportion of CBD-generated trips largely as a result 
of new urban growth taking place in suburbia. As distance from downtown 
increases, travel to the center is more difficult and requires more time; the 
downtown must increasingly compete with outlying subcenters which are often 
more accessible. Since freeways will reduce driving time, they should stimulate 
travel to downtown. 

Impedances to travel have a "gravity" or "interactance" effect on trip 
generation — the greater the impedances, the lesser the travel. The relative 
per capita attraction of downtown Houston and Charlotte, shown in Figure 
45, confirms this trend. In both cities, the number of person trips per thousand 
residents decreases as the distance from downtown increases. Transit trips 
follow a similar pattern, but decrease more rapidly in both cities. These rela- 
tionships are consistent with those found in other studies. 

In most communities, the central business district is not attracting new 
visitors in proportion to over-all urban growth. This is because cities are 
experiencing rapid growth in their low-density suburbs. These suburbs are 
distant from downtown and have the smallest per capita CBD trip potentials. 

People Entering Downtown ^ The number of people entering the central 
business districts of typical urban areas and their modes of travel as measured 
by "cordon counts" are summarized in Table 22.^^ 

In most cities, there are less than 400,000 entrants daily. Exceptions are 
New York City with 3.3 million; Chicago, Philadelphia, and Boston, each with 
about a milhon, and Los Angeles with 700,000.^^ Typical maximum accumula- 
tions of people totaled 286,000 in Chicago and 158,000 in Los Angeles. 

Except for cities with rapid transit systems, automobiles carry more than 
half of the people who enter downtown. In central Los Angeles, the largest 
city in the country without a rapid transit system, about three of every four 
persons entering the CBD are in automobiles. In smaller, auto-oriented cities, 
virtually all downtown travel is by car. 

Through Versus CBD Traffic — Much of the traffic crossing central business 
district cordons represents "through" traffic with origins and destinations in other 



I'^The number entering includes both CBD and through traffic. Thus, the position of 
downtown as well as intensity of denland affects cordon values. 

I81n Los Angeles, there is a high proportion of through traffic on the freeways which 
converge and interchange in the downtown area. 



500 



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oc 

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OUSTON - 1953 1 1 




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CHARLOTTE - 1958 



23456789 10 

MILES FROM CBD 



Figure 45 
Central Business District Trip Attraction 



99 



ilUNas INSTITUTE of 

TECHNfJLCJGY L!?»«^ARY 



Table 22 

PEOPLE ENTERING CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICTS 
TYPICAL WEEKDAY! 

VRBAmZED ^gPP^g ENTERING DOWNTOW N 
DATE OF AREA ^^'Ef"* ^''bJ"* 

CITY COUNT POPULATION Number Auto Tralsit 



New York, N. Y 1956 12,296,117 3,316,000 22.2 77.8 

Chicago, 111 1960 4,920,816 864,733 40.6 59.4 

Los Angeles, Calif 1960 3,996,946 678,977 75.2 24.8 

Philadelphia, Pa 1955 2,922,470 1,018,000 46.3 52.7 

Boston, Mass. 1954 2,233,448 1,263,350 40.8 58.2 

San Francisco, Calif 1954 2,022,078 400,000 51.0 49.0 

St. Louis, Mo 1957 1,400,058 323,500 61.6 28.4 

Cleveland, Ohio 1954 1,383,599 370,000 46.0 54.0 

Toronto, Ont. 1955 1,253,000 380,026 42.4 57.6 

Baltimore, Md. 1955 1,161,852 385,431 69.0 31.0 

Milwaukee, Wis. 1958 829,495 262,000 67.6 32.4 

Kansas City, Mo - 1957 698,350 203,689 72.0 28.0 

New Orleans, La. 1956 659,768 413,443 59.9 40.1 

Seattle, Wash. 1954 621,509 185,050 65.3 34.7 

Providence, R. I 1957 583,346 308,778 79.6 20.4 

^Source: Compiled from cordon count data for each city. 

areas. As shown in Table 23, between half and three fourths of all vehicles 
entering downtown have destinations elsewhere. In New Orleans, for example, 
92,000 vehicles enter the central business district daily between 8:00 A. M. and 
6:00 P. M., of which 72,000 or 78 per cent, pass through downtown. ^^ In Kansas 
City, 51 per cent of all vehicles entering the central business district pass 
through; in St. Louis, 62 per cent; in Nashville, 75 per cent. 

This non-CBD traffic would largely be divertible to a circumferential 
freeway around the central business district. Thus, a CBD freeway loop could 
substantially reduce volumes on streets within the central area. 



l9Wilbur Smith and Associates, Parking Study, Central Business District, New Orleans, 
Louisiana, 1960. 

100 



Table 23 

WEEKDAY TRAFFIC PASSING THROUGH 
AND DESTINED FOR TYPICAL CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICTS^ 

CITY PER CENT OF TOTAL VEHICLES ENTERING CBD 

Vehicles Vehicles Having 

Passing Through Destinations in CBD 

St. Louis, Mo 62 38 

Kansas City, Mo 51 49 

Charlotte, N. C 66 34 

New Orleans, La 78 22 

Philadelphia, Pa 67 33 

Nashville, Tenn 75 25 

Bureau of Public Roads (67 Cities) 55 45 



^Sources: Compiled from origin-destination studies in each area, from data compiled by 
Bureau of Public Roads, published in Schmidt, R. E., and Campbell, M. Earl, Highway Traffic 
Estimation, Eno Foundation for Highway Traffic Control, Saugatuck, Conn., 1956, and from 
Wilbur Smith and Associates, Parking Study, Central Business District, New Orleans, Loviisi- 
ana 1960. Data are for 24-hour periods except New Orleans, which are for 10 years, 8:00 
A. M. to 6:00 P. M. 



Trends — The shift to automobile transportation is apparent from a review 
of prewar cordon count data. For example, 35 per cent of all people entering 
downtown Los Angeles in 1924 came by car; in 1940, 56 per cent, and in 1960, 
75 per cent. About 30 per cent of all people entering downtown San Francisco 
came by car in 1926, compared to 51 per cent in 1954. 

The number of persons entering downtown New York City, Chicago, and 
Milwaukee over the last several decades are depicted in Figure 46. In all 
three cities, the proportion entering by car has increased, while the total number 
of entrants has either stabilized or declined.^® 

The number of people entering the Chicago Loop declined from about 
925,000 in 1929 to 776,000 in 1935, then remained relatively constant at about 
800,000 until 1946-1948 when a peak of over 970,000 was reached. Since 1954, 
the number of entrants has been about 860,000 (1960-864,733). The proportion 



20Based on cordon counts received from respective cities. Also see Tables A-22 and 
A-23, Appendix C. 

101 



















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Figure 48 
People Entering Typical Central Business Districts 



102 



arriving by automobile increased from about 20 per cent in the 1926-1930 
period, to about 40 per cent in recent years with surface transit decHning 
from about 35 per cent in 1926 to about 15 per cent in 1960. The proportion of 
rapid transit and rail commuters has remained about the same. 

The number of people entering downtown Milwaukee increased from 
about 220,000 in 1926 to a peak of 320,000 in 1952, and then decreased to about 
260,000 in 1958; the proportion entering by automobile has increased from 
about 40 per cent in 1926 to more than 60 per cent in 1958. 

The number of people entering Manhattan south of 61st Street daily in- 
creased from 2,3 million in 1924 to 3.7 million in 1948, and then decreased 
slightly to 3.3 million in 1956; the proportion arriving by automobile doubled, 
increasing from 11 per cent in 1924 to 22 per cent in 1956. 

The number of annual trans-Hudson passengers entering Manhattan has 
continually increased, from about 75 million in 1910 to about 140 million in 
the 1955-1958 period. The proportion traveling by rail and ferry has declined 
\o about 15 per cent while the proportion traveling by bus and automobile has 
increased to about 50 per cent. 

In the 10-year interval, 1948-1958, there was an over-all increase of 10.2 
million trans-Hudson passenger movements — a 3.8 per cent increase; auto 
passenger movements expanded by 55.7 million, but railroad passenger 
movements decreased by 55.4 million. The shift to autos has resulted from 
wide dispersion of new employment and recreation places in northern New 
Jersey and New York, many of which are served only by car, and from sub- 
stantial increases in weekend travel by residents of both states. The reduction in 
trans-Hudson passenger movements has occurred entirely in travel to and from 
the Manhattan CBD, both during peak and off-peak hours. 

Per Capita Trends — Trends in the number of people entering the New 
York, Chicago, San Francisco and Milwaukee central business districts per 
thousand metropolitan area residents, are shown in Figure 47. The number 
of persons entering the central business district is gradually declining when 
expressed on a per capita basis. For example, the number of people entering 
Manhattan per thousand metropolitan area residents decreased from 269 in 
1940 to 234 in I960; in Chicago, the comparable figures are 168 and 140; in 
Milwaukee, 370 and 288; in San Francisco, 235 and 160. 

TRIP LENGTH 

The trips that people make generally reflect the purpose for which they 
are made. Most originate or end at home and are made to the place of employ- 

103 



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Figure 47 
Trends in Per Capita Visitation to Typical Central Business Districts 



ment, for shopping, etc. Trips tend, therefore, to be as short as possible to 
meet the traveler's needs. Most urban trips are short, averaging less than three 
miles in length in small cities like Reno, and increasing gradually as the urban 
area grows larger, to about five miles in length, as in the Chicago metropolitan 
area. Even in many cities of more than a million population, one third or more 
of all trips are less than two miles long. 

The "travel friction" created by trip length is illustrated in Figure 48 
for home-based trips generated by people who reside within a two to six-mile 
band from the St. Louis central business district (Ring II). The relative rates 
of travel (trips per unit of time by a constant number of persons to generators 
of equal size) at different distances in minutes of off-peak auto driving time 
are shown for work, social-recreational and business-shopping trips. The rates 
of attraction for all three trip classes diminish as driving time increases. Busi- 
ness-shopping trips are the shortest and decrease the fastest as driving times 
increase. Social trips, in turn, are more strongly influenced by trip length 
than work travel, as shown by the steeper slope of the social-recreation line. 

These relationships are directly influenced by the competitive scramble 
for jobs at the highest available rates of pay; by retailers deploying shopping 



104 



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Figure 48 

Trip Purpose Related to Trip Atoiaction 

AND Time- Distance Between Zones 

St. Louis, Missoxjbi — 1957 

centers in strategic patterns to intercept and attract the customer; and by' 
persons of similar likes and economic status spreading into the new suburbs 
around the entire periphery of the growing city. 

The low-density development taking place in the suburbs of all cities is 
tending to increase average trip length and decrease the proportion of short 
trips. As the new growth occurs and the average diameter of the urbanized 
area increases, the opportunities for longer trips increase at a faster rate than 
opportunities for short trips. Also, new express highways are encouraging the 
production of longer trips by stimulating the urbanization of undeveloped areas 
close to the new routes and by reducing the amount of time required to travel 
between sections of the community. 

The relative lengths of various kinds of trips in St. Louis and Kansas City 
are depicted in Figure 49. (All trips are home-based except the miscellaneous 
category shown for Kansas City.) Work trips are longer on the average than 
trips for other purposes. Land zoning tends to segregate the residential and 
industrial uses and most work trips must, therefore, extend beyond the resi- 
dential neighborhoods where they are generated. 



105 



ST. LOUIS 




ALL MODES 



A LL purposes] 



KANSAS CITY 



I ALL MODES I 




10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 

AUTO DRIVING TIME IN MINUTES 



Figure 49 

Trip Lengths of Various Trip Purposes 

St. Louis and Kansas City, Missouw 

1957 



106 



Business and shopping trips are of medium length because land zoning 
allows for islands of retail stores within the residential community to meet 
residents' daily needs. School trips are shortest since most neighborhoods have 
their own public schools. Miscellaneous trips are nearly as short as school trips, 
since they have neither end at home and usually occur entirely within the central 
part of the community. 

Length of Work Trips — The similarity of trip-length distribution of work 
travel in Kansas City, St. Louis, and New York City is clearly shown in Figure 
50. (All trip lengths have been measured in minutes of travel time rather 



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Figure 50 
Travel Time to Work 



107 



than miles of distance.) The modal driving times in St. Louis and Kansas City 
are about 10 to 15 minutes; those in New York, over 30 minutes. Except for 
the difference in trip times, the shape and vertical amplitude of the distribution 
curves in New York and Missouri are markedly alike. 

The journey to work does not necessarily increase in length as the metro- 
politan area expands. As cities evolve, there is pressure to minimize travel 
distances by reorientation of land uses as suburban areas tend to become 
self-sufficient. 

This process has developed even in older cities such as Philadelphia, where 
a recent study of work travel showed that about 70 per cent of the employed 
persons living outside the City of Philadelphia find employment in areas outside 
the city limits; practically all get to work by automobile in an average time of 
17 minutes.^ ^ The 30 per cent who travel into the city to work average 40 
minutes per trip. About 92 per cent of the employed workers who live in 
Philadelphia work within the city; they average about 28 minutes travel time 
to work. 



2iSource: Mitchell, Robert B., Chairman, Department of Land and City Planning, 
University of Pennsylvania, July, 1960. 



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RADIUS OF GYRATION (MILES) 

Figure 51 

Auto Trip Length Related to 

Population Distmbution 



108 



Relation to City Size — Trip lengths in urban areas are related to the 
distribution and concentration of population within the area. Internal trip 
lengths can be correlated with the average distribution or dispersion of popu- 
lation in the urban community, as illustrated by Figure 51.^2 There is a 
straight-line relationship between trip lengths and the radius of gyration 
(second moment) of the population about the central business district. (When 
the centroid of the population and downtown have coincident locations, the 
radius of gyration is equivalent to the standard deviation of the population.) 

It is apparent that the area occupied by a city is more significant than its 
density in determining average length of trips. For example, the St. Louis and 
Kansas City studies both encompassed about the same area, although the St. 
Louis population was about 50 per cent greater than Kansas City. Automobile 
trips averaged about the same length in each purpose category in the two 
cities. 

The interrelationships between trip length and urban size afford a 
basis for anticipating future urban travel. These additional analyses are set 
forth in Chapters V and VI. 



22Herla, Marc H., Characteristics of Automobile Trip Length in Urban Areas, unpub- 
lished thesis, Biu^eau of Highway Traffic, Yale University, May, 1957. 

109 



i 




PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION 

in 
THE OVER-ALL PLAN 



SUMMARY 

1 RANSIT is an integral part of an urban area's total transportation 
system. Although it does not serve the majority of trips in urban 
areas, it is valuable in serving those particular movements or trip 
linkages that are concentrated in space and time, especially in the 
large, high-density urban complexes. 

Because of urban population dispersion and increased use of 
automobiles, transit no longer enjoys a dominant position in urban 
transportation. Service is more extended, patronage is decreasing 
and peak hours are becoming even more concentrated. All transit 
riding in 1959 was almost 30 per cent less nationwide than 1940 levels. 

Rapid transit riding has declined about 20 per cent since 1940, 
although it has stabilized in recent years because of its faster speeds 
and its location along many high-density travel corridors. 

The consistent and predictive relationship between the amount 
of transit usage, urbanized area population density, and the number 
of households per car explains why transit riding is decreasing. Basi- 
cally, the lower the population density and the number of households 
per car, the less the transit usage. 

Freeways can help transit by providing facilities for some transit 
travel and by reducing surface street volumes which, in turn, give 
greater freedom to local transit movements. 

Ill 



Rapid transit, with its high peak-hour passenger capacities, is a 
desirable element in the total urban transportation system wherever 
there are sufficient concentrations of people to warrant such facilities. 

The cited capacity of rail rapid transit — 40,000 persons per 
track per hour — has been fully realized only in New York City, and 
at high-load ratios; maximum one-way, peak-hour loads per track 
reported in other cities range from about 10,000 persons in Cleveland 
to 30,000 in Chicago and Toronto. 

Bus rapid transit can accommodate about 22,000 persons per 
hour, assuming uninterrupted freeway operation and adequate de- 
livery areas in downtown; where buses can stop along freeways, 
about 6,000 to 7,000 persons per hour can be accommodated in special- 
ly designed bus-ways or bus lanes, although higher capacities can 
be achieved when turn-outs or passing lanes are provided in the 
freeway design. 

The need for rapid transit is contingent upon the future size and 
intensity of development within the central business district, on popu- 
lation density and concentrations along selected corridors of travel, 
and on resulting peak-hour capacity requirements. In general, exten- 
sive rapid transit systems in American metropolitan areas will be 
limited to urban complexes with two million or more people by 
1980, although some form of rapid transit also may be desirable in 
certain areas containing from one to two million people. 

Rapid transit assists freeways in providing radial CBD-oriented 
peak-hour capacity. It is also valuable in helping maintain existing 
land-use densities in certain areas, in serving established central 
business districts, by reducing downtown parking demands, and in 
providing reserve capacity for future or unanticipated growths. 

Just as freeways do not obviate the need for transit, neither can 
rapid transit be regarded as a substitute for needed new freeways. 
Rapid transit does not diminish the basic needs for area-wide urban 
freeway systems, since most of these needs exist independently of 
transit. Furthermore, freeways are needed to serve off-peak and 
weekend periods when there is comparatively little demand or justi- 
fication for rapid transit. 

112 



Most rapid transit proposals are limited in coverage and scope, 
when compared to complete urban freeway systems. 

Comparisons of the economic feasibiUty of alternate rapid transit 
proposals usually will indicate that transit routes should be integrated 
with freeway construction, and that flexible, rubber-tired vehicles 
should be used. 

Future rapid transit in most cities will be provided by express 
buses operating on freeways either within specially reserved and 
designed peak-hour transit lanes, or along special median bus lanes. 
Such freeway bus operations will usually involve lower capital costs, 
provide greater coverage, be better adapted to low or medium density 
areas, and permit routes and services to adapt to changing land-use 
and population patterns. 

Cities with extensive rail transit systems will find it advantageous 
to retain and improve these facilities. Similarly, where existing rail- 
road tracks or rights-of-way can be incorporated into transit systems, 
it may be economical to consider rail transit. These situations will, 
for the most part, be few in number and limited to the largest cities. 

In the future, over-all transit riding will continue to decrease 
but at a slower rate as car ownership approaches saturation levels. 

The form and density of development in many urban areas de- 
mand the continuance of transit. An efficient carrier in terms of 
street requirements, transit should be encoiu-aged to maintain its 
service, particularly into and out of the central business district. At 
best, it will continue at present levels, providing transportation pri- 
marily for people who do not own or drive cars. Its role and function, 
however, will be different from its earlier status. No longer the 
dominant travel mode, except in special cases, it will serve as an 
important adjunct to private vehicular transportation. 



113 



1 RANSIT has been important in the growth, development and concentration 
of urbanized areas, and is an integral part of the city's total transportation sys- 
tem. 

Public transportation, or transit, is the movement of large groups of people in 
vehicles operating on specified routes and schedules; it includes buses, streetcars, 
and rapid transit. Rapid transit generally refers to facilities operating over ex- 
clusive or private rights-of-way, often grade-separated from public roads to per- 
mit higher speeds; it includes subways, elevated railroads, suburban railroads, 
monorails, and express buses on freeways. 

In this chapter, present and future roles of transit in the urban area are 
analyzed. Special consideration is given to the potentials of rapid transit, par- 
ticularly as they relate to urban freeway requirements. 

TRANSIT ORIGINS 

Transit had its origin in the omnibus and horsecar of the pre-Civil War 
19th Century, and its heyday in the half century thereafter. The electric street- 
car appeared in the 1890's and soon became instrumental in altering over-all 
city development; it helped create mass origins and destinations in American 
cities and was, in turn, sustained by them; the central cities were consolidated, 
land values increased, and residential suburbs linked to downtown by transit 
lines radiating throughout the urban area. Around the turn of the century, it was 
firmly believed that electric railways would remain indefinitely as the basic 
means of urban travel despite the appearance of the automobile.^ 

Although buses appeared as early as 1905, widespread motor bus service 
did not begin until 1920, and trolley bus operation about 1928.^ 

The country's first elevated railroad was completed in New York City in 
1876; others began operating in Chicago in 1892; Brooklyn, about 1900; Bos- 
ton, 1901; and Philadelphia, 1905. First electrification was in Chicago in 1895. 
Boston's Tremont Street Subway, opened in the fall of 1897, was the nation's 
first subway; others opened in New York City in 1904; Philadelphia, 1908; 
Chicago, 1943; Toronto, 1954; and Cleveland, 1955. The first extensive rapid 



ifiauer, John, and Costello, Peter, Transit Modernization and Street Traffic Control, Public 
Administration Service, Chicago, 1950, p. 46. Consolidation and electrification usually involved 
heavy bonded indebtedness and high capitalization, often at a basic five-cent fare to cover 
fixed charges. By May, 1919, 62 companies operating 5,192 miles of track were in receiver- 
ship; 60 companies had dismantled and scrapped 534 miles of line, and 38 companies had 
about 257 miles of track. 

2American Transit Association, Transit in Arnerica. Much of the statistical infor- 
mation in this chapter has been compiled from the Transit Fact Books of the American 
Transit Association. 

114 



transit operation in a freeway median was initiated in 1958 along the Congress 
Street Expressway in Chicago, replacing the old Garfield Park elevated rail- 
way; however, in California, the Pacific Electric Railroad had previously oper- 
ated in the median strip of the Hollywood Freeway through Cahuenga Pass. 

Urban transportation facilities have generally not kept pace with community 
requirements. This lag can be explained historically by the rapid changes in 
transportation technology, other new developments, and the successive avail- 
ability of superior plants and equipment; probably no other utility has been 
subject to such great change. Just as the horsecar was supplanted by the electric 
street railway, the trolley was short-lived, and was gradually replaced by the 
motor bus and automobile.' 

TRANSIT TRENDS 

Trends in public transportation clearly indicate that transit does not enjoy 
the position it had 30 years ago. Analysis of these trends gives insight into the 
problems facing transit and its future status within the urban area. 

Patronage — As shown in Figure 52, there have been substantial reduc- 
tions in transit riding in the last 30 years, except for the peaks during World 



SHilton, George W. and Due, John F., The Electric Interurban Railways in America, 
Stanford University Press, Stanford, California, 1960. 




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Trends in Transit Patronage 



115 



War II. Although nearly every 
city in the country substantially 
increased its population in this 
period, transit patronage decreased 
continually. The 10 billion passen- 
gers carried in 1959 represented a 
59 per cent decline over the peak 
year 1946, and about a 45 per cent 
decline over 1929. The 102 rides 
per capita in 1959 represented a 
60-per-cent reduction over 1929.^ 

Various indices of transit us- 
age, plotted in Figure 53, show 
how transit riding has declined 
while relative service per passen- 
ger has increased. In 1959, the 
number of rides per capita was 
about 60 per cent of 1940 levels 
whereas vehicle miles per 1,000 
passengers increased 14 per cent.^ 
The increase in relative service largely reflects route extensions into suburbia. 

Rapid Transit — Rapid transit has declined less than surface transit in re- 
cent years, although it carries about as many passengers as 40 years ago. Its pa- 
tronage has reduced about 20 per cent since 1940. Much of this decline can 
be attributed to reductions in night and weekend riding, since in most cities 
there have been no appreciable changes in peak-hour riding.^ 

Rapid transit riding has stabilized since 1955 at about 18 billion annual pas- 
sengers with slight increases reported in New York, Chicago, Cleveland, and 
Toronto during 1959. Trends in the use of the Cleveland rapid transit, shown 
in Figure 54, illustrate this stability. Average October weekday riding in- 
creased from about 40,700 persons in 1955 to 51,400 in 1957, declined slightly 
to 51,200 in 1958 and then increased to 59,400 in 1959. The increase in 1959 
apparently resulted from the westward extension of the route during the latter 
part of 1958. 




Figure 53 
Transit Trend Indices 



^See Tables A-24 through A-30, Appendix C, for detailed trend information. 

^In 1959, transit riders in New Orleans, San Antonio, and Denver exceeded 1940 levels; 
New York, Chicago, Philadelphia and Boston had about two thirds to three fourths of their 
1940 patronage; Pittsburgh, Portland ( Oregon ) , Indianapolis, and Akron, about half. 

^New YorTc City, with its large rapid transit system, significantly influences over-all rapid 
transit statistics. 



116 



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OCT 1956 



OCT 1957 



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LORAIN ST. PLACED IN OPERATION NOV 1958 



Figure 54 

Average Weekday Traffic on 

Cleveland Rapid Transit System 

Cleveland, Ohio 



Rapid transit has maintained its relative stability because it serves a spe- 
cialized, "captive" central business district-oriented patronage, and because al- 
ternate modes of transportation are usually unavailable, economically unfeasible, 
or inconvenient. 

Consumer Expenditures — Consumer expenditures for transportation, shown 
in Figure 55, depict the changing role of transit. Expressed in constant (1947) 
dollars, the country in recent years has spent about $25 billion annually for 
transportation, of which almost $23 billion were spent for automobiles and 
their operation. Thus, in the free market for transportation, Americans spend 
about 12 times as much on automobiles as on local transit and rail commuting.^ 

The proportion of the consumer's transportation dollar spent on public 
transit has decreased from 33 cents in 1909, to 8 cents per dollar in 1954. Thus, 
the assumption that improved transit will attract automobile users assumes a 
reversal of prevailing consumer attitudes.^ 



7Bello, Francis, "The City and the Car," in The Exploding Metropolis, Editors of Fortune 
Magazine, 1958, p. 32. 

sOwen, Wilfred, The Metropolitan Transportation Problem, The Brookinjgs Institution, 
Washington, D. C, 1956, p. 72. Over an extended period, the proportion of total consumption 
expenditures devoted to public transportation has been declining slightly, remaining between 
1 and 1.6 per cent of the total consumer expenditures. 

117 




{INTER CITY PUBLIC CARRIERS 




1940 



Figure 55 
Trends in Consumer Expenditures for Transportation 



Transit Revenues — Since the end of World War II, the cost of providing 
a single seat in a city-type bus (example: Newark, New Jersey), increased from 
$338 in 1945 to $505 in 1958, and $557 in 1960.9 

The increase in transit operating costs that has accompanied the decline 
in patronage since World War II is apparent from the trends in revenues, oper- 
ating expenses, taxes, and net incomes depicted in Figure 56. In 1959, net 
transit revenues before taxes totalled $110,320,000; after taxes, net operating 
income amounted to $25,620,000 — less than two per cent of total operating 
revenues. By way of comparison, net operating income was about 14 per cent 
of the total revenue in the 1933-1936, and 1942-1943 periods. 

Transit fares have increased to meet rising labor and operating costs, to 
compensate for extended operations, and to provide needed revenues. ^° Present 



^Harper, Herbert, E., "Buses— City, Suburban and Inter-City," Newark Commerce, Vol. 
No. 3, September, 1960. 

lOSource: American Transit Association. The average annual earnings per employee 
in 1959, $5,229, has doubled since the war years and has more than tripled since 1931. 



118 




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Figure 56 
Trends in Transit Revenue and Income 



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average fares range from 15 cents per ride to 25 cents and are more than double 
the wartime rate. Each increase in fares has reduced patronage — usually there 
is a two-thirds reahzation of the fares. 

Contributing Factors — The continued reduction of transit patronage is a 
result of many factors — all may be related directly or indirectly to increasing 
automobile ownership and use. 

The automobile has become inextricably interwoven into the new subur- 
ban growth pattern as patrons and employees of outlying industrial plants and 
shopping centers become almost entirely dependent on private automobile trans- 
portation. Shopping has rapidly become a "family" habit, with family shopping 
trips made increasingly by automobile. 

Changing recreational habits have reduced the number of transit passengers; 
television, for example, has been cited as a reason for a 50-per-cent decline 
in motion picture theater attendance throughout the country since 1945, thereby 
minimizing transit travel to and from principal theaters. 

The five-day work week, and industry's general return to a one-shift opera- 
tion have considerably diminished transit riding; Saturday is no longer the 
heaviest transit day of the week. 



119 



Physical improvements to streets and highways by local, state and federal 
agencies often have outpaced changes in transit's physical plant. 

Increases in fares, necessary to meet rises in total transit costs, have tended 
to suppress patronage. The current transit problem is further accentuated by 
extreme peak-hour concentrations of traffic, and the resulting equipment and 
labor requirements — most dechnes in patronage have occurred in off-peak 
usage. 

PRESENT TRANSIT OPERATIONS 

There are approximately 1,600 transit companies in the United States, with 
a total of 150,000 employees and revenues of approximately 1.4 billion dollars.^^ 
An estimated 15 to 18 million famihes depend on them for pubHc transporta- 
tion. However, most companies are finding it increasingly difficult to provide 
attractive services; in most areas, patronage is diminishing, systems are cur- 
taihng their operations, and service is often divorced from other aspects of urban 
transportation. More than 120 cities are now without transit and in many others, 
service has been reduced to a minimum. 

The principal transit operations are limited to a relatively small number of 
large cities. Half of all 1959 revenue passengers were in the 10 largest cities; 
and New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and Chicago accounted for one of every 
three revenue passengers. Transit operations in New York alone comprised one 
fifth of all revenues and passengers in the United States. 

Basic Facts — The scope and magnitude of present (1959) transit opera- 
tions in the United States is apparent from Table 24. In 1959 there were ap- 
proximately 53,000 miles of hues; 94.0 per cent were motor bus; 2.4 per cent 
trolley coach; 2.9 per cent surface railway; and the remainder (0.7 per cent) 
subway and elevated. Of 66,000 transit vehicles in use, about 75 per cent were 
buses, 14 per cent subway and elevated cars, 6.5 per cent trolley coaches, and 
4.5 per cent street railway cars. These vehicles aggregated more than 21,589,000 
vehicle miles in 1959; 82 per cent by surface transportation, and rapid transit, 
18 per cent. They carried 9,557,000 passengers — 81 per cent by surface trans- 
portation and 19 per cent by rapid transit. 

Surface transit speeds have increased slightly in the last 30 years, averag- 
ing 10 to 12 miles per hour today compared with 8 to 11 miles per hour in 1922. 

Rides per capita in most cities are below the 1959 national average of 102. 
The highest number of rides per capita, 181, was found in New Orleans — a 
low-fare, high-density community .^^ 

iiAmerican Transit Association, Transit Fact Book, 1960. 
i2See Table A-31, Appendix C. 

120 



Table 24 
SUMMARY OF 1959 TRANSIT OPERATIONS^ 











TYPE i 


SERVICE 




ITEM 


Subway 

and 
Elevated 


Surface 
Rail- 
way 


Trolley 
Coach 


Motor 
Bus 


Total 


ROUTE MILES 

(Single Track and 
Round Trip Bus Route) 


Number 
Per Cent 


1,245 
1.1 


2,806 
2.5 


2,491 
2.2 


106,300 
94.2 


112,842 
100.0 


LINE MILES 


Number 
Per Cent 


386 
0.7 


1,514 
2.9 


1,256 
2.4 


49,700 
94.0 


52,856 
100.0 


PASSENGER 
VEHICLES 
OWNED 


Number 
Per Cent 


9,000 
13.7 


2,983 
4.5 


4,297 
6.5 


49,500 
75.3 


65,780 
100.0 


TOTAL VEHICLE 
MILES 
OPERATED 

(MiUions) 


Number 
Per Cent 


388.7 
18.0 


81.3 
3.8 


112.4 
5.2 


1,576.5 
73.0 


2,158.9 
100.0 


TOTAL PASSEN- 
GERS CARRIED 

(Millions) 


Number 
Per Cent 


1,828 
19.1 


521 
5.4 


749 
7.8 


6,459 
67.7 


9,557 
100.0 


PASSENGERS PER 
MILE OF ROUTE 

(Per Year) 
(Millions) 




1.47 


0.19 


0.30 


0.61 


0.85 


VEHICLE MILES 
PER PASSENGER 

(Per Year) 




.21 


.16 


.15 


.24 


.23 


OPERATING 
REVENUE 

(Millions) 


Amount 
Per Cent 


$272.2 
19.6 


$93.0 
6.8 


$91.0 
6.6 


$920.2 
67.0 


$1,376.4 
100.0 



^Source: American Transit Association, Transit Fact Book, 1960. 



Transit systems in New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, and Boston are con- 
trolled by authorities, whereas the systems in Detroit and Cleveland are munic- 
ipally operated. Facilities in Philadelphia, St. Louis, Washington, San Fran- 
cisco, and Pittsburgh are all privately operated. In Newark and Philadelphia, 
subways are city-owned and leased to transit companies. 

121 



The Importance of Transit — The Peak Hour — Public transportation re- 
mains important as a peak-hour carrier of people. It is especially essential in 
serving peak-hour home-to-work trips to and from the central business district 
and other high-density corridors of travel. In St. Louis, for example, buses and 
streetcars comprise three per cent of the outbound peak-hour traffic, yet carry 
more than 40 per cent of the total peak-hour passengers leaving downtown.^^ 

In almost every city, there is heavy peak-hour usage. For example, approxi- 
mately 54 per cent of the 71,000 persons entering or leaving downtown daily 
on Canal Street, New Orleans, use transit, whereas in the evening peak hour, 
70 per cent depart by transit. 

Transit riders accounted for about 26 per cent of the total 24-hour person 
trips leaving the St, Louis central business district on a typical 1957 weekday. 
They comprised 42 per cent of the peak-hour trips, and 20 per cent of all trips 
in the remaining 23 hours. 

Transit usage by people leaving the Philadelphia central business district on 
a typical 1955 weekday was similar.^* Transit accounted for about 50 per cent of 
the total 24-hour person trips, 72 per cent of all peak-hour person trips, and 46 
per cent of all trips in the remaining 23 hours. 

Trans-Hudson travel in the New York metropohtan area registers even 
higher peak-hour use of public transportation.^^ During the three morning peak 
hours, 82 per cent of the total inbound trans-Hudson passengers traveled by 
transit, whereas only 46 per cent traveled by transit during the 21 remaining off- 
peak hours; on a daily basis, 60 per cent moved by transit. 

Present Rapid Transit — Principal rapid transit systems of elevated, sub- 
way, and surface subway cars, suburban railroads and freeway express bus op- 
erations are found in major American cities; these systems are summarized in 
Table 25. Rail rapid transit is operated in New York, Chicago, Boston, Phila- 
delphia, and Cleveland and to a very Hmited extent in Los Angeles; express bus 
operations are found in almost every area shown in the table. Express buses 
also operate on freeways in Atlanta, DaUas, Sacramento, Portland, San Antonio, 
Columbus, San Diego, Richmond, and Cincinnati; perhaps there are similar op- 
erations elsewhere. 



isWilbur Smith and Associates, A Highway Planning Study for the St. Louis Metropolitan 
Area, 1959. 

i^Source: Philadelphia Urban Traffic and Transportation Board. See Table A-32, Ap- 
pendix C. 

i^Herring, Frank W., Trans-Hudson Passenger Travel, 1948-1954, A Pilot Study, Port 
of New York Authority. 

122 



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Rail Systems — General characteristics of the principal rail rapid transit 
systems are summarized in Table 26.^^ New York City dominates the rapid 
transit picture with about 58 per cent of the total line miles, 67 per cent of the 
track miles, and 77 per cent of total annual passengers. It is believed to be the 
only system providing almost complete area-wide coverage. 

The average annual passengers per mile of line ranges from about 1.2 million 
in Cleveland, to almost 6 million in New York and 11 million in Toronto. Route 
location, with respect to population concentrations, is obviously an important 
factor in determining transit usage. 

New York City has nine principal lines, Chicago and Boston four, Phila^ 
delphia three, Cleveland two, and Toronto one.^'^ The systems in New York, 
Philadelphia, Chicago and Boston include both elevated and subway lines, 
whereas the Toronto and the Cleveland systems are mainly surface. All systems 
except Toronto and Boston operate some express service although most multi- 
track express operations are in New York City. Average speeds generally range 
from 18 to 26 miles per hour; the Cleveland system, with average over-all speeds 



i^Descriptions of these systems are contained in Appendix B. 
i7See Table A-33, Appendix C. 



Table 26 

RAPID TRANSIT USE - PRINCIPAL RAIL SYSTEMS* 

SINGLE PASSENGERS 

LINE TRACK ANNUAL PER MILE 

LOCATION MILES MILES PASSENGERS OF LINE 



New York City 236.70 836.86 1,328,957,962 5,620,000 

Chicago 68.23 204.96 113,330,994 1,665,000 

Philadelphia .- 32.23 86.60 73,296,325 2,275,000 

Cleveland (CTS) 14.92 33.84 17,822,146 1,190,000 

Hudson and 
Manhattan .... 8.47 18.04 31,398,369 3,710,000 

Boston 25.06 64.32 96,000,000^ 3,890,000 

Sub-Total 385.61 1,244.62 1,658,805,796 4,300,000' 

Toronto 4.60 10.00^ 50,000,000 10,800,000 

Total 390.21 1,254.62^ 1,708,805,796 4,370,000' 

1 Source: American Transit Association. 

2Estimated (Boston subway — surface lines with about 21 miles of grade separated route 
carry about 54,000,000 passengers annually.) 

^Estimated. 
^Average. 

124 



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Figure 57 






Typical 


Hourly Variations 


IN 




Rapid Transit Passengers 





of 30 miles per hour is the fastest 
operation, although comparable 
speeds are obtained on certain 
New York and Chicago runs. In 
recent years, Chicago and New 
York have slightly reduced route 
mileage whereas mileage in other 
cities has increased slightly. 

A typical hourly variation pat- 
tern for rapid transit traffic, Figure 
57, illustrates the high peak-hour 
usage and value of rapid transit. 
Each peak hour serves about 15 
per cent of the daily traffic; almost 
half of the day's total transit traffic 
moves in the four peak hours; 
about 85 per cent of all riders 
travel between 7:00 a.m. and 7:00 
p.m. As shown in Table 27, the 
peak-hour use of principal rapid 



CITY 



Table 27 

DAILY AND PEAK-HOUR RAPID TRANSIT USE 
IN MAJOR CITIES 

Typical Weekday^ 



ALL DAY 



Rapid Transit 

New York City 4,490,000 

Chicago 559,000 

Philadelphia 570,000 

Boston 616,000 

Cleveland -- 80,000^ 

Toronto 250,000 

Commuter Railroads 

New York City ...... 466,000 

Chicago 234,000 

Philadelphia 100,000 



iSource: Gottfeld, Guntiher, Rapid in Six M 
Printing Office, November, 1959. 

2Represents per cent of daily total trips in peak hours. 
3Includes Cleveland Transit and Shaker Heights systems. 
^Assumed as 50 per cent of 7-10 A. M. volumes. 



PEAK-HOUR 
VOLUME AT 

MAXIMUM 
LOAD POINT 


PER CENT 


672,000 

177,000 

94,000 

106,000 

18,000 

30,000 


15.02 

19.2 

16.5 

17.2 

22.5 

12.0 


104,000* 
68,000 
24,000 


22.32 
29.12 
24.0 


politan Areas, U. J 


5. Government 



125 



transit systems ranges from about 12 per cent of the daily total in Toronto to 23 
per cent in Cleveland. 

The high peaks indicate both the service afforded and the problems in- 
herent in rapid transit operations. Peak hours require about four times as much 
equipment as can be operated productively at other times. 

The capacity of rail rapid transit is often cited as 40,000 people per 
track per hour. This capacity assumes 10 car trains; 100 persons per car; and 
40 trains per track per hour ( 90 seconds headway ) . Using the value of 34 trains 
per track cited by the New York City Transit Authority in system planning, 
peak-hour capacity is approximately 34,000 persons per track per hour.^^ 

It appears that only New York City has consistently realized the 40,000 
persons per hour figure on selected lines at high load ratios. Toronto, how- 
ever, has approached this figure for 15-minute peaks. As shown in Table 28, 
maximum (one-way) peak-hour loads reported in other cities range from 
about 10,000 persons per track per hour in Cleveland, to about 30,000 persons 
per track per hour in Chicago and Toronto, 

Table 28 

REPORTED PEAK-HOUR TRACK LOADS^ 

PERSONS PER TRACK 
CITY PER HOUR 

Toronto 30,000 

Chicago 28,000 

Philadelphia 20,000 

Boston 18,000 

Cleveland 10,000 

^Source: Compiled from Gottfeld, Gunther, Rapid Transit in Six Metropolitan Areas, U. S. 
Government Printinig Office, November, 1959. During Christmas peaks, 40,000 persons per 
track per hour have been reported in Toronto. 

Bus Rapid Transit — Freeways readily adapt to express bus operations by 
reason of their limited access designs and spacing of interchanges. Rapid transit 
is provided by buses in an increasing number of cities, particularly as freeway 
systems evolve. When operating on freeways, express buses can provide speeds 
approaching those of rail rapid transit. 

Characteristics of freeway bus operations in selected cities are shown in 
Table 29. In almost every city, buses generally do not stop until they enter 



isSee: Rapid Transit Construction Program, Board of Transportation, the City of New 
York, July 25, 1951. 

126 



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127 



surface streets. Therefore, most buses have express speeds on the freeway rang- 
ing from about 25 to 40 miles per hour with terminal to terminal average speeds 
ranging from 15 to 25 miles per hour. Six lines in Atlanta, for example, have 
terminal to terminal speeds of 17 miles an hour; similar operations are found in 
Dallas, Pittsburgh, and Chicago. Buses serving distant suburban areas, and 
traveling extended distances on freeways can achieve high over-all speeds. For 
example, Greyhound express buses operating between San Francisco and San 
Jose have an over-all speed of over 30 miles an hour. 

The Port of New York Authority's Manhattan bus terminal clearly indicates 
the capabilities of modern freeway bus operation under certain conditions and 
basic travel patterns. Interurban buses using the terminal have accommodated 
between 20,000 and 25,000 passengers one direction in the rush hour on peak 
weekdays. Four hundred and fifty buses arrive regularly each weekday between 
8:00 and 9:00 A. M. at this terminal, utilizing a lane in the Lincoln Tunnel; a 
similar number depart in the evening peak hours. 

Fringe Parking and Rapid Transit — Fringe parking has been provided in 
many cities, often in conjunction with rapid transit or express bus service and 
has substantially increased the scope and coverage of the transit lines. Examples 
of successful fringe parking related to rapid transit are listed in Table 30. In 
virtually every case, average trip times to the core area via transit are comparable 
to those via auto. Most of these parking areas, however, serve large high-density 
central business districts, and are not necessarily typical of experiences in other 
cities. 

TRANSIT USE 

The role, usage, and relative importance of public transportation varies 
among cities of different size, type, location, and economy. ^^ Factors that af- 
fect transit include the density, composition, and spatial distribution of the 
population, age, and land-use pattern of the city, dominance and location of the 
central business district, topography as related to opportunities for area ex- 
pansion, economic levels within the area, and car ownership. Quality of transit 
service and fares also influence usage. 

Transit travel is, to a large extent, made by people who do not have 
alternate choices available, and often by people who do not usually own 
cars or have cars available for other uses. For example, school trips by transit 
represent a substantial proportion of non-CBD travel in most cities. 

i^Chapter III contains a detailed analysis of transit use factors and characteristics. 

128 



Table 30 

FRINGE PARKING AT RAPID TRANSIT 
STATIONS IN SELECTED CITIES^ 



CITY 



Chicago 
Philadelphia 



SPACES 

1,070 
400 



LOCATION 



UTILIZATION 



New York City 1,175 initially 
1,300 present 



Boston 



Not available 



Cleveland 5,662 

St. Louis 1,200 



Various rapid transit 
stations 

Northern terminus of 
Broad Street Subway 

Lincoln Tunnel park- 
ing by Port of New 
York Authority 



Along rapid transit 
lines 



Along rapid transit 
lines, at 7 stations 

Municipal parking in 
Forest Park 



Immediate public acceptance. 

Plans underway to add 200 
spaces. 

1,734 parkers — maximum day; 
8,440 parkers per week. Cost 

ger driver $1.00 (parking and 
us). Cost per passenger 58 
cents. Bus service every 4/2 
minutes, peak; every 12 min- 
utes, off-peak. 

In 1958, $93,000 was obtained 
in rental income for 712,000 an- 
nual parkers. 

Spaces have been continually 
enlarged. 

1,500 people daily - 70% for- 
merly drove 5 miles; 14 minutes 
from CBD by buses running 
every five minutes in peak and 
every 15 minutes in off-peak; 
30 cents one-way, 50 cents 
round trip. 



^Source: American Transit Association, At Mid-1959, Transit Faces the Future, edited 
by W. S. Rainville, Jr. 



For people who have a choice, such factors as cost, convenience, and travel 
time influence their selection of travel modes. Two thirds of suburban railroad 
riders in Chicago, for example, are people who can drive, but do not because 
of long average journeys, concentrated destinations in the Loop, cost, and time 
involved in driving and parking.^o 

Transit does not serve the majority of trips in any urban area — although 
the proportion of transit travel increases rapidly as the size and density of the 
urban area increases. Transit usage was found to increase as car ownership de- 
creases, and was shown to be consistently related to the inter-effects of car own- 
ership and population density. 

The old, densely populated cities, usually with low-car ownerships and 
high populations, have the greatest proportions of transit travel. Their physi- 



20C/iicago Area Transportation Study, Vol. I, Survey Findings, Dec, 1959, conducted 
under tlie sponsorship of State of Illinois, County of Cook, City of Chicago, U. S. Department 
of Commerc>e, Bureau of Public Roads. 



129 



cal layouts and the intensities of their central business districts usually were crys- 
tallized before the advent of the automobile; for example, in Washington and 
Chicago, with urbanized area population densities exceeding 7,000 people per 
square mile (1950), about 24 per cent of all trips were made by transit. The 
large and long estabHshed eastern cities — New York, Philadelphia, and Bos- 
ton — have even higher transit usage. 

Cities that evolved in the motor age are less intensely developed and more 
reliant on automobile transportation. In some cases (as Los Angeles) auto- 
mobile travel has helped create many focal points, thereby tending to de- 
emphasize the dominance of the central business district. In spread-out cities, 
such as rapidly growing Phoenix and Houston, with 1950 urbanized area popu- 
lation densities of 4,000 and 2,600 people per square mile, respectively, only 
about 10 per cent of all person trips are made by transit. 

Transit Use Curves — Knotwing the factors and characteristics affecting 
transit, it is believed possible to derive predictive relationships for the purposes of 
estimating or evaluating transit potentials in any given area. The transit use 
curves shown in Figure 58 are an outgrowth of the detailed analyses of transit 
usage and reflect the composite effects of all pertinent factors.^i 



2iThe "transit use factor" represents the product of urbanized area population density and 
households per car and is plotted along the "x" axis; the per cent of all trips made by transit, 
within the CBD and the urban area, are shown along the "y" axis. The per cent of travel by 
transit ranges from to 100 per cent in an "S" shaped curve. 



















/^ 


r^ 










^^ 




^ 


^ 








PROPORTION OF 
CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT 
PERSON TRIPS 








\ 


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/ 


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1 


\-J 


f 






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PROPORTION OF TOTAL 
URBAN AREA PERSON TRIPS 










/ 






/ 


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/ 


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PRA 
OFM 

( 


CTICAL 1 
OST U.S. 
950-196 


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CITIES 
0) 


/ 






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TRANSIT 1 
FACTOR '°°° 


HOUSEHOLDS"! 
PER X 
CAR J 


URBANIZED 

AREA 
POPULATION 
. DENSITY 








/ 




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^ 



























O 12 14 16 18 20 


22 


24 26 


TRANSIT 


USE 


FACTOR 


Figure 58 






Transit Use Curves 







130 



The curves relate transit usage to car ownership and population density. 
Transit usage increases as population density and/or the number of households 
per car increase; the greater the density, and the lower the car ownership, the 
greater the proportion of transit travel. The curves relate the per cent of total 
person trips by transit to a "transit use factor," the product of urbanized area 
population density and households per car. Most present-day American urban- 
ized areas have transit use factors under 12, and the practical range of the 
curve is generally below 10. 

The curves clearly show that transit is more extensively used by people 
traveling to and from the central business district. The CBD transit use curve 
builds up more rapidly than the area-wide use curve as the transit use factor 
increases. For example, residents in an urban area with a transit use factor of 
10, typical of the large transit-oriented cities (Chicago, Washington, Phila- 
delphia, and Boston), would make about 27 per cent of their total trips and 
about 77 per cent of their downtown trips by transit.22 Residents in an urban 
area with a transit use factor of 5 (typical of medium-sized cities such as Nash- 
ville) would make about nine per cent of their total trips and about 22 per cent 
of their downtown trips by transit. 

In two areas with the same densities, but with different levels of automobile 
ownership, the area with greater ownership will generate fewer trips by mass 
transportation. Similarly, where two areas have the same car ownership, the 
area with the greater population density will have more trips by transit. 

A 20 per cent change in the "transit use factor" resulting from a reduction 
in urban density and/or a decrease in the dwelling units per car, assuming con- 
stant levels of fares and no basic changes in service, would tend to reduce the 
proportion of urban area trips by transit between 25 and 30 per cent in large 
areas and about 20 to 25 per cent in smaller areas. 

The curves afford a rationale for anticipating over-all present and future 
use of transit within the urban area, assuming no substantial changes in the 
economy of the area, the quality of service, or the fare structure. They may be 
used to test, in a very general way, the feasibility of future transit potentials 
within an urban area and, also, as an approximate guide in long-range planning. 

The specific use of transit, in any area or zone, will depend on the spe- 
cific distribution of origins and destinations around the available or planned 
transit facilities. Restraints on auto travel, such as in the Chicago Loop or Man- 
hattan, will also influence usage. 



22A transit use factor of 10 corresponds to one household per car and an urbanized 
area population density of 10,000 people per square mile, (e. g. 10,000x1), or to a community 
with 1.25 households per car and a density of 8,000 people per square mile (e.g. — 
1.25x8,000). 

131 



Use of Specific Facilities — Within an urban area, the choice of mode of 
travel on any specific trip depends on relative time, comfort, convenience, out- 
of-pocket costs, and availability of alternate travel modes. 

Hartford, Conn. — A study of car ownership, in relation to transit users, 
in Hartford, Connecticut, in Sef)tember, 1960, showed approximately 39 per cent 
of all bus riders without a car for family use and, therefore, completely depend- 
ent upon bus transportation. Forty-nine per cent of all bus riders had one car 
for family use — presumably these people rode transit whereas other members 
of the family drove cars; 10 per cent of all bus riders had two cars for family 
use and two per cent had three or more cars,^^ 

Approximately 80 per cent of all riders were traveling between home and 
work; similarly, 82 per cent of all riders reported daily usage of buses. Bus 
riding was also influenced by proximity of destinations to bus routes — only 13 
per cent of all riders walked more than a quarter of a mile to or from bus stops. 

Cook County, III. — Results of a transportation usage study conducted in 
Cook County, Illinois, in 1957 and based on information received from 806 
transit riders and 1,304 automobile travelers are summarized in Table 31. One 
third of all persons indicated "less time" as their reason for choosing their 
travel mode; "comfort", "car necessary", and "no other means" were cited by 
about 17, 13 and 13 per cent of the total, respectively. 

