3-p?1
The Itinerary
of
Fynes Moryson
In Four Volumes
Volume III
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE 6- COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON
THE MACMILLAN CO. NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA TORONTO
SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
BOWES AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH
MCMVIII
An Itinerary
Containing His Ten Yeeres Travell through
the Twelve Dominions of Germany, Bohmer-
land, Sweitzerland, Netherland, Denmarke,
Poland, Italy, Turky, France, England,
Scotland &' Ireland
Written by
FYNES MORYSON
Gent.
VOLUME III
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
MCMVIII
D
\9Q7
KF.tREH.
^T'^l
THE TABLE
PAGE
The Contents of the severall Chapters contained
in the Second Booke of the Second Part
(^Continued).
CHAP. II.
Of the besieging of the Spaniards at Kinsale, with the
delivery of the Towne to the Lord Deputy, and
their returne into Spaine in the same yeere 1601. . 1
The Contents of the severall Chapters contained
in the Third Booke of the Second Part,
CHAP. I.
Of the prosecution of the warre by the Lord Mountjoy
Lord Deputy, against the Rebels in the yeere 1602. . 144
CHAP. n.
Of Tyrones taking to mercy, whereby the warre was
fully ended ; and of a new mutiny of the Cities of
Mounster, for establishing the publike exercise of the
Roman Religion, with the appeasing thereof; together
with the Lord Deputies recalling into England, and
the rewards there given him for his service in the
beginning of the yeere 1603 : with mention of his
untimely death within few yeeres after ; and the state
of Ireland some ten yeeres after. .... 290
V
THE TABLE
PAGE
The Contents of the severall Chapters contained
in the First Booke of the Third Part.
CHAP. I.
That the visiting of forraigne Countries is good and
profitable, but to whom, and how farre. . . . 349
CHAP. II.
Of Precepts for Travellers, which may instruct the un-
experienced. . . . . . . . ,370
CHAP. III.
Of the Opinions of old Writers, and some Proverbs which
I observed in forraigne parts by reading or discourse,
to be used either of Travellers themselves, or of divers
Nations and Provinces. ...... 426
The Contents of the severall Chapters contained
in the Second Booke of the Third Part.
CHAP. I.
Of the fit meanes to travell, and to hier Coaches or Horses
in generall. ........ 464
CHAP. II.
Of Sepulchers, Monuments and Buildings in generall, (for
I have formerly spoken particularly of them.) . . 483
VI
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
The Siege of Kinsale, ..... 96
Sir George Carew Earl of Totnes, Lord President
of Munster, . . . . . .188
The Siege of the Castle of Dunboy, . . . 284
The Army encamped before the Castle of
Dunboy, ....... 288
The Cittie of Limerick, . . . . .320
The Third Volume
OF
The Itinerary of Fynes Moryson
Chap. II.
Of the besieging of the Spaniards at Kinsale, with
the deUvery of the Towne to the Lord Deputy,
and their returne into Spaine in the same yeere
1601.
He 16 day of October, his Lordship with
the Army rose from Corke, and encamped
five miles short of Kinsale, at a place
called Owny Buoy. The 17 the army
rose, & marching towards Kinsale, en- T/ie besieging
camped within half a mile of the towne of Kmsak.
under a hill called Knock Robin, where
some few shot of the Spaniards offered to disturbe our
sitting downe, but were soone beaten home. Wee had
at that time scarce so much Powder as would serve for a
good dayes fight, neither had wee any competent number
of tooles, so as wee could not intrench our selves, for these
provisions were not yet come from Dublin. That day
Captain Morgan came out of England with one of the
Queenes ships, and our Master Gunner came from Water-
ford, advertising that some ships of provisions, sent from
Dublin, were come to that Port, where they were enforced
to stay by a contrary wind, being Southerly. The
eighteenth the Army lay still, and we viewed the fittest
places to incampe neere the Towne : but our Artillerie
being not come, we removed not. And that night the
Spaniards made a salley, much greater then the former,
to disturbe our Campe, but our men soone repelled them
without any losse to us. The nineteenth wee lay still,
M. HI I A
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
skirmishes
with the
enemy.
Cormock
Mac Dermot.
[II.
11.
expecting provisions, and that day, our men sent to view
the ground, had some slight skirmishes with the enemy,
and Don Jean after professed, that hee never saw any
come more willingly to the sword, then our men did.
That night Sir John Barkeley was appointed to give
Alarum to the Towne, who did beate the Spanish guardes
set without the Towne, into their trenches. The next
night after, some sixteene hundred Spaniards came to the
top of the hill, under which wee lay, either with purpose
to cut off some of the scouts, or to attempt some thing
on the Campe : But Sir John Barkeley lying with a party
of ours not exceeding three hundred, discovered them,
and skirmishing with them, killed some dead in the place,
tooke some Armes and other spoyle, and hurt divers, and
did beate them backe to the Towne, without the losse of
any one of our men, and onely three hurt.
The one and twentieth Cormock Mac Dermot an Irish
man, chiefe of a Countrie called Muskerie, came with the
rising out (or souldiers) of his Countrie, to shew them
to the Lord Deputy, who to the end the Spaniards might
see the meere Irish served on our side, commanded them
at their returne to passe by the Spanish trenches, made
without the Towne on the top of the hil, but lodged
strong parties (out of the enemies sight) to second them.
The Irish at first went on wel, and did beat the Spanish
guards from their ground, but according to their custome,
suddenly fell off, and so left one of the Lord Presidents
horsemen ingaged, who had charged two Spaniards : but
Sir William Godolphin commanding the Lord Deputies
troope, when he saw him in danger, and unhorsed, did
charge one way up on their grosse, and Captaine Henry
Barkley Cornet of the same troope, charged another way
at the same instant, and drove their shot into the trenches,
and so rescued the horseman with his horse, comming off
142.] with one man hurt, and onely one horse killed, from the
great numbers of Spanish shot, whereof foure were
left dead in the place, divers carried off dead into the
Towne, and many hurt.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
160I.
The two and twentieth day Captaine Button arrived at
Corke with the Queenes Pinnis, called the Moone, which
wafted other ships bringing victuals and munition from Victuals and
Dublyn, and the same day came to the Campe, advertising munitionsfrom
that the same shippes were come from Waterford towards * ^^■
Corke. That night his Lordship sent him backe, to bring
his ship about to Kinsale Harbour, and to take with him
Captaine Wards shippe from Oyster Haven, where it lay
to guard the victuall and munition we brought with us.
These two ships were commanded to annoy the Castle
of Rincoran, seated close upon the harbour of Kinsale,
and possessed by the Spaniard ; but after they had spent
many shot upon the Castle without any great effect,
because their Ordinance was small, they lay still to keepe
the Harbour, that neither the Castle nor the Towne might
be releeved by water, which was the chiefe end of their
comming. The three & twentith the Dublyn shipping
arrived at Corke, & were directed to come presently to
Oyster Haven, where we might unlade the Artillery
(which could not be brought by land), and other pro-
visions for the present use of the Army.
The foure and twenty day it was resolved, we should
rise and incampe close by the Towne, but the shipping
being not come about with the artillery and other
necessaries, that day was spent in dispatching for England.
And by night Captaine Blany and Captaine Flower were
sent out, to lie with five hundred foote, to intertaine the
Spaniards which were drawne out of the Towne, but they
came no further, and so our men returned.
This day his Lordship and the Counsell wrote to the Letter to the
Lords in England this following letter.
Lords in
England.
IT may please your Lordships, since our last dispatch
from Corke, which bare date the fourth of this present
moneth, we spent some time there, expecting the com-
ming of the old Companies out of the Pale and Northerne
parts, and hoping to be supplied with victuals, munition,
and other necessaries from Dublyn, without which we
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
saw it would be to little purpose to take the field. But
when we had staied there till the sixteenth, & were not
provided of munition, (none being come to us from
Dublyn or from Lymricke, whether we had likewise sent
to have some brought to us), and wanting both victuals,
and most of the provisions belonging necessarily to so
great a siege, yet to invest the Town where the Spaniards
are lodged, from receiving succours both of victuals and
The Countrey of such as were disposed to joine with them, and withall
conceives the to avoid the opinion, which the Countrey beganne to
Queenes forces conceive of our weakenes, because wee did not draw into
the field, we resolved the sixteenth day to rise, and the
next day did sit downe within lesse then halfe a mile of
the Towne, keeping continuall guardes round about the
enemy. We can assure your Lordships that we doe not
thinke our selves much stronger (if any thing at all) in
numbers then they are, whose army at their setting to
sea, did beare the reputation of sixe thousand, and we
have cause to judge them (because since our last letters
to your Lordships, there arrived another ship at Kinsale,
which brought five hundred men more unto them) now
to be above foure thousand by the Pole. In both these
points of number in reputation or by Pole, they differ not
much from ours, for it may please your Lordships to
consider, that the whole force we can draw into this
Spaniards and Province (leaving the Pale, Connaght, and the North
English forces provided for, as it may appeare by this inclosed note they
egual. g^j.g \^ some measure) doth not exceede in lyst 7000, and
of those we are enforced to leave some part upon the
borders towards Lymricke, to be some stay to the whole
Countrey, and it must in reason be thought, that our
Companies generally are weake in numbers, seeing they
have had no supplies of a long time, and that we desire
two thousand to reinforce them, besides that many are
taken out of them for necessary wards, some are sicke,
and many of the Northerne Companies lie yet hurt, since
[II. ii. 143.] the late great skirmishes against Tyrone, which they per-
formed with good successe but a little before they were
4
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
sent for to come hither. Wee doe assuredly expect, that
many will joine with Tyrone, (if hee onely come up
towards these parts), and almost all the Swordmen of this
Kingdome, if we should not keepe the field, and the
countenance of being Masters thereof, how ill provided
soever wee doe find our selves. Wherefore wee most Reinfine-
humbly and earnestly desire your Lordships to hasten menu eagerly
away at the least the full number of such supplies of «^-f'^^«-
horse and foote as we doe write for in our last, and that
it will please your Lordships to beleeve from us, that if
the Countrie should joyne with Tyrone, and make a
defection, our chiefe securitie will be in the horse we must
receive out of England, for the most of these here already,
are much weakned and harazed out, with their continuall
employment in every service. It may also please your
Lordships to consider, that in a siege, where foure
thousand such men as these Spaniards, are possessed of
any place whatsoever, there will bee necessarily required
royall provisions, and great numbers to force them, neither
can it bee thought, but the sword and season of the yeere
will continually waste our Army, so as we are enforced
earnestly to desire your Lordships, while this action is in
hand, to send us continuall supplies, without which this
Army will not be able to subsist. And although (grieved
with her Majesties huge expence) we are loth to propound
for so many men as are conceived to be needefull and
profitable for the present prosecution of this dangerous
warre, yet wee are of opinion, that the more men her The more men
Majesty can presently spare, to be imployed in this ^^^ quicker
Countrie, the more safe and sudden end it will make of ^'''^•
her charge. And not without cause we are moved to
solicite your Lordships to consider thereof, since wee now
perceive that we have an Army of old and disciplined
souldiers before us of foure thousand Spaniards (that
assuredly expect a far greater supply), and much about
twenty thousand fighting men, of a furious and warlike
nation of the Irish, which wee may justly suspect will
all declare themselves against us, if by our supplies and
5
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
strength out of England, they doe not see us likely to
prevaile. These Provincials (a few of Carbry only
excepted, appertaining to Florence Mac Carty) do yet
stand firme, but no better then neutralitie is to be expected
from those which are best affected, nor is it possible to
discover their affections, untill Tyrone with the Irish
Forces doe enter into the Province, who (as the Councell
at Dublin write) is providing to come hither. The
Supplies from supplies from Spaine are presently expected : If they
^M« should arrive before our Army be strengthened out of
expecte . England, or before this Towne of Kinsale be taken, it
must be thought a generall defection through out the
Kingdome (wherein wee may not except the Townes) will
ensue, and then the warre will be drawne to a great
length, and the event doubtfull. If the Queenes ships
doe not in time come to Kinsale, our taske will bee very
heavie, with this small Army to force so strong an enemie,
so well provided of all necessaries for the warre. Where-
fore wee humbly beseech the sending of them away,
which will not onely give us a speedie course to winne
the Towne, but also assure the coasts for our supplies,
and give an exceeding stay to the Countrie (the enemie
fearing nothing more, and the subject desiring nothing
so much as the arrivall of her Majesties Fleete.) The
sixtie lasts of Powder and sixe pieces of battery with their
necessaries, the victuals and all things else, written for
in our former letters, wee humbly desire may presently
bee dispatched hither, and although so great a masse of
victuals, as is needefull, cannot bee sent at an instant, wee
desire it may bee sent as it can bee provided, and directed
for the haven of Corke. What wee shall bee able to
doe till our supplies come, wee cannot say : but what we
shall have reason to feare, except they come in time, your
Lordships may judge. Onely wee assure your Lordships,
that her Majestie (with the helpe of God) shall finde, wee
will omit nothing that is possible to bee done, nor shunne
any thing that may bee suffered, to doe her the service
wee owe unto her. If in the meane time, by all our
6
Powder and
Battery
desired.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
letters both to the Councell at DubHn, and all others in
this Countrie, to whom we have occasion to write, we
give out these Spaniards to bee in number not three
thousand, in their meanes scant and miserable, in their
persons weake and sickely, and in their hopes dismayed
and amazed; we hope your Lordships will conceive we [II. ii. 144.]
do that, but for the countenancing of our party, and to
keepe as many as we can from falling from us. On the
other side, Don Jean de 1' Aguyla the Spanish Generall, Spanish
hath used many arguments to move the Irish to defection, arguments to
and among other (which is very forceable and fearefuU ^^ defection
unto their wavering spirits), he telles them, that this is
the first great action that the King his Master hath under-
taken, and assures them he hath protested, that he will
not receive scorne in making good his enterprise, and that
he will rather hazard the losse of his Kingdoms, then of
his Honour in this enterprise. The Priests likewise (to
terrifie the consciences) threaten hell and damnation to
those of the Irish, that doe not assist them (having
brought Bulles for that purpose), and send abroad
Indulgences to those that take their parts. These and
such like poUicies (as their offering of sixe shillings a day
to every horseman that will serve them) doe so prevaile
with this barbarous Nation, as it is a wonder unto us,
that from present staggering they fall not to flat defection,
as they will soone doe, if they once discover them of
abilitie to give us one blow, before the comming of our
supplies and meanes, which wee are most earnestly to
solicite your Lordships to hasten, assuring your Lordships
that nothing will more confirme the state of this King-
dome, then the arrivall of her Majesties Fleete, which wee Her Majesties
are resolved by the best judgements may be imployed in ^^^ete.
these parts to prevent the arrivall of forraine succours.
Yet in the meane time we will omit nothing that shall
be feasable with the force we have, neither have we been
idle since our comming hither, having had continuall
skirmishes, whereof two especially were well performed
by our men. The first the twentieth of this moneth,
7
Ab. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
when the enemy by night sallyed with more then a
thousand foote, to cut off a guard of horse we kept neere
the Towne, and purposing to attempt something on our
Campe ; but three hundred of our men led by Sir John
Barkley did incounter them and beat them backe, with
losse of many of their men, and some bodies left in the
field, by whose spoile our men were incouraged, and
returned with triumph. The other, the next day when
Irish serve Cormock Mac Dermot, chiefe Lord of Muskerie, com-
against the ming to the Campe, to shew us his rising out, we willed
Spaniards. ^^^ ^^ returne by the Spaniards trenches, that they might
see the Irish serve on our side against them, where they
entertained a good skirmish, but soone falling off, a
horseman was engaged and unhorsed : but Sir William
Godolphin with my troope rescued him, charging close
to their trenches, in a way flancked by two trenches, and
filled with great numbers of shot, yet returned (to our
,> great marvell) with little or no hurt, having beaten them
from their strength, and killed many of their men, whereof
they left some behind them, besides others wee saw them
carry off. From this beginning we hope God will so blesse
our just quarrell, as shortly we shall have cause to enforme
you of better successe. We understand that Tyrone will
presently come hither, which if he doe, your Lordships
can judge how weake we are to deale both with him and
the Spaniards.
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter
to Master Secretarie.
Letter to O Ir, what we desire, and how our affaires are disposed
Master O of, you have by our general letters to my Lords.
Secretarie. ]sJq^ j ^[\\ desire, that my unremoveable affection may
be held as a conclusion so absolutely granted, that I may
no more trouble you with any ceremonies ; for you shall
finde, that I will not value my life, nor any fortune of
this world to make you assured demonstration thereof,
when I shall have the happinesse to have power and
occasion to shew it. Onely now touching the point of
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
my Lord Presidents comming over, to take from you any
doubt, that in my owne particular I could not earnestly My Lord
concurre with you, I doe protest on my Christianitie, that President.
I know no man in this Kingdome, that I could have been
better pleased, should have been the deliverer of my
affections and actions, then himselfe, and by him unto
you, and from you might have delivered and received
much, which I desire most to doe; neither do I know
any, who I conceive could have delivered more sufficiently
the present state of this Kingdome, nor propounded to
greater purpose for her Majesties service the course that
will be fittest for you in England to embrace. But against
mine owne private desire, he hath opposed his own per- [II- "• '45-]
emptory distaste of the motion, with this protestation,
to hate me if I should urge it. Besides, it seemes to me
against the publike commodity, in so weighty a cause to
send away so worthy an instrument, and deprive our
selves of the assistance we receive thereby at this time,
(especially the stage of this great action being chiefly in
his owne Province, in the which the successe of his
governement doth best shew what authority his judge-
ment and presence doth carry). So that I conclude, for
your sake, his owne and mine, but especially for the
publike, at this time he cannot well be spared from hence,
besides that he hath vowed to fall out with all, if it be
urged. And although these spoiles of ambition are of
all other the most unwillingly shared by men of our
profession ; yet I protest I am glad, even in this great
goale of honour, to runne equally with him, and to par-
ticipate with all his adventures. This band of the honour
we beare to you, and mutuall affection to each other,
having for chiefe knot the service of our dearest Sove-
raigne, there is no corruption that may be likely to dissolve
it ; and therefore I hope it is tied by the hand of God,
and it shall not be in the power of man to loose it. I
am assured, that you and I thinke, the State of England
cannot but conceive the importance of our worke : for
now Jacta est alia betweene England and Spaine, and
9
A.D.
160I.
Letter to
Master
Secretarie.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
we that doe play the game, have least interest in the
stake, though we will winne or loose our lives, to shew
that we doe not play booty : wherefore I hope you will
not forget us, for vestra res agitur : And let this onely
argument, which I could confirme with many circum-
stances, oppose it selfe against the Counsels of those, that
will sell their birth-rites in Heaven it selfe, to please
their owne envious and partiall pallates, that the warre of
the Low-Countries was begunne, and hath beene main-
tained with few more naturall Spaniards, then are arrived
here already ; and that putting armes and discipline into
this people, they are more warlike then any of his
auxilaries. Sir I will trouble you no longer, being
desirous to doe somewhat worth the writing. God send
us an Easterly winde, and unto you as much happines as
I doe wish unto my owne soule. From the Campe by
Kinsale this 24 of October 1601.
Yours Sir most assured for ever
to doe you service,
Mountjoy.
The five and twenty the Army was ready to rise, but
the weather falling out very foule, direction was given
Desertersfrom not to dislodge. Foure naturall Spaniards came this day
the Spaniards, to US from the Enemy, who the next day were sent to
Corke. This night Sir John Barkeley went out with
some three hundred foot, having with him Captaine
Flower, Captaine Morris, and Captaine Bostocke, and fell
into the Spaniards trenches, and did beate them to the
Towne, fell into the gate with them, and killed and hurt
above twenty of the Spaniards, having but three hurt
of our men. Hitherto we lodged in Cabbins, so as it
rained upon us in our beds, and when we changed our
shirts.
The sixe and twenty the Army dislodged and incamped
on an hill on the North-side before Kinsale, called the
Spittle, somewhat more then musket shot from the Towne,
and there intrenched strongly. When we sat downe, we
lO
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND >*d.
1601.
discovered that the Spaniards had gotten a prey of two
hundred or three hundred Cowes, and many sheepe, which Captures by
were (in an Hand as it seemed) upon the South-east side '^'^ Spaniards
of the Towne, beyond the water, which wee could not
passe but by going eight or nine mile about, where there
was a necke of land to goe into it. Captaine TafFe being
sent with horse and foot, used such expedition in that
businesse, as he attained the place before night, and by
a hot skirmish recovered the prey, save onely some twenty
Cowes that the Spaniards had killed, although they were
under the guard of a Castle, called Castle Ny Parke,
which the Spaniards had in possession.
The disposal! of the whole Army in Ireland the T/ir disposal
seven and twentieth of October 1601. oj the Army
27 October
Left at Loughfoyle. 1601.
Sir Henry Dockwra 50. Sir John Bolles 50. Horse
100.
Sir Henry Dockwra 200. Sir Matthew Morgan 150.
Captaine Badby 150. S'' John Bolles 150. Captaine [II. ii. 146.]
Erington, 100. Captaine Vaughan, 100. Captaine
Bingley, 150. Captaine Coach, 100. Captaine Basset,
100. Captaine Dutton, 100. Captaine Floyde, 100.
Captaine Oram, 100. Captaine Alford, 100. Captaine
Pinner, 100. Captaine Winsor, 100. Captaine Sydley,
100. Captaine Atkinson, 100. Captaine Digges, 100.
Captaine Brooke, 100. Captaine Stafford, 100. Captaine
Orrell, 100. Captaine Leigh, 100. Captaine Sidney, 100.
Captaine Gower, 150. Captaine Willes, 150. Captaine
W. N. 100. Foote 3000.
Horse left at Carickfergus.
Sir Arthur Chichester Governour, 50. Captaine John
Jephson, 100. Horse 150.
Foote left at Carickfergus.
Sir Arthur Chichester Governour, 200. Sir Foulke
Conway, 150. Captaine Egerton, 100. Captaine Norton,
II
i6oi.
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
The disposal loo. Captaine Billings, 150. Captaine Phillips, 150.
of the Army Foote 850.
27 ^'(<^ber Pootg left ij^ Legale.
Sir Richard Moryson the Governours Company under
his Lieutenant, himselfe attending the Lord Deputy at
Kinsale, 150.
Horse left in Northerne Garrisons.
At the Newrie Sir Francis Stafford, 50. At Mount
Norreys, Sir Samuel Bagnol, 50. Horse, 100.
Foote in North Garrisons.
At the Newrye Sir Francis Stafford, 200. At Dundalke
Captaine Freckleton, 100. At Carlingford Captaine Han-
sard, 100. At Mount Norreys Captaine Atherton, 100.
At Armagh Sir Henrie Davers under his Lieutenant, him-
selfe being at Kinsale, 150. At Blackwater, Captaine
Thomas Williams, 150. Foote, 800.
Horse left in the Pale, and places adjoyning.
In Kilkenny the Earle of Ormond, 50. In Kildare the
Earle of Kildare, 50. In West-meath the Lord of Dun-
sany, 50. In Lowth Sir Garret Moore, 25. Horse, 175.
Foote in the Pale.
At Kilkenny the Earle of Ormond, 150. Captaine John
Masterson, 100. Captaine Thomas Butler, 100. At
Carlogh Sir Christopher Saint Laurence 150. Sir Francis
Shane, 100. Sir Tilbot Dillon, 100. Sir Edward Fitz
Garret, 100. Sir Henrie Harington, 100. Sir Richard
Greame, 100. At the Nasse Sir Laurence Esmond, 150.
In Ophalia Sir George Bourcher, 100. Sir Edward Har-
bert, 100. Sir Henrie Warren, 100. In Leax Fort, Sir
Francis Rush, 150. To be placed by the Counsell at
Dublin, Sir Henrie Power under his Lieutenant, himselfe
being at Kinsale, 150. Sir Samuel Bagnol, 150. Sir
William Warren, 100. Captaine Guest, 150. Captaine
Cawfeild, 150. At Kildare the Earle of Kildare, 100.
Captaine Ocarrol in his Countrie, 100. At Kelles the
12
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
Lord of Dunsany, 1 50. In West-meath the Lord of The disposal
Delvin, 150. Captaine Mac Henry, 100. At Ardee Sir of the Arm:)
Garret Moore, 100. Captaine N. N. 150. Foote 3150. J^q^"^""^^'
Horse left in Connaght.
The Earle of Clanrickard, 50. Captaine Wayman, 12.
Horse, 62.
Foote left in Connaght.
Sir Oliver Lambert Governour, 150. The Earle of
Clanrickard, 150. Sir Thomas Bourk 150. Captaine
Clare, 150. Captaine Thomas Bourk, 100. Captaine
Malbye, 150. Captaine Tybbot ne Long, 100. Captaine
Davy Bourke, 100. A Company void for the Judges pay,
100. Foote 1 1 50.
Totall of Horse 587. Totall of Foote 9100.
The Lyst of the Army with his Lordship at Kinsale.
The old Mounster Lyst.
Sir George Carew Lord President, 50. Sir Anthony
Cooke, 50. Captaine Fleming, 25. Captaine William [H- "• H?-]
Taffe, 50. Horse 175.
Foote of the old Lyst.
The Lord President, 150. The Earle of Thomond,
150. Lord Barry, 100. Lord Audley, 150. Sir Charles
Wilmot, 150. Master Treasurer, 100. Captaine Roger
Harvey, 1 50. Captaine Thomas Spencer, 1 50. Captaine
George Flower, 100. Captaine William Saxey, 100.
Captaine Garret Dillon, 100. Captaine Nuse, 100. Sir
Richard Percy 150. Sir Francis Barkeley, 100. Captaine
Power, 100. A Company for the Earle of Desmonds use,
100. Foote 1950.
New Companies sent into Mounster lately,
which arrived and were put into pay the fourth of
September past.
The Lord President added to his Company, 50. The
Earle of Thomond added to his Company, 50. Sir George
Thorneton, 100. Captaine Skipwith, 100. Captaine
13
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
The disposal Morris, 100. Captaine Kemish, 100. Captaine North,
of the Army iqo, Captaine Owslye, 100. Captaine Fisher, 100.
27 ctober Q^ptaine Yorke, 100. Captaine Hart, 100. Captaine
Lisle, 100. Captaine Ravenscroft, 100. Cap. Rich.
Hansard, 100. Captaine George Greame, 100. Cap-
taine Yelverton, 100. Captaine Panton, 100. Captaine
CuUom, 100. Captaine Hobby, 100. Captaine Gowen
Harvy, 100. Captaine Coote, 100. Foote 2000.
Horse brought from the North and the Pale to
Kin sale.
The Lord Deputies troope, 100. Sir Henrie Davers,
100. Master Marshall, 50. Sir Christopher Saint
Laurence, 25. Sir Henrie Harrington, 25. Sir Edward
Harbert, 12. Sir William Warren, 25. Sir Richard
Greame, 50. Sir Oliver Saint Johns, 25. Sir Francis
Rush, 12. Captaine George Greame, 12. Horse 436.
Foote that Sir John Barkeley brought from the
borders of Connaght to Kinsale.
Sir John Barkley, 200. Sir Arthur Savage, 150. Sir
Oliver Saint Johns, 200. Sir John Dowdall, 100. Cap-
taine Kingsmill, 100. Captaine George Blount, 100.
Captaine Bostock, 100. Foote 950.
Foote brought out of the Pale by Master Marshall,
and from the Northerne Garrisons by Sir Henry Davers
to Kinsale.
The Lord Deputies Guard, 200. Master Marshall,
150. Sir Benjamin Berry, 150. Sir William Fortescue,
150. Sir James Fitz-piers, 150. Sir Thomas Loftus,
100. Sir Henrie Follyot, 150. Captaine Edward Blany,
150. Captaine Josias Bodley, 150. Captaine Rotheram,
1 50. Captaine Thomas Roper, 1 50. Captaine Roe, 1 50.
Captaine Trever, 100. Captaine Ralph Constable, 100.
Foote 2000.
At Kinsale, Horse 611. Foote 6900.
Totall of the whole Army in Ireland, Horse 1198.
Foote i6ooOp
14
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
Of the sixe thousand nine hundred foote at Kinsale
in Mounster, one Company of one hundred was converted
to the Earle of Desmonds use (who was then kept in
England), and some were placed upon the borders of the
Province, to bee a stay to the Countrie. And all the old
Bands called out of the North, the Pale, and Connaght,
were very deficient in number, having been long worne
out in skirmishes, journies and sicknesses, without any
supplies lately sent out of England, though much and
often desired. These sixe thousand nine hundred foote
were distributed into Regiments, commanded by Colonels,
as shall appeare at the increase of the List the next moneth.
The seven and twentieth day, our Artillerie and pro- Artilkne
visions sent from Dublin, were landed at Oyster Haven, ^^'^^'^ ^^
our munition was brought into the Campe, and the front f^^^^jj
of the quarter that faced the Towne, and both the flankes
of our trenches were more strongly fortified, and the \}^- "• H^-]
Campe was round about intrenched, and all those workes
perfected, which could not bee done the day before, by
reason of the foule weather.
Now the Spaniards held the Castle of Rincorane from The Castle of
their first landing, and because it commanded the Harbour Rincorane.
of Kinsale, so that our shipping could not safely land
our provisions neere the Campe, it was thought fit to
make the taking thereof our first worke. To which
purpose Sir John Barkeley, Sir William Godolphin, and
Captaine Josias Bodley Trench-Master, were sent to chuse
a fit place to plant our Artillerie against the Castle. The
28 day two Colverings which had not been long used,
were made fit, and the next day they were mounted. The
Spaniards were in the towne foure thousand strong, and
wee had not many more in the Campe by Pole, though
our Lyst were more. That night the Spaniards issued
out of the Towne by water, to relieve the Castle, but
Captaine Buttons ship did beate them backe. The
thirtieth day the two Culverings began to batter the
Castle, but one of them brake in the eavening.
In the meane time the Spaniards gave an Alarum to
15
A.D,
160I.
Spanish
Alarums.
A round
skirmish.
Sir Oliver
Saint John.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
our Campe, and drew a demy Canon out of the Towne,
wherewith they plaied into the Camp, killed two with the
first shot, neere the Lord Deputies tent, shot through the
next tent of the pay-Master, (wherein we his Lordships
Secretaries did lie) brake a barrell of the Pay-Masters
money, with two barrels of the Lord Deputies beare in
the next Cabin, and all the shot were made, fell in the
Lord Deputies quarter, and neere his owne tent.
This night the Spaniards attempted againe to relieve
the Castle, but Sir Richard Percy having the guard, with
the Lord Presidents Regiment under his command, did
repulse them. The one and thirtieth day the colvering
battered the Castle, and that morning another culvering,
& a canon, being planted, they plaied without intermission,
which while we were busily attending, 500 of their
principall Spaniards came out of Kinsale (with shew to go
to relieve Rincorran by land) and drew toward a guard we
kept betweene Rincorran and the Towne (leaving a great
grosse for their seconds, under the walles), under that
colour to give a safe passage for their boats to the Castle.
Whereupon divers broken Companies out of the Regi-
ments in the Campe (being all in armes) drew voluntarily
that way, and Sir Oliver Saint Johns sent out Captaine
Roe his Lieutenant Colonel and Sir Arthur Savages
Lieutenant with one hundred men, and seeing them likely
to draw on a round skirmish, hee himselfe tooke thirtie
shot of his owne Companie, and went up to them, where
he found Captaine Roe and those with him, skirmishing
with the enemies shot, being two hundred, and having
another grosse lying neere the Towne to second them.
And seeing the Spaniards come up close with their Pikes
to give a charge, he joyned with Captaine Roe, and
incountring them, did beate them backe to their seconds,
making them to retire hastily, the Spaniards then playing
upon our men with shot from every house in that part of
the Towne. In this charge Sir Oliver Saint John received
many pushes of the Pike on his Target, and with one of
them was slightly hurt in the thigh, but hee killed a
16
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
Leader and a common souldier with his owne hand. The
Lord Audley comming up with his Regiment, was shot
through the thigh. Sir Garret Harvy was hurt in the
hand, and had his horse killed under him, Captaine
Buttlers Lieutenant was slaine, and foure other of our
part. Sir Arthur Savages Lieutenant was shot through
the body, and fourteene other of our part were hurt.
The enemie left ten dead in the place, besides their hurt
men, which we apparantly saw to be many, and the next
day heard to be seventie, by one who saw them brought
to the house, where their hurt men lay, and who reported,
that eight of them died that night. Likewise in this A Serjeant
skirmish Juan Hortesse del Contreres was taken prisoner, Major of the
who had been Serieant Maior of the Forces in Britany, ^Z'^"^'^'"'?'^
, J^ J.. i-r,- J taken prisoner.
and our men got rrom them divers good Rapiers, and
very good Armes.
All this while our 3 pieces battered the Castle, till six
of the clock at night, when those of the Castle did beate a
Drumme, which the Lord President (whom the Lord
Deputie had left there, when himselfe in the evening
returned to take care of the Camp) admitted to come
unto him. With the Drum came an Irish man borne at
Corke, and these in the name of the rest, prayed that \}^- "• H9-]
with their Armes, Bagge and Baggage, they might depart
to Kinsayle. This the Lord President refused, and said The Castle
hee would not conclude with any but the Commander of b^^^^red.
the Castle, neither had commission to accept any com-
position, but yeelding to her Majesties mercie. Presently
they sent another Drumme, and a Serjeant with him, but
the Lord President refused to speake with them. At
their returne the Commander himselfe, being an Alfiero
(or Ensigne) called Bartholomeo de Clarizo (for the
Captaine had his legge broken) came unto the Lord
President, but insisting on the condition to depart with
Armes, Bag and Baggage to Kinsale, his offer was refiised.
After he was put safe into the Castle, wee began afresh
the battery, and they more hotly then ever before bestowed
their vollies of shot on us. But the first of November
M. Ill 17 B
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Terms of
composition
discussed.
at two of the clocke in the morning, when they found
how the Castle was weakened by the fury of our battery,
they did againe beate a Drumme for a parley, but we
refusing it, many of them attempted to escape under the
rocke close to the water side, which our men perceiving,
drew close up to the Castle, and hindered their escape.
The first of November earely in the morning, the Lord
President came to the Campe, and made relation of that
nights proceedings to the Lord Deputie, where it was
determined, that if they would render the Castle and
their Armes, upon promise of life to the Spaniards onely,
and promise to send them safe into Spaine, they should
be received to mercy, which was concluded, because the
speedie taking of the Castle was of importance to the
more easie furnishing us with all provisions from that
harbour, and of reputation to our side, as also because
we could not enter the breach without losse of good men
(which we esteemed pretious, being no more by Pole in
the Campe, then the Spaniards in the Towne besieged by
us, by reason our Companies were very deficient in the
numbers of the List, having not been supplied out of
England of a long time), and because this noble dealing
with the Spaniards in the Castle, might induce those in
Kinsale, to leave the Towne upon like composition, when
they i€it the misery, whereunto wee hoped ere long to
bring them. About one hower of the day the Alfiero
sent word to the Lord President (by that time returned)
that he would quit all their Armes, and render the place,
so as they might be suffered thus unarmed to goe into
Kinsale, which being refused, hee intreated that himselfe
alone might hold his Armes, and bee put into Kinsale,
which being also refused, he resolutely resolved to burie
himselfe in the Castle. His Company seeing him
desperately bent not to yeeld, did threaten to cast him
out of the breach, so as they might be received to mercy.
So as at last he consented to yeeld, and that all his people
The Castle should be disarmed in the Castle (which was committed
yeelded. to Captaine Roger Harvy then Captaine of the Guards,
18
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1 60 1.
to see it done), that the Alfiero himself should weare his
sword till hee came to the Lord President, to whom
he should render it up. And this being done, they were
all brought prisoners into the Campe, and immediatly The prisoners.
sent from thence to Corke. The Spanish thus yeelded,
were in number fourescore and sixe, and foure women
(whose names I have, but omit them for brevitie), besides
a great multitude of Irish Churles, Women and Children,
but not any Swordmen ; for those being skilfull in the
waies, had all escaped, one Dermot Mac Carty only
excepted, who was a Pensioner to the King of Spaine,
and heretofore a follower to Florence Mac Carty. Also
some thirtie Spaniards had been slaine in the defence of
this Castle, which was now yeelded to us, those in Kinsale,
not making one shot at our men the while, but standing
as men amased.
The second of November, finding how much we had
to doe, in taking Rincorran Castle with our weake pro-
visions, it was concluded, that all attempts against Kinsale
Towne were in vaine, till wee were better furnished for
such a businesse, which notwithstanding we made daily
countenance to take in hand. This day we drew our
Ordinance from the Castle into our Camp. The third
day of November the Spanish Serjeant Major in Britanny,
taken in a skirmish, and the Alfero yeelding at Rincorran,
obtained licence to write to Don Jean de 1' Aguyla, and
one of our Drums had licence to carry their letters, who
staled in the towne all the following night.
And this day his Lordship received letters of supplies [^I- "• 'So-l
sent out of England, whereupon he wrote to the Counsell
at Dublin, and to Sir Arthur Chichester, to make stay
of certaine Companies, which lately hee had directed to
bee brought out of the North and the Pale, to the Campe
at Kinsale. Touching the said supplies, her Majestic writ
to the Lord Deputie this letter following.
[Elizabeth
19
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Elizabeth Regina.
The Queenes T^ jg^^ trusty and well beloved, Wee greet you well.
Letter. J^ Upon such advertisements as Wee have received
from divers places, of a Fleete dispatched from Spaine,
with a good number of men of warre to bee landed in
that Our Realme, in assistance of Our Rebels there, We
have thought good to send from hence some further forces
for increase of Our Army there, to enable you the better
to make head against them, if they shall fortune to land.
Wherefore We have caused to be leavied here the number
of two thousand men, and appointed them to be embarked
by the twentieth day of this moneth of October (above
the other two thousand lately sent unto you.) For this
Nezv leavies. two thousand now leavied, because We cannot certainely
judge here, whether you shall finde most commodious for
Our service, either to use them for the filling up of
decaied Bands there, or to retaine them in Companies,
or to employ some of them for filling up the decaies
of other Companies, and to retaine other some in Bands.
We have thought good to leave the disposition of them
to your discretion, with the advice of our Councell, and
onely to authorize you hereby, that forasmuch as any
part of them which you shall retaine in severall Bands,
will be above the number of Our Establishment, for the
payment whereof, neither you nor Our Treasurer have
any warrant, that you may give warrants to Our
Treasurer for the paiment of the whole or any part of the
said two thousand, which you shall find necessarie to
retaine in Our pay in Bands severall, above the number
of Our Establishment, or any other former Warrant
limited, the said paiment to be made in lending and
apparrell, as other Our souldiers there are paied, and to
begin from the day of their landing there. Since the
writing of thus much to you, concerning the two thousand
preparing. Wee have received advertisements of the land-
ing of the Spaniards at Kinsale, whereupon we have added
a further supplie of three thousand men more, to be sent
20
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
to you. And for that it may be, We shall have cause to
increase or alter the numbers of Our Armie, as Our service
shall require, We doe therefore give you warrant, to Warrant for
give order from time to time for the paiment of all such payment above
numbers of men there, either horse or foote, above the ^
number limited by Our Establishment, as you shall bee
from Our privy Councell here, or sixe of them (whereof
our Treasurer of England, and Our principall Secretarie
to be two) authorized to retaine in Our pay, as Our service
shall require. Given under Our Signet at Our Mannor
of Richmond, the fourth day of October, in the fortie
thee yeere of Our Raigne.
Postscript. Of al these numbers two thousand shal be
imbarked in Our own ships by the fourteenth of this
October at Rochester, because they shal be secured in their
transportation. Two thousand more shall bee sent by the
twentieth of this moneth to Bristow and Barstable, and
the fifth odde thousand shall be sent to Loughfoyle ; so as
Our leavie is now in all five thousand men.
The same day his Lordship received another letter from
the Queene, of her owne hand, and signed below, not
above (as she usually signed), as followeth.
Since the braine-sicke humour of unadvised assault hath J Letter from
seized on the hearts of Our causelesse foes. We doubt ^^^ Qucenes
not but their gaine will be their baine, and glory their
shame, that ever they had the thought thereof. And that
your humour agrees so rightly with Ours, Wee thinke it
most fortunately happened in your Rule, to shew the better
whose you are, and what you be, as your owne hand
writ hath told Us of late, and doe beseech the Almightie [II. ii. 151. J
power of the Highest, so to guide your hands, that
nothing light in vaine, but to prosper your heede, that
nothing be left behind, that might availe your praise,
and that your selfe in venturing too farre, make not the
ioQ a prey of you. Tell Our Army from Us, that they
make full account, that every hundred of them will beate
a thousand, and every thousand theirs doubled. I am the
21
^.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1 60 1.
bolder to pronounce it in his name, that ever hath pro-
tected my righteous cause, in which I blesse them all.
And putting you in the first place, I end, scribling in hast.
Your loving Soveraigne
E. R.
Tenne shifpes The same day his Lordship received letters from the
of waive for Lords in England, signifying that tenne shippes of warre
^heivTJ Tef ^^^ ^^^"^^ ^^°^ Rochester, with the first wind after the
/ eii supp les. ^.^j^^ ^^ October last, to attend the Coast of Mounster,
wherein were sent two thousand foot for the Army in
Mounster, under Captaines appointed. That two thousand
more were then levied to bee sent to the Army, by the
way of Bristow and Barstable, which were left to his
Lordship, to bee disposed in supplies or Companies, as
hee thought fit. That one thousand foote more were
sent to supplie Loughfoyle Garrison. That two hundred
horse were sent to his Lordship for the Army, and fifty
horse to Loughfoyle. That they had sent his Lordship,
besides the former twenty last of powder, thirty last more.
That they had sent large provisions of victuals. And
that they greatly commended the Lord Presidents provi-
dence, that he had made his souldiers formerly live of their
pay in money, and so preserved the former store of victuals
in Mounster, for this time, without which the Army could
not have kept the field till the new provisions arived. The
last part of their LP^ letter followeth in these words :
Hereunto we must adde this, as that whereof our selves
have been a good while both hearers and observers. That
no Prince can apprehend with better acceptation your
Lordships proceeding in that Kingdome, then her
Majestic doth, in so much as she used often this speech,
that she would not wish her Army there, nor the safetie
of her people in better hands then in yours. In whom
(and so in other Principall Officers of her State and Army)
as she doth observe, that all difficulties are well entertained
with alacritie and resolution ; so we must let your Lord-
ship know, that when her Majestie had read a private
22
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
letter of yours to mee the principall Secretarie, written
from Kilkenny with your owne hand, assoone as you had
heard the newes of a forraigne enemie, it pleased her
Majestic to cause it bee read to us all, as being written The Queenes
in a stile, wherein shee discerned both the strong powers fi'^°>*r.
of your owne minde (in promising to your selfe all happy
successe against such an enemie) and the lively affections
you beare to her person (for which you desire to bee
made a Sacrifice), wherein although you have not deceived
her former expectation, yet her Majestic would have you
know, that shee doth not doubt, but you shall live to
doc her many more services, after you have made the
Province of Mounster serve for a Sepulcher to these new
Conquerours. Of the foure thousand men which now her
Majestic sendeth into Mounster, wee send onely two
thousand under Captaines, the rest wee leave to con-
ductors, to be used as you shall please, when they arrive,
and to displace any whom wee doe send, if you thinke
them not sufficient. Now therefore till wee heare further
from you, wee have no more to say, but that wee account
our selves all in one ship with you ; that wee will all
concurrc to advance by our Ministerie, whatsoever her
Majestic shall resolve to doe for you, all of us having
one ende and one desire, to inable you as her Majesties
principall instrument, to free that Kingdome from the
malicious attempts of forraine power, and to redeeme it
out of the inward misery by intestine rebellion.
The fifth of November foure barkes with munition and
victuals that were sent from Dublin, arrived in Kinsale
harbor, and upon certainc intcUigence, that Tyrone was [II. ii. 152.]
comming up with a great Army to joyne with the Spaniard,
it was resolved by the Counscll of State, and the Colonels The Camp to
of Councell at warre, that the next day the Camp should be fortified
be fortified against Tyrone, on the North side furthest ^^^^^^^
from the towncward, and that the next day following, the ■^^°*^^'
Lord President with two Regiments oi foote, consisting
of two thousand one hundred men in Lyst, and with three
hundred twentic five horse, should draw to the borders
23
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
of the Province, to stop, or at least hinder Tyrones
passage. To which purpose the Lord Barry, and the Lord
Bourke, with the forces of the Countrie, had direction
to attend the Lord President.
The sixth day the Campe was accordingly fortified, and
the seventh in the morning, the Lord President with the
said horse and foote left the Campe, at which time it was
concluded by both Counsels, that wee could attempt
nothing against the towne, untill either the Lord President
returned, or the new Forces and provisions promised from
England arrived, it being judged a great worke for us
in the meane time, to continue our lying before the
Towne, since the Spaniards in the Towne were more in
number, then we who besieged them.
The same seventh day his Lordship and the Counsell
here wrote to the Lords in England this following letter.
Letter to the T X may please your Lordships. The first and second
Lords in J_ q£ ^^^ present moneth, we received her Majesties and
your Lordships most comfortable letters, of the fourth
and sixth of the last, and for the speciall care, it pleaseth
you to take of us doe yeeld (as we have just cause) our
most humble and heartiest thankes, protesting that we will
labour to deserve the same and the continuance which
it pleaseth your Lordships to promise thereof, with the
uttermost of our endevours and services, even to the
sacrificing of our lives. And in the meane time humbly
pray your Lordships both to accept in good part and
favourably to report unto her Majestic, what hitherto we
have been able to performe, though nothing to that we
did affect, if our meanes had answered our desires, or
that little we expected to come frome Dublin, which we
sent for upon the Spaniards first landing here, had by a
more favourable wind arrived sooner, as we hoped. Wee
beseech your Lordships give us leave to referre you for
your information in that point to the Journall which here-
withall we send, for thereby wee conceive will best
appeare, both what wee have done, and were enabled to
24
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
doe, since the returne of Master Marshall and other Letter to the
Officers and Commanders, sent of purpose into the Pale, ^^^^-^ ^"
and the parts Northwards, to draw the forces thereabouts ^^^^' '
the more speedily hither to us, and to hasten hither such
other provisions, as give us leave here we should have need
off. And with your Lordships favour, license us to adde,
that wee can hardly proceede any further, till our supplies
of men and munitions come ; for we finde it a worke of
great difficulty and assured losse of men, and expence of
al provisions of warre, to undertake with these meanes
we have to force so many men out of any place, although
it were not gteatly otherwise fortified but by the bodies
of men onely, whereas this Towne of Kinsale hath a good
wall, and many strong Castles in it.
Wee doe looke howerly for Tyrone, esteemed to be T-^rone
comming with a great Armie of horse and foote, selected howerly
out oi all the rebels in Ireland, and from all others that ^^i'^'^ ^ •
he can seduce to his partie. At his comming these Pro-
vincials will discover themselves either against us or
neutrals (as they are) for better wee doe not expect from
them. Except our supplies doe come before his arrivall,
wee shall hardly bee Masters of the field, but rather driven
(wee feare) to discontinue our siege ; yet if her Majesties
shipping, provisions, and supplies, doe arrive in any time,
we hope to give her (ere it bee long) a good account of
this place ; though wee desire your Lordships to consider
the difficulties we have to contend with in this Countrie
and season of the yeere, besides the force and opposition
of the enemie. I the President doe acknowledge the
receit of such an intelligence, concerning Captaine A. as
it pleaseth your Lordships to remember, and since that
time kept very good spiall upon him, and have had the
sight of all his papers, yet cannot find any thing gives me [II. ii. 153.J
cause to suspect him ; and therefore we all thinke it fit,
seeing his Company is returned hither among other, to
make use of his service here, for which we find him very
fit, untill there may be some apt occasion to dispose of him
elsewhere, without giving him discontentment, unlesse we
25
A.D.
160I.
)/r Arthur
Zh'ichester
xdvised to bee
nade Gover-
iQur of all
'Jlster.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
had more particular and certaine ground to charge him
with, which wee must receive from thence : yet in the
meane time hee shall bee so narrowly looked unto, as if
hee have the will (which wee doubt not), hee shall not
have meanes to hurt much.
The same seventh day his Lordship understanding from
Master Secretary by his letter dated the nineteenth of the
last moneth, and received the second of this moneth, that
he found her Majesty inclined to make one Governour
over all Ulster, and especially to like of Sir Arthur
Chichester for that great charge, whereupon hee purposed
to proceed therein, if his Lordship would explane him-
selfe, how hee would have that matter carried.
His Lordship wrote his minde plainely therein, advising
that Sir Arthur Chichester should bee made Governour of
all Ulster, by what name it should please her Majesty to
give him, whereby hee might direct all the parts of that
Province, and be resident where he should thinke fittest
for the service, commanding in chiefe where he came.
The managing of the warre to be in generall left to
himselfe, except he received particular directions upon
speciall occasions from England, or from the Lord Deputy,
adding that from him the Lords might be more speedily
enformed, of what is done, or fit to be required for the
making of that warre, whom of all other Commanders
he thought fittest for that charge, praying that the Lords
there would advise him and Sir Henry Dockwra, to hold
a good correspondency for her Majesties service, since
hee conceived the warre was to bee chiefly made by their
two joining together. For the Scots, that any number
not exceeding foure thousand might in his conceit fitly
be entertained, and left to the disposall of Sir Arthur
Chichester, whose judgement upon the state of things
there, was fittest to be followed, for hee could best chuse
apt places to lodge them, till Sir Henry Dockwra and he
might draw into the field, when those Scots should joyne
with them, and would be of very great use to spoile,
which is the best service can be done upon the Irish.
26
tHE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
Concluding that he had written to Sir Arthur Chichester,
that he should send into England to him the Secretary,
his opinion in this businesse, which (no doubt) hee would
presently doe. But this project of appointing a Governour
in Ulster, tooke no effect by reason that Tyrone with
most of his Forces were defeated shortly after in
Mounster.
Master Secretary at the same time had sent his Lord- Spanishnewes.
ship Spanish newes, which in this his answere he confessed
were very likely, yet thought it would bee very hard for
them to make ready foure thousand men more before
Christmas. He signified that they here were all of
opinion, that the necessity of the Spanish forces already
in Ireland, being more then was expected, both by losse
at Sea, and since their comming hither, and by the failing
of the Irish hitherto to joine with them, their supplies
would be hastened sooner then was determined : for so
they were advertised by all the Prisoners taken, and by
such as did come unto us from them. His Lordship
acknowledged himselfe very much bound unto Master
Secretary for the good dispatch he procured with this last
passage, and not the least that her Majesty was pleased
to allow of their entertainement of the Irish, yet beseeched
him to beleeve that by this course they had prevented
Tyrone of a great many men, that otherwise would and
must have served him for entertainement, having no other
meanes to live, and yet hitherto all was done within the
compasse of the lyst, and the White Knight was one of
them, that before the comming of this approbation was
provided for, so carefiill was hee to give him good
contentment.
For their outcries in the Pale, he answered that he did The outcries
not marvel, for by that which he had observed, he did ^'« ^^^ P^l^-
judge that the word Pale had cost the Queen a million,
& yet so il were they disposed, & so backward even in their
own defence, as they now suffred Tyrone with a few horse,
about the number of 60 to burne and prey them at his
pleasure, though they were able o^ themselves to have [H. ii. 154.]
27
A.D.
160I.
Difficulties of
the siege of
Kinsole.
Her Majesties
expenses.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
beaten him and all his forces, and besides had the assistance
of Companies in the Queenes pay, being three thousand
or two thousand at least, yet if he would consider, that
foure thousand Spaniards (for so the prisoner that we
tooke delivered them to be upon his salvation, with whom
all our prisoners relation and our intelligence did concurre)
are possessed of a Towne ful of strong houses, and walled
about, and helped with many advantages of ground,
(though commanded by some places), hee might easily
conceive, that it must bee no small army can force them,
since our approches this winter were so difficult, that the
very trenches we made were continually filled with water,
and the decay of our men was so great, by continual!
labour, sicknesse, sword, and bullet. And therefore we
had no reason to keepe a great body of men in the Pale
to guard it, till this dangerous war were finished. But to
prevent this clamour of the Pale it was meerely unpossible,
though it would please her Majesty to keepe there ten
thousand in her pay, when they would not stirre, nor
raise the crie, but suffer themselves to bee so used, out
of the malice of their owne hearts, that they might have
some colour of complaint, being the worst sort of people
in all the Kingdome, though he protested he had been as
carefull of them, as if they had been his Kindred or speciall
friends, knowing well their humor to be so clamerous.
For her Majesties expence, he besought him to beleeve,
that no man did looke upon it with more griefe then
himselfe, who reaped no commoditie by it, onely being
a painefull and faithfull distributer thereof, according to
the necessitie of her own service : but if he did not from
his soule desire, and with all his wits and endevour seeke
to abridge it, and to end both her warre and charge,
then he desired no mercy of God, nor favour from her.
And if he were not bound thereto by his publike duty,
yet he protested, that his private estate would urge him
thereunto : which he found unable any longer to continue
the expence, at which he was forced to live, growing
greater by the mixed coyne, as hee ever thought it would
28
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
fall very heavy upon him, by which reason he might value
his entertainement to be lesse by the halfe, then it was
in the time of the old standard. For whatsoever we
bought with this new coyne, it was raised to the double
price.
Whereas it seemed Master Secretarie had been The submlttles
informed, that all they which of late submitted themselves revolted.
to her Majesties mercy and protection, were now againe
revolted to the Rebels : he answered, that it was true,
that some of them had made their peace with Tyrone,
and in truth, except wee could have given order for their
defence against him, he did never expect other from
them, and especially since the arrivall of this
forraine force, hee did thinke none in Ireland so
sure, but even here in Mounster they would do
the like, if our Armie did not hang over them,
yea, he was sure that the Lord President was of the same
opinion. But hee was not moved to preserve any thing
which the world (to his disadvantage) might call his, by
neglecting that which he knew fittest to be preserved for
her Majesty and her service. Touching these submitties
while they were in rebellion, he did spoile waste and kill
many of them, when they were received to mercy, he
made many of them kill others in rebellion, and leese their
lives for the Queenes service, and now they were againe
revoulted hee doubted not, but either to ruine them
againe, or to force them to submission, upon what condi-
tions he listed, if God pleased to send us an happy end of
this war with the forraigne enemy. For the atchievement
whereof he hoped hee should heare (by the grace of the
eternall God) that they would adventure as far, and in as
good a fashion, as might be expected from this Army,
upon the arrivall of the supplies of men and munition.
Till when hee protested, that wee were at a stand, because The siege at
that hee was most sure, that without good numbers of a stavd.
men, and store of al sorts of munition, this Towne so
manned as it was, could not be forced.
He added, that hitherto (God be thanked) we had In all
29
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
our endevours prospered against this proud enemy, and
that there never was Armie better disposed then this, nor
Commanders that continually shewed more sound judge-
ment & brave resolution then ours had done. In par-
ticular, that Sir Oliver S. Johns had had great honour
[II. ii. 155.] given him by the whole Army, for that which he did in
Sir Oliver St. their sight, for he found no man come off from the
7o-4k/ skirmish (mentioned in the Journall) which spake not of
?az>ery. ■yv^hat hee had extraordinarily performed with his owne
hand, and that in a farre greater measure then was therein
Lord Audlefi related. That at the same time the Lord Audley was hurt,
h^^'^- fighting very gallantly, and if it should please her Majesty
to take notice thereof, it would be a great comfort to
them, and incouragement to the rest. That he hoped God
would enable us shortly, to send him relations of better
service. In the meane time and ever he praied the eternall
God to preserve her Majesty and her Kingdomes, and
send them her poore servants peace and quietnes.
The Horse. He added that he could wish it had pleased her Majesty
to have left the horse to his disposall, or at the least to
have bestowed them on some Englishmen, for as 100 are
conferred, though he held the Commander a worthy
Gentleman, and faithfull to her Majesties service, yet he
was Irish, and in short time would make those horse
Irish, so as he accompted to have received onely one
hundred to serve his purpose. For he did very much
build on those horse, not onely to be his chiefe strength
at this time, but to have stood hereafter when her Majesty
did lessen the army, to bee imploied for the absolute
finishing of this warre. And to this purpose now (in all
likelihood) he should not be able to make use of them,
which he confessed did not a little trouble him.
He added, that although there were but foure thousand
Spaniards already landed, and they had no horse, yet there
was no doubt but they would avayle themselves of great
assistance in this Countrey, and that with a number much
about this of naturall Spaniards, their King had made the
long continued great warre in the Low-Countries.
30
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
Besides, he besought him to remember, that about two
hundred Spaniards held a Fort lately built at Croyden in
Britany, till Sir John Norreis lost very neere one thousand
five hundred men before it. That (God be thanked) we
had plucked one hundred fifty Spaniards by the eares out
of Rincorran, and wee hoped (by the grace of God) to
doe the like by them in Kinsale, yet except God should
please extraordinarily to worke for us, this was not likely
to be done without great losse of men, and expence of all
provisions to that purpose. For now they beganne to Kinsak
worke very hard about fortifying of the Towne, finding fortified by the
(as themselves said) that they had other men to deale with, ^P^^^^^^^-
then they expected ; &c.
The eight of November certaine ships to the number
of thirteene, were discried to passe by Kinsale to the
Westward, but it was not knowne whether they were
English or Spaniards. The tenth day we had newes that
the Earle of Thomond was landed with one thousand Eark oj
foote, left to the Lord Deputies disposall, and with an Thomond
hundred horse, appointed in England to be commanded '''"^^'^ '^^^^
by the said Earle ; and these were the thirteene ships '■^°
discovered to passe Westward.
By this time the Spaniards had gotten knowledge of the
Lord Presidents departure from the Campe with good
part of our forces, and thereupon supposing us to be
much weakened, (as in deed we were, and inferiour in
bodies of men to them in the Towne) ; they drew out
this day about noone most part of their forces, and soone
after sent some sixty shot and Pykes to the foot of the
hill, close by our Campe, leaving their trenches very
well lined for their seconds : some of ours were presently
drawne out to entertaine skirmish with those that came Spaniards
up, and another strong party was sent out towards beaten backe.
Ryncorran, who from the bushy hill plaied in flanckes
upon their trenches, and did beate them from the same ;
so as they that were first sent out close to our Campe,
being beaten backe by our shot, and thinking to find the
seconds they left behind them, were disappointed by their
3?
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
quitting of the Trenches, and by that meanes driven to
follow the rest to the succour of the Towne. Our men
following with much fury, hurt and killed divers, amongst
whom they brought off the body of a Sergiant, and
possessed the enemies trenches, the which the enemies
(being reinforced) made many attempts to regaine, but
were repulsed and beaten backe into the Towne. Wee
Don Jean's heard by divers, that Don Jean committed the Sergiant
commandment. Mj^jqj.^ ^^q Commanded then in chiefe, presently after the
fight, and threatned to take his head, commended highly
the valour of our men, and cried shame upon the cowardise
[II. ii. 156.] of his owne, who he said had beene the terrour of all
Nations ; but now had lost that reputation, and hee gave
straight commandement upon paine of death, which hee
caused to bee set up on the Towne gates, that from thence-
forth no man should come off from any service, untill
hee should be fetched off by his Officer, though his powder
were spent or his Peece broken, but make good his place
CaptalneSoio with his Sword. Captaine Soto one of their best Com-
shtne. manders, was that day slaine, (for whom they made very
great mone), and some twenty more, besides those we
hurt, which could not but be many. On our side, onely
some ten were hurt, and three killed ; among whom
Master Hopton a Gentleman of the Lord Deputies band,
was sore hurt, and in few dales died thereof. If this
skirmish had not beene readily & resolutely answered on
our part, the Spaniards had then discovered the smalnes
of our numbers, and would no doubt have so plied us
with continuall sallies ; as we should hardly have beene
able to continue the siege.
The eleventh day we had newes, that the one hundred
horse and the thousand foot embarked at Bastable, (both
Horse and foot which were left to the Lord Deputies disposall, the horse
at Waterford. to be made new troopes, the foot to be dispersed for
supplies, or to raise new Companies as his Lordship should
thinke fit) were arrived at Waterford.
The twelfth day Sir Richard Levison Admirall of the
Queenes Fleet sent into Ireland, and Sir Amias Preston
32
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
Vice-Admlrall, were arrived with tenne ships of warre at
Corke, wherein we had two thousand foot all under
Captaines appointed in England, besides other provisions
of artillery and munition, and his Lordship directed the
Admirall with all speed to bring the Fleet into the
Harbour of Kinsale.
The thirteenth day his Lordship wrote to Master
Secretary this following letter :
SIR hearing that our last packet is not yet gone from Letter to
Corke, by reason of the contrariety of the wind, I ^^'^^^ .
have so good occasion to make this addition to our former
dispatch, that I have received letters from my Lord of
Thomond, S'' Anthony Cooke, and others from divers
places, that all the supplies appointed for this Province,
are safely arrived at Waterford, Yoghall, Corke, and Castle
Haven, with no losse (that I can heare of) but of one
victular, although the weather hath beene extreme
tempestuous ; and this last evening I was enformed but
by a rumour, that the Queenes shippes were discovered
about the Haven of Corke, whereupon I presently dis-
patched to Sir Richard Levyson to put into the Haven
of Kinsale, for otherwise it would be long ere we shal
be able to availe our selves of such artillery and munition
as he brought for us. From my Lord President I heard,
that the Rebels are drawne downe very strong, whereupon The Rebels
I have directed Sir Christopher S. Laurence, (that was ^^n strong.
comming to the Campe with most of the forces of the
Pale) to repaire speedily to my Lord President, and I
meane to send unto him all the Horse that is now come
out of England, which I hope will be forces sufficient to
stop any power the Rebels can make, specially since
Tyrone (as I heare) himselfe will not be with them, except
they doe steale by, which will be heard to prevent. If
they come to force their passage, I am confident that
against so many Horse as the Lord President shall have,
they will never put themselves upon the plaine. For
although they are as dangerous an enemy as any are in the
M. Ill 33 c
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Good enter-
tainement for
the enemy.
World, when wee are driven to seeke them in their
strength, or passe their fastnesse, yet are they the worst
and weakest to force their owne way, either upon straights
or plaines, so that except they steale their passage, (which
I feare most) I make no doubt but my Lord President
will give a very good accompt of them. We here in
the Campe, since our last letters, have not had much to
doe, only the enemy one day drew out (I thinke) most
of this whole force, upon opinion that the greatest part
of our Army was gone from us to meet the Rebels, &
began a round fight with us, close to our trenches : but
we entertained them so well, that we waited on them
home, to the wals of the Towne, and made them leave
some of their dead bodies behind them, although we saw
them carry many off with them. They have made within
lesse then Caliver shot of our trenches, very good fights,
even from thence close to the Towne, so that our men
did follow them with great disadvantage, yet we did
beat them from one trench to another, til I had much adoe
to make our souldiers come ofi^. The greatest losse of
[II. u. 157.] our side fell to my share, for I had one of my Company
killed, and a very gallant Gentleman that served in that
Band, called M^ Hopton, hurt (I feare) to death, and I
think there was not above 2 or 3 more that were killed
in the Campe over our heads, while wee were in the
skirmish. Then we made them so good a Muster, that
they have thought good to checke us no more, but within
the Towne and without they doe worke very hard, and
have raised Ravelings and Mounts, and wee on the
contrary side keepe very good watch ; for if wee should
receive but one blow of the Spanish Fencer, all Ireland
would take heart with it ; & we have no great reason
to be very secure, for beleeve me upon my Honor, I
thinke the besieged are more in numbers, then we that
are the besiegers at this time. They doe continually taste
us, but they find us so well at our warde, that they still
goe away with the vennies. And now, if the Queenes
ships be come, we will cast at all, and I hope in God, ere
34
Mr. Hopton
hurt to death
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
it be long, winne a faire game for the Queene, whose
money wee play. If any without consideration of the just
circumstances of our present busines, to serve any private
purpose, taxe mee for being too negligent of other parts
of this Kingdom, and too large in my demands, I beseech
you Sir to beleeve, that I had good ground, both for my
precipitate drawing hither, and for the provisions I have
craved to strengthen my selfe by all meanes, while I am
about this worke. For the first, it was not my opinion
onely, but my Lord Presidents, that if I did not suddenly
make head to this force, most of this Province would have
revolted ; and if wee had suffered the force of Spaine to
have been Masters of the field but sixe dayes, as easily
they might have been, if we had not fought well to
prevent it, I assure my selfe, that al the Townes of this
Province would have revolted, and the current of that
fortune would have run so violently through all Ireland,
that it would have been too late to have stopped it. For
the second, the diflficulties of a winters siege, in this j'/^g 4\ficul-
Countrie (where by reason of the great numbers of the tiei of a
besieged, we are forced to keep strong and continual "^i^i^^i "ege.
guards) will soone waste a greater Army then ours, if
God doe not mightily blesse us : for the weather is
so extreme, that many times we bring our Sentinels dead
from the stations, and I protest even our chiefe Com-
manders (whose diligence I cannot but mightily commend)
doe many of them looke like spirits, with toyle and watch-
ing, unto the which we are with good reason moved, since
there be many examples, that where an enemy can sally
out with two or three thousand men, they have defeated
Armies, that have been trebble our number. But now
besides these ordinary difficulties, which in al winter sieges
doe waste, or make unprofitable the greatest part of an
Army, when wee are to make our neerest approches to
force them, we cannot doe it without great losse, for
although the Towne be weake against the Canon, yet can
we plant the Canon no where, but they have places that
do absolutely command it, so that the towne is weak to
35
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
defend it self, yet exceeding strong to offend, which is
the best part that art can adde to any fortification, and
this is so well provided by nature, that from one hill they
beat into any ground that wee can lodge in neere them.
All these difficulties, and many more, I doe not alleage,
as being any waies diffident of the great favour that God
is determined to shew her Majestic in this action, but that
you may in some measure guesse, that wee are not so
improvident in her Majesties cause, as to require an army
and charge of greater proportion then is fit for such a
taske, the which when wee have performed with that
happinesse, that I hope the eternall God will blesse us
with all, I will then say and prove it unto you at large,
A Domino factum est hoc, & mirabile est in oculis nostris.
Sir, if I should write all unto you, that I have a desire to
let you know, both for the publike and my private, I
should not end my letter before the time that I hope we
shall beate the Spaniards, but having been up most of this
A harde life J^ight, it groweth now about foure a clocke in the morning,
in the field. at which time I lightly chuse to visit our Guards my selre,
and am now going about that businesse, in a morning
as cold as a stone, and as darke as pitch, and I pray Sir
think whether this be a life that I take much delight in,
who heretofore in England, when I have had a suite to
the Queene, could not lie in a tent in the Summer, nor
watch at night till she had supped : but by God Sir, I
will doe for Queene Elizabeth that which I will not doe
for my selfe, and willingly, and be you my pledge that
I will faithfully serve her against all the World, or any in
[II. ii. 158.] the World, or else I beseech God now I am going out,
that I may never returne alive to my House of Turffe,
in the which I write this at her Majesties Campe before
Kinsale ; This thirteenth of November 1601.
Reinforce- The thirteenth day our Fleet recovered the mouth of
T"^^/)'^ ^^^ Kinsale Harbour, but could not get in, the wind being
^ ^' strong against them. The foureteenth day the Fleete with
much difficulty warped in, and recovered the Harbour,
whence the Admirall and Vice-Admirall came to
36
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
the Lord Deputy at the Campe. This night and
the next day the two thousand foot, sent under Captaines
in the Queenes shippes, were landed, and came
to the Campe. And the fifteenth day in the afternoone,
the Lord Deputy went aboard the shippes, whence return- The Lord
ing to the Campe, the Enemy discerned him riding in Deputy's
the head of a troop of horse, and made a shot out of the ^'^rrozv escape.
Town at him, which grazed so neere him, that it did
beat the earth in his face. In these ships were sent unto
us not onely artillery and munition, but also speciall
Officers to attend the same, as five Canoneers, two
Blacke-smiths, two Wheele-wrights, and two Carpenters.
This day the Lord Deputy was advertised, that according
to his former direction. Sir Christopher S' Laurence was
come out of the Pale, and the Earle of Clanrickard out
of Connaght, to the Lord Presidents campe, to whom his
Lordship wrote, that if the Rebels should slip by him,
he should be carefull to come up with his Forces to our
campe, so as hee might arrive there to joine with us,
before the Rebels came up so farre. The Queenes ships
after they had saluted the Lord Deputy at his going aboard
with thundering peales of Ordinance, had direction the Castk
next day to beat upon a Castle in the Hand, called Castle ^yparke
Nyparke, which the Lord Deputy was resolved to make '^'^^^^^'^«-
his next worke, & to beat the Spaniards out of it, and so
to invest the Towne on that side. This some of the ships
performed, and brake the top of the Castle, but finding
that they did it no greater hurt, and that the weather was
extreame stormy, they ceased shooting. This day his
Lordship gave direction, that the hundred horse & one
thousand foot, which first landed at Castle Haven, and
now were arrived from thence in the Harbour of Kinsale,
should be conducted to Corke, to refresh themselves, for
being beaten at Sea, and now landed in extreame weather,
and in a Winter Campe, where they had no meanes to
be refreshed, they beganne to die, and would have beene
lost or made unserviceable, if this course had not beene
taken to hearten them. This day and for many dales
37
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
The day of
her Majesties
Coronation.
after, divers Spaniards ranne from the Towne to us, by
whom we understood that in the tenth daies skirmish, the
above named Captain Soto, a man of speciall accompt,
was slaine.
The seventeenth day the weather continued stormy, so
as neither that day nor the next we could land our
Ordinance, or doe any thing of moment, yet because this
was the day of her Majesties Coronation, which his Lord-
ship purposed to solemnize with some extraordinary
attempt, if the weather would have suffered us to looke
abroad, wee sent at night when the storme was somewhat
appeased, the Serjant Major and Captaine Bodley with
some foure hundred foot, to discover the ground about
Castle Nyparke, and to see whether it might be carried
with the Pickaxe, which was accordingly attempted ; but
the engine we had gotten to defend our men, while they
were to worke, being not so strong as it should have
beene, they within the Castle having store of very great
stones on the top, tumbled them downe so fast, as they
broke it, so that our men returned with the losse of two
men, & proceeded no further in that course.
The eighteenth day the Lord Deputy called a Counsel
both of the Counsel! of Ireland, and of al the Colonels
and chiefe Officers of the field, and propounded to them,
that since it had pleased her Majesty so graciously to
supply us with the matter and provisions for the warre,
it was our parts to advise of such a forme, as might bee
most likely to bring forth an effect, not unworthy her
Princely care. First our strength and meanes to attempt
the place or continue the siege, were thorowly considered,
and next the numbers and commodities of the enemy in
the Towne, and of their succours abroad. The com-
modities and incommodities of proceeding with expedi-
tion, or by keeping them from all reliefe, were thorowly
disputed, and in the end it was concluded, that the
soundest course were to use all meanes to invest them as
[II. ii. 159.] speedily as we might, by possessing our selves of al they
held without the Towne, and next to mount our artillery
38
A Counsel of
Warre.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
in such places, where it might annoy them most, and by
breaking downe their Houses, to expose them to the
same extremities of cold and raine, as we were exposed
to in the Campe, by which meanes they might be reduced
to a greater weakenesse, and then be forced with much
lesse hazard, since when it comes to the point of entering
of a breach, there is little or no difference betweene a
strong Towne and a weake, for the besieged in either,
doe wholly trust to their new and sudden workes, which
the enemy within had as good opportunity to doe in this
place as in any other, and had yet (of our knowledge) so
many hands to fight, as that the advantage would chiefly
have beene his.
The nineteenth day a Demy Cannon was unshipped, A Demy
assoone as it was calme, and placed on this side of the ^^""°"
water, which plaied most part oi the day upon the Castle '^"^ ^^^^ '
Nyparke, being a great reliefe to the besieged, & brake
many places, but made no breach that was assaultable.
In the night they of the Towne attempted to releeve the
Castle by boates, but were repelled by Captaine Tolkerne
and Captaine Ward, who lay with their Pinnaces betweene
the Hand and the Towne.
Hitherto nothing could possibly bee attempted against
the Towne, more then had beene done. For considering
that the numbers of the defendants not onely equalled. The number of
but by all report, exceeded the number of the besiegers, ^^^ defendants
. exceeded tnB
(yea exceeded them farre, after the Lord President was number of the
sent from the Campe to meete Tyrone with two thousand besiegers.
one hundred foot and three hundred and twenty horse),
and considering that if wee had undertaken the carrying
of approaches, with a purpose to batter, the whole Army
must either have been tired with watching night and day,
without shelter, in tempestuous weather, or disgracefully
have forsaken the worke, or (to say the best) incurred
the hazard of fight in places of disadvantage, with an
expert enemy. And considering that the Countrey stood
upon such tickle tearmes, and so generally ill affected to
our side, that almost the least blow, which in the doubtfuU
39
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
event of warre might have lighted upon us, would have
driven them headlong into a generall revolt. And further,
that our Army consisted for a third part (at the least) of
The Irish not Irish, who being not fit to make good an entrenched
fit to make campe, & much lesse fit to give upon a breach, would
spod an -1 • -1 ° 1 1 -.^ J
entrenched Without question, either presently have quitted us, or
campe. turned their weapons against us, if the Spaniards had had
any hand over us ; and considering that in al sound
judgement, this little army, (which was to be the soule
of that body that should oppose it selfe against these
invaders and rebels), was by all possible meanes to bee
preserved as much as might be, and not at all ventured,
but with manifest assurance to prevaile. These things
with other like circumstances considered, what could there
be more done, during the time that we wanted our supphes
and seconds.'* but to assure our Campe with carefull
watches against sallies or surprises of the Enemy, and
to invest them from succours or reliefe, not omitting in
the meane time to provide whatsoever might be needfull,
for the businesse in hand, the meeting with all incon-
veniences, and the taking of all advantages upon the
Enemies guardes without the Towne ; for which purpose
divers skirmishes were made with very good successe on
our part.
The Ly St of The Lyst of the Army at Kinsale the twentieth
the Army at of November.
tiinsale
zo^November fhe foot of the Lyst the seven and twenty of October,
are 6900.
The Companies drawne since that Lyst from other parts
oi the Kingdome to Kinsale Campe.
Sir Francis Rush 1 50. Captaine Masterson 150. Cap-
taine Thomas Butler 100. Sir Richard Greame 100.
Captaine Toby Cawfield 150. Sir Christopher S. Laurence
150. Sir Henry Harrington 100. Sir Samuell Bagnoll
150. Sir Edward Harbert 100. Sir William Warren
100. Sir Edward Fitzgarret 100. Sir Tybbot Dillon 100.
40
1 60 1.
'^1''
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
Sir Garret Moore 100. Captaine Lyonell Guest 150. The L-^st of
Captaine Malby 1 50. The Earle of Clanrickard 1 50. the Army at
Sir Thomas Bourke 1 50. Captaine Clare 1 50. Captaine f^^Jjf^,^^^^^^
Thomas Bourke 100. Captaine Laurence Esmond 150. j^^j
Sir George Bourcher 100. Foot 2650.
Companies sent in the Queenes ships under [H- i'- '60.]
Captaines, viz.
Captaine Sheffeild, 100. Captaine Norton, 100. Cap-
taine Henry Fortescue, 100. Captaine Bret, 100. Cap-
taine Lower, 100. Captaine Chatterton, 100. Captaine
Dorington, 100. Captaine Crompton, 100. Captaine
Gilbert, 100. Captaine Wade, 100. Sir Anthonie Cooke,
150. Sir Alexander Clifford, 150. Captaine Lane, 100.
Captaine Wadnol, 100. Captaine Blundel, 100. Captaine
May, 100. Captaine Wynn, 100. Captaine Kenricke,
100. Captaine Butler, 100. Foote 2000.
Of the one thousand foote landed at Castle-haven with
the Earle of Thomond, and the one thousand foote landed
at Waterford with Sir Anthony Cooke, having no Cap-
taines, but being left to the Lord Deputies disposall, one
thousand three hundred fifty were distributed among the
Captaines, to supply the deficient numbers in their severall
Companies, and the rest were divided into these following
Companies increasing the Lyst.
Sir Garret Harvye, 150. Captaine Henrie Barkeley,
150. Captaine Roberts, 150. Captaine Boyse, 100.
Captaine Henslo for Pioners, 100. Foote 650.
Totall of foote, 12200.
Hereof in the old list taken out for a dead Company
kept for the Earle of Desmond, 100.