Twenty-seven per cent of all transit riders used public transportation be- 
cause of time saved; 15 per cent because no other means was available; 16 per 
cent because less walking was required; and 13 per cent because of lower 
cost. Automobile passengers cited less time (36 per cent); greater comfort 
(24 per cent); car necessary (21 per cent); and, no other means (11 per cent), 
as the principal reasons for choosing automobile travel. 

Diversion Curves — In determining potential use of specific facilities, con- 
ventional time or cost-ratio techniques are used.^^ These trip assignment meth- 
ods apportion travel between a trip's origin and destination by way of alter- 
rmte routes according to the relative time or cost advantage of one route over 
another. In the case of freeway assignments with a time-cost ratio of one, a 
freeway will attract about 40 per cent of the total travel between an origin and 
destination. 



23Wilbur Smith and Associates, Mass Transportation in the Capitol Region, Hartford, 
Conn., 1960. See Table A-34, Appendix C. 

2'*Circular Memorandum to Division Engineers from E. H. Holmes, Deputy Commissioner, 
subject: Guide for Forecasting Traffic on Interstate System, Bureau of Public Roads, Wash- 
ington, D. C, Oct. 15, 1956. 

132 






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133 



Transit assignment curves, as depicted in Figure 59 for Washington and 
Chicago, have generally been used to assign traffic to proposed transit systems 
and thereby determine their potentials. These curves are applicable primarily to 
the assignment of trips to rapid transit by diversion from local transit, local 
streets, and the freeway system; they are consistent except that the Washington 
diversion curve is sHghtly more conservative. 

When travel times were equal by transit and by auto, about 40 per cent of 
the trips were made by transit. However, on an "equal-cost" basis, less than 10 
per cent of all trips were potential to transit. 

Diversion To Rapid Transit — Rapid transit can attract patrons from auto- 
mobile transportation, especially where roadways are congested and parking costs 
are significant.^^ 

In San Francisco, where freeway congestion is severe in rush hours, motor- 
ists who now ride freeway buses account for seven per cent of the total transit 
passengers. In Toronto, 13 per cent of the passengers boarding the subway 
at the Eglington terminus formerly traveled by auto. In Chicago, about 13 per 
cent of transit riders on the Congress Street rapid transit route formerly trav- 
eled by car — most via the expressway. In Cleveland, about 17 per cent of all 
rapid transit riders were diverted from driving with the greatest diversions by 
motorists having direct highway access to transit stations. 

Examples of Transit-Oriented Trips — Illustrative examples of transit- 
oriented trips (that would generally be favored by diversion curves) include 
the following: in New York City between Lower and Midtown Manhattan, and 
between Morningside Heights and Midtown Manhattan; in Chicago between 
Uptown Chicago, Logan Square, Oak Park, and the Loop; in Philadelphia be- 
tween City Hall, West Market Street, and North Broad Street; in Boston between 
downtown Boston and central Cambridge; in Cleveland between Terminal 
Square (downtown) and Shaker Heights; in Toronto between downtown and 
points along Yonge Street; in Washington, D. C, along Pennsylvania Avenue 
and 14th Street in and adjacent to central Washington; in San Francisco along 
Market Street in the downtown area; in Los Angeles along Wilshire Boulevard; 
and in Miami Beach along Collins Avenue. 

Most of these situations involve central business district-oriented trips 
in high-density areas; often, both trip termini lie along a rapid transit route; 
transit service is usually frequent and comparatively rapid, parking in core 



25Studies of commuters' attitudes, based on questionnaire surveys in Washington, Los 
Angeles, San Francisco, and South New Jersey, have indicated that about one third of all 
auto drivers would ride improved rapid transit, but that another third would not be p>otential 
riders because of their dependence on, and conditioning to, auto transportation. The pro- 
portion of auto drivers diverted to existing rapid transit facilities, as shown by experiences 
in several cities, has been less. 

134 



COOK COUNTY TRANSPORTATION USAGE STUDY 
CHICAGO CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT AND OUTLYING AREAS 



COOK COUNTY TRANSPORTATION USAGE STUDY 
CHICAGO CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT AND OUTLYING AREAS 



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WHEBE CHOICE EXISTED BETWI 
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TRANSIT VS. FREEWAYS AND LOCAL STREETS 
WASHINGTON, DC 



TRANSIT VS. FREEWAYS AND LOCAL STREETS 
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Figure 59 
Typical Transit Diversion Curves 



135 



areas is difficult and costly; and, substantially shorter walking distances are 
required of transit users. These situations, however, are not typical and are 
largely limited to the specific cities listed. 

One of the most successful transit operations in the country is the free bus 
service in Colonial Williamsburg, Virginia. Since its inception in 1951, bus load- 
ings have increased more rapidly than visitation. ^^ Since 1953, the number of 
annual visitors has increased 34 per cent; the number of bus riders, 195 per 
cent; and the average rides per visitor, 120 per cent. Williamsburg is transit- 
oriented insofar as the concentration of origins and destinations is concerned. 
It shows how transportation may be related to land use to minimize vehicular 
travel and make full use of public transit. It appears unique in its success. 

FUTURE RAPID TRANSIT 

Future rapid transit will include extension and modernization of existing 
service, construction of several new systems, limited construction of new 
facilities to augment freeways, and extensive freeway bus operations. 

Trends — Trends in rapid transit planning and operations are toward con- 
solidation, simplification, and modernization of existing rail systems in the 
large cities and extension of freeway bus operations. Extensions of existing rail 
systems are being generally limited to high-density areas, as in Toronto, or in- 
tegration with freeway construction, as in Chicago and Philadelphia. Through- 
out the country express bus operations are being more extensively developed. 

Route Location — Most rail rapid transit facilities recently built, or 
in advanced planning, traverse railroad rights-of-way or freeway median islands. 
Chicago has curtailed suburban extensions whereas Philadelphia and Boston are 
planning suburban extensions. 

Station Spacing — Most existing rapid transit lines have stations approxi- 
mately a half mile apart, while new Hues usually have stations planned at one 
to two-mile intervals. 

Speeds — Speeds are being increased by spacing stations farther apart 
(Cleveland), alternate stop operations (Chicago), and extended zones of ex- 
press service (New York).^'^ 

Load Factors — To provide greater comfort, the number of standees should 
be minimized, especially on buses. 



26Wilbur Smith and Associates, Traffic and Parking, Colonial Williamsburg, 1960, and 
A Plan of Bus Operations, Colonial Williamsburg, March, 1956. 

27In New York City, certain express tracks in Manhattan have inadequate capacity, re- 
quiring trains, to operate on local tracks. In Chicago, the same situation existed until local 
service was virtually eliminated to provide additional express capacity. 

136 



Shtiitle Operations — Rapid transit is being used increasingly as a "shuttle" 
between the central business district and outlying stations where fringe park- 
ing is provided. 

Equipment — Modern PCC-type cars are being put into service on many 
rail rapid transit lines; however, it has been estimated that about 275 new cars 
per year will be required to modernize existing equipment over the next 10 
years.^^ 

Prototypes of a 70-mile-per-hour car were placed in experimental operation 
in Chicago in May, 1960. Illustrative gains in speeds through use of this equip- 
ment, shown in Table 32, permit savings of 20 seconds per mile and over-all 
increases of 15 to 20 per cent. In Cleveland, for example, the average speed 
would approach 36 miles per hour. Similar improvements in motor bus per- 
formance can be anticipated in future years. 



2-<Transit Research Corporation, TRC News Letter, Volume 1, No. 4, New York City, 
October, 1960. 



Table 32 

RAPID TRANSIT TRAVEL TIMES 
WITH 
HIGH PERFORMANCE CARS^ 

ROUTE 

Congress Street 

Rapid Transit Cleveland 

ITEM Chicago Rapid Transit 

Length of Route 9.5 miles 15 miles 

Stations 16 14 

Present Operations with PCC Cars 

Time 22 minutes 30 minutes 

Speed 26 miles per hour 30 miles per hour 

Anticipated Operations with High 
Performance Cars 

Time 18.8 minutes 25 minutes 

Speed 30.2 miles per hour 36 miles per hour 

Per Cent Change 

Time —15 per cent —17 per cent 

Speed +16 per cent -|-20 per cent 

^Source: Calculations based on data received from General Electric Company on High Per- 
formance Rapid Transit Cars, October, 1955. 

137 



Automation — Automation will be used more in both rail and bus rapid 
transit. Multiple control of train doors was initiated some 40 years ago; auto- 
matic operation of junction points through the use of train identifiers was ini- 
tiated in Chicago about 1953; and in 1955, an experimental multiple-unit elec- 
trically propelled car was remotely controlled between Larchmont and Rye, 
New York, on the New Haven Railroad. A fully automatic passenger train, 
demonstrated in October, 1960, by the New York City Transit Authority, is 
scheduled to operate soon in the 42nd Street Shuttle. Automation is also be- 
ing studied for multiple zone fare collection in San Francisco, and for the oper- 
ation of freeway buses in Chicago.^^ 

Rapid Transit Plans — Rapid transit improvement proposals have included 
new or extended rail systems in New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston, San 
Francisco, Oakland, Toronto, Cleveland and Washington. Bus systems have 
been proposed for Baltimore, St. Louis, and Vancouver, B. C.^<* 

New York City is currently constructing a short $58 million link between 
two of its rapid transit divisions, and is improving operations on all lines. A 
$400 milHon bi-state rapid transit loop has recently been proposed between New 
York and New Jersey. 

In Chicago, a two and one-half mile route is being elevated at a cost of $4 
million. The Chicago Transit Authority has proposed a 20-year $315 million 
public-financed program of rail and bus rapid transit extensions and improve- 
ments, mainly in freeway median islands. 

Philadelphia is planning a $160 million 10-mile subway extension and a 
six-mile trolley extension to be financed from city revenues. A proposed $89 
million extension into New Jersey over existing railroad rights-of-way would 
serve 24 milHon passengers annually. The Passenger Service Improvement Cor- 
poration has proposed integration of rail-commuter lines. 

New Jersey has enacted legislation enabling the state to contract with com- 
muter lines, and has appropriated $6 million for a one-year subsidy. 

Toronto is constructing its 10-mile, $200 million Bloor Street Subway, and 
Cleveland is considering extension of its system and construction of a down- 
town subway loop. 



29Transit Research Corporation, TRC News Letter, Volume 1, No. 4, New York City, 
October, 1960. 

30Additional details are contained in Appendix B. Data have been compiled from various 
transit reports and proposals in each city, and from information received from American 
Transit Association. 

138 



Boston is considering a one-mile $21 million subway link to serve its new 
Prudential Center, and possible extension of rail or bus rapid transit to the 
South Shore. 

In San Francisco, where topography hmits all transportation routes, a $1 
billion, 100-mile interurban rapid transit system is planned, with 32 miles of 
additional right-of-way acquisition; a 3.6 mile underwater tube would be fi- 
nanced through surplus Bay Bridge automobile tolls. 

In Los Angeles, a proposed $529.7 million 75-mile network of rubber-tired 
trains would include four radial routes; over 40 per cent of the system would 
follow existing or former interurban lines. 

A recommended all-bus rapid transit system for St. Louis includes 42 miles 
of grade-separated exclusive bus roadways and 44 route miles of operation 
over sections of present and proposed expressways. The $175 million system 
— in many respects a prototype of future urban rapid transit — has six radial 
routes, one crosstown route, an elevated downtown bus loop, and 9,000 parking 
spaces at transit stations. 

A 15.9 mile, $59 million rail rapid transit plan using raikoad rights-of-way 
wherever possible, has been recommended for Atlanta. 

A monorail between downtown New Orleans and the Moisant International 
Airport was considered infeasible and contrary to the pubhc interest by the city's 
Department of PubUc Utihties. 

The $2 billion transportation plan for Washington, D. C, includes eight 
express bus routes totaHng 66 miles of one-way route, four rail rapid transit 
routes totaling 34 miles of double track, (half in freeway medians), 329 miles 
of freeways and about 50,000 parking spaces. 

Comparative Aspects — It is apparent that there is wide variance in the na- 
ture and extent of the various rapid transit proposals. As shown in Table 33, 
they range in size from the 16-mile-Atlanta system to the San Francisco and 
Washington systems, each about 100 miles long. In Atlanta, Philadelphia, San 
Francisco and Los Angeles, fixed-rail facihties are proposed; the Washington 
plan includes both bus and rail rapid transit; and the St. Louis plan calls for 
an aU-bus system. 

Estimated annual patronage of the systems range from about 11 million in 
Atlanta, to over 128 million for the Washington and San Francisco rail sys- 
tems. By way of comparison, the Chicago rapid transit system carried 113 milhon 
passengers and the Philadelphia system 73 million passengers in 1959. It would 

139 



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appear, therefore, that estimates of patronage for some of the new systems 
may be somewhat optimistic, particularly in view of the comparative low pop- 
ulation densities in their respective urban areas. 

Cost-income analyses indicate that anticipated revenues will exceed oper- 
ating costs. In all cities net incomes are insufficient to meet amortization of 
capital costs; in no case can the rapid transit system be developed as a self- 
liquidating project.^^ 

The total annual operating and capital costs per passenger ranges upward 
from 23 cents per bus rider in Washington, to about 79 cents in San Francisco. 
The St. Louis, Washington, and Philadelphia plans involve costs averaging 
about 30 to 35 cents per passenger. On a passenger mile basis, total costs 
range upward from about four cents per passenger mile for buses in Washing- 
ton to about 10 cents in Atlanta. Total costs for most plans range from about 
five to six cents per passenger mile. 

Types — The various kinds of rapid transit equipment, proposed in recent 
years, include monorail, helicopter, and rubber-tired trains, as well as con- 
ventional trains and buses. 

Air Facilities — Seven, 12, or 25-passenger helicopters, costing from 
$150,000 to $500,000 each, exclusive of some necessary accessories and certain 
special navigational instruments, can attain maximum speeds of 100 to 150 miles 
per hour, and can operate from heliports in open areas, or on roofs, where 
there are adequate glide angles. Their use in metropolitan areas will probably 
increase in the future, but will be limited by high capital costs, landing space 
requirements, air-ways capacity, passenger capacity requirements, high pas- 
senger fares, and weather restrictions. 

Conventional Fixed-Rail — Rail rapid transit is usually located in sub- 
ways through congested areas, whereas in outlying areas it may also be ele- 
vated either on-street or off-street, depressed in private rights-of-way or in the 
center strip of freeways, located adjacent to grade separated raihoad facilities 
( Cleveland ) , or use parts of abandoned railroad rights-of-way ( Boston ) . Future 
improvements in "conventional" equipment may substantially enhance its effi- 
ciency and attractiveness. 

One variation of the supported rapid rail system involves use of pneumatic- 
tired railway cars which are supported by rails and supplementary flanged 



siBased on 30-year debt service at five per cent interest. See Table A-35, Appendix C. 

141 



wheels. This equipment is used in parts of the Paris Metro System and was 
recently recommended for Los Angeles, and can provide a smoother and quieter 
ride than conventional rail cars. 

Special Track Structures — "Monorail" facilities include cars or trains sup- 
ported from underneath by a single rail, cars suspended from an overhead rail, 
or cars hung from two closely spaced rails. To date, most monorails have been 
experimental or amusement park installations, as those at the Dallas Exposition, 
Disneyland, and that planned for Seattle's "Century 21" Exposition. 

A monorail in use as a public transit facility is the Schwebebahn, an 8.3 mile, 
double-track line completed in 1903 between Vohwinkel and Wuppertal — Oper- 
barmen, Germany. The scheduled running time on the 18-station route is 32 
minutes with an average speed of about 16 miles per hour, maximum speeds 
are about 25 to 28 miles per hour.^^ 

Monorail facilities require continuous elevation of trains, even where 
ground-level operation is permissible, or where routes traverse subways. 

Conveyor Belts — Systems of moving belts or sidewalks, while useful for 
transporting large numbers of persons short distances are impractical for long- 
distance travel because of their restricted speed — three to five miles an hour. 
They would require off-street structures, either overhead or underground, where 
routes cross existing streets. Where belts intersect, separated grades or a "walk- 
ing transfer" across the point of intersection would be required. Their use ap- 
pears limited to special situations. 

Buses — Pavement-borne rapid transit includes all rubber-tired vehicles, 
motor buses, trolley buses, and the experimental automatic-conventional bus now 
being studied in Chicago. 

Comparative Characteristics — Despite the many possible types of rapid 
transit equipment, conventional fixed-rail and bus operations appear to be the 
most common. Accordingly, their comparative merits have been summarized 
in Table 34. While rail transit has certain superior operating advantages and 
quaHties, it is generally more restrictive in scope, limited in coverage, and more 
expensive to construct. In most typical metropolitan areas, express bus systems 
carefully integrated with freeways, can offer advantages in convenience, travel 
time, and capital costs over rail systems. 

Capital Costs — The cost of a supported rail rapid transit system varies in 
each city and is dependent on local conditions, type of construction, route lo- 
cation and design. Total capital costs, including equipment, range from about 



32Waterbury, Lawrence S., "Mass Transportation by Monorail," Traffic Quarterly, Vol. XV, 
Number 1, January, 1961. 

142 



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143 



$4 million to $20 million per mile. In special cases (as in Cleveland), lower 
costs have been reported.^^ 

Total capital investment in a bus rapid transit system is less than for a 
rail system since buses can operate on freeways and need no special rights-of- 
way, signal systems, or power facilities. Also, existing bus equipment can be 
used initially and replaced as needed and special shops for car maintenance 
are not required. Substantial costs will, however, be incurred whenever grade- 
separated central business district bus-ways are required. 

Operating Costs — Operating costs are generally less for rail since two 
to ten-car trains require only two men, while buses require one man per 
vehicle.^' Some of this differential will be offset by fare collection on buses, 
thereby eliminating station cashiers, and by not requiring yardmen and inter- 
locking plant operators; future operating costs, especially for trains, will be 
further reduced by greater automation. 

Passenger Capacity — Rail rapid transit can carry 35,000 to 40,000 persons 
per hour when standing space is included and a maximum of 20,000 seated pas- 
sengers per hour assummg 10-car trains, 50 seats per car, and 90-second head- 
ways (as found in New York City); with six or eight car trains, (as in Cleve- 
land or Chicago) capacities are less. 

Buses on freeways can provide up to 22,500 seats per hour, assuming use 
of 400 to 450 fifty-seat buses per hour with no stops and unimpeded use of 
freeway lanes. About 120 buses per hour with 6,000 seats can be provided 
where buses stop at stations along freeways; however, if turn-outs or passing 
lanes are provided at these stations, higher capacities can be achieved. 

Downtown-grade-separated distribution facilities for express buses can 
be provided although capacities will be less than for rail lines. 

Speeds — Rail rapid transit currently provides slightly better operating per- 
formance, although station frequency is usually the principal factor in de- 
termining speeds. Both buses and trains can attain average speeds of 30 miles 
per hour with nominal station spacing; they can attain somewhat greater speeds 
by lengthening distances between stations to two or more miles or by institut- 
ing express operations. Free running speeds of over 50 miles per hour are diffi- 
cult to attain because of station spacing, and average speeds exceeding 45 miles 
per hour are almost entirely limited to main-line railroad service. 



33Reported construction costs vary from about $2 million per mile in open areas where 
land costs are low, cross streets are negligible, and surface or railroad rights-of-way are avail- 
able, to $5.5 million per mile or more in "open-cut" sections. Elevated structures generally 
cost about $4 million per mile; subways upwards from $10 or $15 million per mile. Example: 
the 4.5 mile combination open-cut and subway in Toronto cost $12 million per mile; the Con- 
gress Street median transit line in Chicago, about $4 million per mile. The Cleveland Rapid 
Transit system, constructed mainly on railroad rights-of-way some 30 years ago, cost about $2 
million per mile to complete; however, if fully constructed today, it would cost about $5 million 
per mile. 

3^For example, maintenance and operating expenses in Cleveland approximate 47 cents 
per vehicle mile for rail rapid transit, compared with 63 cents for surface motor buses. 

144 



Flexibility — Motor buses, operating on their own rights-of-way or in free- 
ways, provide the greatest flexibility since they can operate on any paved route 
and are not restrained by overhead power wires or tracks. This flexibility as- 
sures more convenient service, with a minimum of transferring and shorter 
walking distances. The same bus can provide rapid transit to a wide area via 
special grade-separated bus-ways and local distribution over city streets. Fixed- 
rail facilities, however, because of capital costs are limited to "trunkline" opera- 
tions which necessitates off-Hne feeder service and transfers. Rail lines generally 
serve fixed areas of a city. Buses can be introduced progressively as freeways 
are built and can be effectively operated in areas where demands do not war- 
rant rail service. 

FREEWAYS AND RAPID TRANSIT 

In planning integrated urban transportation systems, it is desirable to know 
how freeways compare with rapid transit in terms of cost and service rendered, 
and how they may complement each other. 

Freeways Aid Transit — Freeways are not incompatible with transit. Rather, 
they can benefit public transportation in several ways. The fact that many plans 
for new fixed rail transit include considerable mileage of operations adjacent 
to or within freeways, further points up the need for urban freeway develop- 
ment, and values to transit. 

First, freeways provide roadways and/or rights-of-way for transit that could 
be duplicated only at enormous expense. Second, bus companies operating on 
freeways report gains in speed even where buses are interspersed with other 
freeway traffic. Third, freeways relieve local streets of considerable travel, 
thereby permitting faster and more efficient local transit operations. Although 
present Interstate standards do not provide any special transit facilities, often 
they can be used by express buses operating in regular traffic lanes. 

Transit on Congress Expressway — The most heralded and notable example 
of freeway and transit integration is Chicago's 9.5 mile rapid transit line in, 
and parallel to, the Congress Street Expressway which was financed jointly by 
city, county and state agencies, with the city's expenditures for fixed equip- 



Rapid Transit on Freeways, as Illustrated by the Express Bus 
Leaving a Turnout on the Hollywood Freeway, California 



^^^^-^^t^um 




ment being reimbursed b)^ the Chicago Transit Authority. It replaces the old Gar- 
field Park elevated, whose route it closely follows, and includes about one mile of 
subway (linking it to an existing subway), 5.5 miles of median strip right-of- 
way, and 3.0 miles parallel to the expressway. Sufficient right-of-way exists 
for future addition of one or more tracks when justified along sections of the 
route.^^ 

Scheduled speed is approximately 26 miles per hour, and maximum running 
speed is 50 miles per hour. Running time on the Congress Street rapid transit 
route was reduced to 22 minutes from 28 minutes before expressway construc- 
tion, and from 39 minutes during the interim construction period. 

A 12-hour passenger flow map for the Congress Street rapid transit routes 
is shown in Figure 60 for a typical day in May, 1959. Approximately 76,000 
passengers passed the maximum load point (Racine Avenue), of which over 
60,000 traveled in the 12 daytime hours; these passengers were divided equally 
between the two rapid transit routes using the expressway at this location. The 
corridor increase in mass transportation passengers was 23 per cent between 
1959 and 1960, compared with a six per cent increase in over-all metropoHtan 
area passengers. 

As shown in Table 35, trains on the two rapid transit routes using the 
expressway right-of-way carry about 57 per cent of the 17,500 peak-hour pas- 
sengers and 36 per cent of the 208,700 daily total passengers. When only the 
Congress Street rapid transit route is compared to the expressway, trains carried 
40 per cent of the 12,600 peak-hour passengers and 22 per cent of the 171,200 
24-hour passengers. 



35Gunlock, V. E., Chicago's Rail Rapid Transit Line in the Congress Experssway, pre- 
sented at the annual convention of the American Society of Civil Engineers, Boston, Mass., 
Nov., 1960. 




TRAFFIC SCALE 

9 RAPID TRANSIT STATION 

PASSENGER TRAFFIC FLOW WAS CONSTRUCTED FROM 
THE SURVEY OF APRIL 30TH AND MAY 1ST, 1959 
BY CHICAGO TRANSIT AUTHORITY 



TO OR FROM DOUGLAS PARK BRANCH 



Figure 60 

Passenger Traffic Flow 

Congress Rapid Transit 

Chicago, Illinois 

146 



Table 35 

PASSENGER USE OF CONGRESS STREET EXPRESSWAY 
TYPICAL 1959-1960 WEEKDAY^ 

PERSONS CARRIED 



Peak Hour 

(Eastbound - AM or 

Westbound - PM) 



24 Hours 



Per Cent 
West of East of 



MODE 



Number 



By Autos in Expressway 7,500 

By Congress St. Trains 5,100^ 

Sub-Total 12,600 

By Congress-Douglas Trains -- 4,900 2 

Grand Total 17,500 



Douglas 
Junction 

59.5 
40.5 



100.0 



Douglas 
Junction 

42.9 
29.1 
72.0 
28.0 



Per Cent 
West of East of 



Number 
133,000 

38,231 
171,231 

37,479 



Douglas 
Junction 


Douglas 
Junction 


77.6 


63.7 


22.4 


18.3 


100.0 


82.0 




18.0 



100.0 208,710 



100.0 



iSource: Chicago Transit Authority; also, Gunlodc, V. E., Chicago's Rail Rapid Transit 
Line in the Congress Expressway, presented at the annual convention of the American Society 
of Civil Engineers, Boston, Mass., Nov., 1960. 

2These trains travel about two miles on the Congress Street Expressway. Other cited 
values show the trains' peak-hour load to approach 12,000 people. 



Comparative Capacities — Rapid transit is more efficient than the auto- 
mobile in terms of peak-hour passenger-carrying capacity. It can deUver 
large numbers of people directly into a concentrated area, and can achieve 
maximum benefits when properly integrated with freeways. 

However, specific comparisons of freeway and rail rapid transit capacities 
usually involve many varying assumptions. Although 40,000 people can be 
moved on one rapid transit track, there are relatively few locations where this 
actually takes place. At an occupancy of 1.8 persons per car, each freeway lane 
can carry about 3,200 to 3,600 people per hour; with five people per car, 10,000 
persons per lane would be possible. Such comparisons, however, are based on 
what rail rapid transit and freeways could both do, not what actually occurs. ^^ 

A more realistic comparison would relate capacities of rail rapid transit 
trains with buses operating on freeways. Buses fully utilizing two lanes of an 
eight-lane freeway (or in a separate reservation parallel to six traffic lanes), 
would carry approximately 6,000 people per hour in the heavier direction of 
flow. Cars using the other three lanes could carry up to 10,000 people per hour.^'^ 



3GHolmes, E. H., Urban Transportation Planning and the National Highway Program, 
presented at the 1960 annual meeting of the American Association of State Highway Officials, 
Detroit, Mich., Dec, 1960. 

37If there are no transit stops on the freeway, higher capacities could be provided 
by buses. 



147 



Thus the effective capacity of an eight-lane freeway may be as great as 16,000 
people per hour. Such corridor capacities are adequate for person movements 
in most urban areas. 

The number of daily passengers actually carried by freeways is often 
comparable to that carried by many rapid transit lines. Almost as many 
people traverse Los Angeles' famed four-level freeway operation each day as 
use rapid transit in Chicago. 

The decline in traffic as distance from downtown increases is more pro- 
nounced on transit lines since they do not usually serve non-CBD oriented 
travel. The total number of people and the total passenger miles of travel 
is, therefore, greater than that served by a transit line when both have com- 
parable passenger volumes at maximum load points. 

Relief to Freeways — While rapid transit is well adapted to serving down- 
town, the home end of the trip is often difficult to serve. Therefore, the 
"supply" of transit, in terms of its capacity, must be matched against demands, 
and the cost of providing the facilities must be equated to the revenues pro- 
duced by potential riders. Analyses of proposed rapid transit plans have 
shown that good rapid transit systems are costly to provide, despite their 
limited coverage; they do, however, provide valuable capacity in high-density 
corridors that would otherwise be difficult to obtain. 

The proposed comprehensive transit plans are generally limited in coverage 
and scope, particularly when compared to the proposed freeway systems. They 
represent, in the aggregate, a relatively small proportion of the total urban trans- 
portation needs. They are generally Hmited to a few routes in large and select 
cities, and involve average costs of about five to six cents per passenger mile, 
based on what often appear to be optimum patronage estimates. In several 
cases, the extent of new rights-of-way could have been reduced by more effective 
integration with freeways. 

Just as freeways do not obviate the need for transit, neither is rapid transit 
a substitute for freeways. Provision of rapid transit facilities has virtually no 
effect on over-all freeway needs in most urban areas. 

To evaluate the impact of rapid transit on freeway requirements, four al- 
ternate plans were studied in Washington, D. C. The recommended combined 
transit and highway plan was found to require about 95 per cent of the 
freeway route miles, and 87 per cent of the freeway lane miles required by an 
all-auto plan.28 



38DeLeuw, Gather and Company, Civil Engineering Report, Mass Transportation Survey, 
National Capital Region, Waslhington, D. C, Jan., 1959. See Table A-37, Appendix C. 

148 



Comparative Travel Times — Comparative travel times via automobile and 
transit are depicted in Figure 61 for varying conditions.^^ Portal-to-portal trip 
times are generally shortest via freeways and rapid transit, and longest via ar- 
terials and surface transit. In most cities, freeways will consistently provide 
faster portal-to-portal time, since time lost in walking, waiting and transferring 
to rapid transit more than offsets time lost in parking and unparking, and since 
running speeds on freeways and rapid transit are generally comparable, de- 
pending on specific route design. Favorable total trip times via rapid transit are 
conditioned on inability to provide parking near downtown destinations, loca- 
tion of residence near the transit station, and inadequate freeway capacity. 

Comparative Costs — The average annual cost of owning a car, (assuming 
yearly travel of 10,000 miles) is about 10 cents per mile, which for an occu- 
pancy of 1.7 people per car corresponds to almost 6 cents per passenger mile. 
Assuming that user taxes pay for freeway construction, the total cost per passen- 
ger ride of freeway travel approximates six cents. Thus, total cost of pro- 
viding facilities for rapid transit and motorists are about the same (about six 
cents per passenger). Obviously, the contention that mass transportation is 
substantially cheaper than automobile travel is subject to question. 

When construction costs are expressed in terms of peak-hour capacities, 
rapid transit is usually less costly than freeways. However, when measured by 
daily passengers served, freeways often have lower costs per passenger served. 
The balance toward freeways is even more favorable when weekends and 
holidays are considered. 

Analyses of out-of-pocket costs — those costs that the motorist actually con- 
siders — also indicate the relative comparability of the two modes. Once a car 
has been purchased, only extra or marginal costs can be assigned to a trip. Fuel, 
oil, and repairs total about 4 cents per vehicle mile. These costs average about 
2.3 cents per passenger mile for occupancies of 1.7 persons per car, and 2 cents 
per passenger mile for an occupancy of two persons per car. 

Out-of-pocket auto costs are compared with costs of a 25-cent transit 
fare in Figure 62. Marginal costs of automobile travel are less than for 
transit when parking is free or low-cost, when there are several occupants in 
the car, or when trips are short. However, when parking costs are high, transit 
is usually more economical. Thus, in many cases it is cheaper to travel by car. 

POTENTIALS FOR RAPID TRANSIT 

The need for rapid transit will be contingent upon the future size and 
intensity of development within the central business district, on urban area 



39See Table A-38, Appendix C, for detailed assumptions. 

149 



ARTERIALS ONLY 



ARTERIALS AND 
FREEWAYS 



SURFACE TRANSIT 
ONLY 



RAPID TRANSIT 
ONLY 



SURFACE AND 
RAPID TRANSIT 



AUTOMOBILE AND 
RAPID TRANSIT 



5 MILE 10 MILE TRIP 

T ▼ 



SMILE to MILE TRIP 




46MIN 



I5MPH 




S : : :": : >x ; |; ! : ; : : : ! 



iliii; 32 



30 MPH 




*■*'■*■■**'**' 



67 







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70 



HIGH DENSITY CBD 



CONVENTIONAL CBD 



CONNECTING RIDING TIME 
▼ 

▲ 

WALKING AND TRAVEL TIME 

WAITING TIME 



10 20 30 40 50 60 
_J I I I I 1 



MINUTES 



Figure 61 

Comparative Travel Times to 

Central Business District by Transit and Automobile 



150 



OUT OF POCKET COST PLUS 
ONE DOLLAR PARKING ONE 
PERSON PER CAR 




ROUND TRIP MILES 

Figure 62 

Comparative Round Trip Travel Costs 

BY Transit and Automobile 



population density and distribution, concentrations along selected travel corri- 
dors, and on resulting peak-hour capacity requirements. 

These conditions necessarily limit extensive rapid transit development to 
the large, densely-populated urban complexes. As cities become less dense, 
their highway systems become increasingly adequate in providing necessary 
transportation. 

Thus, extensive rapid transit systems in American metropolitan areas will 
be limited mainly to urban complexes that will exceed two million people by 
1980, although some form of rapid transit may also be desirable in certain areas 
of one to two milHon people. The precise determination of rapid transit po- 
tentials will, of course, require detailed analyses of each area's future travel re- 
quirements. 

Criteria — Rapid transit will serve movements in urban areas that are con- 
centrated in time and space and wall assist freeways in providing radial CBD- 
oriented peak-hour capacity — generally beyond that which can be economically 
provided by freeways. Where traffic assignments show future radial volumes 
in excess of those that may be carried by an eight-lane freeway, rapid transit 



151 



on private rights-of-way will probably be desirable. Special facilities may also 
be desirable where peak-hour directional bus flows exceed 60 vehicles and 
3,000 people per hour. 

Rapid transit will also be valuable in helping maintain existing land-use 
densities in certain areas, in serving established central business districts, in 
reducing downtown parking demands, and in providing reserve capacity for 
future or unanticipated growths. 

Rapid transit will not, however, diminish basic needs for area-wide urban 
freeway systems; most of these needs are independent of transit. Both existing 
and proposed rapid transit systems radiate from downtown; thus, while rapid 
transit may diminish lane requirements on radial routes, it will not likely relieve 
circumferential travel. The need for circumferential travel facilities, even in 
large urban areas, will remain unaffected by the provision of most rapid transit 
facilities. 

The forms and potentials of rapid 
transit are generally related to the 
"transit use factor" as shown in 
Figure 63. There may, however, be 
specific parts of urban areas where 
rapid transit is required, or should 
be retained, even though the curves 
show a lesser potential on an over- 
all basis. ^° For example, if the transit 
use factor in Chicago .reduces to half 
because of greater population spread, 
it will not diminish the need for re- 
tention of existing facilities. 

Rail rapid transit, based on these 
criteria, will be generally limited to 
areas with use factors exceeding 
eight or nine; these areas will be 
relatively few. ( The Chicago Transit 
Authority, for example, considers a 
net residential density of 35,000 
people per square mile necessary for 




Figure 63 

Generalized Raped Transit Potentials 
IN Urban Areas 



40As previously indicated, a transit use 
factor of 10 corresponds to one car per 
household and an urbanized area density 
of 10,000 people per square mile. 



152 



rapid transit to meet operating expenses; such densities are not common in 
most urban areas.) 

Forms — The form of rapid transit will usually be determined by compar- 
ing the economic feasibihty of alternate transit proposals. Decisions will re- 
quire skilled engineering and economic study of costs in relation to passenger 
volumes and over-all regional planning values. Economy usually will indicate 
that rapid transit routes be integrated with freeway construction, and that, in 
general, flexible rubber-tired vehicles be used. In some locations, capital costs 
may be offset by assessment of benefited properties. 

Bus — In most cities, future rapid transit will take the form of express bus 
operations on freeways — either within specially reserved and designed peak- 
hour transit lanes, or along special median bus lanes. While only a limited 
number of cities can render rail rapid transit, there are virtually endless possibili- 
ties everywhere for express bus operations on new and existing highways.*^ 
Freeway bus operations are an innovation in rapid transit dictated by demands 
of urbanization and mobility. 

The buses may be best accommodated by a freeway design that incorporates 
a roadway within the median island. Such a roadway could be used wholly 
or partially for "unbalanced" traffic operations, and could be gradually devoted 
to exclusive transit use as volumes require. 

Freeway bus operation will usually involve lower capital costs, provide 
greater coverage, and be better adapted to low or medium density areas. More- 
over, buses afford flexibilities that permit routes and services to adapt to chang- 
ing land use and population patterns. Buses may also readily penetrate high- 
density areas, even though these areas may be skirted by freeways. 

Exclusive bus lanes or rights-of-way could possibly be used by highway traf- 
fic during weekends and holiday periods, thus providing additional highway ca- 



4iAnderson, Georige W., Downtown From the Public Transit Standpoint, 40th annual 
convention, American Retailers Association, Jan., 1958. 

Express Bus Operation Within a Freeway Median, as 
Proposed for Southwest Expressway, Chicago 




pacity to serve recreational traffic peaks since few of these trips would be 
accommodated by public carriers. The special bus-ways would, therefore, serve 
the dual purpose of accommodating home-to-work and week-end peaks. 

As technology improves, electronic operation of buses in freeway rights-of- 
way, either singly or in trains, may become a reality. Such an operation would 
combine the advantages of rail and bus transit. 

Rail — Cities with extensive rail transit systems will naturally find it 
advantageous to retain, improve, and, where warranted, extend these facilities. 
Similarly, where existing railroad tracks or rights-of-way can be incorporated 
into transit systems, it may be economical to consider rail transit. These situ- 
ations will, for the most part, be few and will generally involve a limited number 
of routes in high-density, built-up portions of large cities. Most extensions will 
be related to freeway construction and/or adaptation of suburban railroad lines 
or rights-of-way. 

Construction of subway and elevated facilities is expensive and fixed- 
carrying charges are heavy; their justification depends upon huge passenger 
volumes in select corridors as related to concentrations of demand within the 
central business district. Such conditions are not common. Future rail lines 
will, therefore, be limited to areas where traffic cannot be adequately or con- 
veniently served by express buses operating over modern freeway systems. 

In cities where the attractiveness and inertia of the central business district 
will encourage high- density development within select corridors, some new 
rail rapid transit may be desirable. 

It must, of course, be realized that the old, very large cities, such as 
New York, Chicago, Philadelphia and Boston, are generally unique in terms 
of function, configuration, concentration and transportation requirements.*^ 
These areas will continue to be served mainly by rail rapid transit. Invest- 
ments in existing facilities, coupled with their peak-hour capacities and their 
relationship to downtown concentrations of people, necessitate their continuance 
and improvement. 

Commuter Railroads — Commuter railroads, like rail rapid transit, are 
necessarily restricted to the largest cities, but may more advantageously serve 
many suburban areas where existing networks are available. Modernization 
should be given the same economic appraisal as other transportation proposals; 
major capital expenditures will not usually be justified without some type of 
subsidy. The use of multiple-door control and greater automation on cummuter 
lines would serve to reduce some of the current peak-hour operating costs. 



*WoT example, the average population density in Manhattan is about 88,000 people 
per square mile; compared with about 5,000 in Los Angeles, and 50 in the United States. 

154 



An extensive proposal for the modernization of cummuter railroads recently 
suggested that these facilities be used by both freight and passenger trains and 
that all routes within an area be interconnected to permit better downtown 
distribution.^^ Since commuters use such facilities only about 20 hours per week, 
the lines would be available for freight service the remainder of the time. Such 
a proposal should be carefully evaluated, in light of its applicability to specific 
situations. 

PROSPECTS 

By 1920, the auto had wide public acceptance. Although its effects on 
transit traffic were apparent, there was still little recognition of the threat to 
transit's stability. Many contended, as in 1960, that riders would revert to 
transit as soon as they realized how costly it was to use the private automobile. 
This has not happened; on the contrary, the trends toward private transporta- 
tion have continued in practically every city. 

A renaissance of transit appears unlikely. As shown in Figure 64, the 
trends are in other directions; declines in the use of surface transit will con- 
tinue as urban areas continue to disperse, as car ownership increases, and as 
family incomes rise. Rapid transit patronage may, however, be expected to 
stabilize and possibly increase in larger urban areas. 

Future urban origins and destinations will be scattered over a widening 
area and relatively few person trips will be divertible from the automoble to 
improved transit systems. Therefore, suburbia will not usually attain the high 
levels of transit usage previously developed between the central business dis- 
trict and the "close-in, high-density" portions of the central city. 

Public transportation is an efficient carrier of people in terms of street 
requirements and should, therefore, be encouraged to maintain its service, 
particularly into and out of the central business district. It will be required, 
especially in large urban areas, to serve people who do not own or have the 
use of an automobile, and to provide peak-hour "overflow" capacity along major 
radial routes. In many smaller areas, taxis or jitneys may gradually supplant 
transit. 

Ultimately, the continued existence of transit may become dependent on 
some form of subsidy in many areas. This could involve aid for weak lines, 
and/or outlays for needed capital improvements. 



43Berge, Stanley, "How Conunuters Can Have Their Trains," Atlantic Monthly, May, 1960. 

155 



HIGH POPULATION .J^J1%. LOW POPULATION 





TREND 
LOW INCOME--^ -^--HIGH INCOME 



TREND 
LOW CAR OWNERSHIP --> -^-j HIGH CAR OWNERSHIP 



HIGH TRANSIT USAGE 



FEWER VEHICULAR TRIPS 
FEWER TRIPS BY CAR 



LOW TRANSIT USAGE 

MORE VEHICULAR TRIPS 
MORE TRIPS BY CAR 



Figure 64 
Summary of Urban Travel Factors 



Future rapid transit, while generally limited to large urban complexes, 
will be a valuable adjunct to freeways in serving concentrated travel movements. 
Future rapid transit in most urban areas will be provided by express buses 
operating within freeways, and in some cases, in specially reserved lanes or 
exclusive rights-of-way. Extensions and improvements of rail rapid transit will 
be restricted mainly to cities where these facilities exist or where they may be 
developed economically. Adequate systems of local transportation will serve 
communities where rapid transit is not warranted, and will also be necessary 
to help make rapid transit function efficiently. 

Transit will remain in future urban areas, but its role and function will 
be somewhat dissimilar to its earlier status. No longer the dominant travel 
mode except in special cases, it will serve as an important and special comple- 
ment to private vehicular transportation. 



156 




FREEWAY SYSTEM USE 

in 

STUDY CITIES 



SUMMARY 

Although interstate highways serve the dual functions of con- 
necting urban centers and providing intracity access, a comparative 
analysis of Interstate freeway systems in various study cities shows 
that they are often related to intercity linkages rather than to local 
traffic conditions: their extent varies considerably; there is usually 
no simple relationship between city size, population and Interstate 
system mileage. 

There is also variation in the amounts of Interstate system mileage 
currently in operation, and in the degree of augmentation by other 
freeways. Nashville, for example, has planned a relatively complete 
network of freeways composed almost entirely of Interstate highways; 
in Phoenix, a less extensive system of Interstate routes will be sup- 
plemented by a projected network of non-Interstate routes; in Hous- 
ton, many freeways are already in operation. 

The number of daily vehicle miles of travel in the study cities, 
expressed on a per capita basis, is expected to increase over the next 
20 years from about 7 at present to more than 10 miles per capita 
per day by 1980. By 1980, over-all vehicular travel will be increased 
between 4 and 16 per cent as a result of urban freeway use. 

Average trip length in the survey cities is expected to increase from 
almost 4.5 miles at present to over 5.0 miles by 1980. Trips on free- 
ways are longer than other urban trips; motorists using urban freeways 
travel about 7 to 9 miles on freeways and about 2 miles on surface 

157 



streets, whereas motorists using only arterial streets average about 
4 miles. 

A completed system of freeways in any metropolitan area can be 
expected to accommodate a significant part of the vehicular travel 
performed in that community. The proportion of trips and vehicle- 
miles of travel assignable to an adequate freeway system increases 
with city size. 

In communities under 100,000 population, freeways may carry up 
to one fourth of all daily vehicle miles of travel. In metropolitan 
areas that contain more than a million persons, half or more of all 
vehicle miles of travel would be accommodated by an adequate free- 
way system. 

The average volume potential per mile of freeway varies from 
about 25,000 vehicles per day in cities under 100,000 population to 
about 70,000 cars per day in large cities. Maximum freeway loadings 
increase at a rapid rate as cities get larger — from about 30,000 
cars per day in small cities to more than 200,000 per day in large 
cities. When cities exceed two million in population, anticipated de- 
mands on freeways in the most heavily traveled corridors may exceed 
the capacities of eight-lane facilities under present concepts of free- 
way systems. 

Freeways are popular! Within the study cities, between 25 and 
40 per cent of all local motorists would use the freeway systems daily; 
in an average week, more than two out of three would use the freeways. 
It is anticipated that the completed Interstate system will be used 
daily by nearly 40 per cent of the nation's motorists. 

Freeways will serve more travel, be more extensively used and, 
therefore, become increasingly valuable in large urban areas. Recog- 
nition of these facts emphasizes the need for an accelerated program 
of urban freeway construction over the next 20 years to meet urban 
traffic requirements. 

158 



i HE Interstate highway system, although commonly regarded as an inter- 
city system, will include many important freeway sections within urban limits. 
The orientation and use of these urban express highways within the communities 
they serve will vary from city to city, depending on the extent of the system 
and the size and disposition of urban land uses. 

Detailed analyses of the use and impact of proposed freeway systems 
within the study cities are set forth in this chapter. The findings provide a 
basis for an over-all evaluation of Interstate highways and other freeways 
within urban areas, and for projections of future travel. 

DESCRIPTION OF FREEWAY SYSTEMS 

The relation of the 41,000-mile network of Interstate highways to the 
study cities is shown in Figure 65.^ Important "crossroads" cities, as Chicago, 



iThe study cities are the same as those detailed in Chapter III, with the addition of 
Hartford, Oakland and Miami. Additional analyses have been made to the extent that data 
were available. 




Figure 65 
Study Cities in Relation to Interstate Highway System 

159 



St. Louis and Nashville, have as many as eight routes radiating from them. 
Other cities are not so fortuitous: Miami, located in the southeast extremity 
of the country, is served by only one route; two Interstate routes enter the 
Charlotte area but none penetrate the city; Reno, the smallest of the study 
cities, is traversed by one Interstate highway. 

Interstate Systems — Urban Interstate routes and urbanized area limits 
in each of the study cities have been drawn to the same scale in Figures 66 
and 67. The highway configurations vary from city to city as the systems are 
often related to iiitercity linkages rather than to local traffic conditions. The 
drawings clearly show the wide variations of urbanized areas in relation to 
Interstate routes, ranging from the small Reno-Sparks area upward to the 
large metropolitan agglomerations of Chicago and Detroit. In most cities. 
Interstate highways shown on the drawings have determined the general 
structure of the urban freeway network. 

Chicago — The Interstate system in Chicago, largest of the study areas 
in population and spread, includes eight routes radiating from the Loop toward 
Milwaukee and Madison, Wisconsin; Moline, Bloomington, and Effingham, 
Illinois; Indianapolis and South Bend, Indiana; and Benton Harbor, Michigan. 
A circumferential route traverses the western perimeter of the area. 

Detroit — Five radial Interstate routes converge in the Detroit area from 
Toledo, Ohio, and from Kalamazoo, Lansing, Flint, and Port Huron, Michigan. 
The network also includes a circumferential freeway around the west and north 
of the city. The routes provide a relatively complete system of downtown fa- 
cilities and form a loop around the central business district. 

St. Louis — Interstate highways converge in the St. Louis area from Spring- 
field and Kansas City, Missouri; Effingham and Springfield, Illinois; Louisville, 
Kentucky; and Memphis, Tennessee. Three routes radiate westward from 
downtown St. Louis, and an "outer belt" route circumscribes the northern and 
western limits of urbanization. 

Houston — Two radial Interstate highway routes intersect in Houston; 
one connects San Antonio and Baton Rouge, and the other links Dallas and 
Galveston. In addition, a circumferential route encompasses the north, west 
and east sides of the Houston area. 

Kansas City — The Interstate freeway pattern in the Kansas City area 
includes a series of routes radiating to Newton and Topeka, Kansas; Council 
Bluffs and Des Moines, Iowa; and St. Louis, Missouri. The routes converge 
in downtown Kansas City and form a limited-access loop around the central 

160 




RENO 



SCALE IN MILES 



Figure 66 
Urban Interstate Systems in Study Cities 



161 




CHARLOTTE 







PHOENIX 



PITTSBURGH 



NASHVILLE 



SCAiC in UILES 




Figure 67 
Urban Interstate Systems in Study Cities (Continued) 



162 



business district. In addition, two belt routes are provided — one is located 
along the west side of Kansas City and the other traverses the south and 
southeast parts of the area. 

Hartford — Two radial Interstate routes in Hartford are augmented by a 
belt around the south and west sections of the urban area. The routes radiate 
to Springfield and Worcester, Massachusetts, and to Danbury and New Haven, 
Connecticut. 

Oakland — Two Interstate routes in Oakland — one from Sacramento and 
one from Modesto — converge on the Bay Bridge to enter San Francisco. A 
belt route extending southerly from San Francisco circumscribes the entire 
Bay area. 

Washington — The nation's capital is the focus for a series of routes 
radiating to Strasburg and Richmond, Virginia, and to Frederick and Baltimore, 
Maryland. In the central area of Washington, tlie routes converge to form 
the greater portion of an inner loop freeway. In addition, an outer circum- 
ferential encompasses the entire area. 

Pittsburgh — Although areawise, urbanized Pittsburgh is comparable to 
Washington, D. C, its Interstate system is much less elaborate. Route loca- 
tions are restricted by topography, which may account for the less extensive 
system. Three radials provide access to Harrisburg and Washington, Pennsyl- 
vania, and to Youngstown, Ohio. In addition, two routes traverse the perimeter 
of the urbanized area. 

Nashville — Nashville has one of the most complete Interstate systems of 
any city its size. Interstate highways radiate from downtown Nashville to 
Louisville and Knoxville, Kentucky; Chattanooga and Memphis, Tennessee; 
and Birmingham, Alabama. Within the city, the routes form a downtown loop 
and several legs of an intermediate circumferential freeway. 

Phoenix — The Interstate routes serving Phoenix are less extensive than 
in Nashville; although the urban area is slightly larger in population and is 
growing rapidly. Interstate routes extend from Phoenix to Tucson, Arizona, and 
Los Angeles and San Diego, California. 

Other Cities — Interstate routes serving Miami, Charlotte and Reno do 
not comprise "systems" of urban freeways. In Reno, the Interstate highway 
traverses the city; in Miami, an Interstate highway connects Miami Beach and 
downtown Miami with points north; in Charlotte, the Interstate routes do not 
penetrate the city — 1-85 traverses the perimeter of the urbanized area and is 
joined by 1-77 which now terminates at their junction. 

163 



Relation to City Size — From the individual route descriptions, it is evident 
that urban Interstate systems have been more influenced by urban area location 
than by traffic requirements. There is no simple relationship between city 
size, population, and the amount of Interstate miles allocated to each city. 