Take now out absent Sir George Thornton in Garrison
at Kilmallock, Capt. Gawen Harvye in Garrison at
Limricke, and Captaine Trever (reckoned before, but not
comming hither, who staled about the Newry, as I
remember,) 300.
So the Totall of foote is 11800.
41
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
The Lyst of Of these not distributed into Regiments.
the Army at ■ ^ t. 1
Kinsale For attendance of the Munition, Sir George Bourcher,
zo 'November Master of the Ordinance, 100. For Pioners, Captaine
1 60 1. Hensloe, 100. Foote, 200.
Foote distributed into eleven Regiments under
command of the Lord Deputy, Lord President, and nine
Colonels.
Under the Lord Deputie commanded by his Lieutenant
Sir Benjamin Berry, 1400. Under the Lord President,
1 100. Under the Earle of Clanrickard, 1000. Under
the Earle of Thomond, 1000. Under the Lord Audley,
900. Sir Richard Percy, 950. Sir Richard Moryson,
1 100. Sir Charles Willmot, looo. Sir Oliver Saint
Johns, 1050. Sir Henry Follyot, 1050. Sir Christopher
Saint Laurence, 1050. Foote, 11 600.
Totall of foote, 11 800.
Out of these Regiments was raised a squadron volante
(or flying Regiment) which onely was to answere Alarums,
and to be freed of al watches, and to the same Sir Henrie
Power was appointed Colonel, and Captaine Bostock his
Lieutenant. The severall Companies of this squadron are
these.
Out of the Lord Deputies Regiment, Sir Richard Wing-
field Marshall, 150. Sir John Barkeley Serjeant Major,
200.
Out of the Lord Presidents Regiment, Captaine Saxey,
100.
Out of the Lord Audleys Regiment, the Treasurers
Lieutenant, 100.
Out of Sir Charles Willmots Regiment, Captaine Nuse,
100.
Out of Sir Henry Follyots Regiment, Captaine Josias
Bodley, 150.
Out of Sir Oliver Saint Johns Regiment, Captaine
Bostock, 100.
42
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
Out of the Earle of Clanrickards Regiment, Captaine The Lyst of
Laurence Esmond, 1 50. ^^^ ^'"'"J' ^^
Foote 1 050. ^''t ,
-' 20 November
Horse in the Army at Kinsale.
Take out of the List made the seven and twenty of
October, Sir Edward Harbert, 1 2 : and Captaine George
Greame twelve, and thirtie of Master Marshals (other-
where imployed, and now absent from the Campe), and the
whole Lyst is five hundred fiftie seven.
Horse called since that time from other parts in the [ii. ii. 161.]
Kingdome to the Campe at Kinsale.
The Earle of Kildare, 50. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25.
Sir Garret More, 25. Horse, 100.
Horse newly sent over and landed at Castle-haven, and
at Waterford.
The Lord President added to his troope, 50. The
Earle of Thomond a troope newly erected, 100. Sir
William Godolphin (who commanded the Lord Deputies
troope) had newly erected to his owne use, 50. Horse,
200.
Totall of horse, 857.
The twentieth of November his Lordship understood
by letters from the Lords in England, that one thousand
foote and fiftie horse were sent, and already shipped for
Loughfoyle. The same day the demy-Cannon planted
the day before, did againe batter Castle Nyparke, together Castle
with another Cannon this day landed, and planted by it : Nyparke
and with some Ordinance also out of the ships, though ^^^^^f'^'^-
they served to small purpose. About noone one hundred
men were sent with Captaine Yorke and Captaine Smith,
to view the breach, and though they found it not assault-
able, yet the Spaniards within being no longer able to
indure the furie of the shot, hung out a signe of parly
upon the first shew of those men, and offered to yeeld
43
A.D.
160I.
The Castle
yeelded.
A platjorme
made betweene
the Towne and
the Camp.
Irish ivomen
and children
put out of
the Campe.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
themselves and the Castle, upon promise of their lives
onely, which being accepted, they were brought presently
to the Campe, being in number sixteene that were left
alive.
Before the Castle was yeelded, the Spaniards in the
Towne made divers shot at Captaine Tolkernes Pinnace
with a piece of Ordinance which they mounted a day or
two before close to the Gate of the Towne, but did no
hurt at all unto the Pinnace, the same warping neerer
to the other side under the hill, and at last riding safely
without danger of the shot.
The same day a platforme was made upon a ground of
advantage, being a strong Rath, betweene the Towne and
the Camp, that commanded one part of the Towne, that
under the favour thereof, we might the better make our
neerer approches, though at that time we could hardly
worke, by reason of the extreame frost, and a demi
Cannon was mounted upon it, with which some shot were
made at the Towne. A sentinell taken in the evening
affirmed, that the first piece shot off, went through the
house in which Don Jean lay, and did otherwise great
hurt. The one and twentieth the prisoners taken in
Castle Nyparke, and some runawaies, were sent to Corke,
with directions to the Maior, to send them and the
former prisoners by the first ship into England, keeping
(of them) still at Corke onely the Serjeant Major (taken
in skirmish), and the two Commanders of the Castles of
Rincorran and Nyparke. This day the Cannon and demi-
Cannon, planted upon the platforme, did play into the
Towne. And this day the Lord Deputy went over into
the Hand, to view how from thence the Towne might be
best annoied and invested. And the Spaniards this day
put out of the towne great numbers of Irish women, and
children, which came to the Campe, and were suffered to
passe into the Countrie to their friends.
The two and twentieth day, one James Grace an Irish-
man, obtaining the Lord Deputies Protection, escaped out
of the Towne, and gave his Lordship this intelligence
44
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
following. Six Irish Gentlemen horsemen came into the Intelligence
towne of Kinsale on Sunday the fifteenth of November, out of the
and one Owen Conde came the same day, and they are all °'^^^'
readie to goe out againe, and Father Archer with them,
to put out the Countrie, if the Bishop will suffer him.
Don Jean sayes privately, that the Lord Deputy was borne
in a happy hower, for he will have the Towne, unlesse
they be relieved from the North. They have nothing but
ruske and water. They have but foure pieces of Artillery,
one small piece is at the Churchyard, one great and a small
in James Meaghes Garden, and the other biggest of all
is at the Watergate, to play upon the shipping, and all
foure are mounted. The Spaniards were five thousand by TheSpantarrs
report at their setting out from Spaine, they landed at ^^"^-f-
Kinsale three thousand five hundred, they are yet 3000,
there are two hundred sicke and hurt in the hospitals, [II. ii. 162,]
they lost 100 at Rincorran, and 17 and a boy at Castle
Nyparke. They had nine slaine when they offered to
relieve the Castle, and five when Captaine Soto was slaine.
They had foure and thirty Colours abroad when they shot
into the Lord Deputies Campe, and that was all they had,
and they had then two pieces, a great and a small, and that
day all the Townesmen were put out at the Gates, that
they might doe no hurt with the Munition. They fill
the old Abbey at the West gate with earth, that they may
mount a great piece there, which they make account wil
command the ground where the English battery is planted
at the North Gate, where the Mount is raised, yet it is
not likely they will mount any Ordinance there, but rather
keep it as a hold. They have store of powder and S/o/-^ oj
munition, which lies at John Fitz Edmonds Castle, but Powder and
they meane to remove it presently, and put it in a seller
within the towne. Their treasure lies at the house where
Captaine Bostock lay. They are much affraid the Lord
Deputie will place some Ordinance at Castle Nyparke,
or thereabouts, which will much annoy them : but most
of all they feare the placing of it at a place neere the water
side (where some were sent to seeke rods, not farre from
45
A.D.
160I.
Don Jean lies
(It Phillip
Roches.
The County of
Clare to he
reunited to the
Province of
Mounster.
A Captatne
of the
Spaniards
killed.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
the place where the skirmish was, when they sallyed),
for which cause they raised their mount, but especially
filled up the old Abbey, from whence it is best com-
manded. Don Jean lies at Phillip Roches. A shot made
from the English on Friday at night, hit the house where
Don Jean lay. The Townesmen will stay no longer there,
for feare of the shot, and then the Spaniards will be in
great distresse. One went from Don Jean to Tyrone
about nine daies agoe to hasten his comming, the man
was blind of one eye.
The same day the Lord Deputy received from her
Majestie direction, that forasmuch as the County of Clare
was of ancient time within the Governement or precinct
of the Province of Mounster, untill of late it was annexed
to the Province of Connaght, which her Majestie under-
stood was upon some untrue surmise made by Com-
missioners for Connaght, to the grievance and dislike of
her subjects of that Countie. That the Lord Deputie
and the Counsell there, should speedily consider of this
information, and if they found it not evidently an hinder-
ance \.o her service, then they speedily should give order,
that by revocation of the former Commissioners and letters
Patents for governement of these severall Provinces, and
by granting new Commissioners of like authoritie and
effect, and by all other wayes requisite in Law, the said
Countie oi Clare should bee reunited and annexed unto
the Province of Mounster, and be reduced under the order
and governement oi the Lord President and Councell of
Mounster, which her Majestie was perswaded would bee
for the advancement of her service, and the good liking
of her loving subjects in those parts.
The same two and twentieth day foure Pieces were
planted by the Cannon and demy Cannon, which altogether
played into the Towne, one of which shot killed foure
men in the Market place, and strucke off a Captaines leg,
called Don John de Saint John, who after died of that
hurt, we likewise planted three Culverings in the Hand
beyond the water, in which the foresaid Castle Nypark
46
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1 60 1.
stands, and from whence we heard, that Don John feared
annoiance.
The three and twentieth these did beate upon the old
Towne with good effect. And the same day our other
sixe Pieces on the North-East side plaied upon the Towne,
and so continued till night, in which time (in all mens
judgements, and by report of the prisoners we tooke)
they did great hurt to the Towne. This day while the
Lord Deputie, the Marshall and Serjeant Major were
viewing the ground where the approches were intended,
a private souldier of Sir John Barkleys, in their sight, and A private
in face of the Spanish guards, attempting to steale a ^°^}^^^^ M^'^^
Spanish sentenel (as hee had stolne divers before) this Spaniards.
sentenel being seconded by foure, that he saw not, he
fought with them all five, whereof one was the Serjeant
Major, whom he had almost taken ; and when he found
he could doe no good upon them all, he came off without
other hurt, then the cutting of his hand a little, with
the breaking of a thrust, which one of them made at him,
and he hurt the Serjeant Major.
The night following, we began certaine neere approches [II- '•• '63.]
on the North-East side of the Towne on a hill, which by
the naturall situation thereof, was free from sudden sallies,
by reason of a Valley betweene it and the Towne, so as
it might bee speedily seconded from the Campe. There
with much expedition was raised a Fort (and Artillery
planted, to play into the Towne), which with three or
foure Companies was easily gardable ; for in this businesse
there seemed nothing more to bee respected, then how to
approch and infest the enemy in such sort, as neither our
old, nor our new men might be overspent, or over-harried
with watches and works (the time of the yeere and
extremitie of the weather considered) nor the enemy might
take any advantage to surprise our works by their sallying,
without ingaging themselves in fight with our whole
Army. For making those approches, the Lord Deputy
drew out one thousand foote, continuing the worke all
night ; and although the ground were extreme hard, by
47
A.D.
160I.
O donnell
stolen by the
Lord
President.
The Lord
President's
Regiments to
be led against
O donnell.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
reason of the Frost, and the night very light, yet that night
they brought the worke to very good perfection. The
enemy played all the night upon them with great vollyes,
but hurt onely three men, either in the trenches, or in
divers sallyes they made (in the one whereof a squadron
of our new men did beat them back to the Gates.)
This day the Lord President advertised, that O donnell,
by advantage of a Frost (so great as seldome had been
seene in Ireland), had passed a Mountaine, and so had
stolne by him into Mounster, whereupon he purposed to
returne with the forces hee had, to strengthen the Campe.
And in the evening Sir Richard Levison, by the Lord
Deputies direction, drew the Admirall and Vice-Admirall
in betweene the Hand and Kinsale, whence the foure and
twentieth day they shot into the Towne.
The five and twentieth day all the Artillery still played
upon the Towne : but the shot from the ships doing little
hurt, save onely upon the base Towne, the Lord Deputie
gave direction to spend few shot more, except it were on
the high Towne. This night direction was given to make
a platforme for the Artillery upon the trenches, which
was made the three and twentieth at night. Somewhat
after midnight the Spaniards made a sudden salley, with
purpose to force the trench, but were soone beaten backe
by Sir Francis Barkeley, who commanded the watch that
night in that place.
The sixe and twentieth the Lord President with the
two Regiments of foote, and with his horse he had led
out against Odonnell, together with a Connaght Regiment
under the Earle of Clanrickard, and a Regiment of the
Pale under Sir Christopher Saint Laurence (which upon
the way were commanded to joyne with the Lord Presi-
dent), came to the Campe ; and these foure Regiments
were that night quartered by themselves, upon the West-
side of Kinsale, to invest the Towne more closely, and
to keepe OdonneU and the Spaniards from joyning
together, which quarter or lesser Campe was commanded
by the Earle 01 Thomond : for the Lord President
48
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601. •
f remained ever neere the Lord Deputy in the great Campe,
[ and so did the Earle of Clanrickard. This day the three
^ Culverings were brought from the Hand beyond the water
on the East-side, and were planted on a hill, in a point
of land neere the water on this side of the Haven, lying
to the East of our Fort newly built there, to which hill
the Towne lay neere and very open. In the meane time The Spaniards
" the Spaniards from the Towne, played upon our ships P^p "P°"
with a Demy-Cannon, and shot our Admirall twise, and
our Vice-admirall once, while they rode (as aforesaid) close
by the Towne, but our ships within few shot exchanged,
did dismount their Demi-Cannon, so as they could make
^ no more shot with it, and at the same shot hurt their
*' chiefe Gunner,
The seven and twentieth day betimes in the morning,
^ our three pieces planted the day before on the point of
the hill neere the water side, played upon the Towne,
and did great hurt to the enemy, by reason they were
nil planted so neere the Towne, but the eight and twentieth
iii day falling out extreame windie and rainy, wee were
enforced to cease our battery, and spent the rest of the
:s day in drawing downe to that place, some other pieces,
it formerly planted upon the first platforme.
It The foresaid eight and twenty in the morning, we sent [H- ii- 164.]
it a Trumpet to summon Kinsale, who was not suffered
to enter the Towne, but received his answere at the gate, Kinsale
ii that they held the Town first for Christ, and next for '»'"^<^'''^'
all the King of Spaine, and so would defend it Contra tanti.
lii Upon his returne with this answere, the Lord Deputy
ti: commanded to make battery with all our Artillery,
\% (planted all on the East side of the Towne), which was
i presently performed, and continuing till towards night,
g brake downe great part of the East gate. In the meane
I time the Spaniards being retired in great numbers into
their trenches on the West side, to escape the fury of
Jrt our Ordinance on the East side. Sir Christopher S.
jji^ Laurence was commanded to draw out from our new
jjil Campe, on the West side, and to give upon them in their
M. HI 49 D
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
Sir trenches, which he performed, and did beat them out of
Christopher ^]^^ Trenches, following them to the very gates of the
beats the ^^ Towne, killing many, and hurting more of them, and so
Spaniards, returned without losse of a man on our side, having
onely some few hurt. The nine & twentieth all our
Artillery plaied upon the Town, and brake downe most
part of the Easterne gate, and some part of a new worke
the Enemy had made before the gate. This day two
Spaniards wrote from Kinsale to some of their friends
prisoners in our Campe, whom they stiled poore Souldiers,
when we knew them to be men of accompt, and withall
sent them such money as they wanted, yet under the title
of Almes, as if they had neither mony of their owne, nor
were of credit to be trusted for any.
Sir Richard The last day of November Sir Richard Wingfield the
Wtngfielis Marshall tooke some fifty shot, and went to the wall
of the Towne, to view the fittest place for us to make
a breach, the Spaniards made a light skirmish with them,
and hurt some few. The Marshall when he had well
viewed the wall, drew the shot off, and judging the wall,
close to the Easterne gate on the right hand, to be fittest
for the making of a breach, he gave present order that
our artillery should beat upon that place, which was done
without intermission, and therewith we brake downe
before night a great part of the wall, which the Enemy
in the night attempted to make up againe, but was beaten
from it by our Guards, who plaied upon them with small
shot most part of the night. In the evening a Spaniard
ranne away from Kinsale to our campe, who reported to
the Lord Deputy that our Artillery had killed divers
Captaines and Officers in the Towne, besides many
private souldiers.
The first of December it was resolved in Counsell of
State and by the Counsell of Warre, (namely the chiefe
Commanders and Colonels) that some foote should bee
drawne out of the campe, to give the Spaniard a bravado,
and to view if the breach we had made were assaultable,
and also to cause the Spaniards to shew themselves, that
50
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
our Artillery might the better play upon them. To this
purpose two thousand foot, commanded by Sir John
Barkeley the Sergiant Major, and Captaine Edward Blany,
were presently put in Armes, and drawne neere the wals
of the Towne, who entertained a very hot skirmish with
the Spaniards, who were lodged in a trench close to the
breach without the Towne. During this skirmish, our
Artillery plaied upon those that shewed themselves, either
in the breach or in the trench, and killed many of
them, besides such as were killed and hurt by our small
shot.
Among the rest one Captaine Moryson a Spaniard, (of Captahu
whom as one of the pledges upon the composition, we ^°':y^°"'
shal have cause to speake hereafter) walked crosse the Spaniard.
breach, animating his men, and though S"" Richard Wing-
field our Marshall caused many both great and smal shot
to be made at him, with promise of 20 pound to him
that should hit him, or beat him off, (whereupon many
great shot did beat the durt in his face, and stones about
his eares) ; yet all the skirmish he continued walking in
this brave manner, without receiving any hurt. Many
thinke them best souldiers, who are often and dangerously
hurt, but it is an errour : for wounds are badges of
honour, yet may befall the coward assoone as the valiant
man ; and I have knowne most adventurous men who
never received wound. Pardon this my digression, not
warrantable in a journall, I will onely adde, that brave
souldiers (for the starres have a kinde of power in our
birth) are by some secret influence preserved, when others
intruding themselves into that course of life, or driven
to it by necessity of estate, fall at the first allarum : And [H- 'i- 165.]
to speake theologically, God preserves us, but stil in our
waies, so as he who without calling rushes into another
way then his own, hath no warrant of divine protection.
After an howers fight, when we had taken full view of the
breach, and found it not assaultable, our men were drawne
ofi^, with little or no dammage on our part, onely three
of our men were hurt, and Captaine Guests Horse was
51
A.D.
1 60 1.
Another Fort
planted.
The night
watches.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
killed under him, which Captaine first had killed two
Spaniards with his owne hand.
The same day it was resolved in counsell, to plant a
Fort on a Rath on the West side o^ the Towne, to
lodge therein some foote, for seconds to the guard of our
artillery, intended to be planted neere the same. And
to this purpose, in the night following, the Marshall,
the Sergiant Major, Captaine Edward Blany, and Captaine
Josias Bodley Trenchmaster, (the Lord Deputy being
almost all night present with them), drew out five and
twenty of each company, and intrenching themselves on
the said hill, not halfe Callivers shot from the Towne,
beganne to cast up a small Fort. And though the
Spaniards perceived not their purpose, yet many of them
lying in a trench they possessed close to the West gate,
did play very hotly all night on our men, guarding the
Pyoners, and ours did no lesse on them, so that divers
were hurt and killed on both sides. But the second day
of December, about nine in the morning, when a great
myst beganne to breake, and they discovered our worke
a yard high, then from the said Trenches, and more
from the Castles, and high places in the Towne, they
plied us all the day with small shot. Notwithstanding
which annoyance, our men brought the work to very
good perfection before night. In the meane time, a
Serjeant to Captaine Blany, drew out some seven or eight
shot, and suddenly fell into a Trench which some
Spaniards possessed, close by the Towne, of whom the
Serjeant killed two, and each of the rest one, with their
owne hands. But when not content therewith, they
attempted another Trench, something distant from the
first, the Serjeant in going on was shot through the body,
and two of his Company were hurt in bringing him off,
and so returned with this and no more losse.
This night the Trenches where the Cannon was planted
on the East side of the Towne, were manned with the
Lord Deputies guard, (commanded by Captaine James
Blount) with Sir Thomas Bourkes Company and Sir
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
Benjamin Berries company, (both commanded by their
Lieftenants), by Captaine Rotherams company, (com-
manded by himselfe) by Captaine Hobbies company
(commanded by himselfe) Captaine Nuses (commanded by
his Lieftenant) and by Captaine Roger Harvy his
company, (himselfe commanding in chiefe as Captaine of
the watch there that night, for as every Colonell watched
each third night, so every Captaine watched in one place
or other each second night). Also this night the Fort
on the West side neere the Towne, betweene the two
Campes, which was cast up the day before, was manned
by Captaine Flower (commanding in chiefe) and his
company by Captaine Spencer and his company, by
Captaine Dillon and his company, and by the companies
of Sir Arthur Savage, Sir John Dowdall, Captain Master-
son, and Sir William Warren, (commanded by their
Liefetenants) together with certaine squadrons out of the
Earle of Thomonds quarter in our second campe, which
stood in guard without the Trenches. Now within an
hower after night, and some two houres before the Moone
rose, it being very darke and rainy, the Spaniard impatient A brave sally
of the Forts building, the day before so close to the h ^^^
Townes West gate, and resolving to attempt bravely on ^Z^"'^''*^-
our Ordinance, planted on the East side, made a brave
sally with some two thousand men, and first gave slightly
towards the Trenches on the West side, but presently
with a grosse and their chiefe strength fell upon the
Trenches, in which the Artillery lay on the East side,
continuing their resolution to force it with exceeding
fury, having brought with them Tooles of divers sorts,
to pull downe the Gabbyons and the Trenches, as also
Spykes, to cloy the Ordinance. The allarum being taken
in the campe, the Marshall and Serjeant Major, Sir
Richard Moryson, Sir William Fortescue, Sir Francis
Rushe, and Captaine Roe, sallied presently with some
sixe hundred men towards the Cannon, and Sir Benjamin
Berry with some one hundred men fell directly towards
the Port of the Towne next to the Campe, and the Lord [H. ii. 166.]
53
A.D.
160I.
The enemie
enter the
Fort.
The enemie
abandon the
Fort.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Deputy sent out Sir Oliver Saint Johns with seconds.
Upon the Marshals arrivall and charge, the enemy brake,
and our men did execution upon them. Sir Benjamin
Berry fell directly upon the enemies seconds, whom he
charged and brake, killing many of them, and taking the
Commander of that body, being an ancient Captaine, of
great estimation with the enemy. At the same time the
enemy gave upon our trenches and Fort built the day
before on the West side, and continued the attempt long
with great fury, till Captaine Flower in heate and without
direction, sallying out of the Fort, to follow part of their
forces discomfited, the enemie entered the Fort before
he could returne, and possessed themselves of our
trenches. Yet still our men continued the fight, and
Sir William Godolphin gave many brave charges with
his horse, to countenance our men, till the Earle of Clan-
rickard was sent to second them on this part, with
Captaine Skipwith, Captaine Clare, Captaine Boise, Cap-
taine Thomas Bourke, and some threescore men (for the
rest of the Regiment was not advanced so farre.) Then
his Lordship and the rest charged the enemies grosse,
being without the Fort, and brake them, and did
execution upon them falling towards the towne, and so
returning thence, entred the West Fort again, with little
resistance, for the enemie abandoned it. This Fort his
L^. and his Company made good, till he was relieved
from the Lord Deputie. In this salley in all the enemy
left in the field above one hundred and twenty dead
bodies, besides such as were killed neere the Towne, and
could not next day bee discerned by us. And wee tooke
thirteene prisoners, among whom was a Captaine Refor-
mado (as they terme them, for honour of antiquitie) who
was taken by Henslo, Captaine of our Pioners, and a
Serjeant, and a Drumme. After we heard by some of
the Towne, that they left dead above two hundred of
their best men, among whom were two Captaines, two
Alferoes, and the Serjeant Major (being the second Com-
mander to Don Jean), and Don Carloes, and that more
54
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601,
then two hundred of them were hurt. On our part
Captaine Flower, Captaine Skipwith, and the Earle of The Lord
Clanrickards Lieutenant were hurt, and Captaine Spencer, ^^/""O" ^
and Captaine Dillon, and Captaine Flowers Lieutenant,
were killed in the West Fort, who staying in the Fort
when Captaine Flower sallied, were there found dead in
the place which they were commanded to make good,
and with their faces to the enemie, in as honourable
manner as could be expected from any souldier. The
enemy sallying on our Fort guarding our Cannon, cloyed
a demy-culvering of ours, which being a little erased,
was left without the Fort, but the next morning it was
made serviceable againe. Some of them were killed upon
the cannon, and upon the powder, and the trenches about
the cannon were in some places filled with dead bodies ; The
for in that particular attempt they left seventy two bodies Spaniards
dead in the place, and those of their best men, whereof ^"^^'
some were found having spikes and hammers to cloy the
cannon. And in generall among the dead bodies many
were found to have spels, caracters, and hallowed meddals,
which they woare as preservations against death, and most
of them when they were stripped, were scene to have
scarres of Venus warfare. Wee tooke some fortie shovels,
and as many mattocks, and much Armes, left in the field,
which tooles were so massie, as they had great advantage
of us therein, and the sight of them would have put her
Majesties Ministers oi the Ordinance to shame, who for
private gaine sent sale ware to us, unfit to be used. In
defending this fort of the cannon, Captaine Rotheram
and James Blount Ensigne, woon great reputation by
their valour, and the courage they gave to others.
Because the Earle of Clanrickards Company had watched
the night before this. Sir Henry Follyot was sent with
his Regiment to guard the Westerne fort till morning.
Some hower before this skirmish, the Lord Deputie
was advertised by one T)onnogh O Driscoll, that sixe
Spanish ships were put into Castle Haven, and that six
more were sent with them from the Groyne, but in the
55
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Six Spanish
ships arrived.
way were scattered from these by tempest, and that since
it was not knowne what became of them. That in these
six ships arrived, were two thousand Spaniards, with
great store of Ordinance and Munition, and that by their
report twentie thousand more were comming presently
[II. ii. 167.] after them. The third of December, by reason of rany
weather, nothing could be done, onely upon relation of
a French runnaway, that the enemy purposed to sally
againe, some of our men were for a short time drawne
to Armes, but in vaine.
The fourth day we received a confirmation of the
Spaniards arrival at Castlehaven, wherupon it was
resolved in Counsel, that our first camp should be more
strongly fortified, and that al our horse should be drawne
into it, and that the quarter or lesser camp on the West
side (consisting now onely of three Regiments, namely,
of the Earle of Thomond, Sir Richard Percy, and Sir
Christopher Saint Laurence) should rise and sit downe
farther off, towards the South-gate, having another Regi-
ment added to strengthen it, drawne out of the first
campe on the North side of the Towne, where the Lord
Deputy lodged, the lot whereof fell to Sir Charles
Wilmott. That our trenches and Fort on the East side
for the guarding of the cannon, should be committed
to the continuall guard of Captaine Blany, and our Fort
at the West gate to Captaine Ghest. And that our
battery should cease, till those stormes of new Spanish
supplies and the Irish Rebels drawing neere were over.
A Drumme was sent to the Towne, to offer Don Jean
liberty to bury his dead, which message he received with
due respect, but prayed us to burie them, with promise
to do the like for any of ours happening to fall in his
power. And because our Drum, according to his direc-
tion, expostulated with Don Jean, that howsoever the
Spanish prisoners were well used by us, yet his Lordship
heard, that one of our men taken in the last salley, after
he was hurt, so long as he gave himselfe out to be an
Irish man, was kept in the hospitall, but after being
56
Our camp
to be
strengthened.
A Drumme
sent to the
Towne.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
discovered to be an Englishman, was drawne out, and
killed. For this cause Don Jean sent backe with him
a Spanish Drum to the Lord Deputy, intreating buriall
for his dead, with the foresaid promise to doe the like
for ours ; and for the expostulation, denying any such
thing done to his knowledge, with protestation to punish
it highly, if hee could discover any such thing to have
been done. The first, his Lordship promised to doe, as
a Christianlike act, though he knew the inequalitie of the
offer, having so many of their bodies presently in his
power. For the second, his Lordship rested satisfied,
yet his L^. did further expostulate with the Drum, that
upon our summons of the Towne, after martiall manner,
they were not content to returne a resolute answere, but
added scandalous words, terming us meschini. To which
he answered, protesting that the speech was ill delivered
by an harquebuzier, who undertooke to interpret it, but
could not doe it rightly. His Lordship also excepted
to a kind of challenge sent by Don Jean, that the question A kind of
betweene England and Spaine should be tried by combat challenge
betweene them two, this triall being in neither of their ^^^ J^^^
powers by commission, nor in Don Jeans will, though
hee had the power, besides that the Councell of Trent
forbad the Romanists to fight in Campo Steccato (or
combat in the field) so as this message was rather quarel-
some then honourable, which otherwise his Lordship
protested to bee most willing to accept, with thankes for
the noble offer. Lastly, his Lordship remembred, that
at our first setting downe, he sent a Drum to Don Jean,
with this message ; That whereas his Lordship understood
certaine Ladies and women to bee in the Towne, he
offered them before the playing of our Artillerie free leave
to depart, or remaining there still, to command any pro-
vision for themselves which our campe afforded. And
that Don Jean made an uncivill answere, That he would
not be his Baud. To these exceptions hee answered with
a Spanish shrug of the shouldier, as having no knowledge
nor commission, to satisfie his Lordship therein. So his
57
A.D.
i6oi.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Lordship protested, that all the courtesie offered hitherto
by him, proceeded out of that honourable respect which
useth to passe betweene honourable enemies, and because
he would ever be true to his owne Honour, whatsoever
others were to theirs. But in case it were conceived to
proceede of any respect of the greatnes or power of the
Spanish Nation, or his owne feare, that he would hereafter
shew how much he disdained such ill interpretations of
courtesie. And so his Lordship dismissed the Drum.
This night the Spaniards attempted something by
boats against our Sentinels, but were soone beaten backe
againe- The fifth day Sir Richard Levison, though the
[II. ii. 1 68.] wind hindered the going out of Kinsale Harbour, yet with
towing, got out the Warspite, the Defiance, the Swift-
sure, the Marline, one Merchant, and a Carvill, and with
them went to seeke the Spanish Fleete newly arrived at
Castlehaven.
The same day the foure Regiments above named, did
remove to the new camping place, as was determined the
day before.
The sixth day at ten in the morning, our Fleete arrived
at Castle haven, and before foure in the after-noone one
Spanish ship was sunke, the Spanish Admirall with nine
foote water in hold drove to the shore upon the rocks, the
Vice-admirall with two others drove likewise aground,
most of the Spaniards quitting their ships. Our Fleete was
forced to stay there the next day by contrary winds, and
the Spaniards having landed some Ordinance, plaied upon
our ships all the day, but the night following they warped
out, and the day after returned to Kinsale.
The sixt day likewise, a Scottish Barke bringing
soldiers from Spaine, and being one of the Fleet newly
arived at Castlehaven, but severed from them at sea by
storme, came into the Harbour of Kinsale, and put the
Spaniards, being fourescore, into our hands, who were
brought to the campe, and examined before the Lord
Deputie. David High of Lieth, Master and Owner of
the Unicorne examined, said upon oath : That he went
58
The Spanish
ships sunke at
Castle haven.
A Scottish
Barke
surrenders
fourscore
Spaniards.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
master
examined.
from Waterford sixe weekes agoe with goods of Water- The ship
ford for Rochel, and so for Burdeaux, but was driven
through foule weather and a leake into the Groyne, where
within an hower after hee was at Anchor, his ship was
arrested, and himselfe taken by the Governour called
Conde, but after they had unladen the Barke, and taken
away the sailes, he was set at libertie. That Siriago with
a part of the Spanish Fleete sent for Ireland, was then
there, and ready to embarke againe for Ireland, having
about one thousand foure hundred land souldiers, placed
in nine ships, whereof this examinate was one, the
Admirall in which Syriago was, being a Netherlander of
one hundred fifty tunne, or thereabout, the Vice-admirall
a Flemming of one hundred twenty tunne, or there
abouts, beside three French ships, and three Scots, and a
Fliboat. That they have great provisions of Powder,
Pioners tooles, and twelve or 41 great Pieces mounted
for the field. That the seven and twentieth of the last,
they set saile at Groine, and had their directions (as farre
as this examinate understands) for Kinsale. That before
their departure from the Groyne, one Jordan Roche of
Kinsale, bound for Burdeaux, and from thence for South-
Spaine, comming to an anchor at the Groyne, was there
taken, and forced in the Kings name to be a Pilot on
this coast, his ship being sent on her voiage ; by whom
they understood, that the Castles of Ryncoran and
Nyparke were taken, which hee heard also by the report
of a French man hee met at sea. That aboard his ship
there was imbarked about fourescore Spaniards, and five
or sixe women, about five and twentie tunne of Bread,
and sixe Butts of wine, whereof the most part was spent
in beverage : but other munitions then the souldiers
weapons they brought none aboard. That Brittingdona
is at Lisbone, ready to transport two thousand souldiers
more for Ireland, so soone as hee can get shipping. That
Don Diego de Brochero in his returne for Ireland, landed
at Lisbone, and from thence posted to the Court, and after
his arrivall, a present dispatch was made, to hasten these
59
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
supplies for Ireland. That in Spaine they make no doubt
but Ireland is already won, and from thence the common
bruite is, they will for England, then for Scotland, and
after will set upon the Turk. That the fifth of December,
they made the land betweene Corke and Kinsale, and the
winde being scant, turned all that day and night to come
in, and by seven of the clocke this morning came into
the Harbour, and at opening of the day perceived our
Fleete, which by the Spaniards was conceived to be their
Fleeter but by him (as he saith) knowne to bee her
Majesties, and that of purpose hee came to put the
Spaniards into our hands. That before his ship came
to anchor, hee got a boat, and discovered to Sir Amyas
Preston the Spaniards hee had aboard. Whereupon Sir
Amyas Preston manned out his boates, and towed in
the ship, whereunto the Spaniards made no resistance.
Lastlie, that he heard at the Groyne, that the Adilantado,
[II. ii. 169.] being then at Port Saint Marie, did daily expect the
comming of foure thousand Italians, but for what purpose
hee knew not.
The Spaniards The Spaniards then examined on oath, said, That there
examined. jg -j^ ^.j^^ Fleete with Siriago not above one thousand,
divers of them taken out of the Gaoles, and very poore
and naked, whereof one whole Companie of Portingals
was taken out of prison. That the Admirall is laden with
Bisket, Powder, and Match, and two cannons for battery.
That the whole Fleete consists of tenne saile, whereof the
Admirall and Vice-admirall are hulkes of three hundred
tonnes, as they esteemed them, the rest small barkes of
divers Nations. That Siriago commands the Fleete, and
Captaine Alonzo del Campo commands the foote in
chiefe, being a Captaine of the Terceres, who hath an
old Company, and Savedra hath another old Com-
pany, but is himself a young souldier. That they heard
nothing that Kinsale was besieged. That Brittendona
was at Lisbone, and that they were gathering supplies,
but knew not if they will be ready before the Spring
or no. That the Adilantado was in South-Spaine, and
60
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
that a Regiment of three thousand Italians was to come
for Ireland. That the whole Fleete was bound for
Kinsale, and they thought the Queenes Fleete was their
ships of Spaine. That all the shipping was to be gathered
together at Lisbone, against the Spring, and foure
thousand Italians were comming for England.
This sixth day of December, all the Ordinance was Ordinance
drawne from the Easterne and Westerne platformes, into d''*^"^"^^ ^^'^
the first Camp on the Northside of the Towne, where the ^^^'^
Lord Deputy lodged, that we might the better attend the
service of the field, having our Artillery commodiously
placed, since we were advertised, that Odonnel was joyned
with those Spaniards which landed lately at Castle-Haven,
and that hee, together with Tyrone, assisted by all the
Rebels force in Ireland, were drawing up towards Kinsale
to relieve it, and were come within few miles of the
campe. Of all these newes the Spaniards in Kinsale had
knowledge, and thereupon tooke heart againe, when they
were otherwise ready to yeeld upon reasonable com-
position. For this respect, it was thought enough for
us to keepe the ground we held, against all these enemies,
till wee should be further supplied out of England, since
upon the least defeate or disaster befalling us, the whole
Kingdome would have been hazarded (if not lost), by
reason of the peoples inclination to a generall revolt.
We fortified the foresaid campe on the West (or South- The campe
West) side, where the Earle of Thomond lay with foure "" ^^^ ^^^'^
Regiments, and it was resolved, that two smal forts should ^^^ '
be cast up, and manned, betweene that campe and the ^
water side Southward (the said forts and campes, each
one flancking the other), thereby so to invest the
Towne, as all succour from the countrie might
be cut off from it. Further it was resolved, that
the ditches of the Lord Deputies campe should bee
deepned, and the trenches highthned, and that the backe
part furthest from the Towne, lying open hitherto should
now bee closed, and made defensable against Tyrones
forces, as the side towards the Towne was made against
61
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
the Spaniards, if they both at one time should give upon
us. And that all the Forts should be barricadoed, and
by all possible art all the accesses to the towne betweene
our two campes be stopped.
Alarums of The seventh day the Lord Deputy advertised Master
Tyrones Secretary in England, of all these particulars, adding that
purpose. ^^ daily heard very hot Alarums of Tyrones purpose,
to relieve the Towne, who strengthened with the above
named forces, was now lodged in Woods, and in access-
able strengths, very neere to our campe, so as hee hindered
us from forage for our horse, and from the helpes wee
formerly had out of the country, for sustentation of our
Army. And that his neighbourhood on the one side,
and the Spaniards in Kinsale on the other, kept us at a
bay, from proceeding in our aproches and battery. Besides
that our last supplies were in this short time incredibly
wasted, the new men dying by dozens each night, through
the hardnes of the winter siege, whereunto they were not
inured. Yet his Lordship still made good his first hope
of victory, though it were deferred, and that which hee
thought to have attempted with safety to the State, and
ease to the Army, was now to be done with hazard to
[II. ii. 170.] the State (inseperable from great actions) and greater
painefulnes to the souldier (to bee indured with patience.)
The eight day our Artillery was placed in the severall
places of our North side Campe, for the best defence
thereof, and a Fort on the West side by the other Campe,
(according to the above mentioned resolution) was cast
up, & almost finished, where towards night we had a
slight skirmish with the Spaniards, in which we had an
Tyrones Ancient and some few men hurt. In the evening the
Forces shew Rebels Horse were discovered, about two miles off, and
emse ves. j^fj-gj. supper all our men were drawne into Armes, upon
notice given us by the scouts, that the Rebels drew nigh,
but after a small time, all saving the watch were dismissed
to rest.
This night Sir Richard Levyson returned from Castle
Haven, with the Queenes ships into the Harbour of
62
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
Kinsale, and came to the Campe, to give the Lord Deputy
accompt of the good service done there. The nine ten
and eleven daies, we spent in building the two Sconces, Tm Sconces
(or Forts) as was formerly resolved in the sixth daies '^'*^"-
Counsell. They were built on the West side of the
Towne, betweene the Earle of Thomonds quarter and
the water Southward, and to invest the Towne round
about, we cast up trenches betweene the Forts and the
Earle of Thomonds quarter, being thirty score in length,
the Forts and the Campe flancking each other, and we cast
up Trenches from that side to the Lord Deputies Campe,
to stop the passage of Cowes, Horses, or any reliefe to the
Towne. The Spaniards made two or three light sallies
to view our works on the West side, as they did likewise
the twelfth day, but they were beaten back with ease,
and no losse on our part. The thirteenth day we drew
three peeces of Artillery from the Lord Deputies campe,
and planted them on the West side neere the other campe,
to play upon an Abby, which flancked that part where
wee intended to make a new breach. The same day the
Spaniards taken in the Scots ship, were sent for England.
And Sir Oliver S. Johns was dispatched for England, Sir Oliver
and by him the Lord Deputy and the Counsell wrote this ^: ^°^"^
following Letter to the Lords in England. England
IT may please your Lordships : How we have pro-
ceeded in the great businesse wee have in hand here,
since our last dispatch unto your Lordships of the seventh
of the last moneth, wee have thought fit to set downe by
way of journall inclosed, humbly praying leave to referre
your Lordships thereunto, to avoid needlesse repetition ;
and if the services we have hitherto performed, shall
happily fall short of that which your Lordships in this
time have expected, and our selves (wee acknowledge)
hoped, wee have made collection of the sundry difficulties
and oppositions that we have incountred, since the first
newes of these Spaniards discovery upon this Coast, to
the end it might appeare unto your Lordships plainely
63
A.D,
160I.
Letter from
the Lord
Deputy to
the Lords in
England.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
by the view thereof, (as wee are confident it will), that
nothing hath beene wanting in our endevours, to bring
this worke to the desired conclusion, but that a more slow
proceeding hath beene inavoydably occasioned, by the
slow and untimely comming to us of those meanes and
provisions, without which it is impossible to be effectually
active, and the arising of new accidents and impediments
in the meane time, which made our worke more difficult,
and therefore will not (we hope) be imputed any fault
of ours. Since the arrivall of the Queenes shippes, the
forces, artillery, and other provisions out of England,
we have so annoied this Towne with battery in all parts
thereof, as the breach was almost assaultable, and the
Houses in the Towne much beaten downe, to the great
weakening of the defendants, in so much as we were
not without hope to be offered it by composition, or
within a little more time to have entered it by force,
though that was held a course of much hazard and losse,
in regard they within are very strong in bodies of men,
which we know to be most certaine. The Spaniard
finding how hardly he was laid to, importuned Tyrone
and Odonnell with their forces to come to releeve him,
they both are accordingly come, and encamped not farre
from the Towne. And now one thousand more Spaniards
are arrived at Castle Haven, with great store of munition
& artillery, and report that a greater force is comming
[II. il. 171.] after, which doth so bewitch this people, as we make
accompt all the Countrey will now goe out, as most of
them have done already, as in our former letters we
signified that we feared. Odonnels forces are said to be
foure thousand, and to be joined with the Spaniards that
landed at Castle Haven, and Tyrones (as we heare
generally) to be as many more, and since his passage
through the Countrey hither, Tyrrell with many other
Lemster Rebels, (as it is said) are joined with him, and
comming also hither. By these meanes wee are induced
to leave our battery for a time, and to strengthen our
Campes, that we may be able to indure all their fury,
64
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
as wee hope we shall, and keepe the Towne still besieged,
and so invested, as wee are not out of hope in the end
to carry it, notwithstanding all that they can doe. Yet
since it is now most apparent, that the King of Spaine
meanes to make this place the seate of the Warre, not Ireland the
onely for the gaining of this Kingdome, but from time '^,f!^ °^ r
to time to push for England, if he should get this, (for the gaining
so some that we have taken and examined, doe confesse), of Great
and that the whole strength of the Irish are drawne and Britaine.
drawing hither, to set up their rest, to get that liberty
(as they call it) that they have so long fought for. We
must earnestly intreat your Lordships to supply us, and
that speedily, of all things necessary for so great a Warre,
as this is like to be. We hold it a matter of necessity
that foure thousand foote more be sent us presently,
without staying one for another to come together, but
as they can be levied and shipped away, and we desire
good choice may be made both of the Men and Armes,
for in both the last were much defective, those under
Captaines were but ill bodies of men, and the supplies
had very ill armes and weapons : Wee conceive it will
be fittest for the service, that I the Deputy have liberty
to put so many of them under Captaines, as cannot at
the first bee used for supplies, for though our chiefe
meaning is to fill up the bands already here, if so many
be wanting at their comming hither, that her Majesty
may not unnecessarily be charged with new bands, when
the old be not full, but much deficient, yet a great part
of our companies being extreame sicke, through the
exceeding misery of this Winters siege, (so as at this Misery of
present there is but one third part of the last men that '-^^ ^Vinter's
came over serviceable, and able to doe duties, whereof "'^^'
happily a great part may recover), it cannot therefore be
determined, untill they be here, what number will bee
necessary for supplies, and what companies fit to bee
raised, for that must grow out of a view here of such as
continue still sicke, or are growne deficient by death, or
running away, whereof of late there are very many,
M. Ill 65 E
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
notwithstanding the severe courses we have taken, by
executing some for a terrour to the rest, by making
Proclamations upon paine of death, that none should
depart the campe without licence, by giving direction to
the Port Townes that they should be staled and appre-
hended : and lastly, by sending speciall men to Corke,
Yoghall, Waterford, and Wexford, to see the same duly
put in execution, for which purpose they have commission
for martiall law, all which is well knowne to every private
man in the campe, and yet they steale away daily in such
numbers, as besides those that by devises doe get passages,
there are at this present taken betweene this and Water-
ford, at the least two hundred ready to be returned;
though we confesse the misery they indure is such, as
justly deserveth some compassion, for divers times some
are found dead, standing centinell, or being upon their
guard, that when they went thither were very well and
lusty, so grievous is a Winters siege, in such a Countrey :
A guesthouse For the sicke and hurt men we have taken the best course
for the sicke -^6 can devise, for at Corke we have provided a guest-
and hurt. house for them, where they are most carefully looked
unto, and have their lendings delivered in money, to buy
them what the market doth affoord, with an increase of
what is held fit for them, allowed out of the surplusage
of the entertainement for the Preachers and Cannoneers,
(which we conceave your Lordships have heretofore heard
of). And for those that are sicke or sickely at the campe,
because we much desire to keepe them well (if it were
possible), we take this course. First their owne meanes
is allowed them very duly. Sir Robert Gardner being
appointed a Commissioner for that purpose, that the
souldier in all things may have his right, with proclama-
tion that whosoever found him selfe in any want, should
repaire to him ; and secondly, out of a generall contri-
bution from the Officers and Captaines of the Army,
[II. ii. 172.] there is fifty pound a weeke collected for them, and
bestowed in providing warme broth, meate, and lodging,
so as a marvellous great number are thereby releeved.
66
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
And yet all this doth not serve, but that a great many
are still unserviceable which we have here noted at the
greater length, that it might appeare unto your Lordships
that it proceeds not from want of care or providence in
us, but from keeping the field in such a season, where
humane wit cannot prevent their decay. We must further
earnestly intreat your Lordships, that the Fleete may
remaine upon this Coast during the warre with the
Spaniards, and to furnish us with victuals, munition and
money, for Easterly winds are rare at this time of the
yeere, and without every of these, this action cannot bee
maintained, but that the Army will breake, and come
to nothing. Neither will this Countrey now affoord us
any thing, no not so much as meat for our Horses ; and
therefore wee must likewise bee humble suters, that two 2000.
thousand quarters of Oates may speedily be sent us, Quarters
without which undoubtedly our Horses will be starved, "-l . ^V
The particulars of our wants, both of munition and
victuals, are set downe by the Master of the Ordinance,
and the Victualer for this Province, and we have made
choice of Sir Oliver S. Johns, to sollicite your Lordships
for a speedy and favourable dispatch, as also to give
satisfaction in all things wherein it may please your Lord-
ships to require a more particular information, in regard
he is well acquainted with all things that have passed
here, otherwise as we were unwilling to have spared him,
so wee found him very unwilling to leave the service
at this time, had not I the Deputy injoined him to
undertake this businesse, knowing hee could best satisfie
your Lordships in any particular that you might doubt
off. Wee have also held it very fit, humbly to signifie
to your Lordships, that where wee heard from the
Counsell of Dublyn, and otherwise, of her Majesties
purpose to send some Scots, that it would now very much The worth of
advance the service, for if foure thousand Scots (which ^^^ ^'°^^-
we thinke a convenient number) might speedily be landed
there, to joine with the English at Loughfoyle and Carick-
fergus, while Tyrone keepes here with the Forces of that
67
A.D.
1 60 1.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Bretandona
conducts the
Enemies
Fleet.
Countrey, they would no doubt in short time make so
great a spoile there, as hee should never be able to subsist,
to maintaine a warre any more, and a great part both
of the English forces & of them, after having swept those
Countries bare, which they might quickely doe, might
draw hither to our assistance, with great part of the
prey, which would aboundantly releeve both them and us
with victuall, and so stop the passages behind him, as hee
should never bee able to returne ; but that the warre
both of Spaine and Ireland might have an end together
here, whereof wee cannot but wish your Lordships to
have due consideration, and humbly pray you to excuse
us, for making thus farre bold, which nothing should
have led us unto, but zeale and affection to the service.
Lastly, whereas the Enemies Fleet at Lysbone, under the
conduct of Bretandona, is (by intelligence from Spaine)
assuredly intended for these parts, to bring supplies to
Kinsale within a moneth or sixe weekes : And whereas
we find the great importance of this service depending
on the countenance of her Majesties Fleet, to have the
same with us as well to guard the Harbour and repell
the enemies landing, as also to guard our Magazins of
munition and victuals, which must be kept in ships, we
having no other conveniency to keepe them : We have
made humbly bold to stay the Fleet commanded by Sir
Levtson's fleet Richard Levison, and doe in like sort beseech your Lord-
^^"^•^^ ■ ships to victuall them for three moneths longer, with all
possible speed ; for they are now victualled onely till the
twentieth of January. And because so great a quantity
of victuals as will serve them for that time, can hardly
be so soone provided ; we humbly desire that this supply
of their victuals may be sent unto them in parts, as it
can be made ready : And because this Fleet, by the
opinion of the best experienced in Sea services, (whom
we for our parts doe beleeve), must necessarily be divided,
and yet is too small to serve in two parts, we humbly
pray that some such addition of ships, as in your wisdoms
shal be thought meet, may be sent hither, to forbid the
68
^'tr Richard
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
enemy to plant in other places, as Baltimore and Berre
Haven, where it is very probable they meane to plant :
by which division of the Fleet better service may be
expected, then otherwise can possibly be performed. For
it is no doubt, but many opportunities will be offered
to fight with the Enemy, which otherwise cannot be
looked for. This wee humbly submit to your Lordships [il. ii. 173.]
favourable consideration, not forgetting (as earnestly as
wee may) to recommend to your Lordships good favour
Sir Richard Levison, Admirall of this Fleete, who hath Sir Richard
shewed himselfe a most worthy Gentleman, both in per- Levison
forming of that service upon the Spanish ships at Castle- ^f Jf TJ,^/
haven (which in our Journall is expressed), as also in i„ England.
being himselfe painefull, carefuU, wise, and valiant in the
whole course of all affaires, which your Lordships com-
mitted to his charge, and that in such measure, as we
thinke a more sufficient and gallant Gentleman could not
have beene chosen for such an imployment. And so
wee most humbly take leave, &c.
By the same dispatch the Lord Deputy wrote this
following letter to Master Secretary in England.
s
Ir, I know that all great actions are accompanied with The Lord
many difficulties, neither are they strange to me, that Deputy's
have put on a minde to indure any thing for such a JI^' '[
Mistresse, in such a quarrell. And with chearefulnesse Secretarf
shall I suffer the extremitie of hardnesse, and adventure,
if it shal please her Majesty so graciously to interpret
our labours, as to beleeve (as it is true) that our diffi-
culties arise out of themselves, and not from any defect
of our Counsels or endeavors. For my selfe, I protest
that I doe faithfully propound unto my selfe, whatsoever
I presume are her Majesties chiefe ends, to make a speedy,
safe, and honourable conclusion of this warre, which to
no private man would be more unsupportable then to
my selfe, were I not upheld by my dutie and affection
to her service. I doe conceive that it is apparant, that
the King of Spaine is resolved to make a powerfull warre
69
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
The Lord with England, and that he hath chosen this Countrie to
Deputy's be the seate thereof, where we that are her Majesties
tlZt r Ministers here, must either marre, or give way to this
Secretary, foundation. If he bee resolved to send continuall
supplies, and to fortifie in severall places, the warre is
likely to grow long and difficult. For first, it is hard to
force a warlike Nation out of any strength, without great
numbers, royall provisions, and long time, and how hard
our supplies of either, can bee spared, or sent in time
so farre, I feare the estate doth already feele too much.
The necessitie of making head to an enemie (who having
the hearts of all this people, shal have all their helpes,
if they durst), doth draw our Army to indure all the
incommodities of a miserable Winters siege, wherein,
without all prevention, the greatest part of our strength
will decay, before we be readie (in our chiefe designe of
forcing the Towne) to use it. And if otherwise we
should use in this worke more then advised haste, we
might easily hazard the losse of this Kingdome ; for
little disasters to us will bee conceived overthrowes, and
beleeve Sir, that nothing containes even the best of this
Countrie inhabitants, but the prosperitie and reputation
of our Army ; so that, although it may please God to
enable us to cut off the thread of this warre, sooner
then wee see reason to presume of, yet because we have
just reason to expect a growing enemie, and in so great
a cause, it must please her Majestie, either to bend and
maintaine her Royall power this way, or by some attempt
in his owne Countries, to divert his purpose for this ;
for otherwise if he persist in his purpose for Ireland, if
he once grow of power to breake the bankes of our
opposition, he will suddenly (and not by degrees) over-
flow all. Hitherto it hath pleased God to prosper us,
in all we have undertaken, or hath been undertaken
against us ; wee have wonne whatsoever the enemy was
possessed off without the Towne ; we have taken above
two hundred Spanish prisoners ; there are (as wee are
certainely enformed) above one thousand dead and killed
70
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
of them in the Towne, the which we have now as The Lord
throughly invested as may be : but on the other side ^^/'«0' ^
the whole force of Tyrone and Odonnell, with all the ^^^'^^^
strength of the Rebels of Ireland, do lie within sixe secretary.
miles of us, and to their assistance they have the Spanish
supplyes, and (that which is worst) their munition and
provisions ; the whole Province either is joyned with
them, or stand neutrals ; and what use soever the enemie
maketh of them, I am sure wee receive by them no
manner of assistance. Notwithstanding all this, I hope
wee shall give a good account of the besieged ; but wee
have reason to proceede with great caution, having a
desperate enemie before us, and so manie that are ingaged [H- "• i74-]
in the same fortune behind us. For Tyrone and O
Donnell have quit their owne Countries, to recover them
here, or else to loose all. Now Sir, to enable us in this
great warre, you must continually supply us with
munition and victuals. It is true, how incredible soever
you thinke it, that of two thousand men you send us,
you must account that we make use of little more then
five hundred, and yet wee can well justifie, that there
is nothing omitted that humane wit can provide, for the
preservation of such as we have. I have (much against •
his will and my owne) sent over Sir Oliver Saint Johns,
because I presume he can satisfie you in many things,
which by writing we can hardly doe. Once more I
thought good to remember you, that I protest before the
eternall God, that it grieveth me to see her Majesty so
ill served in her Musters, from the abuses whereof (as I
have done heretofore) I do utterly disclaime, as not being
in my power to reforme ; for all the Ministers in that
kind, are but ciphers or false numbers, and it is beyond
my power to discend into every particular care, in such
an active time, wherein I spend all my meditations in
making onely of the warre, and wherein how much of
the weight of every mans burthen doth lie upon my
shoulders, I doe better feele, then I can expresse, or make
you beleeve. I will discontinue the consideration of any
71
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
The Lord thing that belongs to my owne private, and have now
Deputy's onely desired this bearer to negociate for mee as a publike
Master P^^son, and of publike matter, and I beseech God to
Secretary, send mee the height of my ambition, which is, with the
conscience of having done her Majestie the service I
desire, to injoy a quiet, private life, and that her Majestie
may never more have need of men of our profession.
Yours Sir most assured
to doe you service
Mount joy.
The foureteenth day was so rainy, and so tempestious
in winds, as wee could not stirre out, to proceede any
thing in our businesses. The fifteenth our Artillerie,
planted by the Campe on the West-side, did play upon
the toppes of the Castles in the Towne, where the enemies
shot were placed, that from thence they might annoy our
men, working in the trenches, and in the platforme, and
attending our Artillerie. Our pieces brake downe many
of these Castles, and killed many of their shot lodged
in them. Likewise in the night, while our men were
making new approches, our Ordinance plaied upon the
Towne, and many volleys of small shot were exchanged
betweene us and the enemy.
The sixteenth day the same Ordinance plaied in like
sort upon the Castles in the Towne, and did much hurt
to the men there lodged. The seventeenth day was very
tempestious with raine, and especially wind, and so con-
tinued all night, for which cause our Artillery plaied but
seldom upon the towne. And this night the Spaniards
sallyed, and brake downe a platforme, which we had
begun the day before, with purpose to plant our Artillery
there ; whereupon a slight skirmish fell betweene us and
them, but with little or no hurt on either side. The
eighteenth day our Artillerie continued to play upon the
Towne. And this day his Lordship intercepted this
following letter, which he commanded me to translate out
of Spanish into English.
72
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
To the Prince O neale, and Lord O Donnell.
I Thought your Excellencies would have come at Don Don Jean del
Ricardo his going, since hee had order from you to ^^^ ^
say, that upon the Spaniards comming to you (from q „^^^^ ^^^^
Castle-Haven), you would doe me that favour. And so Donnell.
I beseech you now you will doe it, and come as speedily
and well appointed as may bee. For I assure you, that
the enemies are tired, and are very few, and they cannot
guard the third part of their trenches, which shall not
availe them, for resisting their first furie, all is ended.
The manner of your comming, your Excellencies know
better to take there, then I to give it here ; for I will
give them well to doe this way, being alwaies watching
to give the blow all that I can, and with some resolution,
that your Excellencies fighting as they doe alwaies, I \S^- "• •75-]
hope in God the victorie shall be ours without doubt,
because the cause is his. And I more desire the victory
for the interest of your Excellencies, then my owne. And
so there is nothing to be done, but to bring your
squadrons, come well appointed and close withall, and
being mingled with the enemies, their Forts wil doe as
much harme to them, as to us. I commend my selfe
to Don Ricardo. The Lord keepe your Excellencies.
From Kinsale the eight and twentieth (the new stile,
being the eighteenth after the old stile) of December,
1601.
Though you be not well fitted, I beseech your
Excellencies to dislodge, and come toward the enemy,
for expedition imports. It is needfull that we all be on
horsebacke at once, and the greater haste the better.
Signed by Don Jean del Aguyla.
The nineteenth day was so extreme rainy, as we could
doe little or nothing. The twentieth in the morning
being very faire, our Ordinance plaied, and brake downe
good part of the wall of the Towne. And to the end
we might sharpen Tyrone (whose lying so neere did more
73
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
annoy us, by keeping reliefe from us, then hee was like
to hurt us by any attempt) ; or if Tyrones force came
not up sooner, that wee might proceede more roundly,
this day another great breach was made beneath the
Platforme, and though many shot were made to hinder
us, yet by the next morning the worke was brought to
Great good perfection. The night was stormy, with great
lightning and lightning and terrible thunder, to the wonder of all, con-
/ undei. sidering the season of the yeere, and this night came
certaine intelligence, that Tyrone, drawne on by Don
Jeans importunity, determined presently to set up his rest
for the reliefe of the Towne, and that the next night he
would lodge within a mile and halfe of our Campe.
Tyrone shewes The one and twentieth our scouts confirmed the same,
himselfe horse and towards night Tyrone shewed himselfe with all his
joo e. horse and foote, upon a hill within a mile of us, in the
way to Corke. Whereupon two Regiments of our foote,
and most of our horse being drawne out of the Campe,
made towards them : but when they saw our men
resolutely come forward, they fell back to a Fastnesse of
wood and water, where they encamped.
This night being light with continuall flashings of
lightning, the Spaniards sallied againe, and gave upon a
trench, newly made beneath our Canon, but were the
sooner repelled, because wee kept very strong Guards,
and every man was ready to be in Armes, by reason of
Tyrones being so neere unto us.
The two and twentieth Tyrones horse and foote often
shewed themselves from an Hill, beyond which they
incamped in a Wood, yet our Artillery still plaied upon
the Towne, breaking downe the Wall, and some Turrets,
from whence the Spaniards shot annoyed our men. Many
intelligences confirmed, that Tyrone on the one side, and
the Spaniards on the other, had a purpose to force our
Campe.
The Spaniards This night the Spaniards sallied, and gave upon a
sally. trench close to the West-side of the Towne, which the
Serjeant that kept it did quit : but Sir Christopher Saint
74
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND A.b.
1601.
Laurence appointed to second him, came up with some
foote, and did beat the Spaniards into the Towne, before
they could doe any great hurt, save onely a little defacing
it. Our Artillery still plaied upon the Towne, that they
might see wee went on with our businesse, as if wee
cared not for Tyrones comming, but it was withall carried
on in such a fashion, as wee had no meaning to make
a breach, because wee thought it not fit to offer to enter,
and so put all to hazard, untill wee might better discover
what Tyrone meant to doe, whose strength was assured
to bee very great, and wee found by letters of Don Don Jean's
Jeans, which wee had intercepted, that hee had advised '^'^^'k^^-
Tyrone to set upon our Camps, telling him that it could
not bee chosen, but our men were much decayed by the
Winters siege, and so, that wee should hardly bee able
to maintaine so much ground, as wee had taken when
our strength was greater, if wee were well put to, on the
one side by them, and on the other side by him, which
hee would not faile for his part to doe resolutely. And
it was most true, that our men dailie died by dozens, so
as the sicke and runnawaies considered, wee were growne [II. ii. 176]
as weake as at our first setting downe, before our supplies
of foure thousand foote.
The strength of our Regiments the three and
twentieth of December.
The Lord Deputies Regiment had able men, 715. The TAe strength
Lord Presidents Regiment able men, c^t^^. The Earle ^^"''
of Clanrickards Regiment able men, 529. The Earle ^S^"'^" ^^
of Thomonds Regiment, 572. The Lord Audley his
Regiment, 370. Sir Richard Percies Regiment, 544. Sir
Richard Morysons Regiment, 541. Sir Oliver Saint
Johns his Regiment, 515. Sir Charles Wilmotts Regi-
ment, 454. Sir Henry Follyots Regiment, 595. Sir
Christopher Saint Laurences Regiment of Irish, 747.
Sir Henrie Powers Squadron volant (or flying Regiment)
drawne out oi the former Regiments, after the making
of the Lyst in November last, 449.
75
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1 60 1.
The Totall of Foote able men besides runawaies, and
hurt, and sicke, lying aswell in the Campe, as at Corke,
6595-
Tyrone Xhis evening one of the chiefe Commanders in Tyrones
resolves to ^j-j^y having some obligations to the Lord President,
assay le our -" ° , , 9 1 1 r t t 1 l 1
Campc. ^^^^ ^ messenger to him ror a bottle or Usquebagn, and
by a letter wished him, that the English Army should
that night bee well upon their guard, for Tyrone meant
to give upon one Campe, and the Spaniards upon the
other, meaning to spare no mans life but the Lord
Deputies and his. Don Jean de 1' Aguila after confessed
to the Lord President, that notwithstanding our sentinels,
he and Tyrone the night following, had three messengers
the one from the other. All the night was cleare with
lightning (as in the former nights were great lightnings
with thunder) to the astonishment of many, in respect of
the season of the yeere. And I have heard by many
horsemen of good credit, and namely by Captaine Pike-
man, Cornet to the Lord Deputies troope, a Gentleman
of good estimation in the Army, that this night our
horsemen set to watch, to their seeming did see Lampes
burne at the points of their staves or speares in the
middest of these lightning flashes. Tyrones guides
missed the way, so as hee came not up to our Campe
by night, as the Spaniards ready in Armes howerly
expected, but earely about the breake of the next day.
The foure and twentieth of December, some halfe
hower before day, the Lord Deputie in his house sitting
at Counsell with the Lord President and Master Marshall,
as thinking the intended enterprise of the enemie by
some accident to bee broken, suddenly one of the Lord
Presidents horsemen called him at the dore, and told
him, that Tyrones Army was come up very neere to
our Campe. And Sir Richard Greame, having the Scout
that night, when hee discovered that Tyrone with his
forces was on foote marching towards the Campe,
presently advertised the Lord Deputy thereof, and his
Lordship being alwaies in readinesse to intertaine them
76
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601,
(seldome going to bed by night), and at this time (as
I said) setting in Counsel!, when he heard that they were
advanced within three quarters of a mile to our Campe,
caused all our men to draw into Armes in the quarter, and
himselfe with the Marshall attending him, advanced
towards our scouts, whence he sent the Marshall Sir
Richard Wingfeild, to take view of the enemy, and hee
brought him word, that they were in the same place
formerly advertised. Upon his returne the Lord Deputie
left for defence of the great Campe on the Northside,
his Lordships owne Regiment, under his Lieutenant Sir
Benjamin Berry, the Lord Presidents Regiment (who was
in his Lordships absence to command both Camps in
chiefe), the Earle of Clanrickards Regiment the Lord
Audlie his Regiment, and Sir Richard Moryson his Regi-
ment. This done, the Lord Deputie sent a Corporall
of the field unto our lesser Campe (or quarter) commanded
by the Earle of Thomond, and gave order there for
disposing the foure Regiments of the Earle of Thomond,
Sir Richard Percy, Sir Charles Wilmot, and Sir Christo-
pher Saint Laurence, and directed how to set all the
Companies in their severall guards. In former notes I
finde Sir Richard Percies Regiment quartered in the
Earle of Thomonds Campe, but here I find it reckoned [II. ii. 177]
among them of the greater Campe, and the Earle of
Clanrickards Regiment in this lesser Campe, whereof I
remember not the certaintie, but am sure, howsoever
they had been changed, that the Regiments for number,
were at this time thus disposed in the two Campes. By Thcdefeate
this time the Marshall, with some foure hundred horse, % ^''°^^'
. , forces.
and Sir Henrie Powers Regiment (being to answere
Alarums, and so drawne out at this time, as they had
been for three nights before on like occasion) was
advanced within twenty score of the enemie, the ground
rising so high betweene them and our men, as they could
not see one the other.
It was now the breake of day, whereas mid-night was
the time appointed for the Rebels to meete with Don
77
A.D.
160I.
The Spaniards
contained
themselves h:
Kinsale.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Jeans forces, the Spaniard being to set upon our lesser
Campe (or the Earle of Thomonds Quarter), and Tyrrell
leading the Rebels Vantguard (in which were the
Spaniards lately landed at Castle-Haven), and Tyrone
leading their Battaile, and O Donnell their Reare, being
all to set upon our chiefe Campe, conceiving themselves
of sufficient strength to force both our Campes at one
instant, and to make no great worke of it.
The Lord Deputy, with the Lord President in his
company, being come up to our forces, led out against
Tyrone, and resolving there to give him battaile, com-
manded Sir John Barkeley Serjeant Major to draw out
of the Campe the two Regiments of Sir Oliver Saint
Johns and Sir Henry Follyot. Upon their comming up,
the enemy finding us resolved to fight, retyred himselfe
over a Foard, and the Marshall seeing them disordered
in their retrait, sent word thereof by Sir Froncis Rush
to the Lord Deputie, desiring leave to fight, and his
Lordship by Sir Samuel Bagnol gave him leave to order
that service according as hee in his discretion, should
find the disposition of the enemie, and therewith sent
backe Sir George Carew Lord President with three
troopes of horse, to the great Campe, to command both
Camps in chiefe, and to make head against the Spaniards,
if they should sally out of the Towne.
But the Spaniards still expecting the comming up of
the Rebels, according to their mutuall project, and never
imagining that wee with our small forces, could draw
out sufficient bands to meete and beate the Rebels, con-
tained themselves within the towne walles, till (as by the
sequell shall appeare) their sallies could little profit them.
After the said message sent to the Marshall, presently
the Earle of Clanrickard came up and exceedingly
importuned the Marshall to fight. Whereupon the
Marshall drew a Squadron of foote with their Drumme
to the Foard, and willed Sir Richard Greames with
his horse to march directly to the Foard. Then
the enemy retired hastily with horse and foote over
78
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1 60 1.
a boggy ground to firme land, hoping to keepe
that boggie passage against us. Then the Marshall
directed Sir Henry Davers (commanding the horse
under him), with his horse, and Sir Henrie Power
with his Regiment of foot to advance, who presently came Thefoote
over the foresaid Foard unto him. The Lord Deputy advance.
being upon the hill with two Regiments of foote, com-
manded the Serjeant Major there attending him, to second
our men with those foote. So the Marshall having the
Earle of Clanrickard, and Sir Henrie Davers with him,
advanced with some hundred horse, and began with a
hundred Harqubusiers (led by Lieutenant Cowel a valiant
Gentleman marked by a red cap he wore, to be a special
instrument in this fight) to give occasion of skirmish on
the Bog side, which the rebels with some loose shot
entertained, their three Batallions standing firme on the
one side of the Bog, and our Fort on the other side.
In this skirmish our foot were put up hard to our horse,
which the Marshall perceiving, put forth more shot, which
made the Rebels retire towards their Battaile. Then the
Marshiall finding a way through a Foard, to the ground
where the Rebels stood, he possessed the same with some
foote, and presently he passed over with the Earle of
Clanrickard, Sir Richard Greames, Captaine Taffe, and
Captaine Fleming, and their horse, and offered to charge
one of the Rebels Battailes of one thousand eight hundred
men : but finding them stand firme, our horse wheeled
about. Now Sir Henrie Davers with the rest of the
horse. Sir William Godolphin with the Lord Deputies,
and Captaine Minshall with the Lord Presidents troopes
(kept by the Lord Deputie to answere all accidents), and [II. ii. 178.]
our Serjeant Major with two Regiments (sent by the Lord
Deputy to second the Regiment of Sir Henrie Power,
being with the Marshall,) came all up, whereupon the
Marshall with the horse charged home upon the Reare
of the Battaile, and the Irish not used to fight in plaine
ground, and something amazed with the blowing up of a
Gun-powder bagge (they having upon the like fright
79
A.D.
160I.
The Irish
broken.
The ^paniardi
broken.
Our losses.
The Irish
losses.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
defeated the English of old at Blackwater), but most
discouraged to see their horse flie (being all Chiefes of
Septs and Gentlemen, to the number of five or sixe
hundred), were suddenly routed, and our men followed
the execution. The other two Battailes that stood stil,
now finding this routed, made haste to succour them.
Whereupon the Lord Deputy sent instantly Captaine
Francis Roe with Sir Oliver Saint Johns Regiment (of
which he was Lieutenant Colonell), to charge on the
Flanck of the Vanguard, which presently retired dis-
orderly, being followed by our foote and horse : but the
Spaniards landed at Castle-Haven, marching there, and
being not so good of foote as the Irish, drew out by
themselves, yet were by Sir William Godolphin leading
the Lord Deputies troope, soone broken, and most of
them killed, the rest (with their chiefe Commander Don
Alonzo Del Campo) being taken prisoners, namely, two
Captaines, seven Alfieroes, and forty souldiers, whereof
some were of good qualitie. In the meane time many
of the light footed Irish of the Van escaped, as did
likewise almost all the Rere, by advantage of this
execution done upon the Spaniards and the maine Battaile,
(of which body farre greater then either of the other, all
were killed), but onely some sixty or there abouts.
Thus the Irish horse first leaving the foote, then two
of the Battalions being routed, they all fell to flie for
life, our men doing execution upon many in the place.
On our part Sir Richard Greames Cornet was killed, Sir
Henry Davers, Sir William Godolphin, Captaine Henry
Crofts Scout-master were slightly hurt, onely sixe
souldiers hurt, but many of our horses killed, and more
hurt. The Irish Rebels \&h one thousand two hundred
bodies dead in the field, besides those that were killed in
two miles chase : we tooke nine of their Ensignes, all
their Drummes and Powder, and got more then two
thousand Armes. And had not our men been greedy of
the Spaniards spoile, being very rich, had not our foote
been tired with continuall watchings long before, in this
80
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
hard winters siege. Had not our horse especially been Why some of
spent by ill keeping and want of all meate for many dales ^^^ ^'"^
before, (by reason of Tyrones neerenesse, so as the day ^^'^'^^^ '
before this battaile it had been resolved in Counsell to
send the horse from the Campe for want of meanes to
feede them, and if Tyrone had laine still, and not suffered
himselfe to bee drawne to the plaine ground by the
Spaniards importunitie, all our horse must needs have
been sent away or starved.) Had not these impediments
been, wee had then cut the throates of all the rebels
there assembled ; for they never made head against them
that followed the execution, nor scarce ever looked behind
them, but every man shifted for himselfe, casting of his
Armes, and running for life. In so much as Tyrone
after confessed himselfe to be overthrowne by a sixth
part of his number, which he ascribed (as wee must and
doe) to Gods great worke, beyond mans capacitie, and
withall acknowledged that he lost above one thousand in
the field, besides some eight hundred hurt. This we
understood by the faithfull report of one, who came from
him some few dales after, and told the L. Deputy more-
over, that he tormented himself exceedingly for this his
overthrow.
After the battell, the Lord Deputy in the middest of T/ie Lord
the dead bodies, caused thanks to be given to God for Deputy gives
this victory, and there presently knighted the Earle of ^^^"'^^^M
Clanrickard in the field, who had many faire escapes, his
garments being often peirced with shot and other
weapons, and with his owne hand killed above twenty
Irish kerne, and cried out to spare no Rebell. The
captive Spanish Commander Alonzo del Campo, avowed
that the Rebels were sixe thousand foot and 500 horse,
whereas the Lord Deputy had but some one thousand
two hundred foote, and lesse then foure hundred horse.
So before noone his Lordship returned to the campe,
where commanding vollies of shot for joy of the victory,
the Spaniards perhaps mistaking the cause, and dreaming [II. ii. 179.]
of the Rebels approach, presently sallied out, but were
M. Ill 81 F
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
soone beaten into the Towne, especially when they saw
our triumph, and perceived our horsemen from the hill
on the West side, to wave the Colours we had taken in
the battell, and among the rest, especially the Spanish
Colours, (for such most of them were, the Rebels in
woods not using that martiall bravery). The same day
an old written Booke was shewed to the Lord Deputy,
wherein was a Prophesie, naming the foard and hill where
this battell was given, and foretelling a great overthrow
to befall the Irish in that place.
A note of A notc given by one of Tyrones followers, of
Tyrones losse. j^-g j^g^^ ^^ ^j^jg Overthrow.
Tirlogh Ohagan Sonne to Art Ohagan, Commander of
five hundred, slaine himselfe with all his company, except
twenty, whereof eleven were hurt, and of them seven
died the eighteenth day, after their returne.
Kedagh Mac Donnell, Captaine of three hundred,
slaine with all his men, except threescore ; whereof there
were hurt five and twenty.
Donnell Groome mac Donnell, Captaine of a hundred,
slaine himselfe and his whole company.
Rory mac Donnell, Captaine of a hundred, slaine him-
selfe and his company.
Five of the Clancans, Captaines of five hundred, them-
selves slaine and their companies, except threescore and
eighteene, whereof eighteene were hurt.
Sorly Boyes sonnes had followers in number three
hundred, under the leading of Captaine Mulmore
Oheagarty, all slaine with the said Mulmore, saving one
and thirty, whereof twenty were hurt. Colle Duff mac
Donnell, Captaine of one hundred, lost with all his
company.
Three of the Neales, Captaines of three hundred, sent
by Cormock mac Barron, all lost saving eighteene,
whereof there were nine hurt.
Captaines slaine fourteene. Souldiers slaine 1995-
Souldiers hurt 76.
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THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ao.
1601.
The five and twentieth day (being our Christmas day) Spanish
the Spaniards in the afternoone made a slight sally, but ^'^^l^^^-
finding us ready to entertaine them, presently they drew
backe, yet to hinder our making a trench, which we
then beganne, and which they found would doe them
much hurt, they sallied againe strongly at nine of the
clocke in the night, and maintained the fight till eleven,
wherein the Ensignes to Captaine Roper and Captaine
Ghest, with divers others on our part were hurt hard
by their wall, but in short space after, they were beaten
into the Towne with many of theirs hurt, and so we
perfected that worke. The sixe and twentieth in the
night, the Spaniards made another sally at the West gate
(as formerly) upon a new trench wee kept close to the
Towne, and that so hotly, as they inforced our men to
quit it, having the Liefetenant of that guard and ten more
of them shot. But when the Spaniards made up to our
lower Fort, they were presented with a voUy of shot in
their teeth, which killed foure, and hurt eight of them,
and so they drew into the Towne.
The seven and twentieth the Lord Deputy dispatched Sir Henry
Sir Henry Davers into England, with the following letters ^^"^'^^^ ,
(touching the happy overthrow of Tyrone), from his into England
Lordship and the Counsell here, to the Lords in England.
IT may please your Lordships. In the last dispatch
sent by Sir Oliver S. Johns, which long ere this time
we hope is safely delivered unto your hands, there was
at large revealed unto you all our proceedings at the siege,
and also the estate wee were then in, having before us in
the Towne the Spanish forces, and at our backes Tyrone
and Odonnell, with the Irish Army ; since whose
departure they dislodged from the place where they
then incamped, and lay in campe within lesse then two
miles of us, in the way towards Corke, whereby the
passage from our Campe to Corke was blocked up, so
as no provisions for our reliefe from thence could come
unto us, which unto the Army was a great annoyance,
AD FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1 60 1.
The Lord ^nd we in a manner were no better then besieged. The
feturtoth Enemies proud in their strength, resolved to set up their
Lords in rests, accounting us in their opinion lost men, unable to
England. resist so great a power, and therefore by a generall consent,
[II. ii. 180.] they determined on all parts to give upon our campe,
aswell out of the Towne by the Spaniards, as by the
Irish on the other side, and according to that resolution,
on Christmas even before day, Tyrone with his Army
rose, and with all his forces of horse and foote, by breake
of day presented himselfe in order of battell : but it
pleased God in his goodnesse to give us a gracious victory,
with a handfull of men in respect of his Army, the
particulars whereof being too long to insert in a letter,
we humbly referre your Lordships to the relation sent
with these, wherein the same is at large & particularly
related, in which overthrow we gained many Spanish
letters of great consequence, the most effectual! of which
we send unto your Lordships herewith, together with a
briefe abstract of those which we reserve here, as unwilHng
to trouble your Lordships with those of lesse moment.
By view of which intelligence and advices, and the relation
of such Spanish Prisoners of account, and understanding,
as wee have had conference with all, the second and
further preparation of the forraigne enemy, is more
apparantly discovered, then at the dispatching away of
Sir Oliver S. Johns : And therefore we may not cease
humbly to importune your Lordships, in regard of these
threatned supplies by sea and land, and that the great
and speedy use we have of the men, munition, victuals,
and treasure, which we formerly moved your Lordships
for, in the letters sent by the said Sir Oliver S. Johns,
will admit no long delaies, that your Lordships will not
onely be pleased to supply us presently therewith, but
that those proportions may be inlarged in every point,
as in your wisdomes (upon due regard had to the
intelligences sent herewith) shall be thought meet : for
in our understanding (we being now by the occasions
aforesaid inabled to know more of the enemies designes,
84
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
then we did before) all of every kind that was by us The Lord
formerly written for, will be too little. And further, in ^^P"^y f
as much as the chiefe strength of our Army consisteth ^^^^^ ^^
in our Horse troopes, who in this service were the England.
principall meanes and instruments of the overthrow given
the enemy, as wel in giving the first charge, as in doing
and following the execution : for the preservation of
them in strength, we humbly pray your Lordships that
the two thousand quarters of Oates formerly written for,
may presently be dispatched hither ; and in regard the
whole Countrie is so harried and wasted, that it cannot
yeeld us any reliefe, and that without corne our horses
(as they beginne) must daily weaken more and more,
and so our army be in hazard to perish ; for timely
prevention thereof, we humbly pray your Lordships, that
an addition of Oates may be given to the said proportion,
and although not at once, yet from time to time sent
hither, as conveniency of shipping will give leave : for
we dare assure your Lordships, if for want of them our
horses had not beene growne so feeble, there had few
of the enemies horse or foot escaped. And that your
Lordships will be further pleased to send away with the
best expedition the munition and habiliments of warre
already written for, and to send the same with all possible
haste, according to the demands sent herewith, and sub-
scribed by the Master of the Ordinance, without which all
other charges and provisions are to no purpose. We also
pray your Lordships that you will be pleased to have
consideration to send hither a compitent Fleete to guard
the Coast, for we are of opinion, and so gather by the
collections we have probably made, that the King of
Spaine his Fleete will be great, which being granted, the
ships we have here will not be enough to supply all
occasions, considering how they must be dispersed, both
to defend the Coast, and to prohibit the sending and
arrivall of their seconds, as also to answere all other
services, wherein shipping is necessary to be imploied.
And for asmuch as the ending and deversion of this warre
85
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1 60 1.
resteth chiefly in the weakening and disinabling of
Tyrone, (whose reputation by this last overthrow, is both
with the forraigne enemy, and his owne followers, very
much blemished) ; and for that it may be apparantly
conceived, that the Spaniard will no longer maintaine a
tedious and chargable warre in this remote Kingdome,
then he hath a strong and powerful! party, and safe
meanes of landing therein : To disinable him from this
assurance and hopes here, in our understanding, the send-
ing of foure thousand Scots into Ulster, would doe
excellent service, and they being once joined with her
Majesties forces at Loughfoyle and Carickfergus, would
either absolutely banish Tyrone from thence, by posses-
[II. ii. 181.] sing all the holds and places of strength in Ulster, or
else constraine him to make his defence at home, and
keepe him from giving any helpe to the Spaniards, and
so bee utterly rejected from having either credit or aides
hereafter from them. The same time the Lord Deputy
wrote to Master Secretary this following letter.
The Lord O IR we have written to the Lords both of our estate
Deputy's j^ and desires, and doe wish that it may please them
ettet to J.Q conceive that the materials be great that must stop
Secretary. ^he breach that the King of Spaine hath already made
in this Countrey, and a slender opposition will not resist,
but be carried away with an inundation, if he send
supplies. We have already miraculously overcome one
dangerous brunt, and God hath given the Queene the
greatest victory that ever shee obtained in this Countrey,
but beleeve me Sir that there is no one place that is
defended with good men, but will goe neere to breake
the Army that doth force it^ though it be carried : We
have forced two places already held by the Spaniard, and
now he remaines possessed and fortified in foure severall
places more, with great store of munition, artillery and
victuals. There is supply of horse & foot certainly
comming unto them, some say in great numbers. We
have indured, (I dare boldly say) the most miserable
86
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
siege for extremity of weather and labour, that in this The Lord
age hath beene heard of. If it please God to inable us Deputy's
to effect this, it is impossible for this army to undertake, ^j^^^J^J"
in this season, and those places, as it is now or wil be Secretary.
diminished, any present service without rest. Beleeve
me Sir, you must make peace, or provide for a chargeable
warre ; for there is nothing that carries these places with-
out roiall provisions. If her Majesty thinke her owne
occasions, and not us her poore Ministers, to be the cause
of this huge expence, I shall willingly indure the
purgatory I live in, and sacrifice my time, my life and my
living, to doe her the best service I can ; but if you find
that shee conceiveth the worse of me, because I am the
Cooke to dresse her diet here so chargably, I beseech
you Sir (if I may ever deserve your love) use your
uttermost power to rid me speedily of my oflice, and I
dare presume that I have made no evill way for my
successour to tread after me. I would faine write much
unto you, but with wet and heat in the last overthrow,
I have taken some cold, and my head doth make me
write in great paine. I beseech you Sir pardon me, and
esteeme me your honest poore friend, that am resolved
to be so ever. I was glad to send Sir Henry Davers
over with this good newes, who (I assure you) hath taken
exceeding paines, and lost some of his blood in this last
service, and besides some necessity of his owne, hath
long desired such an opportunity to come over for a time.
And so Sir I beseech God to send us peace, for I am
weary of the warre. From before Kinsale the seven &
twenty of December 1601.
Yours Sir most assured to doe you
service, Mountjoy.
The 28 day of December, the Lord Deputy was
advertised that Syrriago a principall Commander of the
Spaniards, landed in the West parts, having received
newes of Tyrones overthrow, was suddenly gone for
Spaine, without acquainting any of the Spaniards there-
87
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
with, and that hee carried with him in the same shippe
^«.?^ Hugh Odonnell. And thus was the old prophesie fully
Odonnell accomplished, which often before wee had heard, namely,
%a'me ^^^^ Mounster should be the destruction of the three
great Northerne Hughes. For Hugh Mac Guyer Lord
of Fermanagh, and the first Robinhood of this great
rebellion, was long since killed neere the Citie of Corke,
and Hugh Tyrone, and Hugh O Donnell were over-
throwne at Kinsale, whereof Hugh O Donnell is now fled
for Spaine, whence he never returned ; and Hugh Tyrone
drew faintly his last breath in the North, without hope
of better living, then as a Wood-kerne here, or as a
fugitive abroad. Likewise Hugh Mostian, a famous
Rebell at this time fled with O Donnell into Spaine.
The nine and twentieth day his Lordship had advertise-
ments from divers places, that Tyrone in his flight
out of Mounster, passing the Blackwater, lost many
of his carriages, and had some hundred and fortie of
[II. ii. 182.] his men drowned, feare making them so hasty, as they
could not attend the passing of their owne fellowes, much
lesse the fall of the waters.
The S^aniurd The last of December Don Jean Generall of the
parlies. Spaniards, ofi^ered a Parley, sending his Drumme Major
out of the Towne with an Alfiero, bringing a sealed
letter from him to the Lord Deputy, by which he required,
(as by the same sent in the next dispatch by Sir Richard
Moryson to the Lords in England appeareth) that some
gentleman of speciall trust and sufficiency, might bee
sent from the Lord Deputy into the Towne, for whose
pledge a Spanish gentleman of like quality should be sent
by Don Jean into the campe, and upon conference he would
acquaint the said gentleman with the conditions upon
which he stood. This granted, the Lord Deputy chose
Sir William Godolphin to be imploied in this important
negotiation, and sent him into the town to conferre with
Don John, as hee likewise sent Don Pedro Henrico to
remaine in the Campe.
His first conference with Sir William Godolphin tended
88
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
to this. That having found the Lord Deputy (whom he Thefint
tearmed Viceroy) though a sharpe and powerful!, yet an Conference.
honourable enemy ; and the Irish not onely weake and
barbarous, but (as hee feared) perfidious friends, hee was
so farre in his affection reconciled to the one, and dis-
tasted with the other, as he was thereby induced to make
an overture of such a composition as might be safe &
profitable for the state of England, with least prejudice
to the Crown of Spaine, by delivering into the Viceroyes
power the towne of Kinsale, with all other places held
by the Spaniards in Ireland, so as they might depart
upon honourable tearmes, fitting men of warre not forced
by necessity to receive conditions, but willingly induced
for just respects to relinquish a people by whom their
King and Master had beene notoriously abused, if not
betraied. That if the Viceroy liked to intertaine this
parley, he would please to understand him rightly, and
make such propositions as were sutable to men resolved
rather to bury themselves alive, then to give way to any
accord that should taste of dishonour, being confident of
their present strength and the royall seconds of Spaine,
did not the former respects leade them to disingage their
King of this enterprize. Sir William Godolphin directed
onely to receive his demands, returned to the Campe,
and related them to the Lord Deputy and Counsell. The
answer sent backe by him was this ; That how soever
the Lord Deputy had lately defeated the Irish, and well
understood their weakenesse & the unresistable difficulties
that pressed them, how ere they laboured to cover the
same, yet knowing that her sacred Majesty his Mistresse,
would in her mercifull disposition repute her victory
blemished by voluntary effusion of Christian blood, he
was content to intertaine this offer of agreement, so it
were upon honourable tearmes, fitting the advantage her
Majesty had against them.
In the next conference the Lord Deputy required for The second
the first Article, that Don Jean should leave his treasure, Conference.
munition, and artillery, and the Queenes naturall subjects
89
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Baltimore
to be easily
kept for the
Spaniards.
to be disposed at her Majesties pleasure. But Don Jean
vowed rather to indure the last of miseries, then to be
guilty of so foule a treason against his King, and the
reputation of his profession, though he were unable to
subsist, much more now when he had not onely
meanes to sustaine the warre, but hope by patience and
constancy to attaine the best ends oi his busines. Add-
ing, that he tooke it so ill to be misunderstood, in having
an Article of this nature propounded to him, as if it were
once more mentioned, the Viceroy should from thence-
forth use the advantage of his Sword, and not the benefit
of his former proffers. Hee further said, that the Viceroy
had cause rather to judge two hundred thousand duckets
well disbursed by the Queene, to have the Spaniards quit
their possession of Baltimore alone, to say nothing of
Kinsale, Castle Haven, and Beere Haven, which with all
them perishing, yet Baltimore might easily be kept for the
arrivall of the Spanish Fleets & all seconds that his Master
so deepely ingaged should please to send, which might
draw on a more powerfull invasion, this first being under-
taken upon false grounds, at the instance of a base and
barbarous people, who having discovered their owne
weakenes, had armed his King and Master to relie on
his owne strength, being tied in honour to releeve his
[II. ii. 183.] people thus ingaged. This (said hee) I speake in case
the Viceroy were able to force Kinsale, as I assure my
selfe hee cannot, I having upon my honour two thousand
able fighting men old souldiers, besides the sicke daily
recovering, now better inured to the climate, and induring
of all hardnesse, besides our convenient meanes of foode,
such as we Spaniards can well live upon, and our store
of munition most importing, with confident assurance
shortly to have new supplies of all things. Adding that
he preserved his strength, to be able to front us in a
breach, which their hearts not failing, they had hands
and breasts to stop against trebble our forces, though he
would give the Viceroy that right, that his men were
passing good, yet spent and tired with a W^inters siege,
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THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.o.
1 60 1.
obstinately continued beyond his expectation, but with
such caution and so good guard, as he having watched
all advantages, could never make a salley without losse
to his part, wherein hee acknowledged himselfe much
deceived, that grounding upon some errour in our
approches, he had promised himselfe the defeate of one
thousand men at least, and at one blow : but (said he)
when we meete in the breach, I am confident upon good
reasons, to lay five hundred of your best men on the earth,
which losse will make a great hole in your Armie, that
hath already suffered such extremity.
Lastly he concluded, that the King his Master sent him
to assist the two Counts O Neale and O Donnel, and he
presuming on their promises to joyne their forces with
his within few daies, had first long expected them in
vaine, and sustained the Viceroyes Army, and at last had
scene them drawne to the greatest head they could make,
lodged neere Kinsale, reinforced with Companies of
Spaniards, every hower promising him reliefe ; and at last
broken with a handfull of men, and blowne asunder into
divers parts of the World, O Donnell into Spaine, O
Neale into the furthest North : so as now finding no such
Counts in rerum Natura (to use his very words) with
whom he was commanded to joine, he had moved this
accord, the rather to disingage the King his Master from
assisting a people so weake, as he must beare all the
burthen of the war, and so perfidious, as perhaps in
requitall of his favour, they might at last bee wonne to
betray him.
Relation of this conference being made to the Lord Strong reasons
Deputy and Counsell, they considered, that the treasure M honourable
that Don Jean brought, was at first but one hundred '^S'-eemm.
thousand Ducates, whereof the greatest part could not
but be spent in paying his souldiers 4 moneths, and other
occasions of expence, for which and other good reasons,
they concluded not to stand upon the first article,
especially since many strong reasons made the agreement,
as it was honorable, so to seeme very profitable to the
91
A.D.
160I.
[II. ii. i8^.]
The conditions
of the
Spaniards
yeelding
Kinsale and
other places.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
State of England ; namely, that our Army was wasted
& tired with the winters siege. That it was dangerous
to attempt a breach defended with so many able men.
That if wee should lodge in the breach, yet they having
many strong Castles in the Towne, so much time might
be spent ere we could carry it, as our Fleete for want of
victuals might bee forced to leave us. That at this time
our Army was onely provided for sixe dayes. That we
had not munition or Artillerie to make any more then
one batterie in one place at once, five of our pieces being
erased. That upon any disaster befalling us, the Irish
were like to revolt. That besides the taking of Kinsale,
the other places, held by the Spaniards, as Baltymore,
Castle haven, and Beare-haven, would have made a long
and dangerous warre, with infinite charge to the State of
England, they being strongly fortified, and well stored
with all provisions of warre, and our Army being so tired,
as it could not attempt them, without being first refreshed,
and then being supplied with all necessaries, to the
unsupportable charge of our State, must have been carried
by Sea to those places, unaccessable by land. Lastly, that
in this time the King of Spaine could not but send them
powerfull seconds, being thus farre ingaged in his
Honour. Besides that by this long warre wee should
bee hindred from prosecution of the Rebels, who were
now so broken, as in short time they must needes be
brought to absolute subjection.
Alter many goings to and fro, certaine Articles were
agreed upon the second of January towards the end of
the yeere 1601, according to the English, who end and
begin the yeere at our Lady day in Lent, but the Articles
beare date the twelfth of Januarie 1602 after the new
stile, and according to the Spanish manner, to begin the
yeere the first day of the same moneth. The Lord
Deputy gave me the said Articles in English to be faire
written, that the coppy thereof being signed by both
the Generals, might be sent into England. And likewise
his Lordship commanded me to translate the same Articles
92
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
into the Lattin and Italian tongues, that two coppies of
each being signed by the Generals, one of each might
remaine with the Lord Deputy, and the others to be sent
to the King of Spaine. These Articles follow word by
word in English, as they were signed by the Lord Deputy
and the Spanish Generall.
Mountjoy.
IN the Towne of Kinsale, in the Kingdome of Ireland, The Articles
the twelfth of the moneth of January 1602, betweene ^sre^'^
the noble Lords, the Lord Mountjoy, Lord Deputy and lord Deputy
Generall in the Kingdome of Ireland, for her Majesty mid Don Jean
the Queene of England, and Don Jean de 1' Aguyla, del ^ guy la.
Captaine and Campe-Master Generall and Governour of
the Army of his Majesty the King of Spaine, the said
Lord Deputy being encamped and besieging the said
Towne, and the said Don Jean within it, for just respects
and to avoide shedding of blood, these conditions follow-
ing were made betweene the said Lords Generals and
their Campes, with the Articles which follow.
1 First, that the said Don Jean de 1' Aguyla shall quit i.
the places which he holds in this Kingdome, as well of
the Towne of Kinsale, as those which are held by the
souldiers under his command in Castle-Haven, Baltimore,
and the Castle at Beere-Haven, and other parts, to the
said Lord Deputy (or to whom he shall appoint), giving
him safe transportation, and sufficient for the said people
of ships and victuals, with the which the said Don Jean
with them may goe for Spaine, if he can at one time,
if not, in two shippings.
2 Item, that the souldiers at this present being under 2.
the command of Don Jean in this Kingdome, shall not
beare Armes against her Majesty the Queene of England,
wheresoever supplies shall come from Spaine, till the said
souldiers bee unshipped in some of the Ports of Spaine,
being dispatched assoone as may be by the Lord Deputy,
as he promiseth upon his faith and honour.
3 For the accomplishment whereof, the Lord Deputy 3.
93
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
offereth to give free pasport to the said Don Jean and
his Army, as well Spaniards as other Nations whatsoever,
that are under his command, and that hee may depart
with all the things hee hath, Armes, Munition, Money,
Ensignes displaied. Artillery, and other whatsoever pro-
visions of warre, and any kind of stuffe, as well that
which is in Castle-Haven, as Kinsale, and other parts.
4. 4 Item, That they shall have ships and victuals
sufficient for their money, according and at the prices
which here they use to give, that all the people and the
said things may be shipped, if it be possible at one time,
if not, at two, and that to be within the time above
named.
5. 5 Item, that if by contrary winds, or by any other
occasions there shall arrive at any Port of these King-
domes of Ireland or England, any ships of these, in which
these men goe, they be intreated as friends, and may
ride safely in the Harbour, and bee victualed for their
money, and have moreover things which they shall need,
to furnish them to their voiage.
6. 6 Item, during the time that they shall stay for ship-
ping, victuals shall be given to Don Jeans people at just
and reasonable rates,
7. 7 Item, that on both parts shall be cessation of Armes
and security, that no wrong be offered to any one.
8. 8 Item, that the ships in which they shall goe for
Spaine, may passe safely by any other ships whatsoever
of her Majesties the Queene of England ; and so shal
the ships of the said Queene & her subjects, by those
that shall goe from hence : and the said ships being
arrived in Spaine, shall returne so soone as they have
unshipped their men, without any impediment given
them by his Majesty the King of Spaine, or any other
[II. ii. 185.] person in his name, but rather they shall shew them
favour, and helpe them if they neede any thing, and
for securitie of this, that they shall give into the Lord
Deputies hands three Captaines, such as he shall chuse.
9. 9 For the securitie of the performance of these articles,
94
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
Don Jean offereth, that he will confirme and sweare to
accomplish this agreement, and likewise some of the
chiefe Captaines of his charge shal sweare and confirme
the same, in a severall writing.
10. Item, that Don Jean in person shall abide in this 10.
Kingdome, where the Lord Deputy shall appoint, till
the last shipping, upon his Lordships word ; and if it
happen that his people be shipped all at once, the said
Don Jean shall goe in the same Fleete, without any
impediment given him, but rather the Lord Deputie
shall give him a good ship, in which he may goe ; and if
his said men be sent in two shippings, then he shall goe
in the last,
11. And in like sort the said Lord Deputy shall sweare u.
and confirme, and give his word on the behalfe of her
Majestie the Queene and his owne, to keepe and accom-
plish this agreement, and joyntly the Lord President, the
Marshall of the Campe, and the other of the Counsell of
State, and the Earles of Thomond and Clanrickard, shall
sweare and confirme the same in a severall writing.
I promise and sweare to accomplish and keep these
articles of agreement, and promise the same likewise on
the behalfe of his Majestie the Catholique King my
Master.
Don Jean de 1' Aguila.
Geo. Carew, Clanrickard, Thomond, R. Wingfeild,
Geo. Bourcher, Ro, Gardner, Ric. Levison.
The Date of this writing is after the new stile.
Don Jean de 1' Aguila.
Fyncs Moryson.
This agreement being asigned by hands, promised by T/ie siege of
honourable words, and confirmed by solemne oathes on ■^'^■'^'^^
both parts, the Lord Deputie raised the siege upon the ''^
ninth of Januarie, and his Lordship with Don Jean de
1' Aguila, and some of the chiefe Spanish Captaines in
his Company, rode that day to Corke, whether our Army
marched the same day, the grosse of the Spaniards remain-
95
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.".
1601.
to which in respect of your long and unexpected silence Letter from
(from those parts) wee could no way give contradiction, ^^^ ^"^'f ^"
1 • • J /1 r \ ^ • 1 J ^- England.
having not received (berore now) any particular advertise-
ment, since the arrivall of Sir Thomas Savage, and
therefore no way able to make any judgement of your
estate, which was thus described. First, that the Irish
rebels lodged close by you ; that your Campe was full
of all misery and penury (to the great slander of
this Kingdome) ; lastly, that there were six thousand
Spaniards landed, of which last particular my Lord of
Ormonds man was the relator. For prevention of which
uncertainty hereafter, we are commanded in her Majesties
name to require you, from hence forward to advertise
us frequently from time to time of your proceedings, to
the intent that her Majestic may still have meanes to
provide for your support, which you may not looke to
receive from hence in the time you shall use them, except
wee may be daily informed before-hand from you, of all
such particular circumstances as fall out in that place. To
come therefore now to this present dispatch, wee have
perused your Journals, both of the services done, and of
the difficulties which have interrupted your proceedings
hitherto, whereunto wee meane to make no other replie
then this ; That wee that know your judgement and
affection to her Majesties service, so well as we doe, must
say thus much, that wee are no more doubtfull, that you
have done as much as you could, then you have reason
(we hope) by the course that is taken with you from
hence, not to beleeve and know, that her Majesty hath
in no sort neglected you. For demonstration whereof,
you shall first understand, that before the arrivall of Sir
Oliver Saint Johns, her Majestie had given order for
foure thousand men to be sent into Mounster, with such
supplies of munition and victuals, as her Majestie thought
fit provisionally to send, though (for lacke of advertise-
ment) wee could not make any other particular judgement,
what were too much, or too little. Only this we know,
that if that body of Spanish forces (which are now in
M. Ill 97 G
AD FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
that Kingdome) shall not be defeated before the like body
of an army (or a greater) arrive, her Majesty shall be
put to such a warre in the end, as howsoever this State
may undergo the excessive charges of continuall leavies
and transportation (which you wil well consider to be of
intolerable burthen to this Kingdome, all circumstances
Extreme considered), yet such will be the extreme difficulties to
mainAn' ^naintaine such an Army in that Realme, where it must
an Jrmy in ^g^^ against forraigne Armes, and an universall rebellion,
Ireland. and in a climate full of contagion, and in a Kingdome
utterly wasted, as we do wel foresee, that it wil draw
with it more pernicious consequents, then ever this State
was subject to. For whosoever shall now behold the
beginning of this malitious designe of the King of Spaine,
must well conclude, although he hath now begun his
action upon a false ground to find a powerflill party in
that Kingdome at his first discent (wherein he hath bin
in some measure deceived), yet seeing he is now so deepely
ingaged and so well findeth his errour, that he will value
his honour at too high a rate, to suffer such a worke to
dissolve in the first foundation. In consideration whereof
her Majesty like a provident Prince, resolveth presently
to send a strong Fleet to his owne coast, to prevent his
new reinforcement, not doubting, if such a disaster should
happen, that these forces should remaine so long unre-
moved by you in Ireland (which we cannot beleeve) that
her Majesties Fleet shall yet be in great possibilitie to
defeate the new supplies by the way ; for which purpose
her Majestie perceiving how dangerous a thing it is for the
Fleete in Ireland, to lie off at Sea in this Winter weather
(which they must doe, if it be intended that they shall
hinder a descent), and how superfluous a thing it is
to maintaine such a Fleet only to lie in Harbours, her
Majestie is pleased to revoke the greatest part of her
Royall ships hither, and to adde to them a great pro-
portion, and send them all to the Coast of Spaine, leaving
still such a competent number of ships there, as may
sufficiently blocke up the Harbour, and give securitie
98
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
and countenance to transportation. To which end we
have written a letter in her Majesties name to revoke
Sir Richard Levison, and to leave Sir Amias Preston with
the charge of those ships contained in this note, to whom
we have given directions in all things to apply himselfe
to those courses which you shall thinke most expedient [II. ii, 187.]
for that service. You shall also understand, that we
have now directed Sir Henrie Dockwra to send eight
hundred men by pole to Knockfergus to Sir Arthur
Chichester, and commanded him to make them up one
thousand, and so with all speede the said Sir Arthur
himselfe to march up with a thousand of the best men
to your reinforcement in Mounster. And thus having
for the present little else to write unto you, till we heare
further, we doe conclude with our best wishes unto you
of all happy and speedy successe. And so remaine &c.
at the Court at Whitehall, the foure and twentieth of
December, 1601.
The same eleventh day of January, his Lordship
received other letters from the Lords, dated the seven and
twentieth of December, signifying, that whereas his Lord- The pay of
ship had often moved on the behalfe of the Captaines, tfie souldiers.
that they might receive their full pay, without deduction
of the souldiers apparrell, which they themselves would
provide, now her Majestie was pleased to condescend
thereunto. I remember not whether his Lordship had
moved this since, or before the new mixed coyne was
currant, but sure this was great advantage to her Majestie
at this time, having paied silver for the apparrell, and
being to make the full pay in mixed money.
The same eleventh day of January his Lordship
received from the Lords in England letters dated the
five and twentieth of November, signifying, that a pro-
portion of victuals was provided at Plimoth, for which
he should send foure Merchants ships of the Queenes
Fleete at Kinsaile. And requiring to bee advertised upon
what termes the Spaniards hadyeelded, which were then sent
over for England, that they might be disposed accordingly.
99
A.D.
160I.
Necessity for
well stored
Magazins in
Ireland.
Don Jean's
letter to the
Lord Deputy.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
By the old date of this letter and another above
mentioned of the two and twentieth of November,
received all on the eleventh of January, it may appeare
how necessarie it is to have the Magazins in Ireland well
stored, and how dangerous it is, that the Army should
depend on sudden provisions.
The same day his Lordship received letters from the
Lords in England, that her Majestie had made a leavy
of foure thousand foote, whereof two thousand were now
at the Ports to be imbarked for Mounster, namely, one
thousand one hundred committed to the charge of eleven
Captaines, and nine hundred under the conduct of some
of the said Captaines left to his Lordships disposall.
The fourteenth his Lordship lying at the Bishop oi
Corkes house, received this following letter from Don
Jean, lying in the Towne of Corke, translated out of
Spanish.
Most Excellent Lord,
Since they carried me to the Citie of Corke, certaine
Merchants have told me, they thinke they should find
ships to carry me and my folke into Spaine, if your
excellency would give them license and pasport, of which
I humbly beseech your highnes, as also that of your great
benignitie, your excellency will have pitie of these his
prisoners, who here do expect the great mercie, which
so great a Prince as your Excellency, useth towards his
servants and prisoners. These poore prisoners suffer
extreme wants, both with hunger and cold ; for there is
no sustenance given them at all, nor find they any almes.
I beseech your Excellency will bee pleased to have com-
passion of them. There is one dead of hunger, and
others are ready to die of it. God keepe your Excellency
the yeeres which we his servants wish his Excellency.
From Corke the foure and twentieth of January 1602
(stilo novo and as they write.)
Your Excellencies servant
Don Jean de 1' Aguila.
100
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
The Spanish prisoners were these : Taken at Rincorran The number
Castle, men and women, 90. Taken at Castle Nyparke °f ^}^ Spanish
16. Taken in the sallye the second of December, 13. P'"°^'^'''-
Taken at Tyrones overthrow the foure and twentieth of
December, aswell principal! as ordinary men one and
forty prisoners, in all one hundred sixtie ; besides the
runnawaies during the siege were thirty, and these
together with many of the said prisoners, had been sent
into England, and the rest (of whom Don Jean writes)
were still prisoners at Corke.
The foure and twentieth of January, the Lord Deputy [II. ii. 188.]
and Councell here wrote to the Lords in England this
letter following.
M
Ay it please your Lordships, wee have received your The Lord
letters of the foure and twentieth of December, the Deputy's
eleventh of January, which were the first that wee j^'^^J !° ^ ^
received out of England, since the arrivall of Sir Richard England.
Levison with our munition and supplies. And although
we have upon every important revolution of our busi-
nesse, dispatched unto your Lordships both our estate
and desires, yet we humbly desire your Lordships pardon,
for the omission of our dutie to enforme you more often
of our present estate, the chiefe cause thereof being, the
respect and feare wee have to possesse you with such
falsehoods, as it seemeth they doe, which undertake more
liberally to advertise your Lordships of the estate of
our affaires ; for in no place doe all intelligences come
apparrelled (even to them that are neerest unto them)
in more deceiveable mists, untill time and great observation
discovereth the truth. So that if we should write unto
your Lordships often, according to our best informations,
wee should present to your Reverent judgements such
ridiculous contrarieties, as would give you occasion to
confound your determinations, and to condemne us. But
in general!, we beseech your Lordships to remember, that
as wee have in all our dispatches declared our hopes to
overcome all difficulties, (out of the confidence of our
lOI
A.D.
1601.
The Lord
Deputy's
Letter to the
Lords In
England.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
good cause and alacritie to serve her Majestic), so we
have continually propounded, how great and difficult a
warre it was, in which we were ingaged, in that (without
Gods miraculous preservation) the Army in a winters
siege would so decay, as it must have pleased your Lord-
ships continually to supply it with men, victuals, and
munition. Also we propounded, that we held it a matter
of no small danger and great difficulty, to force such and
so many men in a place of the least advantage. That
wee expected no lesse then a generall revolt, and a power-
full combination of the Rebels against us. Lastly againe
we humbly desire your Lordships to remember, that we
have promised nothing but the uttermost of our faithful!
Counsels and endeavours, to accomplish in that service
her Majesties purpose. And therefore we are most
heartily sorry, that by our faithfull and sincere Counsels,
and our extreame induring in the execution thereof (how-
soever the event were not so speedily happy as we desired
and laboured for), yet it was not our happinesse, that her
Majestie should receive so much satisfaction by Sir Oliver
Saint Johns, as wee hoped to have given her upon the
former probabilities. Yet when it shall please your Lord-
ships throughly to consider our difficulties, by the true
relation thereof, with all materiall circumstances, we
presume it will appeare, that we could have done no more,
and we must only attribute it unto God, that we have
done so much. By Sir Henrie Davers your Lordships
have been acquainted at large with all our proceedings
untill that present. Since which time the effects of that
victory (which it pleased God of his infinite goodnesse
to give us against the traitors upon Christmas Eve) have
appeared by great and unexpected good thereof insuing:
for the Rebels are broken and dispersed ; O Donnel,
Redmond Bourke, and Hugh Mostyon (all Arch-rebels)
have imbarked themselves with Sirriago for Spaine, and
that without Tyrones knowledge, and contrary to his
advise and will, they having only left behind them in
Mounster (with the Provinciall Rebels) Tyrrell and a
102
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601,
small force with him, being dispersed by smal companies The Lord
in Carbery, Beere, Desmond, Kerry, and the County of Deputy's
Lymrick. Tyrone in great feare, and with a speedy ^^"^J !° ^ ^
march hasted out of the Province of Mounster, loosing England,
upon every Foard many of his Foote, but especially in
passing the rivers of Broadwater, of May in Connolagh,
and at the Abbey Owney, in O Mulryans Country. At
which Foards, the waters being high (as we are
informed), he lost above two hundred men, and all the
way as he went, the wearied foote cast away their Armes,
which those of the Country gathered up, and with all
tooke some of their heads, but not so many as they might
have done, if they had regarded their duties as they
ought. Their tired horses were slaine by their riders.
Their hurt men which escaped at the overthrow, and
were carried away upon garrons, died upon the way, and
foure principall Gentlemen (whereof wee understand
Tyrone himselfe was one, and Mac Mahown another, the [n, n. 189.
rest are not knowne yet) were caried in litters. Since
his departure from O mulryans Country, we heare nothing
of him, but we assure your Lordships, that the dismay in
which they were and still are, is incredible. Upon New-
yeeres Eve, Don Jean sent a letter unto me the Deputy,
the copy whereof is here within sent unto your Lord-
ships. The next day Sir William Godolphin was sent
with instructions, to receive from Don Jean the points,
whereof hee desired to treate, whose discreete carriage in
so weighty a cause (wherein hee performed as much, as
in discretion and judgement could be required) was such,
as (without doing the Gentleman wrong) we may not
omit to recommend him to your honourable favours, he
being (as by experience we may truly report) wise, valiant,
and of many extraordinary good parts. The copy of the
articles agreed upon betweene us and Don Jean, sub-
scribed by either part, your Lordships with these shall
likewise receive, hoping that in the same we have done
nothing, but that which shall be agreeable to your Lord-
ships, and which (as we suppose) our present estate (duly
103
A.D.
160I.
The Lord
Deputy's
Letter to the
Lords in
England.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
considered) vehemently urged us to imbrace. Now our
great care is to hasten these Spaniards away, who are
(as Don Jean affirmes) no lesse by pole then three thousand
five hundred. The defect oi shipping is our chiefe want.
They and wee are in equall paine, for they are no lesse
desirous to bee gone, then we are to send them away.
The contempt and scorne in which the Spaniards hold the
Irish, and the distaste which the Irish have of them, are
not to bee beleeved by any, but those who are present to
see their behaviours, and heare their speeches ; insomuch
as we may probably conjecture, that by such time as Don
Jean with his forces is arrived in Spaine, it will be a
difficult thing for the Irish hereafter to procure aides out
of Spaine. The copy of the contract for the rates which
Don Jean must pay for tunnage, and for victuals, for his
men in their returne, your Lordships with these shall
also receive. The ninth of this moneth wee dissolved
the Campe, and brought hither with us Don Jean, who
remaines hostage for the performance of the Covenants
betweene us.
The day following, Capt. Roger Harvy and Capt.
Flower were dispatched Westward, to receive from the
Spaniards the Castles of Castle-haven, of Baltimore, and of
Beere-haven. The winning of which places in our judge-
ments (although Kinsale had been taken by force) would
have been more difficult unto us then that of Kinsale,
aswell in respect of the incommodities which wee should
have found in keeping a strong and furnished Army in
so remote places, as in respect of the naturall strength
of those places, and espetially of Baltimore, which with
a little Art would bee made of great strength. Since our
comming to Corke, I the Deputie, to ease her Majesties
great and unsupportable charges, have discharged two
thousand foote in List, wherein, without all respects of
favour, I cast those, who had the weakest Companies.
And assoone as wee may bee better secured, that the
Spaniards purpose to forbeare any fiarther attempt for
this Realme (which in a few moneths will appeare) as
104
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
many as possibly can be spared, shall bee in like sort The Lord
cashered. To suppresse the present Rebellon in Moun- -^^/^O' ^
ster, I the Deputy have designed foure thousand foot, ^^^^^ ^.^
and three hundred twenty five horse, which being layed England.
in such convenient places as wee intend to lay them, our
hope is, that in short time this Rebellion will bee
extinguished. But untill wee bee better assured from the
attempts of Spaine for this Kingdome, the remainder of
the Armie is dispersed into the remote places of the
Province Eastward of Corke, and I the Deputy doe
purpose to remaine here, untill I may be more secured,
that there will be no cause to draw the Army backe into
these parts. Paul Ivie the Inginer (with the best
expedition that may be), shall bee sent to the parts of
Baltymore and Beer-haven, to chuse out fit grounds to
fortifie. The like must be done at Kinsale, and for the
better holding of the Cities of this Province in due
obedience (of whose assurance, in case the Spaniards had
prevailed, wee had, cause to doubt) wee thinke it (under
your Lordships reformation) very expedient, that in every
of them, Cittadels were raised, which guarded with a
few men, and having some Pieces of Artillerie, will ever
have power to command them. These places being thus
strengthened, there is no Port forgotten, that may be fit
for the Spaniards acommodating in any enterprise from [n. il. 190.]
hence upon England ; for all which lie in Desmond,
Kerry, or Connaght, have too large a Sea to passe for
England, which is subject to infinite inconveniences.
And as for the coast within Saint Georges Channell, the
dangers of it are so infinite, as there is no feare of those
Ports. Notwithstanding it hath pleased God to give us
this happie successe, in freeing this Realme of the Spanish
Army under Don Jean, yet fearing that some seconds
under another Commander may be employed hither, we
humbly beseech your Lordships, that you will bee pleased
to send the victuals for which wee wrote by Sir Oliver
Saint Johns. If the Spanish supplies come, we shall have
cause to expend them in this Province. If they come
105
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
The Lord not, then our cares shall bee such, as they shall be pre-
Deputfs served, and dispensed to the best use for her Majesties
Lords iV'^ service. The like sute we make for the munitions for
England. which wee then wrote. But for the supplies required of
us in the dispatch wee made by Sir Henrie Davers, your
Lordships may please to make stay of them, till a further
occasion to use them. Onely oi one thousand thereof
we have great neede, for the reinforcing of the Companies
which are weake ; and therefore we desire that five
hundred of them may land here at Corke, and the other
five hundred at Waterford, and that the rest may be in
readinesse, if we have any new occasion to send for them,
till which time we are unwilling to charge her Majesty,
or trouble your Lordships or to draw any new forces
into these parts, which hath made us give direction, that
Sir Arthur Chichester with the one thousand men which
your Lordships have commanded him to leade hither,
shal stay about the Newry, and make the warre there,
aswell defending the Pale, as annoying Tyrone : for Sir
Arthur being there, shall be neere enough to us, if there
should fall out any occasion to draw those men hither.
Sir Richard Moryson is made the bearer of these our
letters, whom we have chosen to satisfie your Lordships
in such things, wherein happily you may doubt. In
particular, wee have acquainted him with the dates of
all our letters, which wee have sent your Lordships since
the landing of the Spaniards ; so as hee can informe your
Lordships of his owne knowledge, that we all or I the
Deputy have written thus often, namely, the three and
twentieth of September, the first, third, and foure and
twentieth of October ; the seventh, and the thirteenth of
November ; the seventh, twelfth, and seven and twentieth
of December, and this present dispatch by himself If
any of these have miscaried, or found so slow passage,
as your Lordships expectations were not satisfied in such
time, as for the service had been fit, we beseech you
be pleased to consider, that the like may happen to such
of yours as are sent hither. And this may appeare by
106
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1 60 1.
your Lordships letters which we last received. For the The Lord
eleventh of Januarie (as is noted in the beginning of this Deputy s
letter) we received your Lordships of the foure and ^^^^J !° ^^^
twentieth of December, and with it another of the seven gugiand.
and twentieth of that moneth touching the apparrell, a
third of the two and twentieth of December, yea a fourth
of the two and twentieth of November. Wee have
licensed Captaine Josias Bodley to passe into England,
upon some private businesse importing him, and have
addressed him to your Lordships, to receive your pleasure.
If you resolve upon any fortifications in this Kingdome,
the Gentleman is very well experienced, and practised in
that Art, and one whom in all our workes wee have
principally emploied, which he hath with great hazard,
labour, and sufficiency discharged. We find all men here
to imbrace with much gladnesse her Majesties resolution,
to leave the apparrelling of the souldier, being much
better contented to have full pay, without detaining of
any summes for their clothes, and we hope it will be a
meane to make the Captains keepe their companies
strong. And as your Lordships have directed, upon
notice of the decease of the Earle of Desmond, the
company allowed for him, is discharged, save what hath
pleased you to continue to his sister, to the Archbishop
of Cashell, and Jo. Power : Order is also taken that the
Oates sent over hither, shall be issued at as high rates
as we can, but it hath never beene hitherto scene, that
the price exceeded ten shillings the quarter, and we thinke
they cannot be issued at a higher rate, for the souldier
cannot live paying any more, but will rather suffer his
horse to starve, which would be greater inconveniency to
the service, then if the oates had not come at all, though
that way also they must have starved, if the siege had
continued. The Spaniards shipped from hence to Ply- [II. ii. 191.]
moth, where either such as had runne away from the
Spaniards, or such as were in Ryncorren and Castle
Nyparke, and yeelded upon promise of their lives onely ;
and so much I the Deputy signified by my letters to the
107
A.t).
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Sir Richard
Moryson
Gentlemen of the parts where they should land, of
purpose to be made knowne to your Lordships, and that
they might accordingly be suffred to passe into France,
or some other Countrey, which was as much as they
desired. And so, &c.
From Corke this foureteenth of January 1601.
The Lord President was desirous to goe over with this
dispatch of pleasing newes to the Court, but the Lord
Deputy was loth to spare him, till the Spaniards were
gone, and because the relation of this businesse much
concerned his Lordships honour, he thought it necessary
to chuse a messenger, as in other parts fit for the busines,
so especially sound to him in affection. And for such
he chose Sir Richard Moryson, who had beene very
inward with him, till the death of the Earle oi Essex,
\he^dislatcP ^^ which time his Lordship began to grow something
to the Court. Strange towards him, in regard that M'' Secretary had
conceived some displeasure against him, about a passage
of his dependancy on the said Earle ; yet his Lord^ ever
professed to continue his love to him, & promised at
some fit time, to make his peace with Master Secretary.
To which purpose his Lordship chose this occasion, con-
curring with his owne ends. Onely his Lordship advised
Sir Richard Moryson, to entreat the L. Presidents
approbation of his carrying this packet, to the said end
so much importing him, to which the Lord President very
nobly gave his consent, and so hee was dispatched with
the Lord Deputies and the Lord Presidents letters to
Master Secretary of especiall recommendations on his
behalfe.
Among his instructions, he was directed, at his first
arrivall, to repaire to Sir Oliver Saint Johns, to learne of
him the present estate of the Lord Deputies affaires in
Court, and that after, they both should communicate
their proceeding one with the other. To an imaginary
question, why there was no use made of the first breach
at the North East gate of Kinsale, hee was directed to
answere, that the first battery was chiefly intended to
108
His
instructions.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
annoy the Spaniards, by beating downe the houses, and
to take from them the use of some places, whence they
might annoy us. That when by beating downe the gate,
we had made a breach, we found it not yet to be
attempted, but made neerer approaches, whereupon the
Spaniards made their strong salley, both upon our
approches and upon our Cannon, and the next day wee
had intelligence that Tyrone, Odonnell, and all the Rebels,
were encamped so neere us, as if wee had ingaged our
selves in that worke, and in the garding of our Cannon
so far out of the Campe, they might in three houres have
fallen upon us on all sides, with great advantage, which
made us draw the Cannon into the Campe, and to leave
that worke, chusing rather to invest them close on the
West side, which before lay open, so as they might easily
that way receive succours from the rebels, and joine with
their forces. Further the reasons were set downe, which The reasons
moved the Lord Deputy and the Counsell, to make ^^^'^ ^°^^^
composition with Don Jean, namely, our weakenesse, and *J "'
the enemies strength, since our Army by sickenesse, run- ^^^^^ ^^^_
awayes, and death, was fallen to be almost as weake, as position with
at the first sitting downe, whereas the Spaniards were Don Jean.
more now then three thousand men by Pole : the suffer-
ings of a Winters siege, falling more upon us in the field,
then upon them in the Towne. Besides, if we had taken
Kinsale by force, our Army could not possibly have
marched into the Westerne parts, possessed by other
Spaniards, till it had beene refreshed, and till we had new
supplies of victuals, and munition, which could not easily
arrive, Easterly winds in Winter being very rare upon
this Coast. Besides that ere we could have forced the
Spaniards in the West, In all likelihood new Spanish
supplies would have arrived, and the taking of those
remote places, would have beene more difficult and
dangerous, then that of Kinsale, and the King of Spaine
would have bin ingaged in a long war, which by this
composition is like to be ended. Besides our Army con-
sisted much of Irish, unfit for such service, as the entring
109
A.D.
160I,
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
The state of
the battery
and munitions
of a breach, so as therein we must of necessity have used
our old English companies, where in all probability we
must have lost great part, (they being esteemed by the
[II. ii. 192.] Spaniards themselves as gallant fellowes as ever they met,
and such as in truth the losse of them would be for
many yeeres unrepairable). And if wee had beene
repulsed with any blow given us, we had reason to doubt,
that all the Irish (yea those of our Army) would have
turned their swords against us; yea, if the breach had
beene entered, the Towne of Kinsale being built all of
stone, the Spaniards in the houses would have made us
new worke, no lesse difficult then the former. Moreover,
sixe of our Peeces for battery were erased, so as wee
could not make any more then one breach, and the
Spaniards having so many hands, and so large scope of
ground within, might easily have stopped one gap against
us. And if we could have made divers breaches, yet we
had not powder and bullets sufficient for that purpose,
and for the small shot : besides that our men were so
wasted, as they could not guard divers batteries, neither
had wee sufficient inginers for that purpose : So that,
howsoever we stood upon tearmes, that Don Jean should
leave his munitions and treasure to her Majesty, yet
finding him make obstinate opposition thereunto, we were
forced for the above named reasons, and many like, to
make this present composition.
Likewise among the instructions, divers reasons were
set downe, moving Don Jean to make the said com-
position, namely, the malice he and the Spaniards generally
had conceived against the Irish, in whose aid they too
late discovered no confidence could judicially bee placed.
And for that they comming to succour Tyrone and
Odonnell, could never see any such men, saying, that
they were not In rerum natura, (that is, existent). Also
for that Don Jean, having instructions to keepe the field,
and not to defend Kinsale, now since the overthrow of
the Irish, had no hope to be able to come into the field.
Moreover, that his best men in this long siege were spent,
The malice of
the Spaniards
against the
Irish.
no
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
in continuall watches, and his new men grew weake, with
feeding onely upon ruske. Further his desire to disingage
the King his Master, from a warre wherein he had little
probability to prevaile, in respect of the small or no
assistance, which he conceived might be expected from
the Irish. Also for that the treasure he brought, being
at the first but one hundred thousand duckets, was in
great part exhausted, by paying the souldiers sixe pence
per diem, and the Commanders their entertainements, so
as by the remainder he had no hope to worke any revolt
among the Irish, or to give satisfaction to the covetous
humours of those already in rebellion.
The nine and twentieth of January, the Lord Deputy
and Counsell here, wrote to the Lords in England this
following letter.
MAy it please your Lordships. Since our last dispatch
by Sir Richard Moryson, here hath no extraordinary
matter happened, that might give us just cause now so
scone to write againe, were it not, that It pleased your
Lordships in your last, to blame our slacknesse, that of
late we wrote too seldome, and to command from hence
a more frequent advertisement of our proceedings, which
for your Lordships satisfaction we are most carefuU to
performe. The chiefe point to which of late wee have
applied our selves, hath beene the dispatching away of
the Spaniards into their Countrey, because till we have
freed the Countrey of them, we may not safely leave this
Province, to follow such services in other parts, as we
desire next to undertake, and we doe the more earnestly
labour to end this, for that wee more and more observe
such a setled hatred against this people, both in
Don Jean and the Spanish in generall, as wee gather upon
many good grounds, that if they could be returned before
any new supplies come from Spaine, the King would be
easily induced to forbeare any further to ingage himselfe
in this businesse, and for that they withall doe protest,
to use their best endeavours to that effect, which we hold
A.D.
1601.
The Lord
Deputy^!
Letter to the
Lords in
England,
zc^th January,
1 60 1.
The dispatch-
ing away of
the Spaniards.
Ill
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601
to be unfained. But the winds continuing hitherto
Westerly, and for the most part somewhat to the south-
ward, and withall very much stormy, neither such of them
as had shipping, and for a good space lay aboard to take
the first occasion to be gone, can by any meanes get out
Want of of the Harbour, nor such shipping of ours as are to come
Skipping. ^j,Qj^ ^1^^ Easterly parts, for transportation of the rest,
can find the meanes to come about hither, nor three other
ships that have beene long ready to goe to the Westward,
[II, ii. 193.] to take in those at Castle Haven, Baltimore, and Beere-
haven, can by any industry worke thither for that purpose,
though we know they have with all care and earnestnesse
endevoured it. So as now we grow more doubtfull then
before, that other forces from Spaine will arrive here, ere
these get home, and therefore cannot but wish, that for
the prevention thereof, her Majestic will bee pleased to
continue her resolution, for the sending of her Fleete to
Sea, with as much expedition as may be, and that the
Tramontana, and the Moone, being ships of small
burthen, and so fittest for the service on this coast, may
presently bee sent hither, and the rather, for that here
will bee none left but onely the Swiftsure under the
command of Sir Amias Preston (the two Merchants ships,
appointed by your Lordships to stay here, being, the one
sent away with Sir Richard Levison, and the other imploied
for the transporting of these Spaniards, by reason we had
not other ships for that purpose.) And upon the same
grounds, wee most humbly pray your Lordships, to send
away the one thousand foote for supplies, and what
else we desired in our former letters, that we may not
bee unprovided for the worst that may happen, although
that wee are in good hope, ere it bee long, to have good
reason to ease her Majesties charge in this Countrie,
without any danger to her service here. We are further
humbly to beseech your Lordships, to procure us her
Neale Garve Majesties Warrant, to passe unto Neale Garve O Donnell
O Donnell. the Country of Tyreconnell, in such sort as we promised
the same unto him under our hands, now almost a yeere
112
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
agoe, so warranted by direction from her Majesty. He
thinkes the time long till hee hath his grant, and in his
late letter to me the Deputy, protests that he will doe
no more service, untill he have scene me, or that his
grant bee performed ; for which though I have blamed
him, as I justly might, that being an unfit fashion of
writing for any subject, yet the rudenesse of his education,
and his forwardnesse and abilitie to doe service considered,
we cannot but acknowledge, that we hold it very meete,
that we should performe unto him what we promised,
which to doe we want warrant from her Majesty ; and
therefore desire to have it with your Lordships next
dispatch, for we know he wil earnestly call upon it. We
doe not heare of any head of importance or strength, that
remaines gathered together of the Rebels, so that we
hope, that if no more Spanish succours doe arrive, their
force will quickly come to nothing. But because we
cannot assure the subjects, what further assistance the
Rebels shall receive out of Spaine, and for that if the
King send any more, wee presume he will doe it in a
farre greater measure then heretofore, as having experi-
ence not to trust in the force of the Rebels, and therefore
reason to relie upon his owne strength. Wee most
humbly desire your Lordships for a while to continue
your honourable cares of our affaires, and to enable us
to withstand whatsoever shall bee attempted by the
forraigne enemy, and what you send, we will imploy with
all sinceritie and our best endeavours, to the advancement
of the service which her Majestic doth require and expect
from us. And so, &c.
The last of January, the Lord Deputie was advertised
by one cojnming out of the West parts, that he was at
Beerhaven the thirteenth of that moneth, where the
Spaniards were in number sixtie, and Oswyllivan had
some three hundred Irish, and the Spaniards not knowing
of Don Jeans composition with his Lordship, did build
a Fort there with trees and earth, neere the Castle, and
planted three smal pieces of Ordinance therein, whereof
M. Ill 113 H
A.D.
I60I.
The Rebels
dispersed.
The
Spaniards at
Beerhaven.
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
i6of.
the greatest carried nine pound of powder. That hee
came from thence to Baltimore, where hee found one
hundred Spaniards, which did not fortifie, but hearing of
Don Jeans composition, and having two ships with them,
had shipped their Ordinance, and were ready to goe to
Sea.
A mediator About this time one Richard Owen came from Tyrone,
from Tyrone. ^^ mediate with the Lord Deputy her Majesties mercy
towards him ; whereupon his Lordship gave leave to a
Gentleman in the Pale oi Tyrones old acquaintance, to
parlee with him, according to the following instructions,
dated the fourth of February.
When you speake with him, you shall tell him, that
you understand, that Richard Owen came from him to
the Lord Deputy, with commission from him to tell his
Lordship, that he desired to be received into the Queenes
mercy, if his life might be secured.
[II. ii. 194.] Whereupon you finding in him such conformity, (out
of your ancient love, which in former time you bare
him), were glad of the alteration ; and therefore, as his
friend did now undertake this long journey, to perswade
him to those courses, which might best answer his duty
to his Prince, and repaire his estate, which in your opinion
is desperate.
Conditions of If you find him desirous to bee received to mercy, you
pardon for shall give him hope of it, and promise him furtherance
yrone. ^^^ ^^^ effecting of it, upon these conditions. That he
1. shall in token of his penitency, and according to the duty
of a Rebell to his naturall Prince, first under his hand
write a letter of submission to the Lord Deputy, humbly
craving in the same her Majesties mercy, with promise
to redeeme his errours past by his future service. That
2. likewise hee shall write a publike submission to her
Majesty, imploring at her hands forgivenesse of his faults,
and likewise promise amendement of his life, with a
willing desire to doe her some acceptable service, in
recompence of his transgression, in the same protesting,
;to serve her Majesty against all men, either of Ireland,
.114
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
or forraigners, that shall endeavour the disturbance of
this Countrey.
That he shall put into her Majesties hands his eldest 3.
Sonne, for the assurance of his future loyalty, and foure
principall gentlemen of his blood, as hee formerly
promised.
That hee shall at his charge, find workemen to build 4.
such Forts in the County of Tyrone, and in such places,
as the Lord Deputy shall thinke fit.
That he shall permit throughout Tyrone her Majesties 5.
Officers of Justice, as the Sheriffes, and others, to have
fi-ee liberty to execute their Offices, as is accustomed in
other Provinces and Counties of the Realme, and answere
all other duties formerly agreed upon.
That he shall onely undertake for himselfe, and his 6.
pledges to lie for no more, then those that dwell upon that
land onely, that is contained in his Letters Pattents, not
any way undertaking for the rest of Tyrone, as Turlogh
Brassiloes sonnes, Mac Mahownd, O Cane, Macgenis,
Macguire, the two Clandeboyes, and all of the East side
of the Ban. That if any of his neighbours shall continue
in rebellion, none of their people shall be harboured in
Tyrone, and likewise that none of Tyrone shall (by his
consent or knowledge) succour any Rebell, or give assist-
ance to them ; and if any such offender shall happen
to be discovered, either by himselfe, or any other her
Majesties Officers, upon knowledge thereof, that hee shall
doe his best endevour to prosecute the parties offending,
and either take them, whereby they may be tried by the
lawes of the Realme, or kill them, if they may not
otherwise bee had, and shall assist her Majesties Officers,
in taking to her use the goods and chattels of the offenders
and their retinues. That he shall not onely truely pay all
her Majesties rents and duties, from this time forward,
due unto her out of Tyrone, but also pay the arrerages,
that for many yeeres have beene by him detained.
That in respect of the great charges that he hath put 7-
her Majesty unto, (although it be not the thousand part
"5
A.D.
160I.
10.
[II. ii. 195.]
The Lord
Deputfs
Letter to the
Lords in
England.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
of her disbursements), In nomine pene (which in all such
great offences is accustomed) towards the victualing of
her Majesties garrisons, he shall pay two thousand Cowes
within sixe moneths. That the County of Tyrone may
bee limited and no more by him to be possessed, then
is contained in his Letters Pattents : That the territory
of Tyrone may be divided into shires, and have gaoles
as he hath formerly desired. That he put at liberty the
sonnes of Shane O Neale, and all other prisoners English
and Irish. These things you shall onely propound as
from your selfe, yet as conceiving that they will be
demanded at his hands, if he be received, and to draw
as large an overture from him, of what he will agree
unto, as you can perswade him, telling him, that the
greater assurance he doth give the state of his loyalty, the
greater will be his safety, for we shall conster his good
meaning by his free offer thereof, and after we shall
have the lesse reason to be jealous of him.
The fifteenth of February the Lord Deputy and
Counsell here, wrote to the Lords in England this follow-
ing letter.
MAy it please your Lordships. The foureteenth of this
last moneth we dispatched Sir Richard Moryson,
with our letters to your Lordships from this place, and
the nine and twentieth we wrote againe by Captaine
Butler, yet to this day the wind hath continued still so
Westerly, as since the departure of Sir Richard, no ship-
ping is come to us, either out of England from your
Lordships, (as we desired) or from Waterford, Wexford,
and those parts, (as we directed), to carry away the
Spaniards hence, nor yet until sunday the seventh hereof,
could those ships stirre, that lay ready at Kinsale, to be
sent to Baltimore, Castle Haven, and Beere Haven : but
now they are gone, we hope that the service to be done
by them, (which is the possessing of the Castles, and
sending away the Spaniards in them), will be presently
accomplished, although the wind hath served them so
116
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
scantly, as wee feare they will hardly recover all the places The Lord
whereunto they are directed. There is onely one Scottish Deputy s
ship gone from Kinsale for Spaine, which carried one ^'J^^J^f^
hundred sixety Spaniards with part of the Artillery, but ^^gi^nd.
there lies now ready at the Harbour for the first wind,
so much shipping as will carry away one thousand five
hundred more, so as there will bee yet remaining in
Kinsale above one thousand Spaniards, which with the first
shipping that comes from the other Ports, shall be
imbarked. Don Jean stales to goe last. It appeareth by
some letters intercepted, which wee send herewithall unto
your Lordships, that the King of Spaine purposeth to
send a larger supply hither with all expedition. Don
Jean assures us to doe his best, to stay them, and if he
arrive first in Spaine, he makes no doubt to disswade their
comming ; but if they should come before his departure,
he promiseth to returne them, according to his covenant
in the contract, if they doe not come under the command
of some other, that hath a commission a part from his
from the King. The Irish have of late received letters
from Odonnell, to encourage the Rebels to persever in
their rebellion, assuring them of present aide from Spaine,
in the meane time, the best of them all doe but temporize,
being ready to assist them, when they come, especially if
they come in any strength, as it is to bee thought in all
reason they will, having found their first errour. Her
Majesty must therefore be pleased to be at some charge
to erect fortifications at Beere Haven, Kinsale, and this
place, the commodities and weakenesse of these places,
being as well knowne to the Spaniards as to us, and .
further with all speed to erect Cittadels at Lymbrick,
Corke, and Waterford, though it bee onely to assure the
Townes from revolt. It appeareth by the King of
Spaines letter, (and so by the Duke of Lermaes), that his
heart is very much set upon the enterprize of Ireland,
and therefore it is not unlike, but that he may send more
supplies, after or before Don Jeans arrival! in Spaine,
either under him or some other Commander, which if hee
117
A.D.
1 60 1.
The Lord
Deputy's
Letter to the
Lords in
England.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
doe, it is also likely the same will be sent shortly. For
prevention thereof (if in your Lordships wisdome it shall
be thought meet), we doe humbly beseech, that the foure
thousand supplies heretofore desired, and by your Lord-
ships intended, may bee presently sent hither, whereof
two thousand to be erected into companies, and their
Captaines to be named here, and the other 2000 for
supplies of the Army, which is exceeding weake ; for
our men die daily in greater numbers then they died in
the camp, the infection being greater, and by some
thought a kinde of plague, (for the people in the Townes
die in farre greater numbers then the souldiers), though
we hope the contrary : And wee doe further desire, that
her Majesty will be pleased to hasten her Fleete to the
Coast oi Spaine, which comming timely, will in our
opinions hinder any enterprize for Ireland, but least that
should faile, we renew our former motion, that the Tra-
montana and the Moone, may be returned to serve upon
the Coast of Mounster, that the proportions of munition
and victuals desired in our former letters, may speedily
be dispatched hither and that victualers without impedi-
ment may come from all places to releeve us, for already
a very great dearth is begun, and a famine must ensue,
the rates of all things being incredible, and the new
money much repined at, notwithstanding we do our
uttermost endevors to advance it. But in a matter of
so great importance, we humbly desire your Lordships
to give us leave to deliver our opinions freely, having
so assured ground for it, that if the King of Spaine
[II. ii. 196.] continue his war in this Country, it will be hard to
preserve her Majesties army and Kingdom, without the
altering of the currant mony, so general is the dislike
therof, and so insolently do they begin already to refuse
it : but if there zomt no forraine aide, her Majesty (as
we think) may securely continue it as it is ; for all we that
are of the Army, whom it most concerneth (in regard we
live wholly upon our entertainement), will (God willing)
indure it, for. the advancement of the service, though
iiS
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
we are sensible of our losse, by the excessive enhauncing
of the prices of all things that wee are to live upon,
which cannot bee holpen so long as this new coyne
continues currant. Of Tyrone since his overthrow and
departure, we hetherto have heard little, neither doe we
thinke hee will be able to doe any great harme, without
the aide of new supplies from Spaine, And so wee
humbly take leave, &c. From Corke, &c.
The same fifteenth day the Lord Deputy wrote to
Master Secretary in England this letter following.
Sir, this strange continuance of the windes in the West The Lord
and the South, makes mee looke backe into the ^^/"O* ^
danger, that both her Majesties Army and Kingdome -^^^f^^
have passed : for if Sir Richard Levison with her Secretary.
Majesties Fleete had not taken the opportunitie of that
winde, which did no more then bring him hether, and
give the rest of the supplies (with great difficultie) their
passage from other ports to us, no doubt by these contrary
windes (from that time to this day continuing) all the
affaires of her Majestie here had been in an extreame
hazard. And when I consider ; first, that in all likelihood
we could expect no lesse then a powerful supply out of
Spaine, and that the greater, the more the King should
find himself ingaged, and his Army stand in need of
seconding, except he might be in time advertised of this
overture we have made here, to disimbarke himself fairely
of an enterprize, which I presume his Ministers here do
beleeve, and will perswade him to be unfit any longer
to imbrace. Then, that the winds have been such, as
have onely served to carry him the danger of his men
here, and not the peace which they have made (for since
Syriago his departure, which was presently after the
overthrow, Don Jean de 1' Aguyla was never able to send
away any dispatch, which we may hope to be arrived in
Spaine.) And lastly, that we have credible intelligence
of the Kings resolution and forwardnesse, to send his men
here strong and speedy succours. When I consider these
things, I cannot but feare a heavy warre to bee towards
119
A.D.
160I,
The Lord
Deputy's
Letter to
Master
Secretary
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
us, which (as I doe constantly beleeve) had been pre-
vented, if it had pleased God to send us a winde in any
time to have sent away these Spaniards, or at the least
the assured relation of their estates. Thus the con-
tinuance of contrary winds in these parts, doth make me
apprehend the extreame perils, wherewith her Majesty
shall be driven to make the warre in this Country with
extreame charge, if the Spaniards persever in their
purpose : for without huge Magazins, great waste and
continuall charge of shipping, and land carriages, such a
warre cannot be made, and I am perswaded that her
Majesty were as good give over at the first the defence
of this country, as to intend a war, without making those
provisions for it. Now as my love to her & to her service
doth make me as sensible (I wil boldly protest), as any
man living of whatsoever burthen the state doth feele, so
the same love shuld make me suffer with alacrity the
waight of my uneasie charge, & the dangerous waies
wherein I walke, if I did not perceive the poore Asse to
be the worse liked, that he doth carry so much treasure
from her cofers, howsoever he doe unwillingly beare it
away, and feeleth nothing but the heavy burthen thereof.
This, and some inclination that I have found, to measure
my labours by the successe, not by my endeavours, have (I
confesse) more discouraged me, then all the difficulties I
ever passed, or may expect : And saving the thankefulnes,
which I cannot chuse but yeeld unto God, for the successe
which it hath pleased him of late to give me, I protest I
was never accompanied with more unquiet thoughts, then
since my last comming to Corke, where I continue in a
most noysome Towne, fall of infection, seeing no end of
my labours, nor finding any measure of them, and yet
fearing that they are valued of so little merit, as they are
rather likely to draw on dislike. Wherefore as in my
owne heart I doe utterly distaste this unhappy profession,
[II. ii. 197.] with no further ambition then to set downe in quietnesse
under mine owne Vine, with the conscience of having
beene no unprofitable servant to her Majesty, so Sir (I
120
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
vow before God) I will acknowledge it an everlasting The Lord
bond, if you will be a meane, to procure me that harme- if^^J^g
lesse fortune, that I may (as above all things I desire) j^^aster
serve her Majesty henceforward, with as pure, as I will Secretary.
ever doe with faithfull devotion, and make my selfe ready
for another World, for I thanke God I doe hate this.
Blame me not (I beseech you Sir) for apprehending my
fortune with so much discomfort, since I doe not onely
perceive what enemies I have, that are ingenious and
industrious to urge all my proceeding to my disadvantage,
but find that their malice did take such effect with her
Majesty, as to move her to be unsatisfied with my
endevours, wherein my owne conscience cannot acknow-
ledge any thing omitted within my power, or belonging
to my duty, whatsoever the successe had beene. Sir as
I never deserved any ill of them by deed, (except it be
by doing her Majesty better service then they can or
will doe), nor by word, (for I doe not thinke or speake
of them, but when these tokens of their good will doe
force mee unto it), so I protest, I doe as much scorne
their malice, as the barking of so many whelpes, and
would be little troubled with it. But when I thinke that
their false evidence doth sway the opinion of my supreame
Judge, in the title of her favour and my desert, and doe
remember how doubtfull the fortune of the warre is, I
cannot but feare, that one disaster shall be put into the
ballence against all my labours and endeavours ; and there-
withall conclude and confesse, that I covet no mortall
fortune more, then to bee fairely rid of the part which
I play on so dangerous a stage, before these serpents may
find any advantage to hisse at me. Whereas otherwise
if I had beene secure of her Majesties favour against these
Vipers tongues, I should with confidence and alacrity goe
towards the greatest dangers that can rise against me :
but as God hath hitherto stopped their mouths, so I hope,
for her Majesties good, (if not for mine) he will continue
his favour, who prosper me in all things, as I doe sincerely
intend her service, &c.
121
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
The eighteenth day the Lord Deputy received letters
from the Lords in England, signifying that besides the
two thousand last sent, the greatest part under Captaines,
the rest left to his Lordships disposall, now upon a second
leavy two thousand more were appointed to bee embarked
the sixe and twentieth of the last moneth, all which were
left to his Lordships disposall, excepting one Company
given to Captaine Thomas Dutton, upon his Lordships
letters of speciall recommendation.
The same day his Lordship received from the Queene
this following letter.
Elizabeth Regina.
Letter to the 'O Ight trusty and wellbeloved, we greet you well ; The
Lord Deputy Xv report which your letters by Davers have brought
Ou ne ^^' °^ ^^ successe it hath pleased God to give you against
■" our Rebels, and the Spaniards combined with them, was
received by us with such contentment, as so great &
happy an accident could affoord : Wherefore although
we (as ever we have done in all other happinesse which
hath befallen us), ascribe the highest praise and thankes
to his divine Majesty ; yet forasmuch as wee doe accompt
that they who are the servants of our State in like actions,
are made participant, (in a second degree) of his favour
bestowed upon us, by their vertue and industry, wee
cannot but hold them worthy of thankes from us, as they
have received honour from him. Among whom, you
being there the chiefe, (not onely as chiefly put in trust
by us, but as we plainely perceive, in vigilancy, in labour,
and in valour, in this late action), wee could not forbeare
to let you see, how sensible we are of this your merit.
It is true, that before this good successe upon the Rebels,
wee were in daily attention, to have heard of some quicker
attempt upon the Towne (then any was made), both in
respect that your owne Letters tended to such sence, and
especially because protraction of time brought with it
apparant dangers, as well of accesse of new supplies from
our forraine enemies, as of defection of a people, so
122
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
unconstant of disposition, and so rebellious to governe- The Oueene's
ment, as those of that nation ever have beene. But Letter.
wee that time having understood by those journals (which
were committed to S' Johns and Davers), some reasons [H. n. 198.]
which have moved you to the course you have taken,
rather then to have used speed in attempting, seeing all
assaults are accompanied with losse, and every losse (in
such a time) multiplied in rumour, and wholly converted
by practice, to the prejudice of the cause in question,
which is maintained (now as things doe stand), by the
reputation of your army, wee doe now conceive that all
your workes have had their foundation upon such reasons
as you thought most advantagious for our service. It
remaineth therefore now (and so we desire it may be made
knowne to our Army, that have served under you, in
such manner as you shall thinke best to expresse it), that
as we doe know they have indured many incommodities
in this siege, (which wee would have beene glad they
could have avoided, having made so good proore of their
valour and loyalty, as they have done at this time, so
as we rather seeke to preserve them, as the best treasure
of a Prince, then to suffer them to wast, if otherwise our
Kingdome could have beene kept from danger of
forraigne conquest, and intestine rebellion), so we expect
it at the hands of the better sort of our servitors there,
that it shall well be infused into the minds of the rest,
that whatsoever either our owne directions or expending
of treasure could doe, (for prevention of those difficulties,
which follow all armies, and are inseperable where the
warre is made in a climate so il tempered for a winters
siege) hath beene royally and providently afforded them.
A matter of much more charge and uncertainty, because
all our care and direction have attended the winds and
weathers curtesie. To conclude with answere to your
demands for further supplies of men. Although wee
hope that the time is so neere of the finall conclusion of
your happy successe against the remnant of the strangers
in that poore Towne, being pressed with so many wants,
123
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
and with the dispaire which our late victory will adde
hereunto, as that hardly any supplies sent from us can
come, before it have taken effect ; yet because you may
perceive how much wee attribute to your judgement in
any thing which for our affaires is there desired, we have
(as by our Counsell hath beene signified unto you) given
order for foure thousand men to be sent thither out of
hand, with the full proportion of munition which you
desire. In which kind of provisions we find so great
consumptions, as we must require you to take some better
order with them that have the distribution thereof. For
if it bee observed what quantities have beene daily sent
over, and yet what daily wants are pretended, the expence
will bee found insupportable, and so much the rather,
because all men know, that whatsoever the Irish Com-
panies receive, (except now in this action) is continually
converted for money to the use of the Rebels. Given
under our Signet, at our Pallace at White-Hall, the 44
yeere of our Raigne, the twelfth of January 1601.
In the beginning of this Letter, above the Queenes
hand signed, these following words were overwritten by
tn e (Queenes ^^^ Queenes owne hand, viz. Though for feare of worse
owne hand. . ^~- ,..,.,' - & , ,
end, you did desire (as we contesse we once thought to
direct) to end this worke, before either Enemy or Rebell
could increase the perill of our honour, yet wee hope
that no such adventure shall bee more made, but that their
confusion bee ere now lighted on their owne heads. And
let Clanrickard and Thomond know, that we doe most
thankefully accept their endeavours. For your selfe, we
can but acknowledge your diligence, and dangerous
adventure, and cherish and judge of you, as your carefull
Soveraigne.
The twentieth of February, twenty Spanish Captaines
with 1374 common Souldiers, being before imbarked at
Kinsale, in six English ships, sailed for Spaine. The
seven and twenty day the Lord Deputy and Counsell here,
wrote to the Lords in England this following letter.
These words
were written
124
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad
1601.
MAy it please your Lordships, since our last dispatch
the fifteenth hereof, 1400 of the Spaniards, that 1400. o///5^
had lien aboard their shipping in the Harbour of Kinsale, l^^^^fj '^
to take advantage of the first favourable wind for Spaine, spame.
found the meanes to set forth with a very scant wind
upon Sunday last, the twentieth of this present, so as now
wee have ridde our selves of above 1 600 by Pole, reckon-
ing those which wee sent from Corke into England, being
some two hundred, and these last numbers were truly [I^- >'• '99]
mustered by one of our owne Commissaries. If our
shipping could get about from Waterford, Wexford, and
those Easterne Ports, (from whence onely two have yet
recovered Kinsale, though all the rest have beene a good
time ready, and some of them at Sea), we doubt not
within foure or five daies wee should be able to dispatch
away all the rest, though there remaine ^ti as great a
number (the certainty whereof we doe not know). Cap-
taine Harvy, who was sent into the Westerne parts to
ship away the Spaniards that were there, and to take
possession of the places, is for certaine possessed of
Castle Haven, and upon Friday last set forwards towards
Baltimore, whereof by this time we make account he is
possessed also, and that hee is busie sending away the
Spaniards with the first wind, though we have not yet
heard from him since his being there. On Friday last
being the eighteenth, we received two packets from your
Lordships, the one of the twelfth, the other of the 16
of the last moneth, and at the same time there came into
this Harbour, five companies of foot, (whereof foure were
under Captaines, namely, Davys, Holcroft, Bradbery, and
Barker, and the other one hundred under the conduct of
the three last). Good store of shipping came likewise in Good store of
with victuals that day and the next, and on Sunday there ^^'^Pf^^S.
arrived at Kinsale (about the time that the Spaniards left ^Kimlk^
that Port) two Barkes laden with munition and artillery,
working tooles, and such other things as we had written
for, and your Lordships most carefully had provided, so
as we have just cause, with all thankefulnesse, to acknow-
J25
A.D.
160I.
A good force
to be kept in
the West parts
ofMounster.
Well
appointed re-
inforcements.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
ledge that it hath pleased her Majesty and your Lordships
to supply us as roially and plentifully as we desired ; and
that as your Lordships well note for our speciall comfort,
your providence and care of us was such, as things
necessary were in readinesse for our supplies, before you
had notice from us that we had need of them. Wee are
resolved, now that all those provisions are come, to keepe
a good force in the West parts of this Province, which
will both settle those that hitherto have stood wavering,
and may besides prosecute those that have shewed them-
selves worst affected, while such places as are needfull
may be fortified : For since (as wee signified by our last,
upon the intercepting of certaine Spanish letters) there
is great likelihood, that a new supply from Spaine will
come speedily & strongly, if at all, it behoveth us to be in
readinesse to intertaine them, by making the places
knowne to them very strong, and to curbe the Townes
by Cittadels, to be erected ; otherwise they will revolt,
and fall to the Spanish party, when they shall see them
come strongly and well prepared. And for those foure
thousand men which wee perceive your Lordships had
appointed for us, we humbly leave it to your Lordships
consideration, upon the sight of these letters out of
Spaine which we send, whether you shall thinke fit to
send them to us presently, or else have them there in
such readinesse, as if any further supplies should arrive
out of Spaine, we might in time make use of them here.
The Companies that are come, are men well chosen and
well appointed, their Armes good, and for ought yet
we find, the men neither changed, nor the armes or
apparell embezelled, and yet they have beene very strictly
both viewed and mustered, before Commissioners specially
appointed ; and the like course we meane to take with
the rest of them, if they doe come as your Lordships
have appointed, which yet wee leave wholly to your
Lordships, who can best judge what number is meetest
for us, by the intelligence we send you, but especially by
such as your Lordships receive from Spaine. And as for
126
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1 60 1.
those that in the conduction of the other men, abused
themselves to her Majesties so great losse, we will doe
the best to find out the truth and ground thereof, and
informe you (as your Lordships have directed), and
further will most carefully performe what else your Lord-
ships in these letters have commanded. But where your
Lordships conceive an omission in me the Deputy, that
so many armes are lost here, I humbly answere, that The losse of
being not able to looke unto these things my selfe, I ^''f^^-
gave commission to Master Marshall, Sir Robert
Gardener, and Sir Oliver S. Johns, to take the particular
care and charge thereof, who being now not here, cannot
relate what they have done, onely we remember wee have
heard it alleadged, when the Captaines were charged with
the Armes of their Companies, that their answere was,
that some of the Souldiers ranne away with them, and
some others assaying to make escape, were stripped both
of their apparel & armes (which our selves saw to be true [H- ii. 200.]
in many that were found & returned naked to the Campe),
and the truth is, such as were not lost that way, nor
spoiled and broken in the service, (as it cannot be denied
but some were), some part were put over with the supplies
to other Companies, (which were very few), and the
rest could not be recovered from the cashered Captaines,
who being in entertainement but a short time,
had nothing due, whereout it might be defalked,
but must answere it before your Lordships there in
England, for from hence they went soone after they
were discharged. The Captaines last come, (as others The
did before them), desire that their warrants of entry might Captaines
beare date that day that your Lordships apointed them ^'^^^^"^^ "/
to be at the water side, to receive their Companies ; and
we acknowledge, we thinke in reason, they are to have it
so, or else their imprest to be remitted, otherwise they
have nothing to beare the charge of themselves and
Officers from that time to their landing here, which is
often times sixe weekes, or a month, in which time their
imprest is usually spent ; and if afterward it be defalked
.1 27
issues.