This is clearly illustrated by Table 36 which compares 1958 Interstate 
mileage in the study cities with 1950 population and area. The number of 
people per mile of Interstate route varies from less than 7,000 in Houston and 
Hartford to more than 20,000 in St. Louis and Pittsburgh. The urbanized area 
served per mile of Interstate route ranges from about one square mile in Hart- 
ford to four in Miami and almost six in Reno. 



Table 36 
ALLOCATED INTERSTATE MILEAGES IN STUDY AREAS^ 



MILES OF POPU- SQ. MILES 

URBAN LATION OF AREA 

URBANIZED INTER- PER PER 

URBANIZED AREA AREA STATE MILE OF MILE OF 

AREA (SQ. MILES) POPULATION ROUTE ROUTE ROUTE 

1950 1958 

Oakland- 
San Francisco -.. . 287.3 2,022,078 129.5 15,620 2.2 

Pittsburgh 253.6 1,532,953 71.7 21,380 3.5 

St. Louis 227.8 1,400,058 61.5 22,770 3.7 

Washington 178.4 1,287,333 106.5 12,090 1.7 

Houston 270.1 700,508 105.6 6,630 2.6 

Kansas City 149.0 698,350 87.9 7,950 1.7 

Miami 116.5 458,647 29.0 15,820 4.0 

Hartford 52.9 300,788 58.7 5,120 0.9 

Nashville 53.7 258,887 26.9 9,620 2.0 

Phoenix 55.1 216,038 14.7 14,700 3.8 

Charlotte 34.5 140,930 9.5 14,800 3.6 

Reno-Sparks 27.02 54,933^ 4.8 11,440 5.6 

iSources: Based on special tabulations of urban Interstate route miles designated in each 
area as obtained from U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads. 

2Reno was not urbanized as of 1950; calculations were, therefore, based on 1955 popu- 
lation and estimated 1955 density for study areas. 

164 



Composite Systems — In almost every urban area, the Interstate highway 
system is supplemented by proposals for other urban express highways or free- 
ways. Again, the extent and status of these routes varies, depending on need, 
pubhc acceptance and plans for financing. In some cases, "designated" routes 
have attained official "status"; in other areas, they are still in the "planning" 
stage. 

The nature and status of planned freeway systems in Miami, Nashville, 
Houston and Phoenix are illustrated in Figures 68 through 71.^ 

Miami — The expressway plan for the metropolitan Miami area, now 
nearing a million in population, is shown in Figure 68. A highway program 
costing about $180 million is being financed through a $40 million county bond 
issue that supplements Interstate and other Federal Aid funds. Although the 
plan is not as comprehensive as proposals for some cities, it has been accepted, 
financing arranged, and work initiated. 

The Federal Aid Primary route, Palmetto Trail, is entirely completed or 
under construction. Most sections of the Interstate routes (North-South Ex- 
pressway and 36th Street Causeway) are completed, under construction, or 
their rights-of-way are being acquired. Several sections of bond-financed roads, 
such as the 36th Street Tollway, are under construction or are being designed. 
The east-west expressway linking downtown Miami with the Tamiami Trail, 
the Dixie Expressway leading southwest from downtown, and sections of the 
downtown loop have yet to be acquired or built. 

Nashville — The Nashville freeway system, detailed in Figure 69, is largely 
Interstate and includes a series of radial routes and a downtown distributor loop 
interconnected by an intermediate circumferential. Long-range plans call for 
a semi-limited access route around the urban area. 

Construction is now underway on about five miles of Interstate 40 to the 
southwest of downtown and on one mile of Interstate 65 over the Cumberland 
River. Right-of-way is being acquired and/or construction programmed for 
three routes; preliminary route locations have been completed for the remainder 
of the Interstate system. 

Houston — The Houston freeway plan, shown in Figure 70, includes 
gridiron, radial and circumferential routes. Nine routes radiating outward from 
downtown Houston are linked by a downtown distributor route and by an 
intermediate belt freeway. The Gulf Freeway, Eastex Freeway, and sections 



2The approximate status of each planned freeway system as shown in Figures 68 through 
71 is based on information received from the Florida, Tennessee, Texas, and Arizona state 
highway departments. 

165 




■ IfSft/O 

UNDER UDDER RW BEING 

CONRLETEO CONSTR. DESIGN ACQUIRED PDuPOSEO 

RSTATE ■■ mw] Esx^; .., :^^ r~i 

OTHER ^Hl g'::'>''"l EsSDS ^.:::':^^2 ' ! 

BONO ■■■ HHSI ISISMS £;■;!:•:;:;:::; 1 



Figure 68 

Proposed Miami Expressway System 

Miami, Florida 



166 




Figure 69 

Proposed Nashville Freeway System 

Nashville, Tennessee 



167 



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-A, 



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INTERSTATE OTHER 

^■M ^^H COMPLETED ^ 

S^S£ iH^ UNDER CONSTRUCTION 

'/imv//, '////////. UNDER DESIGN S FINANCED 

HiliW ^^M R'O BEING ACQUIRED 

■WWS JOgggt DESIGNATED FREEWATS 



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Figure 70 

Proposed Houston Freeway System 

Houston, Texas 

of the North and East Freeways and the Downtown Loop are currently in 
operation. 

The Southwest Freeway (U. S. Route 59), and sections of the West and 
North Loop Freeway (1-610) and the North Freeway (1-45) are currently 
under construction. At present, the La Porte Freeway is being financed for 
construction and right-of-way is being acquired for sections of the South 
Freeway and the South Loop Freeway. 

Phoenix — The recommended major street and highway plan for the rapidly 
expanding Phoenix urban area, shown in Figure 71, has been designed to meet 
1980 needs for more than 1,250,000 people. It provides 141 miles of freeways 
and expressways in the urban area at an estimated cost of $126,500,000, and 
arterial street extensions and improvements Costing an additional $122 million. 



168 




aiiCKEYE EXWESSWAT 



INTERSTATE 
■1^1 COMPLETED 

IMOER CONSTRUCTION 
V/////. UNDER DESIGN a FINANCED 

aasrta) r/w beinc acquired 



Figure 71 

Proposed Phoenlx Freeway System 

Phoenix, Arizona 

The plan calls for an extensive gridiron network of freeway routes and is at- 
tuned to the decentralized character of the area. A distributor loop around the 
central business district serves as a focus for the system. 

Within the Phoenix area, three miles of freeway have been completed, seven 
miles are under construction, eight miles are being designed, and right-of-way 
acquisition is underway on 14 miles. These projects are located along the 
Black Canyon Highway, the Phoenix-Tucson Freeway, and the Tempe-Mesa 
Freeway (on the eastern extremity of the urban area). 

FREEWAY USE 

The magnitudes of travel within each study city were determined from 
detailed analyses of present and anticipated travel patterns based on the origin- 
destination surveys.^ Proportions of total urban area travel on the Interstate 
and other components of freeway systems in each city were also measured, 
where such information was available.* 

3The origin-destination studies and freeway assignments in each of the study cities 
formed the bases for subsequent analyses. These studies are hsted in Chapter III, Highway 
planning studies for Dade County, Florida, and Alameda Coimty, California, were also 
analyzed. 

^Various methods were employed to derive the data cited herein, dCT)ending on the 
availability of information. Freeway travel was measured directly from traffic flow charts; 
in some cases, it was possible to determine total travel by sampling trip data from origin- 
destination and assignment tables. 

169 



Total Urban Travel — Daily vehicle miles of travel in the study cities 
at the time of the origin-destination surveys are summarized in Table 37. 
In the aggregate, there were 16.5 million people and approximately 114 mil- 
lion vehicle miles of daily travel in 13 study areas. Expressed in terms of 



Table 37 
SUMMARY OF EXISTING TRAVEL IN STUDY CITIES^ 

TOTAL DAILY 
TRAVEL 
EXPRESSED 
PRESENT TOTAL DAILY AS VEHICLE 

SURVEY AREA VEHICLE MILES MILES PER 

CITY POPULATION OF TRAVEL CAPITA 

Detroit 2,968,875 25,104,800^ 8.5 

Washington., 1,568,522 8,650,0003 5.5 

St. Louis 1,275,454 8,469,56P 6.7 

Oakland ^... 910,100 8,250,0003 9.1 

Kansas City 857,550 6,549,2303 7.8 

Phoenix 397,395 3,600,000 9.1 

Miami -- 400,0002 3,049,000 7.6 

Charlotte- 202,262 1,400,000 6.9 

Reno_ 54,933 436,570 8.0 

Subtotal--... 8,635,091 65,509,161 7.6 

Chicago 5,169,663 30,700,000 5.9 

Pittsburgh 1,472,099 10,026,000 6.8 

Houston 878,629 5,310,7583 6.1 

Nashville.- 357,585 2,688,5883 7.5 

TOTAL 16,513,067 114,234,507 6.9 

^Source: Origin-destination studies in each area. 

2Assumed as 80 per cent of Dade Ck>unty's 1950 population to compensate for sections of 
Dade County not included in the origin-destination studies. 

sVehicle miles of travel with proposed freeway system. Travel on existing streets without 
freeways is generally about five per cent less. 

170 



urban area residents, daily vehicular travel corresponds to nearly seven miles 
per capita.^ 

In most cities, the average was considerably more, ranging from six miles 
per capita in Washington to nine miles per capita in Phoenix. Most larger 
cities generally developed fewer vehicle miles per capita (generally six to seven) 
because of more extensive transit use. 

Anticipated 1980 population travel in a select group of nine study cities 
is summarized in Table 38. Population in the city totaled 14.2 million and 
there were approximately 148 million vehicle miles of daily travel. Expressed 
in terms of 1980 survey area population, daily vehicular travel averaged ap- 
proximately 10.4 vehicle miles per capita. Travel ranged from about nine 
vehicle miles per capita per day in Charlotte and Washington to 14 in Oakland. 

5In several cities, the tabulation assumes that the proposed freeway system was in 
operation. Without freeways, existing travel would be about five per cent less in these cities. 

Table 38 

SUMMARY OF 1980 TRAVEL IN STUDY CITIES^ 

TOTAL DAILY 
TRAVEL 
1980 TOTAL DA7LY2 EXPRESSED 

SURVEY AREA VEHICLE MILES AS VEHICLE 

CITY POPULATION OF TRAVEL MILES/CAPITA 

Detroit 4,400,000 43,829,600 10.0 

Washington 2,720,700 24,000,000 8.8 

St. Louis 1,721,360 17,500,723 10.2 

Kansas City 1,340,220 16,187,000 12.1 

Phoenix 1,250,000 13,600,000 10.9 

Miami 1,170,000^ 13,348,561 11.4 

Oakland. 1,016,200 14,200,000 14.0 

Charlotte 409,735 3,623,523 8.9 

Reno 146,000 1,500,000 10.3 

TOTAL 14,174,215 147,789,407 10.4 

^Source: Origin-destination studies in each area. 
2Anticipated vehicle miles of travel with proposed higliway systems. 
3 Assumed as 70 per cent of Dade County in 1975, to compensate for sections of Dade 
County not included in the origin-destination studies. 

171 



Freeway Potentials — The proportion of urban travel potential to adequate 
freeway systems affords insight into the value and use of urban freeways. 
These comparisons are made in Tables 39 and 40 for existing and future 
travel, respectively, in the selected study cities. 

Existing Travel — Existing travel in the study cities, the number of trips 
made, average trip length, the proportion of travel assignable to freeways, and 
the additional travel resulting from freeway routings are summarized in 
Table 39. 

Trip lengths ranged from slightly over three miles in Reno to more than 
five miles in Chicago, Detroit and Pittsburgh. The proportion of trips assign- 
able to the proposed freeway system ranged from about 23 per cent in Nash- 
ville to 54 per cent in Washington.^ The proportion of travel (vehicle miles) 
potential to freeway systems ranged from 30 per cent in Nashville to about 50 
per cent in Washington and Detroit. Thus, the potentials for freeway use 
are greater in larger cities. 

Motorists go out of their way to use freeways. Based on present levels, 
additional vehicle miles of travel resulting from increased travel to, from, and 
upon freeways ranged from about two per cent in Nashville to about nine per 
cent in Detroit and Oakland. 

1980 Travel — A similar analysis for anticipated 1980 travel is shown in 
Table 40. Trips in the study cities increased in length by about 10 to 15 per 
cent over present levels — from about 4.5 to 5 miles per trip. This is mainly 
a result of lower land-use densities, and tlie greater spread of the urban popu- 
lace anticipated for 1980. 

The proportion of trips assignable to freeway systems ranged from about 
30 per cent in Detroit, Reno, Phoenix, Charlotte and Miami to 58 per cent 
in Oakland. The proportion of trips assigned to urban Interstate highways 
ranged from 10 per cent in Miami to 26 per cent in Kansas City. 

The proportion of travel assignable to freeway systems ranges from about 
30 per cent in Miami, Phoenix and Charlotte to over 55 per cent in Wash- 
ington, St. Louis and Oakland. Thus, an adequate urban freeway network 
would accommodate up to half of all travel in larger urban areas. 

The proportion of total travel on urban Interstate highways ranged up- 
ward from about nine per cent in Charlotte and Phoenix to 36 per cent in 



^Assignments to comprehensive proposed freeway systems, as shown in the highway 
planning studies for each city. 

172 



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Kansas City, averaging about 20 per cent; usage and potentials of Interstate 
routes varied among urban areas depending on relative system extent. Urban 
Interstate highways on the average would be likely to accommodate about 
half of the vehicle miles potential to a system of freeways in the typical com- 
munity. This proportion, will necessarily vary from city to city, in accord with 
the specific mileage and configuration of roads in each area. 

By 1980, up to 16 per cent more vehicle miles of travel will result from 
use of urban freeways " than if there were no freeway system. In the study 
cities, this additional travel ranged from four per cent in Miami to sixteen 
per cent in Kansas City. 

Effect of City Size — There is a generally consistent relationship between 
the proportion of travel on a freeway system and lurban area population, re- 
gardless of the plan year. Potential use of freeway systems increases as urban 
areas get larger. As shown in Figure 72, urban freeways would accommodate 
approximately one fourth of all urban trips in cities under 100,000, and slightly 
over 40 per cent of all trips in cities over two million. 

Freeways would accommodate about one fourth to one third of all ur- 
ban vehicle miles of travel in cities under one hundred thousand population 
and would carry an increasing proportion of trav.el as urban areas grow larger. 
Approximately half of all vehicle miles unll be assignable to comprehensive 
systems of freeways in the largest urban areas (over two million population). 

A comprehensive plan of freeways in Detroit is designed to accommodate 
about 48 per cent of that area's travel; in St. Louis, the most extensive plan 
studied would carry 55 per cent of all urban vehicle miles. The Los Angeles 
freeway system, when completed, is expected to carry about 52 per cent of all 
the area's travel; in urban areas, such as Phoenix and Charlotte, an adequate 
system of freeways would carry about one third of all travel.' 

System Comparisons — The proposed freeway systems in the study cities 
vary considerably in extent, in service afforded, and in traffic loadings. Some 
of the comparative aspects of these systems are shown in Table 41. 

Length of the systems varies from 12 miles of route in Reno to over 200 
in Washington and Detroit. 

The average urban area population per mile of freeway measures the "cov- 
erage" of each system and provides a common basis for evaluating various 
freeway networks. In the study cities, the urban area population per mile of 



^California Department of Public Works, The California Freeway System, A report 
to the Joint Interim Committee on Highway Problems of the California Legislature — 
September, 1958. 

175 



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90 
80 
70 
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50 100 500 1,000 

POPULATION (THOUSANDS OF PERSONS) 



5,000 10.000 



VEHICLE ■ 1980 

MILES X 1953-1960 



TRIPS 



■ 1980 

X 1953-1960 



Figure 72 
Freeway Travel Related to Urban Area Size 



freeway is generally consistent, averaging about 10,000 people per mile of 
route in most cities. The exceptions are Oakland with its unusual topography, 
and Miami where freeway needs in future years appear to exceed those pro- 
vided for in the plan. 

The average length of trips on urban freeways ranges from about four 
miles in Reno to almost ten miles in Detroit. 

The average traffic volumes potential to each mile of freeway route ( based 



176 



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177 



on traffic assignments ) vary from about 25,000 vehicles per day in Reno to about 
70,000 in Detroit. The average volume potentials on the most heavily traveled 
routes are somewhat more variable, ranging from approximately 25,000 vehicles 
per mile in Reno to 200,000 in Detroit. The "maximum load point" potentials 
— heaviest assigned volumes on the freeway system — were highly variable and 
depended on configuration of routes and location of ramps; they ranged 
from 39,000 vehicles per day in Reno to over 200,000 in St. Louis, Kansas City, 
Washington and Detroit. It is apparent that changes in the structure of an 
area's freeway system will have marked effects on maximum system volumes, 
especially as the size of area increases. 

City Size and Volumes — The relation between freeway volume potentials 
and urban area population is clearly depicted in Figure 73. Again, there is 
a correlation between city size and freeway traffic. Assignable volumes per 
mile of freeway increase consistently as cities get larger. Greatest increases 
are in the volumes along the most heavily traveled freeways and in the 
"maximum load point" flows. 

For example, when cities are under 100,000, potential freeway volumes 
average about 25,000 vehicles per mile daily, maximum route potentials are 
slightly higher, and "maximum-load-point" potentials approximate 35,000 cars 
per day. When cities exceed two million in population, the average potential 
volume per mile approximates 70,000 vehicles; the potentials along the heaviest 
route average 140,000 vehicles per mile, and "maximum-load-point" assignments 
exceed 200,000 per day. By way of comparison, the maximum reported operat- 
ing volumes on eight-lane freeways are slightly under 200,000 cars per day. 

In smaller cities, the average volume per mile on the heaviest traveled 
freeway is about the same as the average system loading; however, in large 
cities, it is approximately twice as great. Similarly, the maximum-load-point 
volumes potential to freeway systems in small cities are about 1.5 times the 
average flows; in large cities, the ratio is as great as five. 

Clearly, the greatest needs for urban freeways are in the larger metro- 
politan areas. While freeways will benefit travel in all urban areas, they will 
receive the most use and provide the greatest value in the larger areas. 

In most communities under 100,000 population, volumes potential to free- 
way systems could generally be accommodated on high-type arterials; this is 
not the case in larger cities, where demands will closely match freeway capaci- 
ties. As urban areas exceed two million people, volumes potential to certain 
heavier traveled routes may exceed capacities that can be provided under 
present concepts of freeway planning. 

178 



5 


































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^.,.„. MAXIMUM SYSTEM VOLUME 

KAI lO . 

MERAGE VOLUME PER MILE ; 






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,..•,.„. AVERAGE VOLUME OF MAXIMUM ROUTE 
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■LEGEND- 



50 100 500 1,000 

STUDY AREA POPULATION (THOUSANDS) 



— ■ AVERAGE FREEWAY VOLUME / MILE 

— • MAXIMUM VOLUME IN SYSTEM 
X AVERAGE VOLUME/ MILE- MAXIMUM ROUTE 



5,000 lOjOOO 



Figure 73 

Assigned Freeway Traffic Volumes 

IN Relation to Urban Area Size 

Generally, the interrelations between volumes and urban area population 
seem consistent with the current policy of the Bureau of Public Roads regard- 
ing lanes on urban Interstate highways: 

"In 1975 the number of lanes in cities exceeding one million population 
shall not exceed 8; for cities in the population range of 400,000 to 1,000,000, 



179 



shall not exceed 6; and for cities under 400,000 inhabitants, shall not exceed 
4 (population references are to the estimated 1960 population ) ."^ 

Any relationship between city size and lane requirements (such as shown 
by Figure 73, or designated by policy) should, of course, be used as a guide 
only; lane requirements for specific freeways may vary from these generalized 
criteria, and should be based on actual assignments. 

Effect of Freeways on Arterial Travel — Freeways in urban areas serve 
the essential purpose of relieving arterial and other city streets. Without free- 
ways, it would not be possible to accommodate the rapidly expanding travel 
in urban areas. Improvements to existing arterials will, at best, provide only 
modest capacity increases — and at a lower standard of operation. 

Freeways will save motorists time and thereby attract traffic from con- 
ventional city streets. Trips, however, may be longer. 

The effects of freeways on urban travel in St. Louis and Detroit are il- 
lustrated in Figure 74. If the proposed freeway systems in these cities 



^Source: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Instruction Manual 
for Preparation and Submission of Revised Estimate of Cost of Completing the Interstate 
System, Jan., 1960, p. 18. 



23.1 MILLION 


H 


8.0 MILLION 


VEHICLE MILES 




VEHICLE MILES 


= 100 7o 


1 


= 100 7o 





EXISTING 



WITH FREEWAY 



EXISTING 



SYSTEM 



1953 
DETROIT 



FREEWAY 



I980 



WITH FREEWAY 
SYSTEM 



1957 I9«0 



ST. LOUIS 



ARTERIAL 



Figure 74 
Effect of Freeway Systems on Urban Travel 



were in operation today, there would be about six per cent additional travel 
in St. Louis, and nine per cent more in Detroit. This increase in travel 
would be more than compensated for by the reductions in arterial volumes. 
Freeways would reduce arterial street loadings to 51 per cent of their current 
level in Detroit and 57 per cent in St. Louis. 

Travel in both cities is increasing as urbanization continues. Total 1980 
travel in each city is expected to more than double present levels. Without 
freeways, it would be impossible to accommodate the increases. Even with the 
freeway system, 1980 arterial street traffic will have attained about the same 
levels as at present. Thus, still more capacity would be necessary after 1980 
to serve new growths. The need for a continuing plan of urban freeway 
construction in both cities is quite apparent. 

Freeway Trip Lengths — Freeway trips are longer than other urban trips. 
As shown in Figure 75, motorists using freeways travel about seven to nine 
miles on freeways, and about two miles on surface streets. The average length 
of trips made entirely on surface streets approximates four miles. Freeway 
users, therefore, travel almost three times as far as other urban drivers. 

Different Freeway Users — It has been shown that a completed system of 
freeways in any metropolitan area will accommodate a substantial portion of 
the total daily vehicle miles of travel. The average car makes several trips each 
day, thereby increasing the likelihood that it will use a freeway one or more 
times during the day; this likelihood is further increased throughout the course 
of a week. 




I 8.0 1.5 




KANSAS CITY 

MILES TRAVE LED 
ON FREEWAYS 

IIJIIIjlllJI j ON SURFACE STREETS 

I 

^ AVERAGE ALL TRIPS 



ST. LOUIS 





16.6 1.7 



DETROIT 




FREEWAY TRIPS 



OTHER TRIPS 



Figure 75 
Freeway and Arterial Trip Lengths 

1980 



181 



The number of different cars using freeways is a predictable quantity. 
Such a relationship was obtained in a recent analysis of auto travel in 13 urban 
areas. ^ This research found that the combined volume oT travel by local vehicles 
past selected locations on each of the principal arterial streets (including free- 
ways) within a city represented a cross-section of the local cars in traffic. 
The combined volume of local cars at all locations when expressed as a per- 
centage of local cars registered, contained a predictable number of different 
cars (also expressed as a percentage of cars registered). The composite data 
for all 13 cities showed consistent relationships for both one-day and seven- 
day counting periods, and were confirmed by subsequent findings in In- 
dianapolis, Indiana. 

It is reasonable to expect these relationships to apply in all cities. The 
different local cars in traffic or on the freeway system will, therefore, relate 
to the total combined one-way volume of local vehicles using a segment of each 
route as shown by the family of the "freeway use" curves in Figure YS.^*^ 

If the proportion of local cars passing a series of dispersed freeway loca- 
tions is known, the curves may be used to calculate the proportion of different 
local cars contained in the total traffic. (Both total and different or separate 
local cars are expressed as percentages of local registration.) 

Freeway Users in Study Cities — Accordingly, the freeway use curves 
have been applied to trip volumes assigned to freeway systems in some of 
the study areas, and the results have been summarized in Table 42. The com- 
bined volumes represent one-way volumes at maximum load points along each 
freeway, since the curves were based on one-direction traffic. 



9Smith, Wilbur S., and Wynn, F. Houston, "Different Cars as a Predictable Proportion 
of All Cars in Traffic," Proceedings, Higjiway Research Board, Vol. 39, 1960. The urban 
areas studied were San Francisco-Oakland, California; Minneapolis-St. Paul, Minnesota; 
Houston, Texas; Norfolk-Portsmouth, Virginia; Spokane, Washington; Greenville, South Caro- 
lina; Waterloo, Iowa; Lima, Ohio; Reno, Nevada; Pooatello, Idaho; Gulfport, Miss.; Austin, 
Minnesota; and North Platte, Nebraska. 

lOCurves adapted from the report. The Wilbur Smith Study of Outdoor Advertising, 
Outdoor Advertising Association of America, Chicago, 1960. In developing the freeway use 
curves, an "exponential" model was used, representing a decreasing rate of increase in y 
(degree of use) as x (total volume) increases. 

The curves were calculated to be: 

one-day freeway-use, log (100-y) = 1.99207 - .00311x 

seven day freeway-use, log (100-y) = 1.97855 — .01318x 

where: 

x is the number of total local cars passing at a series of locations, expressed as per 

cent. of local car registration, 

y is the number of different local cars expressed as per cent of local car registrations. 

182 



lOO 



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cr. 



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cc o 
o cn 

< CO 
U- < 

LU 
CO Li_ 



ss 



c_> 



CO 

<t 

CO 

cc 

< 




lOO 



AVERAGE DAILY TOTAL PASSAGES BY URBAN AREA CARS 
AS PER CENT OF URBAN AREA PASSENGER CAR REGISTRATION 

Figure 76 
Urban Freeway Use Cxjrves 



The proportion of different or separate local cars on urban freeways each 
day ranges from 26 to 40 per cent of the registered passenger cars. It is 
reasonable, therefore, to anticipate that the separate local cars on the Interstate 
routes in these cities will approximate 20 per cent of the local car registrations. 

For example, in Kansas City, local cars in the one-way, 24-hour 1980 
freeway volumes at eight dispersed locations amounted to about 52 per cent 
of the registrations; based on the freeway use curves, the different local cars 
passing one or more of the freeway locations would amount to 32 per cent 



183 



Table 42 



FREEWAY USE IN STUDY CITIES 



Percentage of Separate Local Cars Appearing in a Day and a Week on Selected 
Sections of Urban Freeway Systems^ 



Urbanized 
Area 



One-Way Local 

1980 Passenger Freeway Per Cent of 

Freeway Cars Local Vol. as Separate 

No. of Volume (70 Car Per Cent of Local Cars 

Locations (24 Hours) Per Cent) Registration Local Reg, on Freeways 















Daily Weekly 


St. Louis 


14 


563,000 


394,000 


556,000 


69.6 


40 88 


Kansas City 


8 


370,000 


259,000 


495,000 


52.3 


32 80 


Nashville^ 


5 


63,000 


44,000 


106,000 


41.5 


27 73 


Charlotte 


6 


90,500 


63,300 


152,000 


41.7 


27 74 


Reno 


3 


39,000 


27,300 


69,500 


39.3 


26 71 



iSource: Estimates of 1980 traffic assigned to various freeway systems. Separate cars 
calculated from freeway use ciurves. 

2Nashville volumes are for 1959 traffic assignments. 



of the registered local cars. In the course of a week, 80 per cent of all local 
cars would be represented in the one-way freeway traffic passing the locations. 

Frequency of Use — Many local vehicles will use the freeway often. This 
is apparent from Figure 77 which shows how frequency of highway use re- 
lates to local traffic volumes in Indianapolis. The family of curves indicates 
various seven-day volumes of local cars in traffic expressed as a multiple of 
the local car registration. (The vertical scale denotes the percentage of local 
cars that will appear in traffic the various number of times specified by the 
horizontal scale.) 

There is every reason to believe that conditions found in Indianapolis are 
generally similar to those in other large urbanized areas. Therefore, the curves 
might be applied in a generalized way to freeway use in other cities. 

For example, in Kansas City, the daily one-direction volume of local pas- 
senger cars at eight counting stations amounted to approximately 52 per cent 
of the local cars registered. The weekly, one-direction volumes would amount 

184 




5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 

FREQUENCY OF USE (NUMBER OF APPEARANCE AT SELECTED LOCATIONS) 

note: 
7- day volumes of cars registered in an urban area 
selected locations - indianapolis indiana - 1959 



Figure 77 

Frequency of Urban Highway Use 

Indianapolis, Indiana 



to about seven times this value, or 3.6 times the number of cars registered. 
Assuming that the weekly, one-direction volumes of local passenger car traffic 
at the counting stations amount to four times the number of local cars registered, 
about 32 per cent of all local cars would be expected to appear five or more 
times in the course of a week under these conditions; about 60 per cent of 
all local cars would pass the counting stations two or more times a week, about 
80 per cent one or more times. ^^ 

Extension of Use Curves — The above study of urban freeways is concerned 
with only one section of each freeway route in an urban area. Many motorists 
who make trips on freeways may not happen to use any of these route sec- 
tions past the maximum load points. Use of the freeway system could, there- 
fore, be more extensive than the preceding analysis of the test sections 
indicates. The fact that traffic on freeways is two-directional will also in- 
crease the number of different freeway users. The results obtained from the 
curves represent a conservative estimate of freeway use. Nearly all motorists 



"In this example, the chart is entered on the curve marked "4". The proportion of 
registered cars that will be detected five or more times during a week is determined by read- 
ing up to the curve from the frequency "5" on the scale at the bottom of the chart, then 
reading across to the left vertical scale from the point of intersection with the "4" curve. 

185 



in an urban area may be expected to use freeways if an integrated network 
were available for their use. 

It is, therefore, reasonable to anticipate that urban Interstate highways 
will probably be used daily by most urban motorists. Similarly, the completed 
Interstate system would likely be used daily by nearly 40 per cent of all U. S. 
motorists, and within an average week, by about two thirds of all the nation's 
motorists. 



186 




CHAPTER 



6 



FUTURE TRAVEL 

and 

INTERSTATE SYSTEM USE 

SUMMARY 

r'UTURE travel in the nation will reflect the increasing ownership 
and use of motor vehicles, and the changes in land-use patterns re- 
sulting from continued expansion of all urban areas. Existence of 
urban freeway systems will tend to increase urban travel by about 
10 to 15 per cent as a result of freeway time savings, and freeway- 
originated land-use patterns. 

From a detailed analysis of travel patterns in study cities, general- 
ized estimates of future travel and freeway needs have been 
derived. 

Present (1960) travel in the nation has been estimated to aggre- 
gate 728 billion vehicle miles annually, of which about half takes place 
in urban areas. With all needed freeways in operation, annual 1960 
travel would approximate 811 billion vehicle miles — an increase of 
about 11 per cent over actual experience. 

By 1980, an estimated 120 million registered vehicles will travel 
an annual 1,277 billion vehicle miles, assuming that the nation's free- 
way needs have been met. If only the Interstate system is completed 
by 1980, annual travel will total 1,230 biUion vehicle miles. 

The 1,277 billion vehicle miles of travel anticipated for 1980 
will be distributed as follows: urban Interstate, 13 per cent; rural 
Interstate, 9 per cent; other urban, 47 per cent; and other rural, 31 
per cent. In 1980, therefore, the Interstate system would serve about 
22 per cent of the nation's annual travel. 



187 



Projections of urban travel point emphatically to the rapidly 
expanding freeway needs within urban areas. The proportion of 
travel in urban areas will increase to about 60 per cent by 1980, 
based on redefinition of urbanized areas to include new growth. 

About 16,000 miles of freeways will be needed in urban areas 
for adequate accommodation of 770 billion vehicle miles of urban 
travel anticipated by 1980. Freeways in urban areas will serve over 
35 per cent of all 1980 travel. 

By 1980, urban Interstate routes will accommodate more than half 
of the vehicle miles potential to urban freeways. Approximately 
9,600 miles of the 41,000-mile Interstate system will lie within 
expanded urbanized areas and will constitute more than half of the 
total needed urban freeway mileage. In addition to Interstate routes 
and about 800 miles of other existing urban freeways, approximately 
5,600 miles of additional freeways will be required by 1980. 

Rural Interstate highways are often constructed as links within the 
system to accommodate principal intercity travel movements, and will, 
therefore, be adequate for most rural travel that is expected to develop 
by 1975 or 1980. 

By 1975-1980, the average volumes per mile of urban Interstate 
route will exceed 50,000 cars per day, whereas the average volumes 
of rural Interstate route will approximate 10,000 cars daily. Thus, 
each mile of urban Interstate route will be five times as heavily trav- 
eled on the average as each mile of rural Interstate freeway. 
Therefore, by 1975, the completed urban sections of the Interstate sys- 
tem will generally be operating at their capacities whereas most rural 
sections will have ample capacity reserves. 

Since urban Interstate highways will provide only about half of 
the freeway mileage needed in urban areas by 1980, there will re- 
main an urgent and continuing need for urban freeway construction 
even after the presently designated Interstate system is completed. 

188 



1 HE 41,000-mile National System of Interstate and Defense Highways con- 
nects most cities over 50,000 population. About 5,000 miles of this nationwide 
freeway network directly serve city populations and have been designated 
"urban"; essentially, they fall within the 1950 urbanized area limits as defined 
by the Bureau of the Census. The growth of suburban communities near most 
of the nation's cities during the decade 1950 to 1960 has greatly extended these 
urbanized areas, so that, in 1960, an estimated 6,700 route-miles of the Inter- 
state system were within urban limits.^ Urbanization will engulf additional 
mileage of the system during coming years. 

The Interstate highway system is being designed to become an integral 
and essential part of the nation's highway network. Its high design standards, 
summarized in Table 43, will assure that Interstate highways remain efficient, 



^Burggraf, Fred, The Merits of Limited Access Highways in Urban Areas, British Road 
Federation, June, 1960, p. 10. 

Table 43 

SUMMARY OF DESIGN STANDARDS FOR 
INTERSTATE HIGHWAYS^ 

FEATURE 

Design Speed^ 

Curvature: Desirable 

Absolute Max 

Maximum Grades (Per Cent). 

(May be 2 Per Cent steeper 

in rugged terrain) 

Medians 

Shoulders 





TYPE 


AREA 




Flat 


Rolling 

60 


Mountains 

50 


Urban 


70 


50 


30 


50 


70 


70 


40 


60 


90 


90 


3 


4 


5 


5 


36' 


36' 


16'2 


16'^ 


10' 


10' 


6-10' 


10' 



Side Slopes 

Lane Widths 

Multi-lane Roads 



4:1 Desired; 2:1 Maximum (Except in rock) 

12 feet 

For 1975 Design hour volumes over 700/hour 



Rural Rights-of-Way 



Two Lanes 

Four Lanes ( Divided )- 
Six Lanes (Divided)-— 
Eight Lanes (Divided) 



Without Frontage Roads 

150 
150 
175 



200 



With Frontage Roads 

250 
250 

275 
300 



iSource: A Policy on Design Standards — Interstate System, Primary System, Secondary 
and Feeder Roads, American Association of State Highway Officials, Revised, September 
1, 1956. 

Wesign speeds are those to which the system is designed; actual operating si>eeds are 
usually lower. 

3May be narrower in urban areas, long bridges and mountainous terrain. Four feet — ab- 
solute minimtun. 



189 




attractive and serviceable for a long period. Their location and design will 
enable them to attract a high proportion of the long-distance travel in the 
corridors they traverse. In addition, they will provide service to a large 
volume of short movements, especially in and around the many urban areas 
they serve. 

STATUS OF SYSTEM 

The status of the National System of Interstate and Defense Highways is 
fluid since each month additional miles are placed in operation or are put under 
construction. Its status, as of September 30, 1960, is depicted in Figure 78 
and summarized in Table 44. It may be seen that work is underway on the 
system in almost every part of the country. 

About 9,579 route-miles of the Interstate system (23 per cent) were open 
to traffic; 4,575 miles (II per cent) were under construction; and preliminary 
engineering or right-of-way acquisition was underway for an additional 9,993 
miles (24 per cent). Over-all, work was completed or in progress on 24,147 
miles, or almost 60 per cent of the entire system, whereas no work has been 
done on the remaining 16,432 miles. 



190 



Table 44 



STATUS OF NATIONAL SYSTEM OF 
INTERSTATE AND DEFENSE HIGHWAYS 

SEPTEMBER 30, 1960i 

STATUS MILEAGE 

Mileage improved and open to traffic: 

Completed to full or acceptable standards: 
With Interstate funds _ 3,688 

With other public funds 547 4,235 

Improved to standards adequate for present 
traffic but additional improvement needed to 
meet full standards: 
With Interstate funds 1,274 

With other public funds.. 1,802 3,076 

Toll facilities 2,268 

Total mileage improved and open to traffic — 9,579 

Mileage under construction w^ith Interstate funds 4,575 

Preliminary engineering or right-of-way 

acquisition underway 9,993 

Total mileage improved or with work underway 24,147 

Remainder of System 16,432 

TOTAL... 40,579 



PER CENT 

OF 

SYSTEM 



10.4 



7.6 
5.6 

23.6 
11.3 

24.6 

59.5 

40.5 

100.0 



^Source: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Quarterly Report 
on the Federal Aid Highway Program, Sept. 30, 1960, Washington, D. C, Nov., 1960. 



More than 30 per cent of the 5,000 urban miles programmed for the system 
and about 20 per cent of the 36,000-mile rural system were open to traffic. 
It is significant that only about half of the presently available mileage has been 
developed with Interstate funds; the remainder represents roads built prior 
to the Interstate program, either with Federal Aid Primary funds or as 
toll roads. 



191 



BASES FOR FUTURE TRAVEL PROJECTIONS 

Interstate highways and other freeways have a significant impact on com- 
munity organization and development. It is essential, therefore, that they be 
adequately designed to accommodate the traffic demands that will develop 
during a substantial part of their useful life. Most highway planning studies 
are based on a 20-year projection — about the limit of reliable traffic estimation. 
Accordingly, projections of travel have been extended to 1980. 

In anticipating future use of Interstate highways, it has been necessary 
to examine the present highway usage in the nation and to estimate future 
travel demands throughout the country, both for rural and urban travel. 
Discrimination between urban and rural travel is essential since the standards 
of highway design, the purposes and patterns of travel, and needs and 
capacity requirements differ on urban and rural roadways. It is, of course, 
realized that states vary administratively in differentiating between urban and 
rural mileage. 

Analyses of travel characteristics and freeway use in the study cities, 
set forth in previous chapters of this report, provide the bases for appraising 
total future travel within the country's urban and rural areas, and the expected 
use of the Interstate highway system and other urban freeways. According 
to the population projections, these areas are expected to contain approximate- 
ly 20 per cent of the population residing in major metropolitan areas by 1980; 
thus, they are a good sample of all urban travel. 

Evaluation of future travel has been based on further analyses of the 
study cities, as supplemented with travel information obtained in other urban 
areas. 

Urban Population Estimates — To provide a common basis for future travel 
projections, urban analyses have been based on a recent population study by 
the Urban Land Institute.^ This estimate expects the population of the United 
States to reach 243 million by 1980, and is in close agreement with the Bureau 
of the Census projection of 245,409,000 by 1980.3 

The proportion of population living in urban areas in 1960, and as antici- 
pated for 1980 and 2000, are shown in Table 45. About 67 per cent of the 
total U. S. population now lives in urban areas; approximately 75 per cent 



sPickard, Jerome P., Metropolitanization of the United States, Urban Land Institute, 
Washington, D. C, 1959. 

3U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstracts of the 
United States, Series III Projection, Washington, D. C, 1959. 

192 



Table 45 
ANTICIPATED URBAN POPULATION DISTRIBUTION^ 

MAJOR METROPOLITAN AREAS ALL URBAN AREAS 



1960 


78 


1980 


117 


2000 


145 



YEAR Number of Areas Per Cent of U. S. Population As Per Cent of U. S. Population 

48.3 67 

59.4 75 
65.9 85 

^Sources: Pickard, Jerome P., Metropolitanization of the United States, Urban Land 
Institute, Washington, D. C, 1959; U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of tlie Census. 

of the population can be expected to reside in urban areas by 1980; and by 
2000, it is estimated that about 85 per cent will live in urban areas. The 
majority of these urban dwellers will be located in a relatively few major 
metropolitan areas; by 1980, almost 60 per cent of the nation's populace will 
live in 117 major metropolitan areas. 

Travel Characteristics and Magnitudes — Characteristics of travel in the 
study cities were carefully evaluated, particularly as they relate to car owner- 
ship. These interrelationships are shown in Table 46 for present travel and 
in Table 47 for anticipated 1980 travel.* 

Car Ownership — Car ownership ranged from about 270 cars per thousand 
population (Chicago, 1956) to 365 cars per thousand (Phoenix, 1957). These 
values represent cars actually "in use" by city residents when the surveys were 
made, but have been adjusted to include "fleet" cars owned by business estab- 
lishments which account for four to five per cent of annual registration in the 
larger cities studied. Official yearly totals on vehicle registration are approxi- 
mately 10 per cent greater than cars actually in use at any given time because 
of scrappage and registration transfer. 

In projecting car ownership, it has been assumed that the economic trends 
of the past 20 years will continue, witli largest economic gains by persons in 
the lowest economic strata as their purchasing power increases. As shown in 
Chapter III, the number of cars owned by the higher income populations in 
the suburbs appears to be approaching saturation levels. 



•tThe projected traffic volumes vary somewhat from eariier projections for some cities, 
since the Urban Land Institute population estimates were used to attain consistency. In 
most instances, the estimates encompass larger areas and are generally higher than those used 
earlier. Travel characteristics have, therefore, been fitted to larger populations in these 
analyses. 

193 



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195 



Since there is an upper limit of urban car ownership, cities with high 
car ownership, as Kansas City and Phoenix, are expected to have smaller in- 
creases in the ratio of cars to households than cities with relatively low owner- 
ship, as Washington, Pittsburgh and Chicago. Future ownership in the latter 
areas will be somewhat suppressed by the continued use of public transporta- 
tion; transit will continue to play a significant part in tlie over-all transporta- 
tion structure. 

Over-all per capita car ownership is expected to increase about 22 per 
cent in the study cities. Projected 1980 car ownership in these cities (Table 
47) ranges from 330 cars per thousand people in Chicago to 410 cars per 
thousand population in Phoenix. It should be noted that the estimates of 
cars "in use" are assumed to represent about 90 per cent of year-end "cars 
registered" in these areas. 

Trip Frequency — The average number of trips currently made by pas- 
senger cars "in use" by city residents ranged from 3.4 trips per day (Washing- 
ton, D. C, 1955) to 4.9 trips per day (Nashville, 1959). Trip frequency has 
been shown to increase as average levels of car ownership rise until car owner- 
ship reaches 1.4 to 1.5 cars per dwelling — tlie more cars, the higher the 
use per car. 

Estimates of future trip frequency in each study area have given appropri- 
ate weight to expected car ownership and anticipated transit use. Average trip 
production per car is expected to increase about 20 per cent by 1980 in the 
study cities. A shorter work- week, augmented by higher purchasing power 
of urban residents at the lower end of the economic scale, will encourage 
more travel.^ The 1980 estimates of trip frequency range from 4.1 trips per 
car per day in Chicago to 5.6 trips per car per day in Charlotte. 

Trip Length — Auto driver trips in the study areas were shortest in small 
cities and longest in the big ones; trips ranged from an average of about 3.0 
miles in Charlotte, North Carolina, to about 5.0 miles in Chicago. 

Trips in future urban areas will be longer than at present as a result of 
increases in population and area. As new growth takes place in the suburbs, 
the average diameter of the urbanized area increases, and the opportunities for 



5In developing trip frequency values, weight has been given to the adequacy of the 
origin-destination data for each city and to the special handhng accorded trips at the 
time they were reported. In all studies, the number of trips recorded by the interviewers 
proved to be less than the number actually made as found by field checks at screen lines 
and cordons. In some studies, the number of trips reported were further reduced by linking 
two or more trips which were basically parts of longer trips thus reducing the number 
reported. The number of auto driver trips, as reported according to home-interview survey 
procedures, will be about 10 per cent less than the actual trips in most areas. 

196 



longer trips increase. New urban freeway systems constructed during the 
next 20 years will also encourage the production of long trips. 

Freeways will increase trip lengths as follows: 

First, they will reduce travel time between many parts of the city, thereby 
increasing the mutual attraction of such areas. Workers will have access to 
larger employment markets and employers can choose from larger labor pools. 
They will also stimulate urbanization of undeveloped areas in their vicinity, 
thereby increasing the freeway orientation of the urban area and further re- 
ducing the time required to travel between many parts of the community. 

Second, they will reorient trips for longer average distances by an average 
saving in trip time. Some indirection of movement by vehicles going to and 
from freeway interchanges will be induced. The added distances will, however, 
be more than compensated for in time saved by higher freeway speeds. 

Studies of urban travel have shown that drivers seek the shortest time 
path between their origins and destinations, and often go out of their way to 
use freeways when they can save time. Since freeway travel is about twice 
as fast as travel along surface arterials, longer travel distances often result.^ 

The combined effect of the above influences will increase average trip 
length in urban areas by 10 to 15 per cent. 

Vehicle Miles — Computed lengths of auto driver trips in existing study 
areas, when multiplied by the number of trips made by each car, showed 
average miles of travel per passenger car ranging from about 13 miles per day 
in Washington and Pittsburgh to over 18 miles per day in St. Louis and Chicago. 

Increases in travel in all cities will result from growths in population and 
expansion of urbanized areas. The largest increases are anticipated in cities 
that will expand the most in area, and/or that currently exhibit higher-than- 
average transit usage according to their size and concentration. Higher rates 
of trip production anticipated in future years and the longer average length of 
trips are expected to increase average daily 1980 travel per car by about 50 per 
cent over present levels. Anticipated 1980 travel per car will range from about 
22.5 miles in Charlotte to 26.0 miles in Houston. 



6The comparisons of trip length on freeways and arterials shown in Figure 75 sub- 
stantiate this point. Similarly, test assignments of 1959 travel in Nashville found that about 
23 per cent of all vehicle trips were assignable to some portion of the proposed freeway 
system, these assigned trips traveled about one third of a mile longer on the average; how- 
ever, the average driver realized about a four-minute saving in over-all trip time. 

197 



Vehicle Miles Per Capita — The expected increase in car ownership, 
coupled with increased travel per car, will substantially increase the average 
daily vehicle miles of passenger car travel per resident. Daily passenger car 
travel per urban resident, made by cars owned by residents, averaged about 
five miles in the combined origin-destination data for 10 study areas. Daily 
urban vehicle miles by resident-owned passenger cars would, by 1980, average 
about 8.5 miles per person in the same cities. 

Non-Resident Travel — The studies of urban travel, taken from the 
origin-destination surveys, describe only the routine weekday travel of the 
urban vehicle, including those portions of trips to and from areas outside the 
external cordon which fall within the home community. Neither the miles 
of travel in other urbanized areas nor the urban travel by rural residents is 
included. It seems likely that at least 10 per cent of the average urban car 
owner's non-routine travel is made within other urbanized areas. In heavily 
urbanized parts of the United States, as the North Atlantic region, the propor- 
tion of urban travel may be more than twice this amount; in rural western 
states, the urban portions of non-routine travel — especially recreational trips — 
may be much less than 10 per cent. Similarly, urban travel by rural residents 
probably exceeds 10 per cent of their annual mileage since a very high pro- 
portion of all trips by rural people begin or end in urban areas, according to 
recent studies.' 

Truck Travel — The combined volume of urban passenger car travel by 
residents and non-residents accounts for approximately 85 per cent of the 
total vehicular travel in most cities. In projecting travel, it has been assumed 
that the miles of truck travel will reflect the proportion of commercial vehicles 
registered, and that truck travel will amount to 16.5 per cent of the total 
1980 vehicle miles of travel in all urban areas. 

Total Travel Per Capita — In the study cities, the total vehicle miles of 
travel by all vehicles, when expressed on a per capita basis, amount to about 
6.5 miles per capita at present. Future travel in these urban areas would be 
slightly over 11 miles per capita. These values are confirmed by vehicle mile 
calculations for a somewhat different grouping of study cities, as set forth in 
Chapter V.s 



7U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Highway Transportation, Back- 
ground Information Prepared for National Academy of Sciences, National Research Council, 
Transportation Research Study, Aug. 1960, Woods Hole, Massachusetts, by Bureau of Pubhc 
Roads - p. 82. 

8In Chapter V, it was shown that the total urban vehicle miles, when expressed as a 
per capita basis, approximated 7 miles at present, and 10.5 miles in 1980; both values 
assumed the 'existence of complete freeway systems. Thus, the two sets of both estimates 
of urban travel fall within the same range. 

198 



Extension of Projections to Other Areas — Projections of travel in the study 
cities have been extended to other urban areas. Car ownership ratios and 
estimates of annual miles of travel per vehicle were prepared for the inhabitants 
of urban areas in the various population ranges, and the estimates in each 
range then aggregated. 

Except for Los Angeles, which is expected to be more car-oriented than 
other very large cities (and which is expected to be the second largest city 
in the nation by 1980), the average annual miles of travel will be least in the 
largest cities and greatest in the smallest communities and rural areas. Analyses 
of urban travel characteristics have shown a higher proportion of travel via 
public transportation in the larger cities — a condition that will continue in 
relative terms, although it will possibly be less in magnitude. In addition, 
higher densities in large central cities will allow more trips to be made by 
foot, while difficulties and expenses of garaging private automobiles vyill tend 
to limit car ownership. 

Consideration has been given to the travel that would be performed 
under varying systems of freeways. Trip-assignment studies made for several 
large metropolitan areas during recent years, including the study cities, and 
similar analyses of toll road and toll bridge potentials at a number of locations 
throughout the country, have shown that an adequate system of urban freeways 
will encourage vehicular travel throughout an urban area ranging from 10 to 
15 per cent. These increases will result from longer trips and changes in 
origin-destination patterns, and in some cases through car purchases encouraged 
by availability of better roads. Car ownership levels consistent with the 
expected level of freeway development were prepared and that level of 
ownership adhered to for all conditions analyzed at each projection date. 

Increases in trip length under the several basic conditions of freeway 
development were applied only to routine daily travel, although recreational 
and other forms of intercity travel will also be encouraged by the completion 
of a national freeway network. The magnitude of these additional increases 
appears to be relatively small, insofar as over-all time savings on rural portions 
of such trips are concerned. 

The current average annual miles traveled per car (about 9,500 miles per 
registered vehicle or about 10,500 miles per vehicle "in use"), has been as- 
sumed to increase about 10 per cent by 1972, primarily because of the com- 
pletion of the Interstate highway system; however, the average travel per 
vehicle has been held constant after 1972. While the average trip length 
in each category is expected to continue increasing as the remaining freeway 

199 



needs are met, anticipated declines in the average number of trips per vehicle 
should offset any increase in average miles traveled by each vehicle. This 
condition will arise as an increasing proportion of households acquire two or 
more cars (the number of trips per vehicle may tend to decrease as more 
vehicles become available to serve each family). 