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
from them, they must all be so long without intertain-
ment, and so unable to live. Wee humbly desire to
know your Lordships pleasure herein, as we did formerly
upon the like occasion, but hitherto have received no
answer from your Lordships : We are further to signifie
The unto your Lordships, that the Victualer issues (as he saith
Victualers by direction) but one pound and a halfe of beefe per
diem, to a souldier, which is too little for him to live
upon, and yet the rate in the victualing nothing abated,
which is intollerable for him to beare, and likewise the
Victualer thinkes that he may not issue the Oates at a
lower rate then 15 s. the quarter, which is seven shillings
six pence the barrell, being so high a rate, as the Horse-
man out of his entertainement cannot allow so much
for his horse, but by that meanes both the Horse will be
High rates of starved, and the Oates will perish before they be spent.
Oates. In time of plenty, the ordinary rate of Oates in Ireland,
was but at twelve pence the barrell, yet they are now well
content to pay six shillings a barrell, which is at the
highest rate the Souldier can give. Of these particulars
wee humbly pray redresse from your Lordships. And so,
&c. From Corke, &c.
The first of March the Lord Deputy by letters from the
Lords in England was required, to send over a Lieftenant,
being one of the late cast Companies, but still remaining
in Ireland, to the end he might answer before their Lord-
ships certaine complaints made against him : For whereas
Officers many Officers in the late levies of men, had received in
offence. ^^ Country able and sufficient men, as wel to serve under
themselves, as to be conducted over to be disposed by
the Lord Deputy, whereof they had for divers sums of
money dismissed many at the Sea side, pretending that
they were lame, or sicke, and that they had taken better
men in their place, neither of these pretences being true.
Their Lordships purposed to inflict some exemplary
punishment for this great offence, and therefore required
this Lieftenant to be sent over, who was accused among
and above the rest.
128
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
The eight of March Sir Oliver S, Johns, (who was sent
into England from Kinsale with newes of the good
successe in the taking of Rincoran and Nyparke Castles,
and the happy repulse of the Spaniards sallying upon
our Cannon), returned backe to Corke, and brought from
the Queene this following letter.
Elizabeth Regina.
Right trusty and welbeloved, we greet you well. By Letter from
the gentlemans relation whom last you sent unto us, ^^^ p""-"^ ^»
and by your Letters, we received (with much content- J)gp^^f^
ment) the newes of the rendition of Kinsale, and other
places held by the Spaniards in that Kingdome : wherein
although by comparing the same with those reports which
were brought us by divers, that they were not onely in
misery for victuall, but in penury of men, as not being
five hundred strong, we conceived that you might have
given them stricter lawes in their composition, (and so
doe now perceive how easie a matter it is, for those
that are neerer hand to the matters of warre then we are,
to be mistaken), yet upon those considerations which we
have observed in your journall last sent over, containing \S^- "• 201.]
many important circumstances, which did leade you to
that course, amongst which no one hath so much moved
us, as that assault would have shed the blood of our
subjects, which is dearer to us then any revenge or glory),
we doe account it both in the successe, one oi the most
acceptable accidents that hath befallen us, and in your
carriage thereof discerne it to have beene guided with
as many parts of an able and provident Minister, as
any we have used in service of like nature. And there-
fore hold it both just and necessary for us to yeeld you
this testimony of our gracious acceptation of your
endeavours, which have beene accompanied with so much
paine and perill. It remaineth now, seeing the state of all
things there, and your owne desires doe require it, that
wee speake something of those things which are fit to
be thought of for the time to come, whereof seeing this
M. Ill 129 I
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
Letter from event hath both already begun, and is very like to worke
the Queene to great alteration to our advantage. That which we could
th Lord ^isj^ yo^ to aime at, is in sum (next to the safety of the
Deputy. Kingdome) to give all possible ease to our State, by
diminishing that great consumption of treasure, which of
late yeeres wee have sustained. And yet how to direct
precisely by what meanes and parcels in every particular
the same is to be done, is very hard for us at this present,
especially untill we shall receive from you and our
Counsell there further light, by the information of the
state of all things now after these successes, together with
your owne opinion thereupon, onely as it is apparant to
us already by your letter, that in your own judgement,
having due sence of the infinite inconveniences which
daily are multiplied uppon this Kingdome by that occasion,
you did immediatly after the rendition, both cast some part
of our Army there, and stay the supplies comming from
hence, so in that course we doubt not, but you doe and
will continue, as farre forth as things may beare it, in
taking care that our Army be not weakened by holding
more small garrisons then are necessary. And this we
may with very good reason say, out of observation of
that which hath passed of latter yeeres, and agreeable to
your owne opinion. That one charge there is very great
to us, and yet without any manner of ground of safety,
if there were cause of adventure, and that is the enter-
tainement of great numbers of Irish, wherein we will note
unto you these two considerations : First that when
things there, were at most hazard for us, your owne spirit
was doubtfuU of the service which might be reaped by
them. Secondly that heretofore, when they have beene
used, it hath not beene seene, that either they were enter-
tained at the same rate of pay with our owne Nation,
or so mixed in common with them in regiments, but ever
kept more apart, both in companies severall, and used
in places and in services proper for them, which course
although this extraordinary danger of our Kingdome hath
given occasion to dispence with, yet doubt we not but
130
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
in your owne conceit you will thinke it meet, with all Letter from
convenient speed to reforme, and give beginning to it, ^^^ Queene to
by such decrees of diminution, and in such measure, as ^If ^ °/
•^iiip°ii r 1 ^ r • Deputy.
you shall hnd to be most tor the good or our service.
For the matter which hath beene moved to you from
the Arch-traitor, we commend your handling of the offer,
in that you have kept the dignity of the place you hold,
and therein ours, and yet we doe not mislike, that you
did not so desperately reject him, as to conclude him
thereby from opening the further scope of his desires.
And though till the next overture, we have little more to
write unto you, yet we may say thus much in generality,
that the monstrousnesse of his fact, stained with so many
and deepe spots of offences of severall natures and
degrees, (though none more odious then his ingratitude) ;
and the quicke sence we have alwaies of the blemishing
of our honour, doth not permit us to hold any other way
with him, then the plaine way of perdition. And there-
fore doe advise you to all courses, that may winne us
glory upon him, and if our Armes must be accompanied
with any part of mercy, rather to imploy the same in
receiving the secondary members and Vriaghts from him,
by whom that life which is left him standeth, then to
make so much account of so vile an head, as to thinke
him worthy to be recovered ; but rather that abandoned
of God and men, he may be left to feele the just reward
of his foule demerits. Notwithstanding, we will not
mislike to heare from you againe what you have further
discovered, and guide our further resolution according to [II. ii. 202.]
occasions. Hereupon we have thought good to returne
this gentleman Sir Oliver S. Johns to you, with thus ^'^^ Oliver S.
much of our mind upon your late letters, and with such
other matters as from our Counsell he may have in charge
to impart unto you, being one, of whose good discretion
and affection to our service we are very well perswaded, to
the end that upon his arrivall, (by which time much will
be seene of the event of your late happy successe) you
may enter into some -solid consideration of the forme of
131
A.D.
160I.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Letter from governement hereafter to be held, of the proportions of
the Queene to our army to be continued, and of all things that may be
^Detut'^ likely to settle that State in safety from forraigne attempts,
and in a better obedience to us then heretofore. When
you have debated and resolved what seemeth good to
you there, uppon all such points, we can be then contented
that you send backe this gentleman hether againe,
instructed therewith. And because it will be also needfull
for the furtherance of our resolutions here, to have good
understanding of the civill parts of that governement,
as well as of the martiall, and that sute hath beene made
unto us for Sir Robert Gardener our chiefe Justice there,
to be licensed to come hither, we shall like well that you
send them both, to the end that upon their report of
your conceipts there, we may enter into more particular
consideration of all things incident, which upon their
arrivall wee shall be better able to doe. Given under our
Signet, at our Pallace of Westminster, the eight day of
February 1601. in the foure and fortieth yeere of our
raigne.
The same day Sir Oliver S. Johns brought from the
Lords in England this following letter to the Lord
Deputy.
Letter from
the Lords in
England.
After our hearty commendations to your good Lord-
ship, we have had (in most of our late dispatches)
so little cause to fill our papers with anything, but with
commendations of your Lordships wise proceedings, and
congratulations for her Majesties happy successe under
you, as at this time (if any other) we intended not to mixe
this acknowledgement of our extraordinary contentment
for your late victory against the Spaniards, with any other
particular directions, especially seeing the change you
have made in that Countrey, by freeing the same from
forraigne power, (howsoever infested still with an intestine
rebellion), must (in all mens knowledge, that are
acquainted with the affaires of State) have brought so
many changes, as we can hardly tell what advice or direc-
132
Spaine.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
tion to offer of new, untill we may receive from thence
some further light of the present State of that Kingdome
from you, whose owne eye and judgement is neerest, and
ablest to performe the same. In which consideration,
seeing it hath pleased her Majesty by her owne letters,
not onely to give you notice of her royall and gracious
acceptation of your so noble endevours, but to direct
your Lordship also to send over hether Sir Robert
Gardener, and this gentleman Sir Oliver S. Johns, with
relation of all particulars fit for her knowledge, we will
in expectation hereof forbeare to enlarge our letter any
further, then with our best wishes to your Lordship of
all perfect health and happinesse, as those that will ever be
found, &c.
The same eight day Don Jean and the remaine of the ^o« •^^««
Spaniards at Kinsale, were all embarked ready to be gone, ^"f^l^ ■'"^
The next morning the Lord Deputy left Corke, and
taking his journey towards Dublyn, arrived that night at
Yoghall.
And because the stormy weather and contrary winds,
kept the Spaniards still in the Port at Kinsale, his Lord-
ship was forced to stay in that Towne some few dales,
from whence he wrote to Master Secretary into England,
upon the twelfth of March, advertising him thereof : And
further giving him notice, that the other Spaniards which
were at Beere-Haven, Castle-Haven, and Baltimore, now ^'Zniards
were gone for Spaine. That Don Jean had sent to Corke gone for
the pledges promised in the eight article of the agreement, ^aine.
That five English Companies were lately arrived at
Waterford : And lastly, praying to be excused to the
rest of the Lords of her Majesties Counsell, that hee
forbare to write unto them, till he came to Waterford,
where within few dales he hoped to meete the Earle of
Ormond, and some other of the Counsell, and upon
conference with them, to bee better able to satisfie their
Lordships in some things concerning the present State [II. ii. 203.]
of this Kingdome, according to her Majesties pleasure
lately signified to him by her letters. The pledges above
The other
A.D,
160I.
The pledges
from the
Spmiards.
Capiaine
Morysoti's
discent.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
mentioned were to lie for the safe returne of our ships,
wherein the Spaniards were embarked.
These pledges were principall Commanders, and among
them was one Captaine Moryson, (of whose bold service
mention is made in the sally upon the second of Decem-
ber). This gentleman was invited by the Lord Deputy
to accompany him to Dublin, the rest of his fellowes still
remaining at Corke, whether hee was to returne unto
them, and they together to be shipped for Spaine, upon the
safe returne of our ships. In which journey to Dublyn,
and during this Gentlemans aboad there, I had familiar
conference with him for names sake, and understood from
him, that his Family in Spaine was discended of an
English Gentleman, who followed the Emperour Charles
the fifth in his warres, and after by his bounty was seated
in Spaine, where at this day the chiefe oi his name had
good revenues.
The Lord Deputy being come to Waterford, did write,
together with the rest of the Counsell, upon the
eighteenth of March, this following letter to the Lords in
England.
IT may please your Lordships : The eighth hereof,
wee received by Sir Oliver S. Johns at Corke, the
dispatch which it pleased your Lordships to make by
him, and may not omit with all humble thankefulnesse to
acknowledge the great comfort and contentment we have
taken, in that it appeareth both thereby, and by the relation
of Sir Oliver, that her Majesty and your Lordships have
most graciously and favourably accepted and allowed our
poore endeavours. We are most carefull (as you have
directed) to send Sir Robert Gardener and him unto your
Lordships, so soone as I the Deputy can get to Dublyn,
where Sir Robert Gardener now is, and shall have con-
sidered and debated with the Counsell there the businesse,
wherein your Lordships looke to be thorowly informed.
In the meane space, because that will aske some time,
wee have thought fit to acquaint your Lordships, how
134
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
things stand here since our last dispatch. The Spaniards
for certaine are all gone from Beere-Haven, Castle-Haven,
& Baltimore, and that day that Sir Oliver S. Johns did
arrive at Corke, we heard that all the Spaniards at Kinsale,
and last of all Don Jean himselfe, were shipped, and in
readinesse to set saile, but since we heare that untill
Saturday the thirteenth hereof, they could not get forth
the Harbour, and were that night beaten backe. On
Sunday they were ready to set out againe, since which
time we have not heard from thence, more then that they
lay aboard in the mouth of the Harbour, and our men
were possessed of the Towne, and we have observed the
wind since that time to be good for them, so as wee are
in good hope they are all gone. The pledges, according
to agreement were come to Corke, being three Captaines
of long continuance, so as we have cause to thinke Don
Jean hath dealt sincerely with us, and are not out of hope,
to be no more troubled with any Spaniards : yet to be
provided for the worst that may happen, so long as the
Spanish Cloud hangs over us, wee have devided both
the victuals and great part of the munition into sundry
Harbours, along the Sea Coast of this Province, the more
ready to answere all occasions, as may more fully appeare
by the notes wee send herewithin : If by this meanes her
Majesties charge grow great, (as wee cannot but acknow-
ledge it will), and the service North ward goe on slowlier
then it would otherwise, if we might apply our selves
wholly that way, we beseech your Lordships favourably
to consider the necessities that leade us thereunto, least
leaving any place unprovided for, the facilitie should
invite a comming thither, and in that regard wee have
given out an intention, to fortifie in all the severall places
of Beer-haven, Castle-haven, Baltimore, and the Creekes
& passages along that Coast. Whereas these Spaniards
being gone, as now God be thanked they are, we have
no meaning so to doe, in regard we have no answere from
your Lordships touching that point, and thereby conceive,
that her Majesty wil not undergo so great a charge,
135
A.D.
160I.
Letter to the
Lords in Eng-
land, March
18, 1601.
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1601.
Letter to the though we continue stil of this opinion, that it were the
Y'i^M^"^' ^^^^^^ course to fortifie in those places: and if the
18 \(iQ\ Spaniards should come againe, without strong Forts and
Cittadels upon the chiefe townes, (whom our late experi-
ence shewed us apparantly to be wavering), we can neither
[II. ii. 204.] have safetie for retreate, if any disaster should befall us,
nor commoditie for victuals and munition, but that
altogether would be in danger, & the whole hazarded or
loste at an instant ; which point we hold our selves bound
in dutie to provide for ; and therefore if her Majestie do
not like to make Cittadels in these Townes and Cities,
which we noted to be fit in our former letters, we hold it
of very great necessitie that the harbors of Corke &
Kinsale be yet wel fortified, which we have already begun
to do at Kinsale, & have viewed the mouth of the harbour
of Corke, where by raising one good Fort at the entry,
and another upon an Hand in that River, the Harbour
will very aptly be secured, and all victuals and munition
for our use most commodiously defended against all
enemies, which we hold a matter oi very great importance.
And if these workes shall be erected, ten Culverings, and
ten demy-culverings of Iron, mounted upon unshod
wheeles, for platformes to bee placed in the Forts, to bee
made in those two harbours, must forthwith be sent (with
bullets for them), either to Corke, or to Kinsale. Our
whole store of victuals being divided into sundry parts
of this Province, (as by this note appeareth), we are in
doubt wee shall want when wee enter into a prosecution
Northward, unlesse your Lordships be pleased to con-
tinue that course for our supplies, that we confesse you
have most providently hitherto afforded us : for where
some conceive, and (as it seemeth) have informed, that
we may be furnished here with victuals, it is to us most
strange, and past all beleefe, and to make it more apparant
unto your Lordships, it may please you to consider, that
it is impossible to make an end of this warre without
wasting and spoiling of the Countrie. This (as we must
doe still) wee have of long time very earnestly laboured,
136
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND A.b.
1601.
and effected in as great a measure as we can possibly Letter to the
devise, and then how can it in reason be thought, that ^"^^'-f '» ^Y'
wee can starve the Rebell, and yet preserve victuals in the ^^ ' ^^['^
r ■> 1 T -5 J t 1 J L ^ -r "O' 1001.
country tor the souldierr so as we must conclude, that it
we faile once of our victualing out of England, upon
hope to have it found in this Realme, by any mans under-
standing, the Army will either be starved, or driven to
breake upon a sudden, when it will not be in our power
to helpe it, and this wee beseech your Lordships to
beleeve, if we have made any use of our experience here.
Yet if there be any possibilitie thereof, when wee have
conferred what may bee provided out of the Pale, and
quietest parts of Mounster, wee will further certifie your
Lordships. And besides we doe apparantly foresee, now
that the apparrelling of the souldier is left unto the
Captaine (which yet best contents all parties), that if the
exchanging of the new coyne be not Royally kept up,
the souldier will be in worse case then before. For all
things here are already growne so deare and scarce, since
the new coine went currant, as clothes are both excessively
deare here, and in any quantity not to be had for money,
but must necessarily bee provided in England, and
brought hither, which cannot be, if the exchange faile
never so little ; for then will the souldier be unclothed,
which rather then he will indure, he will runne away,
though he be sure to be hanged, and this we feare will
be likewise a meane for the breaking of the Army. The
decaies by sicknesse and otherwise are already so great,
notwithstanding all that wee can doe (and yet we have
not been wanting in our providency), as wee most humbly
crave to have supplies sent from time to time (till the
rebellion be broken, which if no forraigne forces arrive,
we hope will be in short time), not under Captaines but
Conductors, for we find by experience that the Captaines
that are sent hither with their Companies (conceiving that
they shall not stand long) either by negligence or corrup-
tion, loose their men, so that when they are turned over
to supply others, scarce ten of a hundred can be had of
137
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
i6oi.
Letter to the thenij where at the first comming over with the Con-
LordsinEng- ductors, we can better call then to a strict account, and
/W, March f^j^^g j-j^^ mtn, to fill Up Other Companies, by disposing
' ' them to such as we know will best preserve them, so as
they neede not reinforce their Companies with the Irish,
as they will when they cannot come by English, by which
meanes the Companies (wee confesse) are full of Irish,
which till our supplies come cannot well be holpen. And
whereas I the Deputie have ever bin (as my dutie is) most
desirous to diminish her Majesties Lyst, and X.o that end,
not onely have taken all occasions by the death of
Captaines to extinguish their entertainement, but also
have meerely discharged above five thousand since
[II. ii. 205.] November 1600. Now the Captaines and men thus
discharged, thinking their fortunes overthrowne by me,
had never consideration of the necessitie imposed upon
me to do it, but onely looking upon their owne losse,
and (as they esteeme it) disgrace, they become so many
enemies to me, & many of them clamorous against me &
my proceedings. And whereas by some of your L^^
letters it pleased you to let me know, that your sending
many Captaines proceedeth from my recommending of
many unto you. I do humbly assure your LP^, that
almost all which came over were strangers to me ; & if
the rest have had letters from me, I wrote them at their
request, onely to testifie that they had behaved themselves
no otherwise then honestly here, which was the least I
could afford them, when I was forced to take away their
Companies. But if her Majestie expect an abatement
of her Lyst, I beseech your LP^ to consider my hard
condition. For if I discharge such as you send over, I
doe not onely become odious unto them, but offend many
of your Lordships, by whose favour they obtained that
charge. And if I discharge such old Captaines as I found
here, and of whose sufficiency I have since had continuall
experience, by their often adventuring their bloud and
lives, I should not onely returne unto her Majestie
importunate sutors, armed with good justice to crave
138
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1601.
reward, but my selfe should incurre the same and more Letter to the
just dislike of them and their friends. But that which Lords h Eng
for her Majesties service grieveth me most, is that I ^l\^'^^[^^
should thereby disinable my selfe, hereafter to doe her
Majestic that service, which heretofore I have done, and
next unto God must attribute to their valour and
sufficiency. For touching the Irish, by whose discharge
I meane to make no small abatement, I have heretofore
laboured by unsensible degrees to deminish that charge,
and I will chuse a fit time fully to effect it, the sudden
doino^ whereof might cause rather an increase then decrease
of her Majesties charge. We have lately recommended
some of the incorporate Townes here to your Lordships,
and may happily have occasion to doe the like, to draw
them (if it might bee) to a more affectionate furtherance
of the service, at the least to hold them with some
contentment, though indeed they have not affoarded us
that helpe that they both might and ought. Yet our
meaning was not thereby to presse your Lordships to
any inlargement of their Franchises, for which happily
they will thereupon be sutors ; for we confesse truly to
your Lordships, that we think these Corporate Townes
in generall, have already too great and too many
priviledges, and immunities, unlesse they better knew (or
would more readily endevour) to deserve them, which we
thought meete at this time to give your Lordships a taste
of, least they might otherwise make that use of our
letters that we intended not. Further, we desire that
your Lordships will perswade her Majestie to resolve
presently to make Cittadels in the chiefest of these
Townes, without which we shal never bring them to
performe their duties. And so &c.
Don Jean (whether with or without authoritie given iVo difficult
him from Spaine, I know not), had often discoursed with ^°^'^^ ^° ^^ke
the Lord Deputy, during their abode together at Corke, ^^^'^^ ^^^
that it was no unlikely or difficult worke to make Peace i^n7and"^'
betweene England and Spaine, yea, he went so farre, as Spaine.
to urge the Lord Deputy to deale therein. But his
139
A.D,
i6oi.
Don Jeans
oathe.
[II. ii. 206.]
The Lord
Deputy adver-
tised Master
Secretary.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Lordship onely made answere, that he knew her Majestie
to be graciously inclined, to hold good amity with all
Christian Princes, yet as she was confident in her owne
power, so she was in all things jealous of her Honor, and
especially in that point, wherein her Royall meaning had
not bin intertained with the like, by the State of Spaine,
whence we had received such ill measure in all our late
treaties to that purpose, as all men were discouraged to
be any more made instruments therein. Whereupon
Don Jean sware unto his Lordship, that as he left the
State of Spaine affected, upon his knowledge it was then
a thing easie to effect, and a thing much desired of them,
to have firme Peace betweene England and Spaine. And
he further added, that if upon his arrivall in Spaine, find-
ing things to stand in the same condition, he did (at the
returne of our ships thence) give his Lordship any
inckling thereof, then upon his reputation his Lordship
dealing with the State of England in that matter, should
loose no honour thereby. The Lord Deputie hitherto
had done no more then answere Don Jeans proposition
in civill tearmes, wherein hee had spoken no more, then
any private man might lawfully have done, if he had
licence to confer with him ; yet lest he might be thought
to have exceeded his Commission in this nice discourse,
and having good reasons to imagine, that as God many
times doth worke by unlikely, yea, by contrary meanes,
so hee and Don Jean out of their Commission to
make warre one upon the other, might prove Com-
missioners for making a Peace, his Lordship advertised
thus much to Master Secretary in England, praying to
have further warrant and instructions, if it were thought
fit hee should further proceede therein. But by Don
Jeans silence from Spaine, this overture passed as a
dreame, and tooke no effect as long as the Queene
lived.
The foure and twentieth day of March, being the last
day (after the English writing) of the yeere 1601, the
Lord Deputie and Counsell being at Kilkenny, and inter-
140
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ^ d.
1601.
tained by the Earle of Ormond in his house, wrote this
following letter to the Lords in England.
IT may please your Lordships, having certaine intelli- T^^ Lord
gence since our comming to this place, that Don Jean ^^^f'^! .,
with all the rest of the Spaniards, departed from Kinsale ^^^^^ ;„ £„-._
on Tuesday the 1 6 hereof, and that the wind since that land, March
time hath served them so well, as we assure our selves 24* '^oi.
by this they are neere the Coast of Spaine, wee thought
fit hereby to give your Lordships notice therof, that you
may know we are free now of them all. Since our being
here, there hath been brought in a notorious rebell, one
William Mac Hubbard, lately taken in Upperossery, who
of late hath done great spoiles and murders in these parts,
more then any other, so as we have caused him to bee
executed in this Towne, to the great terror of many.
About the same time that he was executed, a sonne of
Garret Mac Mortaghes, named Moris Mac Garret, died
of a hurt lately given him in fight, who was a most
dangerous young man, like to trouble all the Countrie.
The death of these two Rebels, as also of a notorious
Rebell by birth of Mounster, lately slaine (called Dermot
Mac Awlye, who was an inward man, and a great practis-
ing instrument with Tyrone) will greatly quiet all these
parts, and your Lordships can hardly thinke what a great
change wee finde already by their so happy and timely
cutting off. And as for Sir Fynneen O Dryscoll, O
Donnevan, and the two sonnes of Sir Owen Mac Carty,
they and their followers since their comming in are growne
very odious to the rebels of those parts, and are so well
divided in factions among themselves, as they are fallen
to preying and killing one another, which we conceive
will much availe to the quieting of these parts. I the
Deputy am this day going towards Dublin, from whence
your L^^ shall heare from me, according to the directions
given me by your Lordships. And I the President am
returning into Mounster, to attend my charge there. We
have been much importuned by the Army in generall,
141
A.D.
i6or.
The Army's
grievance.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
touching an abatement of halfe a pound o{ beefe upon
every flesh day from every particular souldier, and of two
hearings every fish day, and the horse troopes likewise
find themselves grieved, that the victualer chargeth them
with two shillings sixe pence increase in the issuing of
every barrell of Oates, without any other warrant then a
privat letter from M. Wade Gierke of the Counsel, which
although we conceive M. Wade hath signified over upon
some such purpose of your Lord'^^ or other good ground,
yet in regard of the importunities of the Captaines, and
to prevent a generall mutiny of the Army, in regard the
souldiers are weak, and much infeebled by the late siege
of Kinsale, and that the prises of all things are increased
above all measure, by reason of the new standard coyne,
and that the Country is generally much harryed and
wasted, and thereby great scarcitie and wants grow here,
wee hold it meete, and accordingly gave direction to the
Commissary of the victuals, to issue Oates (as formerly)
at sixe shillings the barrell, and allow the souldier two
pound of beefe, and eight herings a day, according as it
was formerly accustomed, till your Lordships resolution
were returned in that behalfe, which we humbly pray
and expect. And so having no other matter at this time
worthy the presenting to your Lordships, wee most
humbly take leave, &c.
[II. ii, 207.] The Lord President having accompanied the Lord
Deputie to Kilkenny, did from thence returne to his
charge in the Province oi Mounster. At Kilkenny the
Lord Deputie began to feele himselfe sickly, having
formerly complained of some distemper (a likely efi^ect of
his watchings and cold taken, during the hard winter-
siege at Kinsale), and his Lordships sicknesse so grew
upon him, as the next day he was carried in a Horse-
litter, and so all the journey, till he came to Dublin,
where hee arrived the eight and twentieth oi March, in
the beginning of the yeere 1602, and his distemper stil
continuing, applied himselfe to take Phisicke. I will
conclude the Acts of the yeere past with this following
142
Sicknesse of
the Lord
Deputie.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
lOOI.
abstract of her Majesties charge in the Realme of Ireland, Abstract of^
from the first of Aprill 1601, to the nine and twentieth her Majesties
of March, 1602. ^alJfrom ^^'
The Totall of all charges aswell in the Establishment, jp^i/ j^
as by other warrants extraordinary, two hundred eighty i6o\, to
three thousand sixe hundred seventy three pound nine- March 29,
teene shillings eleven pence halfe farthing.
Viz. In the new coyne mixed ready money, two
hundred fifteene thousand eight hundred fifty pound
nineteene shillings foure pence halfe penny.
In apparrell for the souldiers, provided in England with
silver money, sixtie seven thousand eight hundred twenty
three pound sixe pence halfe penny halfe farthing.
Checqued by the Muster-Master, in money fifteene
thousand one hundred fortie nine pound six shillings ; in
apparrell, twenty two thousand foure hundred fifty seven
pound sixe shillings two pence halfe penny.
So her Majesties whole charge is in the yeere 1601, Toi^U
two hundred fortie six thousand eightie seven pound 246,087 U.
seven shillings eight pence halfe penny halfe farthing. is- 8a'.
Besides the concordatums, billes imprested upon
accounts here, the leavies and transporting of forces (paied
in England), the paiment of works, and the charges of
the Office of the Ordinance, for Powder, Bullets, &c.
[The third Booke
143
THE THIRD BOOKE.
The Lord
Deputies
induposit'ion.
Chap. I.
Of the prosecution of the warre by the Lord
Mountjoy, Lord Deputy, against the rebels,
in the yeere 1602.
N the beginning of the yeere 1602 for
the latter part of March, and good part
of April], the Lord Deputies indisposition
of body above mentioned, did still con-
tinue, and his Lordship for a short time
attended nothing, but the recovery of his
health. Onely on the one and thirtieth
of March, hee signified to the Lords in England, that
from the sixteenth of March, when the Spaniards set sayle
from Kinsale, the winde had continued so favourable, as
he nothing doubted but they were arrived in Spaine.
And his Lordship advertised the state of his weake health,
and prayed to bee excused, that he could not as yet con-
sider with the Counsell here, about the dispatch of Sir
Robert Gardner, and Sir Oliver S. Johns, with the relation
of this Kingdomes present estate, according to the direc-
tions he had formerly received to that purpose, which
he was carefull to do so soone as health would permit
him. Adding that in the meane time the forces were so
disposed, as they might bee most active in the prosecution
of Tyrone, and his broken partakers. And the Lord
[II. iii. 208.] Deputy having intelligence, that after the knowledge of
144
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
his and Don Jeans agreement, the preparations of seconds Forraigne in-
in Spaine were diverted, and so not fearing any interrup- terrupuom
tions by forraigne forces, was bold to give the Lords in ^°^M^^ •
England confidence of his future endeavours in his charge,
whereof he hoped to give her Majestie a good account,
God pleasing to restore his health, so as he might proceede
with that speede and alacritie which he intended.
The third of Aprill his Lordship received letters from
the Lords in England, signifying ; That they concurred
with him in griefe, that by contrarie windes staying the
Spaniards transporting, his Lordship was forced to stay
in Mounster, and slacke the opportunitie of prosecuting
Tyrone at his first returne and flight out of Mounster,
when he was in such plight, as hee could faine no hopes Tyrone's
of safety to himselfe, lying in some fastnesse or other, plight.
and often changing his aboade, for feare of some attempt
against his person set at a price, and still having neither
Powder nor Leade, but making infinite meanes into
Scotland to be furnished therewith, so as if the Northerne
Garrisons were not weake for want of supplies, and if
some forces could have been spared to strengthen them,
in all probability they might have ruined Tyrone ere this.
That our ships transporting the Spaniards, were well
used in Spaine, and upon their arrivall, the ships prepared
at the Groyne for Ireland were presently unfurnished, so
as her Majesties Fleete, and some ships of the Low
Countries lying this Summer on the Coast of Spaine,
they conceived all Spanish aides for Ireland would for the
present be diverted. That for Cittadels to be built in Cittadeh to he
the Townes and Ports, her Majesty in general allowed '^"'^^•
thereof, leaving the choise of most fit places, and the
manner of building to his Lordship, as also to certifie an
estimate of the charge, and the best meanes to raise it
otherv/ise then out of her Majesties coffers. That her
Majestie commended the discreete intercepting of the
Spanish letters, by which the Kings earnestnesse to follow
that enterprise appeared, but no doubt by the English
Fleete prepared for that coast would be diverted. That
M. Ill 145 K
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
no supplies should be expected out of England, where the
leavyes had been so burthensome, as for the present it
was fit to forbeare them. That in all grants to the
submitting rebels, they required his Lordship to have
care, that they were not so absolute, as they should not be
in awe of the State, or bee able to tyrannise over their
neighbours, and particularly that any treason of the
Imployment of Pattentees should forfeit all the grant. That Irish Com-
rts Com- panies should not bee imployed neere their owne home,
especially in any great numbers, neither should have any
pay for apparrell, there being no reason that their pay
should bee equall to that of the English. Lastly, to the
end the Submitties might not abuse her Majesties mercy
to their temporising ends, as they had often done, by
revolts into rebellion after submissions and Protections,
their Lordships required, that as every chiefe rebell was
taken in, so they should be disarmed.
But this last point was not effected for this considera-
tion, that by that meanes every chiefe Lord upon sub-
mission should leave his Country without defence, and
open to be spoiled, both by neighbouring rebels, and
theevish subjects. It is true, that after all the warre fully
ended, a generall disarming had been requisite, but the
event will shew, how that was after neglected in the proper
time (when the first act was, casting the English forces),
which now was pressed, when there was no possibilitie
to effect it.
TheLystof The Lvst of the forces in April!, 1602.
the forces in
Aprill, 1602. Colonels of the Army, 14.
The Earle of Clanrickard. The Earle of Thomond.
The Lord Audley. Sir Henry Dockwra. Sir Samuel
Bagnol. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence. Sir Arthur
Chichester. Sir Richard Moryson. Sir Charles Willmot.
Sir Richard Percy. Sir Oliver Saint John. Sir Henrie
Power. Sir Henry Follyot. Sir Benjamin Berry.
146
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
The forces in Mounster of Horse. Mounster.
The Lord President, 100. The Earle of Thomond,
100. Sir Charles Willmott, 25. Sir Anthony Cooke, 50.
Captaine Taffe, 50. Horse 325.
[II. iii. 209.]
Foote in Mounster.
The Lord President, 200. The Earle of Thomond
200. The Lord Barry, 100. The Lord Audley, 150
Sir Charles Willmott, 150. Sir George Cary, Treasurer
100. Sir George Thorneton, 100. Sir Garret Harvie
150. Sir Richard Percy, 150. Sir Francis Barkely, 150
Sir John Dowdall, 100. Sir Samuel Bagnol, 150. Sir
Anthony Cooke, 100. Sir Alexander Clifford, 100. Sir
Arthur Savage, 150. The Earle of Desmond, 100. The
White Knight, 100. Captaine Roger Harvy, 150. Cap-
taine Flower, 150. Captaine Saxey, 100. Captaine
SHngsbye, 100. Captaine Skipwith, 100. Captaine
Hobby, 100. Captaine Francis Kinsmell, 150. Captaine
Power, 100. Captaine George Kinsmell, 100. Captaine
Cullom, 100. Captaine Bostock, 100. Captaine Gawen
Harvie, 100. Captaine Coote, 100. Captaine Stafford,
100. Captaine Owslye, 100. Captaine Blundell, 100.
Captaine Dorrington, 100. Captaine Sidley, 100. Cap-
taine Boys, 100. Captaine Holcroft, 100. Foote, 4400.
Horse in Connaght. Connaght.
The Earle of Clanricard, 50. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25.
Sir Oliver Saint Johns, 25. Captaine Wayeman Marshall,
12. Horse, 112.
Foote in Connaght.
Sir Oliver Lambert Governour, 150. Earle of Clan-
rickard, 150. Sir Thomas Bourke, 150. Sir Oliver
Saint Johns, 200. Captaine Tibbot Bourke, called Tibot
ne long, 100. Captaine Malby, 150. Captaine Thomas
Bourke, 100. Captaine Ghest, 150. Captaine Rotheram,
150. Captaine May, 100. Voide for the Judges pay,
100. Captaine Clare, 150. Foote, 1650.
147
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Garrisons in The forces lying Southward upon Lemster in Garrisons.
Horse at Ophaly Leax and Kilkenny.
Earle of Kildare, 25. Sir Edward Harbert, 12.
Master Marshall, 20. Captaine Piggot, 12. The Earle
of Ormond, 50. Horse, 119.
Foote at Ophaly Leax and Kilkenny.
The Earle of Kildare, 150. Sir George Bourcher, 100.
Sir Edward Harbert, 100. Sir Henrie Warren, 100.
Captaine O Carroll, 100. Sir Henry Power, 150. Sir
Francis Rush, 150. Sir Thomas Loftus, 100. The Earle
of Ormond, 150. Foote, iioo.
The forces lying Northward upon Lemster in Garrisons.
Foote in West-Meath, Kelles, Liscanon in the
Brenny, Dundalke, and Moyry.
Lord of Delvin, 150. Sir Francis Shane, 150. Cap-
taine Thomas Roper, 150. The Lord Dunsany, 150.
Captaine Esmond, 150. Sir William Warren, 100. Sir
Henrie Harrington, 100. Captaine Ferdinand Freckle-
ton, 100. Captaine Richard Hansard, 100. Foote, 1200.
Horse in Kelles, and Liscanon in the Brenny.
The Earle of Kildare, 25. Sir Henry Harington, 25.
Lord Dunsany, 50. Horse, 100.
Out of Mounster forces were drawne into Connaght
one thousand foote, and fiftie horse, and the abovesaid
forces of Connaght are one hundred twelve horse, and
one thousand sixe hundred fifty foote. Hereof were left
to guard Galloway and Athlone, foote two hundred. Left
in Garrison at the Abbey of Boyle one thousand foote,
and sixtie two horse, which served to further our new
plantation at Ballishannon, (for there a Garrison was newly
planted, and Sir Henrie Follyot was made Governour
thereof.) The rest of the horse and foote were laid at
the Annaly, and might fitly joyne with the Garrisons
disposed Southward and Northward upon Lemster, upon
14S
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
all occasions of service, as more especially they might
concurre in stopping the Rebels for passing either on the
South or North-side into Lemster. As likewise the
Garrisons Southward might answere one another, and
these Northward answere one another, upon all occasions
of service.
Garrisons in the North. [II. iii. 210.]
Foote at Mount Norreys. Garrisons in
Having drawne out sixe hundred foote, and one
hundred horse for the Army, left to keepe the Fort,
Captaine Atherton, 150.
Foote at Armagh.
Having drawne out for the Army seven hundred fifty
foote, and one hundred twenty five horse, left to keepe
the Abbey Sir Henry Davers his Company 150, himselfe
commanding the horse in the Army.
Foote at Blackwater.
Having drawne out for the Army one hundred foote,
left to keepe the Fort Captaine Thomas Williams, 150.
Horse and Foote at the Newrie.
Having drawne out three hundred foote for the Army,
left to keepe the Towne, Sir Francis Stafford, 50 horse.
Sir Francis Stafford, 200 foote. In Garrison Totall of
Horse, 50. Foote, 650.
The Forces at Loughfoyle lay thus in Garrisons, out of The Forces at
which Sir Henrie Dockwra was to draw a competent loughfoyle.
force into the field, for the Summer service, and to
meete the Lord Deputy in Tyrone.
Foote.
At Derry Sir Henry Dockwra, 200. Captaine Orme,
100. Captaine Flood, 150. At Dunnman, Captaine
Atkinson, 150. At Dunalong, Captaine Badbye, 150.
At Ainogh, Captaine Sidney, 100. At Culmore, Captaine
Alford, 100. At Ramullan, Captaine Bingley, 150. At
149
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Bert, Captaine Winsore, 150. At Kilmatren, Captaine
Vaughan, 100. At Cargan, Captaine Hart, 100. At
Liffer, Captaine Willys, 150. Captaine Pinner, 100.
Captaine Brookes, 100. Captaine Coach, 150. Captaine
Leygh, 100.
At Dunagall, Asheraw, and Ballishannon.
Sir John BoUes, 150. Captaine Diggs, 100. Captaine
Gore, 150. Captaine Stafford, 100. Captaine Wood,
150. Captaine Orell, 150. Captaine Basset, 100. Cap-
taine Button, 100. In all 3000 Foote.
Horse at Aynagh, Dunalong and Liffer, Sir Henry
Dockwra, 100. At Ballishannon, Sir John Bolles, 50. In
all 150 Horse.
Besides Irish foote, 300; and Irish Horse, 100.
The Forces The Forces in Garrison at Carickfergus, out of which
at Carick- Sir Arthur Chichester was to draw a competent
J^^&!- strength to come by water, and meete the Lord
Deputie in Tyrone.
Foote.
Sir Arthur Chichester, Governour, 200. Sir Foulke
Conway, 150. Captaine Sackfeild, 100. Captaine Nor-
ton, 100. Captaine Billings, 150. Captaine PhiUips,
150. Foote 850.
Horse at Carickfergus.
Sir Arthur Chichester, Governour, 25. Captaine John
Jephson, 100. Horse 125.
Foote in Lecale.
Sir Richard Moryson under his Lieutenant 150, him-
selfe commanding a Regiment in the Armie.
The Lord The Lord Deputies Army in the field for this
eputies Summers service.
Army tn the
field. Horse.
The Lord Deputie, 100. Sir William Godolphin, 50.
[II. iii. 211.] Sir Garret Moore, 50. Sir Richard Greame, 50. Sir
150
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND >^d.
1602.
Samuel Bagnol, 50. Sir Henrie Davers, 100. Master
Marshall, 30. Sir Christopher S. Laurence, 25. Sir
Francis Rush, 12. Captaine Fleming, 25. Captaine
George Greame, 14. Horse in the Army, 506.
Foote.
Lord Deputies Guard, 200. Sir John Barkeley, 200.
Sir Benjamin Berry, 150. Sir Henry Folliot, 150. Sir
William Fortescue, 150. Sir James Peirse, 150. Sir
Garret Moore, 100. Sir Christopher S. Laurence, 150.
Sir Edward Fitz Garret, 100. Sir Tibbot Dillon, 100.
Master Marshall, 150. Capt. Josias Bodley, 150. Capt.
Toby Gawfeild, 150. Captaine Richard Hansard, 100.
Capt. Edward Blany, 150. Capt. Fran. Roe, 150. Capt.
Ralph Counstable, 100. Capt. Fisher, 100. Captaine John
Roberts, 100. Capt. George Blount, 150. Captaine
James Blount, 100. Captaine Henslo for pioners, 200.
Captaine Masterson, 150. Captaine Henrie Barkley,
150. Captaine Morrys, 100. Captaine Anthony Ears-
feild, 100. Captaine Trever, 100. Foote in the Army,
3650.
Totall of horse by the List, 1487. Foote by the List,
16950.
The forces being thus disposed for the Summers service. The Lord
and the Lord Deputie having recovered his health, his Deputie's
first care was to obey her Majesties directions, in dispatch-
ing for England Sir Robert Gardener, and Sir Oliver S.
Johns with a relation of the present state of this King-
dome. By them, besides instructions of the present state,
his Lordship sent this following letter to the Lords in
England, dated the fifth of May, 1602.
MAy it please your Lordships, although you have
good reason to guesse at the difficulties of the warre
of Ireland, both by the long continuance, and the exceed-
ing charge thereof before my time (under which the rebels
strength did ever grow), as by the slow progresse (though
still to the better) that it hath made (I must confesse)
151
health re-
covered.
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Letter to the under my governement ; yet since I doe conceive, that
Lords inEng- none but we that are personall actors therein (especially in
<?« ' ^y 5> these times, wherein the fashion and force of this people
is so much altered from that it was wont to bee), can
thorowly apprehend with how many impediments, crosses
and oppositions we undertake and proceede in all things.
I humbly desire your Lordships to give mee leave, for
your satisfaction and the discharge of my duty, to open
unto you some of the causes (which I doe better feele
then I can expresse) that have hindred so speedy a con-
clusion oi this warre, as her Majesty, out oi her great
providence, and large proportion of expence, might
happily expect. At my first arrivall, I found the rebels
more in number, then at any time they had bin since the
conquest, and those so farre from being naked people,
as before times, that they were generally better armed
then we, knew better the use of their weapons then our
men, and even exceeded us in that discipline, which was
fittest for the advantage o{ the naturall strength oi the
Country, for that they, being very many, and expert shot,
and excelling in footmanship all other Nations, did by
that meanes make better use of those strengths, both for
offence and defence, then could have bin made of any
squadrons of pikes, or artificiall fortifications of Townes.
In regard whereof, I presumed that mans wit could hardly
find out any other course to overcome them, but by
famine, which was \.o be wrought by several Garrisons
planted in fit places, & altered upon good occasions.
These plantations could not be made but by Armies,
which must first settle them, and after remove them, as
the strength of the enemy required ; the time for those
plantations (not only of most conveniency, but almost of
necessity) was to be in the Summer, and that for many
eminent reasons, but especially in that meanes might bee
provided for horse to live in the winter, without which
those Garrisons would prove of little effect. Now I
beseech your Lordships to remember, that I received this
charge the eight and twentieth of February, in the yeere
152
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
1599, at which time I found the rebels in number, and Letter to the
Armes (as I have said) growne to the very height cf f^'fj^^"^'
pride and confidence, by a continued line of their successe ^^^'^ ^^ ^'
and our misfortunes; of the subjects, the worst assisting [n. iii. 212.]
them openly, and almost the best leaning to their fortune,
out of a despaire of ours ; the Army discouraged in them-
selves, and (beleeve mee my Lords, for you will hardly
beleeve) much contemned by the Rebels. None of our
Garrisons had stirred abroad, but they returned beaten,
the enemie being so farre Master of the field, that Tyrone
had measured the whole length of Ireland, and was
comming backe unfought with. And with mee they
began the warre at the very suburbs of Dublin. At that
time the choice of the whole Army, and even of everie
Company (that was left behind) was drawne into Mounster
by the Earle of Ormond ; howbeit I being desirous to
loose no time nor opportunitie, presently gathered
together that poore remnant, being the refuse of the rest,
with a purpose to have fought with the Traitor in his
returne, betweene Fercale and the Ennye : but hee hasten-
ing his journies upon some intelligence of my designe, and
I being the longer staled (by the difference of the Councels
opinion) from mine intent, it fell out, that I came too late
to trie that faire fortune with him. The rest of the
Spring I was enforced to attend the drawing of divers
Captaines and Companies from remote and divided
Garrisons, that were to be imploied for Loughfoyle and
Ballishannon ; for by your Lordships appointment, I was
to send one thousand other souldiers from these parts, and
to cast three thousand more, in consideration of so many
sent thither out of England, and to reduce the List from
sixteene thousand to fourteene thousand, which at that
lime was a proportion too little to undertake the warre
with all ; I was further to victuall the Forts of Leax and
Ophayle, in those times accounted great and dangerous
services. And about the fifth of May, 1600, I drew
towards the North, chiefely to divert Tyrone and his
Northerne forces, from giving opposition to the Planta-
153
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Letter to the tion at Loughfoyle, but withall purposing, if I found
Lordi in Eng- meanes for victuals and carriages, to have left a Garrison
fg^;^''-^ 5> at Armagh. The first I did thorowly t?i&z\., for I gave
way to those of Loughfoyle to land, and settle quietly,
drew Tyrone with his chiefe forces upon my selfe, and in
all the fights I had with him, made him know, that his
fortune began to turne, and brake those bounds of his
circuit, whence hee was wont to affront our greatest
Armies ; for in that which was last before this called a
Northerne journey, when the Army consisted almost of
double numbers of Horse and Foote, they were by the
Tray tor forced and arrested within the confines oi the
Pale. At my returne, I finding by observation in my
journey (wherewith the whole Counsell did concurre in
opinion), that the Garrison of Loughfoyle would doe
little hurt to Tyrone, except there were forces left at, or
about Armagh, since they might easily flie out of their
reach, and should enjoy betweene Dungannon and the
Pale, one of the largest and most fertill Countries of
Ireland, wee became sutors to your Lordships in June
1600, that with more men, and more provisions you
would enable us to that Plantation, and in the meane time
I intended the service in Ofalie and Leax, the strength
of the rebellion in Lemster, and most dangerous Rebels
of Ireland. And whereas the last time the Army passed
through Leax (being one of the greatest that hath been
at any time together in this Kingdome), it was encountred
and almost distressed by the onely Natives of that
Countrie, it pleased God, that in all our conflicts, which
were many, we so prevailed against them, as though all
the Rebels in Lemster were then gathered together, yet
by killing Owny mac Rory, with many of the best men
of both Countries, and by utterly spoiling them (that
were exceeding rich in all meanes for life), they have never
since been able to make head any otherwise, then to
live dispersed in little numbers as Woodkernes, and daily
are consumed and weare away. And further, in that
yeere we recovered all the Earle of Ormonds pledges.
154
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
Upon the arrivall of the supplies sent by your Lordships, Letter to the
although the time of the yeere were farre spent, and ^°^^^ *" ^"S~
indeede over-farre to plant Garrisons to any great purpose, ^'^^'^ ^^ 5»
for the next ensuing winter, and that, at that instant we
were ill provided both of victuall and money, yet we
set forward, and the fifteenth day of September came to
Dundalke, and incamping two miles from thence, within
halfe a mile of the entrance of the Moyry, we found that
pace (by which we were to passe), being naturally one of L •'"•^'30
the most difficult passages of Ireland, fortified with good
art, and with admirable industry, (the enemy having
raised from mountaine to mountaine, from wood to wood,
and from bogge to bogge, long traverses, with huge and
high Flanckers of great stones, mingled with TurfFe, and
staked on both sides with pallisades watled), and possessed
with one of the greatest Armies that ever they were able
to make. But that which was our maine impediment,
was the extreamity of the weather, and great raine, which
made the Rivers unpassable, howbeit in the end the
waters somewhat falling, after we had indured more then
credible hardnesse, and given many, and those violent
assaults on their trenches, we wanne our passage, and
immediatly planted a garrison within eight small miles
of Armagh, now called Mount Norreys, for at Armagh
the grasse was so consumed, that we could not have
lived there with our Horses, while the place should have
beene made tenable, and this other garrison was thought
necessary to be possessed, though Armagh it selfe had
beene planted, and in the meane time of little lesse effect.
And so far did we stretch out our victuals, & improve
our time, and all other provisions, that having Tyrones
Army continually within little more then musket shot of
us, within two dales we made this Fort guardable, and
left therein all our baggage, that with all our meanes for
carriage, and even with many of our owne Horses, wee
might from the Newry convay as much victuals thither,
as might be, which we performed in so short a time,
and yet in so good time, that wee were forced to fast
155
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Letter to the two daies in our returne. This garrison could not bee
Lords in Eng- to such effect as it should bee, because wee had not
land. May 5, yfctuals enough to leave a compitent proportion for a
sufficient number of men, neither could there any Horse
be left for want of meanes for them. Neverthelesse, that
Winter there was great good service done by those of
that Fort, commanded by Captaine Edward Blaney, a
very worthy and painefuU Gentleman.
I doe not repeate the manner of our fights, nor the
number of them, both before, and after in our returne,
wherein the Rebell seldome scaped without a blow; and
namely in the pace of Carlingford, where hee received
a notable overthrow : Neither set I downe any thing in
this, to amplifie our owne doings or endeavours, but to
give your Lordships an account, how this season was
lost, from making such plantations, as by taking their
effect in the Winter, should in short time have broken
the heart of the Rebellion, and to let it appeare unto your
Lordships, by the many difficulties and oppositions wee
found in onely bending this way, how unpossible it had
beene for us at the same time, with the numbers we had,
to have planted in other places, which had beene as
necessary as this, to have made a sudden end of the
warre. And among other considerations, your Lordships
may bee pleased to conceive, that albeit the Lyst of the
Forces here in Ireland, being unitely considered, may
appeare to bee sufficiently great, yQ.t dividing the same
into his parts, as three thousand in Mounster, three
thousand at Loughfoyle, one thousand for Knockefergus,
and almost two thousand in Connaght, the remainder
(whereof I have beene onely able to prevaile my selfe,
and wherewith I have sustained the burthen of the Warre,
both in Lemster and the North), can hardly beare such
deminution, as all Armies are subject unto, in their
deficient men, with so many subdivisions, as I am
necessarily constrained to make, for the guarding of
important places (as with the Earle of Ormond, in Leaxe,
Ophalia, and divers other parts) to defend the subject
156
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
from the incursions of Rebels, and yet leave me a Letter to the
competent Army to trie a fortune with all the Rebels of Lords in Evg-
the North, which wee must bee prepared for, seeing no ^^^^' ^^ 5»
such diversion can be expected from the foresaid
Garrisons, as is able to hinder the light footed Kerne
(having fled their Creaghts into their fastnesses) from
joyning their utmost strength from the remotest partes
of their associates, in lesse then three dales warning.
Whereas wee on the contrary, in case of present use, can
hope for no manner of assistance from our disjoyned
troopes, within the compasse of as many weekes. And
besides these impediments, and many other, I did neither
then nor at any time since, meete with any more hurtfull
to my proceedings, then the restraint of our extra- [n-ni-^H-]
ordinaries, and the want of al such kind of necessaries,
as your Lordships were perswaded were onely fit for a
more royall warre ; whereas the substance of extra-
ordinaries, growing chiefly by huge provisions of
carriages, to convay victuals, and waste therein, by large
proportions of Pyoners, and other Workemens tooles,
with divers other sorts of engins, and enginers, for
fortification, and passages over Rivers, and other places
otherwise unpassable, by materials for the same, rewards
for spials and other services, I will boldly afl^rme what
I presume I can prove to your Lordships, that there is
no warre in the World, that to be efi^ectually followed,
doth require a more liberall expence for provision of all
these things, then this, and of all other extraordinaries,
saving the charge of great Artillery, whereof also in some
measure, though in a farre lesse then other places, we have
great use. And of many (perchance more forcible) to
present unto your Lordships onely these two reasons :
An Army is no where arrested with so many Rivers and
unpassable Marshes, as here : Secondly, where the warre
is to be made to best effect, we find no meanes of victuals,
or any other necessary provision, but what we bring
with us. To redeeme the losse of this opportunity for
plantation to so good effect as it should have been, I
157
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Letter to the undertooke with an Army no greater then a reasonable
Lords in Eng- garrison, to make the warre of Lemster, in the depth of
^lloz^""^^' Winter. And first I fell into the Glinnes, the fastest
Countrey of Ireland, and till now of all the parts of
Lemster, onely untouched, where I first spoiled all the
Countrey, and made Donnell Spanigah, whom before I
had received to her Majesties mercy, to joine with me
therein, and after forced Phelim Mac Feogh, and all the
Tooles, (the most pestilent infestors of the Pale) to sub-
mission, who have since shewed more apparance of good
subjects, then ever I knew or heard of any of these
Rebels. After going up and downe as farre as Athlone, I
fell into Fercale, forced Tyrrill out of an exceeding great
strength, and banished him, and in effect all the
Oconners, out of Ophaly into the North. Return-
ing towards the North, I spoiled all the Ferny,
with a journey where I was present, and wherein
(besides many other) were killed two of Euer Mac
Cooleys sonnes. I wasted the Fuse by Sir Richard
Moryson, planted a garrison above twenty miles from the
Pale in the Brenny by Sir Oliver Lambert, and returning
to Drogheda, by the generall advice of the Counsel!, I
tooke in Turlogh mac Henry, Lord of the Fuse, and
Euer mac Cooly Farmer of the Ferny, Sir Ohy Ohanlon
a Northerne Lord, and many of the Macmahowns and
Orellies, who all besides their greatest oathes, gave \xi,
such as were thought their best pledges for their loyalty.
And to loose no part of this beginning yeere 1601, having
setled the new Submitties of Lemster, and the borders
of the North, with as great assurance as I could, I drew
againe into the North, before the generall hosting for
that yeere could be in readinesse, and cleared and assured
the passage of the Moyry, by cutting downe most part
of the Woods, and building a Fort there : Then I went
into Lecayle, wholly possessed by Mac Gennis, and tooke
in all the Castles in those parts : From thence I went to
Armagh and there placed a garrison. And albeit at this
time the continual! rumours wee heard of preparations in
158
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
Spaine, made us proceede somewhat more irresolutely in Letter to the
our maine course of plantation and making the warre in ^^^^ ^" ^"^~
Tyrone it selfe, yet we went forward with an intent, to ^^^'^ ^^ 5»
draw Sir Arthur Chichester by Loughsidney into Tyrone :
to plant a garrison at the Blackwater : to force a passage
somewhat beneath it to meet him, and by building
a Fort and Bridge upon the passage, to have made
Dungannon it selfe the Center, whether without
any great difficulty the Garrisons at Loughfoyle,
Armagh, Knockfergus, Mount Norreys, and all other of
the North, might at all times meet together, to beate and
absolutely to banish the Arch-traitor out of his owne
Country : and in the performing thereof, to have spoiled
all the Rebels corne, saving such as should be within the
command of those Garrisons, whom (with the countenance
of the Army in the Harvest time) wee resolved to enable
to make large provisions thereof, for themselves and
their horses. And so farre had wee proceeded in this
course, that wee had forced Tyrone from the Blackwater,
where hee lay with his Army, and had fortified and
entrenched there with great art : we had cleared the
passage intended to Dungannon (the making of the [II. ili. 215.]
bridge onely excepted, which wee meant to supply with
a floate), and spoiled most part of their standing Corne.
About which time the assured newes was come unto us
of the ariving of the Spaniards, which first staying, and
after cleane diverting our course, we were driven by their
comming, to bend our counsels, to defend her Majesties
Kingdome from forraigne invasion, that before were busie
to recover it from inward rebellion, and to that end to
breake off our worke, and to leave the further prosecution
of that businesse (the places already possessed onely pre-
served.) By this continued time, wherein the Army from
the first was led on in action, induring all seasons, and
more fights then (I thinke) ever Army did in so short
time, your Lordships must not wonder, if to make head
against the Spaniards, wee drew up weake Companies :
for besides deficients by sicknesse, and death, there were
159
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Letter to the many Companies that had thirtie and fortie hurt men
Lords in Eng~ in them. Yet upon any uncertainty (how probable
^tlo ^^'^ ^' soever), I was loth to loose to her Majestie the chiefe
benefit of one whole yeeres service, till I was fully assured
of their landing, and therefore first drew my selfe onely
with a few horse into Mounster, and never sent for the
forces, till the very last pinch of necessitie. And thus
have your Lordships also the reasons, how this second
yeere was lost, without laying the new foundation for
rooting out of the Rebels, though God be thanked it was
wonne in defending her Kingdome from a powerflill and
ambitious Invader, to his dishonour, and I hope also to
the more sound and sudden subversion of the Rebels.
I will speake nothing of the service at Kinsale, since to
my great comfort I doe finde her Majestie and your
Lordships so well satisfied therein, but so behoofefull
for the publike good I conceived it, to make a cleane
riddance of them out of this Countrie, and as much as
I might to assure in them the performance of their
departure, that it was necessarie to keepe the Army in
those parts until! we were quit of them. And to give
them the lesse advantage, if they had purposed falsely,
I presently conveyed the Cannon into an Hand that doth
absolutely command the Haven of Kinsale, with a
sufficient guard, and beginning a fortification there at
that instant to maintaine it. I tooke order they should
have no more victuals sold unto them, then I presumed
would but serve them from day to day, and for their
provision of bread, in effect they spent on their owne
stoare. So that I could have been able at any time io
invest them againe, on as ill or worse conditions then I
left them. But before the wind and other provisions
served for their departure, the Winter was so farre spent,
that wee could not in the fittest time returne the Com-
panies to their Garrisons, nor otherwise could wee have
done it, because the places were not stored with victuals,
nor any provision for horse. And yet those little
remnants that were left to defend those places, did many
160
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
excellent services, and now I hope your Lordships shall Letter to the
daily heare of more, the whole forces being returned. ^^^^^ '« ^H-
What course we have thought on for this next Summer, ^^' '^^ 5»
I will not trouble your Lordships with the repetition
thereof, being set downe and delivered to Sir Oliver S.
Johns. Onely this I beseech your Lordships to give me
leave to remember you of, out of a publike dutie how
much soever it may seeme to taste of my private ends,
that you continually enjoyne me, and I as much endevour,
to decrease the List, yet you still send over new Cap-
taines, and command me to bestow Companies on such,
as give them up in England, to others recommended by
them, unto whome (to deale plainely) most of them doe
sell them. And even of late I have received your Lord-
ships letters for the increase of some particular mens
Companies. When I cast the Captaines which your
Lordships send over, I procure their hate, and many of
your Lordships displeasures, besides their owne friends
that favour them. If I doe not increase such as you
commend, I doe incurre the like. If I cast those Com-
panies and Captaines, that in so many trials I doe know
to bee best able to doe her Majestie service heere, I shall
dispaire, or at least bee diffident hereafter, of doing any
good, and yet have they most reason to condemne me of
injustice, and to importune your Lordships to be other-
wise relieved, that have spent most of them their blouds,
and all of them their continuall labours, even in mine
eie for the recoverie and defending of this Kingdome. I [H. iii. 216.]
humbly desire your Lordships, since heretofore it was my
fortune to be hated of few, that you will preserve mee
from becomming odious, by doing that which is fittest
for the service. For I have alreadie tasted of their
spleene, whom (God knoweth) against my will I have
been forced to cashere, though I have delt more favourably
with some of them, whom being loth to harme, I have
rather commended, when my onely fault was, that I did
not punish them. And since I hope, God will so blesse
our worke, that ere it bee long, wee shall much diminish
M. in 161 L
A.D.
1602.
Letter to the
Lords in Eng-
land, May 5,
1602. •
The Lord
Deput'ie at
Dundalke.
The Oueene's
Letter.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
the number of our labourers, if in that great cashering,
there be not meanes to preserve the best Captaines, 1
would bee loth to bee the man, that should undertake
the conclusion of the warre. And now I doe humbly
desire your Lordships to pardon mee, if out of my great
care to satisfie you in all things, I have troubled you with
so long, and (I feare mee) so unworthy a letter of your
Lordships reading, &c.
Instructions being given to Sir Robert Gardiner, and
Sir Oliver Saint Johns, whereby they might satisfie her
Majestie in all points, touching the present state of her
affaires in this Kingdome. The Lord Deputie with some
Commanders, divers voluntarie Gentlemen, and his
servants attending him, rode to Dundalke. And whilest
hee there attended the comming up of the forces, and the
arriving oi victuals, with other necessaries that might
enable him to take the field, his Lordship on the thirtieth
of May, received from her Majestie this letter following.
Elizabeth Regina.
Right trusty and welbeloved. Wee greet you well.
Whereas the paiment of our Army in that Kingdome
hath been of late yeeres made partly in money by certaine
weekely lendings, and partly in apparrell, which course
of paiment was instituted upon good considerations, to
prevent the fraud which divers Captaines o{ evil dis-
position did exercise upon their Companies. Notwith-
standing we have perceived by your letters, and by the
reports of some persons (who have had credence from
you to deliver the same to our Counsell here), that such
manner of paiment hath not wrought that effect which
was expected, in causing our Companies to bee kept
fuller, and yet is, by reason of the late alteration of the
standard of our monies there, more chargeable to Us,
then the paiment in readie moneys would bee ; We have
therefore thought good to cease that manner of payment
from henceforth, and to revive the old manner of pay-
ment in money, after the rate of eight pence by the day
162
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
of the new standard to each souldier, which course Our
pleasure is, shall begin to take place from the first day
of this moneth of Aprill, and so to be continued by your
Warrants to Our Treasurer directed ; and shall be made
from time to time by way of imprests to each Captaine
for himselfe and his Companie, at your discretion, accord-
ing to the state of their Companies, or to the necessitie
of Our service, untill the dayes of full paies, which Wee
are pleased shall bee made twise in everie yeere, viz. at The Armie to
the Feasts of Saint Michael the Arch-Angell, and the be paid twise
Annuntiation of the Virgin Marie. At which times Our '" ^^'^"^
pleasure is, that all our Armie shall be fully and clearely
paid oi their whole wages, all defalcations due upon them,
being formerly deducted. And for that purpose Wee will
provide, that against that time, there shall bee in Our
Treasurers hands money sufficient to make full paies.
And whereas by your latter letters, written since our
Councell signified unto you, that Wee were pleased to
restore this kinde of pay, you doe require, that for the
establishing thereof with contentment of our Army, two
things may bee chiefely observed. The one, that Our
Treasurer may have money in his hands sufficient from
time to time for performance of this payment. The other
that the Exchange bee duely maintained on this side,
without which you alleadge, that there will arise incon- [II. iii. 217.]
veniencies intolerable to the army ; we are pleased for
your satisfaction herein to assure you, that in both these
points wee will take such order, that neither our
Treasurer there shall want monies of the new standard
for payments necessary in that Realme, nor the bankes
here, sterling monies, to make good the exchange, accord-
ing as it is established by our Proclamations. Although
in this point we cannot omit to let you know, that we
see no cause oi such vehement complaints, as your letters
doe import, oi default in the exchange, for that uppon
examination we doe find, that of three or foure and fifty
thousand pounds returned in this last yeere, there is not
unpaied at this present above sixe thousand pounds,
163
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
which considering our excessive charges in that yeere,
ought not to give to any much cause of offence. These
two points like as we are pleased to observe, in such
manner as we have written, to the end that thereby our
Army and subjects may perceive how great our care is,
that they should receive contentment in things due unto
them. So on the other side, for that a straight observa-
tion of the same on our part, without a good correspon-
dency of yours and theirs, to remedy some inconveniencies
which thereby may be cast upon us, may prove very
burthensome to us, wee are to admonish you of the
Two points to observation of two other points necessary on your part
be observed, and theirs to be observed. The first is, that whereas
heretofore, when this manner of paiment in money onely,
which now is received, was in use, through the corrupt
disposition of some Captaines, and for want of good
discipline in our forces, great frauds were committed, as
well to us, in not keeping the full numbers by us allowed,
as also to the souldiers, in detaining their wages or part
thereof from them, which deceits without good caution
now to be used, may be againe renewed. We doe there-
fore expect, that you shall establish so good a course of
discipline for the ordering of our Bands in this point, as
that wee shall not be hereafter abused in decaies of our
numbers, as heretofore we have beene, which you shall
never so well prevent nor alien mens minds from like
frauds, as by inflicting notorious and exemplary punish-
ments upon Captaines and Officers when their faults in
this kind shall appeare to be notorious, not onely by
casting them out of our pay, but by degrading, and other
notes of ignominy, which in military discipline are used
to be justly done to men, who by their shamelesse actions
doe not onely bring shame to their profession, but to the
publike services notable impediments ; and in a manner
an evident treachery. And as this first change of pay-
ment in apparell to be paid in money, had his first motion
from you our Deputy, and the principall Captaines and
Officers of the Army, in which you now note perill, if
164
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
the exchange bee not maintained. As it is true that
that must be supported by us, and shal be, so we know
none must prevent the Captaines taking of pay for their
soldiers apparell, and not bestowing it, but your selfe,
of whose care and judgement we have great reason to
assure our selves, both for your love to our service, and
your own Honor. The second point which we recom- The second
mend unto you, is the due execution of our former P^^"^-
Proclamations, touching this matter of the exchange, and
the assistance of the Master of our exchange, and his
Ministers therein, to the end that all frauds, discovered
of late to have beene used by Merchants, who abuse our
Princely intention therein for their private gaine may be
remedied, and therein chiefly that the use of all monies
descried may be taken away from the people of that
Countrey, and withall sterling money, may bee brought
into our Exchange, upon such conditions as our Proclama-
tions containe. For that wee doe find that our intent in
the erection of this new Coyne, can no way so soone take
place, as by withdrawing all other monies from them,
whereby the Rebels may exercise traflficke with forraigne
Nations, and by them be relieved, wherefore you may
adde to the remedies in our said Proclamations mentioned,
any other good meanes that in your judgements shall be
thought meete to be used, and publish the same by
Proclamation in our name, or advertise us of your conceit,
to the end you may have warrant from us, to do that
which we shal think meet to be done therein. Further
we have thought good to admonish you, that forasmuch
as the winter apparell already delivered to the souldier,
wil not bee run out untill the fourteenth day of May [II. iii. 218.]
(inclusive). And that it is likely, seeing you know
already that we purposed to take away the delivery of
apparell, you have furnished the Companies in Lieu
thereof with some money by way of imprests, whereby it
may fall out, that we shall be double charged. Therefore
you our Deputy shall take order with our Treasurer, that
upon the halfe yeeres full pay, to be ended at Michaelmas
165
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
next, defalcation be made of so much, as any Companies
shall have received betweene the first of Aprill and the
fifteenth of May above their weekely lendings, if so much
shall be then over paied to any Company. Given under
our signet, at our Mannor of Greenewich, the eight and
twentieth of Aprill, in the foure and fortieth yeere of our
Raigne.
TAe Lord In the beginning of June, the Lord Deputy having
Depu^ enters gathered the forces together, tooke the field, and marched
yronc. ^^ ^^ Blackewater, to the passage, which he had the last
yeere discovered to be most convenient to carry her
Majesties Forces that way into the heart of Tyrone. At
this passage, lying some five miles Eastward from the
fort of Blackewater, his Lordship incamped on the South
side of the River, having a small pace or skirt of wood
betweene him and the River, of which pace he had the
yeere before cut downe many trees, so as at this time the
passage was soone cleered. Hence his Lordship sent Sir
Richard Moryson with his Regiment, to possesse the
North side of the River, for securing of the Armies
passage against any attempt of the Rebels. Thus the
Queenes forces being entered into Tyrone, there
incamped, and his Lordship spent some time in causing
a bridge to be built over the River, and a fort adjoining,
to guard the passage, which of his owne Christian name
Charkmount was called Charlemount, and left Captaine Toby Cawfield,
Tort. (with his Company being one hundred and fifty) to com-
mand the same. From the Campe the Countrey was
plaine and open to Dungannon, being distant some sixe
miles, and while these workes were in hand, we might
see the Towne of Dungannon and Tyrones chiefe House
there seated, to be set on fier, whereby it was apparant,
that Tyrone with his forces meant to flie and quit those
parts : So as the Lord Deputy sent S' Richard Moryson
with his regiment to possesse Dungannon, whether his
Lordship soone after marched with the rest of the forces.
By this time Sir Henry Dockwra a Governour of the
Forces about Loughfoyle, having planted many garrisons
166
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
in those parts, had lately planted a garrison at Omy,
(being some twelve miles distant from Dungannon),
whence he came with his forces, and met the Lord Deputy
at Dungannon. Thus the Lord Deputy having driven
the Archtraitor out of his owne Countrey, as high as
the Castle Row upon the Ban, sent out some parties to
spoile and prey the Countrey as farre as Eniskillin upon
Lough Erne. Then he toolce some of Tyrones strongest Tyimei
Hands, namely, one wherein he had a strong Fort, where ^^'^"^^ ^''^^"•
we recovered three peeces of her Majesties artillery, and
another Hand called Magherlowni, which next Dun-
gannon was the chiefe place of his aboade, and Magazins
for his warre.
From Dungannon the Lord Deputy sent Sir Richard
Moryson with five hundred foot, to meet Sir Arthur
Chichester, who came with his forces from Carickfergus,
and was to passe Loughsidney, and land within few miles
of Dungannon, where they being met, did according to
the Lord Deputies direction, begin to raise a Fort, In
the meane time the Lord Deputy having utterly banished
all Tirones partakers out of those parts, marched five
miles from Dungannon to Loughsidney, where Sir Arthur
Chichester lay with his forces, and his Lordship encamped
there, till he had made the Fort defencible to containe
above one thousand foot, and one hundred horse, which
were to be victualed from Carickfergus by the way of
the said Lough. This Fort of his Lordships Barrony,
he called Mountjoy, and made Sir Benjamin Berry (his Mountjcy
Lieftenant, and now one of the Colonels of the Army) ^°''^-
Governour of the same for the present service, which
being done, the command of the Fort was left to Captaine
Francis Roe. Likewise for the present service Sir Arthur
Chichester commanded in chiefe the forces to be left
there, which he might draw out upon all occasions of
service, as out of all other garrisons in those parts towards
Carickfergus.
While his Lordship encamped here upon Loughsidney,
hee received the eighth of July letters from her Majesty, [II. iii. 219.]
167
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Letters from signifying by her owne hand, that shee was glad of his
the Queene. recovery of that sickenesse which did surprize him, after
his many cares and labours both of body and mind in
the siege of Kinsale, commending much his providence,
that notwithstanding his owne state of body, he did set
on foot such preparations for the summers prosecution,
as nothing should be wanting when the time should serve.
That howsoever her sensible feeling oi her subjects
burthens, caused her daily to call upon him and all other
Ministers for the speedy and carefull easing thereof, yet
hee should wrong both her and himselfe in beleeving,
that thereby any errours were imputed to himselfe, whose
endeavours in that Kingdome had much improved her
opinion of him, and should rather conceive that thereby
shee would give him more occasion to call all others to
a severe accompt, who in places under him neglected
her service, and for private gaine sought to prolong the
warre, all other judgement oi her valuation of his services
making him guilty of his owne griefe, and being farre
from her disposition towards him. That since this
Summer, hee meant to lay the Axe to the roote of the
tree, by prosecuting the Arch-traitor, who had nothing
to beare him up but false rumours of Spanish aides :
This Summer (if ever any) was the time to end the
warre, since by supplies sent to the States, shee had
The Spaniards stopped the currant of the Spaniards progresse in the
progresse siege of Ostend, and had also set a chargeable Fleet to
stopped. gg^^ j.^ attend upon the Coast of Spaine, and prevent
the arrivall of any his forces in Ireland. That the reducing
the Arch-traitor by her Sword, being the onely agreeable
satisfaction shee could receive for the mischiefes fallen
upon her loving subjects, by his iniquities, shee conceived
the most ready meanes for effecting the same, was to draw
from him the chiefe Captaines of Countries. To which
purpose her pleasure was, that the Lord Deputy should
receive to her mercy such of them, as truely and humbly
sought it, wherein without prescribing him any particular
course, who best knew all circumstances, onely shee gave
168
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND aj3.
1602.
this caution, to provide against former mischiefes, that
whereas commonly the Rebels, fearing to be spoiled, were
wont to contract under-hand with the Arch-traitor, to
submit themselves, thereby for the present to save their
Countrie, and to give succours to the Rebels Creaghts
under hand, and after the returne of the Army to revolt
againe ; now hee should consider the inward motives of
their craving mercy, and where hee could not ruine them
without spending more time and charge, then the maine
action would permit, there to deale with them in a more
easie manner, otherwise to give more sharpe impositions
in the conditions of their submissions, and by wasting
their goods, to make their obedience more durable. That
shee judged one condition necessarie, not to pardon any, Pardon only
but upon service done, not onely upon those whom '^P°" ^^I'^'K^e
particularly they hated, but upon any other as they should '"'^'
bee directed. That as an argument of her confidence in
him, she gave him power of warre and peace ; onely one
thing she professed to see no cause to leave unexempted,
namely the pardoning of the Arch Traitor, a Monster of
ingratitude to her, and the roote of miserie to her people,
thinking all other mercy then the proscription of him
to all manner of prosecution, meerely incompatible with
her justice, and therfore commanding not to receive him
upon any conditions, but upon simple submission to mercy
for al things (life only excepted), & to make this her
pleasure known to all his complices, perswaded by him
that hee may bee pardoned at his pleasure, & so fearing
to leave him, least after they should bee left to his
superioritie & revenge.
Concerning fortifications against forraigne invasion, her Fortifications
Majesty gave allowance to repaire the Fort at Waterford, og^'mst
and to build Forts in the Harbours of Corke and Kinsale, fi''^^'^^^^
and to build a Fort at Galloway, and at Carlingford,
(but this last was not effected, his Lordship lesse fearing
the discent of forraine forces within Saint Georges
Channel), and further to build such small fortifications,
as hee the Lord Deputy should thinke meete, aswell for
169
A.D.
1602,
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
[II. iii. 220.]
The Lord of
Delv'in.
the present planting of Garrisons in Tyrone, as other-
where, imploying therein Captaine Bodley, or Captaine
Hansard, being with the Army, or Paul Yuye, being in
Mounster, or any whom his Lordship knew fit to oversee
"Neale Garve. and contrive these works. Concerning Neale Garve, who
held part of Odonnels Country as yet by a custodium,
her Majestie gave warrant to passe the same to him by
letters Patents ; yet in reguard of his tickle disposition,
to make such restrictions therein, as hee the Lord Deputy
and the Counsell here should thinke meete, and to pretend
the same to bee done by her Majesties speciall direction.
The Lord of Delvin, upon succours given to the
Rebels, and conferences had with Tyrone, at his comming
out of the North into Mounster, in the doubtfull time of
the siege of Kinsale, had since been imprisoned in the
Castle of Dublin, and now her Majesties pleasure was,
that hee should bee called to his triall before some of the
Counsell (tho it came to no effect, he dying in prison
before the time prefixed for his calling to answer), there
being matter enough to charge him with underhand
favouring the rebels, howsoever peradventure there would
be found no plaine matter to question him for his life
(wherein her Majestie professed no Prince on earth lesse
allowed any proceeding, where the proofes were not more
cleare then day light) and so her Majestie, howsoever
being disposed to forbeare severity, yet resolving to use
correction of so ill an instrument.
The same eight day of July the Lord Deputie received
letters from the Lords in England, wherein after con-
gratulating his Lordships recovery, as one to whom (both
in respect of her Majesties service, wherein almighty
God had extraordinarily blessed him, and for their own
particular affection) they wished both health and honor.
Their Lordships at large signified, that the grounds, of
the Summer service were so well laied, as no man could
disallow them. That supplies of men were sent, and
those without Captaines. That for the victuals required,
her Majestie thought it an unsupportable charge to pro-
170
Letters from
the Lords in
England.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
vide one yeeres victual for fourteene thousand men, yet
they had so reconciled the demaund and the provision,
as the demaund being for one yeere, and the whole
numbers by pole, the provision was answerable to the
numbers, but not for the whole time, experience teaching,
that the defects in the numbers would supply the abridge-
ment in the time, besides the help of many garrisons
taking half victuals and halfe money, and that Beeves
might be bought in every Country with mixed money
(whereas the victuals in England were provided with
sterling money.) That concerning fortifications he knew
her Majesties pleasure, praying him to commit that worke
to such discreete and honest persons, as her Majestie
might neither bee put to unnecessarie charges, nor
deceived in the disbursements. That more then fortie 40000//.
thousand pounds had beene paied to Merchants in London f"^i^^ fo
for billes of exchange, granted by the Treasurer to Irish t^Z^"^^'"
Merchants, for satisfying their debts due in London
before the alteration of the standard, which absurd course
hee could never have held, if hee had given no Merchant
any bill of exchange for any more money then hee could
bring good proofe to have disbursed, or to owe for
Merchandize brought into the Kingdome. That whereas
upon his Lordships motion, and the Captaines good
liking, her Majesty had beene pleased to commit the
apparelling of the souldier to them, against which
resolution now many reasons were produced, their Lord-
ships found further impediment, in that three hundred
pound imprest to each Captaine before hand was required,
and their sufficiency for the greater part to answere such
a summe, was so doubted, as it was thought her Majesties
mony should runne a hazard, whereas formerly the Con-
tractors gave her Majesty time, and besides put in good
sureties to answere all defects. Besides that, it was feared
the Captaines would either let the Souldier goe naked,
or fill their Companies with Irish, who would require
no apparell ; requiring to know his Lordships judgement,
whether the old course were fitter to be continued then
171
A.D.
1602.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
this. Lastly, that they conceived the King of Spaine,
had not fully abandoned his purposes for Ireland, yet
were advertised that her Majesties Fleet lying upon that
Coast, made him for the present rather apply his Counsell
to stand upon defence, esteeming it dangerous to put
to Sea while her Majesties ships were so ready to attend
him : so as they hoped his Lordship should not be
interrupted by any forraigne power, although no
certainety could be given of such actions of Princes, who
having many designes, and for them many preparations,
may change minds at their pleasures.
In the same Campe, and the same eighth of July, the
[I[. lii. 221.] Lord Deputy received the following letter from Master
Secretary Cecyll, betweene whom a firme combination of
love (or at least) so firme as to such great persons is
incident, had long beene practised, and now within few
moneths had beene finally confirmed.
Letter from
Master
Secretary
Cecyll.
MY Lord, if I were now to beginne the frame of our
friendship, I should be curious to fasten it with
all the t&n nailes that belong to Architecture, because in
the beginning men are curious to observe Minutissima ;
but I that know how straight the knots are tied of our
affections, by the mutuall offices of love and confidence,
doe not tie my selfe to these complements, which are
held of great consequence, but in vulgar and light friend-
ships. Let that argument serve therefore for excuse of
my long silence, because I judge you by my own
affections. To speak of the subject of the general
dispatch in this my private letter, were but impertinent,
seeing I have joined in the same, & yet seeing I write
there as a Counsellour, and here as a friend, that hath
bound himselfe by election, and not by compulsion, I will
tell you my opinion sincerely of those things which are
most material in the same : first my Lord I do assure
you, that it is not in the compasse of my judgement how
to maintaine that Army, at that height it is at, longer then
172
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
the time of prosecution, without extreame prejudice of Letter from
this estate, whereof though you are not the efficient cause, Master
or Sine qua non, yet I must confesse, I had rather that ^^^^^^p
lot might light upon any other then upon you, because
I would be loth your returne should not succeed a
diminution thereof, whereby you might receive the
thanks for that effect, by which this State feeleth victory
more then by any other consequence whatsoever. For
this purpose, I must confesse, I have endeavoured to
prepare her Majesties mind to give you the power of
compounding with Rebels, both because you draw the
Sword which would best cut out the conditions of sub-
mission, and because for a while they shall rather hope
for, then feele any forraigne succours : For the Traitor
himselfe, what you have you see, and therefore I know
that must be your warrant, yet will I privately say this
unto you, that if her Majesty had not the prejudice in
her owne thoughts, that he will insult when it comes to
the upshot, and so her opening her selfe in offer of a
pardon, would returne unto her a double scorne, I am
confidently perswaded, that when you have made triall,
and shall make it appeare, that there is no other impedi-
ment, then her Majesties acceptation, you shall receive
sufficient warrant for conclusion. In the meane time, lest
you should say, you are put to doe that which is tender to
handle, because my word can be no warrant, or for that
which is impossible to effect, (which is, that he will
trust his lire in your hands by a personall sub-
mission), first you have warrant to trie it for receiv-
ing him upon condition of his life, so as therein
you may fashion your owne course as you list.
Secondly, for the point of his not daring to trust the
State for his personall comming in, all other things but
that may be digested, and that doubt sent over hither,
whereby her Majesty shall yet have the honour of refiisall,
(if God doe so dispose her heart), and not he, which her
Majesty seeketh to avoid. For the preparation in Spaine,
I can say no more then I have done, in the joint dispatch,
173
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1602.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Letter from
Master
Secretary
Cecyll.
onely the continuance of her Majesties Fleete upon the
Coast ; and this breaking out of Byrones conspiracy, in
which Spaine hath given the French King occasion of
offence, may hinder any present invasions, and so give
you more time, then when Don Jean arrived it was
resolved. And thus have I now of the publike affaires
delivered you as much, as I know to be worthy of adver-
tisement. My Lord, being somewhat troubled with a
paine in my eies, I presumed to write the ordinary matters
of my letter in a borrowed hand, reserving that which
was of more privatenesse to my owne selfe. To assure
you oi the Queenes acceptation of your services, and of
the abolition of her former exceptions, I vow before God,
that my heart doth give me that warrant, out of my
poore judgement of her disposition, (more then upon
sudden speeches sometime when the first apparition of
new charge and likelihood to continue doth present it
selfe), that I might say, Dormito securus : When I can
by any occasion, I bring Sir Oliver Saint Johns to her
Majesty, because hee may see how her Majesties affec-
tions move, to whose report oi her language now, to him
I doe referre mee. But to come to the point, my Lord
this I say, the way to doe your Lordship good, is to
[II. iii. 222.] increase your merit, and that cannot be done without
increasing your meanes. For the supplies of meanes
therefore to prosecute, I labour (as far as I have credit)
to procure you them. For the way to make an end by
peace, I think no man seekes more then my selfe to
inable you, by perswading her Majesty to give you that
power ; wherein when lack of arguments happens, to
worke her Majesties mind (which in her Princely indigna-
tion against that Arch-traytor is full of obstruction), I doe
fall to the binding argument (which of all things most
concludeth), and that is this : That in short time the
sword cannot end the warre, and long time the State of
England can not wel indure it. What in the first is
granted, I leave to the things themselves. But for the
second kind, I confesse that in Tirones case you have
174
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
nothing that can produce good effect, except there be Letter from
more morter sent you to fasten the foundation, which is Master
yet to bee laid upon drie stone. For although I know ^rTu'^
that by this warrant you may safely give eare, and can
cause him to be delt with, yet that which you can doe
for him by this way, will bee by him contemned. In
which respect, as I know your Lordship hath wisdome
enough to conceale the latitude of your Commission, so
beleeve me (out of my judgement) that if the Queene
may once perceive, that it is only in her, that he comes
not to reasonable conditions, and if shee were sure that
shee should not be scorned, by offering that which he
would not accept, then such is her Princely judgement,
and such are the minds of us all, that are sworne to give
her Majestic true Counsell, as I doubt not, but by our
humble importunitie upon your advertisements what you
find would bee accepted, her Majestie would bee readily
induced to doe that, which is so much for her Majesties
service, being a matter, which if my prayers to God could
have otherwise brought to passe in her mind at this time,
I know full well how much it had bin more advantagious,
then to have it sent after occasion, and fittest opportunitie.
And so much (my Lord) for my Comment upon the text
of her Majesties owne letter. For your returne therefore
I remaine as I was, that it could bee of no other conse-
quence to her Majestie, then for the greatest good of her
service, and to your selfe infinite comfort and honour.
Of which it is superfluous to speake, till time give mee
more light, and give you more opportunitie in this
present action, to send mee more grounds. Then will I
not faile to speak like an honest man, that will neither
halt nor practise with you. In confidence whereof,
worthy Lord, beleeve me, that I can be to any subject
living, I will bee to you, in which I must confesse I
am more fixed, because I see your moderation, which all
that follow you there have not ; and therefore in all
great things beleeve mee by my selfe, as I will doe you.
For if you had not the facultie of distinction of every
175
A.D,
1602.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Letter from
Master
Secretary
Cecyll.
ones humour, that together with their generall and honest
affections to you, have also (as most flesh and bloud hath)
their owne private ends (in which they are not ever so
juditious as to consider, whether all that is good for them,
be good simul & semper for you), I shall bee often
jealous, that they would shew mee to you in many colours
of opennesse or privacy, as their appetite serves more or
lesse. Of our French newes, I have intreated Sir Oliver
Saint John to bee my Referendary, being of opinion, that
Byrone and Auvergne are both executed by this time,
though I know it not. Their practise doubtlesse was to
have joyned with Spaine by Savoy, for some greatnesse
not fit for subjects, but whether so farre as to execute
any thing against the Kings person (as ad faciendum
populum it is divulged), I cannot confidently speake as
yet, because mee thinkes his owne creature could not bee
such a monster in that kind.
For Spaine I must still say, that I conclude they will
assaile Ireland againe, and that they would have beene
there ere this time, but for her Majesties Fleete, which
shee hath now returned to tarrie out till October. To
say where they will land, were a strange speculation :
but I doe assure you for my owne part, that I cannot
bee diverted from my opinion, that they will againe come
into Mounster. I send you not the newes of Sir Richard
Levisons taking of the Carricke at Lisbone, because it
came but to day by France, but surely I hope it is true,
and the Flemmings have surely taken one. God send
you all happinesse and long life to doe her Majestic
[II. iii. 223.] service; of whom I aske no more requitall then that if
you out-live me, you remember, that Will Cecyll was
Sonne to a father and mother that loved you. The chiefe
cause why the Queene is so peremptory towards the
Traitor, is that she hath heard, that after Blount went to
him, he bragged that he was wooed. Now I know not
how true that was, but Sir Robert Gardner seemed to
thinke, that the Traitor in that point was belied. Sir
Oliver S. John is very discreete, and worthy your extra-
176
A Carricke
taken at
Lisbone.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
ordinary favours ; he knowes well what is fit for every
man.
Your affectionate friend to doe you service
Ro. Cecyll.
After the building of Mountjoy Fort, the Lord Deputy
purposed to follow Tyrone through his greatest Fastnesse,
till he should utterly ruine him, or drive him that way to
the Sea : but by reason this degree of prosecution required
long time, and already the victuals were wasted, which
his Lordship could with any conveniency bring with him,
and because the further the Traitor should be followed,
his Lordship should bee the further from any meanes to
relieve his Forces, he was inforced to alter his resolution,
and imbrace the following course of it selfe as good as the
former. First, he dismissed Sir Henry Dockwra, to Orders to
gather and provide for some good numbers of men at the ^'^ Henry
Omy, and to prepare within twenty daies, to draw as °'^ ""^^"
farre as Dungeven in Ocanes countrie, sufficiently inabled
with meanes to prosecute, and fall upon Tyrone that way.
Secondly, his L^ gave order to Sir Arthur Chichester, to
doe the like by Toome. And lastly he himselfe purposed
to returne within 20 daies limited, to make the warre
upon Tirone by the way of Killetro, lying next upon
the border of Tyrones Countrie. In the meane time,
on all sides they put up as much victuals as they could,
to such places as were most fit for the subsisting of these
severall forces, during this prosecution. His L"^ was con-
fident, that the Garrison of the Omy under Sir Henrie
Dockwra, and the Garrison of Mountjoy upon Lough-
sidney, (where were left 850 foot, and 100 horse) under
Sir Arthur Chichesters command, would restraine Tirone
from the Plaines into the Fastnesses (where now he was)
for the twenty daies above limited. In the meane time,
his Lordship with the Army intended to lie in such places,
as without great convoyes he might put up victuals for
this purpose, meaning to imploy the time in assuring or
wasting all the Countries betwixt Blackwater and the Pale.
M. HI 177 M
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
And with this purpose he marched back towards
Monaghan, and in the way taking some Hands and strong
places, though in those and all the former services we
had not lost five men of the Armie, yet we had the
disaster, by a casuall shot out of one of the Hands, to
Sir John leese Sir John Barkley, a worthy Gentleman, and Serjeant
Barkley and Major of the Army, and in another slight skirmish to
2r ^'^^'' ^^^^^ ^^P^- W^^^^s- Upon the death of Sir John Barkley,
his L^ made Sir Henry Davers Serjeant Major in his
place, and comming into Monaghan, his L^ on the 19
of July advertised the Lords in England of the former
services, as also that hee had directed Sir Henry Dockwra,
and Sir Arthur Chichester, that in case any new Spanish
forces should land in Ireland, they should draw unto him
with their principall forces, yet leave the Garrisons
defensible, as bridles to the submitted late rebels, and
a diversion to the rest remaining in rebellion. That how-
soever the numbers of those Garrisons seemed to threaten
the continuance of her Majesties charge, yet it was the
most sure way to lessen the Army, and end the warre in
short time, which onely forraigne invasion could hinder,
in which case, it would be no longer the warre of Ireland,
but the warre of England in Ireland, and would require
as royall supplies, as if a part of England were invaded
by so mighty a Prince. That the Garrisons upon Tirone
were left so strong in numbers, as that every of them a
part, might without apparant hazard, not onely withstand
all the Force, wherewith Tyrone was able in any one
place to make head against them, but bee stirring with
some parties to seeke out him and his Creaghts in their
Fastnesses, and to keepe them from feeding, or stirring
upon the Plaine, which must necessarily undoe the rebels,
and this effect of the Summers service would appeare in
the next winter. For if in the meane time it were not
his Lordships hap, according to his earnest endevour, to
get Tyrones head, which was a worke of difficultie, not
to be hoped in so short a time, yet he was confident to
[II. iii. 224.] cut off so many of his members, as he should not bee
178
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
able to continue in any one place, but should bee forced
to flie from bush to bush like a Wood-kerne, as now
hee did, so long as the Army kept the field, which being
dissolved, hee would soone grow to strength againe,
except the Garrisons were kept strong, so as he might not
dare to appeare himselfe, or to feede his Creaghts upon
the Plaine, which could not be performed without having
great store of victuals to maintaine the Garrisons. That
for the matter of fortifications, whereas their Lordships The
noted the summes demanded to bee excessive, this fortifications.
demand proceeded from a zeale to secure the Kingdome
speedily, and by entring into a Royall charge at once, to
cut off her Majesties continuing charge, which being now
above three hundred thousand pound yeerely, it seemed
good husbandry, if by bestowing one hundred thousand
pound at once, especially in the new mixed coyne, her
Majesty might both secure the Kingdome against
forraigne invasion, and so bridle the Townes and
Countrie, as halfe the said yeerely charge might be
presently saved, and yet the Army might be drawne
stronger into the field then now it could bee : for it would
be lesse charge to her Majestie, to keepe twenty men in
a Castle costing five hundred pound the building, then
to keepe one hundred men in a Fort built for one hundred
pound, yet that hee would conforme himselfe to her
Majesties pleasure in that point, imploying the money
allowed to the best he possibly could. That whereas hee
the Deputie had moved, that the Captaines might provide
clothes for their companies, now upon better considera-
tion hee thought the old course of clothing them by
the Merchants was of necessitie to be continued. That
touching Neale Garve, his Lordship found him to bee NeakGarve's
of nature fierie and violent, and with all extremely both ^'^f'^re.
proud and covetous, and as Sir Henrie Dockwra had very
well described him to their Lordships, to bee in his
desires and demaunds most unreasonable, and almost
intoUerable, so as he that must containe him within any
fitting bounds, especially when he shuld be denied any
179
A.D.
1602.
The Spaniards
ready to
returne into
Ireland.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
thing that he affects, or be enjoyned to do any thing
that he did not like, must be of an infinite patience ;
for at such times he used to breake out in a fashion most
hardly to bee indured, although his Lordship professed,
that he tooke it rather to bee want of breeding, and of
knowledge to discerne, when he hath good usage and
when hard (for through that defect he still thought him-
selfe wronged, and out of that conceit grew to that
distemper), then any want of good affection to the State.
For Sir Henry Dockwra did acknowledge, that upon all
occasions of service, that had not appeared evidently to
prejudice him in his particular, he shewed himselfe
forward, and very ready to the hazarding of his owne
person very often. In which respect his Lordship hold-
ing him worth the cherishing, (being besides well followed
by all his Country, so as her Majesties service received
very great furtherance both by him and them), was there-
fore resolved, according to her Majesties warrant lately
received, to passe him the grant of his Country.
His Lordship further wrote, that he received many
advertisements, that the Spaniards were ready to returne
into Ireland, which though he for his part beleeved not
in regard their Lordships thought the contrary, yet the
people here by many letters from their friends in Spaine
were made confident, that they would make a new and
strong invasion, before Michaelmas day at the furthest.
That in this regard he made haste to draw the warre
to some good end, no way so well to bee done, as by
planting strong Garrisons upon Tirone, and by drawing
from him his strongest partakers, to which purpose he
had sent Sir Henrie Folliot to governe the Garrison lately
planted at Ballishannon, who had instructions to receive
Mac Guyre to mercy, upon condition he would be content
to have his Country divided betweene O Connor Roe
and himselfe, and would deliver to her Majesties use the
Castle of Eniskillin with the Ordinance therein. His
L^ further signified, that when the Garrison of BalH-
shannon had effected the intended service, he would leave
180
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
it as a Warde, this same and all other fortifications being
so made, as one smal Fort of very good strength was
first framed guardable by a few, to which was added a
greater Fort of lesse strength & charge, like to a bawne or
yard, wherein many upon occasion might be lodged, so
as if at any time one Company were found sufficient,
the rest being drawne away, the losse of the bigger Fort,
(being commanded by the lesser) would be of little
moment, and yet might bee kept fit to receive greater [II. lii. 225.]
numbers, if it were thought fit to send them againe at
any time. Adding that if the Queene would be pleased
to build a little Castle in every one of the lesser Forts,
it would greatly lessen her Majesties charge in the
numbers of men, and yet be sufficient perpetually to
bridle the Irish.
The nine and twentieth of July, the Lord Dcputie
being in Monaghan, received letters from Sir George Letters from
Carew, Lord President of Mounster, by the hands of Sir ^'^ George
Samuel Bagnol whom the Lord Deputie had sent into '^^^'^'
Mounster to bring from thence fifteene hundred foote,
which accordingly hee had performed. These letters
advertised certaine expectation of the Spaniards present
invading Mounster, with great forces able to keepe the
field, without any support from the Irish Rebels, which
expectation was grounded upon the confessions of many
comming out of Spaine, and by divers letters sent from
thence by the Irish, but especially was confirmed by the
arrivall of a Spanish ship at Ardea, bringing a good pro- Arrwallofa
portion of munition to Oswillyvan Beare, Captaine S/>(j«u/5 ship
Tyrrell, and other Rebels in Mounster, together with a ^^ '^'''^^''•
good summe of money, to be distributed among them,
for their incouragement to hold out in rebellion, till the
Spanish succours should arrive. And the Lord President
signified his feare of a generall defection, upon the
Spaniards first arrivall, which hee gathered from the con-
fidence of all the Rebels in that Province, who having
before sought for mercy in all humblenesse, and with
promise to merit it by service, now since the Spanish ship
181
A.D.
1602.
A running
Post betwcene
Corke and
Dublin.
Mac
Mahozvn^s
Countrie
spoiled.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
arrived, were growne proud (calling the King of Spaine
their King, and their ceasing from rebellion, to be the
betraying of their King and of the Catholike cause), yea,
fell nothing from this insolency, though they had bin
some times beaten by him, many of their chiefe men
killed, and had lost the strong Castle of Dunboy. And
the twentieth of July, the Lord President advertised new
intelligences of Spanish forces in great numbers, lying
ready at the Groyne either to bee sent for Ireland, or
the Low Countries, whereof 2000 being horse, there was
no probabilitie that they should bee sent by sea for the
Low Countries, since they might more conveniently bee
raised in those parts. Wherefore hee resolutely beleev-
ing they were intended for Ireland, desired that for speede
of intelligences, a running Post might againe be estab-
lished betwene Corke and Dublin.
The Lord Deputie by this time had planted a Garrison
in Monaghan, wherein hee left for the present Sir
Christopher S. Laurence with his 25 horse, and 150 foote,
and under him Captaine Esmond with his foote one
hundred fifty. This Garrison lay fitly to secure the Pale
from Northerne incursions, and to prosecute those Rebels
which were like to stand out longest. This done, his
Lordship tooke, burned, and spoiled all the Hands in
those parts of greatest strength, placing wards in some of
them. And finding Mac Mahown chiefe of Monaghan
to stand upon proud termes (though otherwise making
sute to bee received to mercy), his Lordship spoiled and
ransacked all that Countrie, and by example thereof,
brought many Chiefes of adjoyning Countries to submit
to mercy, with as good shew of dutie and obedience as
could bee desired, and more strict othes and pledges then
had formerly been required. So as now, from the Bann
to the Dartry (including all Tyrone) and from thence to
Dublin, the whole Country was cleared, and the chiefe
Lords more assured, then they were ever before. His
Lordship placed Connor Roe Mac Guyre (to whom her
Majesty had lately given the Chiefery of Fermannagh)
182
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.o-
1602.
in the principall house of Mac Mahown, Chiefe of
Monaghan, lying within two miles of Fermannagh, so
as he might from thence easily plant and settle himselfe
in his owne Country, and so bee able to doe her Majesty
many good services in those parts.
This done his Lordship returned to the Newry, mean-
ing there for a short time to refresh his wearied forces.
The 29 of July, his Lordship and the Counsell with him,
made to the Lords in England a relation of the past
services (which for brevity I omit), and wrote further as
followeth. Upon such bruites as we heare of a new How to meet
invasion out of Spaine, (the L. President in a manner ^^^ Spaniards.
assuring us that they will in that Province invade presently
with a strong Army of 15000 foot and 2000 horse) we
are much distracted what next to do ; for if we should
draw that way, to provide to entertaine them, wee should [H. iii. 226.]
loose the advantage of this prosecution, and spend another
yeere unprofitably, which wee grieve to thinke upon, and
yet perhaps misse of their place of landing. If we pro-
ceede, as we yet intend, to draw this warre to a speedy
end (which is that which we acknowledge we do most
affect), we shall bee the lesse able to make that defensive
stoppe to their invasion, that wee might, if we attended
that businesse onely. We do therefore most humbly and
earnestly desire to be directed from your Lordships (who
in likelihood best know the Spaniards intentions) which
of these courses we should most apply our selves unto,
otherwise we are resolved, whatsoever befall, to prosecute
the warre Northward with all earnestnesse, out of the
desire wee have to draw the warre to an end, and ease
her Majestic of that excessive charge, which to our
exceeding griefe we observe her to be at, which we doubt
not to effect to her great contentment, and ease her
Majestie speedily of a great part of her charge, if we
be not interrupted by the Spaniard ; for besides the
good hold we have gotten of those, that have already
submitted themselves, which by all arguments of sound
and sincere meaning in them, we tooke to be better and
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
more assured then any that was taken heretofore, since
her Majestic and her Ancesters enjoyed this Kingdome,
especially with the holds that we have planted among
them, wee have set downe such a plot for the prosecution
of the rest, upon all hands at one instant, so soone as
wee take the field next, which is agreed upon the tenth
of the next moneth, (till which time wee have thought
fit to refresh this Army overtoiled & wearied out with
continuall working upon the Forts, that we have made,
and with exceeding great marches, which we were driven
to, for lacke of meanes to carrie victuals with us for a
longer time), as we are very confident we shall in short
time ruine or subdue all these rebels. For we have left
no man in all the North that is able to make any very
great resistance, or that hath not made meanes to bee
received to mercy, O Rourke onely excepted, who hitherto
hath been furthest off from feeling the furie of our
Tyrone beaten prosecution. Tyrone is alreadie beaten out of his
out of his Countrie, and lives in a part of O Canes, a place of
ountttc. incredible fastnesse, where though it be impossible to doe
him any great hurt, so long as hee shall bee able to keepe
any force about him, the waies to him, being unaccessible
with an Army, yet by lying about him, as we meane to
doe, we shall in short time put him to his uttermost
extremitie, and if not light upon his person, yet force
him to flie the Kingdome. In the meane time we
can assure your Lordships thus much, that from
O Canes Country, where now he liveth, which is
to the Northward of his owne Countrie of Tirone,
we have left none to give us opposition, nor of
late have seene any but dead carcases, meerely starved
for want of meate, of which kinde wee found many in
divers places as wee passed. The forces which last wee
drew out of Mounster, being fifteene hundred foote,
above the Mounster Lyst, (which the Lord President
desired to retaine there onely till hee had ended his
businesse at Donboy) are now under the command of
Sir Samuel Bagnol, (presently upon their arrivall to the
184
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
borders) directed by the Annely to prosecute O Rourke, sir Samuel
where most fitly he may joyne with the forces of Con- BagmPs
naght, and shall bee met withall by those of Ballishannon, f"^^^^-
commanded by Sir Henrie Folliot. All those will helpe
us greatly to pen up the Northerne Rebels on that side,
when wee next attempt them (as by the tenth of August
wee meane to doe) from Loughfoyle and Carickfergus,
which Sir Arthur Chichester from thence is now very
well enabled for, by the meanes of the Garrisons we last
planted at Toome, and upon Lough Sidney, both being
on that side of the Lough, that lies next upon Tirone.
And as those forces on Connaght side, lie very fitly to
assist us, for the speedie dispatch of the worke, so are
they very ready to intertaine the Spaniards, if they should
land in Connaght, and not much unfit for Mounster, if
they should arrive there. Wee have directed them there-
fore severally to applie and bend their endeavours to
answere these sundrie occasions. And this in our provi-
dence is the best course that we can thinke upon ; for by
the same, if Spaniards come not, wee shall goe on verie
roundly with our businesse, and wee hope (by the grace
of God) performe it to your great contentment, and if
they come (which is the worst), they will be able to make
some good defensive warre, till wee with the rest shall
draw unto them, and then we cannot hope to doe any [n. iii. 227.]
more, untill your Lordships supply us royally out of
England. For if the Spaniard come so strong in horse
and foote, as is reported, and as it must needs be thought
he will, (finding the errour that the last time he com-
mitted), it may not be expected at our hands with all
the Forces wee can draw to head, leaving some Forts
guarded, (as we must needs doe, to bridle and keepe in
awe the Countrey, and to keep our former labours from
being utterly overthrowne), that wee shall be able of our
selves to put them from any place that they have a minde
to hold, but must rather give them way, till we be better
furnished. Wee are therefore humbly to desire your Lord-
ships, if the Spaniards arrive, or if you expect them cer-
185
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
l602.
tainely, then to thinke upon us favourably, and to supply
our wants, and that speedily, especially men, munition,
and victuals, for this Kingdome will not be able to aifoord
us any thing for such a warre, as then wee must make,
which your Lordships cannot but know farre better then
wee can expresse, for as wee have noted heretofore (which
we beseech you give us leave still to remember you of),
it will not then be any longer the warre of Ireland, but
the warre of England in Ireland, to the infinite danger
and comber of them both, though for our parts wee will
most cheerefully undergoe the toyle and hazard thereof,
as it becommeth us. To conclude, wee must acquaint
J3uses of your Lordships with a very great abuse crept in amongst
victuals. the Ministers of the victuals, which doth marvellously
prejudice her Majesties service here : Wee can never
know from any of them when the victuals arrive in any
part, whether it be part of an old contract, or of a new,
nor indeed whether it be for her Majesty or for them-
selves : by that meanes we can never find how we are
provided for, nor what we may further expect, and that
which worse is, the Rebels get of the best victuall that is
sent hither, and yet wee cannot call the victualer to account
thereof, for he affirmes stiffely, that he is warranted by
your Lordships to sell it for his benefit, and so as hee
sell it to the subject, (how ill affected soever), it is no fault
of his, if the Rebell afterward get it. It is in vaine for
us by our extreame toile to spoile the Rebels corne, and
wast their Countrey, (the best way yet found to bring
them to obedience), if they can get that English victuals
for their money, which we verily thinke was provided
for those that serve her Majesty here, and the best of it
too, when the poore souldier hath that which is not worth
the eating. Thus much wee have of late discovered,
which wee leave to your Lordships consideration, not
doubting, but it will please you to provide remedy, and
so, &c.
The Victualers above mentioned, had obtained of the
Lords liberty to sell some victuals, upon pretence (as it
1 86
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
seemes) that the same would grow musty, and must either
be sold or lost, but they abused this liberty so farre, as
the best victuals were sold to the Irish Subjects, and by
them, to those that were in actuall rebellion, while they
made bold to utter their musty provisions to the Queenes
Army.
The seventh of August the Lord Deputy wrote to Sir
Arthur Chichester as likewise to Sir Henry Dockwra, to
make all things in readines against his taking the field,
which he purposed to doe within three dales, and his
Lordship projected with them, in case Tyrone should
goe into Fermanagh, how to turne their faces upon him
that way, or otherwise to draw into Cormacke mac Barons
Countrey, for since her Majesty would not be induced
to shew any mercy to Tyrone himselfe, the onely way
to end the warre was to force Cormacke, either presently
by feare of his Countries spoiling, or in short time by
planting a garrison at the Cloher, to submit himselfe.
Some few dales after his Lordship received from her
Majesty this following Letter.
Elizabeth Regina.
Right trusty and wellbeloved. We greet you well. The Queene's
Although We have heard nothing from you directly ^^(t^r.
since Our last dispatch, yet We impute it to no neglect
of yours, having so great cause to judge the best of
your actions, when every dispatch from other parts of
Our Kingdome, reports of great honour in the successe
of Our Army under you, a matter specially appearing
by those letters, which We have scene directed to our [II. iii. 228.]
Treasurer at Warres in Ireland, containing the discourse
of your Marches, and abiding in the heart of Tyrone,
and the recovery of that Hand, and that Ordinance of
Ours, which had beene fouly lost before. In which
respect Wee value the same so much the more acceptably.
We have also thought good at this time to adde this
further, that We are glad to find that you are joined with
Dockwra and Chichester, because that is the thing which
187
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602,
hath beene long wished, often attempted, but never before
effected, (being indeed the true consequence of Our
Plantation, with great expence both at Loughfoyle and in
other parts of Ulster). So as when Wee perceive that
now the time is come, when you may make an universall
prosecution, and when We find that your owne words give
such hope, that this ungratefull Traitor shall never be
able to hold up his head againe, if the Spaniard doe not
arrive, Wee thought it fit to touch these two things
following. First to assure you, that Wee have sent a
A Fleete sent Fleete to the Coast of Spaine, notwithstanding Our
to the Coast of former Fleet returned with the Caricke, there to attend
spatne. j^-g (;^oast, and all such Fleetes as shall be prepared to
annoy Us. Next We doe require you, even whilest the
Iron is hot, so to strike, as this may not onely prove
a good Summers journey, but may deserve the title of
that action, which is the warres conclusion. For further-
ance whereof. We have spared no charge, even now againe
to send a Magazine of victuall, and other necessaries,
to those places, by which you may best maintaine those
garrisons, with which you resolve to bridle those Rebels.
We have heard likewise from Carew our President of
Beere-Haven Mounster, that he hath taken the Castle was held by the
Castle taken Rebels at Beere-Haven, and defended with the Spanish
by Sir George Ordinance. In that Province We find by him, that there
Carew. . . r n • -^ ^ r -i • x.
is constant expectation or Spanish succours, tor which
reason, and considering what promises the King of Spaine
doth make them, and with what importunity they begge
it at his hands, besides one other craft they use, to hide
from him all feare, which might divert him from that enter-
prize, agreeing amongst themselves, how great soever
their miseries be, to conceale the same from him and his
Ministers, as appeareth well by a letter oi Odonnels owne
hand intercepted of late, by which he writes to a Rebell
called O Connor Kerry, desiring him to advertise him
of the state of Ireland, but in no sort to deliver any bad
report of their losses, because he would be loth that the
Spaniard should know it.
188
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THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1602.
A Margent
note in her
Majesties
ozone hand.
We doe require you very earnestly to be very wary in
taking the submissions of these Rebels, who ever make Rebel
profit of their comming in. Some let slip of purpose by cunning,
the Archtraitor, others when they have compounded for
their owne peace, are notoriously knowne to fill their
Countries with more Cattle then ever they had in seven
yeeres before, which is a matter that most notoriously
discovereth, that the great bordering Traitors, (whose
Countries are sought to be laied wast) doe find a safe
protection for their goods under them. A matter whereof
we speake in no other sort, then by way of caution,
knowing that no rule is so generall, either to leave or
take, which may not change, in respect of circumstances.
Given under our Signet. At our Manner of Greenewich
the fifteenth day of July, in the foure and fortieth of Our
Raigne.
To this letter, in the Margent, were added these words
in her Majesties owne hand : We con you many laudes
for having so neerely approched the villanous Rebell,
and see no reason why so great forces should not end
his dales, whose wickednesse hath cut off so many, and
should judge my selfe mad, if we should not change
your authority for his life, and so we doe by this. Since
neither Spaniard, nor other accident, is like to alter this
minde, as she that should blush to receive such indignity
after so royall prosecution. We have forgotten to praise
your humility, that after having beene a Queenes Kitchin
maide, you have not disdained to bee a Traitors skullion.
God blesse you with perseverance.
Your Soveraigne, E. R.
At the same time his Lordship received this following
letter from Master Secretarie.
MY very good Lord ; it must not seeme strange to
you, to find this marginall cotation in her Majesties
letter, whereby the last authority (in pardoning Tyrone)
is so absolutely retrenched. For first, as her Majesty [ll. iii. 229.]
(in these cases) may well (out of experience of governe-
189
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
The meaning ment) assume more to her royall prudence then any of
^/'^^ her Counsel! : so (God in Heaven doth know) that even
argen no e. -^ these great causes, shee is pleased to proceed more
absolutely then ever, according as shee pleaseth to approve
her will, by the Rules of her owne Princely judgement.
So as if you consider how little good the last authority
(which was given you to pardon no more but his life)
could have effected, you will easily imagine that wee
thought it to little purpose here, to offend by contestation
against this letter, when in both the directions the
difference was of so little consequence. Lastly, the
change that is, proceeded meerely from the hopes which
your owne letters to the Treasurer have given, of our
opinion so to ruine him as he should never be able againe
to stand ; whereof it is true, that her Majesty hath taken
so good and comfortable hold, the same being so just
and agreeable to the difficulty of her owne nature to
forgive that offender, as although in effect shee had done
little more then nothing before, yet shee thinkes any
mercy to him to bee much. It remaineth therefore that
I resort to explane my selfe in my former advice, when I
and some others wished you, though you had warrant
to conclude for no more then life onely, that you should
notwithstanding (seeing you had warrant sufficient to
heare from him), in no case forbeare to discover what
were his highest, or what would be his lowest ; for this
was our intent, as faithfuU Counsellors, if you found the
State to be such, as (without his submission to be a
Subject) all others comming in would be idle, and that
to offer him nothing but life, (which he hath already,
and will keepe too long, I feare mee) were the way to
lacke that good, which by yeelding to more, might have
been effected, that then and in such case, you should not
forestall him so peremptorily in your dealing with him,
as to repell those overtures which hee would make : for
though you were not to conclude for more then you had
warrant, yet when you might send over what it was,
and what your opinion was thereupon, it might be, that
190
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad
1602.
when her Majesty should see what might have come, shee
would be content (for the good of her Kingdome) to
descend from the greatnesse of her owne heart, full of
just indignation against him. These things I touched,
out of the infinite caution, whereunto the experience
of my misfortune to be misjudged presseth mee more
violently, then any other, whereby I would secure my
selfe against any doubts, that I would practice upon you
in any thing, for any respect whatsoever, which might be
pernitious to you, to whom I have professed all honest
friendship. For I protest unto you, howsoever it may
be some mens Phylosophy, to conclude that all private ^ good
considerations must be extinguished, when there is Philosophy.
question of the good of a mans Countrey, (because it
challengeth a part, before Wife, Children, or Friends),
yet doe I not thinke it intended by that great rule, that
any honest man ought to betray an honest trust of a
worthy friend, for any respect whatsoever, unlesse he
knew that friend who is confident in him, false or wicked
to his Countrey, to which he owes so much duty. For
that distinction makes great oddes in the question : Of
this letter therefore when you shall examine the circum-
stances, you would quickely discerne, how little it ought
to trouble you, for if you had already treated, you had
warrant for it, if you have concluded (according to the
authority of that warrant), the new restraint comes too
late, if not, then is your Lordship to obey this direction,
and in obeying it, to content your Soveraigne, as then
advised, whereby you are justified to the world whatsoever
come, because you have obeyed, and if that successe
succeed not, which was hoped for by a moderate measure
of grace (following an orderly and sharpe prosecution,
and never otherwise to be but at great length), you may
then resort to her Majesties own self, forasmuch as you
shal come short of that, to which you might have arrived,
if you had not bin restrained. For proofe wherof it
wil be very fit, that you do write of the conditions
particularly, which is all that either you or we can say,
191
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
where we are all bound, first, to give advice according
to our conscience, and then to yeeld obedience. I do
conclude, that it was (for his own particular) a good
A good speech speech of the Cardinal Granuella, who when he found
°U^^,. the Emperour grow more resolute daily against his
Granuella Counsel, said, He wished that from thence forward his
counsell might never bee followed ; for said he, if it bee
[II. iii. 230.] bad and not received, I am glad for my Countrey, if good
and not followed, yet it must value me to my Master.
And so much for that matter : Only this I have thought
convenient for both our particulars, seeing it is impossible
that this dispatch can come so soone to you, as the Queene
may expect, that the Secretary receive it from me, and
you 'from him, for our discharge, lest her Majesty should
suspect, that out of zeale to the cause, (howsoever we dare
not contest), yet that I have delaied to send it, or you
pretend to have beene longer without it, then you have
beene, to which purpose I have written to him, to take
care of the sending it to you with expedition, and to
advertise me both of his receipt from me, and yours from
him. And thus for this time I commit your Lordship
\.o Gods protection. From the Court at Greenewich this
sixteenth of July 1602.
Postscripts Postscript. Pardon me for using another hand, which
I hope you will beare with, being of no other subject
then an honest Secretary may set downe : because I am
not sure whether you can perfectly reade her Majesties
hand, I send you the same in a coppy, the latter part
whereof, being suteable with the former stile of favour,
that was wont to passe betweene you, grew by the
occasion of your owne Postscript, when you wrote to the
Treasurer : that you had beene a good while in Oneales
Kitchin, which you meant to warme so well, as he should
keep the worse fiers ever after. God knowes I doe asmuch
desire \.o heare of your successe, as ever I did to heare
of any thing, because upon it judgement may be made,
which is likely to follow, your comming or tarrying. In
which bee assured that I will doe you all the right to
192
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
which religion, honour, and affection can tie me. In
the meane time take this comfort, that her Majesty doth
feelingly apprehend your vertue, and begins now to
speake and write in her wonted stile, and therefore I grow
daily more confident, that wee shall spend some yeeres
together in her service. For my selfe I will now give
over professions, and so doe you, for neither of our hearts
have ever beene accusable for basenes to our friend,
though in our kind we have severall tastes of ingratitude,
onely take this still for assurance, that I am your affec-
tionate friend to command, Robert Cecyll.
Likewise at the same time the Lord Deputy received
this following letter from the Lords in England.
AFter our very hearty commendations to your Lord- ^ Letter
ship. Although her Majesty hath by her letter fi°"' '^«
taken notice of your Lordships wise and happy proceed- £,l/^„j
ings, by a letter which hath beene sent from Dublyn by
the Treasurer, upon your taking of the Hand in Tyrone,
yet wee are moved to expresse our simpathy with your
good fortune, both out of duty to the publike, and
particular affection to your selfe, whom God hath made
so happy an instrument of her Majesties service. Wee
have likewise heard from the President of Mounster of
his taking in of Beere-Haven, whereby we had well hoped
that Province would have proved lesse troublesome then
yet we can hope, first because there are many provinciall
Rebels out, next because the hollownes of those that
are reputed subjects, appeareth many waies, (though not
so visible to all), which is onely maintained by the assur-
ance they have of succours from Spaine, whereof (as we
have often said) wee can make no other judgement, then
that what he is able to doe, he hath a will to doe, and
what he hath not done, hath onely beene hindered by the
remaining of her Majesties Fleete upon his Coast, and
which shee resolveth to maintaine till Winter be well
come on, so as seeing here is done as much as her
Majesty can doe, and that many difficulties at home with
M. Ill 193 N
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
himselfe, and actions of others abroad, may make suspen-
tion if not divertion from that Spanish invasion. We
thinke your Lordship shall doe well, to take time while-
it serveth in Ulster, seeing we perceive you have now so-
ordred the matter, as if he should land in the North,
you are neere him, & if in the South, you have meanes
now to draw most of the Forces of the Kingdome to make
head against him. So as wee have little else to say for
the present, but to commend your proceedings, and
expect the successe : Although we find your Lordship
had very good reason to draw away Sir Samuell Bagnoll
with those extraordinary Companies, which you were
[II. iii. 231.] content to spare till the taking of the Castle of Donboy,
yet we have thought it very convenient, because it is
worth your Lordships knowledge, to let you understand,
that if the Spaniards shall attempt to land in Ireland with
an Army, all our intelligences doe confirme, that it will
be in Mounster, or upon the neerer parts of Connaght,
and if this Summer at all, it will be betweene this and
Bartholmewtide. In which respect, we thought it good
to remember your Lordship, to have care for a moneth
or two, to send some forces to strengthen that Province,
above the Lyst, whereby at their first discent her
Majesties forces may keepe some such reputation, as the
Provincials, whose eye will onely be upon the Army, may
not grow too insolent, nor the Governour there bee forced
to leave the field. For which purpose we thinke it not
Hone for amisse, that you should presently send some horse, though
Mounster. you spare the fewer foote, considering the weakenesse of
those numbers that are there, to answere any such
occasion : For the North, although wee doubt not but
Odonnell is fed with the same hope that the Mounster
Rebels are, yet we doe not expect any great forces to land
in those parts more Northerly then the Towne of
Galloway at the furthest. Wee have now no more where-
with to hold you at this time, then with the recommenda-
tion of all your actions to Gods protection. From the
Court at Greenewich, this eighteenth of July 1602.
194
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
The Army being refreshed with these few daies rest,
the Lord Deputy had determined to leave the Newry,
and take the field againe upon the tenth of August : but
upon intelligence that Tyrone purposed to send Brian
mac Carty backe into Killultagh to disturbe those parts,
and so to divert the prosecution of Tyrone as much as
they could, his Lordship directed Sir Arthur Chichester
from Masserine, and Sir Henry Davers from the Newry,
to draw part of the forces into that Countrey, and there
to invest the Fort of Enishlaghlin, being the onely hold Enishlaghlin
the Rebels had in those parts, in which (for the strength ^°^* invested.
thereof), all the goods of such as were fled into Tyrone,
were left.
This resolution the Lord Deputy signified to Sir Henry
Dockwra, who expected to meete his Lordship in Tyrone
about this time, according to their former purpose. And
withall advertised him, that he had sent such a part of
the Army to Charlemount, and the other Forts neere to
the Blackewater, as would be (in a manner) to as good
purpose, for any service Sir Henry Dockwra should thinke Advice to
fit to attempt upon Tyrone, or for the stopping of him ^^^ Henry
from passing with his Creaghts from the fastnesse wherein °'^ "'^^'
he now lay, as if his Lordship were there present with
the whole forces. For his Lordships troope of horse,
being lodsfcd at Charlemount, with more then a thousand
r • • • r
foote in Lyst, and Sir Henry Davers his troope of horse,
being lodged at Armagh, with some seven hundred foote
more in the Forts adjoyning, a party of two hundred
horse, and a thousand foure hundred foote might be
drawne by Sir Henry Dockwra from thence, upon any
sudden occasion, and these forces, together with the
Companies at Mount Norreys, and at Mountjoy Forts,
were able to doe great matters upon Tyrone, if hee could
discover his purposes by any good espiall, yet his Lord-
ship offered himselfe with those forces he had left, to draw
presently up into Tyrone, if Sir Henry Dockwra thought
it needfull, rather then any thing fit for the service should
bee omitted. And whereas Sir Henry Dockwra seemed
195
A.D.
1602.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Ocanes
submission
to doubt of Henry Oge his second, his Lordship was so
confident oi his sound meaning, as he gave assurance on
his part, that hee would not onely not doe any thing to
give the State offence, but would advertise any thing he
could learne to further the service, and rather then faile,
would draw his whole force upon Tyrone, to which also •
his Lordship had by his letters earnestly perswaded him.
And touching Ocanes submission, his Lordship wrote to
Six- H. Dockwra, that he would be glad to see him, when
he came into Tyrone, which should be presently after
the businesse at Enishlaghlan was dispatched, and then
he would be willing to give him all reasonable con-
tentment. Lastly, his Lordship advised Sir H. Dockwra,
so to carry his businesse, as hee might be ready to per-
forme his directions, if the Spaniards should againe land
in Ireland, as a strong rumour went, that they shortly
intended.
[II. iii. 232.] The tenth of August the Lord Deputy wrote this
following letter to Master Secretary Cecyll.
Ordinance Jor
Galloway
Foitijication.
Sir I understand from Sir Oliver Lambert, that the
fortification at Galloway is almost finished, and that
there will be needfull for that place, to have foure Demy-
Cannons, and foure whole Culverings, (but I thinke it
will be well, if they be all Culverings, and oi Iron),
which he thinkes will make it of very great use against
the Spaniards, if they happen to land there, as he sus-
pecteth : For that and other such great workes, I thinke
we must necessarily have some good great Ordinance,
and therefore beseech you Sir to be a meane, that wee
may be speedily supplied with a score of Iron Peeces,
well furnished, and fitted to be placed there, and else-
where in Mounster, to the most advantage of the service,
whereby I am very confident that this whole Countrey
will much the better be secured, and her Majesty greatly
eased in her continuing charge, though her present charge
seemes thereby much increased. I protest I doe apply
with all carefulnesse my best endeavours, so to husband
196
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1602.
be placed in
each Touine.
this businesse, as her Majesty in a very short time shall
find abatement of her charge here, to her owne con-
tentment, if I be not interrupted by the Spaniards ; and
if they doe come, I doubt not but these greater workes
will keepe the Townes (neere which they stand) in so
great awe, as they will not suddenly nor easily fall to
their party, as otherwise in all likelihood they would,
so as they shew themselves any thing strong before any
of them, and then will it manifestly appeare, that this
cost was bestowed to great good purpose : for the keeping
of one Towne from revolting, will very well countervail
the whole charge, that her Majesty shall be at, in planting
of all those fortifications, and yet will they afterwards
bee such bridles to the Countries all about them, as they
shall never bee able to rebell againe. I conceive that by
the placing of a Constable and a convenient Ward in such ^ Constable
of them as shall be thought fittest to be maintained, her """^ ^'^^^ ^°
Majesty shall be better and cheaper served, then by laying
of Companies or parts of Companies in them, that must
upon occasions be removed. For when one man onely
hath the charge thereof, who knowes that he must be
accomptable for it, he will no doubt have much the greater
care, and may more commodiously be fitted with all things
necessary : but then must I intreat you Sir, to take order
that these places be not bestowed there at Court, upon
such as will be sutors for them, (of which kind I make
accompt there will be many, since I partly know some
of them already), for I shall thereby be disabled to doe ^^^°^''^-
her Majesty the service I affect, and become meerely an
unprofitable Officer for her, in as much as it will be
here soone observed, that when these places are not left
to my disposall, who should best know both how every
man deserves, and for what each mans serving here is
fittest, it will be to little purpose for any of them to
make me an eye witnes of their well deserving, when it is
not in my power to reward them, but will rather use
meanes to her Majesty, or the Lords, hoping to get that
they aime at, by a much easier and shorter course, which
197
Court
A.D.
1602.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Insufficient
Captaines.
I confesse to you Sir I doe with some greefe observe,
in the recommending of many hither for Captaines places,
when some have given over their charge here, by which
meanes I can neither lessen the Queenes charge, as I
would, by cashing of their Companies, nor preferre others
thereunto, whom I see daily to have very well deserved
it, and by this meanes comes in, both selling of Com-
panies, {a thing which I would otherwise never suffer),
and the placing of such Captaines, as those which we
found here at the beginning of this warre, whose
insufficiency had almost lost this Kingdome. I beseech
you Sir conceive, that I have just cause to be greeved,
that must draw upon my selfe the hatred of a great many,
that I should discharge in the great cash that I intend,
who will ever hold me the overthrow of them, and all
their fortunes, especially if I be not able to bestow upon
some of the worthiest of them, such other places in this
Kingdome, as have fallen within the gift of my Pre-
decessors here. Although (God is my witnes) this doth
nothing so much greeve mee, as that I shall thereby bee
disabled to serve her Majesty as I would, to make a
speedy end oi the warre, that might be both safe and
durable, by leaving such in all places, as I know to be best
[II. iii. 233.] able to serve her, and such as if they did not imploy
their time in her continuall service, might more justly
then any other, with their presence importune her for
rewards of their former services. And so Sir, &c.
At the same time the Lord Deputy wrote this following
letter to her Majestic.
May it please your Sacred Majestic.
I Have received to my inestimable comfort, your
gracious letters of the fifteenth of July, for none of
my indevours doe satisfie mee in doing you service, untill
I finde them approved by your Majestie ; and when I have
done all that I can, the uttermost effects of my labours
doe appeare so little to my owne zeale to doe more, that
I am often ashamed to present them unto your faire
198
The Lord
Deputy's
Letter to her
Majestie.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
and royall eyes, which is the onely cause that I doe not
more often presume to present your Majestie with the
account of my proceedings, led on with a hope and rest-
lesse desire, to improve them unto some such degree, as
might bee more worthy of your knowledge. And whereas
it pleaseth your Majestie to restraine mee from hearkening
unto the Arch-Traytor Tyrone, were it not in respect of
my desire to cut off suddenly the chargeable thread of
this warre, there could nothing come more welcome unto
me, then to bee his continuall Scourge, and as (by the A welcome
favour of God) he is already brought to a verie low ebbe, ^^""^g^-
so utterly to cut him off, or cast him out of this Countrie.
And although I have great reason to presume, that if hee
bee not assisted by any forraigne power, the ruine of his
estate is certaine, yet how, as a Vagabond Woodkerne,
hee may preserve his life, and how long, I know not ; and
yet therein I humbly desire your Majestie to beleeve,
that I will omit nothing, that is possible to be compassed.
And for the caution your Majesty doth vouchsafe to give
mee, about taking in submitties to their advantage, and
to the abuse of your mercy, I beseech your Majestie to
thinke, that in a matter of so great importance, my
affection will not suffer me to commit so grosse a fault
against your service, as to doe any thing, for the which
I am not able to give you a very good account, the which
above all things, I desire to doe at your owne royall feete,
and that your service here, may give me leave to fill
my eyes with their onely deare and desired object, I
beseech God confound all your enemies, and unfaithfull
subjects, and make my hand as happy, as my heart is
zealous, to doe you service.
Your Majesties truest servant,
Mountjoy.
The Fort of Enishlanghen above mentioned, (the The Fort of
investing whereof made the Lord Deputie deferre the Enishlanghen.
taking of the feild), was seated in the middest of a great
^ogge, and no way accessable, but through thicke Woods,
199
AD FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
very hardly passable. It had about it two deepe DitcheSj
both compassed with strong Pallisadoes, a verie high and
thicke rampeire of earth, and timber, and well flancked
with Bulworkes, For defence of the place fortie two
Musketeres, and some twentie swordmen, were lodged
in it. But after that our forces, with very good industry
had made their approches to the first ditch, the besieged
The Fort did yeeld the place to the Queene and themselves
yeelded. absolutely to her mercy. So a ward of English was left
in the Castle, after the spoile thereof was taken, wherein
were great store of plate and the chiefe goods of the
best men in the Countrie, being all fled to Tyrone, and
the men there taken were brought bound to the Newry,
and presented upon the nineteenth of August to the
Lord Deputy.
The same day his Lordship wrote this letter following
to Master Secretarie Cecyll.
Sir, I have lately written to you at large, and I have
now no more matter of importance, to trouble you
with, onely since my last, we have taken Enishlaghlen,
a place of great importance, and the strongest that I have
[II. iii. 234.] heard of, to bee held by any Rebell in Ireland. Henrie
Henry Oner.le Oneale, the eldest Sonne of Shane Oneale, is broken out
broken out of gf prison, as his brother did the like long before, and
pitson. because they doe cast themselves (without all conditions)
into her Majesties protection, I cannot but use them
well : but as things stand now, I doe not see any great
use to be made oi them, and I feare I shall be more
troubled with them, then if they were still where they
were. To morrow (by the grace of God) I am againe
going into the field, as neere as I can utterlie to waste
the Countrie of Tyrone, and to prevaile the Garrisons
there of some Corne, to keepe their horses in the Winter,
which being done, I will leave the Garrisons to take their
effect ; which when they are well provided, and aswell
placed, will doe more then an Armie. And Sir, except
things fall out much contrarie to that, which wee have
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THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
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good reason to expect, I presume, that if the Queene
keepe these Garrisons strong, and well provided all this
Winter, shee may before the next Spring send into this
Kingdome Sir Robert Gardner, with some other good Sir Robert
Common-wealths men, with her pleasure how much, and Gardner.
how every man shall hold his land, and what lawes shee
will have currant here ; and I am confident it will bee
obeyed. Neither is the reducing of this Province to bee
too little regarded ; for ill inhabited as it was, with no
Industrie, and most part wasted, I can assure you, the
Earle of Tyrone in the time of these warres, did raise
upon Ulster above fourescore thousand pounds by the
yeere, and to fall from that excesse, I thinke they might
bee brought to yeeld the Queene willingly, much more
then ever she expected presently, and in time more then
I dare now promise. And after this Winter, I thinke
she may with-draw her Garrisons, onely leaving Wardes
in the places, and if I bee not much deceived, you shall
find, that these men will bee the last of all Ireland, that
will forsake the Queenes party, and I presume after this
Winter doe the Queene good service against the
Spaniards, if they come : but if they come before, I
cannot tell what I may build on : but I perceive by your
last letter, they are not likely to bee many, and then,
although it may stoppe, yet I hope it shall not overthrow
our worke. If there bee no invasion here, if I doe not
too much deceive my selfe, I should doe the Queene in
her service of this Countrie more advantage, by my
comming over after Michaelmas, then I can doe here.
This Gentleman Sir Richard Trever I perceive will settle Sir Richard
himself in these parts, by the which hee may doe her Trever.
Majestic good service ; for it is unfit such land as hee
hath given him, should lie waste, and it will bee much
better to bee ordered by men of his worth and qualitie.
And so Sir I beseech God prosper all the Queenes affaires,
and make us able to doe her the service, that her Majestie
doth expect. Yours Sir to doe you service
Mountjoy.
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Tyrone fled
into
Fermannagh.
The next day, being the twentieth of August, the Lord
Deputie tooke the field, and incamped in the midde way
betweene the Newrie and Armagh, and there understand-
ing that Tyrone was fied into Fermannagh, and thereupon
conceiving that the warre was then chiefely to bee made
that way, his Lordship resolved, first, to spoile all the
Countrie of Tyrone, and to banish all the inhabitants
from thence, injoyning such of them as would become
subjects, to live on the South-side of Blackwater, so that
if Tyrone returned, hee should finde nothing in the
Countrie but the Queenes Garrisons. Further to prevent
his returne, and to make the warre more conveniently
upon him, and the remnant of the Rebels, his Lordship
resolved to plant a Garrison at the Agher, being Cormocks
chiefe house, seated neere Fermanagh, and neere Monag-
han, whither Sir Henrie Dockwra might draw the
greatest part of his forces, and whether in one dayes
march (as the passages were now made) most of the forces
[II. iii. 235.] in the Northerne Garrisons might be drawne together.
The nine and twentieth day of August his Lordship
passed the bridge at Charle-mount, over the Blackwater,
and that night encamped by Dungannon which his Lord-
ship made defensible, leaving a Ward to keepe the place,
to bee a retreat tor our men, ^o'^"^^ out upon service, and
to preserve the Gates growing there abouts for our horses
in the winter.
There his Lordship received this following letter from
Master Secretarie.
Letter from
Master
Secretarie,
MY very good Lord, your Packets of the nineteenth
and nine and twentieth of July, were yesterday
delivered me, and withall your private letter to her
Majestic, dated the tenth of August, all which were very
well allowed of, as hereafter more particularly you shall
be advertised, this being rather to advertise you of their
receit, then that there is left any extraordinary matter for
me to write unto you, which is not contained in the last
dispatches from hence, whereof at the writing of your
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THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
owne, I know you could not advertise the receit. One
great cause of my writing this private letter, is this,
that where I see how much it doth distract your minde,
to thinke of Spaine behind you, and of the North before
you, fearing to bee diverted from the conclusion of your
labours, you may perceive in what estate the preparations
of Spaine are now, as I am certainely advertised by one TAe
of my owne, who is newly arrived from the Ports of preparations
Lisbone, where he tooke shipping; the one and twentieth °f^P^^"^ ^^
r T 1 1 ^ / -1 • \ 4-1 1 • Ltsbone.
or July last (stilo veteri.) Ihere are two great ships,
each of one thousand tuns, one called the Saint Andrew,
and the other (which shall be the Vice-Admirall) the name
forgotten, besides there are but twelve shippes of two
hundred tunnes, and downewards, in which it was resolved
to send some fifteene hundred men, to have relieved the
siege at Beere haven, the newes of the taking whereof
was first knowne there the tenth of July, being written
from Waterford to Lisbone, and not before. Of these
fifteene hundred men, eight hundred came from the
Groyne, being part of those that were transported out of
Ireland. In the Groyne remaineth Odonnell, and there The Groyne.
is onely the great Saint Phillip with ten small barkes,
with which he mightily importuned to be sent into the
North. If these had been sent into Beere haven in
Mounster, hoping upon his arrivall with some one
thousand or fifteene hundred men, to have raised the
siege, possessed some parts, and made a beginning of a
Plantation, hereof great benefit must needes have growne
to the Rebels ; for as those small numbers which should
have been landed in Mounster, with the bruite of the
rest to follow (which is alwaies multiplied), would have
made a distraction of the Ulster prosecution, so any petty
descent with him in Ulster, would have raised the new
hopes of all those Northerne Rebels. And truly (my
Lord) when it is considered, how great a benefit it is to
the King of Spaine to consume the Queene with charge
an Ireland, by his bestowing onely (once a yeere) some
such forlorne Companies, besides that hee thereby keepeth
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FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
up some kind of reputation in Europe, in following on
his first designe, by sending, though a few, which (being
added to that which fame spreadeth of great numbers)
filleth the world with continuall rumour of his under-
taking humour, I cannot be secured, but that he wil
stil feede that fier with fewel, although I know it a vanitie
to beleeve those other fond reports of such mightie
preparations, and such Armies, as he is no way able to
imbrace : for your Lordship may bee assured, whatsoever
you heare of gathering of numbers by land to this place
or that, they have been onely for defence against such
attempts, as they did ignorantly suspect from the Queene,
and the Low-Countries, and to continue obedience within
his Kingdom in the South parts, where the Mores have
bin very apt to take armes. And for the Gallies wherof
we have heard so many to be brought out of Italy, they
were intended for some enterprise upon Larache, so as
the bruite that they should have come for Ireland was
idle. Only it is true, that Sir Ri. Levison defeated those
8 Gallies, which were come as far to the Norward as
Lisbone, under the conduct of Spinola, who undertook
to bring them into the Low-countries for Sluse, but of
those eight two being sunk, a third spoiled, & never able
to go to sea, the other 5 were likewise so torne, and
the slaves so mangled, as wee look not to heare of them
in these quarters this summer, so as I assure you, though
[II. in. 236.] our carick prove nothing so much as we expected, having
been much pillaged, and many of the goods taken wet,
yet hath Sir Richard Levison in this service deserved an
extraordinary reputation. Thus have I now delivered,
rather (out of my private affection) my private opinion,
that no great Army is intended, then that I meane to
contest against the contrarie opinions (which are here
continually multiplied from thence, of the great Armies
the King of Spaine amasseth), to hinder any preparations
which may come from hence, whereby that Kingdome
may receive any comfort : First, because I know the very
bruite of Levies here, must needes give helpe to your
Sir R.
Levison
defeats the
Spaniards.
204
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
proceedings ; next because I know what a folly it is, in
cases which concerne a Kingdome, to disswade any manner
of supplies, whereof the lacke may prove perillous,
especially in this State, which is so exhausted (by that
warre of Ireland onely) as it is an easie worke to divert
all actions of charge, especially whensoever they may
thinke to secure their opinions, by maintaining those
grounds to which I should incline, to whose place it
principally belongeth to give best judgement of forraigne
intelligences. I will onely therefore conclude with this,
I am sorry to finde my Soveraignes heart so great and
magnanimous (though I must confesse she hath very just
cause), as not to be contented to have made vertue of
necessity, and by her pardon of the greatest Rebell, to The pardon
have dissolved the strength of the combination, which of Tyrone.
being still united with mindes of dispaire, will multiplie
still alienation, whereof so potent an enemie as is the
King of Spaine, will ever make his benefit ; where I am
of opinion, that if hee were sure to be pardoned, and live
in any securitie, with the qualitie of any greatnesse, such
is his wearinesse of his miserie (and so of all the rest),
as hee would bee made one of the best instruments in that
Kingdome. But I have now gone on too farre, saving
that I am apt to take all occasions to exchange my
thoughts with you by letters, praying Almightie God so to
blesse your endevours, as we may more enjoy each others
company, for the good of her Majesties service. And so
I commit you to Gods protection. From the Court at
Hicham this seventh of August, 1602.
Your Lordships loving and assured
friend to command
Ro. Cecyll.
The Lord Deputie spent some five dayes about Tullough
Oge, where the Oneales were of old custome created,
and there he spoiled the Corne of all the Countrie, and Thrones
Tyrones owne Corne, and brake downe the chaire wherein Come spoiled.
the Oneales were wont to be created, being of stone,
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A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
planted in the open field. Sir Henrie Dockwra, onely
with some horse with him, did meete the Lord Deputy
here, upon the thirtieth of August, and brought with
him Ocane, a late Submittie, having left the English
foote at the Omy, where in like sort were the most part
of O Canes and young O Donneils horse and foote,
victualed at their owne charge, and ready to attend any
service the Lord Deputy should command them. The
same day his Lordship understood, that Sir Arthur
Chichester was comming towards him by Killetro, and
that Randoll Mac Sorley had offered him to serve the
Queene in that journy with five hundred foote, and fortie
horse upon his owne charge.
Whereupon the Lord Deputie resolved to march with
the Army to Dunnamore, and thence to the Agher, and_
in the second daies march upon the sixth of September,
his Lordship received letters from the Lord President of
Bruits of the Mounster, that foure and twentie Spanish ships were
Spaniards. bruited to be arrived at Beere-haven, which newes, though
his L^ kept secret, yet the whole Countrie was presently
fill of it, and from al parts he received the like alarums,
insomuch as amongst the Irish it was constantly beleeved,
that some Spanish ships were arrived at Carlingford.
Notwithstanding, his Lordship left a Garison at the
Agher, being a Castle seated in an Hand, and he
intrenched a large piece of ground for greater forces,
when Sir Henrie Dockwra should draw them thither upon
any service, and from that Castle his Lordship brought
away two brasse pieces.
[II. iii. 237.] Tyrone, Brian Mac Art, Mac Mahownd, and Cormack
Mac Barron, were fled into the bottome of a great Fast-
nesse, towards the end of Lough Erne, whom his
Lordship followed as farre as hee could possibly carry
the Army, yet came not within twelve miles of them,
besides, they had a way from thence into Orurkes
Country, to which the Army could not passe. Mac
Mac Guyre Guyre had lately left them, and received the Queenes
submitted. protection from Sir Henrie Foliott, upon condition to
206
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
put in good pledges for his loialty, and to give Oconnor
Roe Mac Guyre the land belonging to him, and to build
up the Castle of Eniskellin, which he lately brake downe,
delivering the same built at his owne charge into the
Queenes possession : and Tyrone and his abovenamed
confederates were all poore, and all the Rebels following
them, were not above sixe hundred foote, and sixtie
horse.
Upon the seventh of September, his Lordship under- Letters from
stood by letters from Sir Oliver Lambert, that he was 5ir Oliver
called back from the prosecution of Orurke, by like newes ^^"'^^^f-
of the Spaniards arrivall.
The same day his Lordship sent backe Sir Henrie
Dockwra, and directed him to draw most of his forces
(with as much victuals as he could put up) to the Omy,
and from thence to the Agher, being twelve miles distant
& faire way, there to be resident, and to make the warre
till harvest were past, being alwaies ready to follow
his Lordships further directions upon any landing oi
Spaniards. Likewise the next day his Lordship sent Orders for
backe Sir Arthur Chichester, directing him to lie at ^J.',-'^/^^'*^
Mountjoy Garrison, clearing the Country of Tyrone of
all inhabitants, and to spoile all the Corne which he could
not preserve for the Garrisons, and to deface al the Hands
formerly taken, being ready to draw upon the Rebels, if
they should make any head ; yet with advise to bee like-
wise readie to answere any new directions, if the Spaniards
should arrive.
So his Lordship marched backe with his Army, and
upon the ninth of September divided all the waste land
on the Southside of Blackwater towards the Newry,
betweene Hen. Mac Shane and Con Mac Shane, sons
to Shane O Neale, only with leave to live there with their Shane
Creaghts, and such followers as should come unto them, ^ Neak's
till her Majesties pleasure were further knowne, and
injoyning them to sow their Corne for the next yeere
upon the Plaines.
Thus his Lordship bringing backe with him into the
207
sons.
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Pale fourteene Companies of foote, and one hundred
horse, came to the Newrie the eleventh of September,
and the next day in his and the Counsels letters to the
Lords in England, after the relation of the former
services, wrote as followeth.
We have taken the best pledges we could of such as
are become subjects, al of them have assisted us with
Cowes, most of them with carriages, with men, and with
The their owne presence, so as if forraigne forces doe not
submitttes. arrive, we make no doubt of them, nor to bring the rest
to what termes shall bee fittest for her Majesties Honour
and profit. Wee have thought fit to suffer most of the
Natives of Tyrone, (the rest being put over the River
of the Bann), to follow Henry and Con Mac Shane, and
perchance many of them wil not quit them, though the
Traitor should returne and grow strong. But for all
events, we have spoiled and meane to spoile their Corne,
& in respect of the garrisons, and of the Blackwater, their
Creaghts can hardly returne, but they wil be stil at our
command. If they should prove false, we have good
bridles upon them, and at any time their followers, upon
leave to dwell in Tyrone, will easily forsake them. These
followers seeme to desire nothing more, then to hold
their land of the Queene without any dependancy upon
the Oneales. Howsoever, for the present, wee thinke
good to hold them thus together, partly for the good of
the service, and to give these two young men some lively-
hood, who (with the rest) being utterly rejected, might
by some desperate course much prolong the warre ; and
partly (wee must confesse freely) out of humane com-
miseration, having with our eyes daily seene the lament-
able estate of that Countrie, wherein wee found everie
where men dead of famine, in so much that Ohagan
[II. iii. 238.] protested unto us, that betweene Tullogh Oge and Toome
there lay unburied a thousand dead, and that since our
first drawing this yeere to Blackwater, there were above
three thousand starved in Tyrone. And sure the poore
people of those parts never yet had the meanes to know
208
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
God, or to acknowledge any other Soveraigne then the
O Neales, which makes mee more commiserate them, and
hope better of them hereafter. When wee have con-
ferred with the rest of the Counsell at Dubhn, and are
better informed of the state of those parts, we will againe
presume to write to your Lordships. In the meane time
we hasten thither, finding here all, both subjects and
others, as fully possessed of the Spaniards comming, as
if they were already arrived. The like opinion (as we
heare) is generally over al Ireland, upon what ground
we know not, for we have not heard any such substantiall
inteUigence, excepting the bruite advertised by the Lord The bruite
President, and a generall bruite brought hither by all ^ff^^
shipping, of huge preparations in Spaine, and whether it P^^P^^^^^°^'
be desire or feare that makes this report beleeved, it is '^
strange to see how generally and strongly it is appre-
hended. Wee must renew our former motion to your
Lordships, that if the Spaniards doe land here, wee may
speedily bee supplied with munition, artillery, and all
things else that wee have written for, or that your Lord-
ships in your wisdomes shall finde to be needfull for us,
who can best judge what will be fit for an action of so
great consequence. And for that we shall be necessarily
enforced, wheresoever they happen to arrive, to draw all
the forces of the Kingdome together, to make head against
them, by which meanes these Northerne parts (especially)
being left bare, such as have most readily, and with best
arguments of sincere meaning submitted themselves to
her Majesties mercy, with intent to live dutifully as
becommeth subjects, will be left againe to the tyranny
of the Arch-Rebell, for want of defence. We beseech
your Lordships to consider, whether it were not more
profitable for her Majestie (though for the present some-
what the more chargeable) to inable us to make the warre
upon the Spaniards, and yet to go on too with this
prosecution in some measure, then for lacke of a con-
venient force to be kept on foote, to loose the benefit of
our travell all this Summer, and the charge her Majestie
M. in 209 o
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602,
Planting hath been at in planting Garrisons, which being kept,.
Garrisons. would SO bridle all these Countries, as they should neither
have any benefit of the Spaniards landing, nor the
Spaniard any use of them, nor of their victuals, all their
Countries being commanded by some of the Garrisons
that would keepe them from stirring to joyne with others,
for feare of loosing all their owne at home. It is true,
that by the putting of new men hither when we shall
have drawne out the old against the Spanish Army (which
will be a worke of most necessitie), it cannot be expected,
that the service of those new men will worke such effect,
as the old Bands, would ; yet may it be hoped, the effect
will bee sufficient to keepe the Irish from joyning with,
the Spaniard, seeing for the most part they shall live in
Garrisons, and shall not neede to bee drawne into the
field, unlesse onely for some short journey, which will
not last above two or three dales at a time. And if her
Majestie be not pleased to like o^ this motion, or seeme
unwilling to disfarnish her selfe of so many men and
Armes, we humbly leave it to your Lordships to consider,
whether it would not bee fit for that purpose, to entertaine
two or three thousand Scots, which we thinke might
The use of the readily be sent over to Loughfoyle or Carickfergus, and
^cots. being inland Scots, and not Irish Scots, and good securitie
had to serve her Majestie faithfully, they would in all
likelihood better endure the winters hardnesse, and
happily be found fitter for any service, then such new
men as come usually from England, which yet we move
no further, then as a remembrance, because we perceived
the last yeere such a matter was thought upon. If the
Spaniards come not, we doubt not but to give your Lord-
ships a very good account of all things here, to her
Majesties liking, yet must we desire the speedie sending
over of the victuals contracted for, that should have come
in July and August last, but no part yet landed that we
heare of ; for without those victuals these Garrisons will
be unfurnished, which depend wholy thereupon. And
we are further to move your Lordships, to cause to be
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THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
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sent over a very great proportion of salt and bread ; for
by prey-beeves gotten from the Rebels, and good numbers
had of the protectees, whom we have caused to furnish
us for our mony, we have used a great kind of sparing [II. iii. 239.]
of the victuals in the store, excepting bread onely. And
we doubt not but many of the Garrisons will be able to
helpe themselves many times with beeves, so as they may
have salt to powder them, while the season lasts, and
will not neede to take from the victualers any thing but
bread, which now they will not deliver them alone, unlesse
they be so directed from your Lordships.
The same twelfth day of September, his Lordship wrote
from the Newry this following letter to Master Secretary
in Eng^land.
Sir, you will understand by our letters to my Lords,
how hitherto wee have bestowed our time. Being
returned backe to the Newry, I find all the world
strangely possessed of the comming of the Spaniards,
although I cannot learne of any assured ground they
have therof. Upon the general concurrence from al
parts of such bruites, I did imploy two as likely instru-
ments as any are, to know the truth, and to learne what
assurance Tyrone himselfe had from Spaine. They
undertooke upon their lives, that all the intelligence he
hath received of succours, is onely by letters out of the
Pale. Tyrone hath many waies made importunate Tyrone
meanes to be received to mercy : but I did still reject importunate
him, and published it, that her Majesty had commanded ^"^ mercy.
me not to hearken unto him, yet still he continued to
urge me to become a suter to the Queene for him. It
is true, I have been ever loth to negotiate with him any
otherwise then with my sword, because I find it dangerous
for my selfe, considering the Queenes resolution : but
upon the receit of my Lord Presidents letter of a new
Spanish invasion, I adventured thus farre to entertaine
his motions, that if he would sweare to submit himselfe
absolutely to her Majesties mercy (if it should please
211
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
l602.
her to receive him), whatsoever succour he should receive
in the meane time, I would onely undertake to become
an humble sutor unto her Majestic for him, so that not-
withstanding till I knew her pleasure, I would not desist
in my prosecution. This day he sent one to me, agreeing
to so much, but with all propounding certaine Articles
that he desired should bee granted : whereupon misliking
that he should in any wise capitulate, I commanded his
messenger presently to depart and forbad him to send
any more to me, and to cut off all hope to his party, I
have directed all the Garrisons anew to proclame his
Tyrone's head, and the like to be done in the Creaghtes of such
^^'^'^ . as are become subjects. In the meane time N.N. out of
proc aime . j^j^ owne head, and by that general authoritie that is given
to al Commanders to parley with Rebels, hath spoken
with Tyrone, to the effect oi his owne letter, which even
now I received, and such as it is I send it you. I protest
before the eternall God it was without my privitie : but
I must beare with him for greater faults then this ; for
he and all the Irish are very irregular, though he be fit
enough for the charge I have given him, which is onely
of Irish Companies, in a Garrison which of all other I
can worst victuall, and they will make best shift for
themselves, and greatest spoile upon the enemy. I have
commanded him to meddle no more with Tyrone ; for
if I should thinke it fit I would imploy one better
instructed for that purpose. It is true Sir, that for many
respects I have been fearefull to deliver freely my opinion,
what course I thinke fit to be taken with Tyrone, and
so am I now : but if it shall please her Majestie to trust
me with the authoritie to hearken unto him, I would
never use it, but when I should bee sure to give her a
very good account oi my proceedings therein ; for the
lower he is brought, the more it will be for the Queenes
honour to shew him mercie, and it is thought he might
bee made an excellent instrument, if Spaine continue
their purposes for this Kingdome. If the Queene bee
resolved never to receive him, it is most necessary that
212
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
Ulster should presently be made a Provincial! Governe-
ment ; for this people seeme to thirst for justice, and
by that meanes the dependancy upon the Oneales will
be soone extinguished. If the Queene be loth to
au2:ment her charore. I thinke it were much better that
the institution of Connaght, were discontinued, and the
like Officers to be transferred hither. It is true, that in Athlone a fit
all Ireland, for the good of the generall service, there is residence fi)r
no place so fit for the Deputy to be resident, as at Athlone, ^ ^P^J-
and if he were there, Connaght would little neede a
Governour. I have here but little time, and much to
doe, and therefore I cannot write to you of all things so
largely as I would, the which I purpose to doe when I [H. iii. 240.]
come to Dublyn, onely of this I pray you Sir resolve
me by your next : We have here the worst intelligence,
of any Instruments that any Prince in Christendome doth
imploy in so waighty a businesse ; I doe know some,
that I doe thinke were fit to be imploied both in Spaine
and about the Traitor here, yet though I know my selfe
to be honest, they may prove knaves. If the Queene
be so confident of my faith, that shee will be pleased to
make the best interpretations of what I shall doe therein,
I should be able to doe her perchance some good service,
and give my selfe greater light of all things, then now
I have, but if shee mislike it, I will onely lay about
me with my Sword, though it be in the darke. It is
not a Letter, nor a reasonable Booke, that can deliver
all such conceipts of mine, as I thinke necessary to let
you know of this Kingdome, wherefore I dispaire to doe
it, till I may have the happinesse to see you. If I had
any certainety that the feare of Spaine were past, I would
make a great diminution of the Lyst, wherefore I pray
you Sir, if you have in England any assurance thereof,
let me know it as soone as you can, but here we looke
for them every hower, and (they say) in the Pale it is
held as sure, as if they were already come. If you shew
the inclosed Letter, I pray you put your finger on the
latter part, or blot it out ; and yet if I thought the
213
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Queene would not bee angry, I would give the Lady
leave to come to her Brother, for I am loth to make
warre with Weomen, especially since shee is now great
with child.