■ 



ANTICIPATED FUTURE TRAVEL 

Anticipated future vehicular travel in the nation's rural and urban areas 
in 1972, 1975 and 1980 have been determined for several alternate conditions: 
These conditions assume (1) no further construction of freeways beyond those 
now built, (2) a completed system of Interstate highways, (3) travel that 
might take place if the Interstate system were supplemented with all other 
needed freeways. Projections anticipate a continuance of present economic 
trends. 

At its inception, the National System of Interstate and Defense Highways 
was approved for completion by June 30, 1972; this remains the earliest 
likely date for completion of the system. Recently, there have been proposals 
to defer completion to 1975 so that costs of construction can be "stretched 
out" over a longer period of time. Accordingly, estimates of 1972 travel have also 
been prepared for this condition. Detailed estimates of travel for the 13 different 
conditions are set forth in Appendix A. 

Total Future Travel — Anticipated trends in population, vehicle registra- 
tions and passenger cars "in use" are summarized in Table 48. They are graph- 
ically compared to future travel in Figure 79. 

Population and Car Owner- 
ship — By 1980, about 75 per cent 
of the nation's population is ex- 
pected to live in urbanized areas; 
the urban population will number 
about 180 million persons, and be 
equivalent to the nation's total 
1960 population. The car popu- 
lation will continue to increase 
more rapidly than people. In 
1980, about one person is antici- 
pated for every two registered 
motor vehicles; total registration 




200 



Figure 79 

Summary of Future Travel Trends 



Table 48 

SUMMARY OF ANTICIPATED POPULATION, REGISTRATION 

AND TRAVEL! 



ITEM 



1960 



YEAR 



1972 



1975 



1980 



Population 

Total Vehicles 

Registered- 
Persons Per Vehicle 



179,500,000 217,600,000 225,500,000 243,000,000 



74,000,000 103,400,000 109,500,000 120,000,000 



2.4 



2.1 



2.1 



2.0 



Passenger Cars 
Registered 

Cars in Use^ 

Cars in Use Per 
Thousand Population 

Vehicle Miles 

Traveled 

( Millions ) 

Per Cent Urban 



61,600,000 


86,460,000 


91,410,000 


100,650,000 


56,000,000 


78,640,000 


83,100,000 


91,500,000 


312 


361 


369 


376 


728.0^ 


1,058.5^ 


1,117.5^ 


1,277.5« 


47.6 


56.4 


57.6 


60.6 



iSource: Calculations based on Tables 45 to 47, and Appendix A. 

2Includes trucks. 

3The year-end number of cars registered are about 10 per cent greater than the cars 
"in use." The difference is attributable to cars removed from use (junked or wrecked) 
during the course of a year; duplicate registration (licensed in more than one state due to 
migration of residents); cars held for resale on used-car lots; etc. 

■•With existing road systems. See Appendix A. 

^With Interstate system complete. 

"With all freeway needs complete. 



will exceed 100 million. Cars "in use" will number about 376 per thousand 
population compared with approximately 312 in 1960, an increase of about 
20 per cent. About 70 per cent of all cars will be owned in urban areas. 

Aggregate Travel — Detailed projections of the future travel under the 
various programs of freeway development are shown in Table 49 and Figure 80. 
Total travel in the country is expected to increase from about 728 billion vehicle 
miles annually in 1960 to about 1,277 billion vehicle miles in 1980, an increase 
of more than 75 per cent. 



201 






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Figure 80 

Vehicle Miles of Travel in United States 

1940-1980 



203 



The 1980 estimate of annual vehicle miles of travel assumes that all of the 
nation's freeway needs will be met by that year. It is about five to six per cent 
lower than the aggregate of the 1956 future travel estimates prepared by the 
states. However, growth of travel beyond this level within the next 20 years 
would assume unrealistic increases in auto ownership and use. 

Urban Travel — Today, almost 50 per cent of all highway travel takes 
place within urban areas, according to annual estimates published by the U. S. 
Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads. By 1980, urban roads 
and streets can be expected to accommodate about 60 per cent of all vehicular 
travel. This figure assumes redefinition of urban areas to include expected new 
growths within the next 20 years. 

Interstate System Travel — The 1,277 billion vehicle miles of travel antici- 
pated for 1980 on the nation's roads and streets will be distributed as shown 
in Table 50 and Figure 81. They will include about 13 per cent Interstate 
urban, 9 per cent Interstate rural, 9 per cent other urban freeways, and 5 
per cent other rural freeways; other urban travel will comprise 38 per cent 
and other rural travel, 26 per cent. 

Over-all, about 22 per cent of all 1980 vehicle miles of travel appear to 
be assignable to the Interstate system; and travel on other freeways will 
amount to another 14 per cent. Thus, in 1980, more than one third of all the 
nation's travel would probably be served by freeways if all needed freeways 
were constructed. 

Upon its completion in 1972, the Interstate highway system will serve 
about 24 per cent of the nation's annual travel. 

Table 50 

SUMMARY OF ANTICIPATED 1980 TRAVELi 
IN UNITED STATES 

BILLIONS OF VEHICLE MILES OF TRAVEL 
FACILITY Urban Rural Total Per Cent 

Interstate Highways .._.-. 172.0 108.8 280.8 22.0 

Other Roads and Streets . 598.0 398.7 996.7 78.0 

TOTAL 770.0 507.5 1,277.5 100.0 

Per Cent 60.3 39.7 100.0 

Per Cent on Interstate 22.3 21.4 22.0 



iSource: Appendix A. Estiirmte assumes all freeway needs are met. 

204 




ways and toll roads, probably representing 
rural freeway needs, are also included in 
which this travel was performed. 



Effects of Alternate Constnic- 
tion Programs — Estimates of total 
vehicular travel for several alter- 
nate programs of freeway con- 
struction are graphically compared 
in Figure 82, and detailed in 
Appendix A. 

i960 Travel Potential — In 
1960, travel on all the nation's 
streets and highways has been esti- 
mated to approximate 728 billion 
vehicle miles. This includes travel 
on the freeways and parkways in 
urban areas (about 30 per cent 
of the actually needed freeways) 
as well as on other facilities. 
About 9,000 rural miles of free- 
half or more of the present actual 
the existing highway network on 




LEGE ND 

■i- TRAFFIC ON NON- INTERSTATE FREEWAYS 

TRAFFIC ON INTERSTATE SYSTEM 
iH- ALL OTHER TRAFFIC S 



inrja: inirtiz imiz: i. sl ■js. 

1960 1972 1975 1980 

YEAR AND CONDITION 

I- NO MORE FREEWAYS (I960 STATUS QUO) H-INTERSTATE STRETCHOUT TO 1975 

II-INTERSTATE SYSTEM BUILT BY 1972 IE-ALL FREEWAY NEEDS COMPLETED 

Figure 82 
Vehicle Miles of Travel on Interstate System in United States 

1960-1972-1975-1980 



205 



If the Interstate system were in operation today, the additional urban 
miles of freeways would represent almost 75 per cent of the total urban free- 
way needs. Very little rural freeway deficiency would remain. The system would 
be expected to generate about 780 billion vehicle miles of travel — seven per cent 
more than actually take place. More than half of this increase would be 
in urban areas despite the much larger amount of rural freeway mileage. 

It is estimated that about one and one half million more passenger cars 
would be "in use" if the entire Interstate system were in existence in 1960. 
Adjusting for trucks and assuming "ownership" as 90 per cent of "registered 
cars", the total additional vehicles registered would number about two million. 
This value is approximately three per cent over actual 1960 registrations. 

If the remaining freeway needs in urban areas were completed, 1960 
travel would approximate 811 billion vehicle miles; this corresponds to an 
increase of about 11 per cent over actual experience. Approximately two 
thirds of this increase would be in urban areas. 

1972 Travel Potentials — Four conditions have been examined for 1972: 
the first considers the probable miles of travel that would be performed 
if all new freeway construction were halted at the end of I960; the second 
condition estimates travel that would occur if the Interstate system completion 
were delayed three years, 1972 to 1975; the third condition assumes completion 
of the Interstate system by 1972; and the fourth visualizes the completion of 
all freeway needs in the nation (including another 2,600 miles of rural freeways 
not on the Interstate system). 

Under each assumption for 1972, taken in the order given, an increasing 
volume of travel would develop. Annual travel will total about 983 billion 
vehicle miles with no additional freeways constructed, 1,050 billion vehicle 
miles with Interstate construction deferred, 1,058 billion vehicle miles with 
all Interstate freeways built, and 1,100 billion vehicle miles with all needed 
freeways in operation. Approximately 11 per cent more vehicle miles are 
anticipated, if all freeway needs are met, over the travel that would be 
generated on a system to which no freeways had been added since 1960. 

With a 1972 completion schedule, the volume of travel on the nation's 
highways by 1972 is expected to be about 45 per cent greater than the volume 
of travel actually experienced in 1960 ( approximately 1,058 billion vehicle miles 
compared with 728). 

More than 56 per cent of all 1972 travel in the United States would be 
expected to take place in urban areas under all four conditions. 

The aggregate use of the Interstate system and the traffic benefits gained 
would be substantially less under a construction stretch-out to 1975. Under the 

206 



delayed program, about 22 per cent of all 1972 urban travel would be performed 
on urban Interstate highways; whereas if the Interstate system were complete, 
about 26 per cent of urban travel would be on the system. 

The complete Interstate system (urban and rural) in 1972 would likely 
carry about 18 per cent more travel than would be accommodated on the 
finished portions of a system based on a 1975 completion schedule — 248 billion 
vehicle miles compared with 211. Cost penalties resulting from a stretch-out are 
detailed in Chapter IX. 

1975 Travel — Total 1975 travel would approximate 1,163 billion vehicle 
miles annually if all needed freeways were completed. However, if only 
the Interstate system were completed, travel would aggregate about 1,118 
billion vehicle miles. With only existing 1960 freeways, annual 1975 travel 
would total 1,037 billion vehicle miles.^ 

Thus, by 1975, the completed Interstate system, without other new 
freeways, would probably generate approximately eight per cent more vehicle 
miles of travel throughout the nation than would be realized without any new 
freeway construction between 1960 and 1975. With all of the freeway needs 
met in 1975, an additional four per cent increase is anticipated in annual travel. 
A halt of all new freeway construction in 1960 would likely tend to reduce 
ownership in 1975. Approximately 58 per cent of all 1975 travel will be in 
urban areas. 

1980 Travel — Similar relationships have been anticipated for 1980 travel. 
By 1980, about 1,277 billion vehicle miles of travel would be performed annual- 
ly in the nation, provided that all needed freeways had been completed. If 
only the Interstate system were completed, annual 1980 travel would be about 
four per cent less, aggregating about 1,230 billion vehicle miles. 

In 1980, if only the Interstate system were completed, about 204 billion 
vehicle miles would be potential to urban freeways, whereas if all freeway 
needs were met, 286 billion vehicle miles would be potential. Thus, the travel 
potential to a complete and adequate system of express highways would be 
about 40 per cent greater than if only the Interstate routes were completed. 
Other urban freeways would, however, be more heavily traveled and would tend 
to be more frequently overloaded. Some freeway use would represent marginal 
benefits by motorists who would receive substantial economies if the entire 
freeway system were available. 



9Since the Interstate system will probably be completed by 1975 under any of the current 
proposals, estimates have not been prepared for a stretch-out beyond that date. 

207 



URBAN FREEWAY NEEDS 

Detailed analyses of the prospective 1980 highway needs in the study cities 
have been set forth in Chapter V of this report. These studies indicate that, on 
the average, in cities of every size and type, the expected increases in car 
ownership and extension of low-density land uses justify about one mile of 
freeway for every 10,000 urban residents. On this basis, today's urban popu- 
lation of approximately 120 million people should be served with about 
12,000 miles of freeway; by 1972, almost 15,600 route-miles would be needed 
and by 1975, the needs would have risen to approximately 16,500 miles. There- 
fore, the anticipated 1980 urban population of more than 180 million would 
need about 18,000 miles of express highways. 

Obviously, any such generalization of freeway needs will require some 
modification when applied to the high-density central cities of the largest 
and oldest metropolitan areas ( such as Philadelphia, Boston, New York, Chicago ) 
where public transportation provides effective service and where a sufficient 
network of freeways might be uneconomical to develop. Just as it is difficult 
to extend their transit potentials, carte blanche, to all other urban areas, it is 
similarly difficult to apply nationwide freeway criteria without certain 
modifications. 

It is also apparent that urban populations in most communities under 
50,000 population do not generally create sufficient need to justify free- 
ways to serve internal travel.^^ This does not imply that freeways should not 
be constructed in these areas, but rather that the general criteria should again 
be modified. Heavy traffic movements through small cities, especially where 
they are located along a traffic corridor that serves larger urban areas, often 
warrant freeway construction. Similarly, more remote towns situated along 
Interstate highways or along other freeways should, of course, be provided with 
these high-capacity facilities in the interest of system continuity. 

Except for the very high-density central cities and small isolated communi- 
ties, freeway needs of urban areas conform to the general criterion of one mile 
per 10,000 residents. Over-all urban area freeway needs projected on this basis 
should, therefore, be adjusted downward by about 2,000 miles to allow for 
the cited extreme conditions. 

Estimated urban freeway needs, therefore, approximate 10,000 route-miles 
for I960; about 13,600 for 1972, and about 14,500 miles for 1975. By 1980, 
approximately 16,000 route-miles of urban freeways will likely he required. 



loSee, for example, Figure 73. 

208 



It is clear that the existing mileage of freeway-type routes in urban areas 
falls far short of anticipated future urban needs. Of about 6,700 miles of 
Interstate route currently located in urbanized areas, only about 2,100 miles 
are currently open to traffic.^^ Other urban freeways and parkways not on 
the Interstate system account for about 800 miles. Thus, the entire urban 
freeway mileage presently in use amounts to almost 3,000 route-miles, less than 
30 per cent of the 10,000 miles that appear needed. 

Urban Interstate System — Although, as presently defined, urban Interstate 
highways comprise about 5,000 miles, about 6,700 miles of the system 
currently lie in areas that are essentially urban in character. Urban growth 
in the next 20 years will probably take place at low densities (about 2,500 
persons per square mile), thereby doubling the present urban land area. The 
expansion of urbanization will increase the average diameter of cities and 
engulf a corresponding amount of rural Interstate mileage on the radial 
routes that serve each community. 

Additional miles of the Interstate system will be progressively incorporated 
within the urban definition. By 1972, about 8,400 route miles of the presently 
defined Interstate system will probably fall in this category; by 1975, about 
8,850 miles; and by 1980, approximately 9,600 miles. Thus, about 62 per cent 
of the route-miles of urban freeway needs would probably be met if the Inter- 
state system is completed by 1972. 

The 9,000 to 10,000 miles of the designed Interstate system located within 
urbanized areas by 1980 represents over half of the freeway mileage that will 
then be needed in urban areas. By 1980, urban Interstate routes would, there- 
fore, accommodate half or more of the vehicle miles potential to freeways in 
urban areas. 

Other Urban Freeways — Urban Interstate freeways constitute a large part 
of the urban need, but by no means do they serve all of the critical traffic 
corridors in the cities. The proposed Page-Easton freeway route in St. Louis, 
for example, would be located in the heaviest traffic corridor but is not 
on a designated Interstate route; prospects for its early construction are 
not good, although it is a vitally needed facility. An intermediate circum- 
ferential highway to serve the Washington area located just inside the District 
of Columbia limits is a vital component of the freeway system, but is not a part 



iiThe 2,100 miles includes portions of Interstate routes located in urban areas, but 
officially designated as "rural". 

209 



of the Interstate program. Similar conditions exist in nearly all of the metro- 
politan areas examined in this study. 

Thus, the non-Interstate routes are often as vital to the urban community, 
as those on the system. After the Interstate program has been finished, about 
40 per cent of the urban freeway needs will remain. These studies show clearly 
that there will be need for continued urban freeway construction long after the 
presently-designated Interstate system is complete. 

Relation of Needs to Assumed Construction Schedule — To provide the 
needed freeways, an active program of highway construction will be required. 

Construction to 1972 — Based on this target date for completion of the 
system, approximately 32,600 miles of Interstate routes will lie in rural areas 
by 1972. About 7,500 miles of these routes are presently open to travel, leaving 
25,100 miles to be built in the next 12 years, or an average rate of about 2,100 
miles per year. 

Similarly, of the 8,400 Interstate route miles that would be built in urban- 
ized areas by 1972, approximately 2,100 miles are already constructed. An 
additional 525 miles would have to be added annually to complete the 8,400 
urban Interstate miles by 1972, 

Additional Construction to 1980 — Freeway construction necessary to com- 
plete the Interstate system by 1972 would have to be maintained at substantially 
the same level for another eight years to satisfy all 1980 freeway needs. If Inter- 
state construction were stretched out to 1975, an accelerated program would 
be called for to meet all the nation's freeway needs by 1980. 

Necessary freeway construction between 1972 and 1980, assuming that no 
new freeways other than those on the Interstate system are built between now 
and 1972, are shown in Table 51. It is estimated that about 5,600 additional 
urban miles and about 5,400 new rural miles will be needed to satisfy all free- 
way needs by 1980. Urban freeways would have to be added to the system at 
the rate of approximately 700 miles per year, and rural highways at almost 
the same rate to meet the 1980 schedule. Total freeway construction after 
1972 would approximate 1,400 miles per year. 

The assumption that only Interstate freeways will be built in 1972 is, of 
course, conservative; the preceding estimates of needed freeway construction 
after 1972 may, therefore, be slightly greater than actually required. In a 
number of states, notably California, freeway construction on other parts of the 
primary system and continued construction of new parkways is rapidly adding 
to the needed freeway mileage; toll road development is also increasing freeway 
mileage. 

210 



Table 51 

ANTICIPATED MILES OF FREEWAY CONSTRUCTION 
IN UNITED STATES NECESSARY FOR 1980 NEEDS^ 

ITEM URBAN MILES RURAL MILES TOTAL MILES 



Anticipated 1980 

Freeway Needs ... 16,000 38,400 54,400 

Freeway Miles Provided 
bv Completed Interstate 
(1972) 9,600 31,400 41,000 

Other Existing Freeways 

(1960) 800 1,575 2,375 

Other Freeways Constructed^ 

1960-1972 

Needed Freeways 
To Be Constructed 
1972-1980 -- 5,600 5,425 11,025 

Total Miles Provided 16,000^ 38,400 54,400 



'Source: Appendix A. 

-Assumed as zero. 

;< Assumes redefinition of urban areas to include new growth. 



Similarly, adverse effects of a stretch-out of Interstate highway construction 
on projected travel estimates would be partly offset by continued construction 
of other freeways. The projections also tend to slightly underestimate potential 
travel if the 1972 construction schedule is maintained. However, the gains or 
losses to the national economy resulting from a 1972 completion, or a three-year 
stretch-out, of the Interstate system are not significantly affected by these 
special considerations. 

FREEWAYS IN RURAL AREAS 

The greatest concentrations of people and cars, the most severe problems 
of congestion, and the most rapid growths are found in urban areas. It is 
only natural, therefore, that this study has placed primary emphasis on urban 
needs. Freeways and other high-type roads will, of course, be required in 
rural areas to provide the desired accessibility and the needed traffic capacities. 

211 



Urban Influences on Rural Traffic — Within most rural areas, traffic and 
travel patterns and the need for freeways are strongly influenced by their prox- 
imity to neighboring towns and cities. Travel by Californians, for example, is 
dominated by the metropolitan area of Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay 
region which together generate two thirds of the state's vehicle miles. ^^ People in 
the Los Angeles region contribute nearly 43 per cent, and residents of the San 
Francisco Bay region, 24 per cent; travel by these urbanites extends to every re- 
gion in the state and contributes a substantial proportion of all traffic in nearby 
counties. 

A traffic profile for U. S. 40 in the environs of Reno, Nevada, shown in 
Figure 83, clearly denotes the impact of urban centers on traffic demands. 
Traffic volumes build up rapidly as the route passes through the Reno-Sparks 
area. Whereas rural volumes along Route 40 are generally under 5,000 cars 
per day, volumes increase to almost 20,000 cars per day in Reno, and 10,000 
in Sparks. 

Across the country, in a Connecticut area strongly contrasting in topography, 
economy and size, a similar pattern exists. Traffic volumes and population 
in' a two-mile-wide strip between Waterbury and New Haven, shown in Figure 
84, are closely correlated when superimposed. Both volumes and population 



i2California Department of Public Works, The California Freeway System, a report to 
the Joint Interim Committee on Highway Problems of the California Legislature, September, 
1958. 




Figure 83 

Traffic Volume Profile 

U. S. Route 40 

Reno, Nevada 



212 



5 poo 



4^00 



(O 3,500 



3,000 



2,5001 



2,000 1 



1,000 




10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 

DISTANCE IN MILES 



Figure 84 

Population and Traffic Between 

Waterbury and New Haven, Connecticut 



have peaks in urbanized areas and 
low points in rural areas between 
cities. The changes in volumes 
show less variation than popula- 
tion because of the "through traf- 
fic" and overlapping zones of 
influence. 

Traffic approaching cities on 
rural highways has destinations 
diffused throughout the urban 
area. Urban destinations of city- 
bound rural traffic, summarized 
in Table 52, show how this disper- 
sion takes place. 

When a city is studied in 
terms of concentric ring areas out- 
ward from its center, the propor- 
tion of total traffic destined to the 
area dimensioned by the inner 
quarter of the radius decreases as 
the population of the city in- 
creases, although the actual vol- 



Table 52 

DISTRIBUTION OF CITY-BOUND TRAFFIC ON APPROACHING 

RURAL HIGHWAYSi 

rn^Jrv\JrnTr RrMr-5 P^« CENT OF APPROACHING TRAFFIC 

W/ra^N OTY MEASC/RED "^'^ ^^^^^ DESTINATIONS 

OUTWARD FROM CBD Population Group 

100,000 1,000,000 

Ring 1- First Quarter...- 57 22 

Ring 2 - Second Quarter 25 36 

Ring 3 - Third Quarter.. 13 25 

Ring 4 -Fourth Quarter 5 17 

TOTAL 100 100 



^Source: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads. 



213 



umes may be higher. This finding appears consistent with the decreasing 
proportions of CBD-destined internal trips as an urban area expands. 

For example, 57 per cent of all city destinations are in the inner ring 
in cities of 100,000 population compared with 22 per cent in cities of two 
million population. Destinations in the outer ring on the perimeter of the 
city amount to about five per cent of the total city-bound traffic in cities 
of 100,000 population, and increase to 17 per cent in cities of a million popula- 
tion. In all but the very smallest cities (less than 8,000 population), the pro- 
portion of approaching traffic that has destinations in the central areas is 
greater than the proportion of bypassable traffic. Again, the need for freeways 
to serve urban areas, rather than to circumvent them, is apparent. 

External Origins of City Traffic — The relative import of the various rural 
counties surrounding an urban area, as determined by their relative representa- 
tion in urban traffic, is shown in Figure 85.^^ 

Market Attraction — "Market attraction" is stratified in ring-like structures 
of decreasing magnitude around the urban area. Urban market areas can 
be delineated by the sharp and sudden changes in the relative degree of 
travel as reflected in the proportional representation of out-of-county (rural) 
cars in the city traffic stream. 

The "primary" market area is, of course, the "home" county in which 
the urban center is located. The surrounding traffic influence area generally 
coincides with a line drawn around all counties with over 10 per cent of their 
cars in the observed traffic. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that the traffic 
influence area for each market includes all counties with about 10 per cent 
of their car registrations in the daily city traffic based on the weighted scale. 
(Although this value varies somewhat from city to city, it is generally indicative 
of the outer limit of the influence area.) 

In Waterloo, Iowa, for example, the effect of competition is clearly il- 
lustrated: the "zone of influence" on the south does not extend beyond Black 
Hawk County because of competitive influences of the Des Moines and Cedar 
Rapids marketing centers. 

The low attraction from the second ring of counties surrounding Lima, 
Ohio, results from the competitive influences of major cities as Toledo, Dayton 
and Fort Wayne. 



isWilbur Smith and Associates, Final Technical Report-Market Research Study, Outdoor 
Advertising Association of America, 1958. The origins of traffic passing a series of dispersed 
locations in the central city were expressed as percentages of each county's registration. To 
place all markets on a comparable basis, representation of local cars has been factored up to 
100 per cent, and the representations of all other counties were adjusted accordingly. 

214 




MERCER 
2.5 



DARK 
0.3 



fsHELBY I* 3 2 I UNION qj 

i ''^ — ^ i, O 2 I-. 

RKE I 1 CHAMPAISN J L 

>^ ! MIAMI I O 2 ' ^ 

L^U — 



LIMA 




MINNESOTA 



RENO 



WINNEBAGO! WORTH 
0.9 • • 




MISSOURI 



WATERLOO 



legend: 



Figure 85 
Traffic Delineation of Urban Markets 



STANDARD 
METROPOLITAN AREA 



PRIMARY URBAN 

MARKET AREA 
( HOME- COUNTY ) 



SURROUNDING TRAFFIC 
INFLUENCE AREA 



PERCENT REGISTRATION 
IN TOTAL PASSAGES 

BASED ON lOO*/. OF HOME 
COUNTY IN TRAFFIC 



NOT REPORTED 



215 



Reno's extended pull and dominant position is readily apparent from the 
representation of many Nevada counties in that city's traffic. Reno attracts 
cars from a wide area largely because there are no nearby competing markets. 

In all of the cities (shown in Figure 85), most cars observed in traffic 
had local origins or destinations. Most out-of-county cars had origins in areas 
immediately surrounding the urban area — many of which are gradually becom- 
ing urbanized. 

Freeways in these areas will, therefore, primarily serve local traffic. In 
most cases, the proportions of through, long-distance rural, or interurban traffic 
will be quite small. 

Interactance of Traffic — It is clear that the frequency of travel to an 
urban center decreases as the distance from it increases — i. e., the rate of 
attraction of non-local traffic diminishes rapidly as the distance gets longer. 
This inverse effect of distance on the rate of travel is somewhat similar to the 
decreasing pull of gravity on an object that moves outward from the center 
of the earth. When formulated mathematically, the concept is often referred 
to as an "interactance" or "gravity" model.^^ 

In its idealized form, the model shows that in general "the amount of 
travel generated between any two areas is directly proportional to the product 
of their population and inversely proportional to the time-distance between 
them".i5 

Three typical interactance curves, depicted in Figure 86, clearly show 
how distance (and time) between origin and destination influences traffic 
volumes; relative effects of distance on representation in traffic (cars per 1,000 
registered vehicles) appear consistent from area to area — representation de- 
creases as distance increases. 

Interstate highways will decrease driving times and tend to increase at- 
traction between two areas. However, since total traffic at any location on 
a highway depends on the size as well as distance of various communities, the 
importance of urban centers is again apparent. 

Rural Interstate Needs — Many miles of rural Interstate highways traverse 



i^Reilly, William, Jr., The Law of Retail Gravitation, second edition, Pilsbury Publishers, 
Inc., New York, 1953. 

iSThe basic exponential relationship when plotted on a double logarithmic (log log) 
scale, is transformed to a linear (straight line) trend. The logarithmic expression for the 
interactance relationships is: 

Log Vi,, = Log K -I- X(Log Pi + Log P^) - Y Log Di 

Where 

Pi and P2 are the population ( or vehicle registrations of the two connnunities 1 and 2; 

Di is the distance or time between them; 

K, X and y are empirical constants which have been found to vary from city to city. 

Vi,2 is the relative amoimt of travel between the two conuntmities — 1 and 2. 

216 



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Figure 86 
Typical Interactance Relationships 

heavy intercity travel corridors, and will be heavily used; some may ultimately 
require parallel facilities. 

Often rural Interstate highways, however, are being built to complete 
links within the system rather than because of traffic demands. (For example, 
the Interstate routes traversing sparsely settled western states.) Other sections 
of the rural system are being built to multi-lane standards to afford high 
levels of service; they will provide substantial reserves in capacity in the corri- 
dors they serve. 

Although rural Interstate highways will accommodate principal intercity 



217 



travel movements, they will not receive the volumes anticipated for urban 
sections. They will, therefore, be adequate capacitywise for most rural travel 
expected to develop by 1975 or 1980. Heaviest travel and greatest needs on 
rural Interstate highways will usually be near large metropolitan areas on the 
fringes of urbanization. 

While many cities with populations under 100,000 may not require freeway 
systems, full advantage should be taken of Interstate routes where they traverse 
the environs of these areas. Wherever the predominant travel is to or from the 
urban area. Interstate highways will usually provide the greatest benefits when 
they penetrate the city. This is especially true as cities get larger, and an in- 
creasing proportion of approaching traffic has urban origins or destinations.^^ 

It is, therefore, very desirable to have freeway routes enter smaller cities 
rather than bypass them where local travel patterns predominate. By providing 
direct access to the established central city, the freeway will preserve the 
business district and other principal land uses. A through-city Interstate 
route will serve more traffic and provide greater capacity relief to existing 
streets. Conversely, a bypass facility attracts new uses to itself, often decen- 
tralizing the community in a most undesirable fashion by encouraging new 
freeway-oriented shopping centers and industrial parks that may intercept 
movements to older centers. Land-use controls and utilities are frequently 
lacking in areas traversed by bypass routes, leading to uncontrolled and low- 
standard new developments that may adversely affect the entire community 
for many years. 

Comparative Capacity Requirements — When the anticipated annual travel 
Is related to the miles of urban and rural Interstate highway, the comparative 
utilization of each system is obtained. If all needed freeways were constructed 
by 1980, average volumes per mile of urban Interstate highway would approxi- 
mate 51,000 cars daily.^'^ Each mile of rural Interstate route would carry about 
9,900 cars daily. Thus, each mile of urban Interstate routes will carry five times 
the volume of rural highways. 

Therefore, when the Interstate system is completed, many urban sections 
will be operating at their capacities whereas most rural sections will have 
ample capacity reserves. In general, only about half of the capacity along rural 
routes will be required by 1980. 

'^^Interregional Highways, Message from the President of the United States Transmitting a 
Report of the National Interregional Highway Committee, Outlining and Recommending a 
National System of Interregional Highways, House Document No. 379, 78th Congress, Second 
Session. In most cities of more than 10,000 people, approximately three fourths of all ap- 
proaching traffic was found to have city destinations. 

i^If only the Interstate system werp completed by 1980, urban Interstate volumes would 
average 55,000 cars per mile per day; in 1975, urban Interstate volumes would approximate 
49,000 vehicles per mile with all needed freeways built, and 52,000 with only the Inter- 
state constructed. 

218 




COMPLEMENTS TO 
URBAN INTERSTATE HIGHWAYS 



SUMMARY 

1 HE American city of the future will be oriented to the automobile 
to an even greater extent than it is today. Interstate freeway systems 
in urban areas, therefore, will need to be extended and supple- 
mented by other freeway facilities to provide desired capacities and 
to complete freeway networks. Many complementary services will 
also be required to enable freeways to function effectively, including 
improved arterial and collector streets, downtown terminal facilities, 
and, in some cases, transit. 

To be properly related to other elements of the total transportation 
system — parking areas, arterials, collector streets, and transit — free- 
ways should be planned, designed, and operated as an integrated sys- 
tem consistent with over-all community objectives. Freeways and 
major thoroughfares should encourage logical community development 
and help preserve productive land uses. 

The size, shape, function, past history and future mission of an 
urban area is important in developing an optimum and total transpor- 
tation plan and freeway network; no one system will be universally 
preferable. 

Where topographic interferences are not critical, the over-all 
need for freeways will be largely dependent on average population 
densities throughout the urban region; for example, with an over-all 
density of 10,000 persons per square mile, the average freeway grid 
spacing should approximate four miles for eight-lane freeways. 
Criteria for the variations of freeway grids must be carefully ap- 
praised by comparing vehicle miles (or volumes) anticipated with 
capacities that can be provided. 

219 



Modem urban freeways can serve about three times as much traffic 
as arterial streets, and provide daily passenger-carrying capacities in 
terms of actual use that are often comparable to those of many 
rapid transit lines. 

Within the city, freeways should generally be constructed out- 
ward from the core areas, consistent with land-use planning. Down- 
town freeway loops and selected radials should be given priority 
since downtown distributor loops intercept non-CBD traffic and re- 
move these volumes from downtown streets. 

Freeways will be valuable in attaining integrated transportation 
planning in urban renewal projects and in preventing traffic congestion 
from minimizing the benefits of redevelopment. 

The "market potentials" of the downtown retail district will de- 
pend on the purchasing power that can be tapped by successive in- 
crements of travel time. Consequently, freeways serving new close-in, 
high-density residential areas will improve downtown's position as a 
retail center. Revitalization of downtown through street closures, pe- 
destrian malls, sidewalk cafes and other pedestrian amenities will be 
desirable where economically feasible. Success of downtown revitali- 
zation will, however, be contingent on accessibility. 

Terminal facilities, especially in the central business district, are 
necessary to complete the total transportation system. Parking areas 
should be attractively designed and carefully related to Interstate and 
other freeways. Garages may often be connected to the core area 
by shuttle buses. 

Most central business districts will be able to accommodate a large 
proportion of people in private vehicles and provide necessary high- 
way and parking capacities without destroying the generating charac- 
teristics of the downtown areas. The complementary role of transit 
will become more significant as the concentrations of downtown 
destinations increase. Where central business districts retain present 
forms and densities, some transit services will likely be required 
to stabilize parking demands -and complement freeways during peak- 
hours. 

220 



i HE economy of the entire urban area will become increasingly reliant on 
the use of cars and trucks for the movement of people and goods. Topography, 
population density and distribution, and the over-all juxtaposition of land uses 
will necessarily influence future urban transportation. But, in virtually every 
metropolitan area, private motor vehicles will dominate, and freeways will form 
the backbone of the area's transportation system. The future American city will 
be an automobile-oriented metropolis, although transit will assist freeways 
in larger urban areas. 

While urban Interstate highways are vitally needed in the nation's cities, 
additional urban freeways will be required to provide desired capacities, and 
to complete total freeway systems. Many "complementary" services will also 
be required to enable freeways to function effectively — these include arterial 
und collector streets, downtown terminal facihties, and, in some cases, transit. 

FACTORS IN SYSTEM PLANNING 

A comprehensive system of total metropolitan area transportation is neces- 
sary, particularly in larger urban regions. Planning should be consistent with 
community objectives and, therefore, must consider the inter-effects of trans- 
portation and land use. Metropolitan land use and transportation plans should 
be prepared simultaneously with constant reference to each other, and care- 
fully integrated.^ Plans should assure the maximum utilization of existing 
facilities; guide the development of new facilities to complement existing ones; 
obviate the need for widening local and collector streets through residential 
areas; balance capacities against future traffic demands; guide the logical and 
economical expenditures of available public funds; assure major route con- 
tinuity regardless of corporate limits; provide for the most expeditious, efficient, 
and safe movement of people and goods; and serve as an effective guide and 
stimulus for orderly urban growth and development. 

Freeway Planning Considerations — Freeways should form an intercon- 
nected network of radial, circumferential and downtown-distributor routes, 
linking residential, commercial and industrial areas, and should be continuous 
in character, capacity, and design. They will be especially valuable in serving 
urban areas when properly related to other elements of the total transportation 
system — parking areas, arterial and collector streets, and transit. Freeways 
should be planned, designed, and operated as an integrated system, taking into 
account all of these complementary elements. 

Freeways and major thoroughfares should encourage logical community 



iMitdhell, Robert B., Metropolitan Planning for Land Use and Transportation, Office 
of Public Works and Planning, The White House, Washington, D. C. 1960, p. 40. 

221 



development and help preserve productive future land use. This can be achieved 
by minimizing the acquisition or disruption of public and quasi-public land 
uses (churches, schools, parks, etc.) and integral planning areas (school dis- 
tricts, commercial areas); by utilizing rights-of-way to separate and contain 
incompatible land uses wherever possible; and by avoiding creation of isolated 
land parcels. 

Freeways stimulate development of new land uses along their right-of-way, 
and, when properly planned, enhance the over-all community. Parkways in 
Chicago, New York City, Westchester County, Boston, and Kansas City have 
created pleasant atmospheres in their environs, and clearly depict the over-all 
benefits of roadway faciUties to community appearance. At the same time, 
they are heavily traveled and provide important traffic services. 

Freeways relieve local streets of "through" traffic and thereby reduce vol- 
umes in residential neighborhoods. In many cases, they will permit changes in 
traffic patterns that are desirable from a land-use standpoint — again contrib- 
uting to community solidarity. 

Freeways and Redevelopment — Success of urban renewal plans requires 
careful coordination with traffic and transportation planning. Establishment 
of new traffic generators requires new facilities to accommodate extra loads 
since congestion that would otherwise occur could nullify attractive features of 
redevelopment areas. Similarly, accelerated freeway programs, major street 
improvements, and even mass transportation plans will not attain their full 
objectives — unless carefully integrated with urban renewal and redevelop- 
ment programs. 

Freeways afford excellent opportunities for the renewal of urban areas. 
Moreover, it is possible to obtain a design in which freeways are carefully 
blended with various land-use elements. Coordinated planning can achieve 
unified design of freeways, parking areas, civic, and commercial developments. 

In Chattanooga, for example, a new freeway was coordinated with slum 
clearance, utility expansion, and new community facilities fringed by light in- 
dustry.2 Total costs of a planned 403-acre renewal project will be considerably 
less than estimated for the various component programs if they were undertaken 
separately. 

Freeways and Arterial Streets — In every urban area, systems of arterial 
streets will supplement freeways and serve as freeway access routes. A high 
level of service will be essential on both existing and proposed arterials — free- 
ways will not obviate the need for extensive traffic engineering. 



2Barkley, R. E., "Integrated Improvements for Chattanooga," Civil Engineering, October, 
1960. 

222 



Needed arterial street improvements and extensions should be carefully 
attuned to freeway development and design. Adjustments in the design of ar- 
terials, where they lead to or from freeways, will enable all facilities to operate 
at maximum efficiency as an integrated roadway system. 

Freeway Patterns — In planning freeway systems, consideration should be 
given to the various possible freeway patterns and their over-all implications 
on land-use and traffic patterns. The various types of freeway systems planned 
or in operation are depicted in Figure 87. 

Gridiron Pattern — Gridiron freeway networks permit regularity of space- 
ing and equal tributary areas; provide constant travel times to and from 
freeways throughout an area; avoid convergence of routes and consequent 
capacity complications; permit conventional interchanges (viz. high-type clover- 
leafs) between freeways; tend to equahze "growth opportunities" for all parts 
of an area, thereby stimulating some decentralization; and discourage concen- 
tration on key sections of roadway. They do not fully conform to the general 
radial character of urban development and growth, focus on major points of 
traffic generation in the area, nor adapt to areas with restricted topography. 

Radial Pattern — Radial systems of freeways conform to radial patterns of 
urban travel; generally involve convergence of freeway routes; reduce vehicle 
miles of travel for CBD-oriented trips; adapt to varying conditions of topogra- 
phy; generally have variable spacing between routes, although tributary popu- 
lations may be about the same; and encourage tentacle-type expansion of an 
area. They also engender high concentrations of traffic on close-in portions of 
freeways; require varying amounts of surface street travel to reach the free- 
way system; and funnel all traffic into system focal points, even traffic with 
origins or destinations outside the central area. 

Radial Pattern with CBD Loop — Radial freeways linked with CBD loops, 
as found in Kansas City, provide for transference of traffic between elements of 
the system and adapt well to smaller communities where the loops also serve 
as outer circumferentials. In addition, downtown distributor loops intercept 
non-CBD traffic, and remove these volumes from downtown streets. 

Radial-Circumferential Pattern — The radial-circumferential freeway network 
is commonly found in large urban areas. Such a system vastly improves the ac- 
cessibiHty, market potentials, and "tributary area" of downtown. Its inner loop 
and other circumferentials provide needed cross-town travel and help divert 
non-radial traffic. It naturally fits desired urban travel patterns, radial and 
other, thereby providing complete and direct access to all parts of the urban 
area. It generally adapts to topography; encourages satellite centers where var- 

223 




GRIDIRON 



RADIAL 




RADIAL WITH C.B.D. LOOP 




RADIAL- CIRCUMFERENTIAL 





RADIAL - CIRCUMFERENTIAL 



RADIAL -GRIDIRON 



Figure 87 
Types of Freeway Systems 



224 



ious radial and circumferential freeway routes interchange; fosters intensifica- 
tion of land use, and peripheral industrialization along circumferentials; and 
provides for interception of non-radial traffic. 

This pattern may also involve some convergence of urban routes, achieve 
high concentrations of traffic on close-in freeway sections; involve complex in- 
terchanges where routes converge; have varying tributary areas between routes, 
although populations may be the same; and require varying distances of sur- 
face travel to and from freeways. 

Radial-Gridiron Pattern — The radial pattern superimposed on a gridiron 
network affords the advantages of both patterns, combining the focus of the 
radial system with regularity of the gridiron network. It avoids concentration 
of routes in the central area, yet still provides direct access to the CBD. 

Adaptation to Specific Areas — The size and configuration of an urban area 
is important in developing an optimum form of freeway network; no one system 
will be universally preferable. An important factor is the relation of the free- 
way system to the urban street pattern, since the two should be in general 
accord. In most areas some form of circumferential, crosstown, or downtowm 
loop freeway is desirable. 

Freeway Capacity — Modern urban freeways can serve about three times 
as much traffic as arterial streets. They are generally designed for the move- 
ment of 1,500 vehicles per lane per hour with reasonable facility of flow. Ac- 
tual peak-hour "operating volumes" can average 1,800 vehicles per lane per hour, 
although individual lanes have been reported to carry volumes in excess of 2,000 
vehicles per hour. Surface streets usually carry about 400 to 600 vehicles per 
lane per hour, about one third the volume of a freeway. 

Freeways have high capacities, both in terms of the vehicles and people 
they transport daily. Many eight-lane freeways carry more than 150,000 ve- 
hicles, about 250,000 persons daily, a number comparable to that carried 
by many rapid transit lines. Capacities are further increased where transit 
vehicles use freeways and where turn-outs, bus lanes, or exclusive rights-of-way 
are provided. In some cases, multi-lane frontage roads flank freeways and 
further increase capacities. 

Speeds are often reduced as heavily used freeways become congested. 
This is not a criticism of freeways, but rather an indication of their popularity 
with motorists — a demonstration of their ability to attract travel. Overloading 
merely shows the need for more mileage and for accelerated urban freeway de- 
velopment. No major city has yet built its entire projected and needed sys- 

225 



tern, and probably no city ever will. As new mileage is opened to traffic, and 
the over-all network is completed, volumes are more equally distributed over 
the system, and peak-hour overloading tends to diminish. 

Freeway Spacing — Many factors influence the spacing and design of free- 
ways. These include the type and intensity of land use, location with relation 
to surrounding areas of trip generation, and topographic conditions that create 
concentrations of traffic within specific corridors. Densely developed areas 
obviously generate the most trips, and require closer spacing of freeways than 
areas of less land utilization. The magnitudes of traffic within specific com- 
munities may, however, often be more affected by travel through the area 
than by the number of trips generated — and these position factors must be 
considered in any generalization of urban freeway spacing. 

Criteria for the variations of freeway grids within urban areas must, of 
course, be carefully appraised by comparing vehicle miles (or volumes) antici- 
pated with capacities that can be provided. 

Where topographic interferences are not critical, the over-all need for 
freeways will be largely dependent on average population densities throughout 
thte urban region. For such conditions, a series of curves has been developed 
showing theoretical over-all spacing within an urban area. These freeway spacing 
curves, depicted in Figure 88, show in a generalized way how the average 
spacing of freeways varies directly with the number of lanes provided, and in- 
versely with the average length of freeway trip and population density. The 
curves should not, however, be used for units smaller than an entire city or ur- 
ban area. Where the unit to be served is small, position factors may exert a strong 
influence on freeway needs, and will modify requirements as determined from 
the curves.^ 

As shown on the curves, for an over-all density of 10,000 persons per 
mile, the average freeway grid spacing should approximate four miles for 
eight-lane freeways; for an over-all density of 20,000 persons per mile, the 
average grid spacing should be about two miles. This latter value is about 
the closest spacing permissible under most conditions, and the minimum 
spacing commensurate with adequate geometric designs. It appears, therefore, 
that an over-all urban area or central city density of about 20,000 persons per 
square mile is the maximum population range that can be accommodated 
totally by freeways. There are, however, comparatively few cities with densi- 



3The curves assume that an equilibrium is attained between the vehicle miles provided 
and the vehicle miles required. They assume approximately six miles per capita per day ( about 
50 per cent of all travel) on freeways, and an average freeway capacity of 60,000 cars per day 
for a four-lane freeway. 

226 





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. SPACING WITH VARIABLE 

TRIP LENGTHS 



POPULATION DENSITY OF ENCLOSED AREA 
THOUSANDS PER SQUARE MILE 



Figure 88 
Generalized Freeway Spacing Criteria 



227 



ties beyond this range. In all cases, the grids attained from the curves en- 
compass enough people to form community planning units. 

A similar approach to freeway spacing was developed by the California 
Division of Highways in which travel in a hypothetical 16-square-mile area 
was assigned to a four-mile freeway grid/ 

An analysis of "minimum-cost" spacings of freeways and arterials prepared 
as part of the Chicago Area Transportation Study also denoted the importance 
of population density as a factor in freeway spacing.^ The densely settled inner 
rings of the central city required closer freeway spacing than the outer sub- 
urban rings. The study indicated that it would be desirable to provide semi- 
expressways in low-density areas to permit more frequent expressway spacing 
and thereby reduce volumes on arterial streets. 

The theoretical relationships clearly indicate the basic factors affecting 
freeway spacing. Under actual conditions of variable population densities, land 
uses, topography and traffic demands, adjustments and modifications would, of 
course, be made. The curves may be appHed with relatively greater certainty 
where entirely new developments will take place, and where there are no se- 
rious physical or economic controls. The results obtained are generally con- 
sistent with the California standard of four-mile freeway spacings in urban 
areas. 

Generalized Construction Priority — Freeway routes in urban areas should 
be located where they will afford the greatest traffic services, alleviate the 
greatest traffic deficiencies, and best relate to land-use planning. Many con- 
tend, and with some validity, that because urban needs are so great, immedi- 
ate attention should be turned to development of urban facilities where the 
heaviest pressures are apparent. 

It would appear from analyses of urban growth and structure, that free- 
ways should be developed progressively outward from key focal points such as 



^Peterson, James M., "Freeway Spacing in an Urban Freeway System", Proceedings of 
the American Society of Civil Engineers, Journal of the Highway Division, Vol. 86, HW 3. 
Assuming a 16-square-mile area with a four-mile freeway grid and a poi>ulation density of 
8,859 people per square mile, it was found that 38 per cent of all trips and 59 per cent of 
the total vehicle miles were assigned to the freeways; the average one-direction daily traffic 
approximated 27,000 veihicles. For an area of this density, over 80 miles in length and 
width, the maximum one-way average daily traffic totaled 85,000. A four-mile spacing 
of freeways was found to give good service to the area. 

sCreighton, Roger L.; Hoch, Irving; Schneider, Morton; and Joseph, Herman: "Estimating 
Efficient Spacing tor Arterials and Expressways," Traffic Origin and Destination Studies, 
Appraisal of Methods, Bulletin 253, Highway Research Board, National Academy of Sciences, 
National Research Council. "Minimum cost" spacings are those in which all travel costs are 
minimized. 

228 



downtown. Each stage of development should, however, provide an interconnec- 
tion of routes to maximize system continuity and should be consistent with 
land-use plans. The priority of construction will obviously vary from com- 
munity to community; elements of cost, political expediency and public support 
will have to be assessed; similarly, the relation of existing facilities to new routes 
will influence priorities. 

The following sequence represents a desirable construction priority: 

First Priority — Downtown distributor loop and selected radial routes should 
generally be given first priority.^ These facilities will improve accessibility to, 
from, and around downtown, thereby improving its zone of influence. They 
will relieve arteries serving downtown and will enable these arterials to serve 
close-in, short-distance traffic. They will equalize the accessibility of all sides 
of the central business district; facilitate the distribution of traffic within the 
central area; interconnect all arterials and freeways, both existing and planned; 
serve peripheral parking areas and transit; and accommodate traffic having 
origins and destinations in areas adjacent to downtown. 

The downtown freeway loop also has many land-use planning advantages. 
It will help eliminate blight since blighted areas surrounding downtown often 
afford good route locations. It will help contain the central business district 
and stimulate commercial development and industrial plant modernization 
within its environs. It, therefore, becomes a positive influence on land uses 
within the central business district, and surrounding areas. 

More than half of all vehicles entering central business districts have des- 
tinations elsewhere in the urban areas. Inner-loop freeways will remove this 
through traffic from downtown streets, and free these streets for local cars. 

Second Priority — The intermediate circumferential route should generally 
be given the second construction priority. This route will improve accessibiUty 
and stimulate redevelopment of "gray" or conservation areas within the 
established central city. It will also help decongest radial routes leading into 
downtown, and will serve through traffic currently using conventional streets 
in densely populated areas. 

Third Priority — Other radial routes should have third priority. These routes 
will complete the basic system of radials and vidll further improve access to 
downtown. 



(>The concept of a distributional roadway circumscribed around the central area of a city 
has been long established. It was a primary street planning objective long before the advent 
of expressways as typified in the "Inner Quadrangle ' of Bumham's plan for Clxicago. Boston, 
New York, Chicago, Cleveland, Baltimore, Detroit, Kansas City, Washington, D. C, Philadel- 
phia, Foit Worth, Miami, Tulsa, and Tampa are among the larger urban areas that embody 
new loop freeways in their plans and systems. 

229 



Fourth Priority — Outer circumferential routes should be constructed last. 
These routes will contribute relatively little toward the improvement of access 
in the central city, but are valuable from a long-range regional standpoint. They 
will serve to stimulate development in the urban hinterlands, and should, there- 
fore, be carefully related to total land-use planning in suburbia. It is desir- 
able to acquire property and protect rights-of-way for these routes well in ad- 
vance of actual construction. 

CENTRAL AREA PARKING 

The present stabilization of downtown attraction is not related to greater 
car use, but rather to the changing structure of the metropoHtan area. As ur- 
ban populations disperse, an increasing number of outlying commercial areas 
become easily accessible; sometimes their development is encouraged by in- 
adequate downtown parking and by congestion on downtown streets. 

Accessibihty improves the competitive position of the central business dis- 
trict. Downtown's position and role in the urban economy will, therefore, be 
strengthened by the provision of attractive access and terminal facilities, by new 
freeways, improved public transit, and new off-street parking areas all care- 
fully interrelated. 