The same twelfth day of September, his Lordship
wrote from the Newry to Sir Oliver Lambert Governour
of Connaght this following letter.
Sir yesterday at my comming to this Towne, your
messenger delivered mee your letters, containing a
relation of your proceedings, since your going to the
Abby of Boyle, where and in your returne thence, I
perceive you have had some knocking on both sides, and
the Rebels being so many as you note, I have good cause
to bee glad you sped so wel, and parted with so good
reputation to our side, and so little losse withall, which
I doubt not proceeded chiefely from your good command
and managing of that businesse, for which I may not
omit to yeeld you many thankes, neither will I be sparing
to testifie so much, where it may most redound to your
due and well deserved commendation. Yet must I
withall note, that it somewhat grieves me, to observe so
great an alteration in those that of late seemed desirous
(or at least not unwilling) to receive her Majesties mercy,
for that I have some reason to bee doubtfuU, that this
sudden change proceedeth not altogether out of a certaine
expectation of Spanish succours, but out of some opinion
they have conceived, of a purpose you have to dispossesse
the principall men of their lands and livings, and to get
the same into her Majesties hands, by indictments and
Offices to be found thereof ; and if they once entertaine
such a conceit, they will assuredly put up all to any
hazard, and to their uttermost means shun to be reclamed,
which I must acknowledge to you, I do the rather doubt,
in that Tybot ne long hath grievously complained to
me, of the committall of his Cosen Davye Bourke, and
some hard usage towards himselfe, for which he seemes
fearefull to come to you, and therefore desires my license
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1602.
to go for England, which I have now sent him, with
this purpose, to give him contentment as much as may
bee, and yet when he comes to mee, I meane to schoole
him, and so I hope to hold him in good termes, for so
at this time especially it doth behove us, to bring our
great worke to the better conclusion. I make no question,
but that both he, and O Connor Sligo, and the rest of
them, doe all somewhat juggle and play on both hands,
to serve their owne turnes, and therefore truly deserve the
lesse favour, for they so doe here for the most part, and
yet I winke at it.
But since it behoveth us so greatly to draw the warre
to an end, to ease her Majestic of that exceeding charge
and consumption of men and Armes, which her Majestie
and the State of England are growne verie wearie of,
and indeed unwilling; to continue much longer. Wee
that are here imployed as chiefe instruments, to effect
what so earnestly is desired, must beare more for our
Countries good, then our owne natures can well endure, [II. iii. 241.]
and therefore let mee advise you, with much earnestnesse
to apply your selfe unto it, as the onely and sole meanes
to make our doings acceptable in England, where we
must be censured, and by your next let me know certainly
I pray you, whether you have done any thing already for
the intituling of her Majesty to any of their lands in
that Province, or whether you have any way attempted it,
or given them cause to suspect it. I shall be well satisfied
with your answere, presuming that you will doe it
sincerely, yet if any such thing be, I pray you proceed
no further in it, but labour by all meanes to winne them,
both because I know it to be her Majesties pleasure, and
that the multitude of Subjects is the glory of a Prince,
and so every way it is fittest to reclaime rather then
destroy them, if by any good meanes it might be wrought.
O Connor Sligo (as you know) was restrained of his
liberty by the Rebels, and that (I thinke) upon a letter I
sent unto him, so that hee hath a just pretence for his
standing out so long, and for any action into which he
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1602.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Instructions
for the
Garrisons.
shall enter, neither shall we be able to disprove his
allegations, though perhaps himselfe be not innocent,
neither at the beginning, nor now. You must therefore
be content to thinke, that what he doth, is by com-
pulsion, though indeed you doe not thinke so for some
reasons apparant to your selfe : Your stone worke at
Galloway about the Bulworkes will I feare prove charg-
able, and very long ; yet can I doe no more then recom-
mend it to your good husbandry and discretion, who may
best judge what is fittest. Tyrone is not yet gone over
the Earne, but lies betweene that and Ruske, where I
have planted a garrison, and another at the Agher, hard
by the Clogher, which lie both very fitly to doe service
upon him. To the former all the Garrisons neere the
Blackewater, and that at Mountjoy and Monaghan may
fitly draw upon all occasions, and so I have lefte order
with Sir Arthur Chichester, who hath the chiefe care of
all : And to the latter and to Omy, (which is but twelve
miles from it) Sir Henry Dockwra hath promised me to
put up most of the Forces of Loughfoyle, and to lie there
about himselfe. To Eniskillin or there about, Sir Henry
Follyot hath direction to draw his whole Force, leaving
a Ward onely at Ballishannon and Beleeke, which is
already done, but hee hath not his boates yet from you,
which is a great hindrance unto him, and therefore I
pray you send them with all speed possible, if they be
not gone already. Touching your motion for Master
Atturney, I now returne to Dublyn, where if he cause
it to be moved at the Table, I will with the rest yeeld
to any thing that is fit. In the meane time you may use
the chiefe Justice in those businesses, who hath allowance
chiefe Justice. ^^^ j^-g j-^^^ ^^^ -g q^ gj-g^f experience and continuance
in that Province, so as thereby hee may best know every
mans disposition. I pray you let me heare from you
againe with as much speed as you can, touching the state
of that Province under your governement. And so
hoping, for all these late bruites, that we shall not this
yeere be troubled by the Spaniards, or if we be, that
216
Use of the
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
their number shall be small, (for so Master Secretary-
hath confidently written to me out of England), I com-
mend me right heartily to you. From the Newry this
twelfth of September 1602.
The Lord Deputy being arrived at Dublyn, and this
Summers service ended, since the composing of the Irish
troubles was henceforward to bee wrought by the garrisons
planted in all parts upon the Rebels, and the setling of
the State to be managed by Counsellors, Sir Henry
Davers Serjeant Major of the Armie, was the rather
induced by the necessity of his private affaires, to dis-
continue his service in Ireland. Whereupon his place of
Serjeant Major being void, was conferred upon Sir Arthur sir Arthur
Chichester. And because Sir Richard Moryson had a Chichester
pretence to the place by former hopes given him from the ^^^^. ^^U^^"^
Lord Deputy, his Lordship to give him contentment, ^-^'"'
raised his Company of foote, reduced lately in a generall
cash to 150, to the former number of two hundred.
The seven and twenty of September the Lord Deputy
at Dublyn received from the Lords in England this
following letter, directed to his Lordship and the Counsell
of Ireland.
AFter our hearty commendations to your good Lord-
ship, and the rest of the Counsell there. Whereas
your Lordship in your late letters of the twenty nine of [II. iii. 242.]
the last July doth advertise us of a great abuse crept in
amongst the Ministers of the victuals in that Realme,
namely that you cannot know from any of them, when
the victuals arrive in any Port, nor whether it be of
an old contract or a new, nor whether it be for her
Majesty or themselves, and by that meanes you can never
find how you are provided for, nor what you may further
expect, and (which is worse) that the Rebels doe get of
the best victuals that are sent thither, and you cannot
call the Victualer to account thereof, because he affirmes
stifly that he is warranted by us to sell it for his benefit,
and so as he sell it to the subject (how ill soever affected)
217
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
it is no fault of his, if the Rebels afterwards get it. Upon
this information from your Lordship, we have not onely
TAe abuses called all the Victualers to account how this great abuse
,/ [ ',. is committed, but have perused our former order taken
this time 2 yeers, when we contracted with them to
appoint commissaries there, for the keeping & issuing of
victuals, by whose default (being their Ministers) it should
seeme these lewd parts are plaied. Therefore for your
Lordships satisfaction in the first point, the answer of
Jolles and Cockain will suffice, who doe absolutely affirme,
that they sent no other victuals thither then such as
by contract they were tied to send. And though they
send often a greater proportion then will serve to furnish
any contract, yet that doth alwaies appeare unto us upon
the certificates of the Invoyes, and wee that undergoe
the principall care of those matters here, have injoined
them to have alwaies a good proportion in store to serve
uppon all occasions, whereof they send (as they find con-
venient shipping) often times a large quantity before
hand, more then by contract they are bound unto. For
if they should not make provision before wee contract
with them, it would be hard for them to performe the
same in so short a time, and by such dales as we must
of necessity limit unto them, upon diversity of accidents
and demands from you, and the overplus doth alwaies
passe into the next contract : But in that your Lordship
doth find fault, that you can never be informed upon what
contract the victuals are provided, which doe arrive there,
we must remember unto you the order we have alwaies
observed here, which will easily reconcile the difficulties
in this matter. First therefore your Lordship is to call
to minde, that wee here for the most part, in the making
of our contracts, both for the quantity of the victuals,
the time to have it there, and the places of unlading the
same, are directed by such letters as wee receive from
your Lordship and you of the Counsell, and by such
certificats as are sent us from the Surveyor of the victuals
from thence, which Surveyor ordinarily hath certified unto
218
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
us the quantities that arrive there. Then so soone as
any contract is made with the undertakers, wee send an
abstract thereof unto your Lordship, both of the severall
kinds, and for how many men, and for what time the same
is provided, and to what place the same is to bee trans-
ported. By which your Lordship may know what you
are to expect, and for more assurance, wee have required
of your Lordship by divers letters to appoint certaine
discreet persons at the Ports, where the same is to bee
landed and unladen, to see and visit those victuals, and
to take knowledge both of the quantities, kinds, and The quantities
goodnes, and that (with good usage) the same is likely to ^f['^S°°^"^'
continue the space of five moneths from the landing {.jctuah
thereof, which direction if it were duly observed and
performed, your Lordship needed no other certificat to
satisfie you in all respects. And wee have usually
received from Master Newcomen the Surveyor of the
victuals, very exact certificats of the quantities of victuals
that arrive there, as also of the goodnesse, and upon
what contract they were sent : For untill the contract
be full, all the victuals sent thither are to satisfie the same,
and if there be any overplus, it is reserved for the next
contract. For the undertakers absolutely denie the send-
ing of any victuals thither, but such as is to serve the
Souldier, and to performe the Contracts, so as all the
victuals are to be accompted for her Majesties provision.
Therefore it were farre easier for your Lordship, to have
the like certificat there. Thus as wee have remembred
unto you the directions we have given unto your Lord-
ship : So wee have thought good to acquaint you with
the rest of the course we hold here, which you shal
understand to be in this manner : Upon every Contract
we make, we give the Victualers an imprest before hand,
to provide those victuals they contract for : but the whole [H. iii. 243.]
summe that they are to have by that agreement they never
receive untill they doe produce true Certificates from the
Officers of the Ports, that the full proportions which they
are tied to contract and provide, is laden on ship-board,
219
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
and ready to be transported of good and wel conditioned
victuals, according to the Contract. And therefore if
your Lordship will bee as strict to call for the certificates
of the unlading there, as we doe cause the Invoy to be
perused, there can be no abuse in that case, considering
all the victuals sent thither commeth to the Magazines,
and how much soever it is, all is for the use of the
Souldier. For the other point your Lordship doth com-
plaine of, that the Ministers there doe sell the victuals,
and their peremptory untrue and respectlesse answeres
unto you : It is the desire of the victualers (as this
information is generall) that your Lordship will not onely
be informed of the particular abuses committed by any
Officer or Commissary there, but to take a severe course
to see them exemplarily punished. For we have given
no other licence for the selling of victuals, then your
Lordship hath beene acquainted with all, in the contracts
made with the Victualers in August was two yeeres, which
was in these words : And because it is not possible in
so great a masse of provisions, with all the care that may
be used, by reason of transporting and tossing them to
and fro, but some will perish, and decay. In this case
Decaiable their Lordships are pleased, that the foresaid Commissaries
^^u^'f'Ji"^^ deputed now by the Merchants, shall be permitted to
sold to the ^ 1 11 -^ 1 • 1 , -n^ 1
poore. Utter and sell to the poore m the market I ownes where
they reside, and neere unto them, such victuals as are
decaiable, and unfit to be uttered to the souldier. And
by the instructions given to the Commissaries, there is
a clause, whereby they are restrained : That if there shall
fall out any wast in the provisions, either by leake,
moisture, or other casualty and accident, by transportation
by land or by Sea, or by any unfit or inconvenient roomes
to place or house the same victuals, then they are to
acquaint the chiefe Commander, Colonell, or Counsell
therewith, and procure some sufficient testimony for the
manifesting of the truth, and of the quantity, that is
decaied, surprized by any ambush of the Enemy, or by
fier, or other inevitable danger become unfit to be used,
220
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
that it may appeare, that happened not by their negligence
and default, the which being certified, her Majesty in that
case to beare the losse and wast thereof. Therefore we
marvell your Lordship would indure so insolent an
answere to be made by inferiour Officers, knowing wee
alwaies doe send your Lordship the Coppies of those
agreements and Articles wee make with any victualer.
And in this Article this consideration onely did leade us,
that if by long keeping, often removing, or other casualty,
the victuals shall not be fit for the Souldier, then your
Lordship or the provinciall Governour, or such as you
shall appoint, being acquainted therewithall, we thought
it more fit, (and now doe so, and not otherwise) that the
same may be sold to the poore in the next markets, then
that the losse should light on her Majesty. Neverthe- The cases
lesse in those cases, wee referre it to your Lordships ^^fi^^^^-j"
judgement and discretion, whom her Majesty doth trust Dgp^^'j
with so great a governement, to order them as you shall judgement.
see cause. To conclude therefore, if that caution wee
tooke for the good of the Souldier, (that no evill victuals
should bee thrust upon him), shall be abused and per-
verted to supply the need of the Rebels, and the Souldier
the worse served, we thinke this matter worthy of strict
examination and as severe punishment, as may be inflicted
upon offenders in so high a degree, which we earnestly
require may be done, and that in all these and like cases,
your Lordship will consider, that we of her Majesties
Counsell here, that are absent from thence, doe proceed
generally in these matters, as reason doth direct us, and as
we receive light from you and the Counsell there : but
your Lordship, that doth know the state of the Kingdome,
and see the particular course and disposition of things
there, and what is fit and not fit, may easily reforme those
inconveniences and abuses that happen, and are com-
mitted, and informe us of those particulars that are not
within our knowledge, that these matters may be carried
with more perfect order and rule, for the good of the
Souldier, whose wellfare is onely intended and sought
221
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
herein, to her Majesties excessive charge, and our great
[II. iii. 244.] trouble. This is another great abuse, and though it be
not pertaining to this matter, yet by reason of late we
have discovered the same to be very common, we have
thought good to informe your Lordship therof, and
earnestly to pray you and the rest of the Counsell, to
give strict order it may be avoided. The matter is this,
wee find by divers examinations taken, that it is a
Abuse by common practice, that if any Serving-man, Countrey-
Serving-men. fellow, or labouring-man, happen to be maimed or
grievously hurt, by any mischance or disorder, if he be
in any of the Countries neere to the Sea-side, or any
Port where shipping doth goe for Ireland, hee will find
passage there, and follow the Army in some Company or
other, and doe such services as he is able, and when he
hath gotten some knowledge of the Countrey, and of the
Captaines and Chiefe Ofl^icers, then he procureth a pasport
from some Captaine or other, or else he getteth his name
to be inserted in some generall pasport, as a man (by
reason of hurts received) unfit for service, and so upon
his comming over hither againe, hee is recommended into
the Countrey for a Pension, by which meanes the
Countries are burthened with this kind of men, and the
poore Souldier, that is indeed maimed in the warres, is
The manner disapointed and hindered of that pension he ought to
of the reform. j^^yg_ This is to be reformed by two meanes: First
that order be taken no maimed men, that have received
their hurts in service, be sent away in a generall passe,
because the Statute doth require a particular certificat
from their Generall, certifying the hurts and maimes the
Souldier hath received : Next the remedy is, that no
such pasports be given but by subscription of your Lord-
ship, the provinciall Governours, or chiefe Colonels, under
whom he doth serve, expressing the hurts and maimes
the Souldier hath received, and in what service, and under
what Captaine, and the office and place he held in that
Company. This by generall direction being observed,
will avoid the number of counterfet Souldiers, and give
222
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
due way to the reliefe of the maimed Souldier, who indeed
without such particular certificat, ought not by the Statute
to be releeved, and the want thereof hath beene great
hinderance to many poore men. Therefore nothing
doubting but your Lordship will take order herein accord-
ingly, we bid your Lordship heartily farewell. From
the Court at Oatelands, the 29 of August 1602.
The eighth of October, the Lord Deputy wrote to the
Lord President of Mounster, that howsoever by reason of
Cormacks escape, he could not for the present spare the
horse and the foote which were with him above the
Mounster Lyst, under the command of Sir Samuel
BagnoU, yet hee would not faile to send fiftie horse
presently into Connaght, whether hee purposed shortly
to take his journey, being now busie about preparation
for the same. And further his Lordship prayed him, to
send a good proportion of victuals from the store in
Limricke by water to Athlone, without which the Forces
could not be kept together in that Province, and accord-
ingly his Lordship gave order, that boats should be sent
from Athlone to Limrick, to fetch the same. And wheras
his Lordship had written to the Sheriffes in Mounster,
to leavy certaine beeves for the Army, he prayed the
Lord President to give them assistance, for taking them
up, and sending them into Connaght with all convenient
speede.
The fifteenth of October, the Lord Deputy was adver-
tised from the Lord President, that Cormock Mac
Dermott lately escaped, had made sute to him to be
reconciled to the State, and that upon his answer, that
if he would justifie himselfe to be innocent, he should
have a just triall, or if he would confesse his faults, then
he would be a suter to the L. Deputie for his pardon, hee
the said Cormock had made choice to sue for pardon,
rather then to stand to his triall. And that in the meane
time all the Castles in his Country were possessed for
her Majesty, & his followers disposed under other Lords
upon good assurance, beside the faction which was
223
A.D.
1602.
The Lord
Deputy's
letter to the
Lord
President of
Mounster.
Cormock Mac
Dermott
makes sute to
the Lord
President.
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
nourished against him among his neerest Kinsmen, which
things made him unable to doe any hurt, so as if his Lord-
ship had any occasion to imploy in Connaght the forces
which were in Mounster above the List of the Province,
his Lordship might dispose of them at his pleasure.
Further, the Lord President advertised, that he under-
stood by one James Blacke, lately come out of Spaine,
that O Donnell was dead there, and that this newes was
most certaine.
[II. iii. 245.] The twentieth of October, the Lord Deputy dispatched
Captaine Blany from Dublin, with Commission to governe
the Garrisons of Ruske and Monaghan, (recalling Sir
Christopher S. Laurence and Captaine Esmond, from that
command, to repaire to Dublin, that his L^ might heare
and compose the differences risen betweene them.) He
had further order to leave Captaine Atherton, to governe
Captaine the Fort of Mount Norreys, wherof he had formerly the
BJany s command ; likewise to put up good store of victuals from
the Newry to those Garrisons, and to deliver letters to
Sir Arthur Chichester, with whom he was to concur in
the intended services for those parts. He was directed
to know from Mac Mahown his resolute answere, whether
he would submit himselfe upon the conditions sent unto
him, and if he refused them, then to give him no further
time of protection, but to prosecute him presently by all
meanes. To give O Connor Roe Mac Guyre his best
assistance, to establish him in his Countrie, and for the
other Mac Guyre in rebellion, not to accept any sub-
mission from him, except he undertake some extra-
ordinarie good service, because he had lately abused the
favour, offered him by Sir Henrie Folliot, Governour of
Ballishannon. Lastly, whereas some of Tyrones Cap-
taines offered to come from him, to serve the Queene,
he was directed to entertaine those offers, and either to
draw them from him, or to make any use of those offers,
and treating with them, which he in his discretion should
thinke fit.
The one and thirtieth of October, the Lord Deputy
224
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
received from her Majesty this following letter directed
to his Lordship, and the rest of the Counsell here.
Elizabeth Regina.
Right Trusty and Welbeloved, and Trustie and Wei- J Letter
beloved, Wee greet you well. We have been fi'°f"
acquainted with your dispatches to our Counsel of the Majesty.
fourteenth, and to Our Secretary Cecyll of the thirteenth.
In the first whereof We have perceived the successe of
your last prosecution, wherein as We have cause, so We
doe blesse God, that he hath so prospered you & our
forces under your charge, as Our enemies are not so hasty
to attempt Us anew, or Our rebels able to interrupt your
proceedings ; which letter being for the most part but a
journall, requireth no other answere but this. That We
doe yeeld unto your selfe, and to Our faithfull and loving
subjects that have assisted you, both praise and thankes
for your good service. And now because We know your
affection is so well mixed with understanding of the state
We stand in, both here and there, as you can well consider
of what importance it is to Us to ease our Kingdom of
those great or rather infinite charges, which We have thus The great
long sustained, which stil continuing in that height, would <:harges of the
take away the true feeling of our Victories, We have
thought good to deliver you Our pleasure in that behalfe ;
for it were almost as good for Us to lacke a great part
of their reduction, as to be driven to that charge in keep-
ing them, which our Crowne of England cannot indure,
without the extreme diminution of the greatnes and
felicity therof, and alienation of Our peoples minds from
Us, considering that for these only rebellions in Ireland,
We have bin forced to part with many of Our ancient
possessions, which are part of Our flowers of our Crowne,
and to draw from our subjects (a thing contrary to Our
nature) those great paiments, which (but for the hope they
had, that the same should serve to work their future ease
and respiration) they would not so willingly have borne,
nor We so justly could have imposed upon them. In al
M. Ill 225 p
wane.
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
which considerations, though it is true, that the authoritie
& direction may be expected from Us, to whom almighty-
God hath only given the supreame power, to warrant
your proceedings in matters of such importance, yet
because in this one point of abating of Our forces now,
from the proportion whereat they stand, you had alwaies
in your owne judgement the certaine Idea thereof, as a
thing that you resolved to doe, so soone as the expectation
of the Spanish Army was passed over. Wee rather thinke
(if you have observed the judgement which you have
made by your last letter of the improbabilitie of their
comming in those times with any power), that these Our
letters shall serve more to approve your actions, or at
the least your resolutions, to abridge all those charges,
II. iii. 246.] which were either meerely raised in that only expectation,
or were onely necessary to bee tollerated, untill you had
planted those Garrisons in this prosecution, then that you
are now to begin it ; which if it bee so, wee doe then
command you to proceede with it with all possible speede,
both because the preservation of our treasure, and the
very true reasons of State doe require it, and for that
there is neither appearance of any forraigne Army, neither
are the Rebels (by your owne description) of any force
to make any dangerous head against you. So as if now
our charge should still continue, wee know not in what
time it should be abated. To conclude therefore in that
point. We do referre the numbers, the places, and persons,
to be ordered by you wholly, and by the advice of Our
Counsell there. And We will for the present onely lay
before you in generall, some things out of square in that
Kingdome, which would bee looked unto. First, Wee
)wers officers finde divers Officers and Ministers intertained, with many
nd ministers other charges, which are superfluous, whereof the error
iperpuous. growes upon a conceit that our charges are easie, in respect
of the mixed coine, whereof your owne judgement can
best informe you, all circumstances considered. We doe
also find lacke in the managing of divers possessions,
which are wonne unto us, aswell as in collecting and
226
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
answering former duties, all which would both by your
discretion and your authoritie be thought of, and dis-
tributed to persons, to order with time according to their
several! offices, to the intent the World may see, the end
of our prosecution is to reforme the Kingdome, to revive
Justice and order, and not still to suffer these licentious
expences, or loose costs, in many things, by many inferiour
persons unremedied, although while the Kingdome was
invaded by a powerfull enemie, and torne in pieces with a
domesticall rebellion, wee know the time could not admit
such reformations, as may be used in greater calmes.
And wee must say to you our Treasurer, that when we
remember your owne words, concerning the point of the
exchange in the first alteration of our coine, how you told
us still, that in continuance of time every second issue
would so recompence the first returne, as the exchange
might wel enough be borne. We little thought we should
have scene so many billes subscribed with your owne Bilks to be
hand and your Ministers, to be paid here in sterling. P^'f'^ j»
For as it was not our meaning, nor ever shall be, when- ^^^' '"^'
soever in verbo Regio We publish any thing, to make
it the instrument of deceit ; so We ever reposed so much
in your judgement, as when you should see an abuse,
or a plaine corrupt traffick made of that liberty of
exchange, which we onely vouchsafed to erect for the use
of those, that should not make it a trade, then you would
either have found the meanes to discover their fraude,
and so wholly have rejected their billes, and punished
the fault, or else (if you could not have hit the very bird
of their deceit in the eye) you would (taking it pro
concesso, that a fault there was) have taken some such
exceptions against them, as might have served so to have
suspended you allowance, as they should not have had
from you so good warrant to demand that justly of us,
which is so excessive a burthen unto us, the rather seeing
Merchants should by all constitutions bestow the money
they receive for wares uttered, in the naturall commodities
of the Countrie, which imposition would have bridled
227
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
them very much, and is not unjust, seeing it cannot be
denied, but that there are some commodities (as Hides,
Tallow, Yarne, and many other things) whereon they
might have bestowed some money, and not have made
over such great summes. Where you may perceive, that
Vtlles due to to all those which served the Armie, and for the billes
he officers (^u^ to the officers and souldiers, wee have made no
n souaiers. cjif^cultie, although we know (if it were examined) that
in their exchanging over so much money as some doe,
there is some indirect dealing : we would not have you
thinke (whom we know to be honest diligent and a
sufficient servant) that we doe touch you in the least
degree with lacke of sinceritie, or desire to doe us service
(for of both these Wee have great reason to take gratious
recognition) but rather to let you to know how sensible
We are of the clamour, how negligent your Deputies
have been in many places to charge Us here : how great
portion of treasures is due by your certificats, and how
necessary it is (seeing but by this coyne those expences
cannot be borne) that all superfluous charge be cut off,
and this matter of the exchange corrected in some degree
or other, before (like a Canker) it consumes Our treasure,
[I. iii. 247.] which is the sinewes of our Crowne. We pray you there-
fore (as We doe meane here to doe with Our privie
Counsell), call to you some three or foure of that
Counsell, of the best understanding, and thinke among
you of some better cautions for this matter of exchange ;
wherein, seeing We doe see the State of that Kingdome
principally with your eyes. We shall be contented to
incline most to those courses which you shall find con-
venient. And because no day goeth over our head
wherein we are sure there is not some increase to that
loade. Wee doe hereby give you Our Deputie authoritie,
without tarrying to advertise Us of your opinion one
way or other, to publish a Proclamation or order, either
for tolleration or explanation of the forme of Our former
institutions, which shall seeme best to you, with con-
sideration of all due circumstances, not doubting but you
228
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
shall finde many things which were fit for Us to suffer in
the beginning, which by change of circumstances may
now be altered. And because in these matters of
paiments, which flow like bloud out of the vaines, time
is pretious, if there be any thing which you and that
Counsell shall find fit to be done for prevention of some
part of this abundant consumption, growing by the
freedome of all persons to have the exchange, seeing the
distance of place to be passed by sea is subject to length
and uncertaintie, We are content provisionally to warrant
your proceedings in any thing you doe, or publish in Our
name. It remaineth now that We doe satisfie you Our
Deputie, of some other things contained in your private
letters to the Secretary ; First, for your doubt you may
not use your best meanes to explore the practices of Meanes to
Spaine, and the inward treasons of the Rebell, because explore the
your Ministers may often proove unhonest. Wee have no ^o^'^-^"^^ "*
more to say then this, That if you consider that We have
trusted you as absolutely with that Kingdome, as ever
We did Deputie, you neede make small doubt of any
other interpretation of your actions in that point towards
you ; for whensoever the greatest curiositie shall censure
our actions, it shall never appeare (where Wee see faith
and dutie onely intentionall in origine), that Wee would
be willing to censure the actions of Our Ministers accord-
ing to the successe. And therefore as We doe leave
liberty here in England to Our Secretary of State, to
employ such persons as are likest to discover practises
(though Wee allow not any immediate treaties or cores-
pondencies with subjects of other Provinces, but where
We are particularly acquainted with it), so doe We give
you warrant by such ordinarie meanes, as may bee taken Ordinark
by opportunity of persons to passe to and fro, under »jeanes to be
colours of trade of traffick to forraigne parts, to informe "'f°''"j^^°/'^e
your selfe of the enemies preparations in such things as preparations
belongs thereunto, that you may be able from time to
time to fashion your owne present proceedings according
to such advertisements as may be brought you, seeing
229
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
you may sometimes receive them with more expedition,
and more freedome for things concerning that Realme,
then they can bee usually convaied to our Ministers here,
from those whom they imploy for our service, from
whence you have seene what judgement We have made
all this yeere of their distraction and weakenesse, though
We stick not (in some measure) to provide for you,
though farre short of that which Wee must have done,
if Wee had credited those bruites which were brought
into that Kingdome, by such as We are perswaded {it it
were wel observed) came out of Spaine ful of device and
practice to blow that abroad, which they beleeved not.
TAe ordering Next concerning your opinion for the ordering of some
'ft^e provinciall Governements, and making your residence at
^ ''"'^ , Athlone : for the place Wee know it is scituate very
jovernements. .. n • 1 / 1 • i\ m
well, to answere all services, and (as thmgs stand) Ulster
hath neede of good distribution now, as much as Con-
naght, wherein as We can very well like that you doe
prepare for residence in that place, whereby the limits
oi Our Pale may bee enlarged, so We wish you, that
both in Ulster and in Connaght, you doe fashion the
commandment in such sort, as one Governour have not
too much Countrie to rule ; for where men are more
absolute then ordinary, they are commonly apt to use
things with lesse care and moderation, so as in that matter
Wee confesse to you, that Wee had rather have many
good subjects imployed in many places, then any one to
II, iii. 248.] manage too much. For the matter of charge of your
residence (because we know not what charge belongs unto
it, to make the place capable, nor how it may stand with
the State of the Towne of Dublyn, which is a Port, and
not to be overthrowne, standing so commodiously for
passage out of England), We would have all circum-
stances wel considered, and then you shall receive more
of Our direction.
Lastly for Tyrone, We doe so much mislike to give
him any grace, that hath beene the onely author or so
much effusion of bloud, and the most ungratefull Viper
230
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
to Us that raised him, and one that hath so often deceived
Us, both when hee hath craved his pardon, and when Tyrone.
he hath received it of Us, as when Wee consider how
much the World will impute to Us of weakenesse, to
shew favour to him now, as if without that we could not
give an ende to this Rebellion, Wee still remaine deter-
mined, not to give him grace in any kinde. And seeing
it is unsafe for any Prince to make all faults appeare
veniall, because every offender will thereby become
insolent, and seeing in common reason the cutting off
so many associates, must needes have left him a bodie
without limmes, and so not worthy Our respecting. Wee
doe very well allow of your late rejecting him. For
when Wee looke on his manner of seeking mercy at all
times, We doe still certainely conclude, that it is done
upon some practise to serve some present turne, seeing
one day hee onely desires simple mercy tor his life, and
another day falles to capitulate, neither can Wee see why
so much depends upon his reduction, when, for aught
We know, no man can advise us, if hee should come
in, and bee at libertie hereafter, out of Our hands, how
Wee could bee so assured of him, but that still Wee
must bee in doubt of him, and at the same charges Wee
are at, to containe him and his, notwithstanding their
former reduction, which if Wee must account to bee at
(whomsoever or whatsoever Wee recover). Wee shall take
small contentment in that victory, wherof the ende would
bee worse then the beginning. And therefore mistake
not this Our earnestnesse in this point, as if it proceeded
from any opinion, that you have demeaned your selfe
otherwise, then became you in the charge committed to
you : for We would have you know for your comfort,
that We approve all the courses you have held, since
you tooke the Sword in your whole Governement, to
have been accompanied with diligence, wisdome, and good
successes, and so We accept the same at your hands. For
N. N. his proceedings with the Traitor, although Wee A^. n.'s
doe not allow of his boldnesse to doe such a thing without proceedings.
231
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
your direction, yet Wee have so little reason, by the
course of his service, to doubt of his affection, as We
do dispence with that errour, in which We assure our
selves hee meant no harme. Given under Our Signet,
at Our Manner of Richmond, the ninth day of October,
1 602, in the foure and fortieth yeere of our Raigne.
^o^y The first of November, Rorv O Donnell (brother to O
■r ^ Donnell lately dead in Spaine, whom in the Summer
for mercy. following you shall see created Earle of Terconnell),
having made humble sute to the Lord Deputy for her
Majesties mercy, and finding that his Lordship made
doubt of his true meaning, did by his letters dated the
first of November earnestly protest, that hee did desire
•from his heart, and had long desired to become a subject,
though for the present he had command of all his brothers
forces, and had received promise of helpe to bee sent
this next Summer from Spaine or Rome. And to obtaine
this mercy he pleaded, that his brother went out upon
his private discontent against the will of his father and
himselfe, being enabled by strangers to force them. That
his Grandfather by Henrie the eighth for his good service
to the Crowne was Knighted, and had his Countrie given
him and his heires by letters Pattents. That his pre-
decessors had long served the Crowne against the Oneales.
That himselfe had often sought to become a subject, and
for the same had been imprisoned by his brother, with
many dangers of his life. Lastly, that now, assoone as
he had made himselfe master of his brothers forces, hee
humbly offered to submit himselfe, and of late had
suffered the Governour of Connaght to passe by him
[II. iii. 249.] with the Queenes forces, lest by fighting with them, hee
should incense the State against himselfe and his people.
And touching Neale Garve, whereas he had a grant of
part of his brothers lands, he offered to prove, that he
had since that grant agreed with his brother, to joyne
with him against the English forces, as soone as the
Spaniards should arrive in Ireland, and be able to keepe
232
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
the field. Hereupon the Lord Deputy sent him her
Majesties protection by Captaine Gore, with direction to
come unto his Lordship, so soone as hee should be in
Connaght, whether hee intended shortly to take his
journey.
About this time the Lord Deputy imployed Sir Garret Sir Garret
Moore (of English race) into the Brenny, where all the ^"O''^-
Rebels submitted, and gladly received her Majesties pro-
tection : among them one of the O Relyes came with
one hundred men, and Mac Gaurons sonnes with fiftie
men, and some one thousand Cowes from Ororke, being
the greatest strength hee had. And another of the O
Relyes, being refused pardon, undertooke to bring in
Mac Guyres head, so he might have her Majesties pardon,
which Mac Guyre had abused her Majesties Protection,
into which the Governour of Ballishannon had formerly
received him.
At the same time Tyrone sent to the Lord Deputie by
Sir Garret Moore, an absolute submission to the Queenes
mercie, and wrote to the Lord Deputy, that howsoever
the shewing of this submission might hinder him from
receiving the aides hee expected out of Spaine, yet he
had sent it, in confidence that his Lordship would deale
honourably with him. This submission was in these
words.
Right Honourable Lord, your worthy endevours in Tyrone's
her Majesties service, and processe of time, have ^"^f"""')"-
sufficiently taught me, how improvidently I have perse-
vered in action, wheras heretofore upon my submission
I might have hoped, her Majesty would have received
me to her mercy, unto which action I was enforced for
safeguard of my life only, which was indirectly sought
for by her Majesties officers, as is known to sundry
persons of credit here, & her subjects ; & that before I
was proclaimed traitor, I never sent letters into Spaine,
or received any from thence, though afterwards I was
animated to continue in Action upon hope of Spanish
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
aide, and promise of many confederates, of both which
being disappointed, my estate is greatly decreased, and
though I might perhaps be able to hold out for a time,
yet am I weary of the course I held, and do much repent
me of the same, most humbly and with a penitent heart
desiring and wishing to bee reconciled to my Prince, and
to be received to her Majesties mercy, whom I am right
sorry I have so much offended and provoked, and yet
I know that her Majesties mercy is greater then mine
offences, the rather that at the first I did not wilfully
oppose my selfe against her Majesty, but for safety of
my life was driven into action as aforesaid, and for my
continuance therein I submit my selfe to her Majesties
mercy and grace, acknowledging her Majesty alone to be
my naturall Prince, and my selfe her unworthy subject :
but if her Highnesse will vouchsafe, of her accustomed
Grace, to grant not onely pardon to me, my kinsemen
and followers, and unto mine adherents, in their owne
names, and upon their severall submissions, but also to
restore me and them to our pristinate blood and posses-
sions, I will from henceforth both renounce all other
Princes for her, and serve her Highnesse the residue of
my life, humbly requesting, even of your Honour, now
that you have brought mee so low, to remember I am
a Noble-man, and to take compassion on me, that the
overthrow of my house and posterity may bee prevented
by your good meanes and honourable care towards her
Majesty for mee, which with all humility I desire and
will accept : And for the better doing hereof, if your
Lordship doe mislike any of the Articles which I did
send unto you, I pray your Lordship to appoint either
some of the privy Counsell, or some Gentlemen of worth,
to conferre with mee ; and your Lordship shall find me
conformable to reforme them. The twelfth of November
1602.
Subscribed Hugh Tyrone.
The thirteenth day the Lord Deputy was advertised
that Captaine Tyrrell upon a mutiny betweene him and
234
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
the Rebels of Kerry, had left Mounster, and, having some
sixe hundred men with him, was comming back into [II. iii. 250.]
Lemster, and it was thought that Tyrone would send
him to Orowrke, to assist him in the defence of his
Countrey.
About the eighteenth of November his Lordship began
his intended journy into Connaght, and by the way this
following letter from Tyrone, to Oconnor Sligo, being
intercepted, was sent to his Lordship.
WE commend us unto you Oconnor Sligo, we have A Letter
received your letter, and as formerly we have 1'°^ Tyrone
written unto you, wee have remained in Fermannagh wel- %.^ ^°""'"^
nigh this quarter of a yeere, and have often written unto
you, and to Odonnels sonne, and requested you to come
and see us neere Logh Earne, concerning our Counsels
either for peace or warre, and neither of you came thither
to meet us : We thought that you and O Donnels sonne,
and Ororke, and O Connor Roe, and our selves, as many
of us as are of our faction, would have maintained warre
for a great time, and to that end, we came to these parts,
and have forgone so many of our owne people, as have
not risen with us : But seeing that O Rorke (if it be
true) and O Connor have received protection, and that
every one doth make peace for himselfe, wee may all
easily be deemed men broken, and not substantiall in
warre : but concerning our counsell and advice which you
write for, our advice unto you is neither to make peace
nor cessation, but that peace or cessation which shall be
made by all our consents and agreements ; and if you doe
otherwise, stand to the hazard your selves, for you shall
not have my consent thereunto.
Subscribed, Oneale.
The Lord Deputy tooke the foresaid journey into
Connaght, as well to take order with the Rebels in action,
which had sent messengers to Dublyn in their names to
crave the Queenes mercy, as also to view the Towne of
Galloway, and to consider how the discent of forraigne
235
A.D.
1602.
O Connor
S/igo's
submission.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
enemies might best be prevented, by building a Fort upon
the Haven. Before his Lordships comming, Sir Oliver
Lambert the Governour, with the Forces under him, had
made a journey, wherein he quite banished Mac William
out of the County Maio. His Lordship having made
some stay in the Pale, came to Athlone the second of
December, and lay in the Castle, being very strong, and
divided from the Towne by a bridge over the River
Shannon, where the Governour and the Counsell for that
Province made their residence.
Here the foureteenth of December, O Connor Sligo,
and Rowry Odonnell, (brother to the Traitor O Donnell
lately dead in Spaine) two Rebels of greatest power in
those parts, came to his Lordship, and made their humble
submission to her Majesty. O Connor Sligo alleaged
many things in his owne excuse, as the manner of O
Donnels taking him and keeping him in prison, and
submitted himselfe to her Majesties mercy. Rowry O
Donnell, albeit he had under him all his brothers followers
and creaghts, yet did hee both simply and absolutely
submit himselfe to her Majesties Grace, without standing
upon any conditions, but signifying his readines to deliver
such pledges as should be demanded of him, all such
Castles (as Ballymote, and others in the County of Sligo)
which hee had gotten into his possession, and to doe any
thing that hee might receive her Majesties favour,
alleadging further that his Father and Grand-father had
beene true serviters, that he himselfe, with the privity
of Sir Coniers Clifford, then Governour, had resolved to
have served her Majesty against his brother, but upon
the discovery of his purpose, he was kept in irons, (a
matter well knowne to be true), and now most franckly
offering his service, (if he might be received), either here
or beyond the Seas, wheresoever her Majesty would be
pleased to employ him, which manner of carriage, pro-
ceeding from a man of good spirit, active & wise, induced
the L. Deputy to receive him, and did in some sort move
all the Counsell to pitty his case, that he did no sooner
236
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
submit himselfe, and the rather because they did foresee
how noteable an instrument he might be made, to bridle
the insolency of Sir Neale Garve, (which was growne
intolerable), of whom they thought he might be the best
curbe that could be devised. And. therefore they resolved
at their comming to Dublin, to send for the said Sir
Neale and this Competitor, and with the advice of the rest
of the Counsell, seriously to consider how to provide for,
and to dispose of them both, wherein albeit they purposed
to give unto Sir Neale the benefit of her Majesties [II. ni. 251.]
gratious promise, yet did they think it a thing very
expedient for her service and the settling of Tirconnell,
that some competent portions in Tirconnel should be
allotted to this Gentleman, in which point they by letters
humbly prayed the Lords in England to move her sacred
Majesty to send unto them her Highnes warrant for
taking such a finall order between them, as by the general
advise and consent of this Counsell should be thought
fittest for her Majesties service.
The Lord Deputie proceeding on his journey to Gallo- Submltties at
way, kept his Christmas there, and in that Towne, all the Ga/loway.
Rebels of that Province (the Flahertyes, the Mac Der-
motts of the Courlewes, Connor Roe, and divers others)
submitted themselves, and were received, and so for the
present this Province was brought to quietnesse.
Onely the proud, insolent, faithlesse Bryan Ororke, Bryan
notwithstanding his former humble message sent to the Ororke.
L. Deputy touching his desire to be received to mercie,
absented himselfe, and having drawne unto him Tyrones
Mac Guyre (whom for his deceitfull and treacherous
dealing, the Lord Deputie had banished out of Ferman-
nagh, and exposed to prosecution), and the Traytor Tyrell
(lately come out of Mounster) and trusting to the Fast-
nesse of his Country, persisted in his Rebellion. And
therefore, albeit his Lordship did foresee the manifold
difficulties which must grow in his prosecution, yet did
hee hold it very necessary to take the present opportunity
to scourge him severall waies, before the Spring, and
237
A.D.
1602.
Jrm'tei to be
sent against
Ororke.
Form of
submission by
the Rebels.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
before his forraigne hopes might give him any further
incouragement. And for this ende, as hee had appointed
a proportion of victuals and other necessaries, to bee
presently brought from Lymrick to Athlone, so now he
resolved to furnish Sir Oliver Lambert with an Army to
surprise his Countrie Leytrim, and to take it into her
Majesties hands. Sir Henrie Follyot also, with the
assistance of Rowrie O Donnell, (who already had done
some service against O Rorke) was appointed from Sligo,
and those parts, to enter into his Country, and his Lord-
ship intended presently to raise a third Army, to bee sent
from the Pale to annoy him, by which course his Lordship
hoped, this Rebell should not be able long to subsist in
his pride and contempt.
The submission of the foresaid Rebels was made by
each of them in writing, and in these words following :
First, I doe acknowledge Elizabeth by the grace of
God Queene of England, France, and Ireland to be the
only true, absolute and Soveraigne Lady of this Realme
of Ireland, and of every part, and of all the people
thereof, unto whose gratious mercy I doe humbly submit
my selfe, my lands and goods, and withall faithfull
repentance for my unnaturall disobedience unto her Roiall
Majesty, doe most earnestly implore her mercy and
pardon, for my selfe, and such of my followers as with
me have been seduced to this wicked Rebellion.
Further, I doe renounce all and any manner of obedi-
ence unto any other Power or Potentate, which I ow only
to my- said dread Soveraigne Elizabeth, and utterly abjure
any dependancy and adherence to any of her enemies
whatsoever, or disloyall subjects, and doe promise, sweare
and vow, from henceforth to live in her subjection in al
dutie and obedience, and to use my best endevours, to
the uttermost of my power, to withstand and confound
any enemy either forraigne or domesticall, that shall
attempt any thing against the sacred person or estate of
her Majestie, or to the hurt of her faithfull and obedient
subjects, and especially, and namely, I doe renounce (as
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THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
before) and promise my endevours (as aforesaid) against
the King of Spaine, and the Arch-Traytor the earle of
Tyrone,
All this as I do upon my salvation sweare to performe
sincerely, so if I doe herein breake my oth, I doe acknow-
ledge my selfe not onely to be worthy of all infamy and
extreme punishment, but to be ever after accounted
unworthy of the name of a Christian, or the society of
men, to the which as I have unfainedly sworne, so I do
now in witnesse hereof set to my hand.
In Christmas holidayes his Lordship viewed the Towne Directions for
of Galloway, and judging it a place of great importance ^ ^°''^ '"
to be preserved from being possessed by any forraigne " ''^'^^'
enemie, he gave present direction to finish that Fort, the
building whereof was alreadie begun, in a place well [II. iii. 252.]
chosen, both to command the Haven, and to defend the
Towne from forraigne invasion. During his Lordships
abode in Galloway, he received this following letter from
the Lords in England.
AFter our right hearty commendations to your good Letter from
Lordship, her Majestic hath heard of your whole '^^ ^°^^^ '"
letter, brought by Sir Henrie Davers, bearing date the "^'^" '
tenth of November, in answere to one of her Majesties
of the ninth of October, wherein you doe prevent (in
some things) such directions as were digested into a dis-
patch ready to be signed and sent you, as namely, in the
matter of exchange for one point (and so of some others)
wherein her Majestie having heard the Apologie oi you
the Treasurer being (as she is, ever) readie to interpret
gratiously, those actions which are well meant, though
they succeed not alwaies as is wished, though she had
given us charge to write much more particularly in that
matter, yet now hath been pleased to command us only
to let you know Master Treasurer, that (although you
shal never need to excuse your integrity, because she
never doubted it) yet she can not free you and your
Ministers from such oversights, as have encreased the
239
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
burthen of this Exchange. For though one part of your
answer is, that new things must be settled with plausible
circumstances at the entrie, yet these are her own words,
that you should not have thought it new (long agoe) to
have stopped that current, when you saw it carried so much
contrarie to the true meaning of the Proclamation, even
now that the institution hath been on foot almost two
yeeres, and that such a summe of money is returned
backe againe by you, when the issue of the new coyne
hath bin no greater, seeing (that excepted which spends
in the lendings of the Army) a small quantitie hath been
otherwise dispersed in the Kingdome, so as surely it may
Abuses of the not be denied, but many of these Billes might have been
Btlles. ]fit^t from the Banke, if your deputies had been as carefull
as they ought. For although Captaines and Souldiers,
and Merchants (carrying and delivering necessaries for
the Army) were by her Majesties institution intended to
be relieved in their reasonable and just demands, yet who
could ever thinke, that her Majesty ever intended, that
Merchants should have been suffered to sell those
Merchandize for 300I. there, which cost them but one
100 1. here, and then turne that 300 li. upon the
Exchange, or that Captaines & officers would make over
foure times more money by one bill, then their whole
entertainement comes to in a yeere. And therefore fore-
sight hereof (by the experience dearely bought) makes her
Majestie now resolve in her last order, that she wil not
allow any exchange, but onely to the Army, and such as
doe relieve the same, and that she meanes from hence-
forth shall bee justly answered, howsoever it may bee, that
some seditious persons, misliking that these unreason-
able Billes have been looked into (and so some suspence
of paiment made) may speak scandalously, either of the
past or future, when already there is delivered to your
Deputie Master Treasurer, ten or twelve thousand
pounds, and more shall follow after^ towards the discharge.
And now to come to that which followes, and doth require
expedition, your L^ shall understand, that the greatnes
240
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
of her Majesties Army being such, as she cannot beare
it up, without extreme prejudice to her state and King-
dome, she hath commanded us hereby to let you know,
that shee Is not satisfied with this abatement of 1000, Abatement of
but doth command you with all possible expedition, to ^^^ Armie.
reduce the Army to 12000 foot and 1000 horse, a matter
which she findeth good to do In her wisdome, not onely
for the necessitie of the expence, but out oi this judge-
ment, that she shall be sufficiently able to provide for the
defence against forralgne power, before the storme shall
fall, without which occasion, considering your owne
relation of the weakenesse and desperate estate of the
rebell, with the desire of the rest to come from him,
she perswadeth her selfe that this List (well compounded
out of the Bands that are cashered) will be strong enough
against any home rebellion, and so much the rather, it
you make it as much English as you can, by ridding as
many of the Irish as you thinke meete, in all which,
for the persons and places, she referres It wholly to
your owne best judgement. And now that wee
are speaking of the Army, wee thinke It fit to
remember unto you, that It is a great errour In the
Officers of the Ministers of that KIngdome, that the
Musters (which Is one of the principall keyes of her [II. ill. 253.]
Majesties charge) Is no better ordered. The fraude Fraude of the
whereof doth evidently appeare, seeing that Army which Musters.
is kept upon such a height In List and payment. Is knowne
and confessed (even by the Captaines themselves) to be
so extreamely defective In their numbers ; for although
we are not ignorant, that multlpllcltie of Garrisons hinder
the posslbilltie of exact Musters, yet there Is difi^erence
betweene toUerable imperfections, and those grosse
negligences which are used by the Ministers of that
service, whereof the World Is apt sometimes to accuse
those, that should (both here and there) censure the
offenders, as those that doe commit the faults unpunished ;
Herein wee intreat your L^ and that Counsell to make
our case your owne, and then to consider, whether we can
M. in 241 (^
A.D.
1602.
The Checque
upon
apparrell.
No iouldier
to be
discharged
but by Passe.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
well discharge our duties to her Majestic, when (in time
of so great an expence) we are not able to shew her any
manner of account of her Army by any authenticall
certificate, more then every Captaine or passenger can
relate unto us, no not for the expence of eight or ten
moneths time. In which point of the Musters we thinke
it not amisse to say something to you, what wee conceive
concerning the Checque upon apparrell. First, the order
set downe very caremlly and at large for the manner of
the deliverie and the Checque to be raised upon the
apparrel, is not observed, the due observation whereof
would advantage the checque of the apparrell very much.
For such souldiers as are sent from us thorowly apparrelled
oftentimes have apparrell there againe (at the time of their
delivery) given them, especially those that are dispersed
into Bands, to fill them up, whereby we see her Majesties
double charge, though speciall warning hath been given
thereof from hence. And daily able men are suffered
to come over hither (as of late tenne of those that were
set out of the County of Lincolne in the late leavy), and
by the examination taken here lately, it is proved, that
money is given to procure them pasports, and none of
those souldiers of the late leavies doe stand her Majestie
and the Countrie (before they arrive there) in lesse then
sixe pound a man. The order is not observed that hath
been prescribed, that no souldier should bee discharged
but by Passe from the Lord Deputie, Principall Gover-
nour, or chiefe Commanders ; for daily divers come over
with Passes of their Captaines, and divers are sent away
together in one passe (sometimes to the number of thirtie)
and few of them maimed, and those bring no other passes
then from the Major where they are set on land here.
In all which, and other particular duties though the
Muster Master, Comptroller, and such other ofllicers may
be thought to be onely responsable in such cases, where-
with they are trusted), yet the authority which your
Lordship hath, and the meanes you have to distinguish
how and when things of that nature may be in som?
242
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
good sort reformed, and the persons offending therein
being in your eie to behold both them and their doing,
and in your power to rule and punish them, as you finde
cause, doth impose upon you thus much either to call
upon them, and to chastise them, or else to deliver your
owne judgement, which when we shall receive from you,
and thereof informe her Majestie, it would include your
care and ours to have it otherwise, and would satisfie the
expectation and discourse of this time, when her Majesties
subjects (being bitten with accidentall charges of the
warres) begin now to thinke, that much of that which her
Majestie imposeth here at home, is not necessarie, but
rather voluntarie, or for lacke of care and providence in
the expence, unprofitably wasted, especially now they
heare of nothing but victories and improbabillity of
forraigne power, and yet finde no difference betweene the
present state of her Majesties charge, and that which
shee was at when there was a Spanish Army in that
Kingdom. We have also thought good to let your Lord-
ship know, how great confusion it breedes in her
Majesties expence, that those of her Counsell there (while
your Lordship hath beene wholly conversant in millitarie
causes) have not called to their answere, nor (according
to their desert) have punished such Commissaries of Commissaries
victuals there, as have made private gaine to them selves, of victuals not
by sale of the victual committed to their charge, without P"""^^'^-
warrant from us, or direction from the Purveors here
(their superiours), whereof from you we have received
both advertisement and mislike. But especially for that you
of the Counsell there have never called upon nor strictly
charged the Commissaries to bring in their accounts, [II. iii, 254.]
in so much as there remaineth yet unaccounted for (for
any thing wee know) the whole charge of those victuals,
which wee have carefully sent over, and whereof wee
have received certificate of the safe arrivall, for the space
of almost two yeeres, of which Masse (if the same be
reckoned) your Lordship shall find it little lesse then the
vdue of one hundred threescore thousand pound, whereof
5*43
A.D.
1602,
Great
summes
defalked.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
your Lordship may thus conclude, that either the summes
defalked are great (which remaine in the Treasurers hands)
or else the remaine in specie is so great with the Com-
missaries, as her Majestie might have spared the
provisions lately sent over, by which the Treasure hath
been so mightily exhausted ; or else the wasts must bee
such, as are not onely to bee rejected in the accounts, but
the Authors thereof severely to bee punished. A matter
wherein wee write the more earnestly to your Lordship,
(from whom wee would have all exception taken, that
wee assure our selves, you deserve not,) because we heare
that a great part of the waste shall bee excused, some-
times by the avowing that it hath been cast on their hands,
because the souldier hath not been injoyned to take it,
and that some other time they have been commanded
to remove it, and carrie it from place to place, by which
they pretend great losse ; and (which of all things
is most subject to suspition in them), that it is
taken for a good warrant in Ireland, to allow of
any wastes, for which a Commissarie can produce
a certificate from a poore Major, Soveraigne or
Bailiffe of a Towne or Port, which how easily it is
obtained, your Lordships owne wisedome can best judge,
who are so well acquainted with the povertie and con-
dition of that place. Further, because no one thing is
more heavy to the Queene and the Realme, then the
Victualling, matter oi victualling (wherein it is no way possible for us
to doe more here), and that wee perceive by your letter
of the two and twentieth of September, amongst other
things, that your Lordship is not well satisfied in divers
things concerning the victuals, wee thinke it not amisse
to handle some particular points of that matter, which
wee wish all those of the Counsell (and all other interested
in the care of those things) may well understand, because
you may the better (another time) answere those argu-
ments, with which they seeke to satisfie you, when in
truth (if they examine themselves), whatsoever they lacke,
it proceedeth most from their owne default. First,
244
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602,
whereas in the letter aforesaid you note, how slowly such
victuals doe arrive there, as have been provided here upon
request made by your Lordship, we answere, that New- Nemomen.
comen (whom you sent over) is able to give you satis-
faction, that presently upon his comming over hither,
and perusall of your Lordships demaunds, there was no
delay used by us, to satisfie you in such sort as might
be to your Lordships contentment, and to serve the
Army and Garrisons, and (because Newcomen was not
only made privie, but did both thinke the provision
appointed to be sufficient to answere your Lordships
desire, and the use of the Armie and Garisons, & is one
of the undertakers for those provisions of victuals) he is
much to blame if he have not particularly discharged that
trust. True it is, that we conceive you have cause to
marvell, that in so great distance of time, so smal quantitie
of so great a masse as was provided, hath arrived there,
which if it hath happened by contrariety of winds onely,
then must your Lordship be satisfied, and wee excused.
But howsoever it be, by the coppie of the Contracts sent
unto your Lordship by us, with the charge the victuals
did amount unto, we doubt not but you rest thorowly
satisfied of our care, and leave us rather cause to suspect,
that our former letters written to your Lordship con-
cerning the victualing causes, have not come to your
hands, or that the contents of them are out of your
remembrance. For in them, namely, that of the fourth
of August last, wee did not onely send your Lordship
(as formerly wee did of all the rest) a coppie of the Thevktuakn
contract made by the victualers, but did satisfie you in contract.
divers things whereof we doe find you do complaine,
which by our former letters we delivered and signified at
large, and we both remember well the things you noted,
& the course we held for your satisfaction. To which
we ad nothing more, but doe repeate unto you, that we
then did say in that point, that wee finde it a great fault
in the Commissaries of the victuals there, that they do
never informe you of the arrivall of victuals in those [II. iii. 255.]
245
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
parts, nor upon what contract they are provided, which
would well become both the Commissarie and Surveior of
the victuals ; for by many letters sent from him to us, we
are particularly certified both of the victuals that arrive
there, and upon what contract they are furnished.
Besides, the victualers here doe protest, that they doe
provide no victuals at all, but for the use of the Armie,
and to furnish the contracts, so as what quantities soever
are sent thither, the same are to be taken for her Majesties
use, and to bee accounted to furnish the contracts, untill
they bee compleate, and then the overplus is to passe to
serve the next contract. For it may fall out, that such
victuals as are sent to one place, may by contrarietie of
winds arrive in another Province or Port, which now (as
the Purveiours doe informe us) hath of late happened to
one of their Barkes driven into Corke, and there staled
by the Governour, which should have come to Galloway,
and so that Towne thereby disfurnished, and those that
are sent sooner from hence may arrive later, and some-
times miscarry. But the chiefest matter that doth breede
Overseers of scruple, doubt, and matter of abuse, is that there are
victuals not ^iot appointed there in the usuall Ports, where there
the^^^ll^ are Magazines (as in Dublin, Carlingford, Corke, Lym-
Ports. ricke, Carickfergus, Loughfoyle, and Galloway) some
sufficient persons, who with the Major and Officers of the
Ports, may over-see the unlading of the victuals from
time to time, and take knowledge of the goodnesse of
the victuals, and the quantities of the same, and to charge
the Surveyors of the victuals to performe their duties
likewise, and to be enformed of the same, and certifie
you thereof, wherein, or in any other sort, if any abuse be
committed by the Commissaries, it is both the earnest
request of the Undertakers, and our absolute desire, and
that which your Lordships place doth require, to see some
exemplary punishment inflicted upon them for their evill
carriage, which may and ought to be reformed. So as
for an answere to that letter, we must still referre you
to our former letters, namely, those oi the fourth oi
246
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
August last, forasmuch as is to bee performed by us here,
who see and heare with others eyes and eares in that place,
and not our owne.
And where wee doe understand by your late letters Beeves
also, that the Commissaries and Agents for the Under- refused.
takers, doe refuse to take beeves at twentie shillings a
piece, the victualers here doe not onely deny the same
to be done by their privitie, but earnestly beseech us (as
often they have done) that they may have them at that
price, and in our letters sent by Newcomen, at their
entreatie we did require, that your Lordship would bee
pleased to take order, they might have at reasonable rates
such beeves as were taken from the enemie, which sute
they doe renew, and doe assure us, they will bee glad to
receive them at that rate. And forasmuch as many great
and heavie accounts are to bee taken, before either reckon-
ings can bee cleared, or faults clearely distinguished, her
Majestie hath resolved immediatly after Christmas, to
send over some well chosen Commissioners, both for Commissioners
integritie and experience in all things in this nature, to to be sent
examine and survey the state of her Majesties receipts
and issues. To whom, as shee nothing doubteth, but
your Lordship (whose zeale and care appeares so greatly
in her Majesties service) will give the best support which
you can possibly afford them, so her Majestie requireth
your Lordship now upon conference with the Counsell
there, to appoint a day for all those inferiour persons,
who have any thing to doe with the matters of accounts
receipts, and expence, to come to Dublin, to the intent
that those which shall be sent over, may not loose their
time, by attending their repaire from remote places, nor
your Lordship (whose eyes and judgement will give great
light to that Commission) may bee otherwise distracted
by any new journies, or prosecutions, to which the grow-
ing on of the yeere may invite you. For the present
desire you have that some Commissioners should be sent
over for the passing of some lands to the Submitties, with
such reservations as are fittest for her Majestie, shee
247
over.
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
meaneth presently to send over authoritie accordingly,
liking very well (amongst other things) that you intend to
cut off all dependancy upon the Irish Lords, which is one
very necessarie consideration. Lastly, because your L^
and the Counsell may know, that although it is not to be
[II. iii. 256.] looked for at the hands of any Prince, that they should
unnecessarily keepe Companies in pay for the reliefe of
any Captaine, yet because her Majesty in her owne dis-
position intendeth nothing lesse, then to neglect those
servitors of hers, whom you shall testifie to have deserved
extraordinarily, being like to suffer penury by this casher-
ing, shee hath willed us to let you know, that shee is
pleased to continue to every such Captaine, and so many
other Officers as you thinke necessary, their ordinary
pay ; whereby they may bee enabled to maintaine them-
selves there about you, for many good purposes, untill
some other occasion offer it selfe to imploy them else-
where, or some Company there fall within your gift, to
conferre it upon them, which being done, that entertaine-
ment may cease. And now that you perceive her
Majesties resolution, whereof shee hath much hastened
the sending away unto you, (in which respect wee cannot
so particularly touch all things as we would) ; wee must
now conclude, that howsoever her Majesties pleasure is,
that those errours of subordinate Ministers in these
matters of accompts and reckonings, should be thus
mentioned to your Lordship and that Counsell, that is
Reformation onely to make it appeare, how serious a reformation
expected. -^ expected from you : And though shee seeth how
fearefull your Lordship is, without a more par-
ticular commandement (what numbers to diminish) to
have made so large an abatement as shee commandeth
you, not knowing how soone you might have
cause to use them for her service, yet her Majesty
is so farre from imputing it to any errour in judgement,
or lacke of zeale in you to her service, as shee confesseth
shee hath beene to blame for not commanding it, and
not you for not doing it, whose care, toile, and perill, as
248
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
they have beene more then any Governour hath under-
gone before you, so may your Lordship take this comfort
also, that the successe which it hath pleased God to give
you, doth make your selfe an acceptable Minister to your
Prince and Countrey, and maketh all us very glad (both
for the publike, to which wee owe our first duties, and
for your owne private, who shall ever find it in all things
fit for us to performe towards you). From the Court at
Whitehall the 22 of November 1602.
A.D.
1602.
A Lyst of the Army as it stood the first of
Januarie, 1602.
Horse.
The Lord Deputie, 100. The Lord President, 100.
The Earle of Thomond, 50. The Earle of Clanrickard,
50. Sir Henrie Dockwra, 100. Sir Arthur Chichester,
25. Master Marshall, 50. Sir William Godolphin, 50.
Sir Francis Stafford, 50. Sir Garret Moore, 25. Sir
Henry Harrington, 25. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25. Sir
Oliver S. Johns, 25. Sir Richard Greame, 50. Sir
Edward Harbert, 12. Sir Francis Rush, 12. Captaine
John Jephson, 100. Sir Henrie FoUiot, 50. Captaine
William Taffe, 50. Captaine Flemming, 25. Captaine
Geo. Greame, 14. Horse 1000.
Foote.
The Lord Deputy, 200. The Lord President, 200.
The Earle of Kildare, 1 50. The Earle of Thomond, 200.
The Earle of Clanrickard, 150. The Earle of Ormond,
150. The Lord Audley, 150. Sir George Cary,
Treasurer, 100. Sir Henrie Dockwra, 150. Sir Oliver
Lambert, 150. Sir Arthur Chichester, 200.
Wingfeild, 150. Sir Francis Stafford, 200.
S. Johns, 200. Sir Foulke Conway, 150.
Bagnol, 150. Sir Richard Moryson, 200.
Moore, 100. Sir Francis Shane, 100. Sir Christopher S
249
Sir Richard
Sir Oliver
Sir Samuel
Sir Garret
Lysi of the
Arm'ie at
I. January
1602.
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Laurence, 150. Sir Henrie Follyot, 150. Sir George
Bourcher, 100. Sir Francis Rush, 150. Sir James Fitz
Peirce, 100. Sir Tho. Lofties, 100. Sir Henry Power,
150. Sir Edward Harbert, 100. Sir William Fortescue,
150. Sir Charles Willmott, 150. Sir Richard Peircy,
150. Sir Edward Fitz Gerald, 100. Sir Francis Barkely,
150. Sir Ben. Berry, 150. Sir Mat. Morgan, 150. Sir
Tib. Dillon, 100. Sir Tho. Bourke, 150. Sir Geo.
Thornton, 100. Sir Garret Harvey, 150. Sir Ed. Wing-
feild, 200. Captaine Edw. Blaney, 150. Capt. Tobey
Cawfeild, 150. Capt. Josias Bodley, 150. Capt. Hen.
Atherton, 150. Capt. Edward Trever, 100. Capt. Ric.
Hansard, 200. Capt. Ferdinand Freckleton, 100. Capt.
Francis Roe, 150. Capt. Lau. Esmond, 150. Capt. Tho.
Williams, 150. Capt. Lyonell Ghest, 150. Capt. Tho.
Roper, 150. Capt. Tho. Rotheram, 150. Capt. Ralph
[II. iii. 257.] Constable, 100. Capt. Ralph Bingley, 100. Capt.
Tho. Badbey, 100. Capt. Ellis Floyd, 100. Capt. Lewis
Orrell, 100. Capt. Ellis Jones, 150. Capt. Edw. Leigh,
100. Capt. Edw. Basset, 100. Capt. Tho. Coach, 150.
Capt. W. Winsor, 150. Capt. Roger Orme, 100. Capt.
Nich. Pinner, 100. Capt. Joh. Sidney, 100. Cap. W.
Stafford, 100. Cap. Ralph Sidley, 100. Capt. Bassel
Brooke, 100. Capt. Jo, Vaughan, 100. Capt. H. Sack-
ford, 100. Capt. Tho. Phillips, 100. Capt. Roger Lang-
ford, 100. Capt. J. Phillips, 100. Capt. H. Malby, 100.
Capt. Tho. Bourke, 100. Capt. Tibott Bourke, 100.
Cap. Rich. Henslo for Pioners, 100. Sir Francis Kins-
mill, 150. Capt. Geo. Kinsmill, 100. Capt. Bostock,
100. Capt. Sam. Harrison, 100. Capt. James Blount,
100. Capt. H. Skipwith, 100. Capt. Edw. Morryes,
100. Capt. Edw. Fisher, 100. Capt. H. Hart, 100.
Cap. Abrey Yorke, 100. Cap. Char. Coote, 100. Capt.
Gawen Harvey, 100. Capt. Dorington, 100. Capt.
Holcroft, 100. Capt, H. Bakley, 150. Capt. Tho. Boys,
100. Capt. Edw. Legg, 100. Capt. Dennis Dale, 50.
Left in Ward at Enishcorthy, 20. Foote 12370.
The fourth of January, Sir Henry Dockwra Governor
250
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
of Loughfoyle forces, wrote to the Lord Deputie this
following letter.
Right Hon. and my very good Lord ; the argument ^J^ ^^^H
of this my letter shall be onely the testification of i/i'(f^t^t\^
my privat duty, and a little discourse touching Neale Lord Deputie.
Garve, and those Irish, whom I must freely confesse I
am more to seeke in what sort to governe and use, to the
benefit of her Majesties service, and discharge of my
owne duty, then in any other point of the whole businesse.
Neales first comming without compulsion, his bringing
us to Liffer, his services many times commendably per-
formed in his owne person, the furtherance he gave us
for planting at Dunagall, the helpe he gave our men in
their greatest wants, when O Donnell besieged them, the
losse of his brother in that service, the trial oi his fidelity,
by standing firme in so dangerous a time, and lastly the
goods he forsook of his owne, to serve the Queene for
half pay, are arguments neither untruly gathered, nor
unjustly alleaged to make much in his favour. On the
other side, his extreme pride, ambition, and insatiable
covetousnesse, his want of any knowledge when he is
well delt with all, his importunitie in all things, right or
wrong, his continuall begging, and unprofitable wasting
of whatsoever hee gets, his aptnesse to desperate and
unspeakeable discontent for trifles of no worth, his
facillitie to bee misliked by men of best qualitie, and his
underhand jugling (which is too apparant by many
Indices) with the Rebels, hee is truly to bee charged with
all, as the other good services are to be acknowledged.
And yet to discountenance him, and challenge him of
those faults, were to raise a new warre, and to drive the
whole Country (in an unseasonable time) to an obdurate
alienation of mind from all English Governement. To
discharge his people, we shall finde a singular want, for
spiall of many things which they give us light of, so
should wee likewise for gathering of preys, whensoever
wee goe a journey, and besides the Armes they have
251
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
got amongst us, and the charge they have put her
Majestie unto, the one would hardly be recovered out of
their hands, and the other not unworthily thought to bee
an ill peece of service to make utterly lost. Againe, on
the other side they give continuall advertisements, aswell
from us to the Rebels, as from them to us. Forts or
places of strength alone by themselves, they neither will
nor dare abide in, without helpe. To make their peace
with O Donnel, they shal ever finde difficulty. To joyne
with the Spaniards (if any come neere to those parts) they
may if they will, and will undoubtedly if they bee never
so little discontented. In these inconveniences on the one
side, and necessitie on the other, I see not (in my judge-
ment) any better course to bee held, then to temporize
somewhat, to feede their humours a while, though it
bee chargeable to the Queene, and to mingle lenity
and severitie so, as some bee punished for these
notorious abuses, when they are apparently proved
(let him rage and storme while he wil), and
others winked at, whose faults are apparant, and yet
more closely carried from direct and manifest proofes, by
testimony of witnesses, and therwithall to get what by
faire meanes and by force (as I see best occasion to temper
them) the best pledges he hath for himselfe, and the best
of his people into my hands, & being once possessed of
[II. iii. 258.] them, to keep them till I see greater cause of assurance
of his fidelitie, or at the least a lesse occasion of suspition,
which course I am alreadie entred into, under a good
colour, as having taken his second sonne (the elder being
at Dublin) together with two more of the chiefest men
about him, with his owne consent, in the name of pledges
for others, but in truth most of all for himselfe. I am
not ignorant but he will grievously complaine against
me for those courses, and many of our owne Nation will
whet him forward, some for want of knowledge of the
truth, some blinded with private malice against my owne
person, and whatsoever shall happen amisse upon cause
of his discontentment, will be imputed to me, and the
252
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
corruption of my dealings, but I flie to your honour for
succour, and gladly submit my selfe to a better course,
if I may be instructed ; for such is the state of the
businesse betweene me and him, without partiallitie or
malice, both upon the dutie of my alleageance, and perill
of my soule.
Together with this letter, Sir Henry Dockwra sent to
his Lordship the copy of the following letter he had lately
written to the Lords in England.
M
Ost Honourable Lords ; the journy mentioned in Letter from
my former letters, and intended upon Ocane, I set •^'^ Henry
forward on, before Captain Vaughan departed the River, ^"^y'''^ ^°
having first shipped all necessary provisions for planting Envland.
a Garrison at Colrane, and seene them downe the Lough,
with a faire wind to carry them thither, before I set forth.
Howbeit having passed through the Countrie, and
effected in a manner all things to my owne desire, being
come unto the place, I found not the ship nor any appar-
ance of newes what was become of her, which the Master
excuseth, but so, as I leave to your Lordships to judge,
whether sufficiently or no, this bearer being instructed
with the full state of the cause. The summe and effect
of that journey was, that notwithstanding this, I sent
downe Captaine Orme with two hundred English and Captaine
the Irish of Enishlowen, to passe over at the Greene Orme.
Castle by water, to the end that he entring at one end of
the Countrie, and I at the other, the prey might the more
assuredly be taken, or at least the more spoile done, my
selfe went overland, passed two paces without resistance,
entred the third, beate them from defence oi it, set fire
on their Camp (containing 30 great houses all full of
Corne), tooke Ocanes brother prisoner, that had before
perfidiously revolted from the Queenes service (whom I
sacrificed in the place), and so passed by, not through the
Wood, because it was no ordinarily passage, and a faire
way did lie by the Sea side hard by, so came into the
Plaines and heart of the Countrie, burning and spoiling,
253
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
till I met that night with Captaine Orme, at a place
of strength agreed upon betweene us, who comming a
way least looked for, lighted upon the killing of some
few of the people, and a small prey of fifty Cowes and five
hundred sheepe, for with the rest (for all his sudden
comming), they made away, and got to the Mountaines.
For foure dales space together afterwards, I devided the
forces into three bodies, and traversed first about, and
The Country fj^gn through the Country, spoiling and burning such a
'^°^^ ' quantity of Corne, and number of houses, as I should
hardly have beleeved so small a circuit of ground could
have afforded, if I had not seene it. And because I failed
of meeting the ship, I held my course towards Tyrone,
intending (all under one journey) to have wasted and
spoiled as high as Dungannon, but that I was prevented
by a sudden thaw of weather, after a long frost and snow
(which raised the Rivers, that with much difficulty I
could recover home. But being returned, I met with
letters from Dunagal, advertising me of their great want
of victuall, by reason that the ship (which I had a moneth
before dispatched away with all provisions) was not then
arrived. Whereupon (having divers other reasons also to
draw me that way) I resolved to make my next journey
thither, and to settle and establish the Garrison of Bally-
shannon. So with one hundred Garrons loade of Bisket
and munition, I passed unto them, and happily relieved
their greatest wants in a most seasonable time. At my
comming I found there was a ship from Galloway arrived
within the harbor of Calbeg, and during the time I was
there, the other that I had sent from hence, came also
into the same harbor, but by extremity of weather (which
I was an eie witnes unto) neither of them both was able
[II. iii. 259.] to put in, either to Ballishannon or Dunnagall, all the
time I was there, which was twenty dayes, so that the
further fruit of my comming thither, consisted onely in
this, that I caused Neale Garve to make a cutting upon
the Country for Cowes, wherwith the garrison was
plentifully releeved, went to Ashrawe, and there left foure
254
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
companies of foot and fifty horse, which I carried from
thence, besides those that were at Dunagall before setled,
then there got in a sufficient quantity of Corne, to feed
the Horse neere all the Winter long, set in turffe and
old houses for fewell, by the commodity of the garrons
which I carried with me, saw the scituation of Bundroise
and Dulike, and all that part of the Countrey, and so
returned to Dunagall, where I tooke in Mac Swine Fan-
naght, and some others of the Countrey, for whom Neale
Garve had undertaken and delivered in pledges of his
owne, such as in truth I made choice of, more to bridle
himselfe, then for any great assurance I thinke they are
for the other. Howbeit, the state of things stood in
such termes, chiefely by reason of the extreme foulenesse
of weather, that I was not altogether unwillingly drawne
to accept of their subjection upon slender assurance,
whom (had the time served, to compell to other con-
ditions) I should hardly have delt withall, or given eare
unto in any sort. But this is the advantage which I
thinke my selfe to have gained by taking them in, that
Neale Garves importunitie is satisfied (who if his humours Neak Garves
be altogether restrained, will undoubtedly prove a importunitie
desperate Rebell), himselfe settled in full possession of his ''^'"fi^^-
owne Countrie (if he can keep it) furnished with meanes
to feede his people of his owne, which before I could not
be rid of, but he would wring the Queenes store, and
besides bee alwaies complaining (as hee did still) of his
halfe pay, in which notwithstanding he is now lesse to
be hearkened unto, for that the just and reasonable cullour
which he had before, of being banished from all private
meanes of his owne to maintaine them by, is clearely
taken away, and further an opportunitie is gained, that
those men which had plaied false before, being returned
home, with all their goods, thinking themselves safe and
sure under protection, may upon very justifiable reasons
hereafter bee looked into, and seized on, when they least
expect, and can worst avoide it, whose goods by any other
meanes would never bee got, but concealed or done away
255
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602,
amongst the Rebels, where we shall never finde them.