The "market potentials" of the downtown retail district will depend on 
the purchasing power that can be tapped by successive increments of travel time. 
Consequently, freeways serving new close-in, high-density residential areas will 
improve downtowns position as a retail center. Revitalization of downtown 
through street closures, pedestrian malls, sidewalk cafes and other pedestrian 
amenities will be desirable where economically feasible. Success of downtown 
revitalization will, however, be contingent on accessibility. 

Because so many people choose to travel downtown by car, it follows that 
attractive terminal facilities should be provided, commensurate with future 
needs of the core area. 

Types of Parking — Growing freeway networks will create a greater de- 
pendence on auto travel. In most cases, it will be possible to serve these 
demands by the provision of new off-street parking facilities in or adjacent 
to the central area. Terminals are essential for complete transportation services 
and should be integrated with freeway development, particularly in down- 
town areas. In larger areas, parking facilities on the edge of central business 
districts and adjacent to freeways may be linked to core areas by shuttle buses. 

Direct Ramp Connections — Ramps joining freeways with parking facili- 
ties, where they can be provided, advantageously minimize surface travel to 
and from freeways. However, problems of ramp spacing, geometric design, and 

230 



cost, especially in central areas, will limit direct connections to major parking 
structures where adequate reservoir capacity can be provided. 

Although functionally desirable in many instances, direct connections be- 
tween freeways and parking areas (where federal highway funds are used) 
are discouraged by present policies. Changes in these policies cannot be 
easily effected since they involve many administrative and legal decisions, 
and basic problems of equity. Private versus public operation of parking 
would become very important in decisions. 

Direct ramp connections are being provided to a 1,000-car garage at De- 
troit's Cobo Hall, and to a garage of similar capacity in Hartford. Plans for 
parking facihties in downtown Philadelphia call for direct ramp connections to 
an off-street bus terminal. Several regional shopping centers and outlying em- 
ployment areas have direct or semi-direct access to freeways; these include the 
Pentagon in Washington and Roosevelt Field Shopping Center in Long Island. 

Adjusted City Street Connections — These treatments usually involve the 
improvement of a connecting street between the parking faciUty and the free- 
way. The one-way street routings to serve a major parking area in Detroit, and 
the widening of Chicago's Michigan Avenue to provide direct ramp connections 
to the 2,5(X)-car Grant Park Garage, are illustrative examples. Large, single 
traffic generators (as the new Milwaukee Stadium) may sometimes require ad- 
ditional ramps. 

Parking Over or Under Freeways — This type parking affords an oppor- 
tunity for economy in cost and land use, conservation of an area's tax base, 
and stimulation of adjoining land development. There may or may not be 
a direct functional relationship between the parking area and the freeway. 

Under certain conditions, public agencies sanction the use of right-of- 
way on the Interstate system for parking. The conditions usually specify 
that parking be for pubhc use and under state or city control. Section III, Title 
23, of the ConsoHdated Federal Highway Acts, specifies that agreements be- 
tween the Secretary of Commerce and a state highway department for the con- 
struction of Interstate projects "may authorize the state or political subdivisions, 
thereof, to use air space above and below the established grade line of highway 
pavement for parking of motor vehicles providing such use does not in any way 
interfere with the free flow of traffic on the Interstate system".'' Design dif- 
ficulties, however, often preclude parking under or over freeways in many 
central areas. 



"Kohl, John C, Freeways and Parking, 1960, Workshop Conference on Expressways and 
Parking, Transportation Institute, University of Michigan. 



231 



Viaduct parking is practiced in a number of cities — under the James Lick 
Freeway in San Francisco, the Central Traffic Artery in Boston and the Ponchar- 
train Expressway in New Orleans. New York City plans to establish parking 
beneath downtown sections of the Brooklyn-Queens, and Bruckner Expressways. 
Orlando, Florida, has sold bonds to provide parking areas under elevated 
sections of the downtown Interstate expressway. 

In California, the Division of Highways permits the use of space un- 
der freeway structures for parking when it does not interfere with the prime 
purpose of the structure or create at-grade traffic problems. 

Extensive parking areas available and in use under the elevated freeways 
in San Francisco provide 5,700 spaces: there are about 2,400 spaces under 
the James Lick Freeway, 1,000 under the Embarcadero Freeway, 850 spaces be- 
neath the Thirteenth Street Freeway extension, and 1,400 spaces under the Bay 
Bridge approaches; in the future, 1,500 additional spaces will be available under 
the Embarcadero and Central Freeways. In Oakland, about 1,350 spaces are 
available and more will be provided as freeway construction proceeds. 

Downtown Revitalization — More than 80 cities are currently engaged in 
some form of downtown revitalization. While downtown "revitalization" plans 
vary from community to community, all embody "integration of transportation 
forms" and "functional segregation of classes of traffic". Freeways and park- 
ing are basic to the implementation of these plans. 

A traffic-free pedestrian-oriented core, surrounded by parking areas and 
freeways is a primary planning objective of most revitalization plans. This con- 
cept is embodied in Pittsburgh's Golden Triangle redevelopment, Philadelphia's 
Center City Plan, Hartford's Downtown Renewal, and New Haven's Church 
Street Redevelopment. 

Philadelphia — The Center City plan for downtown Philadelphia exemplifies 
the concept of total transportation, and carefully coordinates improved rapid 
transit, suburban railroads, freeways, and off-street parking facilities.^ 

As shown in Figure 89, a network of freeways circumscribes the central 
city: the existing Schuylkill Expressway on the west, an improved Vine Street 
Expressway on the north, the Delaware Expressway under construction on the 
east, and the proposed South Street Expressway on the south. 



sWilbur Smith and Associates, Analyses of Central City Access Plans, Philadelphia, Penn., 
1959- Rannells, John, "Transportation Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Plan- 
ners, August, 1960, Vol. XXVI, No. 3. 

232 




= EXPRESSWAYS — ACCESS RAMPS 



RAIL TRANSIT 



STATIONS 



(VkRKING 



Figure 89 

Center City Access Plan 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 

Planned off-street parking facilities with a combined capacity of over 10,- 
000 cars are related to each freeway. Plans call for providing direct access be- 
tween major parking facilities and the freeways, whereas smaller off-street 
parking areas will be interspersed throughout the center city. In addition to the 
existing subway lines, an underground link between the Pennsylvania and Read- 
ing Railroads is planned to permit integrated suburban railroad operations and 
removal of the existing Reading embankment. 

The long-range plans focus all transportation facihties on the proposed Mar- 
ket East Plaza. This development, shown in Figure 90, includes a combined 
bus terminal, parking garage, and commercial development; access ramps will 
connect the facihty directly with the Vine Street Expressway. 



COMMCKtAl PLOOI S^ACC 



3 ICVELS — trAIL SALES 



MRXINC GAKAOE 



OFF snnr loading 




Figure 90 

Proposed Transportation Terminal 

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 

233 



St. Louis — An integral part of the comprehensive transportation plan 
proposed for downtown St. Louis, Missouri, is the provision of off-street 
parking areas directly related to the express highway system.*^ As shown in 
Figure 91, proposed garages are linked directly to the two-level Daniel Boone 
Express Highway by a pair of high-type ramp connections. Freeway-connected 
garages were also recommended on the north side of the core area, and free 
shuttle bus service would link major parking facilities to the core com- 
mercial areas. 



9W. C. Gilman and Company, St. Louis Metropolitan Area Transportation Study, 1957- 
70-80, St. Louis, Mo., 1959. 



^^ U 



12" BLVD. 




Figure 91 

Proposed Daniel Boone 

Expressway Garage System 

St. Louis, Missouri 



OumiC 9C«LC - FEET 



234 



Providence — A recently prepared plan for downtown Providence, shown in 
Figure 92, reaffirms the importance of transportation and parking to down- 




Figure 92 

Proposed Plan for Downtown 

Providence, Rhode Island 



235 



town.^'' Revitalization of the central area is contingent on extended freeway de- 
velopment, expanded off-street parking facilities, relocation of the railroad sta- 
tion, and improved transit service.^^ 

Three freeways circumscribe downtown: one existing, one planned, and 
one ( Interstate 95 ) under construction that will remove about half of all through 
traffic from downtown. Local transit is retained and special peak-hour bus 
lanes provided. About 16,000 off-street parking spaces would be provided, 
both within the core area and on the perimeter adjacent to freeways. The pro- 
posed relocation of the New Haven Railroad tracks and station and ehmination 
of the embankment is basic to the implementation of the plan since they per- 
mit expansion of the downtown, regularization of street patterns, and provision 
of needed parking areas. 

Exclusive of freeways, half of the program's estimated $102 milhon cost 
would be for transportation and parking facilities. About 28 per cent would be 



loProvidence City Planning Ck>mmission, Housing and Home Finance Agency, Urban 
Renewal Administration, Downtown Business Coordinating Council, Downtown Providence, 
Master Plan Project — A Demonstration Grant Study, Downtown Providence, 1970, 
Providence, R. I. 

iiWilbur Smith and Associates, Trade, Transit and Traffic, Downtown Providence, 1957. 
In 1957 it was recommended that new off-street parking areas be developed in relation to 
freeway construction and be linked to the core area by a free sftuuttle bus. Peak-hour bus 
lanes were also recommended. The current plan extenos the earlier concepts. 



The new Oak Street Expressway, which reaches out from the Connecticut Turnpike, 
gives easy access to New Haven's central business district. As shown below, extensive 
renewal has accompanied the highway improvement. 





Figure 93 

Downtown Circulation and Parking Plan 

New Haven, Connecticut 



for relocation of the raikoad and another 20 per cent for parking garages and 
decks. 

New Haven — New Haven's downtown redevelopment project, shown in 
Figure 93, is now under construction. Pedestrian traffic will be on an elevated 
mall and commercial vehicles will serve business establishments via an under- 
ground roadway. By intercepting freeway movements, a proposed $4.5 mil- 
lion, 1,500-car garage will reduce travel on city streets and provide parking in 
the heart of the central business district. A total of 3,000 parking spaces are 
being provided at a total cost of approximately $7 million. 



237 




Figure 94 

Downtown Circulation and Parking Plan 

Detroit, Michigan 



Detroit — As shown in Figure 94, a freeway loop circumscribes the Detroit 
central business district and is carefully related to parking garages. The west 
and south legs of the freeway loop are currently open and the east leg is 
under construction. Major streets have been made one-way to serve large 
parking areas near the Lodge Expressway, and ramp connections have been 
adjusted to fit tlie one-way system. 

Tulsa — A^ shown in Figure 95, an Inner Dispersal Expressway Loop 
will circumscribe the Tulsa central business district.^- The north and west 



1960. 



i2Source: Tulsa Metropolitan Area Planning Commission, Central Mall Feasibility Study, 



238 



legs of the expressway loop are part of the city's Interstate routes, and are 
currently in the advanced planning stages. Plans call for implementing a 12- 
block pedestrian mall when the expressway loop is completed, since the loop 
is expected to remove more than half of all traffic currently on downtown 
streets. Over 3,000 new parking spaces will eventually be linked with the 
Inner Dispersal Expressway Loop by means of a one-way street system. 




Figure 95 

Proposed Street Plan 

FOR Downtown Tulsa, Oklahoma 



239 



HIGHWAYS AND DOWNTOWN GENERATION 

It has been shown that improvements in mobility provided by urban free- 
ways contribute to the well-being of the American city and its central business 
district. Nevertheless, questions often arise as to the extent that automobiles 
and freeways can serve downtown. Exploratory analyses have, therefore, been 
made of the interrelationships between downtown generation and parking space 
and freeway capacity requirements. These interrelationships are shown in Fig- 
ure 96. They indicate that freeways will be able to serve most urban needs, 
although in larger areas transit will be important in accommodating peak-hour 
surcharges. 

Parking Requirements — The chart clearly shows that as the number of 
downtown daytime destinations per square mile increases, there is a correspond- 
ing increase in the land areas required for streets and parking purposes. The 
proportion of land devoted to parking increases gradually when there are under 
250,000 destinations per square mile; it then increases rapidly, particularly 
when the destinations per square mile exceed 500,000.^^ 

In cities with downtown attractions of 250,000 persons or less per square 
mile, an area equal to about 20 per cent of the square mile area would be re- 
quired for parking, assuming 100 per cent travel by car, and multi-level parking. 
(This area may be located within the square mile or adjacent to it.) 

Where downtown densities range upward from 500,000 to 1,000,000 per- 
sons per square mile, an area equivalent to about 40 to 60 per cent of a square 
mile would be required to provide parking in garages averaging three-and-one- 
half to four levels, assuming everyone came by car. For the few downtowns 
with densities in this range, extensive use of transit is mandatory; however, 
only the cities with long established rapid transit have such huge downtown 
concentrations of population. Fortunately, most downtown densities are lower. 

Highway Capacity — The chart also shows the relation between downtown 
daytime population density, equivalent freeway capacity, and transit usage.^* The 



i3The chart assumes that all parking would be off-street. 

i*The chart assumes a maximum of 16 equivalent freeway lanes serving downtown with a 
peak-hour capacity of 2,000 persons per lane, per hour. Twenty-five per cent of the downtown 
daytime population is assumed to move in the peak hour. 

240 



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1 257. BY CAR 1 

'ill 



ASSUMED AVERAGE NUMBER 
OF PARKING LEVELS 



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50 



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APPROXIMATE MAXIMUM NUMBER 
OF EQUIVALENT FREEWAY LANES 
PER SQUARE MILE THAT CAN BE 
PROVIDED TO SERVE THE CBD 






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TOTAL DAYTIME DESTINATIONS PER SQUARE MILE 



Figure 96 
Central Business District Freeway and Parking Area Requirements 



241 



importance and necessity of transit increases in proportion to the peak-hour con- 
centrations of person-movements. For cities with daytime population densities of 
under 100,000 per square mile, ample highway facilities can be provided to serve 
virtually all people. Beyond this density, the proportion of essential peak-hour 
transit riders increases from about 25 per cent at 150,000 destinations per square 
mile to about 75 per cent at 500,000 destinations per square mile. Use of 
transit in the study cities, cited in Chapter III, appears commensurate with 
these densities. 

Implications — Urban freeways and related off-street parking areas will 
enable most cities to adapt to the automobile in a planned and orderly manner. 
It is clear that the majority of American urban areas can provide substantial 
downtown parking without destroying the generating characteristics of the 
central business district, and that they can accommodate large proportions of 
downtown trips in passenger cars. In most cities, adequate systems of freeways 
and arterials can provide capacity to accommodate most of the people traveling 
to and from central business districts. 

Intensive land use in some larger cities may make it infeasible to accom- 
modate private transportation under all circumstances and public transporta- 
tion will, therefore, complement freeways in serving the peak-hour movements 
to and from the downtowns. Unlimited peak-hour mobiHty of the automobile 
may not always be possible.^^ 

Congestion in central areas may be reduced by increasing the capacity of 
the facihties that serve it; on the other hand, it may be more economical to 
reduce congestion by encouraging some decentrahzation of business and in- 
dustry; freeways attain both objectives. 

Enlarging capacity of transportation facilities in central areas is, of course, 
desirable but the effectiveness of such measures will be diminished if increas- 
ing densities and unplanned arrangements of land use are permitted without 
regard to their effect on the movement of people and goods. Land-use genera- 
tion should, therefore, be carefully balanced against transportation capacities. 



i5This conclusion is consistent with relations between city size and maximum freeway 
volumes found in Chapter V. 



242 




CHAPTER 



8 




TRAFFIC GENERATION AND LAND-USE 
IMPACTS OF SELECTED HIGHWAYS 

SUMMARY 

hjCONOMIC and land-use benefits that accrue from construction of 
specific express highways have been appraised from a series of special 
field investigations. These studies show how freeways have exerted 
a positive and constructive influence on land-use patterns and how 
intensification of land use has "generated" travel. They reaffirm the 
urban character of traffic. 

Along the Wilbur Cross Highway near Hartford, Connecticut, and 
the Nimitz Freeway near Oakland, California, travel increases have 
outpaced over-all area growths. Traffic volumes on both freeways di- 
minish as the routes proceed outward from urban areas. 

The increase in residential construction in the Town of Vernon, 
Connecticut, on the Wilbur Cross Highway, appears directly related 
to accessibility afforded by the freeway for residents employed in 
Hartford. Similarly, the Nimitz Freeway has encouraged both resi- 
dential and industrial development in Alameda County and has con- 
tributed to the economic vitality of the area. 

In Los Angeles, with each extension of the Hollywood, Santa Ana 
and San Bernardino Freeways, residential development progressively 
moved farther from downtown, until freeway capacities were reached 
and time-savings were minimized. Subsequently, some close-in re- 
densification occurred. 

The Interstate-85 studies in North and South Carolina have 
evaluated the impact of a rural Interstate highway on travel in a 
corridor flanked by several urban communities. They have clearly 
shown that local short-distance trips predominate, that most trips are 



243 



relatively short and that few drivers travel interstate. Again, it is ap- 
parent that nearly all trips begin or end in urban centers. 

Throughout the country, "free" express highways have been found 
to generate as much as 60 per cent new traffic, whereas toll roads 
have usually generated as much as 30 per cent. Intensification of 
land use and reduction of travel barriers have helped to stimulate 
most of this traffic. 



iJ. ISTORICALLY, the improvement of transportation facilities, whether by 
water, rail, air or highway, has resulted in an intensification of land develop- 
ment. Good accessibility stimulates land development, which in turn, generates 
travel. 

Modern highways affect the communities they serve in a variety of ways. 
Generally, their impacts are beneficial, although initially they may be somewhat 
disruptive, abolishing structures and severing properties as rights-of-way are 
acquired. The advantages or disadvantages to property in the vicinity of road- 
ways are reflected in new land uses, in the urbanization of newly accessible 
fields and wooded areas, and in increased sales values. The more elaborate the 
roadway system, the more pronounced its impact and the more extensive its 
area of influence, as in the case of the National System of Interstate and De- 
fense Highways. The provision of new Interstate highways in the nation's most 
heavily traveled corridors will make these areas even more attractive as sites 
for industrial and commercial centers and other developments. 

Most freeway construction has been undertaken since World War II. In 
this period, there have been relatively few opportunities to measure and evaluate 
the impacts of new facilities on the communities they serve. Accordingly, a se- 
ries of special studies was undertaken for this report to further define these 
impacts: 

In the Hartford, Connecticut, metropolitan area, the impact of the Wil- 
bur Cross Highway on residential developm'ent, land values and travel pat- 
terns has been determined. Increases in residential construction and land 
values along the new freeway, ( Route 15 ) since it was opened to travel, have 
been compared with the rates of growth in an important corridor that has 
no freeway access to Hartford. 

244 



The Nimitz Freeway (1-5) in Oakland, California, was analyzed for 
land-use changes and developments that have occurred since the route was 
opened in 1952. 

A 200-mile segment of Interstate Route 85 (1-85) in North and South 
CaroHna was studied to determine the characteristics of intercity travel in 
the corridor served by the new freeway. 

Data were obtained on a special analysis made of land development in 
relation to extension of radial freeways in the Los Angeles area. 

These studies show how each freeway has exerted a positive influence on 
community development and travel. In reviewing the analyses, it should, how- 
ever, be noted that it was often difficult to fully isolate variables and develop 
definitive conclusions. 

WILBUR CROSS HIGHWAY 

Hartford, with a 1960 population of 161,077, is the center of a capitol region 
encompassing more than half a miUion people. Within the past decade, the 
capitol region has grown about 27 per cent, in contrast to a nine per cent de- 
crease in central city population. 

The Wilbur Cross Highway, Connecticut Route 15, is one of several im- 
portant radial highways serving the rapidly expanding Hartford MetropoHtan 
Area, A four-lane freeway, it connects the Charter Oak Bridge at Hartford with 
Route 20 and more recently, the Massachusetts Turnpike on the east. Together 
with the Merritt Parkway, Wilbur Cross Parkway, and Berlin Turnpike, it forms 
Connecticut's major trans-state link in the New York-Boston express highway 
system. The present 34-mile route between Hartford and Massachusetts was 
developed in stages during the period 1941-1948, and fully developed as a four- 
lane divided freeway in 1954. 

The freeway's impact on land development and travel patterns has been ap- 
praised from analyses of new dwellings and other taxable properties within its 
influence area. Comparisons have also been made with other routes serving 
portions of the Hartford area. 

Traffic and Travel — The study section of Route 15 is related to other routes 
in the Hartford Area as depicted in Figure 97. The major highways converging 
on Hartford include Routes 15, 2 and Interstate 91, all developed to freeway 
standards, and U. S. Routes 5, 6 and 44, which are two and four-lane arterials. 

Driving Times — The five-minute driving time contours ( isochrones ) in Fig- 
ure 97 depict the areas of equal accessibility from downtown Hartford, and 

245 



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clearly show how the Wilbur Cross Highway and Interstate 91 have improved 
access to points east, north and south. These express highways bring a wide 
area within a relatively short driving time of Hartford. Freeway travel is about 
twice as fast as travel over conventional arterial routes. 

Volumes — The influence of urban centers on traffic magnitudes is ap- 
parent from Route 15 traffic flow patterns shown in Figure 98. Hartford is 
the focus of travel within the region. Traffic volumes, both in 1959 and 1947, 
decreased rapidly along Route 15 as distance from Hartford increased. 

In 1947, volumes along Route 15 increased from about 4,000 vehicles per 
day at the Massachusetts state line to about 15,000 at East Hartford; whereas 
in 1959, the range was from 14,000 to 48,000 vehicles per day. During this 12- 
year period, average volumes per mile increased about 200 per cent — from 
6,700 in 1947 to 20,000 in 1959. 

Travel Trends — Vehicle miles of travel along the Wilbur Cross Highway 
in recent years have increased about twice as rapidly as the statewide aver- 
age, thereby reflecting the increased popularity of the freeway and the growing 
settlements within its influence area. Travel trends along Route 15 northeast 
and south of Hartford, along U. S. 44 to the west of Hartford, and over-all 



246 




SCALE IN MILES 



AVERAGE OAILT TRAVEL ROUTE 19 

umu VOLUM 

vtwcu mm fVi mn max wuim 



AVERAGE DAILY TRAFFIC 



Figure 98 
Route 15 Traffic Volumes 
East of Hartford, Connecticiut 



statewide travel, are compared in Figure 99. Between 1947 and 1959, annual 
statewide travel increased from about 526 million vehicle miles to 1,023 million 
miles, a growth of 94 per cent. Daily vehicle miles on Route 44 were generally 
consistent with statewide trends, increasing 120 per cent, from about 90,000 
vehicle miles per day in 1947 to about 200,000 in 1959. In the same period, 
the daily vehicle miles on Route 15 (northeast of Hartford) increased 195 per 
cent - from 229,000 to 675,000. 

Origins of Work Trips — An origin-destination survey of work trips along the 
Wilbur Cross Highway at the Manchester- Vernon town line (about 10 miles 
east of Hartford) was conducted during a summer, 1960 weekday. Results of 
interviews with drivers residing in the Rockville-Vemon-ElHngton-Tolland-Staf- 
ford Springs area are summarized in Table 53 and depicted in Figure 100. 
About 38 per cent of all persons interviewed lived in Rockville, 37 per cent in 
Vernon, and 25 per cent in other neaiby areas. Some 41 per cent worked in 
Hartford, 36 per cent in East Hartford, and 23 per cent in other areas. Thus, 
Hartford and East Hartford are the major employment centers for workers in the 
Rockville- Vernon area. Some reorientation of labor force around East Hartford 
has occurred. 



247 



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CONN. RIVER - 

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« I9S3 
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526,000,000 










« 1959 
1,023,000,000 



* ANNUAL STATEWIDE VEHICLE MILES 



_| INDEX 



U.S. 15 S.OF 
HARTFORD 




STATEWIDE 
TREND 



1949 



1951 1953 

YEAR 



955 



1957 



1959 



Figure 99 

Trends in Vehicle Miles of Travel 

Routes 15 and 44 

Hartford, Connecticut 



Trvp Length — The average work trip of drivers interviewed was approxi- 
mately 16 miles long and took about 21 minutes. Trip times are consistent with 
those for other work trips in the Hartford area, especially trips made by transit. 
But, the distances are much longer. Thus, the Wilbur Cross Highway has ex- 
tended the radius of work trips,' making commuting attractive from more dis- 
tant points. 



248 



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SMLE IN MILES 



Figure 100 

Distribution of Local Work Trips 

Route 15, Town Line Between iManc:hester and Vernon, Connecticut 



LEBENO 

lOOXl - PER CENT OF TOT«L OESTIKATIONS 
^«) - r>£H CENT Of TOUL ORIGIHS 



Land Development — The effects of the Wilbur Cross Highway on the dis- 
tribution of new populations, dwellings and other taxable properties within 
its influence area were compared with land development along non-freeway 
routes serving Hartford. The comparative growths along Route 15 to the north- 
east, Route 5 to to the north, and Route 44 to the west are shown in Figure 
101, which depicts 10-year increases (since 1927) in dwelHng units per square 
mile of area in the towns along each route. 

It is apparent that patterns, rates, and character of growths in the area 
have been influenced by both topographic and transportation factors. Land 
undulates both east and west of the Connecticut River; the Wilbur Cross High- 
way, however, traverses rolling hills with a minimum of travel impedances. It 
has extended the areas of rapid suburban expansion well beyond the ring of 
towns adjacent to Hartford. 

In the 10-year period, 1927-1937, very httle housing was built in any of 
the towns in the Route 15 corridor. In the Route 5A corridor, the town of Wind- 
sor Locks experienced some development; along Route 44, the Town of West 
Hartford, contiguous to Hartford, had considerable growth. 

During the decade 1937-1947, which included pre-war and post-war con- 
ditions, most growth occurred along the Rout6 15 corridor in the towns of East 

250 



400- 
300- 
200- 



1947 - 1957 



3 HIGHWAY 
TYPE 



1937- 1947 
IJ^V.V.V.T.V.TTTm 



3 HIGHWAY 
TYPE 



1927 - 1937 



WNOSOR WINDSCm SUFFIELD 

LOCKS 

ROUTE 5A 



•EST AVON CANTON NEW HARTFOPO TYPE 

HARTFORD BARKHAMSTEO 

ROUTE 44 

■I 4 LANE EXPRESSWAY 
C3 2 LANE HIGHWAY 



Figure 101 

Increase in Number of Dwellings 

Routes 5, 15, 44 Corridors, Hartford, Connecticut 

Hartford and Manchester, resulting from the rapid expansion of the Pratt-Whit- 
ney aircraft plant in East Hartford. However, growth was also influenced by 
the opening of the Charter Oak Bridge across the Connecticut River in 1942. 
West Hartford, a "choice" residential area, continued to grow, whereas other 
areas along Routes 44 and 5A grew in the same proportion, but at a slightly 
faster rate, than during the previous decade. 

Early in the decade 1947-1957, Route 15 was constructed to freeway stand- 
ards through East Hartford, Manchester, Vernon and Tolland; the new highway 
encouraged a high rate of residential construction in the Town of Vernon and 
continued settlement in East Hartford and Manchester. Growth in West Hart- 
ford continued mainly as high-income development. In Windsor Locks sub- 
stantial post-war growth resulted from the wartime estabUshment of new indus- 
try in the town and the availability of nearby housing; some increases also 
occurred in Windsor. 

The comparative stability of Avon, Canton, New Hartford and Barkham- 
sted, throughout the 30-year period, largely reflects unchanging highway access 
to these communities and topographic barriers to land development. 

The increase in residential construction in Vernon, however, appears di- 
rectly related to the accessibility provided by the Wilbur Cross Highway — 
as measured in driving times. Vernon, via the freeway, is about the same driving 
time from downtown Hartford as West Hartford. Thus, Vernon has become 



251 



more accessible to Hartford and is experiencing growth rates found in areas 
physically closer to Hartford. 

Recent growth patterns in the Hartford area clearly reflect the realignment 
of places of residence closer to centers of employment — often made possible by 
improved highway access. Proximity has been frequently evaluated in terms of 
driving time, rather than miles of travel. 

Population Density — The Wilbur Cross Highway is encouraging low-den- 
sity development of areas within its influence zone. This is apparent from 
Figure 102 which relates density, in terms of houses and building units per square 
mile to driving time and distance from downtown Hartford. 

The pattern of decreasing densities is similar to that in other urban areas 
throughout the country.^ Densities decrease rapidly as distance and time from 
the Hartford central business district increase. The declines appear more rapid 
along Route 44 than along Route 15 when measured by distance. However, the 
patterns are generally similar when measured in driving times, and when the 
high-density areas within West Hartford are not considered. 

Assessments — Unit assessed valuations in the Route 15 and Route 44 cor- 
ridors, when related to driving times, tended to decrease as driving time from 
Hartford increases, with relatively low-unit assessments in many of the most 
rapidly growing areas surrounding Hartford.^ 

The long-range effect of freeways will, therefore, be to increase value of 
remote areas by reducing driving times. In the interim period, rapid settlement 
is taking place in outlying areas because of lower land costs. 

Summary — The Wilbur Cross Highway has tended to stimulate settle- 
ment at increased distances from Hartford, Connecticut, the region's focal point. 
Growths in traffic along the route have been double the statewide increases and 
reflect, in good measure, the continued settlement of adjacent and tributary 
areas. 

Driving times via the freeway have made long-distance commuting attrac- 
tive, and have consequently extended the labor market. As a result, there has 
been some reorientation of the labor force to take advantage of improved high- 
way mobihty. 

While suburban areas continue to grow with improved accessibihty via 



iSee Chapter 1 for density patterns in other urban areas. 

"Since unit assessed valuations represent the total assessments divided by the number 
of dwelling units, they also reflect increases reisiulting from commercial and industrial properties 
in the specific communities. 

252 




MILES FROM HARTFORD 



(0 




1200 


H 






o 






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o 

z 




1000 


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800 




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•LEGEND- 

ROUTE 15 NORTHEASTERN 

STUDY CORRIDOR 
ROUTE 44 NORTHWESTERN 

STUDY CORRIDOR 



5 10 15 20 

MINUTES FROM HARTFORD 



25 



Figure 102 

Density of House and Building Lots 

Related to Driving Time and Distance 

From Hartford, Connecticut 



253 



freeways, population declines have been reported in the transit-oriented central 
city. 

Patterns of decreasing land density, as distance from downtown increases, 
are consistent with those found in other urban areas. Thus, the freeway appears 
to have stimulated settlement at low and relatively homogeneous densities. 

NIMITZ FREEWAY 

The Nimitz Freeway is the principal north-south highway in Alameda 
County, California. As shown in Figure 103, it leads directly from the San Fran- 




NLMITZ FREEWAY 
Oakland, California 



254 




255 



cisco-Oakland Bay Bridge southerly through Oakland, San Leandro, Fremont 
and Warm Springs, interconnecting most of the major population concentra- 
tions in the East Bay area. 

The Nimitz Freeway opened in 1952 and has since been extended and 
widened. In November, 1958, a final 10-mile link in southern Alameda County 
was opened, completing the highway between the Bay Bridge and San Jose. 
The freeway provides six and eight lanes in Oakland, and four lanes in the south- 
ern part of the county. 

Studies have been made of the land-use changes and developments that 
have occurred since the freeway opened. These impacts have been related 
to the rapid growth of the area. 

Population and Registration — The population of Alameda County increased 
nearly 20 per cent in the decade, 1950 to 1960 - from 740,315 to 886,636. All 
of this growth took place outside the boundaries of Oakland Township, the 
heavily urbanized northwest corner of the County; the population of Oakland 
decreased more than seven per cent, from 593,421 persons in 1950 to 551,534 
in 1960. In 1950, Oakland Township accounted for 80 per cent of Alameda 
County's population, whereas in 1960, only 62 per cent of the county's popula- 
tion resided in the township. 

Nearly all of the new population in Alameda County has concentrated in 
a corridor less than 10 miles wide; between the bay and the Oakland Hills and 
Walpert Ridge. The corridor extends south from San Leandro, just south of Oak- 
land, to the Santa Clara County line north of San Jose. The improved accessi- 
bihty resulting from the Nimitz Freeway in conjunction with favorable topo- 
graphic conditions, has been a stimulus to the rapid urbanization of this corri- 
dor. 

Alameda County motor vehicle registrations have increased more rapidly 
than the population. As shown in Table 54, the 1959 motor vehicle registra- 
tions totaled 437,386, representing a 42 per cent increase over 1950. The number 
of trucks and truck-trailers more than doubled, emphasizing the industrial growth 
that has accompanied the population expansion, whereas passenger auto regis- 
trations increased more than 36 per cent. 

Traffic Patterns — The Nimitz Freeway is the most important tiaffic facility 
in the Oakland-San Jose corridor. More than two thirds of all arterial traffic 
immediately south of San Leandro uses the freeway. In August, 1960, traffic 
volumes totaled approximately 120,000 vehicles per day on the combined facili- 
ties of Foothill Boulevard, East 121st Street, and Nimitz Freeway (Washington 

256 



Table 54 

MOTOR VEHICLE REGISTRATION TRENDS 
ALAMEDA COUNTY, CALIFORNIA^ 

TOTAL INDEX 
YEAR AUTOS TRUCKS TRAILERS VEHICLES' 1950 = 1.00 

1950 265,183 25,685 15,514 308,560 1.00 

1951 279,922 28,369 16,774 327,232 1.06 

1952 285,074 29,923 17,694 334,765 1.08 

1953 296,588 33,873 19,170 351,646 1.14 

1954 302,481 32,966 20,272 357,724 1.16 

1955 321,346 35,794 22,474 381,720 1.24 

1956 332,905 36,738 23,586 395,467 1.28 

1957 339,921 38,848 25,648 406,866 1.32 

1958 344,973 40,653 28,995 417,322 1.35 

1959 361,627 31,700 31,011 437,386 1.42 



^Source: Department of Motor Vehicles, prepared by Research Division, Oakland Cham- 
ber of Commerce, Oakland, CaUfomia, February, 1960. 
"Includes motorcycles. 



Avenue traffic was not recorded ) . Of these vehicles, about 85,000 ( 70 per cent ) 
traveled on the freeway. Volumes diminish as the route proceeds southerly 
from Oakland, again clearly indicating the urban character of freeway traffic. 

Growths — Traffic volumes along the Nimitz Freeway, as recorded at a 
survey station south of San Leandro, have more than doubled since the route 
was opened for travel. Volumes increased from about 37,000 vehicles daily in 
1953, to about 80,000 in 1960. At High Street in Oakland, freeway volumes ap- 
proximated 50,000 vehicles per day in 1952, and have since doubled. 

Increases in freeway travel in the Oakland-San Jose corridor have outpaced 
total population and vehicle ownership in the East Bay Area. These rapid in- 

257 



creases are attributable to the popularity of the freeway, and to its strategic lo- 
cation with regard to topographic barriers, population concentrations, and new 
urban developments. Topography has restricted extension of the Oakland metro- 
politan area to the east and west; at the same time, the Nimitz Freeway has 
made Eastshore areas more accessible. Undoubtedly the freeway has made an 
important contribution to the area s growth pattern. 

Traffic Origins — Use of the Nimitz Freeway by Alameda County resi- 
dents was determined through studies of northbound traffic passing the survey 
station at the south city hmits of San Leandro on a typical August. 1960, 
weekday. License numbers of Cahfornia passenger cars were recorded and 
addresses of vehicle owners determined. More than 30,000 California passenger 
cars passed in a northbound direction during the daylight hours, 7:00 A.M. to 
7:00 P.M. 

The geographic distribution of Alameda County residents who passed the 
survey station is shown in Figure 104, in terms of average daily cars per thous- 
and residents.' The highest rates of travel (i.e. — proportional origins) are 
from areas in San Leandro near the survey station and adjacent to the freeway. 
When the distance between the freeway and residential communities increases, 
streets parallehng the freeway are used increasingly for corridor travel. 

Although urban trips within the Oakland metropohtan area average about 
five miles in length, it is evident that freeway traffic includes many cars from 
distant points. Cars using the freeway, therefore, make longer-than-average trips. 

The origins and hourly variations of the 30,000 northbound California 
passenger vehicles are shown in Table 55. Local cars dominate the traffic dur- 
ing all hours. About two thirds of the cars (68 per cent) were registered in 
Alameda County: 46 per cent were licensed south of San Leandro; 8 per cent 
in San Leandro and in Oakland south of High Street; and 14 per cent were 
registered in part of Oakland and other communities north of High Street. 

A graphic portrayal of the hour-by-hour traffic generated in the above three 
areas is depicted in Figure 105. About 37 per cent of the 12-hour trips from 
homes south of San Leandro are made during the morning peak hours, 7:00- 
9:00 A.M.; these 5,200 vehicles comprise about 87 per cent of the 6,000 Ala- 
meda trips made in this period and about 67 per cent of the total northbound 
travel (7,700 cars). They clearly represent suburban workers inbound to jobs 
in Oakland. 



31960 population estimates in each of several Alameda County "zones", the number of 
cars from each zone at the survey station, and the car per thousand residents (as plotted in 
Figure 104) are shown in Table A-39, Appendix C. 



258 




259 



Table 55 

HOURLY VARIATIONS OF NORTHBOUND PASSENGER CARS 
BY PLACE GARAGED 

Nimitz Freeway at South City Limit of San Leandro 

Typical Weekday - August, 1960 - 7:00 A.M. - 7:00 P.M.i 

CALIFORNIA PASSENGER CARS 

Alameda County Cars 

South 

of South 

North High St. of Out-of- Per Cent 

of (Survey San All County Total of 12-Hour 

HOUR High St . Station) Leandro Alameda Cars Traffic Total 

7-8 A.M. ...... 195 195 2997 3387 843 4230 13.9 

8-9 304 74 2210 2588 890 3478 11.4 

9-10 150 79 1430 1658 728 2387 7.9 

10-11 -. -. 175 110 1219 1504 608 2112 6.9 

11-12 194 125 707 1026 799 1825 6.0 

Noon 190 142 852 1184 625 1809 5.9 

1-2 P.M 237 134 769 1140 831 1971 6.5 

2-3 323 176 931 1430 747 2177 7.2 

3-4 378 180 736 1294 1265 2559 8.5 

4-5 905 427 664 1996 790 2786 9.2 

5-6 798 394 634 1826 957 2783 9.2 

6-7 562 231 810 1603 644 2247 7.4 

TOTAL 4411 2267 13,959 20,637 9727 30,364 100.0 

Per Cent of 
Alameda Co. 
Cars 21.4 11.0 67.6 100.0 

Per Cent of 
California 
Cars 14.5 7.5 46.0 68.0 32.0 100.0 

1 Source: Special license plate study conducted for this report by Wilbur Smith and Asso- 
ciates, August, 1960. 

260 



MORNING PEAK HOURS 



E^Sj CARS GARAGED SOUTH OF SURVEY STATION (SAN LEANDRO) 
1%^ MRS GARAGED NORTH OF SURVEY STATION-NORTH OF HIGH ST 
^^M CARS GARAGED IN SAN LEANDRO AND/OR SOUTH OF HIGH ST. 



r^x. - AFTERNOON PEAK HOURS 




Figure 105 

Hourly Distribution of Alameda County Passenger Cars 

NiMiTZ Freeway, ( South of San Leandro, California ) 



There is evidence of "reverse commuting" by workers living in Oakland 
and working in new industrial plants along the Nimitz Freeway south of San 
Leandro. Between 7:00 A.M. and 7:00 P.M., cars owned by residents of San 
Leandro and areas of Alameda County north of the survey station accounted for 
6,678 northbound vehicles; more than 2,500 cars (38 per cent) passed during 
the evening peak hours, 4:00-6:00 P.M. Thus, traffic by cars from north of the 
station developed almost exactly the same proportion of daily use in evening 
peak hours as attained by cars garaged south of the station during the morn- 
ing peak period. Cars garaged north of the station accounted for only half as 
much traffic through the station as cars garaged to the south. Consequently, "re- 
verse commuting" traffic appears to be about half as great as inbound commuter 
volumes. 

Industries that have developed south of San Leandro will undoubtedly pro- 
vide more new job opportunities for workers who live in Oakland. The Nimitz 
Freeway, and other highways scheduled for construction in the Oakland-San 
Jose corridor (the Foothills Freeway and the Shorehne Expressway), will pro- 
vide the necessary Hnkage between labor force and employment centers. 

Industrial Development — Coincident with the development of the Nimitz 
Freeway, there has been an expansion of industrial activity within the East 



261 



Table 56 

SUMMARY OF INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 
IN ALAMEDA COUNTY, CALIFORNIA^ 

1950-1960 



TYPE 

New 


PROJECTS 

...... 458 


INVESTMENT 

$107,973,300 
238,801,742 


JOBS 

12,840 
16,967 


PAYROLL 
$48,336,200 


Expansion .— 


...... 1,214 


60,807,600 


TOTAL 


...... 1,672 


$346,775,042 


29,807 


$109,143,800 



^Source: Alameda County Planning Commission. 

Bay Area. As shown in Table 56, between 1950 and 1960, 458 new plants were 
constructed in Alameda County, and 1,214 other plants expanded, with an 
aggregate investment of over $346 million, and a total payroll of $109 million. 
A high proportion has located in industrial areas served by the freeway. 

The relation between the Nimitz Freeway and the existing population dis- 
tribution in the urbanized portions of Alameda County (greater Oakland 
metropolitan area) is illustrated in Figure 106. The map divides the urbanized 
portions into four parts: 

Zone I includes Northern Oakland (north of High Street), Alameda, 
Piedmont, Emeryville, Albany, and Berkeley — these are the older sections 
within the urbanized area. 

Southern Oakland (south of High Street) and the town of San Leandro 
comprise Zone II, where a large amount of new industrial development has 
occurred since the Nimitz Freeway was constructed. 

South of San Leandro, to the Santa Clara County Line, is a third part of 
the metropoHtan area, Zone III, which has recently begun to experience rapid 
growth. 

Zone IV includes the easternmost parts of Alameda County, with the town 
of Livermore its principal focus. The area is not yet urbanized. 

New industrial growth in the four zones is depicted in Figure 107. The dol- 
lar investment in new and expanded industry is summarized in three-year pe- 
riods; 1951-1953, 1954-1956, 1957-1959. During the nine years, 1951 to 1959, indus- 
tries invested more than $90 milHon in new plants in the Oakland area. Expan- 

262 



1 



SURVEY? 
', STATION ' 



V%. 



FREEWAY (U.S. SO) 



m 



note: 
each dot represents 300 
persons of 1956 population 



m 



:&> 



9 10 



Figure 106 

Population Distribution in Relation to Nimitz Freeway 

Alameda County, California 



ZONE le gend: 



m wms. 




1951-53 1954-56 1957-59 
NEW INDUSTRIAL PLANT DEVELOPMENT 




1951-53 1954-56 1957-59 
INDUSTRIAL PLANT EXPANSION 



Figure 107 

Investment in Industrial Development 

Alameda County, Calipxjrnia 



263 



sion of existing industry ( including additional developments in many new indus- 
tries established during the early years of this period) amounted to more than 
$220 million. 

New Investments — Investments were nearly equal during each three-year 
period, but the nature and amount of investment in each zone varied consider- 
ably. A relatively small proportion of new industry has located in Zone I, al- 
though the amount has increased in each successive three-year period. 

More than half of the new investments during the years 1951-1953 were 
made in Zone II, although this proportion decreased in each successive period. 
Its industrial growth appears to be directly related to the construction of the 
Nimitz Freeway started in 1949 and completed in 1952. The freeway made 
large tracts of industrially-zoned land accessible, and a number of industries re- 
quiring relatively large sites were attracted to the area. 

Between 1954 and 1959, new industrial development in Zone II decreased, 
while Zones I and III showed gains. The rapid rise in land costs in Zone II 
have apparently made sites in the older industrial areas of Zone I more attractive, 
and have encouraged some industries seeking large sites to locate in Zone III, 
somewhat farther from Oakland and its seaport. 

Completion of the Nimitz Freeway through Zone III to San Jose in 1958, 
and the attendant surge of new industrial growth in the zone between 1957 
and 1959, attest to the importance of the new route in attracting industry to the 
area. 

Development of new industry in Zone IV, which began in 1956, consists 
mainly of specialized atomic energy facilities sponsored by the Atomic Energy 
Commission. The accessibility of this site via the new U. S. 50 freeway was 
obviously considered in its selection. The freeway was completed in 1957 from 
its junction with the Nimitz Freeway to a point a few miles west of Livermore. 

Industrial Expansion — The pattern of expenditures for industrial expan- 
sion was almost the opposite of that for new industry. Zone I, with its estab- 
lished industrial plant, accounted for about half of plant expansions during the 
first two time periods, but somewhat less in the years 1957-1959. 

In Zone II, there was considerable plant expansion during the first period, 
due largely to immediate second-stage development of new industries. Some 
of this construction might properly be regarded as part of the initial stage of 
development. 

During the third period, 1957-1959, when new construction had slowed 
markedly, a large amount of plant expansion was undertaken as new indus- 

264 



tries added to their production facilities. In Zone III, where new industries were 
arriving in increasing numbers in the third period, plant expansion was at a rela- 
tively low level. These relationships are consistent with the anticipated pat- 
terns of initial growth and subsequent maturing of new industrial parks. 

In Zone IV, some major plant expansion occurred in the third period, but 
again, was so closely related to development of atomic energy facilities that 
no significant relation to highway development is apparent. 

Impact of Freeway — To what extent is the new industrial growth in the 
Oakland area related to the development of the Nimitz Freeway? Would the 
$300 million industrial investment have come about in the last decade if the 
freeway had not been built? Undoubtedly much of this investment would have 
been made somewhere in the San Francisco-Oakland metropolitan area, and 
perhaps most of it would have located in Greater Oakland. The freeway appears, 
however, to have been a catalyst in the localization of industry, and in guid- 
ing its expansion. 

Location of industrial establishments along the Nimitz Freeway in Zone II, 
shown in Figure 108, suggests that access to the freeway has been a paramount 
consideration in new industrial development.* Thus, the fact that each addi- 



** Source: Kelley, John F., "Industry and Freeways," California Highways and Public 
Works, May-June, 1954. This map shows the location or industrial estabhshments in this corri- 
dor in early 1954, as set forth in an extensive study of industrial development by the California 
Division of Highways; the location of new plants built in the area since 1954 are depicted on 
an overlay. 



• 




OAKLAND AIR PORT 


V — -_' 


Ir 


-"-"-■i-a-^^^S^'^^^ /f^^''- 




t^l^ 


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^C 


■ 


LEOENO 




^ • ■ .• 


• P«CO« TO 1984 






■ i»54 TO l»«0 







Figure 108 

Location of New Industrial Developments Along Nimitz Freeway 

Alameda County, California 

265 



tion to the freeway system has seen an immediate, large expansion of indus- 
trial development in the areas best served by the freeway — in Zones II, 
III and IV, in that order — suggests that the new freeway has had a major bear- 
ing on decisions affecting selection of industrial sites. 

Residential Growth — Trends in residential land values in Alameda County 
are shown in Figure 109, using 1949 as an index year. The market value of 



130 
IZO 
110 
100 


HAY 


WAR 


0, SAN 


LORENZO, 


CASTRO VALLEY 




































































































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96 


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96 T 


96 7 


96 7 


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94 6 


94 ^ 



MAR OCT MAR OCT APR OCT AW OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR 
1950 1991 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 I960 



EAST OAKLAND, EAST ALAMEDA, SAN LEANDRO 



O 110 

z 































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^ 


X 


































■^ 


'^ 










/ 


^ 












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106-6 





























MAR OCT MAR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APS 

1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 I960 



130 

120 
X 

u 

Q 110 

z 


WES 


T OAKLAND 


WEST ALAMEDA, 


BERKELEY, 


ALBANY 




















































/ 


/ 


































/- 






^ 








r 








^ 








^ 


^ 


v- 






_y' 












100 






- 


y 












■*>, 


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^ 
























9(1 


,7 = 


,7. 



MAR OCT MAR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR OCT APR 
1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 I960 



SOURCE 

BAY AREA REAL ESTATE REPORT 

SECOND OUARTER , I960 

BAY AREA REAL ESTATE RESEARCH COMM, 

WORLD TRADE CENTER , S,F 
JUNE 1949 INDEX = 100 



Figure 109 

Trend of Residential Market Value 

Alameda Ojunty, California 



residential land has increased about 25 per cent since 1949, much of which may 
be attributed to freeway development. 

In all three areas within the county — West Oakland-Alameda, East Oak- 
land-San Leandro, and Hayward-San Lorenzo — there were continued increases, 
except for declines between 1953 and 1955 as a result of a nationwide recession.^ 
Increases in land value were extremely rapid after 1958. 

Some dechnes in property values in the western Oakland-Berkeley area 
may have resulted from population losses in the incorporated areas. In eastern 
Oakland, land values rose sharply in 1950-51 when the Nimitz Freeway was 
being completed; however, after the highway was completed within the zone, 
residential land values stabilized at about 10 per cent over 1949 values. In the 
Hayward-Castro- Valley area, land values rose sharply coincident with comple- 
tion of additional portions of the Nimitz Freeway, especially in 1958 when the 
freeway was completed to San Jose. 

There is no doubt that residential growth in eastern Oakland and Hayward, 
(corresponding to Zones II and III), has been fostered by over-all population 
increases in the San Francisco Bay area and industrial development in the Nim- 
itz corridor. Construction of the freeway has, nevertheless, contributed to new 
growth in the East Bay areas south of Oakland and has encouraged development 
of housing tracts readily accessible to principal interchanges along the route. 

Summary — The Nimitz Freeway appears to have encouraged both residen- 
tial and industrial development, and contributed to the economy of the area. 
Travel along the freeway has more than doubled in the last decade — these 
rapid increases are directly related to new urban development in the Oakland- 
San Jose corridor. 

The Nimitz Freeway has become the backbone of the East Bay arterial 
system — and the axis of both residential and industrial development. It is 
evident that the freeway has substantially contributed to new growth. It has 
made East Bay areas accessible, whereas topography has deterred extended ur- 
banization in other directions. 

LOS ANGELES FREEWAYS 

Special studies conducted in Los Angeles during 1960 along the Hollywood, 
San Bernardino and Santa Ana Freeways show how freeway availability and 
use relate to residential development.® 



SThese areas correspond to Zones I, II and III, respectively. 

^Source: Newville, J. R., Freeways as a Factor in Reducing Friction of Space in the Los 
Angeles Area, prepared for Seminar in Human Ecology, University of California, 1960. 

267 



The results of these studies are summarized in Table 57. In each of three 
sectors within the city and its environs, the areas of most rapid residential growth 
appear to have extended outward, as travel times were reduced by freeways. The 
study has shown that with each freeway extension, residential growth was at 
increasing distances from the CBD until freeway capacities were reached and 
time benefits were minimized. For example, the Santa Ana freeway reached ca- 
pacity in 1956, and growth in Orange County, which it serves, decreased in rela- 
tive growth in 1956 and 1957. 

Table 57 

GREATEST PROPORTIONS OF TOTAL RESIDENTIAL GROWTH 

IN SELECTED SECTORS 

Los Angeles, Cahfornia^ 



DISTANCE 
FROM CBD 


HOLLYWOOD 
FREEWAY 


SAN BERNARDINO 
FREEWAY 


SANTA ANA FREEWAY 




Opened to North 

Hollywood, 1954, 

Opened to 

Los Angeles 

City Line, 1960 


6 Miles Opened 1952, 

10 Miles Opened 1954, 

Entire Freeway 

Opened 1956 


8 Miles Opened 1953, 

Opened to 
Orange County 1954, 

Opened to 
Santa Ana, 1956 


5-10 Miles .... 


— 


— 


1940-1945 


10-15 Miles .. 


.... 1940-1945 


1940-1950 

1952 

1960 


1946-1953 


15-20 Miles .... 


.... 1946-1954 


1951-1954 
1953 


1954-19602 


20-25 Miles .. 
Over 25 Miles 


.... 1955-1960 


1955-1959 


— 



^Source: Newville, J. R., Freeways as a Factor in Reducing Friction of Space in the Los 
Angeles Area, 1960. 
'Over 15 miles. 



Workers apparently choose to live in outlying areas within acceptable driv- 
ing time from downtown via freeways. When peak-hour driving time increased, 
there was a tendency for workers* to live in higher density, close-in areas; some 
redensificatidn was shown to be underway in Los Angeles. 



268 



INTERSTATE ROUTE 85 

Interstate Route 85 will extend from Petersburg, Va., to Montgomery, Ala. 
and roughly parallels U. S. 29. It connects Durham, Greensboro and Charlotte, 
N. C; Spartanburg and Greenville, S. C.; Atlanta, Ga.; and Montgomery, Ala. 

Special studies were made of the motorists using the 200-mile section of 
1-85 between Durham, N. C., and Greenville, S. C., shown in Figure 110, which 
bypasses or traverses the outer parts of Spartanburg, Gastonia, Charlotte, 
Salisbury, Lexington, and Greensboro. Considerable sections of roadway are 
complete between Spartanburg and Gastonia, around Charlotte and Salisbury, 
and between Greensboro and Durham. The remaining parts of the route are 
served by four-lane U. S. Route 29. 

The 1-85 studies were designed to evaluate the impact of a rural Interstate 
route on travel in a corridor flanked by a number of urban communities. More 
than 30,000 motorists were interviewed at 10 survey stations in the 1-85 corridor. 
The interviews provided information on length, purpose, origin, and destina- 
tion of trip, type of vehicle and other pertinent facts. 



-^^=::^_ - ^^.B^->^-X 


->' /r^ V'V. y\ ~~~~^^-^ ^4 — - 


~-==%^ J /--zj 


^y I v,»a,,. ^\ ""^ X v^^l— ~.l^ ^^\ 






^.....,..1.. ^V-y/ 


a? H \ / \ 



Figure 110 

Interstate Route 85 and Related Highways 

North and South Carolina 



269 



Traffic Volumes — Traffic volumes along the 1-85 corridor are graphically 
depicted in Figure 111; corridor volumes reach peaks in urban areas, and 
iiave low points in between — a pattern characteristic of travel throughout the 
nation. The heaviest corridor volumes — about 28,000 cars per day — are in 
Charlotte; the lightest corridor flows — about 8,000 cars per day — are east of 
BurHngton. More than half of all corridor travelers use 1-85, except within ur- 
ban areas. 

Route volumes along 1-85 generally range from 10,000 to 12,000 vehicles 
per day. They peak to 19,000 vehicles per day east of Gastonia where Routes 
1-85 and U. S. 74 coincide, and approximate 16,000 vehicles per day within 
Greensboro. 

Most travel along the sections of 1-85 studied is by cars that have one trip 
terminus in North Carolina. Through "interstate" traffic approximates 1,200 ve- 
hicles per day over most of the route, and is usually less than 10 per cent of the 
total volume. West of U. S. 74, and east of Greensboro, through traffic is con- 
siderably less. 




24 ■ 

(A 

Ul 22 ' 

Ul 

> 18- 

IL 16 ■ 



14 - 



m lo- 
S e. 



"I — T 



I I TOTAL TRAFFIC i 

r~ ~3 11 c om nDOB f 

^ rn 



^ 



L. — -a 



T=/ 




|TOT«L l-»5 TRAFFIC 



TOTAL THRU TRAFFIC 



i I i i " •? d M i S 

J £ 5 « ■! = »l a] 3 g 

'^ " \ \ \ \ iii \\\ 

elf: sic esc 



""1_. 



IF 



Figure 111 

Traffic Volumes Along Interstate Route 85 Corridor 

IN North Carolina 



270 



Travel Characteristics — Interviews of approximately 12,000 motorists at 
locations near Durham, Charlotte, and Gastonia afford further insight into the 
characteristics of 1-85 travelers. About three fourths of the traffic along 1-85 
at the above location consists of passenger cars, and the remainder commercial 
vehicles. About 93 per cent of the passenger cars were standard American ve- 
hicles; the remaining seven per cent were smaller vehicles, about evenly divided 
between American compact cars and small foreign imports. 

Passenger Cars — Characteristics of passenger car travel by type of ve- 
hicle are depicted in Figure 112. Studies of trip frequencies along 1-85 
(Figure 112a) indicate that over 40 per cent of the small-car drivers re- 
ported daily travel on the route, compared with about 30 per cent of the stand- 
ard and compact car drivers. This is partly explained by drivers' trip purposes 
(Figure 112b) that indicate a higher proportion of small-car trips made to and 
from work — a motive that implies daily repetition. 

There is relatively high use of the standard car for high-occupancy, social- 
recreational travel. Work trips averaged less than one and a half persons per 
car, while social-recreational trips averaged almost three persons per car. 



(a) 



FREQUENCY OF TRIP |- 




JirMM 



m 



(b) 



WEEKLr OCCASIONALLY TRANSIENT 




- I PURPOSE OF TRIP | - 



^ Ipfi ll 



SOCIAL AND SHOP 

RECREATION 



mM 




(c) 



LOCAL AND NON-LOCAL TRIpTI— 



2im m ^m 

OUT-OF-STATE THROUGH 



(d) 



LOCAL AND NON-LOCAL 
TRIPS BY PURPOSE 




T^ 1 ^ 



SOCIAL ANO 
RECREATION 



Figure 112 

Characteristics of Passenger Car Travel Along 

Interstate Route 85, North Carolina 



271 



Thus, the compact cars assume a position, in trip frequency and purpose, 
intermediate between the extremes presented by the standard and the small 
cars; small vehicles are being driven for low-occupancy purposes. 

Passenger car trips, by vehicle type, when separated into three classes ac- 
cording to general origin and destination (Figure 112c) indicate a predomi- 
nance of local travel. Over 80 per cent of all driver trips recorded at the inter- 
view stations began and ended within the state where the interviews were made 
(intrastate); nearly 15 per cent more began or ended their trips within the 
state (out-of-state). SUghtly more than five per cent were rated as "through" 
trips — with neither origin or destination in the state where interviews were 
made. Through trips accounted for almost exactly the same proportion of cars 
in each vehicle class and there were no significant differences between intrastate 
and out-of-state trips and vehicle size. 

The variation of trip purposes by intrastate, out-of-state, and through ve- 
hicles (Figure 112d) indicate about two thirds of all intrastate travel was for 
business or work. (These purposes were combined because the terms were 
used interchangeably by some respondents.) About 65 per cent of out-of-state 
travel was in this purpose category, with principal emphasis on 'Tjusiness" travel. 
Less than half of the through trips were for work or business (most were for 
*T)usiness"). 

Social-recreational travel accounted for nearly half of all through trips, less 
than 25 per cent of out-of-state trips and only 12.5 per cent of local or intra- 
state traffic. If Saturday and Sunday travel is included, there would be a higher 
proportion of recreational trips in all trip-length categories. 

Trucks — Characteristics of truck trips in the 1-85 corridor are illustrated 
in Figure 113. Three distinct classes of commercial vehicles were denoted in 
the study: (a) panels and pickups which in rural areas frequently substi- 
tute for passenger cars; (b) two-axle trucks with dual tires on the rear axle; 
and (c) all large trucks, mostly tractor-trailer combinations. Of the truck trips 
in the 1-85 corridor, 25 per cent were pickups and panels; 20 per cent were two- 
axle dual-tire trucks; and nearly 55 per cent were large, over-the-road types. 

All types of trucks appear in the 1-85 corridor with about the same fre- 
quency (Figure 113a). About one third use the same portion of route each 
day; another third use the route once or twice a week; most of the remainder 
appear on the route at infrequent intervals; a few are "transient" and are not 
involved in recurrent use of the route. 

272 




WEEKLY OCCASIONALLY TRANSIENT 



OUT-OF-STATE 




Figure 113 

Characteristics of Truck 

Travel Along Interstate 

Route 85, North Carolina 



WORK AND SOCIAL AND 
BUSINESS RECREATION 



Most of the smaller trucks (panel-pickup and two-axle with dual tires) re- 
main within the state, whereas more than half of the large trucks originate out of 
state (Figure 113b). About 12 per cent of all large trucks are making through 
trips and have out-of-state origins and destinations. 

"Work" is the principal purpose of travel for each class of truck (Figure 
113c). Work trips predominate, although some of the smaller vehicles, es- 
pecially pickups and panels, are used for shopping and recreation; about one 
third of the pickup-panel drivers indicated a "business" purpose ^yhich implies 
use of the vehicle as a passenger car rather than for load-carrying. Conversely, 
virtually all truck-trailers were engaged in transport of goods at the time of 
interview. 

Trip Length — Most trips along Interstate 85 are short. Midway between 
urban centers (between Greenville and Spartanburg or between Charlotte and 
Concord), 70 to 75 per cent of all passenger-car trips are less than 25 miles 
long; between 15 and 20 per cent of all trips range from 25 to 100 miles; only 
eight to ten per cent of all cars make trips longer than 100 miles. 

Between Greensboro and Durham, the volume of traffic on 1-85 diminishes 
sharply, and long trips — over 100 miles — constitute less than five per cent of 
the total. This is because U. S. 29 diverges from 1-85 at Greensboro and pro- 



273 



vides a more direct route to the north for through trips. However, completion 
of 1-85 north from Durham to Petersburg, Virginia, will attract considerable 
through traffic volumes from U. S. 29. 

Comparisons — The 1-85 findings confirm travel characteristics of drivers 
in rural areas previously reported in other studies. Trip purposes of auto drivers 
agree, in general, with material collected for the Bureau of Public Roads in 13 
states between 1952 and 1956. The Bureau study reported about 79 per cent 
of all trips for work or business purposes; about 14 per cent for social and rec- 
reational purposes, and seven per cent for miscellaneous purposes (not asso- 
ciated with work, shopping or family business). Work, shopping and business 
accounted for three fourths of 1-85 travel, whereas about 16 per cent was for 
social-recreational travel and 8 per cent for miscellaneous reasons. 

Differences between the two studies are attributed mainly to the larger 
proportion of long trips in the 1-85 corridor — a major intercity route. 

The urban influences on 1-85 are apparent. Most intrastate trips have one 
or both ends in urban areas. This was forcefully indicated in an analysis of 
traffic across the boundaries of a three-county area, recently published by the 
North Carohna State Highway Commission.'^ Of more than 54,000 trips inter- 
cepted at the hmits of the three-county area (Davidson, Guilford and Forsyth 
Counties), 88 per cent began or ended at urban places within the study area. 
Intercity travel within this area was found to follow a predictive interactance 
relationship.^ 

Summary and Implications — The 1-85 studies clearly show that urban cen- 
ters have a significant influence on traffic, even along a rural Interstate route. 
Relatively few of the drivers on the route were traveling interstate; most trips 
were relatively short, and had origins and destinations within the corridor 
studied. 

The study also indicates that nearly all of the trips which begin and end 
in urban places in the 1-85 corridor use the facility. Thus, it is Ukely that many 
trips followed indirect routings to use the new highway. This practice is con- 
sistent with the reported traffic generation experienced on other freeways and 
toll roads. 



''N. C. State Highway Commission, Report on the Origin-Destination Traffic Survey at 
Five City Crescent Area, Raleigh, N. C, November, 1959. 

^Burch, J. S., Traffic Interactance Between Cities, January, 1961. The formula was quad- 
ratic as follows: 

T = 0.04m2 + 4.9m + 160 

where: 
T = n umber of 24-hour weekday Inte rcity Trips between City A and City B 

m = V population A X population B 
(distance between A and B)2 

274 



HIGHWAYS AND TRAFFIC GENERATION 

Good transportation facilities generate travel; conversely, the lack of facili- 
ties tends to suppress travel. Growths are especially apparent in rural or semi- 
rural areas. They result from intensified land use and elimination of travel bar- 
riers made possible by reduced driving times and improved accessibility. 

Good road systems, particularly freeways, and automobile ownership are 
interrelated. For example, Houston and Los Angeles, where relatively ex- 
tensive freeway systems are in operation, have high car ownership and use and 
reduced transit riding; the opposite has been true in Philadelphia. 

While the extent of traffic generation resulting from highway improvements 
is difficult to measure precisely, studies made in recent years by state and 
federal road agencies have shed considerable light on this subject. 

Traffic growths along two radial freeways, the Shirley Highway in the 
Washington, D. C., metropolitan area and the Gulf Freeway in the Houston, 
Galveston, Texas area are shown in Figure 114.^ It is significant that in each 



sSchmidt, R. E., and Campbell, M. E., Highway Traffic Estimation, Eno Foundation For 
Highway Traffic Control, Saugatiick, Conn. 



136% 



125 7o 




WITHOUT WITH 

FREEWAY FREEWAY 
(1953) 

SHIRLEY HIGHWAY 

(SOUTHER'n END) 



WITHOUT WITH 

FREEWAY FREEWAY 
(1952) 

GULF FREEWAY 

( GALVESTON -HOUSTON ) 



Figure 114 
Effect of Freeways 

ON 

Total Corridor Travel 



275 



case, there was at least 25 per cent more travel through the corridors than if 
the freeways did not exist. At the same time, the freeways afforded sub- 
stantial relief to other highways in the same corridor of travel— arterial volumes 
were reduced by more than half. This relief is consistent with that in urban 
areas, and anticipated by the assignments to freeway systems in Chapter V. 

Other examples of traffic generation, cited in Table 58, indicate that "free" 
express highways have generated from 40 to 60 per cent of their traffic and 
"toll" express highways from 20 to 30 per cent. For example, the Merritt Park- 
way in Greenwich, Connecticut, has generated over 25 per cent more traffic than 
would be anticipated from normal growth. 

Table 58 
ILLUSTRATIVE EXAMPLES OF TRAFFIC GENERATIONi 

PER CENT 
FREE ROADS GENERATION 

Washington-Baltimore Parkway (Maryland 

near Washington ) 63 

Gulf Freeway ( Texas ) 50 

Shirley Highway (Virginia, south end) 38 

PER CENT 
TOLL ROADS GENERATION 

Denver-Boulder Turnpike (Colorado) 19 

Merritt Parkway (Connecticut) 28 

Wilbur Cross Parkway (Connecticut) 23 

Maine Turnpike ...- 29 

Pennsylvania Turnpike (eastern extension) 32 



^Source: Holmes, E. H., The Influence of New and Improved Roads on the Distribution 
of Traffic, U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Washington, D. C, 1958. 



276 






«<Sb 



CHAPTER 




DIRECT BENEFITS TO ROAD USERS 



SUMMARY 



1 HE National System of Interstate and Defense Highways will more 
than pay for itself in direct benefits to motorists, realized through lower 
operating costs, fewer accidents, and time saved. In addition, it will 
provide benefits of increased comfort, convenience, and capacity. 

In 1960, operating and accident cost savings totaled 1.69 cents per 
vehicle mile in urban areas and 0.72 cents per rural vehicle mile. Time 
savings amounted to 2.66 cents per urban vehicle mile and 0.98 cents 
per vehicle mile in rural areas. These savings are for vehicles using 
freeways. 

Direct savings to road users in fuel, maintenance and accident re- 
duction will, by 1980, amount to about 2.12 cents per vehicle mile 
in urban areas and about 1.00 cents per vehicle mile in rural areas. 
Estimated 1980 time savings will approximate 2.92 cents per urban 
vehicle mile and 0.98 cents per rural vehicle mile. 

The completed urban Interstate system will afford annual savings 
in operating and accident costs of approximately $4 billion by 1980; 
the rural Interstate should save about $1 billion per year. Thus, 
by 1980, the total operating cost savings from the entire Interstate 
system will exceed $5 billion annually; these annual motoring econo- 
mies will equal about one-eighth of the total cost of the system. 

Annual time savings by 1980 will amount to about four billion 
hours on the complete Interstate system, over three billion hours on 
urban sections, and over a half billion on rural sections of the com- 
pleted Interstate system. If a monetary value were given it would 
exceed $6.5 billion. 

277 



Total savings attributed to all of these economies would approxi- 
mate $12 billion per year for the entire Interstate system; over 9,000 
lives would be saved annually. If the monetary values of time 
saved were also considered, the total 1980 motorist benefits accruing 
from the Interstate system would be equal to almost a third of the 
system's cost. 

The aggregate net benefits, 1961-1980 resulting from completing 
the remaining portion of Interstate highways on schedule would ap- 
proximate $42 billion in operating costs and $56 billion in time sav- 
ings; a total of 75,000 lives would be saved. More than 80 per cent 
of these benefits would accrue in urban areas. Thus, the net savings 
in motor vehicle operating costs and accident reductions would more 
than pay for all sections of the Interstate system not built as of 1960. 

A three-year delay in completing the Interstate system — from 1972 
to 1975 — would amount to aggregate road-user penalties of about 
$10 billion, and would cost about 10,000 lives, prior to completion 
of the system (1961-1975). 

Each mile of urban Interstate highway will average about five times 
the traffic carried by rural routes at two-and-a-half times the unit cost 
benefits. Thus, on a per mile basis, urban Interstate highways will, 
on the average, provide 12 times the benefits afforded by rural 
routes. 

It is clear that substantial benefits will result from early completion 
of the Interstate Highway System, especially in urban areas. Particular 
emphasis should, therefore, be given to completing urban Interstate 
highways as soon as possible. 



Inadequate roads penalize both the motorist and the community. The 
motor vehicle operator is adversely affected by increased operating and ac- 
cident costs, loss of time, discomfort, and inconvenience. The community 
experiences economic losses through decreased land values and lower volumes 
of business. It has often been said that it is not a matter of being able to afford 
good roads, but rather a matter of being able not to afford them. 

278 



The economic consequences of traffic congestion and inadequate roads 
have long been recognized, although it is only recently that they have been 
assessed in monetary terms. For example, the economic losses in London had 
become apparent as early as 1635: "The greatest number of hackney coaches of 
late time seen and kept in London, Westminster and their suburbs, and the 
general and promiscuous use of coaches there, was not only a great disturbance 
to his Majesty . . . and others of place and degree in their passage through the 
streets; but the streets themselves were so pestered and the pavements so 
broken up, that the common passage is thereby hindered and more dangerous; 
and the prices of hay and provender, and other provisions of stable, thereby 
made exceedingly dear."^ 

This chapter evaluates the direct or measurable road-user benefits re- 
sulting specifically from construction of the Interstate highway system. It sets 
forth the penalties resulting from inadequate roads — greater operating 
costs, increased accidents, and loss of time; it relates unit cost differentials to 
anticipated future travel. In developing unit cost values, consideration has 
been given to the many studies and tests that have compared costs of operating 
motor vehicles on freeways with travel on conventional roads and streets. 

Monetary savings in operating, time, and accident costs have been calcu- 
lated for urban and rural Interstate highways. They have been related to 
vehicle miles of travel anticipated under alternate completion dates of the 
system to obtain aggregate cost savings for the entire nation. 

Direct benefits to road users resulting from freeway construction have been 
reported widely. It was anticipated that the Maricopa County (Arizona) 
freeway system would provide annual savings to motorists of about $47 
million by 1980.2 The Schuylkill Expressway in Philadelphia would provide 
about $18 million total annual savings at current levels.^ The California Inter- 
state System would save approximately $8 billion over a 30-year period, more 
than twice the amount of the total interest and principal required to finance 
the system.* Savings to users of the Central Expressway in Dallas were re- 
ported to be sufficient to liquidate the original investment in 10 years.^ 



iBrunner, Christopher, "Roads and Traffic Economic Aspects," Traffic Engineering and 
Control, July, 1960. A proclamation in London in 1635, quoted by R. M. C. Anderson in 
Roads of England. 

2Wilbur Smith and Associates, A Major Street and Highway Plan, Phoenix Urban Area, 
Maricopa County, Arizona, 1960. 

^Gardner, Evan H., Urban Expressway Earnings — A Study of Portions of the Schuylkill 
Expressway — Part I, Pennsylvania Department of Highways, Harrisburg, Pa., 1960. 

*Moyer, Ralph, "User Benefits in California," Journal of the Highway Division, Pro- 
ceedings Paper 875, American Society of Civil Engineers, 1958. 

•'■'Automotive Safety Foundation, What Freeways Mean to Your City, Washington, D. C, 
April, 1957. 

279 



BASIC FACTORS IN HIGHWAY OPERATION 

The Interstate highway system will reduce those vehicle operating costs 
that are susceptible to change through highway improvements. It will directly 
affect the costs of fuel, oil, tires, and maintenance; it will also affect insurance 
charges by reducing the number of accidents. Registration levies, garage fees, 
and depreciation will be generally unaffected by highway conditions. 

Cost of Operating a Car — To the American family, the automobile is a 
sizeable and important capital investment. As shown in Table 59, the cost of 
owning and operating a car approximates 10 cents per vehicle mile, or almost 
six cents per passenger mile, at an occupancy of 1.7 persons per car,'' 



6Cope, E. M., and Liston, L. L., A Discussion of Gasoline Tax Rates and Gasoline Con- 
sumption, U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, January, 1961. 

Table 59 
ESTIMATED COST OF OPERATING A MOTOR VEHICLE^ 

PER CENT 
ITEM CENTS PER MILE OF TOTAL 



Costs Excluding Taxes 

Depreciation 2.54 26.0 

Repairs, Maintenance 1.72 17.6 

Replacement Tires and Tubes .18 1.8 

Accessories .14 1.4 

Gasoline (Except Tax) 1.45 14.9 

Oil .19 2.0 

Insurance 1.29 13.2 

Garaging, Parking, Tolls, etc. 1.08 11.1 

Sub-Total 8.59 88.0 

Taxes and Fees 

GasoHne .70 7.2 

Registration .10 1.0 

Titling and Property .10 1.0 

Oil .01 0.1 

Auto, Tires, Parts, etc _^ 2.7 

Sub-Total 1.17 12.0 

TOTAL OPERATING COST 9.76 100.0 



iSource: Cope, E. M., and Liston, L. L., A Discussion of Gasoline Tax Rates and 
Gasoline Consumption. U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, January, 
1961. Estimated average costs for owning and operating a medium priced 4-door sedan, 
10-year life, 100,000 miles, excluding interest. 

280 



These costs are usually subdivided into fixed costs, and variable costs. Fixed 
costs are related to vehicle ownership and are not materially affected by the 
use of the vehicle. They include depreciation, licenses, insurance, and some 
maintenance. Variable costs are related to the amount and type of vehicle 
use and include fuel, oil, tires, and most maintenance. Exclusive of depreciation, 
garaging, insurance, and license fees, (but including fuel taxes) the variable 
costs approximate 5.3 cents per vehicle mile or slightly over three cents per 
person-mile. 

Studies of Operating Costs — Operating costs will vary according to road- 
way type, design, and location. They will be influenced by size, weight and 
operating characteristics of vehicles; frequency, length, amount, and distribu- 
tion of grades; amount of curvature; speed as influenced by roadway location; 
design conditions, terrain, and traffic volumes; pavement surfaces; and length, 
time, and frequency of stops.^ 

Interstate highways will be designed to high standards and will thereby 
have lower operating costs. They eliminate stop-and-go driving; their grades 
are sUght; they are well surfaced. 

Bureau of Public Roads Studies — Studies of passenger car operation over 
rural freeways or turnpikes and major parallel alternate routes were conducted 
by the Bureau of Public Roads during 1951-1952. The studies showed that 
the freeways afford substantial time savings over parallel routes.^ Fuel con- 
sumption was found to be generally higher on freeways than on parallel routes, 
except where the major highway was congested or had a greater rate of rise 
and fall. However, at comparable speeds, fuel consumption on freeways was 
less than that on parallel major highways.^ 



■^For example, the American Association of State Highway Officials in its Road User 
Benefits Analyses for Highway Improvements, Revised, 1959, showed an average differential 
of about two miles per gallon in fuel consumption between typical gravel roads and concrete 
roads in good condition; assumed a time-differential of three miles per hour between 
gravel surfaces and unpaved roads; and has indicated costs ranging from two cents to six 
cents per stop depending on time stopped and amount of slowdown. Oregon has found 
an average cost of about three cents per stop. 

sSaal, Carl C, "Oi>erating Characteristics of a Passenger Car on Selected Routes," 
Public Roads, Vol. 28, No. 9, U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, 
August, 1955. 

Studies were made on the New Jersey Turnpike, the middle section of the Pennsylvania 
Turnpike, the Maine Turnpike, the western section of the Pennsylvania Turnpike, and the 
Shirley Memorial Highway in Virginia, all rural freeways constructed to approximately the 
same design standards with full access control, grade separations, and maximum grades of 
three per cent. The alternate routes were the commonly traveled roadways between the two 
termini — usually two and four-lane roads with varying widths, surface types, curvatures and 
gradients, and passing through local towns and communities. 

9Fuel consxunption was found to increase as speeds get higher; from 22.5 miles per 
gallon at 20 miles per hour to about 15 miles per gallon at 60 miles per hour. 

281 



The savings in travel time more than offset the cost of additional fuel 
consumption. Travel times on the rural freeways ranged between 43 and 73 per 
cent of the time required on the alternate routes, whereas fuel consumption 
on freeways varied from 96 to 108 per cent of that on arterial routes. 

Turnpike Studies — Studies of motor vehicle operations on the Northern 
Indiana Toll Road and the New York Thruway, summarized in Table 60, show 
that trans-state turnpike travel saves time for all vehicles, as well as fuel for 
commercial vehicles.^" Time savings over both toll-road routes approximated 
0.4 minutes per mile of travel. 

May Study — This study of vehicle operations on limited access highways, 
conducted in 1955, showed no substantial changes in speeds or fuel consump- 
tion on rural Interstate highways as compared with rural routes without control 
of access. Speeds on rural highways were found to average 47.4 miles per 
hour with full access control, and 44.9 miles per hour with no access control.^^ 
Speeds in urban areas were found to be 47.3 miles per hour where access is 
controlled, and 26.4 miles per hour where there is no access control. 

The average time savings in minutes per vehicle mile on controlled access 
routes were found to be 0.07 rural, 0.32 suburban, and 1.00 urban, corresponding 
to average monetary savings of 0.2, 0.9, and 2.8 cents per vehicle mile, respec- 
tively. 

Time Savings — Freeways provide substantial time savings. Measured by 
time, urban freeways can reduce distance by half by separating cross traffic 
through high-type designs, reducing volumes on surface streets, and providing 
direct trip linkages^^ to areas previously not tapped. 

Illustrative Time Savings — In San Antonio, for example, freeway travel 
averages 39.7 miles per hour compared with 13.4 mile-per-hour speeds on 
parallel streets; in Boston, a three-mile trip on the Central Traffic Artery saves 
over 20 minutes; in Chicago, the Congress Expressway saves its users from 
five to twenty minutes on Loop-oriented trips; in Seattle, the Alaskan Way 
saves motorists about eight minutes per trip; and in Houston, the Gulf Freeway 
has saved over three million vehicle hours annually.^^ 



lONorthern Indiana Toll Road Schedule; and Lee, Anita, "Turnpikes Made for Trucks," 
Motor Truck News, September, 1958. 

iiMay, A. D., Jr., "Economics of Operation on Limited — Access Highways," Vehicle 
Operation as Affected by Traffic Control and Highway Type, Highway Research Board, 
BuUetin 107 (1955), p. 55. 

i2For example, the recently completed Northwest Expressway in Chicago traverses 
a gridiron street network diagonally, reducing both time and distance between areas 
served and the central business disticf. 

i3Inform)ation compiled from What Freeways Mean to Your City, Automotive Safety 
Foundation, Washington, D. C. 

282 







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283 



Table 61 

SUMMARY OF TRAVEL TIMES IN NASHVILLE 

1959^ 

WITHOUT INTERSTATE SYSTEM WITH INTERSTATE SYSTEM 



ROAD 
SYSTEM 


Vehicle- 
Hours 


Vehicle- 
Miles 


Per Cent 
of Total 


Vehicle- 
Hours 


Vehicle- 
Miles 


Per Cent 
of Total 


Local 


17,859 


167,344 


6.5 


17,813 


168,050 


6.3 


Arterial 


84,282 


2,421,811 


93.5 


55,923 


1,639,830 


62.2 


Freeways 


— 


— 


100.0 


17,996 
91,732 


830,708 
2,638,588 


31.5 


TOTAL 


102,141 


2,589,155 


100.0 


Index 


1.00 


1.00 




0.90 


1.02 





iSource: Origin-destination studies now underway. Intrazone trips are not indicated 
in the tabulation. 



In Connecticut, speeds on the Merritt Parkway average about 50 miles 
per hour compared to an average of less than 30 miles per hour on the Boston 
Post Road; the 75-mile trip from New York City to New Haven saves about 
one hour and 20 minutes via the Connecticut and New York Parkways.^* 

Nashville — A summary of 1959 travel in Nashville, shown in Table 61, 
clearly indicates the time savings resulting from freeway operation.^^ Present 
travel on existing streets consumes a daily total of 102,141 vehicle-hours, 
at an average speed of about 25 m.p.h. and an average trip duration of about 9.5 
minutes. An over-all reduction of about 10 per cent in total vehicle hours of 
travel would result from constructing the proposed 56-mile freeway system, de- 
spite a two-per-cent increase in total vehicle miles of travel. The over-all average 
speed would increase about 14 per cent (to almost 29 m.p.h. from the present 
25 m.p.h.) and the average freeway user would save about four minutes per 
trip. 



i*Halsey, Maxwell, Editor, A Study of the Economics of Automotive Transportation, 
Bureau for Street Traffic Research, Yale University, Unpublislhied, 1949^. 

I5ln 1959, the 225-square-mile Nashville urbanized area had a population of 357,000, 
and 648,000 daily vehicular trips were reported within the study area of which about 151,000 
(23 per cent) were assignable to freeways. Interzone trips totaled 540,000 and aggregated 
2,589,155 vehicle miles daily — nearly live miles per trip. The proposed freeways would 
carry almost one third of the urban area's 1959 traffic and would reduce arterial street 
volumes accordingly whereas travel on local streets would remain relatively constant. 

284 



Values of Time Saved — It is generally recognized that time savings for 
commercial vehicles have a tangible monetary value. Similarly, passenger cars 
used for commercial purposes should have a monetary value assigned to their 
time saved, and evidence is also increasing for the placement of a monetary 
value on the time saved by all passenger cars. 

Several indications support placing a monetary value on passenger car time 
saved; in all study cities a large proportion, usually about 50 per cent, of pas- 
senger car trips are for work or business.^^ 

Time savings are used as a basis for assigning traffic to freeways; usually, 
the time difference between alternate routes represents a reliable assignment 
factor; more than one half of all freeway trips in the study cities showed a 
savings in time over trips via the alternate route. 

Motorists are often willing to pay a toll to travel on turnpikes where the 
principal benefit is time saved: studies by the Bureau of Public Roads have 
shown that 80 per cent of the trips by passenger cars on the Maine and Penn- 
sylvania Turnpikes accrue a time advantage.^** Similar experiences are found 
along the Connecticut Turnpike which more than halves the driving time along 
the parallel route, U. S. 1. 

Generally accepted time-cost values of $3.00 per hour for commercial 
vehicles and $1.35 per hour for passenger cars have been used in this study. 

Accidents — The aggi-egate cost of highway accidents is determined by 
the number of accidents, the average accident severity, and the unit monetary 
value of the losses. The first two factors may be modified by changes in road 
conditions, whereas the third depends on the general level of the economy. 

In a single year, more than 17.5 million U. S. drivers are involved in about 
10 million motor vehicle accidents. In 1959, there were 37,800 deaths and 1.4 
milHon injuries disabling beyond a day. 

Since 1950, the total number of accidents has increased about 23 per cent 
from 8.3 to 10.2 million; and the number of fatal accidents has increased six 
per cent, from 32,300 to about 34,450. The fatality rate per hundred milUon 
motor vehicle miles has declined continually from 15.6 in 1933 to 5.4 in 1959, 
largely as a result of improved driver education, better roads, and increasing 
proportions of freeway travel in urban areas. 

Accident Costs — The costs of motor vehicle accidents in the United States, 
have steadily increased from about $3.1 billion annually in 1950 to $6.2 billion 



i'K)'Flaherty, Daniel, "Pennsylvania Turnpike Analysis," Public Roads, Vol. 28, No. 10, 
U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Oct., 1955, pp. 203-223. 

285 



in 1959, totaling over $45 billion in the 10-year period.^" The increases reflect 
the inflationary trend experienced since the end of World War II and the 
20 per cent increase of the total number of accidents since 1950. 

Between 1950 and 1959, travel aggregated 5,800 bilHon vehicle miles. The 
average accident cost per vehicle mile amounted to 0.78 cents, increasing from 
0.68 cents in 1950 to 0.89 cents in 1959. 

Trends in accident costs per vehicle mile of travel have been projected to 
1980 in Figure 115. The 1960 cost is estimated at 0.90 cents per vehicle mile; 
it is expected to increase to approximately 1.20 cents per vehicle mile by 1970, 
and 1.30 cents per vehicle mile by 1980. 

Accident Cost Savings — Freeways have constantly been found to be safer 
than routes of lower design standards. For example, the average 1959 fatality 
rate on toll roads was 2.8 deaths per hundred million vehicle miles compared 
with 5.4 for all the nation's roads and streets. Thus, toll roads represent a 
saving of about 2.6 fatalities per hundred milUon vehicle miles of travel. They 
serve about 120 hundred milHon miles of travel annually, thereby saving over 300 
lives each year. 

Comprehensive studies of acci- 
dent frequency and fatality rates 
were conducted by the Bureau of 
Public Roads in 30 different states 
and involving about 27 billion ve- 
hicle miles of travel on 2,590 miles 
of highway.^^ Results of these 
studies, depicted in Figure 116, 
clearly show that control of access 
substantially reduces accidents and 
fatalities. Urban freeways are 
twice as safe as city streets in 
terms of fatalities, and about three 
times in terms of total accidents. 




Figure 115 

Trends in Accident Costs 

Per Vehicle Mile 



i7National Safety Council, Accident 
Facts, yearly editions. Data report trends 
for United States. Accident costs include 
property damage caused by motor ve- 
hicle accidents, medical and hospital ex- 
penses, wages lost because of temporary 
disability, the present value of future 
wages lost because of permanent dis- 
ability or death, and overhead cost of 
insiurance. These are detailed in Table 
A-40, Appendix C. 

iSHouse Document No. 93, The Fed- 
eral Role in Highway Safety, 86th 
Congress, 1st Session. 



286 



ACCESS control: 



e.T 



526 





RURAL 



URBAN 



RURAL 



URBAN 



ACCIDENTS PER 100 MILLION VEHICLE MILES 



FATALITIES PER 100 MILLION VEHICLE MILES 



Figure 116 
Effect of Access Control on Accidents and Fatalities 



Urban roadways with full control of access have a fatality rate of two 
per hundred million vehicle miles compared with a fatality rate of four per 
hundred million vehicle miles where access is not controlled; rural limited- 
access facilities have a fatality rate of 3.3 per hundred milHon vehicle miles; 
with no control of access, the corresponding value is 8.7. Thus, as shown in 
Table 62, urban freeways save about two lives per hundred million vehicle miles, 
whereas rural freeways save over five lives per hundred million vehicle miles. 



Table 62 
FREEWAY FATALITY SAVINGSi 



TYPE AREA 

Urban 

Rural... 



FATALITIES PER HUNDRED 
MILLION VEHICLE MILES 



No Access Control 

4.0 

8.7 



Full Access Control 

2.0 
3.3 



SAVINGS 

FROM 

FULL 

ACCESS 

CONTROL 



2.0 

5.4 



iSource: House Document No. 93, The Federal Role in Highway Safety, 86th 
Congress, 1st Session. 



287 



Comparative studies of freeway accidents during 1959 on the Congress, Calu- 
met, and Edens Expressways in Cook County, Illinois, show an average fatality 
rate of 1.6 per hundred million vehicle miles, compared with the national average 
of 2.0 for all urban freeways.^^ 

Comprehensive studies of accidents on arterials and expressways in the 
Chicago area found that 100,000 vehicles traveling on a mile of expressway daily 
will have 290 fewer property damage accidents per year and 98 fewer personal 
injury accidents than vehicles traveling the same distance on arterial streets.'^ 
Direct accident costs per year ( 1958 ) for travel on a mile of expressway with 
traffic volumes of 100,000 vehicles per day were found to be about $160,000 
lower than costs for the same travel on an arterial system — a direct cost saving 
of 0.49 cents per vehicle mile. Accident rates appeared to increase with traffic 
volumes; they tended to be high near the central part of the city, and tended to 
decrease toward the city limits, perhaps reflecting the effects of traffic satura- 
tion near downtown. 

In Massachusetts, extensive studies have developed detailed analyses of 
accident involvement, severity, and costs, as related to location, driver, and 
roadway type.^^ The average direct cost of all accidents was found to be 0.43 
cents per vehicle mile with urban accidents costing 0.76 cents, and rural accidents 
0.11 cents. Eighty-seven per cent of the direct costs resulted from accidents 
occurring in urban areas. 

The relation between accident costs, traffic volumes and types of road, as 
found in Massachusetts studies are depicted in Figure 117. Mile for mile, con- 
trolled access highways accommodated the same volume of traffic as conven- 
tional arterials with a far lower accident cost. The yearly accident cost per 
mile of freeways varied linearly with traffic volumes, whereas the cost of acci- 
dents per mile of uncontrolled highways tended to increase more rapidly as 
volumes increase. The study showed a yearly saving in accident costs on the 
controlled-access roads of $18,000 per mile at a volume of 10,000 vehicles per 



i9"Cook County Report on Expressway Accident Pattern," Street Engineering, September, 
1960. See Table A-41, Appendix C. 

20Hoch, Irving, Accident Experience — Expressways vs. Arterials, Chicago Area Trans- 
portation Study, 1959. 

2iDunman, Robie, "The Economic Cost of Traffic Accidents in Relation to the Human 
Element," and Twombly, Bernard, B., "The Economic Cost of Traffic Accidents in Relation 
lo the Highway System," in Public Roads, June, 1960, Volume 31, Number 2, U. S. Depart- 
ment of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, based on studies conducted in 1955 and 1958 
by the Massachusetts Department of Public Works and the Massachusetts Registry of 
Motor Vehicles. 

288 





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Figure 117 

Accident Costs Related to 

Control of Access in Massachusetts 



289 



day, and $68,000 at 25,000 per day. Annual savings in accident costs resulting 
from control of access and other features of freeway design ranged from 70 
to 80 per cent. When volumes were over 15,000 cars per day, freeway accident 
savings amounted to 80 per cent of the accident costs. 

Experiences in California corroborate the Massachusetts findings. California 
freeways were found to have about one fifth the accident rate and costs, as 
experienced on city streets. ^^ They tend, therefore, to corroborate the experi- 
ences found in Massachusetts. 

Suggested Accident Savings — Based on the preceding analyses, it has been 
assumed that accident costs on freeways will be about 20 per cent of those on 
city streets and rural highways — a saving of 80 per cent. At 1960 levels, the 
accident cost savings should, therefore, approximate 0.72 cents per vehicle mile; 
by 1975, these savings should be over 1.0 cent per vehicle mile. 

FREEWAY COST SAVINGS 

The savings in operating costs, accidents, and travel time resulting from 
freeway use have been summarized in Tables 63 and 64 for some of the more 
recent studies. It may be seen that the benefits on urban freeways resulting 
from improved operating and accident costs range from 1.13 to 2.50 cents per 
vehicle mile; when time is included for passenger and commercial vehicles, the 
savings approximate four cents per vehicle mile. Savings on rural freeways 
result mainly from time benefits and amount to almost one cent per vehicle mile. 

Variables in Previous Studies — A 1951 study by Moyer estimated that free- 
ways in California would save about four cents per mile,^^ 1.25 cents saved in 
fuel consumption, tire and brake wear; 1.25 cents per vehicle mile saved on 
accidents, and 1.50 cents saved per vehicle mile in time for commercial vehicles 
and all passenger car drivers paid to drive during working hours. 2* 



22Moyer, Ralph A., Effect of Freeways and Expressways on Transportation Costs, 
1951, University of California; Winter, Hugo H., "Experiences in Los Angeles," Proceedings 
Paper 874, Journal of the Highway Division, American Society of Civil Engineers, 1958; 
Moyer, Ralph A., "User Benefits in California," Proceedings Paper 875, Journal of the 
Highway Division, American Society of Civil Engineers, 1958. 

23Moyer, Ralph A., Effect of Freeways and Expressways on Transportation Costs, 1951, 
University of California. 

2^The accident cost saving was based on the finding that arteries in California have 
about double the 0.75 cent accident cost for all travel in the area, with freeways having 
about one fifth the accident rate experienced on city streets. Time costs, assuming 40-mile- 
per-hour travel on freeways, and 20 miles per hour on streets, were found to be 2.5 cents 
on all facilities, three cents per vehicle mile on city streets, and 1.5 centts per vehicle 
mile on freeways. 

290 



Table 63 
FREEWAY COST SAVINGS IN URBAN AREAS^ 

SAVINGS IN CENTS PER VEHICLE MILE 











STUDY 






ITEM 


Moyer 
1951 

1.25 

1.25 

2.50 

1.50 
4.00 


Detroit 
1953 

0.71 

0.76 

1.47 

2.25 
3.72 


Los 

Angeles 

1953 

0.572 

0.56 

1.13 

3.03 
4.16 


Auto Club 

of Southern 

California 

1954 


Moyer 
1955 


Operating Costs.. 
Accident Costs 


0.53 

_4 

0.53 

3.666 
4.19 


0.883 
0.60 


Sub-Total . 




1.48 


Time Savings for Commercial 
and Passenger Vehicles''.—. 

TOTAL 


2.687 
4.16 









iSources: Compiled from Moyer, Ralph A., "Effect of Freeways and Expressways on 
Transportation Costs," 1951, University of California; Winter, Hugo H., "Experiences in 
Los Angeles," Proceedings Paper 874, Journal of the Highway Division, American Society of 
Civil Engineers, 1958; Moyer, Ralph A., "User Benefits in California," Proceedings Paper 875, 
Journal of the Highway Division, American Society of Civil Engineers, 1958. Engineering 
Department, Automobile Club of Southern California, An Appraisal of Freeways versus 
Surface Streets in the Los Angeles Metropolitan Area, August, 1954. 

2Does not include conmiercial vehicle operating losses, per se. 

30. 52 (f /vehicle mile for passenger cars and 3.54^/vehicle mile for tnicks and buses. 

*Not itemized. 

STime savings for commercial and passenger vehicles have been prorated to all traffic 
and then totaled. 

6A11 vehicles at $1.20 per hour. 

712 per cent trucks at $3.00/hour, 3.18^/velhicIe mile; and 88 per cent cars at $1.35/hour, 
2.61^/vehicle mile. 



A 1953 study of freeway benefits in the Los Angeles area shows freeways 
move three times as much traffic in one half the time with approximately one 
fifth the risk of an accident, and that the average freeway savings totaled 4.16 
cents per mile, including 1.13 cents per vehicle mile savings in fuel, maintenance 
and accidents; 0.87 cents per vehicle mile time savings in commercial vehicles 
prorated to all traffic and 2.16 cents per vehicle mile for passenger car driver- 
time savings.2^ 



25Winter, Hugo, "Experiences in Los Angeles," Proceedings Paper 874, Journal of the 
Highway Division, American Society of Civil Engineers, 1958. 

291 



Table 64 
FREEWAY COST SAVINGS IN RURAL AREASi 

CENTS PER VEHICLE MILE 

Mayer 
Prorated 
Moyer to 20 Per Cent May 

ITEM 1955 Trucks 1955 

No Change 

Operating Costs -- -0.66^ -0.60^ in Fuel 

Consumption 

Accident Costs -.. .- 060 060 

Sub-Total -0.06 0.00 

Time Savings for Commercial 

and Passenger Vehicles^ . 0.89 0.98 

TOTAL... 0.83 0.98 



Sources: Moyer, Ralph A., "User Benefits in California," Proceedings Paper 875, 
Joi^rnal of the Highway Division, American Society of Civil Engineers, 1958; and May, A. D., 
Jr., "Economics of Operation on Limited-Access Highways," Vehicle Operation as Affected 
by Traffic Control and Highway Type, Highway Research Board, Bulletin 107 (1955), p. 55. 

i0.75(f for passenger cars prorated to all traffic and 1.90^ for commercial veiiicles pro- 
rated to all traffic. 

20.75^ for passenger cars prorated to all traffic. 

•^20 per cent commercial vehicles. 

^Time savings for commercial and passenger veliicles have been prorated to all traffic 
and then totaled. 



A more recent study in Los Angeles found an over-all saving of 4.16 cents 
per vehicle mile for all traffic using freeways: passenger cars, with time value 
saved 3.73 cents per vehicle mile; passenger cars without time value, 1.12 cents; 
trucks, 9.93 cents; and pickups, 4.66 cents.^^ 

Test runs conducted by the Automobile Club of Southern California in 1954 
showed savings of 0.531 cents per mile on gas and operating costs, and 3.663 
cents per mile on time costs (at two cents per minute ).2^ 



26Aldrich, Lloyd, A Study of Freeway System Benefits, Report to the Los Angeles Board 
of Public Works, Los Angeles, California, September, 1954. 

2'7Engineering Department, Automobile Club of Soutliern California, An Appraisal 
of Freeways versus Surface Streets in the Los Angeles Metropolitan Area, August, 1954. 
See Table A-42, Appendix C. 

292 



A study by Ralph Moyer in 1955, in which operating and time cost savings 
were calculated for both passenger and commercial vehicles, showed over-all 
savings of 4.16 cents per vehicle mile on urban freeways and 0.83 cents per mile 
on rural freeways, assuming 12 per cent commercial vehicles in traffic.-** Urban 
vehicle operating and accident costs totaled 1.48 cents per vehicle mile, whereas 
no savings were reported in operating and accident costs on rural freeways. 

Recommended Unit Cost Values — Anticipated unit road user cost savings 
that will accrue from use of Interstate highways and other freeways are graph- 
ically summarized in Figure 118. These unit savings, detailed in Tables 65 and 
66 for urban and rural areas, respectively, are consistent with values currently 
in use. Cost values are indicated for both 1960 and 1975-1980 conditions.^^ 



28Moyer, Ralplh A., "User Benefits in California," Proceedings Paper 875, Journal of the 
Highway Division, American Society of Civil Engineers, 1958. Urban veliicle operating 
cost savings were found to be 0.52 cents per vehicle mile for passenger cars; 3.54 cents 
for trucks and buses; and 0.88 cents for all vehicles. Accident cost savings of 0.6 cents per 
mile were based on the saving experienced on Los Angeles freeways and were 80 per cent 
of the total accident costs per vehicle mile found for all traffic in the Los Angeles area. 

29In subsequent calculations of accumulative benefits for the 20-year period, interpolations 
were made between these years. 



m 



4.35 




•LEGEND- 

_PASSENGER VEHICLE 
TIME SAVINGS 

_COMMERCIAL VEHICLE 
TIME SAVINGS 

OPERATING AND 
"accident SAVINGS 



5.04 







URBAN RURAL 

I960 



URBAN RURAL 

1975-80 



Figure 118 
Freeway Cost Savings 
(Cents Per Vehicle Mile) 



293 



Table 65 

RECOMMENDED FREEWAY COST SAVINGS IN URBAN AREAS^ 

C£NrS PER VEHICLE MILE'^ 
ITEM I960 1975-1980 

Operating Costs ._. 0.97 1.123 

Accident Costs 0.72^ l.OQa 

Sub-Total .. 1.69 2.12 

Time Savings for Commercial 

and Passenger Vehicles^ 2.66^ 2.92« 

TOTAL 4.35 5.04 



iSource: Estimated from analyses of various cost studies. 
2Assumes 15 per cent commercial vehicles. 

8Adjusted to reflect 15 per cent increase in operating costs 1960 to 1975. 
*0.8 of assumed 1960 accident cost of 0.90 cents per vehicle mile. 
SAverage savings 1975-1980. 

fiTime savings for commercial and passenger vehicles have been prorated to all traffic 
and then totaled. 

^Assumes all vehicles save 1.0 minute per mile. 
^Assumes all vehicles save 1.0 minute per mile. 



Table 66 
RECOMMENDED FREEWAY COST SAVINGS IN RURAL AREAS^ 

CENTS PER VEHICLE MILE^ 



ITEM 


1960 


1975-1980 


Operating Costs 


0.00 


0.00 


Accident Costs 


0.72 


1.00 


Sub-Total 


0.72 


1.00 


Time Savings for Commercial 

and Passenger Vehicles^ 


0.98* 


0.98* 


TOTAL 


1.70 


1.98 









^Source: Estimated from analyses of various cost studies. 

2Assumes 20 per cent commercial vehicles in rural traffic. 

3Time savings for commercial and. passenger vehicles have been prorated to all traffic 
and then totaled. 

^Assumes all veihicles save 0.33 minutes per mile. 

294 



Time Savings — Freeway time savings will total 1.0 minute per mile in 
urban areas in 1960, and should increase to 1.1 minutes per mile by 1975-80. 
Freeway time savings in rural areas will average 0.33 minutes per mile. 

Lives Saved — Freeways are expected to save two lives per hundred million 
vehicle miles in urban areas and 5.4 lives per hundred milHon vehicle miles in 
rural areas. 

Cost Savings - 1960 — Direct savings to road users in fuel, maintenance, and 
accident costs in 1960 will amount to about 1.70 cents per vehicle mile in urban 
areas and about 0.72 cents per vehicle mile in rural areas. 

Estimated 1960 time savings will approximate 2.66 cents per urban vehicle 
mile and 0.98 cents per Riral vehicle mile. (These values are based on expected 
savings of one minute per urban vehicle mile and about a third of a minute per 
rural vehicle mile.) Thus, the total 1960 cost savings amount to 4.35 cents per 
urban vehicle mile and 1.70 cents per rural vehicle mile. 