What other benefit is had by settling that Garrison
as it is, your Lordships may easily gather out of your
owne knowledge, to which the bearer is able to adde
somewhat, as having lived a good space of time there-
about, and going furnished with many instructions and
remembrances for that purpose, who will also lay downe
unto your Lordships the state of the Army, as being a
Commissarie, and the necessaries requisite to that place,
as being a man specially chosen by the Captaines, and in
that kind of businesse requested to labour and solicite in
The Castle of their behalfe. The Castle of Ballishannon I could not
Ballt shannon. f^|^g^ |-,y reason the piece of Artillery was not come, nor
any manner of provision (so much as a boarde) to bee had
for the purpose. But all things are now sent away, which
the windes serving fitly to bring thither, that businesse
will bee easily effected. But your Lordship must under-
stand, that the Barre at the comming in, is so shallow
(whatsoever some vaine men will talke to the contrary),
and the rode so open, without being covered with any
manner of land, as by meere necessitie the ships that shall
be imploied in bringing any thing to it, must bee of very
, small burthen if they get in, and yet, if any weather
arrise, forced (whether they be great or small) to make
the place of their unlading at Dunagall, from whence it
must bee carried to the other place by land, so that both
the charge and trouble thereof will be much more then
was expected, or then I could ever be rightly informed oi^
till I saw it. I have now assembled the Forces, to make
another journey into Tyrone, but in so unfit a season of
weather, as it yet holds, as I shall be forced to suspend
it, till some alteration make the Rivers and high waies
more passable.
The next after that, which I meane (God willing) with-
out question to undertake, is to accomplish my first intent
Colraine to be of settling at Colraine, which I know my selfe able to
settled. performe, though the whole force of the Rebels should
bee returned before I undertake it. But then shall our
256
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
Forces bee so farre extended and divided asunder, as more
then the bare keeping of those holds wee are possessed
of, we shall not be able to doe, till an new supply of [^^- "^- ^^°-]
men arrive, which in my opinion should come most
seasonably towards the ending of the next moneth, in
that the Cowes, (which now their Corne is gone, is their
onely reliefe) are then easiest to be set away or spoiled.
And for any impeachment wee shall have by the Spaniards,
though we be daily threatned by many thundering
rumours, yet I see no great reason to suspect their com-
ming hither, nor shall in that respect relie my selfe
further then upon your Lordships better intelligence, and
most honourable care, according to the occasions shall be
offered. Onely this I must put your Lordships in
mind of, that by an Army able to master us in field,
comming furnished with Artillery, the River and all our
provisions both of victuall and munition are easily to
bee taken from us, which notwithstanding wee may much
prevent, if our Forts at this place be made up in time,
(which is almost done already), and a couple of good
ships of warre lodged at Cullmore for that straight.
Whilst I was my selfe at Ballishannon, I must advertise
your Lordships, that I gave charge to Captaine Willes, Captain
lying at Lyffer, that with those Forces I left behind, he ^^^^^' ^°
should make a iourney upon Sleught Art, a people in f '^ ^ '^
lyrone, who berore my gomg, made many offers or their si^ught Art.
subjection, but so as in conclusion I must stand to their
curtesie, how long they would continue in that state, and
therefore rejected them utterly. He fell (according to
my directions) upon them, brought away three hundred
Cowes, and burned most of their Houses and Corne.
They offer againe a new parley, but because I am resolved
to take in none of Tyrone, lest their numbers (to feed
upon their owne hungery store) should bee diminished,
I doe still refuse them, and will doe all other of that
Countrey, except I see some apparant extraordinary and
speciall cause to the contrary. So I most humbly
recommend my duety and the best service I am able to
M. Ill 257 R
A.D.
1602.
Rowry
O DonneWs
services.
Letter from
the Lord
Deputy to the
Lords in
England.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
performe to your Lordships command. From the Derry
the second of January 1602.
The Lord Deputy being returned from Galloway to
Athlone, and being advertised from Rowry O Donnell,
that he had lately done some services against O Rowrke,
did by his letters of the sixth of January give him thankes
for the same, incouraging him to drive O Rowrke out
of his Countrey, wherein an Army of foure thousand
English was then ready to assist him, with assurance that
her Majesty was so incensed by O-Rowrkes contempts,
as shee was resolved never to pardon him, and with
promise of that Countrey to him and his heires, if hee
joined his Forces to expell O Rowrke. Further his Lord-
ship assured him, that this should be no barre, but rather
a furtherance, to his hopes of having his brothers lands.
For as hee would never take from Sir Neale Garve any
thing formerly given or promised to him, so if hee could
prove, that since his submission hee had committed any
treason, wherein the other could not by an honourable
triall justifie himselfe, then hee should be sure, that his
Lordship would satisfie his best expectations.
The ninth of January his Lordship in his and the
Counsels letter to the Lords in England, after relation
of the present affaires, wrote further as followeth.
IN this journey I the Deputy received her Majesties
expresse direction for the reducing of her Highnesse
Forces to twelve thousand Foot and one thousand Horse,
which I doe most willingly obey, and for performance
thereof, I tooke present order, which now is fully put in
execution, though upon the sudden it could not be done,
the Army being divided in the remote parts of this
Kingdome. And albeit I have given straight charge, that
out of the new cashered Companies, the bands subsisting
should be made strong ; yet must I make knowne to
your Lordships the difficulties I find to performe this
direction, by reason the Souldiers being once cashered,
doe use (notwithstanding any care that we can take) to
258
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
wander to and fro, and sometimes fall into the Rebels
hands, which use to strip them of their armes and cloathes,
sometimes into the hands of bordering Subjects, which
deale no better with them, and so they become most
miserable creatures : so hard a thing is it to keepe them
together, to be turned over to other Companies, when
once they know of their cashering ; as I remember your
Lordships have noted the like difficulty in your letters,
to keepe together, and to send over the whole numbers [II. iii. 261.]
by you appointed to come into this Kingdome. And in
this cashering of Companies, according to her Majesties
expresse pleasure, which her Highnesse prescribeth to be
of the Irish Companies, that the English may subsist and
be made strong, although I would willingly performe this
direction ; and to that end have discharged a number of
Irish Companies heretofore and now, yet seeing the Arch-
rebell doth yet hold out, (albeit I have directed such a
course for his prosecution by Sir Arthur Chichester, who
is in pursuit of him, as before the Spring I hope he shall
be quite broken), and that this rebel O Rowrke hath
drawne such a head together, I thinke it not amisse yet
to continue some of the Irish Companies for a time, Some of the
hoping with Gods good favour, that ere it be long, I Irish
may reduce the Army to a lesser number, and then with companies to
more conveniency and lesse danger, may discharge the
Irish Companies, which in the meane time I will so
exercise and employ, as they shall not be idle, but shall
be still exposed to endure the brunt of the service, upon
all occasions : And touching the continuing of this
service against the Rebell O-Rowrke and his Confederates,
(which we are of opinion may not be delaied), for the
prevention of further dangers, as also for the upholding
of her Majesties Army, in regard of the general! scarcity
of all sorts of victuals in all parts of this Kingdome, wee
humbly pray your Lordships to remember, that a pro-
portion of victuals be sent to Galloway, Ballishannon, and
Lymrick, with all speed, without the which we see no
meanes how this service can be followed, or the Army
259
A.D.
1602.
Harvest
unseasonable
in the Pale.
Letter from
Her Majesty
to the Lord
Deputy, and
the rest of the
Counsell for
Ireland.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
in generall may be preserved from perishing. For where
it is expected by your Lordships that some great numbers
of Beeves, and other victuals may be gotten from the
Rebels, we have already so impoverished them by prose-
cutions, as they are ready to starve. And amongst the
Subjects oi the Pale, their Harvest was so unseasonable,
and their Corne was so destroied by the weather, as
numbers of subjects will undoubtedly die of famine ; and
we see no meanes for her Majesties Army in this King-
dome to subsist, especially for this present yeere, but upon
provisions to be sent out of England, which in discharge
of our bounden duties, wee thought meet plainely to
signifie unto your Lordships, and doe humbly leave it to
your carefull providence : For such abuses as have beene
committed in disposing of the victuals, we shall be ready
upon the arrivall of such Commissioners, as are purposed
io be sent, to yeeld unto them our best assistance, and in
the meane season, to have all things in readinesse against
their comming.
The sixteenth of January the Lord Deputy received
the following letter, directed from her Majesty to his
Lordship, and the rest of the Counsell for Ireland.
Elizabeth Regina.
Right trusty and welbeloved. We greet you well. The
abuses which by the frauds of Merchants doe daily
multiply in the course of exchange, doe cast upon Us so
great burthen, and We find them io be so impossible
to be prevented, by any cautions that can be devised,
(whereof wee have sufficient proofe in the like fruit that
foUoweth of the restraints made since the first Proclama-
tion published), as We can find no other way to remedy
those inconveniences, but by taking from the Merchant
all benefit of exchange, other then hereunder is mentioned,
in the forme of a Proclamation, which We thinke good
to be published in that Kingdome, to make knowne to
all men in what manner We intend to allow of the
exchange, from the day of the publishing thereof, which
260J
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
therefore you shall cause to be done immediately upon
the receipt of these Our letters. And for that Our intent
is by this Proclamation (as you may perceive by the tenour Proclamation
thereof) to explane all former Proclamations and Orders "pon the
touching this matter of the exchange, and that from the ^^^hanga.
day of the publishing of this new declaration of Our
pleasure, the same onely be taken for the rule of the
exchange, and no benefit of Our former Proclamation to
be allowed to any ; yet because in some of them there
bee some clauses meet for Us to be continued, Wee have
here under made a short note of those clauses out of the
said Proclamations, which clauses Our pleasure is that you
cause to bee taken verbatim, and inserted into this Pro-
clamation when you shall publish it, or else to expresse
the substance of them in such words as you shall thinke [II. iii. 262.]
fit, or to alter or omit any of them, or to adde to this new
direction for our advantage ; requiring you in your con-
sideration of this our purpose, to cast aside all private
respects, and onely to aime at the ease of our great charge,
so farre forth as it may be done without inconveniency of
greater moment to Our State there, then our charge is
to Us.
The Proclamation.
UPon the alteration of the Standard of Our Monies The Forme of
in this Realme, whereunto Wee were led aswell by the Prodam-
examples of Our Progenitors, who had ever made a '^^^''"^
difference betweene the Monies of this Realme, and Our
Realme of England, as also by a necessary providence of
keeping the sterling Monies, both from the hands of
Our Rebels here, and also from transportation into
forraigne Countries, which chiefly by the said Rebels and
their Factors was done ; We did erect an Exchange for
the use of all sorts of Our Subjects, & others using
entercourse between these 2 Realmes, for converting of
Monies of the new Standard of this Realme into sterhng
Monies in England, and of English Monies into those
261
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
The Forme of of this Realme reciprocally, hoping that the honest and
the Proclam- upright carriage of Merchants in an equal exercise of
trafficke between the two Realmes, would have caused
in the said Exchange an indifferent and mutuall com-
modity, both to the Merchant for his trade, and to Us
for Our payments, and both their & Our intentions have
concurred, in preserving the sterling Monies from the
Rebels, and from transportation into rorraigne Countries :
but in this little time of experience which We have made
thereof, being not yet two yeeres past. Wee have found
Our expectation greatly deceived, and the scope given
the first institution of the Exchange, exceedingly abused
by the slights and cunnings of Merchants, which though
Wee did immediatly (upon the beginning of the
Exchange) discover to be breeding ; yet did Wee not
thinke that the same would ever have growne to such a
hight, as since We have perceived. Wherefore We did
by some restrictions and limitations seeke to containe
those frauds within reasonable bounds ; but it falleth out
that the remedies proposed, have beene so farre from the
easing of the griefe, as whatsoever hath beene by Us
prescribed for the redresse, hath but served for a ground
and pretext of new inventions of deceipt : for that by
the cunning craft oi some Merchants, the scope given by
Our Proclamation to the said Exchange, is so abused, as
that some Merchant who hath brought commodities into
that Kingdome from hence, hath not beene content to sell
the same for reasonable gaine, but having raised his price
of the same commodity to so much in the new monies,
as doe in their true value of silver almost countervail the
sterling he paid for it here, viz. That which cost him
ten shillings sterling to thirty shillings Irish, after that
rate, that which cost him 100 pound to 300 pound, he
hath returned to Our Exchange the same 300 pound,
which being answered him here in sterling, yeeldeth him
profit of three for one, which is so great a gaine, as no
adventure of any Merchants into the furthermost parts of
trafl&cke doth yeeld, and to Us such a burthen, as if the
262
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
same should be permitted, were nothing else in effect, The Forme of
but to make Our Exchequer a Mart for the cunning of the Prodam-
Merchants to worke upon : Besides many of them have ^^^''^'
of purpose to make profit by the said Exchange, bought
up old bils of debts, from divers persons, to whom pay-
ment hath upon just consideration beene deferred, and
compounding for the same, for small summes of money
of the new Standard, returned the whole upon Us by
exchange, whereby they have made an exceeding profit,
contrary to the true meaning of Our Proclamation,
intended for the use and benefit of such, as exercised an
honest and direct course of Merchandize. By which
fraudes there is ever a great quantity of monies of the
new Standard returned upon Us for sterling Monies in
this Realme, but neither is there any proportionable
quantity of sterling Monies brought in here into the
Exchange, nor delivered into the Banckes to be converted
into new Monies there : And consequently, there doth
grow upon Us an intoUerable burthen, in continuall pay-
ments of sterling Monies, and yet the two mischiefes
(which were the chiefe cause of alteration of Our [II- iii- 263.]
Standard) not remedied ; that is, the preserving of the
sterling Monies from the Rebels, and from transportation
into forraigne Countries : For little of it being brought
in by Merchants of this Countrey, and the same being
not currant to be used here amongst Our good Subjects,
We find it partly transported, and partly falling into the
hands of the Rebels, wherewith they have beene the better
enabled to continue in their wicked courses : Wherefore
for redresse of so great abuses daily practised by Mer-
chants, We doe hereby publish, that Our meaning is,
that from the day of the publishing hereof, the places
of exchanging oi monies, shall be onely at Dublyn for this
Our Realme of Ireland, and at London for Our Realme
of England, for all such as use the trade of Merchandize,
but for others that are in Our pay, and have wages of
Us, as being of Our Army, or otherwise, there shall be
a Bancke maintained at Corke, as heretofore it was, to
263
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
The Forme of receive their bils, but the bils received there, shall be
the Proclam- paiable onely at London, and for the use of passengers
'^^^°*'' and souldiers departing out of Our Realme into England,
there shall be likewise exchanges at Bristoll and Chester.
So as no such souldier or passenger doe bring thither any
bill containing above the sum of foure pound. But for
Merchants, there shall not be at the said places oi Chester
and Bristoll, any payment of bils returned, but onely at
Our City of London, in such manner as is hereafter
expressed. And further Our pleasure and meaning is,
that the said Exchange shall extend onely to such, as now
are, or hereafter from time to time shall be in Our pay
here, serving Us in the field, or in wards, or garrisons,
and to all Officers of governement of Justice, of Our
revenewes, or of the Exchange, and to such others as are
contained in Our establishment : To all and every of
whom. We are pleased to allow the benefit of exchanging
Monies of the new Standard of this Realme, into Monies
currant in England, (wanting onely twelve pence sterling
in the pound), viz. yeerely to each of them rateably in
his degree, for so much as he doth save, above his expence,
of that which hee doth receive yeerely of Us, or ought
to receive cleerely for his pay, all deductions and defalca-
tions being foreprized ; and so as there be no fraud used
by any of them in abusing this Our liberality and favour,
contrary to Our true meaning : And for others using
trade of Merchandize, although they deserve no favour,
in regard of the frauds, wherewith many of them have
abused Our gracious meaning, in the institution of Our
exchange intended, and in regard of the excessive raising
of the prices of all wares, whereby both Our Subjects
are extreamely burthened here, and We intollerably
charged in the exchange in England, yet in regard of the
present poverty of this Our Realme, whereby We
conceive that there wanteth as yet for a time sufficient
commodities of the growth or manufaction of this King-
dome, wherewith to maintaine trafficke. Wee are pleased
to maintaine for their use an exchange in this manner.
264
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
That every such person, not being of those that belong to The Forme of
Our Establishment, but a Merchant, who shall deliver the Pmlam-
to the Master of the Exchange, or his Deputies in this '^'^''"•
Realme, one hundred pounds, whereof forty pound shall
be of the Standard, of sterling mony of silver or of gold,
and threescore pound in mixt Monies of the new Standard
of this Realme, shall receive of the said Master of the
Exchange, or his Deputies, a Bill directed to the Bancke
of exchange in England, where the same is payable,
whereby hee shall receive for each hundred pound
delivered here in that manner, one hundred pounds in
Monies currant of England, wanting onely twelve pence
in the pound for each pound of the mixt Monies
delivered, and for the starling no defalcation to bee made,
as heretofore hath been ordained. And after that rate for
more or lesse in quantitie. And to the end that the
fraudes used by some Merchants may be better prevented,
and the Master of the exchange, or his Deputies under-
stand, that he dealeth truly in bringing his monies to the
exchange. Our pleasure is, that every such Merchant,
resorting to the exchange, shall bring a certificate from
the Officers of Our Custome-house, where his goods were
entred, what goods he hath entered there, and at what
time, to the end that it may thereby be discerned, that he
seeketh nothing, but the returne of his owne money, and
is not a cullourer of other mens. And for that divers
Noble men and Gentlemen of this Realme, have cause
many times to repaire into England, either for suites or
other necessarie causes, and some have children there, [II. iii. 264.]
either at the Universities, or at the Innes of Court or
Chancerie, or in Our service at Court, who shall have
cause for those purposes to use sterling monie, and to have
the moneys of this Realme converted into moneys currant
in England, We are pleased, that all such have the benefit
of the exchange in such manner, as for those of our Army
is above limmited, for such yeerely summes of money,
as Our Deputy and Counsell there for the time being,
shall thinke good to allow to any of them, upon their
265
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
The Forme of demands. And the Warrant of our said Deputie and
the Proclam- Counsell shall bee sufficient Warrant to the Master of
our exchange, or his Deputies, for the receiving of all such
Billes as they shall require him to admit, for any such
Nobleman or Gentleman.
And now having explained some part of the abuses
offered to Us in the exchange, and declared Our pleasure
for the reformation of them. We doe not doubt but that,
as upon the former restrictions by Us proposed to the
same end, so now, many ill minded persons wil not stick
to slander Our doings, as though there were not in Us
an honourable meaning to performe what here We have
promised, whereof although Our proceedings shall by
their true and just effect manifest the contrary, yti because
evill tongues accustomed to calumniate the actions of
Princes, are sometimes the instruments oi alteration of
peoples mindes from their dutifull opinions of their
Soveraignes, where there is to us nothing so deare as the
conservation of the love of our subjects. Wee doe for
preventing of any such malitious purposes, require all
Magistrates and Officers, who have any charge in the
Governement of that Our Kingdome, to have an eare
to such evill rumours, and to the spreaders of them, and
such as they shall find to be authors or instruments of
divulging any slanderous speeches, touching this matter
of the exchange, to make them an example for others
to bee admonished by. And to assure all men, that
this institution of base money in this Kingdome hath
had his chiefest ground, upon hope Wee had thereby to
weaken the Rebels of this Kingdome, who by the use
of sterling money, had and have meanes to provide them-
selves from forraigne parts, of all things necessarie to
maintaine their evill courses. And that the same being
by this way partly, and partly by power oi Our Army,
once suppressed. We shall have just cause to restore the
monies of this Realme to such estate, as our Progenitors
have accustomed to use here. Given under our Signet
at our Pallace of Westminster the foure and twentieth
266
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
day of December, 1602. being of our Raigne the five
and fortieth yeere.
The clauses of former Proclamations touching the T^^e clauses of
Exchange meete now to be continued. damatiom
The use of sterling Monies or of any other, then these ^°'^\^° ^^
new monies, prohibited uppon penalties of imprisonment
and fine ; All Ofl[icers having power given them to seaze
the said monies put in use, and every Informer allowed
the moyety of so much as he shall discover.
To allow for all sterling monies of silver, brought into
the Exchange, with purpose to receive new Monies for
the same, gaine oi two shillings in the pound of new
monies : for gold two shillings six pence gaine of new
monies.
To allow ten in the hundred profit, for all base silver
monies brought into the Exchange.
Counterfetters to be severely looked to & punished.
All passengers comming into Ireland, to be searched, or
put to their oath, what sterling mony they carry with
them.
The same day his Lordship and the Counsell here,
received this following letter from the Lords in England.
AFter our very hearty commendations to your Lord- Letter from
ships, we have received your letter of the seventh of ^^^ ^"''^^ '"
this instant, together with a severall note or abstract of "^'"^ '
some materiall points and doubts to be considered and
resolved, concerning the last prescribed forme of the
Exchange. And as both your letters and abstract, were
addressed together for answere of her Majesties letter,
lately sent unto you with a forme of a Proclamation there-
unto annexed, so now you shall againe receive the
resolution of her Majesty and us of her Counsell, touch-
ing the same matter onely, and the doubts by you
propounded, which according to your desire we send l^^- '"• ^^5-]
with as much speed as a businesse of that importance,
{^reduced to a new deliberation) could be dispatched. For
267
A.D,
1602.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
The Proclam-
ation of the
Exchange.
the liberty that her Majesty did give you, either of pro-
ceeding, or of respite and suspence to publish the
Proclamation, according to the judgement you shall make
of it upon consideration of any very dangerous effects,
that you shall find apparant or likely to ensue, you have
rightly acknowledged her Majesties gracious respect unto
you, in whom (as the chiefest Ministers of that State)
shee reposeth speciall confidence, both for your care and
wisdome, and for the opportunity you have (by the present
contemplation of all things neere at hand and under your
eye) to discerne and discover any inconveniencies, and
to apply the medicines accordingly. And therefore,
although it pleased her to take that resolution (together
with us of her Counsell) which was set downe by the
said Proclamation, hoping that it would be a meanes to
cure and prevent the intoUerable frauds and enormities in
the practice of the exchange, which was intended and
instituted for the ease of her excessive charge, and for
the good of her subjects there ; ytX. for as much as you
have shewed so great a distrust and feare of dangerous
consequence, if you should forthwith have proceeded to
the publishing of that Proclamation, and upon advised
consultation (as her Majesty assureth her selfe) have pro-
pounded these points of doubtfulnesse, that accompanied
your letter, shee is well pleased to give such credit to
your opinion, as that shee hath upon a new deliberation
with us of her Counsell, caused a temper and moderation
to be set downe, with the chiefe points whereof you
doubted, as may appeare unto you by a forme of a Pro-
clamation, differing from the former, and now sent unto
you, wherein because you may readily observe the par-
ticular alterations from the former Proclamation, by
comparing both together, wee need not make rehearsall
of them here, for satisfaction of your doubts. Onely
we have thought good to say somewhat concerning the
sixth, and seventh Articles in your abstract, in which you
make question what course is best to bee holden for the
discovery of the fraudes used by Merchants and others
268
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
in their exchanges, and what meanes are to be used that
her Majesty be not over-burthened in the exchange, upon
which questions and your owne opinions thereof The bat
dehvered, wee cannot omit to make two observations, "'"''^y'"' ^ ^
The one that your selves doe acknowledge the intollerable th^ fi- aides
frauds of Merchants and others used in the exchange, used by the
whereby not onely her Majesties gracious intention and Merchants.
meaning of the exchange hath beene extraordinarily
abused ; but her Subjects in that Realme, by the excessive
rates in the sale of all commodities, have beene uncon-
scionably overcharged : And therefore your selves cannot
denie, but that it were very dangerous for the exchange
to be upholden without remedy of these frauds. The
second, that for asmuch as there cannot bee any certaine
rule and order prescribed, to avoid these frauds, that shall
be free from the evasion of cunning and deceitfull persons,
and the onely remedy doth consist in the carefuU and
diligent oversight of her Majesties Ministers, to whom
that trust is committed, her Majesty thinketh that as your
selves did truely find the faults and abuses, so none can
better provide for their remedy then you, that are there
present, and especially you the Treasurer, by whose
Ministers errours her Majesty hath beene so much
prejudiced. And whereas especiall cause oi these frauds
is imputed to the multiplicity of the bils of exchange,
wee should most willingly be of that mind, to reduce all
unto one place at Dublyn, were it not that wee find you
the Treasurer to vary in your opinion, having signified
heretofore by your particular letters to some of us, that
there is no possible way of remedy, but by reducing all
the Banckes to one place, and yet by this letter jointly
with the rest of the Counsell, delivering your opinion
for the establishing of two places, unto which opinion,
because we conceive you are wonne, upon the consultation
of that Counsell, we have applied our consent thereunto :
And to the end it may plainely appeare unto you, how
the Merchants & others abusing the exchange, doe most
fraudulently serve their turne both upon her Majesties
269
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
Subjects there, (if it bee true as hath beene informed to
us by persons of good credit comming from thence, that
they improve their commodities to a treble price, and
more, in respect of that Coyne), and likewise upon her
Majesties excessive losse, by returne of their money upon
[II. iii. 266.] the exchange, wee have thought good to send you an
Estimate or Calculation of the gaine that one of them
may make, and (as it is to be supposed) doth make, in
this course upon the expence but of one hundred pounds
uttered there in commodities, making and raising there-
upon but two for one, whereby you may judge how
unreasonable advantage may be fbrther made, upon the
profit of three or foure for one, if the Merchant be so ill
disposed, or can find the meanes of a corrupt Minister
under the Treasurer to combine with him : And so wee
bid you right heartily well to fare. From the Court at
White-Hall the 24 of December 1602.
A computation ^ computation (sent over inclosed in the former
of the game to i\ri • i-i i\/ri
a Merchant letter) ot the game which a Merchant may
h ^^e make by the Exchange, bringing to the
xc ange. Exchange in each one hundred pound, forty
pound sterling : and supposing the Merchant
to be without sterling money in his store, or
without credit, and to use the Exchange
directly.
If he convert one hundred pound sterling into wares,
and sell the same in Ireland at the rate of two for one,
viz. For two hundred pound Irish, he doth thereby gaine
as followeth.
To have the benefit of the Exchange, he must have
fourscore pounds sterling, which supposing that he buieth
at five shillings Irish each twenty shillings sterling, his
fourescore pound sterling doth cost him one hundred
pounds Irish.
Then commeth he to the Exchange with one hundred
270
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
pounds Irish, and fourscore pounds sterling ; for both
which the Minister giveth him a bill to receive in England
one hundred seventy five pound sterling, for hee must
loose five pound of the exchange of the one hundred
Irish.
Then hath he in his purse in England one hundred
seventy five pound, defalking his first stocke, which was
one hundred pound, resteth cleere to him seventy five
pound.
And this he may doe upon as many returnes as he
maketh in a yeere.
If it be objected, that he cannot buy sterling money Rate for
at so low a rate, as for five and twenty shillings Irish, but sterlingmoney.
that he doe pay thirty shilling Irish for twenty shillings
sterling, then is his gaine the lesse by nineteene pound,
and yet shall he gaine sixe and fifty pound.
But supposing such a Merchant as is not in necessity
to by sterling money with Irish, but that he may borrow
it here of friends, though he pay twenty pound in the
hundred for it, then is his gaine in this manner.
His hundred pounds sterling converted into wares, and
sold in Ireland for two hundred pound Irish, he bringeth
to the Exchange one hundred and twenty pound Irish
and fourescore pounds sterling borrowed, and receiveth
a bill to be paid in England, one hundred fourescore and
foureteene pound, loosing sixe pound for the returne of
one hundred and twenty pound Irish.
So hath he in his purse in England one hundred foure-
score and foureteene pound, out of which deducting one
hundred pound, which was the first stocke, resteth to him
fourescore and foureteene pound. Out of which gaine,
allowing him fourescore pounds, to pay for so much
borrowed by him, yet resteth to him foureteene pound.
And further hee hath remaining in his hands in Ireland
fourescore pound Irish, remaining of his two hundred
Irish, whereof he brought onely one hundred and twenty
pound to the Exchange. To have which fourescore
pound returned by the Exchange, hee must borrow two
271
A.D.
1602.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Letters from
Rowry O
Donnell.
and thirty pound sterling ; and so shall hee have a bill
to be paied in England, one hundred and eight pound ;
for he looseth foure pound for exchange of the fourescore
pound Irish : Out of which one hundred and eight pound,
abating the two and thirty pound borrowed, there resteth
gained seventy sixe pound. Whereunto adding the
toureteene pound above mentioned, then the whole gaine
is, fourescore and ten pound.
From whence take for the interest of one hundred and
twelve pound, borrowed for three moneths, after twenty
in the hundred for a yeere, which is for three moneths
[II. iii. 267.] sixe pound twelve shillings, and then his cleere gaine is,
towards his freight, custome, forbearing the money and
other charges, fourescore and foure pound, eight shillings.
About the end o^ January, the Lord Deputy returned
from Connaght to Dublyn, and by the way received letters
from Rowry O Donnell, who now had undertaken the
prosecution of O Rorke, and signified his determination
to make a roade presently into his Countrey, and to leave
some of his men to lie upon him, in some places of
convenient strength : but his Lordship being come to
Dublyn, received another letter from the said Rory O
Donnell, upon the eighteenth of February, signifying
that O Rorkes strength was much increased by the repaire
of many chiefe Rebels into his Countrey, so as for the
present he was nether able to attempt O Rorke, nor to
defend himselfe from his attempts, till the English forces
should draw up to assist him, the hastning whereof he
prayed, and that he might have leave to put up his
Creaghtes for a time towards Ballishannon, for his better
safetie.
The five and twentieth of February, the Lord Deputie
wrote this following letter to the Lords in England, and
sent it by the hands of the Lord President of Mounster,
at this time going for England.
Ay it please your Lordships, although I am
unwilling to enforme you often of the present
estate of this Kingdome, or of any particular accidents
272
M
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
or services, because the one is subject to so much altera-
tion, and the other lightly delivered unto all that are not
present with such uncertainety, and that I am loath to
make any project unto your Lordships, either of my
requests to you, or my owne resolutions here, since so
many things fall suddenly out, which may alter the
grounds of either : yet since I do write now by one that
can so sufficiently supply the defects of a letter, I have
presumed at this time to impart unto your Lordships,
that I thinke fit to bee remembred, or doe determine on,
most humbly desiring your U'^., that if I erre in the
one, or hereafter alter the other, you will not impute it
to my want of sincerity or constancy, but to the nature
of the subject whereof I must treat, or of the matter
whereon I work : And first to present unto your Lord-
ships the outward face of the foure Provinces, and after T^e outzvard
to guesse (as neere as I can) at their dispositions, f^'^^ °f^^^
Mounster by the good governement and industry of the A"'^^
Lord President, is cleere of any force in rebellion, except
some few unable to make any forcible head. In Lemster
there is not one declared Rebell : In Connaght there is
none but in O Rorkes Country ; In Ulster none but
Tyrone, and Brian Mac Art, who was never Lord of any
Countrey, and now doth with a body oi loose men and
some creaghts continue in Glancomkynes, or neere the
borders thereof. Connogh Macguyre sometimes Lord of
Fermannagh, is banished out of the Countrey, who lives Fermannagh
with O Rorke, and at this time O Connor Macguyre is held for the
possessed of it by the Queene, and holds it for her. I Q«^^»^-
beleeve that generally the Lords of the Countries that
are reclaimed, desire a peace, though they will be waver-
ing:, till their lands and estates are assured unto them
from her Majesty, and as long as they see a party in
rebellion to subsist, that is of power to ruine them if
they continue subjects, or otherwise shall be doubtfull
of our defence. All that are out, doe seeke for mercy,
except O Rorke, and Oswillivan, who is now with
O Rorke, and these are obstinate onely out of their
M. HI 273 s
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
The loose men. diffidence, to be safe in any forgivenesse. The loose men,
and such as are onely Captaines of Bonnaghts, as Tyrrill,
and Brian Mac Art, will nourish the warre, as long as
they see any possibility to subsist, and like ill humours,
have recourse to any part that is unsound. The Nobility,
Townes, and English-Irish, are for the most part as weary
of the warre as any, but unwilling to have it ended,
generally, for feare that uppon a peace, will ensue a severe
reformation of Religion ; and in particular, many border-
ing gentlemen that were made poore by their owne faults,
or by rebels incursions, continue their splene to them, now
they are become Subjects, and having used to helpe them-
selves by stealths, did never more use them, nor better
prevaile in them, then now that these submitties have
laied aside their owne defence, and betaken themselves
to the protection and Justice of the State, and many oi
[II. iii. 268.] them have tasted so much sweet in intertainements, that
they rather desire a warre to continue them, then a quiet
harvest that might arise out of their own honest labour,
so that I doe find none more pernitious Instruments of
a new warre, then some of these. In the meane time,
Tyrone while he shall live, will blow every sparke of
Tyrone shall discontent, or new hopes that shal lie hid in any corner
make many Qf ^\^q Kingdome, and before hee shall be utterly
extinguished make many biases, and sometimes set on
fier, or consume the next Subjects unto him. I am
perswaded that his combination is already broken, and
it is apparant, that his meanes to subsist in any power is
overthrowne, but how long he may live as a wood-kerne,
and what new accidents may fall out while he doth Hve,
I know not. If it be imputed to my fault, that notwith-
standing her Majesties great forces, he doth still live,
I beseech your Lordships to remember, how securely the
Banditoes of Italy doe live, between the power of the
King of Spaine and the Pope : How many men of all
Countries of severall times have in such sort preserved
themselves long from the great power of Princes, but
especially in this Countrey, where there are so many
274
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
difficulties to carry an Army in most places, so many
unaccessable strengths for them to flie unto, and then to
be pleased to consider the great worke that first I had,
to breake this maine rebellion, to defend the Kingdome
from a dangerous invasion of a mighty forraigne Prince,
with so strong a party in the Countrey, and now the
difficulty to roote out scattered troopes, that had so many
unaccessible dens to lurke in, which as they are by nature
of extreame strength and perill to be attempted, so is
it unpossible for any people, naturally and by art, to
make greater use of them ; and though with infinite
danger we doe beat them out of one, yet is there no
possibility for us to follow them with such agility, as
they will flie to another, and it is most sure, that never
Traitor knew better how to keepe his owne head, then The O Neales
this, nor any Subjects have a more dreadfull awe to lay <^""»'^S-
violent hands on their sacred Prince, then these people
have to touch the person of their O Neales ; and he that
hath as pestilent a judgement as ever any had, to nourish
and to spread his owne infection, hath the ancient swelling
and desire of liberty in a conquered Nation to worke
upon, their feare to be rooted out, or to have their old
faults punished, upon all particular discontents, and
generally over all the Kingdome, the feare of a persecution
for Religion, the debasing of the Coyne, (which is
grievous unto all sorts), and a dearth and famine, which
is already begunne, and must of necessity grow shortly
to extremity ; the least of which alone, have beene many
times sufficient motives to drive the best and most quiet
estates into sudden confusion. These will keepe all
spirits from setling, breed new combinations, and (I feare)
even stirre the Towns themselves, to solicite forraigne
aid, with promise to cast themselves into their protection :
And although it be true, that if it had pleased her
Majesty, to have longer continued her Army in greater
strength, I should the better have provided for what
these Cloudes doe threaten, and sooner and more easily
either have made this Countrey a rased table, wherein
275
A.D.
1602.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
The Warre
carried on
mthout inter
mission.
shee might have written her owne lawes, or have tied the
ill disposed and rebellious hands, till I had surely planted
such a governement, as would have overgrowne and
killed any weeds, that should have risen under it, yet
since the necessity of the State doth so urge a diminution
of this great expence, I will not dispaire to goe on with
this great worke, through all these difficulties, if we be
not interrupted by forraigne forces, although perchance
wee may be encountered with some new eruptions, and
(by often adventuring) with some disasters ; and it may be
your Lordships shall sometimes heare of some spoiles
done upon the Subjects, from the which it is impossible
to preserve them in all places, with farre greater Forces
then ever yet were kept in this Kingdome : And although
it hath beene seldome heard, that any Army hath beene
carried on with so continuall action and enduring, without
any intermission of Winter breathings, and that the
difficulties at this time, to keepe any Forces in the place
where we must make the warre, (but especially our
Horse), are almost beyond any hope to prevent, yet with
the favour of God and her Majesties fortune, I doe
determine, my selfe to draw into the field, as soone as
I have received her Majesties commandements by the
Commissioners, whom it hath pleased her to send over,
and in the meane time I hope, by my owne presence or
[II. iii. 269.] directions, to set every party on worke, that doth adjoyne
or may bee drawne against any force that now doth
remaine in rebellion. In which journey the successe must
bee in the hands of God, but I will confidently promise
to omit nothing that is possible by us to bee done, to give
the last blow unto the Rebellion. But as all paine and
anguish, impatient of the present, doth use change for
a remedie, so will it bee impossible for us to settle the
mindes of this people unto a peace, or reduce them unto
order, while they feele the smart of these sensible griefes,
and apparant feares which I have remembred to your
Lordships, without some hope oi redresse or securitie.
Therefore I will presume (how unworthy soever I am)
276
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
since it concernes the Province her Majestie hath given
me, with all humblenesse to lay before your grave judge-
ments, some few things, which I thinke necessarie to bee
considered of.
And first, whereas the alteration of the coine, and taking The alteration
away of the exxhange, in such measure as it was first of the coine.
promised, hath bred a generall grievance unto men of
all qualities, and so many incommodities to all sorts, that
it is beyond the judgement of any that I can heare, to
prevent a confusion in this estate, by the continuance
thereof ; that (at the least) it would please your Lord-
ships to put this people in some certaine hope, that upon
the ende oi the warre, this new standard shall bee
abolished, or eased, and that in the meane time the Armie
may bee favourably delt with in the Exchange, since by
the last Proclamation your Lordships sent over, they doe
conceive their case will bee more hard then any others ;
for if they have allowed them nothing, but indefinitely
as much as they shall merely gaine out of their inter-
tainements, that will prove nothing to the greater part.
For the onely possibility to make them to live upon their
intertainement, will bee to allow them exchange for the
greatest part thereof, since now they doe not onely pay
excessive prices for all things, but can hardly get any
thing for this money ; and although wee have presumed
to alter (in shew, though not effect) the Proclamation in
that point, by retaining a power in our selves to pro-
portion their allowance for exchange, yet was it, with
a minde to conforme our proceedings therein, according
to your Lordships next directions, and therefore doe
humbly desire to know your pleasures therein. For our
opinions of the last project it pleased your Lordships to
send us, I doe humbly leave it to our generall letters,
onely as from my selfe I made overture to the Counsell
of the other you sent directed onely to my selfe, and
because I found them generally to concurre, that it would
prove as dangerous as the first, I did not thinke it fit
any otherwise to declare your Lordships pleasure therein.
277
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
And whereas it pleased your Lordships in your last letters
to command us to deale moderately in the great matter of
Fhe great Religion, I had, before the receit of your Lordships letters,
ReMon. presumed to advise such as delt in it, for a time to hold
a more restrained hand therein, and we were both thinking
our selves, what course to take in the revocation of what
was already done, with least incouragement to them and
others, since the feare that this course begun in Dublin
would fal upon the rest, was apprehended over all the
Kingdom, so that I think your Lordships direction was
to great purpose, & the other course might have over-
throwne the meanes to our owne end of reformation of
religion. Not that I thinke too great precisenesse can
bee used in the reforming of our selves, the abuses of
our owne Clergie, Church-livings, or discipline, nor that
the truth of the Gospell can with too great vehemency or
industrie bee set forward, in all places, and by all ordinary
meanes most proper unto it selfe, that was first set forth
and spread in meekenesse, nor that I thinke any corporall
prosecution or punishment can be too severe for such,
as shall bee found seditious instruments of forraigne or
inward practises, nor that I thinke it fit, that any principall
Magistrates should bee chosen without taking the Oath
of Obedience, nor tollerated in absenting themselves from
publike Divine Service, but that wee may bee advised how
wee doe punish in their bodies or goods any such onely
for Religion, as doe professe to bee faithflill subjects X.o
[II. iii. 270.] her Majestic, and against whom the contrarie can not
be proved. And since, if the Irish were utterly rooted
out, there was much lesse likelihood that this Countrey
could be thereby in any time planted by the English,
since they are so farre from inhabiting well any part of
that they have already, and that more then is likely to
be inhabited, may be easily chosen out and reserved, in
such places by the Sea-side, or upon great Rivers, as
may be planted to great purpose, for a future absolute
reducement of this Countrey, I thinke, it would asmuch
availe the speedy setling of this Countrey as any thing,
278
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
that it would please her Majesty to deale liberally with The planting
the Irish Lords of Countries, or such as now are of great of the
reputation among them, in the distribution of such lands Countrey.
as they have formerly possessed, or the State here can
make little use of for her Majesty. If they continue,
as they ought to doe, and yeeld the Queene as much
commodity as shee may otherwise expect, shee hath made
a good purchase of such subjects for such land. If any
of them hereafter be disobedient to her lawes, or breake
forth in rebellion, shee may when they shall be more
divided, ruine them more easily, for example unto others,
and (if it bee thought fit) may plant English or other Irish
in their Countries : For although there ever have beene,
and hereafter may be small eruptions, in some places,
which at the first may easily be suppressed, yet the suffer-
ing them to grow to that generall head and combination,
did questionlesse proceed from great errour in the judge-
ment here, and may be easily (as I thinke) prevented
hereafter. And further it may please her Majesty to
ground her resolution, for the time and numbers of the
next abatement of the lyst of her Army, somewhat upon
our poore advice from hence, and to beleeve that wee
will not so farre corrupt our judgements with any private
respect, as without necessity, to continue her charge,
seeing wee doe thorowly conceive how greevous it is unto
her estate, and that wee may not be precisely tied to an
establishment, that shall conclude the payments of the
Treasurer, since it hath ever beene thought fit to be
otherwise, till the comming over of the Earle of Essex,
and some such extraordinary occasion may fall out, that
it will bee dangerous to attend your Lordships resolu-
tions, and when it will be safe to diminish the Army here,
that there may be some course thought of, by some
other employment to disburthen this Countrey of the idle
Sword men, in whom I find an inclination apt enough to
be carried elsewhere, either by some of this Countrey of
best reputation among them, or in Companies as now
they stand under English Captaines, who may be rein-
279
AC FYNES MORYSON^S ITINERARY
1602.
forced with the greatest part of Irish. That it may be
Passages and Yq^^ \^o our discretion, to make passages and bridges into
rtdges. Countries otherwise unaccessible, and to build little piles
of stone in such garrisons, as shall be thought fittest to
be continuall bridles upon the people, by the commodity
of which, wee may at any time draw the greatest part of
the Army together to make a head against any part that
shall first breake out, and yet reserve the places onely with
a ward, to put in greater Forces as occasion shall require,
which I am perswaded will prove great pledges uppon
this Countrey, that upon any urgent cause the Queene
may safely draw the greatest part of her Army here out
of the Kingdome, to be emploied (at least for a time) else-
where, wherein I beseech your Lordships to consider,
what a strength so many experienced Captaines and
Souldiers would be, to any Army of new men erected in
England, against an invasion, or sent abroad, in any
off^ensive warre : but untill these places be built, I cannot
conceive how her Majesty (with any safety) can make
any great diminution of her Army. Lastly, I doe humbly
desire your Lordships to receive, the further explanation
of my meaning and confirmation of the reasons that doe
Tke Lord induce me unto these propositions from the Lord Presi-
President of ^^^(x\. of Mounster, who as he hath beene a very worthy
actor in the reducement and defence of this Kingdome,
so doe I thinke him to be best able to give you through
accompt of the present estate, & future providence for the
preservation thereof, wherein it may please your L^^ to
require his opinion, of the hazard this Kingdome is like
to runne ; if it should by any mighty power be invaded,
& how hard it will be for us in any measure to provide
for the present defence, if any such be intended, & withall
to goe on with the suppression of these that are left in
Rebellion, so that wee must either adventure the new
[II. iii. 271.] kindling of this fire, that is almost extinguished, or
intending onely that, leave the other to exceeding perill.
And thus having remembred to your Lordships the most
materiall Points (as I conceive), that are fittest for the
280
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
present to bee considered of, I doe humbly recommend
my selfe and them to your Lordships favour. From her
Majesties Castle of Dublin this sixe and twentieth of
Februarie, 1602.
At the same time the Lord Deputy wrote to the Lords
in England, about his private affaires, wherein he
signified, that al manner of provisions necessarie for the Al manner of
maintenance of an household were (of late especially) provisions
bought at such excessive rates (aswell in regard of the ^/'''/^ ^j
r • ■ 1-1 • T 1 1 /I 1 Ireland.
ramme growmg daily greater m Ireland, (by the con-
tinuall spoile of the Countrie, and the Armies cutting
downe of the Rebels Corne for these last two yeeres) as
also in regard of the disvaluation of the mixed coyne
now currant, after the taking away of exchange (whereof
each shilling had no more then two pence halfepenny
silver in it), and that the prices of the said provisions
daily so increased, as foure times the entertainement
allowed him by her Majesty for his maintenance, would
not answere his ordinarie expences, except it would please
their Lordships to allow him exchange for the most part
of his entertainement, that thereby he might be inabled
to make his provisions out of England.
In the beginning of March, the Lord Deputie under-
stood, that Brian Mac Art had secretly stolen into Brian
Killoltagh, with some five hundred men under his leading, ^'^'^ ^''^•
(as hee had lately done the like, but was soone driven
out againe by Sir Arthur Chichester.) Whereupon his
Lordship sent Sir Richard Moryson from Dublyn up to
his Garrison in Lecayle, and gave him his Lordships
guard, and three other Companies of Foote to leade with
him, that he might assist Sir Arthur Chichester in the
prosecution of this Rebell, who was soone driven out of
Killoltagh by those forces.
Now because I have often made mention formerly of
our destroying the Rebels Corne, and using al meanes
to famish them, let me by two or three examples shew
the miserable estate to which the Rebels were thereby
brought. Sir Arthur Chichester, Sir Richard Moryson,
281
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
and the other Commanders of the Forces sent against
Brian Mac Art aforesaid, in their returne homeward, saw
The miserable a most horrible spectacle of three children (whereof the
estate of the eldest was not above ten yeeres old), all eating and knaw-
ing with their teeth the entrals of their dead mother, upon
whose flesh they had fed twenty dayes past, and having
eaten all from the feete upward to the bare bones, rosting
it continually by a slow fire, were now come to the eating
of her said entrails in like sort roasted, yet not divided
from the body, being as yet raw. Former mention hath
been made in the Lord Deputies letters, of carcases
scattered in many places, all dead of famine. And no
doubt the famine was so great, as the rebell souldiers
taking all the common people had to feede upon, and
hardly living thereupon, (so as they besides fed not onely
on Hawkes, Kytes, and unsavourie birds of prey, but on
Horseflesh, and other things unfit for mans feeding), the
common sort of the Rebels were driven to unspeakeable
extremities (beyond the record of most Histories that
ever I did reade in that kind) the ample relating whereof
were an infinite taske, yet wil I not passe it over without
adding some few instances. Captaine Trevor & many
honest Gentlemen lying in the Newry can witnes, that
some old women of those parts, used to make a fier in
the fields, & divers little children driving out the cattel
in the cold mornings, and comming thither to warme
them, were by them surprised, killed and eaten, which at
last was discovered by a great girle breaking from them
by strength of her body, and Captaine Trevor sending
out souldiers to know the truth, they found the childrens
skulles and bones, and apprehended the old women, who
were executed for the fact. The Captaines of Carick-
fergus, and the adjacent Garrisons of the Northerne parts
can witnesse, that upon the making of peace, and receiving
the rebels to mercy, it was a common practise among the
common sort of them (I meane such as were not Sword-
men), to thrust long needles into the horses of our English
troopes, and they dying thereupon, to bee readie to teare
282
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
out one anothers throate for a share of them. And no
spectacle was more frequent in the Ditches of Townes,
and especiallie in wasted Countries, then to see multitudes
of these poore people dead with their mouthes all coloured
greene by eating nettles, docks, and all things they could [^I- "i- ^7^-]
rend up above ground. These and very many like
lamentable effects followed their rebellion, and no doubt
the Rebels had been utterly destroyed by famine, had
not a generall peace shortly followed Tyrones submission
(besides mercy formerly extended to many others), by
which the Rebels had liberty, to seeke reliefe among the
subjects of Ireland, and to be transported into England
and France, where great multitudes of them lived for
some yeeres after the peace made.
The fourth of March the Lord Deputy received letters
from Sir Henry Dockwra, advertising many vehement
suspitions of Sir Neale Garves disloial purposes, namely, ^f^^^f Garves
his underhand putting: Mac Swvne to goe a^aine into '^'"""^^
r o / o o t>urt>oscs
rebellion, and to take an Hand of his, which was a fit
place to set up a new rebellion, and also his making a
storehouse of Armes, with extraordinary provisions of
them. Further he advertised, that himself used all
meanes to keepe Tyrone in the Glynnes (where hee now
was) till his Lordship came up (which journey he advised
to bee in the beginning of the next moneth), but under-
standing that within few dales hee would remove towards
Fermanagh, howsoever the English there at that time
were weake, yet he would lye for the Arch-rebel on his
way to Omy, or Agher, not doubting but in the passage
of those Plaines hee should have some opportunity oi
fighting with him, and (at the least) to take good part of
his prey from him. Lastly, he advertised, that he had
razed Hen. Ovingtons Castle, and Mac Hughes Hand,
which both had been neasts and starting holes for theeves.
The fifteenth of March the Lord Deputy left Dubhn,
and rode towards the Northerne borders, where his Lord-
ship (with his retinue) lay to and fro, the remaining few
dayes of this yeere (and part of the beginning of the next,
283
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
till Tyrone was received to mercy, and the war ended)
to the end his Lordship being in those parts, might give
life to the present service, as wel of the forces sent to
prosecute Ororke, as of the Garrisons lying in waite for
all advantages upon Tyrone himselfe and his broken
partakers.
The affaires of Touching Mounster affaires in the yeere 1602, the Lord
Mounstcr. Deputy at his comming from Corke caused Sir Ric. Percy
to be sworne Counsellor for the Province of Mounster,
and in his journall towards Cillkenny Knighted three Irish
men, John Fitz Edmonds and two Citizens of Watterford,
Edward Gough, and Richard Aylward. The Lord Presi-
dent at Kilkenny tooke his leave of the Lord Deputy,
and making short Journeys, by reason he was sickly, came
not to Corke, till the third of Aprill, 1602.
When the Spaniards by composition were to render the
Castels in the West, O Swillivan Beare had surprised his
The Castle of Castle of Donboy in Beerehaven from the Spaniards,
Donboy. whereof some were killed in the surprisall, which freed
them from suspition to have yeelded it voluntarily con-
trary to the composition. This strong Castle upon an
excellent haven O Swillivan kept for the King of Spaine,
having sixty Warders with him at first, and three pieces
of Spanish Ordinance. The Lord President meaning to
take this Castle, tooke the field the 23 of Aprill, and
after many attempts upon the Rebels, in which some o(
them were killed, and some taken and executed, and many
preyes taken by parties sent out, it was resolved the four-
teenth of May to passe the forces over to an Hand, called
the great Hand, that way to march to Beerehaven, the way
thither by land being unpassable for the victuals and
carriages, besides many places of advantage in the Moun-
taines, where the Rebels, though few in number, might
distresse a great Army, and easily forbid their passage.
Here by the sea side, the Foote staled for the ships carry-
ing the Victuals, Munition and Ordinance, which were
detained by contrary winds till the last of May. The
sixth o^ June, the forces were ferried over to the land
284
o
Q
O
w
<
w
h
O
w
O
w
n>«uii..ii„illiiiilviiUllilU>l\iltll\»|^ll»lil|U:illl'll'.M
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1602.
neere Castle Dermot, where they incamped ; and though
they landed in another part then the Rebels expected, who
lay there to hinder, and impeach their landing, yet the
Rebels hasted to them to begin the skirmish with them,
when they were in good order, and almost had all passed
the Ferry, so as the Rebels having no advantage in this
fight, they left 28 dead in the place, and had more then
30 wounded, whereof Captaine Tirrel was one, being
slightly hurt in the belly, and some were taken prisoners,
whereas on our part onely seven were hurt. The tenth
of June, our forces having landed their Ordinance,
incamped within musket shot of the Castle of Donboy,
but not within the sight of the Castle, a rising ground
lying betweene the Campe and the Castle, so as the great
shot from the Castle flew over the Campe without doing
any hurt. The twelfth a Fort within the Hand of Dorses, [H. ill. 273.]
kept by the Rebels, was surprized by the English, and all
the Rebels killed or hanged, and therein were taken three
Iron Peeces of Spanish Ordinance. The 17th of June
after two dales battery, the English assaulted the breach, The Castle
and possessed part of the Castle Dunboy, the Rebels ^^i^^ulted and
keeping and defending the rest, all that day and night,
and great part of the next, at which time the English
were by force made full Masters of it. The Rebels defend-
ing it, were 134 selected Souldiers, and all of them were
killed in the Castle, or seeking to flie, or being prisoners
were executed in the campe, except twelve men of chiefe
accompt, and most esteemed by Tyrrell, which were kept
to be examined upon torture, or to worke some good for
the service with Tyrrell, by the saving of their lives.
Of Spanish Ordinance, there was taken one Demy
Culverin, two Sakers, and one Falcon of brasse, and two
Sakers, five Minions, and one Falcon of Iron. The
Gunners were Italians and Spaniards, who perished with
the rest, nine barrels of powder taken in the Castle, were
imploied to blow it up, lest any Spaniards or Rebels might
after make use of it.
This Castle taken, the Lord President returned to
285
A.D.
1602.
Sir Charles
Wilmott
Governour of
Kerry.
Carbery re-
volted.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Corke, where Sir Samuell Bagnoll attended his comming
with letters from the Lord Deputy, and according to his
Lordships directions, the Lord President sent by him
1500 Foote, being above the old Mounster lyst, who
came with these Forces to the Lord Deputy the 29 of
July, and brought letters from the Lord President, adver-
tising the above mentioned confident expectation of a
second Spanish invasion. At the same time Sir Edward
Wingfield was landed at Corke, bringing to the Lord
President 500 foote for supplies of the weake Companies.
Sir Charles Wilmott Governour of Kerry, (wherein were
many provinciall Rebels, besides 1000 strangers to helpe
them,) had before the siege of Dunboy prosecuted Mac
Morris, cleered Kerry of all Rebels, and prosecuted
them into Desmond, taken Castles and great preyes of
Cowes, and brought the Knight of Kerry on his knees,
and this done, hee marched towards the Lord President
in his way to Dunboy, and united his Forces to the Army.
After the taking of that Castle, he was now againe sent
into Kerry, with directions that all garrisons should burne
the Corne they could not gather, and that he should
remove the Irish Inhabitants with their goods to a
Countrey neere Lymricke, that the Spaniards againe
expected, might make no use of them. In August the
Lord President was advertised that many in Carbery
revolted, and that upon a ship from Spaine not long before
arrived with money to distribute among the most active
Rebels, Donnogh Mac Carty and Finen his brother (who
had attended the Lord president at the siege of Dunboy)
were now revolted, and had taken impresse money from
the King of Spaine, whereupon the two Captaines Roger
and Gawen Harvy lying there in garrison, had taken many
preyes from them, and spoiled the Countrey. And yet
by daily intelligence the Lord President understood, that
the newes of the taking of Dunboy comming into Spaine,
the King had commanded to stay all his provisions for
Ireland, till his pleasure were fiarther signified. And no
doubt the Queenes Fleet lying at this time upon the coast
286
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
of Spaine, most of all discouraged him from any new
attempt in succour of the Irish Rebels. About the end
of August it was generally divulged in Mounster that a
Spanish Fleet was discovered upon the Coast, whereupon Another
the Irish posted up and downe the Country with great bruite of the
signes of joy, so as at the Lord Presidents suit. Sir Samuel S/>tf»j<2ra'j.
Bagnol was sent backe to him with the forces he had
formerly led out of Mounster to the Lord Deputy.
The second of September the Lord President received
this following gratious letter written from the Queene
with her owne hand.
Your Soveraigne, E.R.
MY faithfull George, how joied We are that so good ^ letter
event hath followed so troublesome endevours, "'^'^''^'^ ^ '
11- 1 1 ir 11 1 1 Queenes owne
laborious cares, and heedrull travels, you may guesse, but yj^„^
We best can witnesse, and doe protest that your safety
hath equalled the most thereof. And so God even blesse
you in all your actions.
About this time the Lord President having received
manifest proofes that Cormock mac Dermod, Lord of
Muskery, had lately committed many acts of treason,
caused him to be apprehended & committed prisoner to L^^- '"• 274-]
the gentleman Porter, & hearing his followers practised
his escape, gave the said gentleman Porter charge to keepe
him safely upon his danger to answere for him, in the
meane time seazing all his Castles into her Majesties
hands, and likewise causing his wife and children to be
brought prisoners to Corke. Notwithstanding, Cormocke Cormocke
escaped out of a window, the nine and twenty of Septem- "'^i^ Dermod
ber ; yet being heartned to rebellion by Captaine Tyrrell ^^'^^P^^-
and Oswillivan Beare, hee considered that his Castles were
all in the Queenes power, his eldest sonne lately Student
in Oxford, was now kept prisoner in the Tower, that his
yongest sonne, his wife and daughter, and many of his
chiefe followers were now prisoners at Corke, and that
the Rebels desiring to joine with him, were hunger-
starved, and would live upon his Countrey already wasted,
287
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1602.
and therefore hee wisely chose to submit himselfe to her
Majesties mercy, and upon the two and twentieth of
October, this his submission was accepted.
O Donnell About this time the Lord President heard that O
tn patne, j^Qj^j^gU ^3^3 dead in Spaine. The three and twentieth
of October Sir Samuell Bagnoll, with the Regiment sent
back from the Lord Deputy, fell by night upon Tyrrels
Campe, lying in Muskery, to expect Cormocks returne,
killed eighty of his men, made him flie away in his shirt,
tooke all his Cattle being more then one thousand, with
sixty Horses and hacknies, besides things unseene in Irish
spoiles, as velvet, outlandish apparell, Spanish Coyne, and
all the money Tyrrell had gotten of the proportion sent
from Spaine, and made Tyrrell flie into the Mountaines
of Desmond. In November Sir Charles Wilmott brake
The Knight of by night into the quarter of the Knight of Kerry, killed
^^'^ forty of his men, tooke five hundred Cowes, two hundred
Garrons, and two moneths provision of meale. The
Rebels Tyrrell, Burke, Oswillivan, and Mac Morris,
being daily assaulted by the English, and spoiled of their
Cattle, the rest of this moneth and the following of
December, and having many of their best men killed,
suddenly fell into disputations, and after to controversies,
and so the strangers resolved to steale away, as they did
with great amasement, leaving the fastnesses they had
held, to the ransacking of the English, first Tyrrell, then
William Bourke, who leading 1 500 men, marched towards
the Pale, Sir Charles Wilmott having first in another
conflict with them, killed many of the most forward Kerne,
taken all their baggage and prey of Cattle, being 2000
Cowes, 4000 Sheepe, and 1000 Garrons.
In December the Lord President leaving Sir Charles
Wilmott to command in chiefe all the Forces, having
besides the Lord Barry with 1600 Provincials under him,
to attend such services as he should direct, left the
Province of Mounster to meet the Lord Deputy at
Galloway in Connaght. In the meane time the said
Rebels fled towards the Pale as broken men, some resolv-
288
>>y?f>,cj wAvw »«%>'■ (/ ■■-
'i
' ,*illi' '■* Jlifli'lM . t
<
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1602.
ing to joine with Tyrone, and some to returne into
Connaght their owne Countrey, wherewith the Mounster
Rebels were so danted, as they daily came in to Sir
Charles Wilmott in great numbers, and with much Cattle,
to submit themselves to mercy. The Lord President
before his journey into Connaght, tooke order that
Oswillivan Beares Countrey should be so wasted, as
neither Spaniards nor Rebels should find reliefe there.
About this time Captaine Taaffe commanding our Irish
men in Carbery, assayled a band of Rebels led by a Priest, ^ Band of
the Popes Nuntio, killed him with most of his men, and ^(^^^^^ ^^'^ h
got all their Cattle : And now in the absence of Oswillivan
fled away, his Countrey was wasted and his Castles all
taken. The foresaid Priest was a man of speciall
authority, so as upon his death the Mac Carties and all
Carbery submitted to mercy, and had power over all
spirituall livings in Ireland, so as all Priests depended
upon him.
The Lord President returned into Mounster in January
from Connaght, and having sent Sir Edward Wingfeild
with certaine Companies of foote into Connaght, accord-
ing to the Lord Deputies direction, and leaving Sir Charles
Wilmott, and Sir G. Thornton Commissioners to governe
Mounster, himselfe in the beginning of February rode to
Dublyn, leaving no Rebell in Mounster but Mac Morris,
the Knight of the Glan, Thomas Oge, and Connor O
Driscoll, not able joyntly to make two hundred men,
whereof Mac Morris in few daies was well beaten and
spoiled of all he had by Sir Char. Wilmott. And in the
beginning of March the L. President sailed into England
from Dublin.
[Chap. II.
M. ni 289 T
A.D.
1603.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
["•iii-275] Chap. II.
Of Tyrones taking to mercy, whereby the warre
was fully ended. And of a new mutinie of
the Cities of Mounster for establishing the
publike exercise of the Roman Religion, with
the appeasing thereof in the beginning of the
yeere 1603. Together with the Lord Deputies
recalling into England, and the rewards there
given him for his service in the beginning of
the yeere 1603 ; with mention of his untimely
death within few yeeres after and a word of
the State of Ireland some ten yeeres after.
The Lord
Deputies letter
to Master
Secretary
touching
Tyrones taking
to mercy.
He five and twentieth of March, in the
beginning of the yeere 1603, the Lord
Deputy wrote this following letter from
Mellifant, Sir Garret Moores house, to
Master Secretary in England.
SIR, I have received by Captaine
Hayes her Majesties letters of the sixth
of February, wherein I am directed to send for Tyrone,
with promise of securitie for his life onely, and upon his
arrivall, without further assurance, to make stay of him,
till her pleasure should bee further knowne, and at the
same time I received another from her Majestie of the
seventeenth of February, wherein it pleased her to inlarge
the authority given unto me, to assure him of his hfe,
liberty and pardon, upon some conditions remembred
therein. And withall I received a letter from your selfe of
the eighteenth of February, recommending to me your
owne advice to fulfill (as far as I possibly could) the
meaning of her Majesties first letter, and signifying her
pleasure, that I should seeke by all the best meanes I
can, to promise him his pardon by some other name then
Earle of Tyrone, and rather by the name of Barron oi
290
''I'^
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Dungannon, or if it needes must bee, by the name of some
other Earle. Secondly, to deliver him his Country in
lesse quantity, and with lesse power then before he had it.
And lastly, to force him to cleare his paces and passages,
made difficult by him against any entrie into his Countrie.
And now since it hath pleased her Majesty, by so great
a trust, to give me so comfortable Arguments of her
favour, I am incouraged the more freely to presume to
declare my selfe in this great matter, which I call great,
because the consequence is great, and dangerous to be
delt in, without the warrant of her gratious interpretation.
And though my opinion herein should proceede from a
long and advised consideration, described with large and
many circumstances, and confirmed with strong and
judiciall reasons, yet because I thinke it fit to hasten away
this messenger, I will write of these things somewhat,
though on the sudden, and commit the rest to the sufficient
judgement and relation of the Lord President, now in
his journey towards you, and the rather, because I finde
him to concurre with mee, in the apprehension of this
cause, and of the state of all other things of this King-
dome. And first, for her Majesties first letter ; I pray
you Sir beleeve me, that I have omitted nothing, both
by power and policy to ruine him, and utterly to cut him
off, and if by either I may procure his head, before I
have engaged her Royall word for his safety, I doe protest
I will doe it, and much more be ready to possesse my selfe
of his person, if by only promise of life, or by any other
meanes, wherby I shal not directly scandal the majesty
of publike faith, I can procure him to put himself into
my power. But to speak my opinion freely, I thinke
that he, or any man in his case, would hardly adventure
his liberty to preserve onely his life, which he knoweth
how so well to secure by many other waies, for if he flie
into Spaine, that is the least wherof he can be assured,
and most men (but especially he) doe make little difference
betweene the value of their life and liberty, and to deceive
him I thinke it will bee hard ; for though wiser men then
291
A.D.
1603.
Noising
omitted to
ruine Tyrone.
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
hee may be over-reached, yet he hath so many eyes of
[II. iii. 276.] jealousie awake, that it will bee unpossible to charme
them, and I do (upon assured ground) beleeve, that it is
nothing but feare of his safety, that of a long time
(especially of late) hath kept him from conformity to the
State, and if any thing do keep him now from accepting
the lowest conditions, and from setling himself and his
hart, to a constant serving of her Majestie, it will be
feare of an absolute forgivenes, or the want of such an
The danger of estate, as may in any measure content him. The danger
yronespie- q£ j^jg subsistingr as he doth, is either, if there come no
forraine forces, to maintaine still a loose head of RebelHon
(which will be better able to offend any such as are become
subjects, then we can be, if we were a thousand times
more, to defend them at all times, and in all places) to
stirre up, and to maintaine al humors, and to be a wound
remaining open, unto which they may have recourse, and
upon all accidents bee readie to swell, or to infect the
whole bodie of this Kingdome : Otherwise, if there should
be any invasion, to be a powerfull and politick head, to
draw this Countrie to their assistance. If there come no
forraigne Forces, and that hee should bee cut off, yet is it
likely, some other in the nature of a spoiling outlaw would
arise up in his place, as ill as himselfe ; and if hee bee
kept prisoner, the like effects will arise, as if hee
were dead. If hee bee cut off, or kept prisoner,
and the Spaniards should arrive, most of the
Swordmen will flocke unto them for advantage of pay,
and the discontentment of Lords of Countries would be
as great, or greater, then if hee were amongst them, and
therefore they as likely to fall then as now, to the Spanish
partie : but if it were possible to make him a good
subject, the use her Majestie may make of him, must
bee amongst these people, since during his life and libertie,
none will aspire to that place of O Neale, which doth
Carrie with it so great an interest in the North, and what
interest hee hath, hee may bee led to employ, to suppresse
and settle the mindes of the people to governement, and
292
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
having once declared himselfe to bee a dutiful! subject,
it will be first a great discouragement for the Spaniards
to come ; and if they doe come, if hee continue honest,
his presence and interest will sway the North from giving
them assistance, or annoying the subjects, if we withdraw
our Garrisons, and make the rest of Ireland more advised
how they declare themselves against the State.
Sir, to conclude, because I cannot shortly expresse mine ^^'^''f^/
owne minde herein, I thinke it best, if it please her ^^ ^"'^°^
Majestie, to receive him to her mercy, so that nrst his humble sort,
submission bee made in as humble sort, and as much for
her Majesties Honour as can be devised, and then that
she assure him of absolute forgivenesse, and forgetting
of his faults, and as much honour and profit as he had
before, provided that wee take from him (as much as
possibly wee may) those lockes wherein his chiefest
strength lyes. Otherwise I am perswaded, either the
Queene shal not serve her owne turne by him, if shee
keepe him prisoner, or he will serve his turne if he live
at liberty, and ever have (Animum revertendi) an affection
to relapse. How I am resolved to proceede in this busi-
nesse, you shall know by the Lord President, which not-
withstanding many things may alter, but for the substance
I doe thinke we shall be able to compasse as much, as
by her Majesties last letter is required, and by yours
written after that, except that point of the taking from
him the title of the Earledome of Tyrone, for the which
I thinke there be many reasons that it should not be much
stood upon. Besides what I have written before of giving
him contentment, which may bee applied to this, first,
you doe but give him a title, which he did shake of,
as a marke of his bondage, and that which he falles from,
to accept this, he did asmuch preferre before this, as the
estate of an absolute Prince before the condition of a
subject, and it is the name of O Neale, with the which
hee hath done so much mischiefe, that is fatall and odious,
and not the name of Tyrone, which hee was faine to leave,
before hee could have power to become a Rebell ; for
293
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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believe mee out of my experience, the titles of our
Honours doe rather weaken then strengthen them in this
Countrie, and if you give him the same degree, but with
another name, it may be thought a condition rather by
him obtained, then by us imposed, especially if he
enjoyeth his Countrie ; and lastlie, if you make him onely
Barron of Dungannon, you leave in him a spurre to dis-
[II. iii. 277.] contentment, without any greater bridle from doing hurt,
for his power will be never the lesse, and yet he that
doth not sit easily, will ever thinke of another seate, and
his owne title will the more runne in his minde, the more
he is unsatisfied with this new. Notwithstanding al my
opinions of these things, I will runne as neere as I can
to the straightest line of her Majesties pleasure, and I
presume I will so handle this matter, that I will be sure
her Majesties Honour shall not be indangered, (I meane)
by the authority shee hath given mee, which any man
shall hardly take notice of, till I be assured upon what
tearmes I shall find him ; and if his requests be not as
humble as becommeth him, or as by her Majesty is
required, hee shall make little use of any negotiation that
shall be with him. And so Sir, &c.
T/ie Earle of Touching the receiving oi Tyrone to mercy, no man
Tyrone shdXi take from me the reputation (such as it is) to have
^J ^ beene the instrumentall cause of doing this honour to my
deceased Soveraigne & my Nation, and of giving this
disgracefiall blow to the Arch-Traitor Tyrone, that he
humbly submitted himselfe to Queene Elizabeth, finding
mercy at her royall feet, whom he hath proudly ofi^ended,
and whose sole power (in despite oi his domesticall
associates and forraigne support), had brought him on his
knees, and that the victory was fully atchieved by the
sole Sword of the English Nation and well affected
English-Irish, whose blood he had spilt ; and that so the
Arch-Traitor lost the meanes longer to subsist in rebellion,
by the advantage of Englands unsetled Estate, or at least
the advantaQ;e and the vaine-glory to fasten merit on
the sacred Majesty of King James, the said Queenes happy
294
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1603.
successour, by submitting to his royall mercy, and so
hiding the extreme misery in which he was plunged, to
have made this his action seeme altogether voluntary, and
every way noble in him, to which he was forced by the
highest constraint, and in the most base manner that can
be imagined : Now as no man knoweth the circumstances
of this action better then my selfe, so I will briefly and
truely relate them. Queene Elizabeth had beene sicke Queene
for more then a moneths space, and of some apparant -^"^^Jc-fw
danger of her death, the Lord Deputy had beene adver-
tised, and at this time shee was dead, (departing the foure
and twentieth of March, the last day of the yeere past),
though it were not knowne to the Lord Deputy till the
seven and twentieth of March in the night, nor publikely,
or to Tyrone himselfe, till the fifth of Aprill, after his
humble submission made betore the Lord Deputy to the
Queene, as then living, though indeed shee were dead.
This businesse passed in manner following. There was
a gentleman among the voluntary followers of the Lord
Deputy, who had long been earnestly ambitious of the
honour oi Knighthood, which by no endevours of
service, expence of money, or assistance oi friends, he
could hitherto attaine. Now a servant of his posting from
London, and getting a happy passage at Sea, came upon
the 27 of March (late in the night) to Mellifant, where
the Lord Deputy then lay, and brought with him the ^^^ ^°^^
first newes of the Queenes death, which when he had u" J-fi
related to his Master, hee having been long pleased to Oueenes
take my advise in his affaires, advertised me of these death.
newes, and brought his servant to confirme the same in
my hearing. Whereupon I required his servant not to
speake a word thereof to any man, threatning him with
the Lord Deputies displeasure, and severe punishment,
if any such rumour were spread by him. Then I was
bold to give his Master confidence oi receiving the honour
he desired, if hee would follow my advise, which was
this ; that he should goe to the Lord Deputy, and tell
him this report of the Queenes death, brought by his
295
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FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
servant, and the strict charge he had given unto him for
the concealing thereof, till his Lordship should think fit
to make it known, & withall to make tender of himselfe,
and all his meanes, to follow his Lordships fortune in
this doubtfiall time (for such it was in expectation, though
most happy in event.) The Gentleman did as I advised
him, and for his particular, it tooke the same effect which
I expected, as I will shew, when I have first set downe,
how his Lordship hereupon proceeded with Tyrone.
The Lord Deputy being warranted by the Queenes
letters above written, to receive Tirone to her Majesties
mercy, had upon the five and twentieth of March sent
Sir William Godolphin and Sir Garret Moore, to treat
with him, for which they had a Commission in these
words.
[II. iii. 278.] Mountjoy.
The
Commission to
Sir miliam
Godolphin
and Sir
Garret
Moore.
WHereas the Earle of Tyrone hath made humble
suite unto us, that upon his penitent submission
to her Majesties mercy, wee would be pleased to send
some Gentlemen, to whom he might make knowne his
humble petitions, and impart somewhat to them that doth
much concerne her Majesties service : For the great trust
wee repose in you, and the good opinion wee conceive of
your discreet judgements, we have made choice of you to
be imployed herein, and doe by these presents give you
both joyntly and severally our absolute warrant &
authority, upon this occasion of her Majesties service, to
parley and confer with him, or any of his adherents, or
followers. Provided that of this your conference you
shall with all convenient speed give us knowledge in all
particulars, and of all his and your proceedings herein,
to the end you may receive our further directions. And
for so doing this shall be your sufficient warrant. Given
at Tredagh the foure and twenty of March, 1602.
To Our trusty and well beloved, Sir William Godolphin,
and Sir Garret More Knights.
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THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad
1603.
When I had written this Commission his Lordship
commanded me to write this following protection.
Mountjoy.
WHereas upon the humble suite and submission of The form of
Hugh Earle of Tyrone, and his penitent contrition ^r^'^'/j^"" ^'^
for his former offences, by many messages and letters
signified unto Us, We have thought good to receive into
her Majesties most gracious protection, his owne person,
and such as shall come in his Company, with safety to
him and them, and the rest of his followers whatsoever,
(dwelling in the County of Tyrone, or now abiding with
him,) aswell in their bodies as goods, for and during the
space of three weekes, to the end hee might repaire unto
us, to let us more fully understand his humble petitions.
These are straightly to charge and command all and every
her Majesties Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, to permit
and suffer him and them peaceably to enjoy the benefit
thereof, without any restraint, molestation, or hostile act,
against him or his in their bodies or goods, during the
time above limitted. So as in the meane time hee and
they continue of good and dutiful! behaviour towards
her Majesty, and this State. Given at Tredagh the foure
and twentieth of March, 1602.
To all Commanders of horse and foot, and to all
other her Majesties Officers and Subjects to
whom it may appertaine.
Likewise his Lordship commanded me to write severall
letters to the Governours of Garrisons, requiring them to
give Tyrone and his followers full benefit of this Protec-
tion. And these writings being all signed by the Lord
Deputy, were delivered to Sir William Godolphin, with
charge that when Tyrone was in his Company, and on the
way to come to his Lordship, then (and not before) hee
should deliver him the Protection, and likewise the letters,
to bee sent to the severall Garrisons, by his owne
messengers. These Commissioners, on the six and
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AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
twentieth of March, sent one Bathe from Armagh to
Tyrone, to prepare the way of their meeting. The seven
and twentieth both the Commissioners came to Charle-
mont, where Sir William Godolphin staled for his troope
of horse, but Sir Garret Moore rode that night to Tullough-
oge, where he spake with Tyrone. The eight and
twentieth Sir Garret Moore wrote to Sir William, that
Tyrone was fully resolved to obey the Lord Deputies
commandements, and would meet him the next morning
at nine of the clocke, to ride forward in his company to
the Lord Deputy. And Henry Hagan, who brought
this letter, gave Sir William confident assurance of
Tyrones performance.