Cost Savings - 1975-1980 — In anticipating 1975-1980 cost savings, accident 
costs were projected in accordance with the previously cited trends. Some al- 
lowances were also made for increases in fuel and maintenance costs. No changes 
were made in the unit-time costs; future benefits resulting from time saved may, 
therefore, be somewhat conservative. 

Direct savings to road users in operating costs will, by 1980, amount to about 
2.12 cents per vehicle mile in urban areas and 1.00 cents per vehicle mile in 
rural areas. Estimated 1980 time savings will approximate 2.92 cents per urban 
vehicle mile and 0.60 cents per rural vehicle mile. Total 1980 savings will, there- 
fore, approximate 5 cents per vehicle mile in urban areas and 2 cents per vehicle 
mile in rural areas, 

DIRECT BENEFITS OF INTERSTATE HIGHWAYS 

Unit cost-savings that accrue on express highways have been related to the 
anticipated future travel on the Interstate system. Total benefits arising from 
savings in operating costs and time have been computed. The results of these 
calculations are presented in Tables 67 through 72. 

Over-all System Savings — By 1980, the completed urban Interstate system 
will afford annual savings in operating and accident costs of about $4.0 billion; 
the rural Interstate highways should save about one billion dollars. Thus, 
the total savings resulting from the entire Interstate system will exceed $5 
billion annually. These motoring cost savings would equal the total cost of 
the system in about eight years. 

295 



As shown in Table 67, by 1980 the annual time savings will amount to 
3.4 billion hours on urban sections and over half a billion hours on rural sections 
of the completed Interstate system. If a monetary value were given to these time 
savings, they would aggregate over $6.5 billion annually by 1980. 

By 1980, the total annual savings from all of these economies would 
approximate $12 billion for the entire Interstate system. These total yearly 
motorist benefits would be equal to almost a third of the system's entire cost. 

It is anticipated that the Interstate system will save over 9,500 lives annually 
by 1980. This is more than one fourth of the total annual loss of 38,000 lives on 
highways in the nation today. 

Savings if System Were Complete in 1960 — The savings that would result 
today if the entire Interstate system were in operation are shown in Table 68. 
If the complete urban Interstate system were in operation today, it would afford 
an annual savings in operating and accident costs of $1.6 billion, and time 
benefits totaling almost $2.5 billion. The rural sections of the Interstate 
system would afford savings of $0.6 billion in operating and accident costs, 
and $0.8 billion in time saved. The total savings would be approximately 
$5.6 billion: $2.2 billion in operating costs and $3.4 billion in time. Over 3,600 
lives would be saved annually. 



Table 67 

ANTICIPATED BENEFITS IN 1980 OF COMPLETED 
INTERSTATE SYSTEM^ 

LOCATION 



ITEM Urban Rural TOTAL 

Miles of Annual Travel on Interstate System 

(BilHons) 188.0 107.5 295.5 

Operating Cost Savings (Billions of Dollars).. $ 4.0 $ 1.1 $ 5.1 

Time Cost Savings (Billions of Dollars) $ 5.5 $ 1.1 $ 6.6 

Total Savings (Billions of Dollars) $ 9.5 $ 2.2 $11.7 

Hours Saved ( Bilhons ) 3.4 0.6 4.0 

Lives Saved 3,760 5,805 9,565 



iSource: Calculated from 1980 travel detailed in Appendix A, with Interstate system 
completed. 

296 



Table 68 

ESTIMATED BENEFITS IN 1960 IF INTERSTATE SYSTEM 
HAD BEEN COMPLETED^ 

LOCATION 
ITEM Urban Rural TOTAL 

Miles of Annual Travel on Interstate System 

(Billions) 92.2 87.2 179.4 

Operating Cost Savings (Billions of Dollars) - $ 1.6 $ 0.6 $ 2.2 

Time Cost Savings (Billions of Dollars) $ 2.5 $ 0.9 $ 3.4 

Total Savings (Billions of Dollars) $ 4.1 $ 1.5 $ 5.6 

Hours Saved (Billions) 1.5 0.5 2.0 

Lives Saved 1,844 4,709 6,553 



iSource: Calculated from 1960 travel detailed in Appendix A, with Interstate system 
completed. 



Savings Potential to Incompleted Portions — Approximately one third of the 
Interstate system is currently in operation. The benefits that would accrue from 
travel on the existing Interstate highways in 1980, assuming no additional con- 
struction (shown in Table 69) would total $3.6 billion; operating benefits 
would total $1.6 billion and time benefits $2.0 billion. 

The 1980 net benefits that would accrue from completing the remainder 
of the system (summarized in Table 70) would amount to over $3.5 billion 
in operating costs savings and $4.6 billion in time cost savings, totaling $8.1 
billion. Almost 6,000 lives would be saved annually.^o 

Accumulative Savings Resulting from Interstate System — The net benefits 
resulting from normal and stretched-out construction of the Interstate system 
are compared in Tables 71 and 72. 

On-Schedule Construction Net Benefits — Construction of the remaining 
Interstate highways according to present schedules would result in their com- 
pletion by 1972. The accumulative net benefits in time and operating cost savings 
between 1961 and 1980 resulting from this program are graphically depicted in 



*<nrable 70 represents the difference between Table 67 and 69. 

297 



Table 69 

ANTICIPATED BENEFITS IN 1980 OF EXISTING 

INTERSTATE HIGHWAYS^ 

(No Additional Interstate Construction After 1960) 

LOCATION 
ITEM Urban Rural TOTAL 

Miles of Annual Travel on Interstate System 

(Billions) 52.0 48.4 100.4 

Operating Cost Savings (Billions of Dollars). . $ 1.1 $ 0.5 $ 1.6 

Time Cost Savings (Billions of Dollars) $ 1.5 $ 0.5 $ 2.0 

Total Savings (Billions of Dollars) $ 2.6 $ 1.0 $ 3.6 

Hours Saved (Billions)... 1.0 0.3 1.3 

Lives Saved 1,040 2,614 3,654 

iSource: Galculated from 1960 travel detailed in Appendix A, assuming no additional 
Interstate construction after 1960. 

Table 70 

ANTICIPATED NET BENEFITS IN 1980 RESULTING FROM 
COMPLETION OF REMAINDER OF INTERSTATE SYSTEM^ 

LOCATION 
ITEM Urban Rural TOTAL 

Miles of Annual Travel on Interstate System 

(Billions) 136.0 59.1 95.1 

Operating Cost Savings (Billions of Dollars)... $ 2.9 $ 0.6 <? 3.5 

Time Cost Savings (Billions of Dollars) $ 4.0 $ 0.6 $ 4.6 

Total Savings (Billions of Dollars) $ 6.9 $ 1.2 $ 8.1 

Hours Saved (Billions). 2.4 0.3 2.7 

Lives Saved 2,720 3,191 5,911 

ISource: Calculated by subtracting Table 69 from Table 67. The table shows net 
benefits that would result from additional 1980 travel over the sections of Interstate system not 
yet available. 

298 



Figure 119 on a year-by-year basis and are also summarized in Figure 120. 
Within this 20-year period, urban operating and accident savings would total 
$34.2 billion and rural operating savings, $7.9 billion. Thus, the total savings 
in fuel consumption, maintenance, and accidents would aggregate $42.1 billion. 
These net savings would more than pay for completion of all sections of the 
Interstate system not built as of 1960. 

The accumulated monetary value of time savings by passenger and com- 
mercial vehicles would amount to $48.2 billion in urban areas and $8.2 billion 
in rural areas, totaling $56.4 billion. 

Thus, completion of the Interstate system by 1972 according to schedule will 
save the nation's motorists almost $100 billion in fewer accidents, greater 
operating economy, and time saved in the next 20 years. Eighty-four per cent 
of the aggregate benefits will accrue on urban sections of the Interstate system. 

In addition, approximately 75,000 lives would be saved — an average of 
almost 4,000 per year. The aggregate savings in human lives represent about 
twice the present annual fatality toll. 































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Figure 119 
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Normal Construction Program 



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$ 98.5 BILLION S 98.5 BILLION 

OPERATING AND TIME SAVINGS URBAN AND RURAL SAVINGS 



Figure 120 
Summary of Cumulative Net Benefits of Interstate Highway System 

1961 TO 1980 
Normal Construction Program 



302 



Effect of a Stretch-out — The aggregate benefits, with a three-year stretch- 
out from 1972 to 1975 in completion of Interstate highway construction, would 
be somewhat less. Accumulative 1961-1980 operating cost savings would 
likely amount to 31.3 billion dollars in urban areas and 6.7 billion dollars in 
rural areas, totaling about 38 billion dollars. The time savings would amount 
to approximately 44.1 bilhon dollars in urban areas and 6.8 billion in rural areas 
over the 20-year period. Total benefits would approximate 88.9 billion dollars. 
Approximately 65,000 lives would be saved. 

Thus, there could he substantial motorist penalties from a three-year stretch- 
out in Interstate highway construction. Operating cost penalties resulting from 
this delay (i.e. gains accruing from on-schedule completion) would amount to 
approximately $4.1 billion between 1961 and completion of the system in 
1975 ($2.9 billion urban and $1.2 billion rural). Time penalties would amount 
to approximately $4.1 billion urban and $1.4 billion rural. 

The three-year stretch-out in completion of the Interstate system, from 
1972 to 1975, would probably cost the nations motorists approximately 10 
billion dollars in motoring cost penalties. It is anticipated that 10,000 lives 
would be lost as a result of the three-year stretch-out. 

Summary and Qualifications — These preceding analyses of road-user sav- 
ings clearly indicate that the nation's motorists will enjoy substantial savings 
from Interstate highway construction. These savings, in the aggregate, will 
more than pay for the cost of construction of the system, especially in urban 
areas. They clearly show that the benefits accruing from urban Interstate 
highways will be so great that early completion of these segments is essential. 

Each mile of urban Interstate highway will carry about five times the 
traffic with unit-cost benefits two and a half times as great as on rural Inter- 
state highways. On a per-mile basis, urban Interstate highways will on the 
average, therefore, provide 12 times the benefits that will be afforded by rural 
routes. There can be no doubt that the urban routes wiU more than pay for 
themselves and are far more economical when measured in terms of their total 
utilization. 

While the cost-saving analyses show in a generalized way the direct mone- 
tary benefits of Interstate highway construction, these benefits may be con- 
sidered somewhat conservative, particularly on urban sections. Future advances 
in Interstate highway design (such as further elimination of roadside obstacles) 
may make freeways even safer than at present;^^ unreported accidents not re- 



3iStonex, K. A. — Scientific Design for Safer Motoring, Presented at the Greenbrier 
Meeting, Detroit Section — Society of Automotive Engineers, September, 1960. 

303 



fleeted in accident cost values, will also be reduced; removal of traffic from 
key arterials will achieve a reduction in accidents greater than indicated, since 
accidents along arterials increase more than proportionately with increasing vol- 
umes. Without urban Interstate highways,, arterial street congestion would usual- 
ly intensify, thereby increasing operating and time costs; in addition, many sec- 
tions of the Interstate system will afford savings in actual travel distances, and 
thereby multiply road-user benefits. 

In the aggregate, these additional savings will tend to increase Interstate 
highway benefits beyond the reductions that may result from adverse travel dis- 
tances and increased trip lengths. 

GENERAL ROAD-USER BENEFITS 

Interstate highways and other freeways also provide motorists with im- 
portant intangible road-user benefits that further justify their construction. 
In addition to direct benefits to motorists in time saved, lower operating costs, 
and accident savings, freeways provide increased comfort and convenience; they 
often prove economical in terms of capacity gained. 

Comfort and Convenience — Freeway travel is convenient, permitting con- 
tinuous free-flow. While it is difficult to evaluate comfort and convenience in 
quantitative terms, they are important considerations. The convenience of fast, 
easy travel and the comfort of steady, conflict-free flow may relieve driver 
tension. These values are demonstrated by many motorists who drive greater 
distances, sometimes with little or no time saved, to gain the pleasures of re- 
laxed freeway driving. The unprecedented use of many toll roads also indi- 
cates the values attached to comfort and convenience. 

A freeway providing uninterrupted travel to a central business district ren- 
ders a service to the motorist that may transcend values of direct operating 
cost savings. Downtown areas will benefit from the removal of non-productive 
through traffic from their streets, and from greater market potentials as meas- 
ured by driving time. 

Capacity Attained — Freeways provide greater capacity than can be at- 
tained by conventional street widenings and often minimize the need for dis- 
ruptive street widenings. Freeways may cost less per unit of capacity gained. 
For example, widening of roads from two to four lanes in Phoenix cost up to 
$500 per unit of capacity gained, whereas freeways cost up to about $300 per 
unit of capacity gained. Cost-benefit ratios for heavily traveled freeways are 
often higher than for alternate arterial routes despite their greater construction 
costs. 

304 



T 



CHAPTER 




10 



GENERAL BENEFITS 

of 

INTERSTATE HIGHWAYS 

SUMMARY 

jyi ODERN highways have a far-reaching effect on the hves of every- 
one, whether or not an actual highway user. Directly and indirectly, 
they are beneficial to communities and individuals in making readily 
available materials and services essential to daily life. Unquestionably, 
they have effected revolutionary social and economic changes; they 
have a vital impact on contemporary living. Relative ease of travel 
has stimulated suburbanization and reoriented industrial and residen- 
tial development, giving new freedom of movement to the worker, 
the shopper, the student. 

The role of the Interstate system in the total highway plan is ex- 
tremely important. As a basic avenue of communication traversing 
all sections of the country, it will contribute to the general welfare 
of the local community and the nation as a whole. It will stimulate 
commerce between principal centers of population and industry, 
facilitate the overland movement of military personnel and equipment, 
and encourage industrial expansion. 

Within metropolitan areas, urban Interstate highways will improve 
mobility and increase job and residential opportunities. They will 
encourage orderly community development by delineating basic land 
uses and transportation patterns, and by facilitating the containment 
of specific land-use areas. 

Interstate highways can sharply affect land use, land values, em- 
ployment and commuting patterns, local government, taxes, schools 
and every other aspect of life within their zones of influence. They 

305 



encourage and channel low-density development; they increase land 
values of remote areas by reducing driving times; they are catalysts 
to industrial location and expansion. Their shorter driving times make 
long-distance commuting attractive, thereby extending and reorienting 
the labor market. By making markets more accessible, they extend 
trading areas; by removing through traffic from shopping streets, they 
aid business sections of cities. 

Higher property values resulting from new freeways increase tax 
returns to government, which, in effect, may reimburse taxpayers for 
original highway expenditures. For example, the gain in taxable prop- 
erty and retail business in the counties served by the Garden State 
Parkway is twice that of New Jersey's remaining 11 counties. 

Interstate highways will bring the farmer closer to market, and 
will further extend the conveniences of urban life to the farm. 

The economic and social advantages afforded by the Interstate 
system are also reflected in the public services rendered by all 
levels of government — federal, state, county and municipal. Public 
health, education, fire and police protection, public library and postal 
services are just a few of the many activities that benefit from good 
highways. 

Interstate highways will increasingly broaden opportunities for cul- 
tural, religious and recreational activity. Increased mobility and ac- 
cessibility will encourage and permit the extension of travel, reduce 
transportation costs, and thereby contribute to the national welfare. 



1 HE economy and culture of a modern nation is heavily dependent upon 
the linkages provided through transportation and communication. National 
progress is geared to the effective movement of people and commodities between 
different parts of the country. Where communication is slow, difficult, and 
costly, development of the full economic potential of an area is delayed be- 
cause it cannot meet competition of other areas. Reorientation of the economic 
structure of a nation follows each improvement in transportation that revises 
the internal competitive status of one region with another. 

306 



Modern highways are a basic component of the nation's communication 
system. Each year an increasing number of people and a growing flow of 
goods depend on highways for necessary day-to-day functions. The Interstate 
system of highways is the latest and most modern element in the national high- 
way network. 

This chapter summarizes some of the benefits provided by good roads to 
the national economy and welfare — it reiterates the significance of the Inter- 
state system in stimulating commerce between principal centers of popula- 
tion and industry throughout the country, in encouraging the efficient location 
of industry, and in facilitating the overland mobility of military vehicles and 
personnel. 

It shows how benefits will accrue to other than highway users through 
more intensive utilization of land, increases in property values, and more effi- 
cient governmental services. 

The special research investigations have been augmented with a careful 
review of current studies of highway transportation benefits, and impacts; find- 
ings presented in Chapter VIII tend to verify those of other impact studies, 
although relatively little has been added to the many facts and responses 
already compiled. Accordingly, various impact studies have been reviewed 
briefly herein.^ 

LAND-USE BENEFITS 

In Chapter VIII it was shown that the Wilbur Cross Highway in Connecti- 
cut and the Nimitz Freeway in California have stimulated residential and 
industrial development. Throughout the country experiences have been similar: 
freeways have encouraged land development, intensified land use, and strength- 
ened communities' tax bases. 

Freeways give a new mobility to labor, shoppers, and students, permitting 
them to travel twdce as far, in the same travel time, as they could on conven- 
tional highways. Thus, they increase the economic range of attraction and 
distribution between industrial plants and their service areas. New land areas 
are placed into more productive uses. Merchants have realized that freeway 
bypasses have made local streets available for local shoppers; industry has 
learned that good highways make it possible to move large new plants into 
suburban and rural areas; workers have found that freeways enable them to 
get to jobs more quickly, easily, and safely. 



lU. S. Department of Commerce, Third Progress Report of the Highway Cost Allocation 
Study, House Document No. 91, 86th Congress, 1st session, 1959. 

307 



For example, in Los Angeles along the Santa Ana Freeway, in New Haven 
along the Connecticut Turnpike, and in St. Louis along the Daniel Boone Ex- 
pressway, freeways have accelerated development. 

Freeways Benefit Residential Development — Although freeways accelerate 
residential development, even more significant is the favorable attitude of nearby 
residents toward freeways. 

The Third Progress Report of the Highway Cosi Allocation Study has 
indicated that residents' satisfaction with their neighborhoods depends upon a 
number of factors, including social status, neighborhood amenities and highway 
accessibility; however, neighboring residents have generally regarded major 
highways as conveniences.^ For example, in Westchester County, New York, 
two thirds of residents interviewed considered the highway a convenience; 
only one fifth found it a "nuisance."^ 

As distance of residence from the highway increases beyond the first 100- 
foot zone, approval of the road increases and disapproval declines; in one area 
approval of the road by residents increased from six per cent in the first 100- 
foot zones, to 83 per cent in the 300 to 400-foot zones, while disapprovals 
decreased from 23 to eight per cent. Most dissatisfaction of residents probably 
could be minimized or eliminated by effective integration of highways and sub- 
division designs. 

Freeways Improve Land Values — Freeways favorably affect the value 
of land in their zones of influence. Land in suburban areas generally increases 
in value because it is usually more accessible and less expensive than alternate 
sites within the central city. 

The findings of principal "impact" studies, summarized in Table 73, show 
that land use and land values are closely interrelated with the amount of in- 
fluence depending on the type of land-use change resulting from freeway 
construction. A conversion from agriculture or vacant land to residential, 
commercial, or industrial uses — common along freeways — produces a high 
percentage increase in land values. 

The area within the freeway's zone of influence, or "study area," increases 
far more rapidly in value than the "control" or adjoining area. Ratios of the 
percentage increases between the study and control areas were found to range 
from 0.7 to over 10; in most cases, the value of land adjacent to the freeways 
increased between 1.1 and 3.5 times as fast as land in other areas. 



2U. S. Department of Commerce, Third Progress Report of the Highway Cost Allocation 
Study, House Document No. 91, 86th Congress, 1st session, 1959. 

^Westchester County Department of Planning, Traffic Impact, A Study of the Effects of 
Selected Routes in Residential Living in Southern Westchester, 1954. 

308 



Gulf Freeway — The changes that have taken place along the Gulf Free- 
way linking Houston and Galveston, Texas, clearly illustrate freeway impacts 
on land values. Construction on the 45-mile freeway be^an in 1946 and the 
road was progressively opened to traffic between 1948 and 1952."' 

Studies conducted in 1951 and 1956 have shown that low-cost, run-down 
residential areas were replaced by more intensive uses, e.g., small businesses, 
light industries, and multi-unit apartments; restricted residential areas have 
remained stable.^ Vacant land values have increased considerably, compared 
with similar properties in other parts of the city — many vacant tracts have 
been developed as industrial, commercial or residential sites. For example, 
in 1945-50, the value of land along the freeway increased 65 per cent more 
in dollar value than similar properties elsewhere in Houston served only by 
the standard street system. 

Edsel Ford Freeway — Studies along the depressed Edsel Ford Freeway 
in Detroit also indicate that freeways have a beneficial effect on property.® 
Properties within 1,000 feet of the route — the extent of the freeway's influence 
— maintained or increased their value, while in the control area, values de- 
creased. 

The degree of freeway-induced change varied considerably between resi- 
dential, commercial and industrial properties: Residential land-use changes 
were limited to movement of homes displaced by the freeway with losses up 
to 50 per cent of their value. However, commercial building activity increased 
over 300 per cent in value and properties increased over 100 per cent in value. 
Industrial land changes were slight and occurred through additions to exist- 
ing plants; properties increased in value at the same rate as those in the con- 
trol area, but reached levels one third higher. 



4 Construction was begun in 1946; the first section was opened to traffic in 1948; six and 
one-half miles of the freeway were in operation in October, 1951; and the road to Galveston 
was completed in mid- 1952, a distance of about 45 miles. Within this period, Houston has 
greatly expanded its area, population and economy. 

^The original report, A Study of Land Values and Lund Use Along the Gulf Freeway in 
the City of Houston, Texas, was prepared by L. V. Norris Engineering Company, for the Texas 
Highway Department and the Bureau of Public Roads. It was based on a study of land values, 
between 1939-1951. The final report was made by Norris & Elder in 1956, A 15-year 
Study of Land Values and Land Use Along the Gulf Freeiooy, Houston, Texas, and included 
all factual data from the 1951 report in addition to new material collected and analyzed for 
the period 1951-1956. 

CDuke, Richard De Le Barre, "The Effects of a Depressed Expressway — A Detroit Case 
Study," The Appraisal Journal, published by the American Institute of Real Estate Brokers, 
October, 1959. 

309 



Table 73 

CHANGES IN VALUE OF LAND NEAR SELECTED 
HIGHWAY FACILITIES 



State 



Place and facility 



Time 
period 



Unit of measure 



Percentage of 
original value 



Study 
area 



Control 
area 



Ratio of 
percent- 
ages, 
study 
area to 
control 
area 



California^- 



Oakland and San Leandro— 

Eastshore Parkway. 
Ventura Blvd. (U.S. High- 
way 101). 
Fresno (U. S. Highway 99) — 
Orange Avenue Freeway 

(U.S. Highway 99). 
Los Angeles-Santa Ana Free- 
way. 

A 

B 

C 



1941-53 
1951-55 



1946-49 
1946-49 



1949-54 



Assessed value 

Price per front foot 



Value per acre _ 
do 



Percent 
8,700 



210 



(*) 
438 



Assessed value 



Georgia* 



Illinois* 

Massachusetts''- 



Nevv York* 



Texas - 



Atlanta Expressway 

East side: 

Proximity band A 

Proximity band B 

Proximity band C 

Vl'est side: 

Proximity band A 

Proximity band B 

Proximity band C 

Edens Expressway 

Calumet-Kingery Expressway - 

Needham residential 

Lexington residential 

Influenced band 

Rest of town 

Bronx River Parkway 

d) 

Shore Parkway 

Henry Hudson Parkway 

Bronx study area 

Manhattan study area — 

Grand Central Parkway 

Queens 

Gulf Freeway, Houston:* 

Proximity group 1 

Proximity group 2 

Proximity group 3 

Proximity group 4 

Dallas Expressway:^'- 

Proximity band A^* 

Proximity band B 

Proximity band C 

Interstate Highway System:'* 

Austin 



1941-46 
1952-56 



(Weighted average 
\ price per square foot. 



1940-57 
1940-57 
1945-57 
1945-57 
1945-57 
1945-57 
1910-32 
1939-51 
1939-53 
1935-53 



Assessed value . 
do. 



Sales value 

Assessed value - 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 



168 
705 
412 



234 
207 
101 

260 
68 
76 

231 
264 
388 

T,278 
254 
176 



1925-53 

1925-53 

f 1939-41 

11954-56 



do 

— do 

\ Value per square 
f foot.io 



202 

105 

2,138 



667 
242 



f 1941-45 
\ 1951-55 



lvalue per square 
J foot. 



Temple 

Rockwall County 

1st section, Highway 
67, Dallas County 
line to Rockwall. 

2d section. Highway 67, 
Rockwall interchange 
to Royse City inter- 
change. 

Both sections 



f 1941-48 
1 1954-57 
1941-48 
f 1944-48 
1 1952-57 



Average price per acre 
Nonsubdivided land 
Average price per acre 
I do 



723 
223 
285 

460 

622 

1,417 



Virginia- 



San Antonio Expressway'* — 

Lexington Bypass'* " 

Buena Vista 

Greater Lexington ( in- 
cluding suburbs). 
Lexington, less Main St.. 
Main St. 



f 1941-45 

1 1952-56 

1948-57 



1 Price per square 

J foot. 

Value per square foot 



198 
99 

151 



183 
'243" 



Percent 
5,200 

C) 

(*) 
C) 



154 
460 
390 
234 



77 

92 

601 

332 



80 
203 



240 
223 
227 

389 
322 
140 



142 
142 

142 



1.67 



1.09 
1.53 
1.06 



0.94 
1.09 



2.59 
1.16 
1.48 



2.62 
1.14 
3.56 



3.01 
1.00 
1.26 

1.18 

1.93 

10.12 



1.39 



0.70 



1.06 



175 
180 



'Source: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads; also. Third Progress Report of the 
Highway Cost Allocation Study. 



310 



^California Department of Public Works, Division of Highways, California Laud Studies: Kelley, John F., 
Camarillo Stiidi/ (Ventura Boulevard); Bangs, Robert L., Fresno, 1954. See Garrison, William L., and Marts, 
Marion E., Influence of Hifihwaii Improvements on Urban Land; A Graphic Summary, University of Wash- 
ington, Seattle, 1958, sec. II, pp. 18, 21, 41, for data on Eastshore Freeway and Santa Ana Freeway. 

*Not available. 

*An analysis of 15 individual parcels vacant before construction of the Fresno Freeway indicated a value 
impact greater than twice on most parcels. Only 1 of these parcels had a larger gain before the freeway 
development than after that construction. In addition, 18 parcels of land adjacent to the Fresno Freeway and 
23 parcels not abutting the freeway were analyzed. These were all the sales in the area. The Orange Ave. 
percentage gain is illustrative. 

•"'Lenily, James H., Expresswai/ Influence on Land Use and Value, Atlanta 1941-56, Georgia State College 
of Business Administration, Atlanta, 1958, Table A-2, p. 106. 

"George W. Barton & .Associates, Hiffhways and Their Meaninfi to Illinois Citizens, Evanston, 111., 1958, 
p. 22. Land values within various distances of the Edens Expressway and Calumet-Kingery Expressway were 
charted from Olcott's Bluebook of Land Values. Increases in the overall values were generally higher in the 
middle section through which the highways run. 1947 land-value increases along the Edens Expressway ranged 
from 2.3 to 5.8 times 1940 values, and those along the Calumet-Kingery Expressway ranged from 2.5 to 3.5 
times 1940 values. 

"Bone, A. J., et al.. Economic Impact Study of Massachusetts Route 128, Massachusetts Institute of Tech- 
nology, Cambridge, interim report, 1958. 

^Garrison and Marts, op. cit., pp. 8-14. 

*Norris & Elder, A 15-Year Study of Land Values and Land Use Along the Gulf Freeway, Houston, Tex., 
1956, pp. 146-149. 

i<*Value of improvements omitted after adjustment for constniction cost changes. Table includes only land 
annexed to city before 1941; figures for land annexed since 1946 are even more striking. The proximity 
groups in the Houston study are defined as follows: Group 1 is the primary area immediately adjacent to the 
facility; group 2 is a secondary band on each side of group 1; group 3 consists of properties in the same 
quadrant as the freeway, with good roads and access to the freeway, but farther away; group 4 consists of 
10 acres widely distributed over all areas of the city except the southeast quadrant, through which the Gulf 
Freeway passes. The effort was made to select properties as closely similar as practicable to areas in 
groups 1 and 2. 

I'Adkins, William G., Effects of the Dallas Central Expressway on Land Values and Land Use, Texas Trans- 
portation Institute, College Station, 1957, p. 24. 

i*Bands were designated by distance from the expressway for study areas; control areas were selected with 
similar characteristics but out of the influence of the expressway. 

i^Haning, C. L., et al.. Changes in Land Value and Land Use Along Three Sections of the Interstate High- 
way System of Texas, Texas Transportation Institute, College Station, 1958, pp. 14, 17, 42, 58. 

i*Adkins, William G., Economic Impact of San Antonio Expressway, Texas Transportation Institute, College 
Station, 1958, pi 11. Value of improvements omitted after adjustment for construction cost changes. Study 
shows only the differences between percentage changes of control and study areas, amounting to 133 per cent. 

^■''■Virginia Council of Highway Investigation and Research, The Influence of Limited Access Highway on 
Land Value and Land Use; The Lexington, Virginia, Bypass: Progress Report No. 1, 1958, Appendix III. 

I'Value of improvements omitted. 



Grand Central Parkway — In 1925, when the Grand Central Parkway was 
constructed in Queens, New York City, a three-block "influence area" was 
worth $4,359,970, whereas in 1953, the same area was worth $93,210,860; a 
similar area outside the zone of influence was worth $141,540,460 in 1925, and 
$850,806,405 in 1953, a percentage increase only one fourth as great.'' 

Other Studies — In Atlanta, Georgia, undeveloped land along a freeway 
route formerly costing $100 to $400 an acre subsequently sold for $1200 to 
$1400 an acre.^ In Westchester County, New York, tax receipts for a 22-year 
period showed that properties within the influence area of the Bronx River 
Parkway increased $22 milHon more than the normal gain in tax receipts — 
or just about the entire cost of the highway project.^ In Chicago, along the 



7 House Document No. 91, Third Progress Report of the Highway Cost Allocation Study, 
1959, 86th Congress, 1st Session. 

SLemly, J. H., Expressway Influence on Land Use and Value, Atlanta, 1941-1956, 
Georgia State College of Business Administration. 

''Source: Automotive Safety Foundation in Cooperation with Federal Extension Service, 
U. S. Department of Agriculture, Vehicles, Roads, People. 

311 



Edens Expressway, land values increased from 2.3 to 5.8 times; along the Cal- 
umet-Kingery Expressway, increases ranged from 2.5 to 3.5 times. Bypasses 
at Kokomo and Lebanon, Indiana, increased land values 50 per cent in one 
year. Communities located along the route of Boston's circumferential free- 
way report property value increases as high as 700 per cent.i° 

In creating property values, a new highway facility generally increases 
the tax return to government, and in effect, reimburses the taxpayers for the 
original highway expenditure. For example, the gain in taxable property and 
retail business in the counties served by the Garden State Parkway is twice 
that of New Jersey's remaining 11 counties. 

Industrial Development — Freeways are important factors in the selection 
of industrial locations: movement of people to the suburbs requires good high- 
ways for employee access; truck transportation provides most less-than-carload 
shipments. ^^ Advertising benefits accrue as a result of proximity to highways, 
since often the name of the firm on the building as well as the plant itself 
is within sight of approaching motorists. 

New York Thrutvay — Sites along the 538-mile route of the New York 
Thruway attracted more than $650 milhon worth of industrial, commercial and 
residential and distributive developments, primarily near thruway interchanges.^^ 

Santa Ana Freeway — The Santa Ana Freeway in Los Angeles increased 
property values on the old industrial highway, now a freeway frontage road, 
from 12 to 243 per cent higher than increases in nearby comparable property 
not served directly by the freeway. Properties abutting the central third of the 
freeway section which sold for an average acre price of $7,800, rose to $25,000 
after the freeway was built.^^ 

Industrial property owners along frontage roads indicated that the free- 
way tends to increase values of adjoining property; is an asset from an adver- 
tising point of view; and is a convenience to employees and business associates. 
Specific proximity of a firm along a frontage road, in relation to freeway exits, 
or directly opposite the exit, was not as important as previously beHeved. 



lOAutomotive Safety Foundation, What Freeways Mean to Your City, Washington, D. C. 

iiBarker, William M., The Thruway s as an Industrial Location Factor. 

i2New York State Thruway Authoyty, November 20, 1958. 

i3"Industry and Frontage Roads, Santa Ana Freeway, California," California Highways 
and Public Works, 1954. 

312 



Route 128 — On Route 128, near Boston, some 227 companies have built 
17 industrial parks and $175 million worth of buildings to house 28,000 work- 
ers; in June, 1955, there were only 39 companies in operation with 14 others 
under construction.'^ 

Detroit Freeway — The decision to locate a 5,000-employee automobile as- 
sembly plant and administrative office 23 miles northwest of downtown Detroit, 
Michigan, is another example of an industrial decision to relocate in an outlying 
area serviced by a freeway. It set into motion a series of associated land de- 
velopments that is sharply changing land use, land values, employment and 
commuting patterns, local government, taxes, schools and every other aspect 
of life within a 20-mile radius of the plant. Land values increased from $300 
per acre as farmland before the freeway, to about $1,500 per acre as undevel- 
oped subdivision land.'^ 

Other Freeways — In Denver, The Valley Freeway and its connecting links 
have stimulated industrial, commercial and housing properties; in Alameda 
County, the East Shore Freeway has had a similar effect. The Central Traffic 
Artery in downtown Boston has stimulated a $35 million apartment develop- 
ment, a $25 million office development, and an extensive office-building 
program. ^^ 

Freeways Benefit Business — Accessibility to markets, rather than exposure 
to traffic, per se, determines business potentials. Freeways increase mobility 
and extend and reorient trading areas by enabling customers to reach busi- 
ness sites quickly and easily; by separating through from local traffic, and by 
providing more street capacity for business-bound patrons. They lower trans- 
portation charges to the community. 

The relief of street congestion and the increase in parking creates a fresh 
business atmosphere in core areas that have been expanded by improved roads, 
particularly freeways. Similarly, freeways have been a major factor in the lo- 
cation of regional shopping centers. Many centers have located in proximity 
to interchanges on high-type roadways because capacity provided by the inter- 



i^Bone, A. J., and Wohl, M., "Economic Impact Study of Massachusetts Route 128," 
prepared by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology for the Bureau of Public Roads. Depart- 
ment of Commerce, and the Massachusetts Department of Public Works, 1958. 

i5"The Michigan Freeway Program," in the Michigan Economic Record, Vol. 2, No. 9, 
Michigan State University, October, I960. 

i^Automotive Safety Foundation in conjunction with Federal Extension Service, U. S. 
Department of Agriculture, Vehicles, Roads, People. 

313 



changes makes such locations desirable, and because the freeways tap a wide 
area in terms of time and distance.^^ 

Throughout the country, the studies show that businesses located on by- 
passed routes generally benefit; and that broad opportunities are afforded 
new developments adjacent to improved roads. Some of the more pertinent 
studies of the freeway impacts on business are summarized herein. 

North Sacramento, California — Experiences in North Sacramento, California, 
clearly denote how development of a freeway bypass has benefited business. 
A 4.1-mile section of the North Sacramento Freeway, opened in 1941, diverted 
18,000 through vehicles from a road formerly carrying 39,000 vehicles per day.^^ 
In the following two years, the total retail business increased 48.5 per cent; 
volumes of business per establishment gained 28 per cent, compared to an 
increase of less than 10 per cent in the county. 

Other California Experiences — Similar effects of other bypasses on busi- 
ness in eight California cities are shown in Table 74. In almost every case. 



i^Typical centers include North Shore, Peabody, Massachusetts; South Shore, Braintree, 
Kfassachusetts; Roosevelt Field, Garden City, New York, Mid-Island, Hicksville, New York; 
Gulfgate, Houston, Texas; Westview, Baltimore, Maryland; Seven Corners, Washington, D. C; 
Garden State Plaza, Paramus, New Jersey; Cross County, YonJcers, New York; and Blue Ridge, 
Kansas City, Missouri. 

isSource: Young, W. Stanley, "North Sacramento," California Highways and Public 
Works. 



Table 74 

BUSINESS VOLUMES AFTER CONSTRUCTION OF 
BYPASS FREEWAYSi 

YEAR POPU- 

BYPASS LATION T,r.r, ^r..,^ ^.r ..r^r, 

W^S OF P^^ CENT CHANGE 

CALIFORNIA CON- TOWN Busi- Eating Service 

CITIES STRUCTED OR CITY nesses Places Stations 

Templeton 1952-3 600 +24 -9 —2 

Folsom .--.. 1949 1,700 +36 +7 +5 

Imperial 1949 1,700 +21 +2 +3 

Anderson 1950 2,200 +21 +132 -31 

Auburn 1947 4,600 +74 +5 +21 

Fairfield 1949 5,000 +109 +14 -12 

Escondido 1949 6,600 +67 +12 +26 

North Sacramento 1947 6,000 +224 +12 +26 

iSource: California Highways and Public Works. 

314 



All 
Others 

+20 
-1 

+1 

+22 



+7 
+13 
+22 



general retail businesses and restaurants showed gains as a result of freeway 
construction; service stations showed gains in five cities and losses in three. 
While there have been individual cases of business loss because of traffic diver- 
sion, business has generally experienced substantial over-all gains in excess of 
those found in surrounding areas. 

For example, in Fairfield, California, retail outlets on bypassed highways 
have been experiencing greater business from the increased patronage of lo- 
cal customers. ^^ Removal of through traffic has provided an uncongested and 
easily accessible central business district, which, in turn, has deterred the build- 
ing of new shopping centers elsewhere in the city to compete with downtov^ni. 
The construction of new motels is significant evidence that proper approaches 
from the bypass are as important as traffic volumes in the environs of the site. 

Similarly, in Camarillo, the relocation of U. S. Highway 101, via the Cama- 
rillo Freeway, did not decrease the value of property along the old highway .^o 
Land sale prices increased from $50 per foot in 1951, when the route was 
adopted, to over $100 when the freeway was opened; actually, every business 
in the community showed a substantial increase. 

Freeway frontage roads enable roadside businesses to flourish and benefit 
from the freeway without interfering with it. An analysis of 41 business es- 
tablishments on frontage roads abutting the 9.5-mile Fresno-Fowler Freeway in 
California shows a 42.2 per cent increase in sales, comparing two years before 
and after opening of the freeway. Like establishments elsewhere in the county 
show a 5.1-per-cent increase.^^ 

Oregon Experiences — Whereas the California impact studies almost uni- 
versally have indicated favorable economic results following the opening of 
a bypass, similar studies in Oregon have shown a different picture in some 
areas.22 This may be attributed to California's heavier highway traffic and 
greater growth rate; thus, possible losses from traffic diversion would tend 
to be offset by more rapid population growth in California than in Oregon. 



io"Four Years After," California Highways and Public Works, 1953. 

20Kelly, John F., "Camarillo Study," California Highways and Public Works, September- 
October, 1955. 

2iEvans, Hemy K., "Their Roads Buy Themselves," Nation's Business, November, 1954. 

"^"^Economic Effects of Through Highways By-Passing Certain Oregon Communities, 
Bureau of Business Research, University of Oregon, 1956. 

315 



Motels — Studies in California show that attractiveness, service, cleanli- 
ness, and managerial ability have more effect on motel operations than the 
absence or presence of a freeway. '^'^ These results were substantiated by a sludy 
in Tallahassee, Fla., which showed that the first visit of motel guests was influ- 
enced by proximity to a restaurant, attractiveness of the motel, convenience to the 
route of departure, roadside signs, and referral groups.'' Although motels de- 
pend on interception of traffic, it is apparent that factors other than freeways 
also influence motel operations. 

OVER ALL PUBLIC BENEFITS 

The Interstate highway system will benefit all citizens by helping to in- 
crease the efficiency of public services, extending economies to farm and 
industry, increasing job opportunities, and contributing to national defense. 
In evaluating these national benefits, it is necessary to look retrospectively at 
benefits accrued by the nation over the past several decades as a result of 
good roads, and to further extend these benefits because of the improved 
mobility afforded by the Interstate highway system. 

"Pubhc benefits" in the broadest sense refers to the favorable social and 
economic effects resulting from road improvements. Construed more narrowly, 
the term refers to the measurable effects that modern roads have on reducing 
cost of improving the quality of specific government services, including national 
defense. 

As indicated in the Third Progress Report of the Highway Cost Allocation 
Study, "there exists a formidable array of direct and indirect benefits result- 
ing from federal-aid highway improvement in addition to benefits resulting 
from actual use. Regardless of the label affixed to these kinds of benefits — 
whether they be identified as an extension of vehicular benefits, transferred 
benefits, or non-vehicular benefits — what seems significant is that there are 
real and extensive beneficiary groups other than highway users as such, that 
reap the advantages of highway improvements and that the total magnitude of 
these benefits is great."^^ 



23"North Sacramento Study," California Highways and Public Works. 

2<Haverkorn, T. N., "A Study of the Factors Affecting the Selection of a Particular Lodg- 
ing Accommodation in Tallahassee" ( UnpubUshed Master's Study, Department of Restaurant 
and Hotel Management, Florida State University). The study found business the primary 
travel motive for 92.2 per cent of the hotel guests and 18.6 per cent of the motel patrons. 
The automobile was the only mode of transportation for guests to the moteb; however, over 
25 per cent of the hotel guests did not arrive by a car. Approximately 30 per cent of the 
motel guests indicated that they had stayed at the same motel before, while the repeat 
business of the hotels amounted to 76 per cent. Persons stopping at a motel for the first 
time made advance reservations compared with 32 per cent of the hotel guests. 

25House Document No. 91, Third Progress Report of the Highway Cost Allocation Study, 
86th Congress, 1st Session, 1959. 

316 



For example, a review of tlie products hauled by trucks clearly indicates 
the reliance of the national economy on motor transportation. As shown in 
Figure 121, the vast majority of farm products and Hvestock are hauled by motor 
trucks, as are many mine products.-*^ 

The time savings resulting from Interstate highway construction will be 
reflected in lower transportation costs, and lower prices for truck-borne mer- 
chandise; consumers will also benefit from a greater choice of goods; workers 
will benefit by being able to choose jobs from a wider area. 



-''Automobile Manufacturers Association, Motor Truck Facts, 1960, based on percentage 
of mine products hauled by truck, percentage ot farm products hauled to leading markets, and 
percentage of livestock shipped to major markets. 



FARM PR ODUC TS 

^o| 




LIVESTOCK 

|90 | 

^^ 

MINE PR ODU CTS 
|85| 




POULTRY 
SHELL EGGS 
BUTTER 
FRUIT 
CHEESE 

HOGS 

CATTLE 

CALVES 

SHEEP 6 LAMBS 

SAND a GRAVEL 
BLAST FURNACE SLAG 
CRUSHED STONE 
ANTHRACITE 
PETROLEUM PRODUCTS 
PORTLAND CEMENT 



Figure 121 
Products Hauled by Truck as 
Per Cent of Total Delivered 



317 



As shown in Chapter I, highway travel has kept pace with the expanding 
gross national product. Improved mobility has had significant bearing on this 
relationship between travel and economy. As impediments to travel diminish, 
the entire economy benefits. 

Benefits to Farmers — Progressive improvement of the nation's highways 
has been instrumental in the transformation of agriculture to efficient, scientific 
bases. Good roads have brought the farmer closer to markets, and, in turn, 
have brought many of the products and conveniences of urban life to the 
farm. They tend to reduce damage to produce and livestock in transit, and make 
schools, markets and medical services readily accessible to farm homes. In- 
terstate highways will undoubtedly extend these benefits. 

Until the advent of the motor truck, farms not situated near a railroad pro- 
duced few crops for outside markets. Truck transportation has subsequently 
figured substantially in doubling farm production and the $74 billion increase in 
farm property values since 1910.^^ 

Approximately one of every 12 passenger cars and one of every four trucks 
is used on the farm; in 1960, an estimated 4.5 million farms owned 4.3 million 
aijtos, 3.1 miUion trucks and 4.8 milHon tractors. The use of these vehicles has 
substantially contributed to the productivity of American farms. 

Recreational Travel — Recreational travel reflects the national level of 
prosperity, greater leisure time, and improved accessibility to civic and historic 
centers. More than 70 million Americans take vacations by car each year, 
averaging over 1,000 miles per trip, accounting for more than three fourths of 
all tourist travel, and spending over nine billion dollars. Each year, more than 
20 million people visit National Parks in some six million cars. 

Interstate highways wdll further increase accessibility to resort areas, mak- 
ing longer and more varied vacations possible. Vacations to new areas, as a 
result of good highways, will enrich the culture and heritage of the nation. 
The sum total of vastly expanding vacation experiences has an intrinsic value 
that is uimieasurable in monetary terms. 

The Massachusetts Turnpike, for example, has increased the attractiveness 
of Cape Cod and the Berkshire Hills; in California, freeways have shortened 
the driving time between National parks and urban areas. 



2 7 Automotive Safety Foundation in Cooperation with Federal Extension Service, U. S. 
Department of Agriculture, Vehicles, Roads, People. 

28Department of Public Works, Division of Highways, The California Freeway System, 
September, 1958. The average trip length for social and recreational purposes in California 
was 15.5 miles; the average trip for vacations, over 200 miles. 

318 



Contributions to Over-all Economy — Highway transportation has become 
a major element of the nation's economy, generating more than 10 per cent of 
all gainful employment and accounting for about 14 per cent of the total gross 
national product. One of every six retail, wholesale, and service businesses 
is connected with motor vehicles. The proportions will increase in the future 
because of the development of Interstate highways and the increasing highway 
orientation of the populace. 

Each $1 biUion spent on highway construction equals approximately 102 
million man-hours of employment on the site of construction and 126 million 
man-hours off the site — a total of 228 milHon man-hours of labor. 

Social and Cultural Benefits — Interstate highways will increasingly widen 
opportunities for cultural, religious, and recreational activity. Entertainment 
facilities can be concentrated in focal points accessible via Interstate highways; 
larger church attendance will be made possible by good accessibility to mem- 
bers; and mobile chapels can be progressively extended into more remote areas. 
Interstate highways will permit faster dehvery of newspapers to out-of-town 
communities. 

Public Services — Higher standards of living, increased productivity, and 
social advances have created new demands for roads, educational and other 
services. These factors have developed together; and they have become in- 
creasingly reliant on highway transportation. Consequently, public services 
vital to contemporary living will tend to benefit from Interstate highway 
construction. 

Public Education — No governmental service has been more profoundly 
affected by the advent of good roads than public education. One of the most 
tangible results is the increased percentage of the total school age population 
enrolled in schools and the average daily attendance. Although compulsory 
school attendance laws and other factors have contributed to the increases, im- 
proved transportation facihties have helped considerably. They have made 
possible reduced driving time, extended school bus service, and greater private 
car ownership. More and better all-weather roads have accelerated school con- 
solidation, resulting in more effective and economical administration and in- 
struction. 

Eleven million pupils now ride to and from their daily classes in more than 
165,000 school buses at an annual public expenditure approaching $400 million. 
Consolidation of schools made possible by school buses has eliminated 160,- 
000 "one-teacher" schools during the past four decades and has, thereby, im- 
proved educational facihties. 

319 



Public Health — Good roads have made a substantial contribution to 
the vastly improved and broadened public health program. Over 221,000 doc- 
tors and 26,000 U. S. Pubhc Health nurses regularly rely on the automobile in 
making their calls. The motor vehicle has made modern hospital service, 
frequent and widespread health inspections, and rapid delivery of vaccines and 
perishable laboratory specimens accessible to even remote areas. 

Construction of Interstate highways will tend to increase the size and pat- 
tern of medical service areas. The scope and coverage of large centers will in- 
crease, consistent with the increasing specialization of medical services. Doc- 
tors will be able to see more patients per day; patients will be able to reach 
medical centers from an increasingly larger area and physicians will tend to con- 
centrate in larger regional medical centers. 

Postal Services — Interstate highways will help permit further improve- 
ments and efficiencies in the postal system, since the growth and development 
of postal service has continuously been associated with development of the 
nation's road network. 

In 1900, there were about 1,250 rural free delivery routes, totaling about 
29,000 miles and averaging 11 miles in length. In 1959, there were over 31,000 
rural carriers, traveling on 1.7 million miles of route, and totaling over 500 
million vehicle miles annually, with an average route length of 56 miles. 

Police and Fire Protection Services — Modern transportation and com- 
munication facilities, permit police and fire personnel to provide efficient 
protection to large service areas. Protection of forest areas has been extended, 
with a resultant decline in the incidence and damage of forest fires attributable 
in great measure to good roads. In 1942, protection was afforded 76 per cent 
of all areas, whereas in 1958, 94 per cent of all forest lands were protected. In 
1942, about nine per cent of all protected areas, and 20 per cent of all un- 
protected areas burned; in 1959, about 0.2 per cent of all protected areas, and 
five per cent of all unprotected areas were destroyed by fire. 

Benefits to National Defense — The National System of Interstate and De- 
fense Highways is vital to national defense for mobiHty of manpower, supplies, 
and weapons. Interstate highways are relatively invulnerable to attack, and 
could likely assist in evacuating people from cities and in transporting medical 
supplies and disaster personnel. 

During periods of national emergency, highways have become extensions 
of production Hnes. For example, during World War II, 60 per cent of all 
outbound tonnages from defense plants was road-borne. Similarly, many raw 
materials and component parts were delivered by truck. 

320 



Impact of Delayed Construction — While it is djifficult to evaluate the 
general benefits of the Interstate system to the national economy in precise 
quantitative terms, it is clear that these "non-user" benefits are substantial. Not 
only will the Interstate system provide relief to the nation's congested areas and 
link its principal centers of commerce and industry, but it will bring many 
immeasurable benefits to almost every facet of the nation's economy — and 
will help improve the public services so vital to contemporary living. 

A cutback or slow-down of highway construction could limit national mo- 
biUty. It would adversely affect national defense, reduce state highway de- 
partment staffs, and depreciate national employment. It would engender basic 
diseconomies that would result from rising right-of-way and construction costs. 

Rapid construction of the National System of Interstate and Defense High- 
ways is, therefore, in the national interest. 



321 



APPENDICES 



323 



NDIX 


A 


I MILES OF 


1 - 1975 - 1980^ 


ICLE MILES 
RSTATE SYSTEM 


(billions) 




Urban 


Rural 


36.0 


42.9 


92.2 


87.2 


92.0 


90.2 


40.7 


43.9 


128.3 


82.3 


148.0 


100.5 


141.0 


101.5 


44.4 


45.2 


161.3 


104.2 


151.0 


105.4 


52.0 


48.4 


188.0 


107.5 


172.0 


108.8 


325 





DIS 



JE ANNUAL VOLUMES PER MILE OF ROUTE (Thousands) 
' " ~ Interstate Freeways 



Urban 


Rural 


17,252 


5,778 


13,760 


2,607 


13,860 


3,764 


19,617 


5,944 


17,160 


2,905 


17,608 


3,125 


16,765 


4,214 


21,357 


6,122 


18,238 


3,278 


17,034 


4,350 


25,043 


6,511 


19,615 


3,456 


17,875 


4,497 



Total 


Urban 


Rural 


8,305 


17,955 


5,778 


4,376 


13,761 


2,542 


4,444 


13,731 


2,630 


8,905 


19,614 


5,912 


5,774 


17,163 


2,838 


6,061 


17,619 


3,083 


5,915 


16,785 


3,113 


9,432 


21,398 


6,088 


6,476 


18,225 


3,241 


6,254 


17,062 


3,278 


1,057 


25,060 


6,519 


7,207 


19,583 


3,424 


6,849 


17,916 


3,465 



APPENDIX B 

DETAILS OF PRESENT AND PROPOSED 
RAPID TRANSIT FACILITIES 

In this appendix, a brief description is presented for each of the principal 
rapid transit systems, present and proposed. 

PRESENT SYSTEMS 

New York City — The largest, most important and most extensive transit 
operation in the country is the New York City Transit Authority's rapid transit 
system, comprising about 236 miles of subway and elevated hnes. In 1959, 
the system carried about 1.3 billion passengers, about 72 per cent of the num- 
ber carried in 1954. 

Continuous express service is operated on four of five Manhattan trunk 
lines and on principal Hnes in Brooklyn and Queens; additional peak-hour ex- 
press service is operated in the Bronx, Brooklyn, and Queens. Express trains 
average from one to three miles between stops, whereas local trains have an 
average of three stops per mile. 

Despite considerable renovation and modernization, obsolescence is evident 
on many key lines in terms of equipment, noise-level, alignment, station loca- 
tion, and design. Each of the three divisions (IRT, BMT, IND) was built sep- 
arately, and good coordination between them is difficult to achieve; equipment, 
is not wholly interchangeable. Serious trunk line capacity deficiencies in Man- 
hattan create peak-hour overcrowding; population dispersion, for example, 
has increased many demands for express service that cannot be provided be- 
cause of inadequate track capacities. 

Chicago — The Chicago Transit Authority's rapid transit system includes the 
North-South and West-Northwest L - subway routes, ( each with two branches ) 
and the Lake Street (West Side), Ravenswood, and Evanston elevated routes; 
however, about half of the 600,000 weekday riders use the North-South route. 
In the evening peak hour, about 183,000 out of 225,000 people in the Loop leave 
by public transportation, mainly rapid transit and commuter railroads; this would 
be an impossible volume to handle by private auto within the same time periods. 

Between 1948 and 1958, seven branches of the rapid transit system serv- 
ing suburban communities or low-traffic areas were discontinued and replaced 
by motor buses. Trip times on the system were reduced 20 to 30 per cent as 
a result of closing 54 stations and improving equipment; patronage stabilized, 
despite the reduced area served. 

327 



The system, focused on the Loop, serves the higher density areas in the 
city. It does not, however, have complete city-wide coverage, nor does it fully 
serve many of the rapidly growing sections of greater Cliicago. It is not effec- 
tively integrated with the city's suburban railroad net. 

Boston — The Metropolitan Transit Authority opeiates three rapid transit 
routes, a streetcar subway with six routes, and a suburban high-speed trolley 
route. About 90 per cent of the rush-hour movement to downtown Boston is 
by transit, largely on these facilities. 

While there are great variations in the types of rapid transit equipment em- 
ployed, the system is one of the best coordinated in the country. A high per- 
centage of the 600,000 daily riders use both surface and rapid transit facilities. 

The capacity of the system, however, is hmited, particularly in the Tremont 
Street subway; express service was not provided prior to December, I960; and 
over-all coverage is not extensive. Recent extensions to Revere Beach on the east, 
and to Newton Highlands on the west have added about 12 miles to the system. 

In 1958, the Metropolitan Transit Authority extended its operation to New- 
ton via the Highland Branch of the Boston and Albany Railroad; modernization 
of the 9.5 mile hne cost $10 million.^ Despite the lack of parallel expressways 
and general public acceptance of transit, the Highland Branch (like the entire 
MTA operation) had a first year operating deficit of about $338,000, which 
increased to about $804,000 when various fixed charges were added. 

Philadelphia — Philadelphia's principal rapid transit routes include the 
Broad Street north-south route, and the Market Street-Frankford lines. A third 
route extends from downtown Philadelphia to Camden, with a spur northwest- 
erly to Broad Street. The system is augmented by a short streetcar subway in 
Market Street and by an extensive network of electrified suburban lines of the 
Pennsylvania and Reading Railroads. The rapid transit and suburban railroads 
carry almost 700,000 persons daily. 

The Philadelphia system serves the principal travel corridors within the 
city. It does not, however, cover many of the rapidly growing parts of the city, 
nor is it fully integrated with suburban railroads. There is no physical inter- 
connection between the two principal subway routes, and equipment is not fully 
interchangeable. Opportunities for express service are limited to the multi- 
track Broad Street route. 



iWolfe, Gregory B., The New Highland Line in Boston, presented at City Planning Divi- 
sion, American Society of Civil Engineers, Boston, October 14, 1960. 

328 



Cleveland — The Cleveland Transit System and the Shaker Heights rapid 
transit lines serve about 80,000 riders per weekday. The CTS, a high-plat- 
form, modern rapid line 15 miles long, was opened in 1955 and extended in 
1958; it is located almost exclusively along railroad rights-of-way with 14 
stations, spaced about 1.2 miles apart, and attains average speeds of 30 miles per 
hour. The Shaker Heights rapid transit connects the Cleveland Union Ter- 
minal with the suburban community of Shaker Heights via a six-mile line built 
on railroad rights-of-way; average express speed is about 25 miles per hour. 
Both facihties are more like commuter railroads than conventional rapid transit 
because of their light off-peak use. 

The Cleveland rapid transit hnes were developed with a minimum of capital 
costs. However, they skirt many high density areas and are, therefore, limited 
in tlieir coverage; at present, they provide only one station within the central 
business district. 

Toronto — The 4.6-mile Toronto subway under and along Yonge Street, 
the city's main north-south artery, is a combination subway and depressed open- 
cut facility. Since its opening in 1954, it has consistently carried about 250,000 
people per day. It serves a high density area, and, like New York's subways, 
has stimulated land development along its route; both office buildings and apart- 
ments have been built northward along Yonge Street in a ribbon-like extension 
of the central business district. The major defects of the subway are its slow 
speed — somewhat under 20 miles per hour, and its limited coverage. 

Los Angeles — The 20-mrle Long Beach line of the Los Angeles Metropoli- 
tan Transit Authority (the last of the Pacific Electric passenger lines) operates 
essentially as interurban-rapid transit between the dowoitown areas of the two 
cities. It is located on a private right-of-way except for about three miles of 
street operation in Long Beach, and a mile in Los Angeles. Equipment on the 
line is old, stations are unattractive, and grade crossings are frequent; yet its 
20 miles-per-hour speeds are comparable to those of many conventional rapid 
transit lines. Current rapid transit plans for the Los Angeles area include a route 
along this alignment. 

CURRENT TRANSIT PLANNING 

New York City is constructing a short $58 million link between the BMT 
and IND divisions in lower Manhattan, expected to open in 1962, and is improv- 
ing maintenance and equipment on all lines. A plan was submitted by the Metro- 
politan Rapid Transit Commission for a new $400 milhon bi-state loop between 
New Jersey and New York. The Port of New York Authority, under recent 

329 



criticism for its failure to enter the total urban transportation field and assume 
responsibility for all forms of transportation, has offered to purchase the Hud- 
son and Manhattan Railroad.^ 

Chicago has completed a rail rapid transit system in the median strip on the 
Congress Street Expressway and is presently elevating a two-and-one-half-mile 
route at a cost of $4 million, jointly financed by the Chicago Transit Authority 
(CTA) and governmental agencies.^ A $315 million 20-year program of rapid 
transit improvements and extensions to be financed from pubHc funds has been 
proposed. The plans include extensions of rail rapid transit facilities, mainly in 
the medians of the Northwest and South expressways, special bus lanes in the 
Southwest expressway, general rapid transit improvements, and area-wide "park 
and ride" garages at strategic interchange points. 

Philadelphia is planning extensions of its rapid transit lines to New Jersey 
and to the northeast, south, and southwest parts of the city to maintain present 
levels of transit use. The $160 million plan calls for an additional 10 miles of 
subway and six miles of underground trolley, within a four-year period, to be 
financed by city revenues rather than gas taxes. An extension of the Camden 
Bridge line into New Jersey, largely over three existing rights-of-way, would 
cost $89 milHon, serve 24 milHon passengers annually, and incur an annual op- 
erating loss of about $796,000. The Passenger Service Improvement Corporation, 
which manages "Operations Northwest and Northeast", is considering integrat- 
ing the Pennsylvania and Reading commuter hues. 

New Jersey has enacted legislation enabling the state to contract with 
railroad commuter lines to assure continuance of commuter transportation; an 
appropriation of $6 million was provided to underwrite subsidies for a one- 
year period. 

Toronto is constructing its 10-mile, $200 million Bloor Street Subway which 
will link with the Yonge Street line. Cleveland has a plan for extending its 
new rail rapid system, as well as for adding a subway route through the heart 
of the downtown area. 

In Boston, consideration is being given to a one-mile $21 milUon subway 
link paralleling Boylston Street to serve the new Prudential Center; to future 
improvement of the Scollay Square subway Station; and to possible extension of 
rail or bus rapid transit to the South Shore. 



2Chase, Edward T., "How to Rescue New York from Its Port Authority," Harpers Maga- 
zine, Jime, 1960. 

sState of Illinois, $1 million; County of Cook, $100,000; Cook Park, $800,000; Chicago, 
$600,000; C. T. A.; Chicago and Northwestern Railroad is providing the right-of-way. 

330 



In San Francisco, where topography limits all transportation routes, a rail 
rapid transit system is being actively considered to serve the entire Bay area. 
The most comprehensive of the "grand plans", it calls for 100 miles of inter- 
urban rapid transit route, 32 miles of right-of-way acquisition for future ex- 
tension, and 63 stations at a capital cost of about $1 billion, exclusive of rolling 
stock. A 3.6 mile underwater tube will be financed through revenue bonds 
bought with surplus automobile tolls from the Bay Bridge. 

A 74.9 mile network of rubber-tired trains has been proposed for Los An- 
geles, at a cost of $529,700,000, including four lines radiating from downtown. 
Over 40 per cent of the system would follow existing or former Pacific Elec- 
tric interurban lines. 

The $175 million all-bus rapid transit plan recommended for St. Louis is part 
of a coordinated total transportation system, and is, in many respects, a proto- 
type of future rapid transit in medium-to-large sized cities. It includes express 
bus operation over an 86-mile system, 42 miles on grade-separated roadways 
exclusively for transit buses, and 44 route miles on the outer sections of present or 
proposed expressways. An elevated downtown bus serves as a focal point for six 
radial routes augmented by one north-south crosstown route. Over 9,000 park- 
ing spaces are recommended at 29 proposed rapid transit stations. The system 
provides adequate capacity for the maximum anticipated 1980 morning peak- 
hour loadings of 35,000 persons, of which about 7,200 are on the busiest line. 

A plan for the Atlanta area calls for development of a 15.9-mile rapid transit 
line with nine stations, using existing railroad rights-of-way to the maximum 
extent possible. Construction costs of the rapid transit system were estimated 
at $59 million, and patronage at 37,500 passengers per day. 

A recent plan to develop a monorail between downtown New Orleans and 
the Moisant International Airport was reviewed by the city and considered un- 
feasible and contrary to public interest. The Department of Utilities for the 
City of New Orleans, in reviewing the recommended plan, expressed serious 
concern regarding the plan's economic feasibility, problems of route alignment, 
and overstatement of patronage. 

The "balanced" transportation plan for the Washington, D. C. area includes 
a 329-mile network of freeways and parkways; eight express bus routes totaling 
66 miles of (one-way) route, four rail rapid transit routes radiating from down- 
town and totaling 34 miles of double track (half in subway and half in free- 
way median strips), 22,000 new all-day spaces, and 27,000 short-time spaces 
in downtown and related fringe parking areas. 

331 



APPENDIX C 

SUPPLEMENTARY TABULATIONS 

Table A-1 

RURAL AND URBAN POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES 

1900-1960^ 

PER CENT PER CENT 

YEAR URBAN RURAL URBAN RURAL TOTAL 

1900 30,159,921 45,834,654 39.7 60.3 75,994,575 

1910 41,998,932 49,973,334 45.7 54.3 91,972,266 

1920 54,157,973 51,552,647 51.2 48.8 105,710,620 

1930 68,954,823 53,820,223 56.2 43.8 122,775,046 

1940 74,423,702 57,245,573 56.5 43.5 131,669,275 

19502 88,927,464 61,769,897 59.0 41.0 150,697,361 

19503 96,467,686 54,229,675 64.0 36.0 150,697,361 

1956 103,631,000 60,677,000 63.1 36.9 164,308,000 

1959* 118,352,000 60,428,000 66.2 33.8 178,780,000 

1960^ 120,000,000 59,500,000 67.1 32.9 179,500,000 



iSource: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. 

20ld census definition of rural and urban is used for consistency. 

3New census definition. 

^Total population estimated by Bureau of the Census as of November, 1959. Per cent 
urban and rural estimated by Sales Management as of January 1, 1959. 

•^Total population from preliminary census. 



332 



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333 



Table A-3 
METROPOLITAN AREAS OF THE UNITED STATES - 1950^ 



POPULATION CLASS 



NUMBER 

OF 
METRO- 
POLITAN 
AREAS 



MILLIONS PER CENT 
OF OF U. S. 

PEOPLE TOTAL 



3,000,000 and over 5 

1,000,000-2,999,000 9 

500,000 - 999,000 23 

250,000 - 499,000 41 

100,000 - 249,000 69 

Under 100,000 _15_ 

Total 1622 



29.4 
15.5 
14.5 
13.9 
11.0 
1.0 
85.3 



19.5 
10.3 
9.6 
9.2 
7.3 
0.7 
56.6 



CUMU- 

LATTVE 

PER CENT 

19.5 
29.8 
39.4 
48.6 
55.9 
56.6 



^Source: Bogue, Donald J., Population Growth in Standard Metropolitan Areas, 1900-1950, 
1953, p. 23. 

'According to the classification of the U. S. Bureau of the Census, there were 168 metropoli- 
tan areas in 1950 with a total population of 84,500,000. The above table consolidates several 
of these, resulting in a total of 162 metropolitan areas. 

Table A-4 

POPULATION INSIDE AND OUTSIDE 
URBANIZED AND STANDARD METROPOLITAN AREAS 

19501 



INSIDE STANDARD OUTSIDE STANDARD 
METROPOLITAN METROPOLITAN 



AREAS 



AREAS 



TOTAL 
POPULATION 



LOCATION 

Inside Urbanized 
Areas 

Outside Urban- 
ized Areas 

TOTAL 


Number 

68,989,014 

15,511,6633 
84,500,680 


Per 
Cent 

45.8 

10.3 

56.1 


Number 

260,1342 

65,936,547 
66,196,681 


Per 
Cent 

0.2 

43.7 
43.9 


Number 
69,249,148 

81,448,213 
150,697,361 


Per 
Cent 

46.0 

54.0 
100.0 







^Source: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, U. S. Census of Population, 
1950. 

'Includes population ( 141,291) of two virbanized areas which are entirely outside of standard 
metropolitan areas. 

'Includes population (1,732,845) of 18 standard metropolitan areas containing no lu-banized 
areas. 

Table A-5 
POPULATIONS INSIDE AND OUTSIDE CENTRAL CITIES - 1950^ 



URBANIZED AREAS 



LOCATION Number 

Central Cities 48,377,240 

Outside Central Cities 20,871,908 

Total 69,249,148 



Per 
Cent 

69.8 

30.2 

100.0 



STANDARD 
METROPOLITAN AREAS 
Per 
Cent 

58.5 

41.5 

100.0 



Number 
49,412,792 
35,087,888 
84,500,680 



^Soiurce: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, U. S. Census of Population, 
1950. 



334 



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Table A-7 

CIVILIAN POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES 
1950-19561 

POPULATION IN THOUSANDS 

Per Per 

Cent Cent Per Cent 

April of March of Increase 

TYPE OF AREA 1950 Total 1956 Total 1950-1956 

Total United States 149,634 100.0 164,308 100.0 9.8 

Standard Metropolitan Areas2 . 83,801 56.0 96,235 58.6 14.8 

Central Cities 49,138 32.8 51,428 31.3 4.7 

Outside Central Cities 34,663 23.2 44,807 27.3 29.3 

Urban 23,712 15.9 27,750 16.9 17.0 

Rural 10,951 7.3 17,057 10.4 55.8 

Other Territory 65,833 44.0 68,073 41.4 3.4 

Urban 23,067 15.4 24,453 14.9 6.0 

Rural ...- 42,766 28.6 43,620 26.5 2.0 

^Source: Civilian population as given in U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the 

Census, Current Population Reports, p. 20, No. 71, also: Statistical Abstracts of the United 
States, 1958. 

''leS Standard Metropolitan Areas. 



Table A-8 

COMPARISON OF RESIDENTIAL DENSITY AT SELECTED DISTANCES 
FROM THE CENTER IN THREE METROPOLITAN AREAS^ 

DENSITY: PEOPLE PER SQUARE MILE 



Philadelphia St. Louis Houston 

DISTANCE FROM (1940) (1940) (1940) 

CENTER IN MILES Actual Index Actual Index Actual Index 



2 32,000 1.00 31,000 1.00 9,600 1.00 

5 10,000 0.31 8,700 0.28 3,250 0.34 

10 2,030 0.06 1,580 0.05 133 0.01 



^Source: Row, Arthur, and Jurkat, Ernest, "The Economic Forces Shaping Land-Use Pat- 
terns," the Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXV, No. 2, May, 1959. 

336 



Table A-9 

NEW SHOPPING CENTERS REPORTED IN THE UNITED STATES 

1947-19601 

SQ. FT. AREA SQ. FT. AREA 
TOTAL IN REGIONAL IN OTHER 
YEAR NUMBER SQ. FT. AREA CENTERS CENTERS 

1947 8 736,000 736,000 

1948 11 1,330,000 1,330,000 

1949 22 3,210,000 500,000 2,710,000 

1950 27 4,044,000 1,300,000 2,744,000 

1951 44 6,085,000 1,750,000 4,335,000 

1952 39 7,909,000 3,978,000 3,931,000 

1953 54 6,252,000 1,125,000 5,127,000 

1954 96 15,568,000 4,022,000 11,546,000 

1955 104 16,228,000 3,989,000 12,239,000 

1956 156 30,805,000 13,757,000 17,048,000 

1957 188 30,606,000 9,625,000 20,981,000 

1958 186 28,031,000 5,630,000 22,401,000 

1959 206 31,754,000 7,178,000 24,576,000 

1960 140 28,542,000 9,110,000 19,432,000 

TOTAL 1947-1960 1,281 211,100,000 61,964,000 149,136,000 

^Source: Compiled by Hoyt, Homer, in "The Status of Shopping Centers in the United 
States," Urban Land, Vol. 19, No. 5, Urban Land Institute, October, 1960. Tabulations based 
in part on information in Directory of Shopping Centers in the United States and Canada, 1961 
Edition, National Research Bureau, Inc., Chicago, Illinois. 

337 



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Table A-11 

MILEAGE OF EXISTING ROADS AND STREETS^ 

TYPE OF ROADWAY MILES PER CENT 

Primary State Highways 434,357 12.5 

Secondary State Highways 242,091 6.9 

County, Town, and Township Roads 2,345,082 67.4 

Municipal Streets ....„ 342,724 9.9 

State Park, Forest and Other Roads 10,745 0.3 

National Park, Forest, Reservation and Other 

Federal Roads 100,826 2.9 

Toll Facilities Not Included in Other Systems 2,962 0.1 

Total Mileage . 3,478,787 100.0 



^Source: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Highway Statistics, 1958. 
Data as of December 31, 1958. 



341 



Table A-12 

MOTOR VEHICLE REGISTRATIONS, TRAVEL AND GROSS NATIONAL 

PRODUCT - 1921-19591 





TOTAL 

VEHICLES 

REGISTERED 

(Millions) 


TOTAL 
MOTOR 
TRAVEL 

(Vehicle-Miles, 
Billions) 


GROSS 

NATIONAL 

PRODUCT 

{Constant 1947 

Dollars, 

Billions)^ 


INDEX {1940 = 


1.00) 


YEAR 


Regis- 
trations 


Travel 


GNP 


1921 


10.49 


55.0 


95.3 


32 


18 


56 


1922 


12.27 


67.7 


110.6 


38 


22 


64 


1923 


15.10 


85.0 


123.8 


47 


28 


72 


1924 


17.61 


104.8 


123.5 


54 


35 


72 


1925 


20.07 


122.3 


134.4 


62 


40 


78 


1926 


22.20 


140.7 


141.8 


68 


47 


83 


1927 


23.30 


158.5 


141.7 


72 


52 


83 


1928 


24.69 


172.9 


142.7 


76 


57 


83 


1929 


26.70 


197.7 


149.3 


82 


65 


87 


1930 


26.75 


206.3 


135.2 


82 


68 


79 


1931 


26.09 


216.2 


126.6 


80 


72 


74 


1932 


24.39 


200.5 


107.6 


75 


66 


63 


1933 


24.16 


200.6 


103.7 


74 


66 


60 


1934 


25.26 


215.6 


113.4 


78 


71 


66 


1935 


26.55 


228.6 


127.8 


82 


76 


74 


1936 


28.51 


252.1 


142.5 


88 


83 


83 


1937 


30.06 


270.1 


153.5 


93 


89 


89 


1938 


29.81 


271.2 


145.9 


92 


90 


85 


1939 


31.01 


285.4 


157.5 


96 


94 


92 


1940 


32.45 


302.2 


171.6 


100 


100 


100 



^Source: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Office of Business Eco- 
nomics. 

'Constant dollars are in 1947 prices. 



342 



Table A-12 — Continued 

MOTOR VEHICLE REGISTRATIONS, TRAVEL AND GROSS NATIONAL 

PRODUCT - 1921-1959^ 





TOTAL 

VEHICLES 

REGISTERED 

(Millions) 


TOTAL 
MOTOR 
TRAVEL 

(Vehicle-Miles, 
Billions) 


GROSS 

NATIONAL 

PRODUCT 

(Constant 1947 

Dollars, 

Billions)^ 


INDEX 


(1940 = 


1.00) 


YEAR 


Regis- 
trations 


Travel 


GNP 


1941 


34.89 


333.6 


198.2 


108 


110 


116 


1942 


33.00 


268.2 


223.6 


102 


89 


130 


1943 


30.89 


208.2 


248.9 


95 


69 


145 


1944 


30.48 


212.7 


268.2 


94 


70 


156 


1945 


31.04 


250.2 


263.1 


96 


83 


153 


1946 


34.37 


340.9 


233.8 


106 


113 


136 


1947 


37.84 


370.9 


232.2 


117 


123 


135 


1948 


41.09 


398.0 


243.9 


127 


132 


142 


1949 


44.69 


424.5 


241.5 


138 


140 


141 


1950 


49.16 


458.2 


264.7 


151 


152 


154 


1951 


51.91 


491.1 


282.9 


160 


163 


165 


1952 


53.27 


513.6 


293.7 


164 


170 


171 


1953 


56.28 


SUA 


305.3 


173 


180 


178 


1954 


58.59 


560.9 


301.3 


181 


186 


176 


1955 


62.76 


603.4 


322.8 


193 


200 


188 


1956 


65.18 


627.8 


332.0 


201 


208 


193 


1957 


67.16 


647.0 


339.0 


207 


214 


198 


1958 


68.33 


664.7 


331.3 


211 


220 


193 


1959 


70.45 


696.0 


NA3 


217 


230 


NA« 



iSoiirce: Department of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads, Office of Budness Economics. 
2Constant dollars are in 1947 prices. 
SNA - Not Available. 



343 



Table A-13 
ESTIMATE OF MOTOR VEHICLE TRAVEL - 1956-1958^ 

MILLION VEHICLE MILES^ 

ITEM 1956 1957 1958 

Passenger Cars ( including taxicabs ) : 

Rural travel 275,686 275,034 281,253 

Urban travel 231,452 254,371 263,620 

Total 507,138 529,405 544,873 

Buses: 

Commercial buses: 

Rural travel 1,417 1,098 1,060 

Urban travel 1,854 1,943 1,854 

Total 3,271 3,041 2,914 

School and non-revenue buses: 

Rural travel 1,184 1,103 1,141 

Urban travel 150 249 255 

Total 1,334 1,352 1,396 

All r^TicfiC* 

Rural 'travel 2,601 2,201 2,201 

Urban travel 2,004 2,192 2,109 

Total 4,605 4,393 4,310 

All passenger vehicles: 

Rural travel 278,287 277,235 283,454 

Urban travel 233,456 256,563 265,729 

Total 511,743 533,798 549,183 

Trucks and combinations: 

Rural travel 74,092 73,070 74,130 

Urban travel 42,008 40,136 41,340 

Total 116,100 113,206 115,470 

All motor vehicles: 

Rural travel 352,379 350,305 357,584 

Urban travel 275,464 296,699 307,069 

Total 627,843 647,004 664,653 

iSource: U. S. Department of Coimneroe, Bureau of Public Roads, Highway Statistics, 1958. 
^Similar data for the years 1936-1955 are published in Highway Statistics to 1955. 



ESTIMATED 


DOM 


Table A-14 

ESTIC PASSENGER-MILES - 1958 AND 1959^ 

(Billions of Passenger Miles) 

PER 
CENT 
INCREASE 
1958 1959 1958 to 


MODE OF TRAVEL 


Miles 


Per Cent 

90.1 

3.4 

3.2 

3.3 

100.0 


Miles 

670.0 
29.0 
22.1 
24.0 

745.1 




Per Cent 1959 


Automobiles 




656.0 


89.8 2.1 


Railroads 




. 25.3 


3.9 14.9 


\ir lines 




23.3 


3.0 -5.1 


Intercity Bus 




....... 24.0 


3.3 0.0 


Total Passenger-Miles — 


....... 728.6 


100.0 2.3 



ISource: CJhamber of Commerce of the United States, Transport Review and Outlook, 
year ending 1959. 

344 



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Table A-16 

TRIPS TO AND FROM "EAT MEAL" IN STUDY AREAS WITH OTHER 
TERMINUS AT NON-HOME PURPOSE^ 

(Auto Drivers Only) 



TOTAL 

NON-HOME NON-HOME PERCENT 

TRIPS TO OR FROM FOR EAT 

URBAN AREA (Unlinked) EAT MEAL MEAL 



Washington 265,000 20,0002 g 

Pittsburgh 193,689 26,378 14 

St. Louis 327,000 28,300 9 

Houston 248,000 37,300 15 

Kansas City 315,500 34,000 11 

Phoenix 33,000 8,000 24 

Fort Lauderdale 58,630 8,360 14 

Charlotte 95,000 19,100 20 

Reno 20,037 5,955 29 



* Source: Origin-destination studies in each area. 

'Approximate "Eat Meal" and "Medical-Dental" trip purposes were combined in the 1955 
Washington Siurvey. 



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Table A-22 

CHANGES IN ANNUAL TRANS-HUDSON PASSENGER MOVEMENTS 
BY MODES OF TRAVEL - 1948-19581 

MILLIONS OF PASSENGERS 



All In In Ferry In 

YEAR Modes Autos Buses Pedestrians Railroads 

1948 266.6 80.7 60.1 8.3 117.5 

1958 276.8 136.4 76.9 1.4 62.1 

Changes 1948-58 

Millions - +10.2 -f 55.7 +16.8 — 6.9 —55.4 

Per Cent + 3.8 +69.0 +28.0 —83.1 —47.1 

CHANGES IN MILLIONS 

Total 

Travel By By 

All Modes By All In In As Ferry Rail- 

TYPE TRAVEL 1958 Modes Autos Buses Pedestrians roads 

1. All Days 276.8 +10.2 +55.7 +16.8 —6.9 —55.4 

2. Weekends (NYandNJ 

Residents) 86.2 + 9.1 +21.1 + 2.6 —2.2 —12.4 

3. NY Residents to and 

from NJ 55.0 +10.1 +15.6 + 2.6 —0.8 — 7.3 

4. NJ Residents to and 

from Non-CBD 31.7 + 8.8 +10.5 + 1.2 —0.4 — 2.5 

5. NJ Residents to and 

from Manhattan CBD 103.9 —17.8 + 8.5 +10.4 —3.5 —33.2 

6. In off hours 45.8 — 3.6 + 4.7 + 4.9 —1.1 —12.1 

7. In rush hours .-. 58.1 —14.2 + 3.8 + 5.5 —2.4 —21.1 

1 Source: Chemiack, Nathan, "Passenger Data for Urban Transportation Planning," Journal 

of the Highway Division, Proceedings of the American Society of Civil Engineers, December, 
1959. 



Table A-23 

DAILY TRIPS TO SAN FRANCISCO CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT 

1912-19541 

FINANCIAL DISTRICT 

Total People Per Cent Per Cent 

YEAR Entering By Car By Transit 

1912 299,966 17.4 82.6 

1926 332,356 30.0 70.0 

1937 326,857 41.2 58.8 

19472 382,203 39.2 60.8 

19542 400,000 51.0 49.0 

METROPOLITAN TRAFFIC DISTRICT 

Total People Per Cent Per Cent 

YEAR Entering By Car By Transit 

1947 535,286 50.6 49.4 

19542 540,552 60.1 39.9 



^Source: San Francisco City Planning Commission. 
'Estimate by Planning Commission. 

352 



Table A-24 

TRENDS IN RAILROAD COMMUTATION - 1922-55^ 

REVENUE: 
PASSENGERS PASSENGER-MILES CENTS PER 

YEAR (thousands) (millions) PASSENGER-MILE 

1922 429,446 6,132 1.10 

1923 - 446,538 6,401 1.09 

1924 438,773 6,407 1.10 

1925 446,766 6,592 1.11 

1926 445,936 6,605 1.13 

1927 445,171 6,650 1.11 

1928 - -. -.. 442,484 6,626 1.11 

1929 457,617 6,898 1.11 

1930 438,688 6,669 1.09 

1931 - 386,349 6,018 1.06 

1932 315,462 4,986 1.07 

1933 271,984 4,308 1.08 

1934 262,825 4,163 1.09 

1935 259,099 4,112 1.09 

1936 259,199 4,191 1.06 

1937 245,824 4,116 1.01 

1938 227,412 3,933 1.01 

1939 231,126 4,012 1.02 

1940 229,266 3,997 1.01 

1941 232,456 4,088 1.01 

1942 286,225 4,917 1.07 

1943 312,246 5,261 1.07 

1944 -- 317,918 5,344 1.07 

1945 .- 322,734 5,418 1.08 

1946 340,670 5,857 1.08 

1947 344,604 6,008 1.12 

1948 332,196 5,855 1.30 

1949 308,512 5,478 1.43 

1950 227,102 4,985 1.58 

1951 269,464 4,870 1.71 

1952 260,463 4,755 1.87 

1953 255,829 4,757 1.95 

1954 249,069 4,739 2.03 

1955 247,759 4,776 2.12 

1956 247,061 4,841 2.20 

1957 249,142 4,901 2.37 

1958 239,067 4,776 2.59 

1959 221,407 4,529 2.75 

^Source: The Association of American Railroads, Statistics of Class I Railways of the United 
States. 

353 



Table A-25 
SUMMARY OF TRANSIT TRENDS^ 



YEAR 



TOTAL 
VEHICLES 



1924 NA2 

1925 NA 

1926 86,166 

1927 88,336 

1928 88,292 

1929 88,120 

1930 86,263 

1931 83,683 

1932 80,403 

1933 78,634 

1934 76,759 

1935 74,844 

1936 76,039 

1937 74,367 

1938 73,137 

1939 75,156 

1940 75,464 

1941 79,999 

1942 86,893 

1943 88,106 

1944 89,160 

1945 89,758 

1946 89,845 

1947 91,7823 

1948 90,507 

1949 88,129 

1950 86,310 

1951 85,335 

1952 ... 82,336 

1953 78,875 

1954 76,198 

1955 73,089 

1956 70,373 

1957 68,971 

1958 67,149 

1959 65,780 



TOTAL 

VEHICLE 

MILES 

(millions) 

NA 
NA 
2,669.7 
2,753.0 
2,748.0 
2,762.4 
2,707.0 

2,549.0 
2,363.0 
2,259.0 
2,312.0 
2,327.0 
2,433.0 
2,505.0 
2,434.0 
2,470.0 
2,596.0 

2,676.4 

3,047.7 

3,262.4 

3,284.5 

3,253.8 

3,304.3 

3,342.43 

3,311.1 

3,183.6 

3,007.6 

2,913.4 
2,814.5 
2,695.5 
2,548.8 
2,447.5 
2,366.6 
2,289.5 
2,201.0 
2,158.9 



TOTAL 

PASSENGERS 

CARRIED 

(millions) 

16,301 
16,651 
17,234 
17,201 
16,989 
16,985 
15,567 

13,924 
12,025 
11,327 
12,038 
12,226 
13,146 
13,246 
12,645 
12,837 
13,098 

14,085 

18,000 

22,000 

23,017 

23,254 

23,3723 

22,5403 

21,368 

19,008 

17,246 

16,125 
15,119 
13,902 
12,392 
11,529 
10,941 
10,389 

9,732 

9,557 



RIDES 

PER 
CAPITA 

271 

270 
274 
267 
257 
252 
226 

200 
172 
160 
169 
171 
182 
182 
173 
174 
176 

188 

239 

291 

309 

312* 

282 

269 

252 

219 

195 

180 
167 
153 
135 
124 
117 
111 
104 
102 



iSource: American Transit Association. 
2NA - Not Available. 
sPeak year. 



354 



Table A-26 
CHANGES IN TRANSIT PATRONAGE^ 

SURFACE TRANSIT POPULATION GROUP 



PERIOD 


RAPID 

TRAN. 

SIT 


500,000 
and 
Over 


250,000 

to 
500,000 


100,000 

to 
250,000 


50,000 

to 
100,000 


Less 

Than 

50,000 


Sub- 
urban 
and 
Other 


ALL 


1925-1930 . 


. +13.0 


— 8.3 


— 18.8 


— 5.0 


— 12.4 


— 14.4 


— 2.6 


— 6.5 


1930-1935 - 


. —12.6 


—17.5 


— 23.2 


— 28.6 


— 34.6 


— 31.0 


— 35.8 


—21.5 


1935-1940 . 


. -f 6.5 


+ 4.9 


+ 16.8 


+ 17.7 


+ 35.2 


+ 58.0 


— 34.6 


+ 7.1 


1940-1945 . 


. -1-13.3 


+56.9 


+113.9 


+122.1 


+172.0 


+207.3 


+135.0 


+77.5 


1945-1950 . 


. —16.1 


—23.8 


— 31.6 


— 31.1 


— 28.1 


— 18.5 


— 33.3 


—25.8 


1950-1955 . 


- —17.4 


—^2.2 


— 35.6 


— 39.7 


— 39.7 


— 49.1 


— 33.3 


—33.1 


1955-1959 . 


- — 2.3 


—13.5 


— 26.1 


— 27.9 


— 26.2 


— 33.4 


— 19.9 


—17.1 


1925-1959 . 


. —19.3 


—44.3 


— 49.3 


— 46.9 


— 32.7 


— 20.7 


— 65.8 


—42.6 



^Source: American Transit Association. 



Table A-27 

RAPID TRANSIT TRENDS^ 
(1940 = 100.0) 



YEAR 


NEW YORK CITY 


CHICAGO 


PHILADELPHIA 


1940 


100.02 


100.02 


100.0 


1941 ..-. 


99.9 


102.1 


107.6 


1942 


103.5 


107.7 
113.9 


124.5 


1943 ...... 


105.8 


144.2 


1944 . ... 


103.7 


122.1 
127.2 


139.5 


1945 


105.9 


148.0 


1946 . 


112.1 


127.6 

117.8 

111.2 

98.8 


154.8 


1947 . ... 


109.9 


140.8 


1948 


103.7 


131.8 


1949 


93.4 


118.4 


1950 -.„. 


90.0 


89.4 


119.8 


1951 - -. 


- 86.9 


91.2 


110.0 


1952 


84.3 


91.1 


107.1 


1953 


81.1 


90.3 


99.9 


1954 .„.. 


75.6 


89.9 


95.2 


1955 -_- 


73.9 


91.3 


89.4 


1956 .... 


74.0 


93.5 


87.0 


1957 -- 


72.6 


90.8 


82.8 


1958 .— . 


71.8 


86.6 


80.9 


1959 


.... 72.1 


91.6 


77.7 









iSource: American Transit Association. 

2In 1940, New York City had about 1,843 million riders; C2iicago, 123 million; and Phila- 
delphia, 94 million. 

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Table A-30 

DISTRIBUTION OF CONSUMER EXPENDITURES 
FOR TRANSPORTATION! 



TYPE OF TRANSPORTATION 

1909 

All Transportation 100.0 

Per Cent Private 47.4 

Per Cent Local Public Carrier 33.3 

Per Cent Intercity Public Carrier 19.3 



YEAR 



1919 1929 1940 1950 1954 



100.0 
71.5 
16.8 
11.7 



100.0 

78.3 

14.7 

7.0 



100.0 

82.2 

12.7 

5.1 



100.0 

86.9 

8.9 

4.2 



100.0 

87.9 

8.0 

4.1 



^Source: J. Frederic Dewhurst and Associates, America's Needs and Resources, Twentieth 

Century Fund (1955) p. 971; U. S. Department of Commerce, National Income, A Supple- 
ment to the Survey of Current Business (1954) p. 207; Survey of Current Business (July, 
1955), p. 19. 

Table A-31 

TRANSIT RIDING IN SELECTED CITIES - 1959^ 

Transit 

Population Total Rides 

of Area Area Area of Per 

Served Served Central Capita 

By Transit By Transit City Per Year 

City (1959) (Sq. Miles) (Sq. Miles) (1959) 

Chicago 3,757,000 213 208 145.32 

Philadelphia 2,805,000 414 127 119.1 

Detroit 2,158,326 182 140 65.1 

Boston 1,520,516 114 45 132.42 

Pittsburgh 1,266,956 265 55 63.3 

Minneapolis 1,250,000 198 59 51.8 

St. Louis 1,200,000 130 60 81.8 

Milwaukee 1,004,000 127 91 105.6 

Buffalo 777,066 79 43 79.4 

Kansas City 750,000 98 81 49.6 

Atlanta 750,000 175 100 74.3 

Cincinnati 673,500 109 76 69.7 

New Orleans 597,000 58 199^ 180.5 

Seattle 580,000 88 88 76.5 

Memphis 500,000 91 91 69.9 

Providence 500,000 244 19 55.9 

Indianapohs 475,000 61 61 55.3 

Rochester 462,756 100 37 70.3 

Akron 350,000 70 54 32.7 

Harrisburg 137,044 30 12 66.0 

ALL TRANSIT RIDING 102 

^Source: American Transit Association. 

"Includes surface and rapid transit. 

'Actual populated area conforms with transit service area. 



358 






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360 



Table A-34 

CAR OWNERSHIP OF TRANSIT USERS 

Capitol Region — Hartford, Connecticut 

September, 1960^ 



ROUTE 

Description None 

Connecticut Company 

West Hartford-Unionville 43 

Park Street-Main Street 50 

Windsor-Rainbow-Campfield 32 

Franklin Ave.-Blue Hills 40 

Wethersfield 49 

Manchester -— 32 

Rockville 30 

Arrow Line Incorporated 

Avon-Canton 30 

Silver Lane Lines 

Manchester 22 

TOTAL - All Lines —- 39 



CARS AVAILABLE FOR USE BY 

FAMILY - PER CENT 

DISTRIBUTION 



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^Source: Wilbur Smith and Associates, Mass Transportation in the Capitol Region, 1960. 



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363 



Table A-37 

CAPITAL COSTS AND RELATED DATA - ALTERNATE 

TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS 

NATIONAL CAPITAL REGION^ 

ESTIMATED CAPITAL COST - (Thousands of Dollars) 

Plan I Plan II Plan III Plan IV 

Auto- Recom- 

TYPE FACILITY Dominant All-Bus All-Rail mended 

Highway Facilities 

Freeways $1,870,450 $1,401,400 $1,401,400 $1,401,400 

Parkways 299,050 220,150 220,150 220,150 

Major Streets 201,650 181,450 181,450 181,450 

$2,371,150 $1,803,000 $1,803,000 $1,803,000 

Parking Facilities 

Outer Transit Stations ._— $ .- $ 20,800 $ 20,800 $ 20,800 

Intermediate Stations -- 16,800 16,800 16,800 

Sector Zero (Downtown) 236,000 119,000 119,000 119,000 

$ 236,000 $ 156,600 $ 156,600 $ 156,600 

Total Highway and 

Parking FaciHties $2,607,150 $1,959,600 $1,959,600 $1,959,600 

Express Bus Facilities 

Special Bus Roadways ...- $ -. $ 57,100 $ .... $ .... 

Outer Terminals and 

Freeway Stations^ 31,050 .... 30,600 

Shops and Garages .... 13,500 .... 8,650^ 

Rolling Stock (Buses) .... 45,000 .... 28,750^ 

$ 146,650 $ 68,000 

Rail Rapid Transit 

Subways $ -- $ -- $ 561,700 $ 313,150 

Open Construction -- 176,550 85,050 

Outer Terminals -- — 8,500 3,950 

Yards and Shops .... — 20,000 12,250 

Rolling Stock 

(3-Car Units) -- — $ 72,000 $ 44,100 

$ 838,750 $ 458,500 

Total Transit Facilities $ .... $ 146,650 $ 838,750 $ 526,500 

Total System Cost $2,607,150 $2,106,250 $2,798,350 $2,486,100 

364 



Table A-37 — Continued 

CAPITAL COSTS AND RELATED DATA - ALTERNATE 
TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS 
NATIONAL CAPITAL REGION 



PHYSICAL FEATURES 

Plan I Plan II Plan III Plan IV 

Auto- Recom- 

TYPE FACILITY Dominant AU-Bus All-Rail mended 

Highway Facilities 

Route-Miles of Freeways 

and Parkways 344 326 326 326 

Factor 100 95 95 95 

Lane-Miles of Freeways 

and Parkways 2,032 1,775 1,775 1,775 

Factor 100 87 87 87 

Net Additional Parking 

Spaces Needed 
Outer Transit Stations . .... 20,800 20,800 20,800 

Intermediate Stations .. .... 11,200 11,200 11,200 

Sector Zero 

(Downtown) 85,000 48,500 48,500 48,500 

Total 85,000 80,500 80,500 80,500 

Factor 100 95 95 95 

Transit Facilities 
Express Bus 

Number of Routes 11 8 

Route-Miles^ .... 103.8 .... 66.4 

Buses Required .... 1,800 .... 980 

Rail Rapid Transit 

Number of Routes 9 4 

Route-Miles'* -.. ._ 

Subway .... .... 32.4 14.3 

Open-to-the-Sky . .... .... 44.8 20.1 

Three-Car Units 
Required .... .... 400 245 

1 Source: DeLeuw, Gather, and Company, Civil Engineering Report, Mass Transportation 
Survey, National Capital Region, 1958. 

2Excluding parking facilities. 

3More buses would be required in 1965 than in 1980, since rail rapid transit would replace 
some of the express bus routes during this period. As buses purchased prior to 1965 became 
worn out, therefore, they would not all be replaced. The depreciation funds represented by 
such excess buses would presumably be invested in rail rapid transit cars. Garages and bus 
shops, which would have a longer life tlian the buses, should be so designed that they could 
be partially converted for use in servicing the rail cars or used by the expanding fleet of 
local buses. 

^Includes duphcation where two or more routes operate on same street or rigbt-of-way. 

365 



Table A-38 

COMPARATIVE TRAVEL FACTORS 
TRANSIT AND HIGHWAYS 

(Peak Hours) 

A. Basic Assumptions^ 

HIGH DENSITY OTHER 

TYPE TRAVEL URBAN AREAS URBAN AREAS 

Speeds 

1. Arterial - 15 mph 20 mph 

2. Freeway 30 mph - 36 mph 36 - 40 mph 

3. Surface Transit 10 mph 10 mph 

4. Rapid Transit 

a. Conventional 20 mph 

b. Improved 30 mph 30 mph 

c. Optimum 36 mph 

Waiting Times {% Headway) 

1. Surface Transit 3 min. 4 min. 

2. Rapid Transit 2 min. 3 min. 

Walking Distances 

3. To Surface Transit 3 min. 5 min. 

4. To Rapid Transit 4 min. 5 min. 

5. To Destination from 

a. Parking Area 6-7 min. 3 min. 

b. Surface Transit 1 min. 1 min. 

c. Rapid Transit 2 min. 2 min. 

Connecting Travel Times 

1. Surface to Rapid 7 min. 10 min. 

2. Auto to Rapid 5 min. 6 min. 

3. Auto to Freeway 4 min. 6 min. 

B. Summary of Time Losses 

CONDITION HIGH DENSITY URBAN AREAS OTHER URBAN AREAS 

Wait- Desti- Wait- Desti- 

Initial ing Conn, nation Initial ing Conn.^ nation 

Walk Time Ride Walk Total Walk Time Ride Walk Total 

Arterials Only .... .... 6 6 „.. 3 3 

Arterials and Freeways .. .... 5 7 12 6 3 9 

Surface Transit Only 3 3 .._ 17 5 4 .... 1 10 

Rapid Transit Only 4 2 .... 2 8 5 3 „.. 2 10 

Surface and 
Rapid Transit 3 5 7 2 17 4 7 10 2 23 

Auto and Rapid Transit .. .... 2 5 2 9 .-. 3 6 2 11 

1 Source: Calculations represent basic assumptions for Figure 61. 
2To rapid transit or freeway. 

366 



Table A-39 

ORIGINS OF NORTHBOUND PASSENGER CARS 

ON NIMITZ FREEWAY SOUTH OF SAN LEANDRO^ 

South City Limits - Typical 1960 Day 
(12 Hours) 

ZONE IN WHICH POPULA- CARS PER 

CAR IS GARAGED NO. OF TION THOUSAND 

Location Number* CABS 1960 PEOPLE 

Piedmont 122 46 10,973 4.2 

Oakland - North 106,109-111 

115-117,123 455 48,040 9.5 

Oakland - CBD 107,112-114 

118-121, 

125-127 1,160 95,100 11.6 

Oakland - Central 130-134 

136-142 1,255 105,120 11.9 

Alameda 124,128-129 

135 1,689 53,606 31.5 

Alameda - Penn 143-144 10 __ — 

Oakland - Nimitz 145-146 1,043 74,000 14.1 

Oakland - S. E 147-149 407 38,800 10.5 

San Leandro 150-153 734 77,700 9.4 

Areas South of San Leandro .. 210-215 1,019 34,200 29.8 

220 2,970 25,600 115.0 

225,275 743 35,600 20.9 

230 752 12,700 58.2 

235-250 37 1,600 23.1 

240,255 1,668 16,300 102.4 

245,260 758 13,200 57.5 

265,270 883 11,900 74.2 

276,281 583 12,500 46.6 

280 71 1,000 71.0 

310 „_ 100 

315,321 533 6,700 79.5 

320 108 2,300 47.0 

322-455 3,387 45,100 75.1 
510-520 
530-542 

550-560 101 6,520 15.5 
571,525-528 
543-545 

565-566 15 20,000 0.8 

TOTAL 21,097 874,557 



iSoiirces: Field study by Wilbur Smith and Associates, August, 1960. 

2Zones based on Wilbur Smith and Associates, Alameda County Highway Master Plan, 1959. 

367 



Table A-40 

COST OF MOTOR VEHICLE ACCIDENTS 

UNITED STATES 

1950 and 1959^ 



INDIRECT 
DIRECT COSTS COSTS 



Property Wage Medical Cost of TOTAL 

YEAR Damage Losses Expense Insurance COSTS 



1950 - $1,250,000,000 $ 950,000,000 $ 50,000,000 $ 850,000,000 $3,100,000,000 
1959 - $2,100,000,000 $1,600,000,000 $150,000,000 $2,350,000,000 $6,200,000,000 



^Soiirce: Accident Facts, Yearly Editions, National Safety Council. 

Table A-41 
COOK COUNTY EXPRESSWAY ACCIDENT RATES - 1959^ 

PER HUNDRED MILLION VEHICLE MILES 
FACILITY Fatality Rate Accident Rate 

Calumet Expressway - - 0.72 73.09 

Edens Expressway 0.96 8.45 

Congress 2.51 180.64 

Composite 1.60 125.20 

Toll Roads - 1959 2.80 101.30 

All Limited Access Roads 2.00 186.00 



^Sovirce: "Cook County Report on Expressway Accident Pattern," Street Engineering, Sep- 
tember, 1960. 

368 



Table A-42 

TEST RUNS ON FREEWAYS AND SURFACE STREETS 
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA^ 

VIA VIA SURFACE 

ITEM FREEWAYS STREETS SAVING 

Date- ._ 6/2/54 6/3/54 

Start 9:30 A.M. 9:30 A.M. _ 

Car Ford No. 8 Ford No. 8 

Distance _ 133.3 miles 123.8 miles 

Time.. 165 minutes 380 minutes 215 minutes 

Gas Used.. 6.88 gallons 8.57 gallons 1.69 gallons 

Miles/Gallon 19.38 14.44 4.94 

Average Speed 48.473 19.547 29.926 

Number of Signalized 

Intersections 578 578 

Average Signals/Mile 4.67 4.67 

No. of Stops Made 298 298 

Average Stops/Mile 2.41 2.41 

Operation Cost/Mile 

Gasoline 1.5450 2.076j[f .531^ 

Time at 2jzf/Minute 2.476(;? 6.139jzf 3.663^ 

4.021jZf 8.215ff 4.1940 

iSource: Automobile Club of Southern California, Engineering Department, An Appraisal 
of Freeways versus Surface Streets in the Los Angeles Metropolitan Area, August, 1954. 



369 



APPENDIX D 

Selected References 

Aldrich, Lloyd, A Study of Freeway System Benefits, report to the Los Angeles 
Board of Public Works, Los Angeles, California, September, 1954. 

American Association of State Highway Officials, Road User Benefits Analyses 
for Highway Improvements, revised, 1959. 

American Association of State Highway Officials, A Policy on Design Stand- 
ards (Interstate system, Primary system, secondary and feeder roads), 
Revised, Washington, D. C, September 1, 1956. 

American Institute of Planners, "Land-Use and Traffic Models," Journal of 
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