The same eight & twentieth day, the L. Deputy being
at Mellifant, and there having the foresaid notice of the
Queenes death, and considering that this rumor was no
good ground for a new treatie with Tyrone, yet breaking
[II. iii. 279.] out, were it true or false, might cause new combustions
in Ireland, most apt to relapse into new tumults (as
appeared by the ensuing mutiny of the very Citties and
corporate Townes), as also that if it were true, then he
had no power from the succeeding King, to receive
Tyrone to mercy, yea that in case it should proove
false, then such treatie with the Arch-traytor in
any other then Queene Elizabeths name, might prove
very dangerous to him. For these reasons he
resolved speedily to strike up the former treatie with
Tyrone and so presently dispatched a horseman to Sir
William Godolphin, to advertise him thereof, and to
Tyrones require him to hasten Tyrones commin^-, by remembrance
comming to be ^^ j^j^^ ^^^^ j^j^ ^^^^^^ delayes in Treaties had much
mcensed the Queene, and by threatnmg him, that ir ne
made the least delay of his submission, his power to doe
him good might be easily restrained, and then he should
expect nothing from him but a sharpe prosecution to his
utter ruine. Sir William having received these his Lord-
ships, and Sir Garrets foresaid letters, thought it no time
to stand nicely upon termes of equality, (which might
298
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad
1603.
argue his distrust of Tyrone, and awaken in him his old
jealousies of our meaning to him), and therefore leaving
order that his troope should follow him, did ride from
Charlemont and met Tyrone on the nine and twentieth
of March, at nine of the clocke in the morning at Toker,
a place lying five miles beyond Dungannon, where shew-
ing him the Lord Deputies protection, he most humbly Tyrone
and thankfully accepted thereof, and so committed him- '■°"^"^^% ,
,f. -i A • • • 1 • 1 • himself to the
selre to the Commissioners, to ride m their company to q^^^
the Lord Deputy. By the way they delivered his missioners.
Protection to his owne hands, and likewise the letters,
which he was to send to the severall Governours by his
owne messengers.
On the thirtieth of March 1603. ^^^7 came al together
to Mellifant in the afternoon, where Tyrone being
admitted to the Lord Deputies chamber, kneeled at the
doore humbly on his knees for a long space, making his Tyrone makes
penitent submission to her Majesty, and after being submission.
requited to come neerer to the Lord Deputie, performed
the same ceremony in all humblenesse, the space of one
houre or there abouts. The next day hee also made a
most humble submission in writing, signed with his owne
hand, in manner and forme following (as appeares upon
record.)
I Hugh Oneale, by the Queene of England, France, The forme
and Ireland, her most gracious favour created Earle of °f ^^•
Tyrone, doe with all true and humble penitency prostrate
my selfe at her royall feet, and absolutely submit my selfe
unto her mercy, most sorrowfully imploring her gracious
commiseration, and appealing onely to her Princely
clemency, without presuming to justifie my unloyall pro-
ceedings against her sacred Majesty. Onely most sorrow-
fully and earnestly desiring, that it may please her Majesty
rather in some measure to mittigate her just indignation
against me, in that I doe religiously vow, that the first
motives of my unnaturall rebellion, were neither practise,
malice, nor ambition ; but that I was induced first by feare
of my life, (which I conceived was sought by my Enemies
299
AD FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
practise to stand upon my gard), and after most
unhappily led, to make good that fault with more hainous
offences, the which in themselves I doe acknowledge
deserve no forgivenesse, and that it is impossible for me,
in respect of their greatnesse, in any proportion even with
my life to make satisfaction ; I doe most humbly desire
her Majesty to pardon them, that as I have beene already
a sufficient argument of her Royall power, having little
left but my life to preserve it selfe, so that it may now
please her Majesty, to make me an example of her
Princely clemency, the chiefest ornament of her high
dignity. And that I may be the better able hereafter with
the uttermost service of my life to redeeme the foulenes of
my faults, I doe most humbly sue unto her Majesty, that
shee will vouchsafe to restore me to my former dignity
and living, in which estate of a subject I doe religiously
vow to continue for ever hereafter loyall, in all true
obedience to her royall person, crown, prerogative, and
lawes, and to be in all things as farre and as dutifully
conformable thereunto, as I or any other Nobleman of
this Realme is bound by the duty of a subject to his
Soveraigne, or by the Lawes of this Realme, utterly
renouncing and abjuring the name and title of O Neale,
or any other authoritie or claime, which hath not beene
granted or confirmed unto mee by her Majesty, and that
[II. iii. 280.] otherwise by the Lawes of this Realme, I may not pretend
just interest unto, and I doe religiously sweare to performe
so much as is above mentioned, and the rest of these
Articles, subscribed by my owne hand, as farre as shall
any way lie in niy power, and to deliver such pledges
for the performance thereof, as shall be nominated unto
me by the Lord Deputy.
Forraigne \ (^oe renounce and abjure all forraigne power whatso-
pozver- ever, and all kind of dependancy upon any other Potentate
but her Majesty the Queene of England, France, and
Ireland, and doe vow to serve her faithfully against any
forraigne power invading her Kingdomes, and to discover
truely any practises that I doe, or shall know against her
300
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1603.
roiall person or Crownes ; and namely and especially, I
doe abjure and renounce all manner of dependancy upon
the King or Estate of Spaine, or treaty with him or any
of his confederates, and shall be ready with the uttermost
of my ability to serve her Majesty against him, or any
of his forces or confederates.
I doe absolutely renounce all challenge or intermedling
with the Vriaghts, or fostering with them or other neigh-
bour Lords, or Gentlemen out of my Countrey, or
exacting any blacke rents of any Vriaghts (or bordering
Lords.)
I doe resigne all claime and title to any lands, but such
as shall be now granted unto me by her Majesties Letters
Pattents.
Lastly, as the onely being a Subject, doth include all
the duties of a Subject, so will I be content to be informed,
and advised by her Magistrates here, and will be con-
formable and assisting unto them, in any thing that may
tend to the advancement of her service, and the peaceable
governement of this Kingdome, as namely for the
abolishing of all barbarous customes, contrary to the lawes,
being the seeds of all incivility, and for the cleering of
difficult passages and places, which are the nurseries of
rebellion, wherein I will employ the labours of the people
of my Countrey in such sort and in such places, as I
shall be directed by her Majesty, or the Lord Deputy
and Counsell in her name, and will endevour for my selfe
and the people of my Countrey, to erect civill habitations,
and such as shall bee of greater effect to preserve us
against theeves, and any force but the power of the State,
by the which we must rest assured to be preserved as
long as we continue in our duties.
This submission was presented by the Earle of Tyrone
kneeling on his knees, before the Lord Deputy and
Counsell, and in the presence of a great assembly. At
the same time the Earle promised to write unto the King
of Spaine, for the recalling of his sonne from thence into
Ireland, and to doe the same at such time, and in such
301
Claime and
title to lands
resigned.
Difficult
passages to be
cleared.
A.D.
1603.
The lord
Deputy pro-
mised her
Majesties
gratious
pardon.
[II. iii. 281.]
King James
proclaimed.
FYNES MORYSONS ITINERARY
words, as the Lord Deputy should direct. Likewise he
vowed to discover how farre he had proceeded with the
King oi Spaine, or any other forraigne or domestical!
enemies, for past or future helpes and combinations.
Then the Lord Deputy in the Queenes name, promised to
the Earle for himselfe and his followers her Majesties
gratious pardon, and to himselfe the restoring of his
dignity of the Earledome of Tyrone, and of his bloud,
and likewise new letters Pattents for all his lands, which
in his former letters had been granted to him before his
rebellion, excepting onely the Country possessed by
Henrie Oge Oneale, and the Fues possessed by Turlogh
Mac Henrie, to both which, at their submission the Lord
Deputie had formerly promised, that they should hold
the same immediately from the Queene, to which ende
this exemption and reservation was now made of these
Countries, and the disposing of them left to her Majesties
power. And likewise excepting and reserving three
hundred acres of land to bee laid to the Fort of Mountjoy,
and three hundred more to the Fort of Charlemont,
during her Majesties pleasure to hold any Garrisons in
the said Forts. To these exemptions of Henrie Og^ and
Turlogh Mac Henrie, their Countries and themselves,
from the Earles right or power, he gave his full consent,
as likewise to the reservation of the lands laid to the said
Forts. He promised to reduce his Countrie to pay her
Majestic like composition, as Connaght now did, and
for long time had paied, and to answere rising out
of souldiers, and all charges for advancing her Majesties
service.
The third of Aprill, the Lord Deputy, having the Earle
of Tyrone in his companie rode to Tredagh, and from
thence upon the fourth day to Dublyn.
The next day an English ship arrived in that Haven,
in which came Sir Henrie Davers, who brought with him
letters from the Lords in England, advertising the Queens
death, and that James the first was proclaimed King of
England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, the coppy oi
302
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad
1603.
which Proclamation they sent, to the end it should here
be published in like sort.
Also in the same ship came one Master Liegh, kinsman
to the Lord Deputy, who brought his Lordship a favour- A favourable
able letter from the King out of Scotland. This Master ^^'^^>'« ^'^^
Liegh his Lordship presently graced with the honour of
Knighthood.
And concerning the gentleman formerly spoken of,
whose servant brought the first newes of the Queenes
death, I was not deceived in the honour I did ominate
to him, (as I have formerly written), for after he had
followed my advice, in the manner of his imparting that
important newes to the Lord Deputy, his Lordship con-
ceived so good an opinion of him, for his discretion, and
for the particular affection hee had expressed towards
him, by the tender of his service in following his fortune
this doubtfull time, as his Lordship did not onely by
the way from Melifant to Dublyn, extraordinarily grace
him, and often call him (not without some admiration of
the better sort of his traine) to ride by his side, talking
familiarly with him, but now upon his arrivall to Dublyn,
upon this occasion of honouring his cozen Leigh, did
also knight him.
In the meane time according to the Lord Deputies
commandement, the Counsellers of the State, the Noble-
men, Knights, and chiefe Commanders of the Army, then
being at Dublyn, assembled together in the Castle, to
whom his Lordship made knowne the Queenes death, The Queenes
and the Kings Proclamation, which he first, then all in ^^'^^hand
course signed, and presently taking Horse, with joyfuU ckmation^'
acclamations, published the same through the chiefe streets made known.
of Dublyn.
I cannot omit to mention, that the Earle o{ Tyrone,
upon the first hearing the Lord Deputies relation of the
Queenes death, could not containe himselfe from shedding
of teares, in such quantity as it could not well be con-
cealed, especially in him, upon whose face all mens eyes
were cast : himselfe was content to insinuate, that a tender
303
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
sorrow for losse of his Soveraigne Mistresse, caused this
passion in him ; but every dull understanding might
easily conceive, that thereby his heart might rather bee
more eased of many and continuall jelousies and feares,
which the guilt of his offences could not but daily present
him, after the greatest security of pardon : And there
Tyrones needed no Oedipus to find out the true cause of his
teares. teares : for no doubt, the most humble submission he
made to the Queene he had so highly and proudly
offended, much eclipsed the vaine glory his actions might
have carried, if he had held out till her death : besides
that by his comming in, as it were between two raignes,
he lost a faire advantage, for (by Englands Estate, for
the present unsetled) to have subsisted longer in rebellion
(if he had any such end) or at least an ample occasion
of fastning great merit on the new King, if at first and
with free will he had submitted to his mercy, which hee
would have pretended to doe, onely of an honourable
affection to his new Prince, and many would in all likeh-
hood have beleeved so much, especially they to whom
his present misery and ruined estate were not at all (or
not fully) knowne.
Tyrones sub- The sixth of Aprill the Earle of Tyrone made a new
msston to the submission to the King, in the same forme he had done
^"^' to the Queene, the name onely changed. He also wrote
this following letter to the King of Spaine.
His letter to T T may please your most Excellent Majesty : Having
the King of J_ since the first time that ever I received letters from
Spame. ^^^^ Highnesse Father, and your Majesty, or written
letters unto you, performed to the uttermost of my power
whatsoever I promised : insomuch as in the expectation
of your assistance, since the repaire of O Donnell to your
Majesty, I continued in action, untill all my neerest
kinsemen and followers having forsaken me, I was
inforced (as my duty is) to submit my selfe to my Lord
and Soverais^ne, the beginning of this instant moneth
of Aprill, in whose service and obedience I will continue
304
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
during my life. Therefore, and for that growing old
my selfe, I would gladly see my sonne setled in my life
time, I have thought good (giving your Majesty all
thankes for your Princely usage of my sonne Henry,
during his being in Spaine) most humbly to desire you
to send him unto mee ; And for the povertie whereunto [H- m. 282.]
I was driven, I have in sundry letters, both in Irish and
other languages, so signified the same, as it were incon-
venient herein to make relation thereof : And so I most
humbly take my leave. From Dublin, &c.
Your Highnesse poore friend that was,
Hugh Tyrone.
Together with the same he wrote another letter to his
sonne Henry to hasten his comming from Spaine into
Ireland, but without any effect. Lastly, the Lord
Deputie renewed to the Earle of Tyrone his Majesties
Protection for a longer time, till hee could sue out his
Pardon, and sent him backe into his Countrey, to settle
the same, and to keepe his friends and former confederates
in better order, upon this change of the State.
Sir Henry Davers, who lately brought letters to the Sir Henry
Lord Deputy from the Lords in England, returned backe Davers
with purpose to repaire presently unto the King, where- ^"^^^f^^^o^^-
upon the Lord Deputy commended to his relation the
following instructions : signed with his Lordships hand.
Wherein you must note, that his Lordship omits the
newes of the Queenes death, received by the servant of
a Gentleman (as aforesaid), the same being onely a private
intelligence, whereupon hee could not safely build his
late proceedings, and that his Lordship onely insists upon
letters from the State, which could onely give warrant
to the same. The instructions are these.
You are to informe the Kings Majesty, that at your
comming over hither, the fifth hereof, with the letters
from the Lords in England, signifying the decease of
my late Soveraigne Mistresse, you found with mee heere
at Dublin the Earle of Tyrone, newly come in upon
M. Ill 305 u
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
Protection, and by that meanes the Realme for the present
generally quiet, all expecting that upon a conclusion with
him (which then every one conceived to be likely, in as
much as he put himself into my hand, which till that
time he would never doe to any) the Countrey would in
short time be thorowly settled, so that every one that
found himselfe in danger, did presse me (in a manner
hourely) for his pardon, foreseeing that he that staled
out longest, was sure to be made the example of the
Justice of the State, where such as could soonest make
their way, by assuring their future loyaltie and service,
were hopefuU to lay hold upon their Soveraignes mercy.
The proceed- Now to the end you may acquaint his Majesty, how
tngs with the f^rre forth I have proceeded with the Earle of Tyrone
rj. -^ and upon what warrant ; you shall be heereby thus
remembred. He had often made great meanes to be
received to mercy, which as often I had denied him,
prosecuting him to the uttermost oi my ability, being
ever confident in opinion, that until I had brought him
very low, & driven him out of his own Countrey, (as I
did the last Summer, and left Garrisons upon him, that
tooke most of the Creaghts, and spoiled the rest of his
goods,) hee would not bee made fit to crave mercy in
that humble manner that was beseeming so great an
offender. In December last, when I was at Galloway,
he importuned me by many messages and letters, and
by some that he trusted very well vowed much sincerity
if hee might be hearkened unto there, and at that time
hee sent me a submission, framed in as humble manner,
as I could reasonably require : To that I sent him this
answer, that I would recommend it to her Majesty, but
untill I had further direction from her, I would still
prosecute him as I did before, and get his head if I could,
and that was all the comfort I gave him ; yet ceased he
not to continue a sutor with all the earnestnesse that
hee could devise, hoping in the end to obtaine that hee
desired. In the month oi March, I received letters from
her Majesty, of the sixteenth and seventeenth of February,
306
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
whereby I was authorised to give him my word for his
comming and going safe, and to pardon him, so as he
would come personally where I should assigne him, to
receive it, and yeeld to some other conditions, in the last
of those two letters contained. And withall I was
specially required, above all things to drive him to some
issue presently, because her Majesty then conceived that
contrariety of successes heere, or change of accidents in
other parts, might turn very much to her disadvantage ;
for which she was still apt to beleeve that hee lay in
wait, and would spin out all things further then were [H- i". 283.}
requisite, with delayes and shifts, if I should not abridge
him. Shortly after the Earle renewing his former suit,
with very great earnestnesse, and in most humble manner
(as may appeare by his letter in March sent me to
Tredagh, whether I was then drawne upon speciall
occasion of service), I thought it fit to entertaine the
offer of his submission, and to draw on the speedier
conclusion of so important a busines, both for that the
daily intelligence out of Spaine, threatned danger unto
this Kingdom, and for that I had then received advertise-
ment from the Counsell in England of her Majesties
dangerous sicknesse, the least of which accidents might
have revived his hopes, added new life unto his
languishing partisans, and utterly changed the whole
frame of my proceedings. To this end I signed his The Earks
Protection for three weekes, with severall warrants to protection.
the bordering Garrisons of forbearance from doing any
hostile act, either upon his person, and the persons of
his followers, or upon their goods, during the terme
aforesaid, appointing Sir Garret Moore (a Gentleman well
deserving of the State, and out oi ancient acquaintance
with the Earle, much respected by him) to repaire unto
him, and to give him knowledge, that if simply and
plainely (according to the tennor of his humble requests)
he were resolved (without any delay) to present his
petitions unto me in his owne person, where I assigned
his appearance, he should then receive a protection for
307
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
his safe comming and returne, with assurance for his
people and goods during his absence, by the hands of
Sir William Godolphin, whom I had purposely sent into
those part with a sufficient guard, to attend his resolution,
and to bring him safely unto me. These conditions
(though at first seeming somewhat hard, as both tasting
of too great an humblenes, and not utterly free from
danger of his person, whose head was set to Sale, by a
publike act, and private men not bound to take know-
The conditions ledge of the present proceedings), found easier acceptance
accepted. x\\Q.n almost any man would have imagined, the Earle
peremtorily commanding, that none of his, upon what
pretence soever, should presume to disswade him from
obaying this summons, seeing no way of mediation was
left unto him, save onely this, vowing in the presence
of a great many, that although the Deputies heavy hand
had almost brought him to the height of misery, yet
should no mortalT power have extorted from him a sub-
mission of this nature, but that out of long and earnest
observation of his proceedings, he had found reason to
hope, that when his Lordship should discover the unfained
penitency of his heart, for his forepast misdeeds, with a
firme resolution to redeeme his offences, by faithful
serving her Majestie, and wel deserving of the State,
during the whole remainder of his life, that he should
then find from him as great commiseration of his present
sufferings, and as charitable a repaire against the threatned
ruines of his house, posterity, and poore distressed
Country, as he had tasted bitternes in the whole course
of his former prosecution. Thus perswaded, he left
directions for setling his Country, the best he might on
such a sudden, and with a guard of 50 horse under the
leading of Sir William Godolphin, making great marches,
Tyrone at untill he Came unto me within three miles of Tredagh,
Tredagh. fgH there downe on his knees before a great assembly,
confessing his unworthines, yet humbly craving her
Majesties mercy, which as above all earthly things he
protested to desire, so hee vowed with the uttermost of
308
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
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his power to deserve the same. It were too long to set
downe all that passed in this first interview, he striving
to expresse in all his speeches and gestures the lowest
degree of humblenes, to me, that was to valew and to
maintaine the greatnes of her State and place, whom he
so highly had offended. The next morning I sent for
him (the Treasurer at Warres being onely present with
me), and made him see how well I understood his present
condition, how unpossible it was for him to subsist, even
in the poorest and most contemptible fashion of a Wood-
kerne, if her Majestie were but pleased to imploy the
present instruments of his ruine. Finally, finding him
most sensible, both of his estate, and the Queenes high
favour in remitting his crime, I promised him her gratious
pardon, on those conditions, mentioned in the memoriall ,
sent by your hands. From thence he attended me to
Tredagh, and so to Dublin the fourth of Aprill, where
the next day I received letters from the Nobility in
England, signifying the death of our late Soveraigne.
Whereupon I called together the Counsell and such of
the Nobilitie as were in Towne, and acquainting them [II. iii. 284.]
with the contents thereof, I propounded also the present
proclaiming of his Majestie, whereunto all most willingly
agreed, and among them the Earle of Tyrone, and when
they had set their hands to the Proclamation, all together
did accompany me the Deputy to the publishing thereof
in the City. Since that time I thought fit to dismisse
the Earle of Tyrone into his owne Country, the better
to retaine his people and partisans in good order, but
first we tooke from him a new submission to his Majesty,
signed by his hand, which now I send by you.
Also you shall informe his Majesty, that now there is No ReM/ in
no Rebell in Ireland, who hath not sued to be received to ^^"^"^•
the Kings mercy, and that I think fit to yeeld the same
to most of them, leaving only some few to be prosecuted
to utter ruine, for an example and terror to other ill
afi^ected subjects, wherin I desire to know his Majesties
pleasure.
309
A.D.
1603.
The Lord
Deputie
desires to be
discharged
of the
Governement.
Master
Richard
Cooke's
instructions.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Lastly, you are to present my humble sute unto his
Majesty, to bee discharged of this Governement, or if
it shal please his Majesty to employ me further herein,
yet that he wil vouchsafe me leave to kisse his Royal
hands, which I desire not only out of my particular
affection to have the happines to see him, but also out
of my desire to informe him thorowly of the present
estate of this Kingdome, wherein I presume that I shall
be able to doe his Majesty very good service. And if
it shall not please his Majestie to resolve for the present
on some other man, to undertake this Governement, but
onely to leave the authoritie to some fit mans hand, during
my absence, and if hee bee resolved to make choise among
those that are here present, and therein shall require my
opinion, you shall say, that although I will not presume
to recommend any to his Majestie, yet I doe thinke Sir
George Gary Treasurer at warres to be most fit for that
place, who hath already been Lord Justice of this King-
dome, and howsoever he be no souldier, yet is well
acquainted with the businesse of the warre, wherein he
hath been ever very industrious to advance the service.
At the same time the Lord Deputy sent over Master
Richard Cooke one of his Secretaries, to negotiate his
affaires in Court. And because his Lordship desired
to retaine the superintendency of this Governement, with
title oi Lord Lieutenant, and with two third parts oi the
Lord Deputies allowances, in regard no man was able
to support the place of Lord Deputy with the other third
part of that allowance, except he had other great Fees
and place of commodity in this Kingdome, his Lordship
nominated (as before) Sir George Cary to be most fit for
that place, some other Counsellers being in this one point
joyned with him, namely, to signe all such warrants as
should be signed for the disbursing of the Treasure.
The instructions given to Master Cooke were these.
To procure a new Pattent to the Lord Mountjoy with
title of Lord Lieutenant, and with authority to leave
Sir George Carey Treasurer at Warres to be Lord Deputy,
310
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1603.
and so his Lordship to come presently over. 2. To
procure new Pattents for Wards, letting of the Kings
lands, compounding the Kings debts, &c. (as before.)
3. To solicite for victuall, munition and mony. 4. To
move the change of the base coine now currant. 5. To
advertise the newes from Spaine. 6. To solicite the
sending of new Scales, namely, the great Scale, Signets,
Counsell scales, for the State, Mounster, and Connaght,
for the Kings Bench, Common pleas, and Exchequer.
7. To procure authoritie to passe estates to the Irish
Lords.
After King James his Proclamation at Dublin, the Kmg James
Lord Deputy sent like Proclamations to all Governours, P^'o<:^'^^med
Magistrates, and Officers of Provinces, Cities, and i'°^and"
Countries to be in like sort published, (and with all made
knowne to them severally his Majesties pleasure signified
in his letters directed to the Lords in England) to continue
all Governours, Magistrates, and Officers, and all his
Majesties Ministers (aswell Martiall as Civill) of both
the Kingdomes of England and Ireland, in as absolute
authorities and jurisdictions of their places, as before
the decease of the late Queene Elizabeth of famous
memory they enjoyed and exercised the same, as also to
continue and establish all the Lawes and Statutes of both
Kingdomes in their former force and validity, till such
time as his Majesty should please to take fuller knowledge,
and resolve for the publike good of any alteration (not
intended but upon some speciall and waighty causes),
and should please to give notice of his pleasure. Further [II. iil. 285.]
his Lordship advised them, to concurre with him in the
vigilant care, to present all things in the best estate might
be, to the first view of so worthy and mighty a Soveraigne.
The twelfth of Aprill the Lord Deputy received letters
from Sir Charles Wilmott and Sir George Thorneton,
(appointed Commissioners with joynt authority for
governing the Province of Mounster, in the absence of
Sir George Carew Lord President, late gone for England), 3^^^ Monhh
advertising that they had blocked up Mac Morrish in Mocked up.
311
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
the Castle of Billingarry, belonging to the Lord Fitz-
morrice, and hoped by the taking thereof, to cleere the
Province of all open Rebels.
The fifteenth of Aprill his Lordship received a letter
from Ororke, humbly imploring the Queenes mercy, and
the same day after his hearing of the Queenes death,
another in like humblenesse craving the Kings mercy.
The Meeting The sixteenth day his Lordship received letters from
"utlmf^''" ^^^ Mayor of Corke, advertising that hee had received
^l^gj^f the Kings Proclamation the eleventh of Aprill, and had
Religion. deferred the publishing thereof to this day, onely to the
end it might be done with more solemnity, humbly
praying, that in regard the Fort built for defence of the
Corke. Harbour of Corke from forraigne invasion, was not kept
by a Commander sufficient to secure the same for the
Crowne, his Lordship would accept the offer of him the
Mayor, and the rest of the corporation of the said City,
to keepe the same for his Majesty at their owne perill.
Lastly, complaining that the Souldiers now keeping the
Fort, did shoote at the Fishermen, and at the Boates sent
out of the Towne for provisions, using them at their
pleasure.
The same sixteenth day his Lordship was advertised
Waterford. by severall letters : First that the Citizens of Waterford
had broken up the doores of the Hospitall, and had
admitted one Doctor White to preach at Saint Patrickes
Church, and had taken from the Sexton the keyes of
the Cathedrall Church, of themselves mutinously setting
up the publike celebration of the Masse, and doing many
insolencies in that kind. Secondly that Edward Raghter
a Dominican Frier of Kilkenny, assisted by some of the
Towne, came to the Blacke-Fryers, used for a Session-
House, and breaking the doores, pulled downe the benches
and seates of Justice, building an Altar in the place of
them, and commanded one Bishop, dwelling in part of
the Abbey, to deliver him the keyes of his House, who
was to take possession of the whole Abbey, in the name
and right of the Friers his brethren.
312
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
The eighteenth day his Lordship was advertised from
the Commissioners of Mounster, that the Citizens of
Corke had not onely refused to joine with them in pub-
lishing the Proclamation of King James, but had drawne
themselves all into Armes, and kept strong guardes at
their Ports, and had absolutely forbidden the Commis-
sioners to publish the same, with such contemptuous
words and actions, as would have raised a mutiny, if
they had not used greater temper : That the Townesmen
had made stay of boats loaded with the Kings victuals
and munition for the Fort of Halebolin, saying that the
Fort was built within their Franchizes without their
consent, and was meetest to be in the custody of the City.
Whereupon they the said Commissioners accompanied
with the Lord Roche and some 800 persons of the
Countrey, (all expressing much joy, but none of the
Citizens assisting, or expressing any joy), did publish the ^^^ King's
Proclamation, upon an hill neere the Towne, with as P''°^{^"'^J^o"
much solemnity as might be, and had furnished the Fort Qorke.
with victuals and munition from Kinsale. And they
besought his Lordship speedily to reestablish by new
Letters Pattents the Magistrates authority, because the
ceasing thereof by the Queenes death, had especially
emboldened these Citizens to be thus insolent.
The same day one Edward Gough a Merchant of
Dublyn, newly comming out of Spaine, and examined
upon oath, said that at Cales he saw the Ordinance shipped Ordinance
to S. Lucas, for forty sayle (as he heard) there ready to ^^^PP^^ to
goe for Lisbone, where was a fleete of 140 ships prepared i,eill^J
(as some said) for Ireland, or (as others said) for Flanders ;
but hee heard no Generall named, onely heard that Don
Jean de 1' Agula, was againe received to the King^ favour.
The 22 day his Lordship wrote to the Soveraigne of
Kilkenny, that howsoever he had no purpose violently
to reforme Religion in this Kingdome, but rather prayed [II. iii. 286.]
for their better understanding, yet he could not permit,
yea must severely punish in that Towne and other where,
the seditious & mutinous setting up of the publike
313
A.D.
1603.
Lytnrick.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
exercise o^ Popish Religion, without publike authority,
and likewise with prejudice done to those of the profession
established by God, and by the Lawes o{ both the
Realmes, requiring that hee and they should desist from
such mutinous disorders, apprehending the chiefe authors,
and if they wanted power to suppresse the sedition of a
few Priests & Friers, his L^ offered to assist them with
the Kings forces ; for he would not faile to give life to
the Lawes and obedience due to his Majesty.
The foure & twentieth day, his Lordship was advertised
that the Citizens of Lymrick had with their Priests entred
into all the Churches of the City, and there erecting Altars,
had used the Rites of the Romish Church.
The 25. day, his Lordship wrote this letter to the
Citizens of Waterford.
Letter to the
Citizens of
IVaterford.
Y
Our letters of the three and twentieth of this instant
came this day to my hands. And having duely
considered the contents of the same, I find, that they
returne a double excuse of the courses you have used:
first, for your delay of time to proclaime the Kings most
Excellent Majesty, according to such directions as was
sent unto you, from the Earle oi Ormond, by a Coun-
sellor oi this State. And the next, for such disorders
as were reported to bee committed, by the publike breach
of his Highnesse Lawes in matters of Religion : To the
which We returne you this answer following. First,
albeit We would have wished, that you had had a more
carefull regard to have performed such directions as you
received firom so Noble a Peere of this Realme, by so
reverent a messenger, as you might assure your selves
in such a matter durst not abuse you, his Highnesse sole
and undoubted right concurring also with your owne
knowledge and consciences, yet We will not condemne
you for that omission of the time, seeing afterwards you
did obey our directions in that behalfe, and gave so
publike a testimony of your joyful allowance and consent
to his Majesties Right and lawfull title proclaimed
314
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1603.
amongst you. But as in this part you have given unto
us a kinde of contentment, so in the last point, Wee
cannot forbeare to let you understand the just mislike
We doe conceive, that you being Citizens of wisdome
and good experience, and the Lawes of the Realme con-
tinuing in force, would be drawne either by your Priests,
or any like practises, to commit any publike breach of
the Lawes, and the rather because out of that unspotted
duty, which you professe you have ever carried to the
Crowne, you would not in reason conceive that the
example of your offence in such a cause, and in so great
and populous a City, could not but in it selfe be very
dangerous, in these disordered times, wherein examples
doe carry men astray, which in discharge of Our duty
to the Kings Highnesse Wee may not suffer. And
therefore have resolved to make Our speedy repaire unto
those parts, for none other purpose but to establish his
Majesties Lawes, that no publike nor contemptious breach
be made of them, wherein We wish you had bin more
wary, contenting your selves with the long and favourable
tolleration you enjoyed during the late Queens raigne,
rather then in this sort to have prescribed Lawes to your
selves ; whereby in wisdome you may perceive how much
you have prejudiced the very obtaining of your owne
desire, by the courses you have taken, (as we are credibly
informed). And yet because it may be, that the reports
of your behaviour have beene made more hainous then
there is cause. Wee are well pleased to suspend Our
giving credit to such particular informations, untill upon
due examination the truth may appeare, wherein We hope
and shall be glad that you can acquit your selves so of
these imputations now laid upon you, or otherwise that
you conforme your selves now at last, in such sort to
the obedience you owe to his Majesty, and his Lawes,
as We be not inforced to take severe notice of your
contrary actions.
The same day his Lordship was advertised from the
Mayor of Galloway, that howsoever he found no seditious
315
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
inclination in the Citizens ; yet to prevent disorders in
these mutinous times, the Governor of the Fort had given
him some of his souldiers, to assist his authority, whom
he to that purpose had placed in the strongest Castles of
the City.
[II. lii. 287.] The same day his Lordship received letters from the
Mayor of Corke, signifying that the thirteenth day of
this moneth he had published in the City the Proclamation
of the King, with the greatest solemnity he could, and
complaining that the Souldiers in the Kings Fort offered
many abuses to the Towne, with offer from the Corpora-
tion to undertake the safe keeping of that Fort for his
Majesty.
The simplicity The 26 day his Lordship wrote to the Soveraigne of
°^ . Wexford, that whereas they excused their erecting of
Wexford. popish rites, by the report they heard of his Majesties
being a Roman Catholike, he could net but marvell at
their simplicity, to be seduced by lying Priests to such
an opinion, since it was apparant to the World, that his
Majesty professed the true religion of the Gospell, and
ever with carefull sincerity maintained it in his Kingdome
of Scotland, charging him and those of Wexford upon
their allegiance to his Majesty, to desist from the dis-
ordered course they had taken, in celebrating publikely
the idolatrous Masse, least hee at his comming up into
those parts, should have cause severely to punish their
contempt, shewed to his Majesty and the lawes of his
Kingdome.
The same day his Lordship was advertised from the
The Citizens Commissioners of Mounster, that the Citizens of Corke
of Corke grow grew daily more and more insolent, defacing places of
more insolent, scripture written on the wals of the Church, to the end
they might wash and paint over the old Pictures, and
that one tearmed a Legat from the Pope, with many
Priests, had gone in solemne procession, hallowing the
Church, and singing Masse therein publikely, the Townes-
men having placed guards of armed men, set at the Church
dore, and at the Porch, yea burying their dead with all
316
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
Papisticall Ceremonies, and taking the Sacrament in like
sort to spend their lives and goods in defence of the
Romish Religion, and thereupon taking boldnes to offer
wrong to the English, and to practice the getting of the
Kings Fort into their hands, yea refusing to sell any thing
to the English for the new mixed money, and not suffering
the Kings victuals to be issued out of the store, till they
had assurance that the Souldiers should be sent out of
the liberties of Corke.
The 27 day his Lordship wrote to the Soveraigne of '^^^ ^'"&
Clommell, commending him and the rest of that City, ^^"ij^'^fi/"'
that they had proclaimed the King with great joy and
gladnesse, but charging them upon their uttermost perill,
to cease from the publike exercise of the Romish Religion,
which they of themselves had mutinously established.
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter
to the Soveraigne of Kilkenny.
AFter my hearty commendations, I have received your Letter to the
Letters of the 25 and 26 of this moneth, and am Soveraigne of
glad to understand thereby, that you are somewhat ^ ^""-'''
conformable to my directions, being willing to have cause
to interpret your actions to the best ; but though I meane
not to search into your consciences, yet I must needs
take knowledge of the publike breach o^ his Majesties
Lawes : and whereas you let me understand, that the
Inhabitants are willing to withdraw themselves for their
spirituall exercise to privacy, contented onely with the
use of the ruinous Abbey, that being a publike place,
I cannot but take notice thereof, and marvell how you
dare presume to dispose at your pleasure oi the Abbey,
or any thing belonging to his Majesty, and therefore
againe charge you upon your alleagiance, to forbeare any
publike exercise of that Religion, prohibited by the Lawes
of this Realme, and fully to reforme these disorders,
according to my directions, upon your extreame perill.
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter
to the Mayor of Corke.
317
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
The Lord ^ Vx.tx my very hearty commendations, I did first
/ u^^\ \h "^^ receive some mutual complaints & informations,
Ma'^or of from the commissioners of Mounster & you, wherof
Corke. so far as they concerne your particulars I will take notice,
& be glad to heare you both, or your Agents for you, &
reforme what I shall find amisse in either, but of publike
offences or errours, I must take publike knowledge. And
first tor the Proclamation of the King, wherein I am
informed that you were not onely your selves slow and
backward, but made resistance to those, who being
[II. ili. 288.] Governours in that Province in our late Soveraignes time,
and having our directions, were not like to abuse or
deceive you, and offered with due forwardnes and
obedience, after your unfitting and dangerous delaies, to
have published the same, whereof I cannot but marvell,
and thinke you much to be blamed in so undoubtfull a
right, and with directions received from those in authority,
to make such needlesse consultations, and much more
to offer violent resistance to those, who better understood
their duties, and were ever ready in so much loyalty to
performe it : yet in regard of your solemne and joyfuU
publication thereof, I am willing to interpret your actions
to the best, and take your good performance for an
excuse : But I am further given to understand, that
you have suffered the publike celebration of the Masse
to be set up in your City, oi your owne fancies, and
without publike authority, both against the lawes of this
Realme, and (I assure you) contrary to that Religion which
his Majesty zealously professeth. Whereof I cannot but
take publike notice, as you have publikely offended the
King and his Lawes, and as I have done before, so againe
I charge you upon your alleagiance, to desist from such
seditious insolencies, and to apprehend the chiefe Authours
thereof, which if you doe not presently obey, I shall
be forced against my will to use his Majesties Sword
and Power, to suppresse the same. Further you have
by your letters made suit unto me, to have the Kings
■Fort Halebolin committed to your custody, and I am
318
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1603.
informed that you have proceeded in that insolency, as
to stay his Majesties Munition and victuals, and Artillery,
which upon speciall trust of your loyalty was kept in
your City, from being transported from thence to the
reliefe of the Kings Fort. It may be you have rashly
and unadvisedly done this, upon some opinion of the
ceasing of authority in the publike governement, upon
the death of our late Soveraigne, (which is somewhat
more, though no way in true and severe judgement
excusable), and I thinke otherwise you would never have
beene so foolish, to runne into so great danger, but since,
as it hath pleased his Majesty to renue and confirme
unto me, by his royall letters and Letters Pattents under
his Scale, the place of his Deputy in this Kingdome, and
to signifie his gracious pleasure, to continue all other his
Officers and Magistrates, aswell martiall as civill, in their
former authority and jurisdictions, so by vertue thereof,
and power given me from his Majesty, I have renewed
the Lord Presidents Pattent, and granted a new com- ^''?«'
mission to Sir Charles Wilmott and Sir George Thornton, ^""""^"o"
with charge and authority to governe the Kings Forces, fj^. c/iar/es
Forts, and places of strength, and to defend the Townes Wilmott and
from forraigne invasions, and intestine mutinies or 5z> George
rebellions, and further to governe that Province according Thomm.
to his Majesties directions. In which command of theirs
there is no derogation from your civill governement and
limited authority, if you rightly understand the one and
the other : Therefore as you should at first have concurred
with them, put in so great place of trust over you by
your late Queene and Mistresse, especially in dangerous
times of change, for the peaceable governement of all
under both your charges, that you might have deserved
his Majesties gracious acceptance of your service, by
presenting all things in the best state you could to his
Highnesse first view, so now I require you upon your
allegiance, to be assisting and obedient to them in all
things touching his Majesties service, and not to presume
to interrupt the convayance of the Kings victuals,
319
A.D.
1603.
The Lord
Deputes
Letter to the
Mayor of
Lymricke.
[II. iii. 289.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
munition, or artillery, unto such places as shall be thought
fit by them, for the furnishing of his Majesties Forts,
or Forces, wheresoever they thinke convenient. This if
you shall performe, I shall be glad to interpret your past
actions to the best, finding your endeavours to redeeme
what you have done amisse, and not bee forced against
my will to take notice of the height of your offences or
errours, and use his Majesties power to redresse them.
I have since the writing hereof, seene a letter presented
me by Master Meade, in deniall and excuse of these
informations, and if I shall find you conformable and
obedient to these my directions, I will be glad to have
occasion to interpret all things past in the better part,
and take as little notice as I can thereof. And so, &c.
The same day the Lord Deputy wrote this following
letter to the Mayor of Lymricke.
AFter my hearty commendations, I have not written
unto you (that I remember) since I sent you direc-
tions for the Proclamation of the King, which because
I understand you published according to your duety, with
all due solemnity and signes of joy, and continued in
duetifull sort, not being seduced unto disorders, as some
of the Townes of that Province were, I thought rather
to have cause to commend you, and give you encourage-
ment in your loyall proceedings, then any way to blame
you, but I have since beene enformed, that you have
taken example of other Cities seduced by their Priests,
and against his Majesties Lawes (and I assure you contrary
to the religion he zealously professeth) upon your owne
fancies without authority, set up the publike celebration
of the Masse, whereof I cannot but take publike notice,
as you have publikely offended the King and his lawes,
and therefore I charge you upon your alleagiance, to
desist from such seditious insolencies, and to apprehend
the chiefe authours thereof, which if you doe not presently
obey, I shall be forced against my will to take more severe
notice thereof, then willingly I would. And so hoping
320
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1603.
that in a matter of so great consequence you will be better
advised, I expect to have answere from you.
The eight and twentieth day his Lordship wrote this
following letter to the Commissioners of Mounster.
AFter my hearty commendations, I have already sent ^^^ ^°^/
you your Commission renewed, for continuance of jlf!^ fotiig
your authority, and signed the Kings Letters Pattents to Comm'umnen
the Lord President for his governement, and as formerly of Mounster
I advised you, so againe I pray you, to transport as great
a proportion of victuals and munition as you can out of
the City of Corke, into the Fort o^ Halebolyn, and the
Castle of Shandon, and if you may, by faire meanes, you
shall doe well to endevour to draw some Companies into
the Towne, which if you cannot effect, yet I would have
you not to slacke the carrying of victuals and munition.
I have drawne together some 5000 men, and shall be able
to employ them in reducing and setling the Townes of
those parts, and if the Citizens of Corke, upon the
renewing of your authority and my late directions, prove
more conformable then they were, you shal doe well to
governe all without violence, but if they continue
obstinate in their former insolencies, I advise you to
set guards upon the stores of victuals and munition,
and to leave the Towne.
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter
to Sir Charles Wilmot, one of the said Commissioners.
SIR Charles, I have received your letter of the twentieth and to Sir
of Aprill, and am glad of the good successe you had ^ff"
in taking the Castles in Kerry, and for your men of Corke,
I have heard of their insolencies, and I beleeve them, and
for any thing I know, all the Townes in Mounster stand
upon little better tearmes : Assoone as I could possibly,
(for I had no Forces in all Lemster) I have gathered
together 5000 men, and am comniing towards you, and
have so disposed of all things in the North, that if need
be, I will draw the whole Army of Ireland ere it be long
M. Ill
321
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1603.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
into Mounster, some few excepted to guard the garrisons :
^aterfordto ^^\^\y Waterford I thinke to beginne, for they gave the
example' ^""^^ example, but it is true that if they hold against me,
I am ill provided to force them, for at Dublyn wee are
ill stored of all things, but we will doe aswell as we may.
I doe like your course well to draw as many as you can
to one head, and I thinke it fit, that it were about Corke :
If your munition and victuals be in the power of the
Towne, I know not what to say, but I have first written
to the Towne, not to interrupt you in the disposing of
the Kings munition and victuals, and upon my commande-
ment if they denie it, it is treason, therefore I thinke
they will be advised therein. If you may therefore, as
suddenly as you can, convay as great a proportion of
victuals, but especially and first of munition, out of the
Towne, then I will command them to receive you (with
such forces as you shall appoint) into the Towne, which
if they denie, it is treason too : And if you have any
store out of the Towne, and your Forces be gathered
together, and they continue obstinate, it were good some
little guard (though it were but seven or eight men) were
put into the Castles, where the munition and victuals are,
and for all the rest of the English to with-draw them-
selves out of the Towne by little and little, and then if
they continue obstinate still, in not receiving the Kings
Forces, my desire is that you shall presently invest the
[II. iii. 290.] Towne, which I presume may bee done with some 1000
men, if you put two or 300 men into the Fort next to
Kinsale gate, (which with so many men will be easily
guardable), and with the rest of your foote intrench neere
to the gate next toward Shandon, and with some 100
Horse beat the wayes. When you are in this forward-
nesse, if you thinke this way feasable, I will send you,
either more Tdtn (if with those you have you thinke not
fit to engage the Cannon), or if I be loose my selfe from
being ingaged in any other place, I will come to you;
but if Waterford hold out, I shall for the time have my
hands full. Let me heare from you at large of all things,
322
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1603.
and in the meane time, it is fit you put the best Artillery
you have into Halebolin Fort. I have sent this by one
whom I thinke to be trusty, and I pray you to send him
backe speedily to me, and to impart this project to as
few as you thinke good. Write to me how Lymricke,
and the other Cities doe stand. And so, &c.
The thirtieth day his Lordship received letters from Letters from
the Mayor of Corcke and his brethren, signifying that ^^^ ^V^
the Commissioners had by directions charged them, to
suffer his Majesties Ministers to passe through their ports
with eight and forty barrels of powder, and leade and
match proportionable, to be brought from his Majesties
store in that City to the Fort of Halebolyn, and that in
regard they wondered so great a proportion should be
carried to the Fort, where no Artillery was yet planted,
especially the quantities formerly issued being not yet
spent, nor any service being in hand, they fearing the
Commissioners purposed to assault the Towne, or at least
to starve them, were enforced thereby to make stay of
the said munition, till his Lord^^ pleasure were further
known, renewing their suit, to have the custody of the
Fort committed to the corporation. That they did all
they could to cause the mixed money of the new standard ^'^^ "^"'
to passe currant, but it was with such e^riefe & losse to ^^^"^^^^^
r ' ^ o fnotie'i •
the poore town as they hoped his L^ would be a means
to his Majesty for altering the same ; That they had
received rebuke from his Lordship, concerning certaine
insolencies, but could not call to mind any particular
wherein they had offended the State, except that be an
offence, after many abuses and wrongs done them, to
keepe watch and ward, to preserve themselves and keepe
the City for the Kings Majesty, in those doubtfuU times
(as they tearmed them). That touching the point of
Religion, they onely exercised now publikely that which
ever before they had beene suffered to exercise privately,
and as their publike praiers gave publike testimony of
their faithfull hearts to the Kings Royall Majesty, so
they were tied to bee no lesse carefull to manifest their
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
duties to almighty God, in which they would never be
dissembling temporisors.
Thus they foolishly rushed into apparant treason, by
making stay of the Kings munitions, and presumed to
excuse their mutinous and insolent establishing the
publike exercise of the Romish Religion (and that upon
their owne heads, without any direction, yea in opposition
of publike authority.)
The Lord The Lord Deputy now being ready to take his journey
Deputes ^Qj. Mounster, and purposing first to attempt Waterford,
Ma'ior of wrote to the Maior thereof the first of May to this effect.
VJ'aterford. Because it seemes by your neglect of my directions, and
your impertinent answeres, that you do not know, or have
forgotten, both my authority and your selves, I thinke
good to let you understand, that it hath pleased the most
mighty Prince King James the first. Our Soveraigne, by
his letters Pattents, under his Great Seale of England,
to make me his Deputie and chiefe Governour under
himselfe of this Kingdome, and further to command me,
by his letters signed with his Royall hands, to cherish his
good subjects, and to suppresse the Rebellious, the which
difference of good and rebellious, I am no otherwise to
distinguish in you, but by that obedience which I have
required, and doe now require of you to his Majesties
Lawes and Royall pleasure. And as, in my duty to God
and my King, I should rejoice to finde you in the number
oi those that I am bound to cherish and preserve. So
should I bee heartily sorry to finde you such, as I must
bee forced to correct or to ruine. And although it be
none of my purposes to enter into your consciences, yet
if the effects of your consciences be, to disturbe the peace
of this Kingdome, to violate the Lawes thereof, and by
[II. iii. 291.] force to set up your owne Religion; It is my duty to
use the Kings power to suppresse such insolencies, and
therefore my purpose is io repaire my selfe to the Kings
Citie, whereof you are one of his Magistrates, to see his
peace and obedience maintained, the which if both I
and you, and that Corporation doe not (as our duty is)
324
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
intend, we have a King, that is not onely able to call us
his poore servants to an account, but to revenge the
wrongs of the greatest Monarch of the World.
The same day his Lordship writ to the Maior of Corke,
this following letter.
AFter my heartie commendations. I have received T'he Lord
two letters from you, the one not signed with any ^^/^'O* ^
hand, the other signed by you the Maior and two of Maior of
your Brethren ; and for the first, concerning the stay you Corke.
have made of the Kings munition and Victuals, I marvell
greatly at your presumption, to limit and take account
what proportions the Commissioners authorised by his
Majesty thinke good to issue, for his service, and wish
you in matters of so great consequence to be well advised,
not doing any thing rashly, nor consulting or deliberating
after your fancies of things not belonging any way to
your consideration, but submitting your owne judgements
to be ruled by those placed in authoritie over you, I meane
Sir Charles Wilmot, and Sir George Thorneton, whose
Commissions to governe that Province I have lately by
order from his Majestie renewed. For the answere of
your second letter, I referre my selfe to those I sent you
by Master Mead, which I thinke ere this time are come
to your hands, and as by them you shall more particularly
perceive, so I assure you, that I expect better satisfaction
from you, for the late insolent disorders committed or
permitted by you in that Citie, then by these I have
received, charging you againe (as formerly) to desist from
the violating of his Majesties Lawes, by publike celebra-
tion of the Masse, set up of your owne fancies, without
superiour authoritie. In which, if I finde you not
conformable and obedient to my directions, I must
conceive of your loyaltie and affection to his Majesties
service, as I find by the effects testified in your publike
actions, and bee forced to take more severe notice thereof,
then I willingly would, in regard of the good opinion I
have heretofore had of your proceedings. And for that
325
A.D.
1603.
Jets of
hoit'il'itle
betwcene the
Kings forces
and the men
ofCorke.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
point in your last letter, touching the Fort of Halebolin,
whereof you desire to have the keeping to the Kings use,
I will deale plainely with you, that since I find you so
little able to governe the inhabitants of your Towne in
due obedience to his Majestie and his Lawes, and so
easily seduced by your Priests and Friers, to the prejudice
thereof, and the hazard oi your selves, and have alwaies
found by experience the true integritie and forward
resolution of the Kings souldiers to advance his service:
till I shall see a better reformation of these your pro-
ceedings, I must needes thinke them fitter then you to
have places of so great trust committed to their guard
and custodie.
The same day his Lordship understood by letters from
the Maior of Corke, that the Kings forces, lying neere
the Towne, and their armed men of the Citie, had pro-
ceeded to acts of hostilitie, some having beene killed on
both sides, whereof they craved reliefe from his Lordship,
making their contumacy against the Commissioners
authoritie, a private quarrell to the person of one of
them, as being their enemie, and seeking their utter
ruine. Likewise the Bishop of Corke advertised, that a
most seditious sermon was preached at Corke by a Popish
Priest, teaching that he could not be a lawfull King, who
was not placed by the Pope, and sworne to maintaine the
Roman Religion. Also that one of his men, going to
the Port of the Towne, was hurt by one of the guard,
who wished he had the Traytor his Master there, with
threats oi death to him. Lastly, that the Citizens, by
resolution taken in a publike Counsell with their Priests,
had written to all the Townes and Cities, to assist them
in the defence of the Catholike faith, and had not onely
staled the Kings munition, but laid it up in their owne
store-houses, and imprisoned the clarke who kept it.
The third of May his Lordship being on the way
towards Mounster was advertised from Justice Synot,
that the Citizens of Wexford had conformed themselves
to his Lordships pleasure, & had redelivered the Churches
326
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
to the hands of the English Ministers. The fourth of [II. iii. 292.]
May, his Lordship incamped at Gracedea, neere the Citie
of Waterford, and summoned the Maior and his brethren ^^^ ^^''^
to open their Ports, and to receive him and the Kings ^^'^'^
x: summons
forces. Waterford.
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter
to the Maior of Corke. For the dispatch of your
messenger, and not to omit any thing that lieth in mee
to make you understand your dutifuU obedience to his
Majesty, and the great errors and insolent demenor you
have of selfe will or malice entred into ; I am content
to write unto you, tho I know not well in what sort to
write, for by your courses I cannot take you for subjects,
and out of my desire to interpret your actions to the
best, I could wish not to have cause to repute you Rebels.
To deale plainely with you, for any thing that you selves
informe, or I can otherwise understand, I see not that Sir
Charles Willmot hath done but as in his duty hee was
tied to doe, but I am presently drawing downe to the City
of Corke, and having reserved one eare for any your
just complaints, will judge of your proceedings as I shall
finde them. I have let you understand my pleasure by
my letters, (one sent by Master Meade, which if hee have
not delivered he is more to blame), and I assure my selfe
some of them came to your hands, and in all I have
charged you upon your alleagance (as againe by these I do)
to desist from publike breach of his Majesties Lawes, in
the celebration of the Masse, prohibited by the same, and
to yeeld due obedience to his Magistrates, and especially
upon your extreamest perils, not to presume to make any
stay of his Majesties victualls and munition, left (upon
speciall trust on your fidelity) within the walles of that
City, but to suffer it by his Majesties Commissioners of
that Province, to bee issued to the Forts, or where they
shall thinke meet for the present service. I shall be glad
to finde that you conforme your selves to due obedience
in all these, and other duties of good subjects ; if other-
327
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
wise you obstinately persist in the contrary, I must needs
hold you for enemies to the King and the Peace of these
his Realmes, and as such thinke you fit to be prosecuted
by the revenging sword of these and other his Majesties
Forces. From the Campe at Gracedea, neere Waterford,
the fourth of May, 1603.
The fifth of May his Lordship was advertised, that
the Governour of Loughfoyle, upon Sir Neale Garves
late insolencies and disloyall practises, had by force taken
from him, his Cowes, Horses, and all his substance, and
that he himselfe had given pledges to come to his Lord-
Sir Nea!e ship. The disloyalties proved against him were these.
Garves Xhat he obstinately carried himselfe in all things con-
cerning the service. That he torbad his people to yeeld
any reliefe to the English Garrisons. That he restrained
his men from building or plowing, that they might assist
him to doe any mischiefe. That he threatned to set fier
on the Liffer. That he refused to admit any Shiriffe in
his Countrey. That he had long beene upon a word
with the Rebels. That he swore he would goe into
Rebellion, rather then any English man should injoy a
foot of Church land in his Countrey, which notwithstand-
ing was reserved in his Pattent. That he had created
himself O Donnel, & that he had murthered an honest
subject, who would not follow him in those courses, with
many like insolencies. And hereby the Lord Deputy and
State were set at libertie for the promise of Tirconnell
made unto him. So as his Lordship had now good
occasion to give Rowry O Donnell contentment. To
which end some good portions of land, being assigned to
Sir Neale Garve, his L^ procured the rest of the late
Donnells Countrey, to be given his brother Rowry, whom
afterwards in England he procured to be created Earle of
Tyrconnel, thereby extinguishing the name of O Donnell.
The Citizens of Waterford, at first refused to receive
any Forces into the Towne, but onely his Lordship and
his retinue, yet the chiefe of them attended his Lordship
in the Campe, and for their proceedings in the points of
328
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A,D.
1603.
Lordship.
Religion, his Lordship requiring them to bring unto him Doctor White
one Doctor White a Jesuite, the chiefe seducer of them ^ Jesmte.
by seditious Sermons, they were ready upon safe conduct
or protection to bring him to his Lordships presence which
being granted them by word of mouth, the said Doctor
White, accompanied by a young Dominican Frier, came
into the Campe, but when they foolishly carried a Crucifix, [II. iii. 293.]
openly shewing the same, the soldiers were hardly kept
from offering them violence ; and when they put up the
Crucifix in their pockets, yet could hardly indure the
sight of their habits, which each wore according to his
order. Doctor White wearing a blacke gowne and cornerd
cap, and the Frier wearing a white wollen frock. White fVhite's
being come into his Lordships Tent, was bold to main- boldnessc ^
taine erroneous and dangerous positions for maintenance jfj^^jj^"
of that which the Citizens had done, in the reforming
of Religion without publike authority, all which his Lord-
ship did (as no Lay man I thinke could better doe) most
learnedly confute. And when White cited a place in
Saint Austin for his proofe, his Lordship having the
booke in his Tent, shewed all the company, that hee
had falsely cited that Father ; for howsoever his very
words were found there, yet they were set downe by
way of an assertion which Saint Austin confuted in the
discourse following. At this surprisall. White was some-
what out of countenance, and the Citizens ashamed. But
in conclusion, when those of the Towne alleaged King
John his Charter for priviledge why they should not
receive the Kings forces into the Towne, his Lordship
replied, that no King could give that priviledge to his
subjects, whereby his Successours should bee prejudiced
in the due obedience they were to expect from them,
and in a word, told them, that if they did not presently
open their Ports to him and the forces with him, he
would cut King Johns Charter in pieces with King James
his sword, and if he entered the Towne by force, would
ruine it, and strew salt upon the ruines.
Whereupon they better considering of the businesse,
329
A.D.
1603.
Publike
exercise of
Romish
Religion
suppressed.
Heads of
examination
of Waterford
men.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
received his Lordship and the forces into the Towne,
and the souldiers were so well disciplined, that howsoever
they were not a little grieved by this yeelding to have
the hope of rich pillage taken from them, yet no wrong
worth the speaking of was done to any one in the Towne.
His Lordship here suppressed all publike exercise of
Romish Religion, and restored the Churches to the
English Ministers, and tooke from the chiefe Citizens
an oath of Alleageance to his Majesty, with an abjuration
of all dependancy on any forraigne Potentate (having held
the like course of reformation in his passage hither
through Kilkenny, the Citizens wherof had in like sort
offended), but his Lordship forbare any way to censure
their past sedition, leaving them to the Kings mercy for
Charter, life and goods, if thereby they had indangered
them. Onely his Lordship left one thousand men in
Garrison at Watertord, and made choise of a place of
advantage, where they should lye, till such time as a Fort
might there be built to command the Towne, and bridle
it from running into like insolencies hereafter. And
because the North being now quieted, there was no
further use of any Garrison in Lecayle, his Lordship
appointed Sir Richard Morryson (formerly Governour of
Lecayle) to command this Garrison left at Waterford, and
to governe the County of Wexford.
Certaine heads whereupon some Waterford men
were examined a part one from the other, and
in a carelesse manner, yet so as the answeres
were written out of sight.
1. What preparations were devised to rescue Water-
ford, if the Army had laied siege thereunto.
2. Who were the instruments that were appointed, and
were assembling them.
3. Who were their leaders both in Towne and
Countrie, and when and where they should meete.
4. Whether any thing were published in writing, and
set upon the Church doores and other places, to seduce
330
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1603.
the people, and what the effect thereof was, or by whom
it was set up, or whether it was set up in Clomell onely,
or in more places.
5. Whether any of them did know Sir Mahowne O
Dullany Priest, to come to Clomell the fifth of this
moneth, reporting that Sir Donnell O Carroll had fifteene
hundred men ready to the rescue of Waterford.
6. Whether any of them knew Humfery Arthur of [H. ill. 294.]
Lymrick, or any other messengers from thence, to come
to Clomell, to report that five thousand were in readinesse
to the rescue of Waterford also, or whether he be still
at Clomell yea or no.
7. Whether they knew which quarter of the Countrie
was appointed for Father Mulrony to take the charge
thereof, to be assembled to the rescue of Waterford.
8. Whether they knew Father Leinaghs haunt, like-
wise so of Father Ractor, and the rest, whose names they
are not to seeke of themselves.
9. Whether they have or can tell certainlie, that any
intended yet to draw these Rescues to Corke, or any other
head, to prevent the Army.
10. Whether themselves are sworne to live and die
in the quarrell, or what Noble men or Lawyers are sworne
also.
11. Whether they be able themselves to deliver any
of these seducers to the Lord Deputy, yea or no, by
what reason they should not (if they denie it) being
conversant with them daily.
12. Whether they knew any messengers gone for
Spaine or else-where, to procure helpe to those con-
federates, who are gone, when they went, and what they
bee, or from whence, and what was their message, or
how charges were collected for them.
From Waterford his Lordship by small journies (in
regard of the impediments by the slacknesse and failing
of supplies of Garrons and Beeves from the Countrey)
marched to the Citie of Corke, and comming thither
upon the tenth of May, was without any contradiction
33^
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
received into the Towne, with all the forces he brought
with him, though Sir Charles Willmott had invested the
Towne, and at the same time (with the forces of the
Mounster List) lay before it.
The Lord Xhe eleventh day his Lordship, to make it apparant
^^f'-^ , to them and all the World, how willing he was to give
vecctvci the . . ~ , . ~
townes men of them gentle audience in their just complamts, first
Corke. admitted them to speake what they could of any offence
they had received, or justly suspected, before they were
called in any question for their owne disorders. But
their accusations for the most part were such, as if they
had been proved (which was not done, the proofe as lesse
important being deferred to a more convenient time) yet
imported rather imputation of want of discretion in rash
speeches, then any just pretext for their proceeding, and
therefore were laied a part, as impertinent to the maine
cause then to be handled. And for the rest oi their
more selected accusations, they were judged to have in
them no important excuse for their seditious carriage, but
were such for the greater part, as his Lordship was forced
to justifie without calling the adverse partie to his answere,
as being done either by his Lordships directions, or out
of dutie imposed upon the Commissioners of this
Province by vertue of the place of authority committed
to their charge. Thus the Townesmen laboured to
divert their publike offences by a colourable excuse of
privat spleene, and some grudges against one of the
Commissioners.
The Earle oj p^^^ \^ regard the Earle of Ormond came that night
to Corke, the Lord Deputy (bemg desirous not onely
to have his Lordship, but as many of the Nobilitie, and
men of the best ranke as he could, to be witnesses of
their hainous offences, and of the milde proceedings
against them) did deferre till next day, the receiving of
the Townesmens answeres in justification of their owne
actions. At which time many breaches of his Majesties
Lawes and their duties were objected against them.
First, in the publike erection of the Romish Religion
332
Ormond.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
against the Lawes, and the abolishing that profession The breaches
which was allowed by the same. Secondly, in their main- "^'-^^fig^
taining these actions by force and armed men. Thirdly, /an/es.
in their attempt to demolish the Kings Fort at the South
Gate of the City. Fourthly, in staying the issue of the
Kings munition and victuals, with the seazing of them
into their owne hands, and the imprisoning of the Kings
Officers and Ministers, to whose charge they were com-
mitted. Lastly, in bearing Armes, and doing all actes
of Hostilitie against his Majesties forces, wherein their
insolent proceedings were so farre followed, as they had
killed a grave and learned Preacher walking upon the
Hilles adjoyning to their walles, and had battered Shandon [H. iii. 295.]
Castle, wherein lay the Lady Carew (wife to the Lord
President then absent in England.)
After due examination taken of all these points, his
Lord^ resolved, as he had formerly done at Waterford,
to leave the censure to his Majesties pleasure, that hee
upon view thereof, might use his Royall mercy or justice,
in remitting or punishing and reforming the same. Onely
his Lordship tooke notice of some few of the principall
offenders and ringleaders, whose offences were apparant,
and severed from the common action, and them his Lord-
ship commanded to be hanged, for example and terror to
others. Some his Lordship left in prison to be tried by
course of Law, as Master Meade the Recorder, who was Master
a most principall offender : but hee might as well have ^^^'^^ the
forgiven him ; for no man that knew Ireland did imagine, ^"!, ^^ f ,.
L T • 1 T • 11 1 1 • T-i ^ • r mostpnncipall
that an Irish June would condemne him. 1 he chiete offender.
Citizens oi Corke tooke the above mentioned oath o^
Alleageance to his Majesty, abjuring all dependancy upon
any forraigne Potentate.
From Corke his L^ wrote to the Earle of Tyrone, to
meete him at Dublyn, in readinesse to beare him company
into England. This done, his Lordship left a strong
garrison of souldiers in the Towne of Corke, and so
upon the fifteenth of May marched towards Lymrick,
and the Citizens thereof having proceeded to no further
333
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
disorder, then the publike celebration of Masse, were
soone reduced to order, and willingly tooke the oath of
alleageance, with abjuration of dependancy upon any
forraigne Potentate, as the other Cities had done.
Letters from The sixteenth of May his Lordship received letters
the Earle of {^Q^Ci the Earle of Tyrone, whereby he gave him many
-jrone. thankes, that he had procured out of England authoritie
to proceede with him according to the instructions he
had formerly from the late Queene, promising to bee
readie at Dublyn to attend his Lordship into England,
and touching a complaint of Shane O Neales sonnes, for
some cowes his men had taken from them, promising
to make restitution. And because he thought many
complaints would be made against his people, by reason
of their poverty, he besought his Lordship not to give
credit to them, till he might repaire to his Lordship to
satisfie him, protesting that he would be ready at all
times to come unto his Lordship, and to doe all duties
of a faithfull subject.
The Lord Deputy having given order to fortifie the
Castle of Lymrick, and having from thence written to
the Maior of Corke to assist the Commissioners in build-
ing the Fort at their South Gate, tooke his journey
towards Dublyn the nineteenth of May, and came to
Cashell the twentieth of May, where he reformed the
Towne, as hee had done the rest, and tooke the like oth
of Alleageance from the Townesmen. There he under-
A goldsmith stood, that a Priest commanding all the people, had tied
bound by a ^ Goldsmith of our Religion to a tree, threatning to
Cashel burne him and his hereticall bookes, at which time he
burnt some of our bookes, which he so termed, but that
upon a Townesmans admonition, the Priest set the said
Goldsmith free, after he had stood so bound to a tree
some six houres before all the people of the Towne, in
continuall feare to be burned.
The Lord Deputy having quietly settled all the
Townes and Cities in Mounster, returned to Dublyn,
and because upon the first settling of peace, many
334
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1603.
petitions were exhibited against the late Rebels for
restitution of goods, which they had taken in time of
rebellion, and were not now able to restore, so as the
exacting thereof, was like to produce new troubles, rather
then any satisfaction to the plaintiffes, an authenticall
act of oblivion for all like grievances was published, and
sent to the Governours in all parts of the Kingdome.
In this late Mounster Journey, his Lordship received Sir George
letters from the King, whereby he was chosen to be one ^'^''^ ^^fi
of his Majesties Privie Counsell in England, and being ^^"^ j^^^.^ ^ -^
made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with two third parts Mountjoy,
of the Deputies allowance assigned to him, was licensed L. Lieutenant
to come over into England, and had authoritie to leave returning into
Sir George Carey the Kings Deputy during his Lord- "^^^
ships absence, having the other third part of the Deputies
allowance, and his owne entertainement as Treasurer at
Warres for his support.
And Captaine Floyd lying now in the Harbour with [II. iii. 296.]
the Kings Pinace called the Tramontana, ready to trans-
port him, his Lordship with the Earle of Tyrone in his
company, together with his houshold servants, and some
Knights and Gentlemen his followers, tooke ship in the
afternoone, and the next morning early we discovered
the desired land of England, the weather being very
faire : but within one hower the skie being over-cast
with a thicke fog, and we bearing all sayles, we fell
suddenly upon the Skerryes an hideous great blacke
Rocke, where after so many dangers escaped in the warres,
it pleased God miraculously to deliver us from being j miraculous
cast away (as it were) in the very Haven. For certaine deliverance.
birds called Guls, seeing our ship ready to rush upon
them, and their desart habitation with full sayles, rose
crying and fluttering round about us, whereat the
Governours of the Pinace being amazed, looked out,
and beholding that terrible spectacle, cried to the Steare-
man aloofe for life, which fearefull voice might have
danted him, as it did most in the ship ; but he stoutly
did his worke, answering helme aboard, which done, the
335
A.D.
1603.
The Earle of
Tyrone
reviled in
England.
The Lord
Mountjoj's
Rewards.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
ship by force of the sterne, and by the help of the
tide comming in between it and the Rocke, turned about
with strange swiftnesse, and swumme along by the Rocke,
so neere to it, as the Boate hanging at the sterne, dashed
against it. Neither were the most expert men in the
ship for a long time free of this feare, knowing that such
great Rockes have usually small pinacles adjoining to
them, the least whereof had beene as dangerous to us as
the maine Rocke : but the ship (by Gods mercifull provi-
dence) passing on safely, that day by noone we came
into the Bay of Beaumarris, and were set on shore by the
boate.
The Earle of Tyrone rode from thence to London in
the Lord Mountjoy his company, and howsoever his
Lordships happy victory against this Traitor, made him
gracious in the eyes of the people, yet no respect to him
could containe many Weomen in those parts, who had
lost Husbands and Children in the Irish warres, from
flinging durt and stones at the Earle as he passed, and
from reviling him with bitter words : yea, when the
Earle had beene at Court, and there obtaining his
Majesties direction for his pardon and performance of all
conditions promised him by the Lord Mountjoy, was
about September to returne, hee durst not passe by those
parts, without direction to the Shiriffes, to convay him
with troopes of Horse from place to place, till hee were
safely imbarked and put to the Sea for Ireland.
The Lord Mountjoy comming to Court was honoured
of all men, and graciously received of the King, being
presently sworne one of his Majesties privy Counsell.
And for further reward of his services shortly after the
King made him Master of the Ordinance, gave him two
hundred pound yeerely old Rent of Assise out of the
Exchequer, and as much more out of the Dutchy, to him
and his heires for ever, besides the Countrey of Lecale
in Ireland, together with other lands in the Pale there,
which after the decease of the Lady Mabell Countesse
of Kildare were to fall to the Crowne for want of heires
336
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1603.
males of her body. He had the full superintendency
over all Irish affaires, no dispatches passing to and from
the Lord Deputy, but through his hands as Lord
Lieuetenant. And his Majestic likewise created him
Earle of Devonshire, which dignity was to discend to
the heires of his body lawfully begotten. But it died
with him, and he enjoyed the rest of this worldly
happinesse but few yeeres. For he was surprised with a The death of
burning Fever, whereof the first fit being very violent, ^^ ^°^^
he called to him his most familiar friends, and telling cna^eil'Eaile
them that he had ever by experience, and by presaging of Devonshire.
minde beene taught, to repute a burning Fever his ratall
enemy, desired them (upon instructions then given them)
to make his Will, and then he said ; Let death looke
never so ugly, he would meet him smiling, which he
nobly performed, for I never saw a brave spirit part more
mildely from the old mansion, then his did, departing
most peaceably after nine dales sickenesse, upon the third
of Aprill, in the beginning of the yeere 1606.
This most worthy Lord, cured Ireland from the most
desperate estate in which it ever had beene, and brought
it to the most absolute subjection in which it had ever
beene since the first Conquest thereof by our Nation.
Yet hee left this great worke unperfect, and subject to [H. iii. 297.]
relapse, except his successours should finish the building,
whose foundation he had laied, and should poUish the
stones which he had onely rough hewed. And because The Lord
hee knew this relapse would be most dangerous, having ^^("^"Voy ^
observed every rebellion in Ireland to bee more dangerous ^^ Ireland
then the former, and that none could be more dangerous
then this last, without the losse of the Kingdome, there-
fore he was most carefull to prevent all future mischiefes.
To which end, whatsoever effects his designes had, sure
I am, that he did meditate these wholesome projects :
First to establish Garrisons in the Cities of Mounster,
and in the renewing of their forfeited Charters, to cut
of many exorbitant priviledges granted to their first
English Progenitors, from whom they were so degener-
M. Ill 337 Y
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
ated, as the very speaking of English, was by them
forbidden to their wives and children. Then by the
exchanging of lands, and by the disposing of the new
grants of lands to be made to the Irish, to draw them
all to inhabit the inland Country, and to plant the English
upon the havens, Sea-Coasts, and Rivers. Lastly, because
he knew all endevours would be in vaine, if Civill
Magistrates should thinke by faire meanes without the
sword to reduce the Irish to due obedience (they having
been conquered by the sword, and that maxime being
Jn infallible infallible, that all Kingdomes must be preserved by the
maxime. same meanes by which they were first gained, especially
with the Irish by their nature pliable to a hard hand,
and jadish when upon the least pricking of provender
the bridle is let loose unto them,) therfore his L^
purposed to perswade, that the Army should stand in
some convenient strength, till the Kings revenues were
increased, and established (so as Ireland might be a
nursery to maintaine some convenient number of old
Souldiers, without any charge to England), and till the
reformation of Religion and due obedience to the
Magistrate were at least in some good measure settled
in Ireland, and especially in the foresaid Cities.
J Ly St of the A Lyst of the Army, as it was disposed at the
^rmy at Lord Mountjoyes returne for England, about
Mountjoyes the eight and twentieth of May, in the
returne for beginning of the yeere 1603.
Horse in Lemster.
The Lord Lieutenant, 100. Master Marshall, 50.
Sir Henrie Harrington, 25. Sir Edward Harbert, 12.
Sir William Godolphin, 50. Sir Richard Greame, 50.
Sir Garret Moore, 25. Sir Francis Rush, 12. Captaine
Flemming, 25.
Horse in Mounster.
The Lord President, 100. The Earle of Thomond,
50. Captaine Taffe, 50.
338
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
Horse in Connaght. The Lyst of
Sir Oliver Lambert Governour, 25. The Earle oi iJJ^"^ ^
Clanrickard, ^o. Sir Oliver S. Johns, 25. Captaine Mountjoyes
Wayman Provost Marshall, 12. retumefor
England.
Horse in Ulster.
Sir Arthur Chichester Governour oi Carickfergus, 25.
Sir Henry Dockwra, Governor of Longfoyle, 100. Sir
Richard Trever at the Newry, 50. Sir Henry Folliot at
Ballishannon, 50. Captaine John Jephson, 100. Totall
of Horse, 1000.
Foote in Lemster.
The Lord Lieutenant, 200. The Earle of Ormond,
150. Master Marshall, 150. Sir Hen. Power, 150.
Sir W. Fortescue, 150. Sir Geo. Bourcher, 100. Sir
Fra. Rush, 150. Capt. Coach, 150. Capt. Lau. Esmond,
150. In all 1350.
Foote in Mounster, first at Waterford.
Sir Ric. Moryson Governour of Waterford, and the
County of Wexford, having his owne Company yet in
Lecale. Sir Fran. Stafford, 200. Sir Ben. Berry, 150.
Capt. Josias Bodley, 150. Cap. Ellis Jones, 150. Capt.
Hen. Bartley, 150. Capt. Ed. Fisher, 150. Captaine
Legg, 100. Capt. Ralph Constable, 100. Totall iioo.
Foote at Corke.
The L. President, 200. Sir Christ. S. Laurence, 150.
Sir Tho. Loftus, 100. M^ Treasurer, 100. Capt.
Harvy, 100. Sir Ed. Wingfeild, 200. Sir Garret Harvy,
150. Capt. Coote, 100. In all iioo.
Foote at Lymrick. [II. lii. 298.]
The Earle of Thomond, 200. The Lord Audley, 1 50.
Sir George Thorneton, 150. Sir Francis Bartely, 150.
Sir Francis Kinsmel, 100. Captaine Stafford, 100. Cap-
taine Thomas Boyse, 100. Captaine George Kinsmell,
100. In all 1000.
339
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
At Kinsale, Sir Ric. Percy, i ^o. In Kerry, Sir Charles
Willmott, 150. At Baltemore, Capt. Flower, 100. At
Halebolin Fort, Capt. Fr. Slingsby, 100. In all, 500.
Totall Foote in Mounster, 3700.
^""^^ i» Foote in Connaght.
Sir Oliver Lambert Governour, 150. The Earle of
Kildare, 150. The Earle of Clanrickard, 150. Sir
Samuel Bagnol, 150. Sir Edward Harbert, 100. Sir
Francis Shane, 100. Sir Oliver S. Johns, 200. Sir
Tibbot Dillon, 100. Captaine Ghest, 150. Cap. Skip-
with, 100. Cap. Thomas Roper, 1 50. Captaine Thomas
Rotheram, 150. Captaine Harison, 100. Captaine Rorie
O Donnell, 150. Capt. Tibott Bourke, 100. Captaine
Tyrrell, 150. For the Judges use, 100. Sir Tho. Bourk,
150. In all, 2400.
Foote in Ulster, as at Knockfergus.
Sir Arthur Chichester Governour, 200. Sir Francis
Conwey, 150. Capt. Roger Langford, 100. Capt. Tho.
Phillips, 100. Capt. H. Sackford, 100. In all, 650.
At Mountjoy, Captaine Francis Roe Governour, 150.
Capt. Edw. Morryes, 100. Cap. George Blount, 100.
In Lecale, Richard Moryson, late Governour, to be
removed to Waterford, 200. At Armagh, Capt.
Williams, 150. At the Newry, Capt. Trever, 100. At
Cavan, Sir Garret Moore, 100. At Charlemount, Capt.
Toby Cawfeild, 150. At Mount Norris, Capt. Atherton,
150. At Dundalke, Capt. Ferdinand Freckleton, 100.
At Monaghan and Ruske, Capt. Edward Blany Gover-
nour, 150. Sir James Fitz Peirce, 100. Sir Edward
Fitz Garrett, 100. In all, 1650.
Foote at Ballishannon.
Sir Henrie Follyot Governour, 150. Capt. Edw.
Basset, 100. Capt. J. Phillips, 100. Capt. Thom.
Bourke, 100. Capt. Dorington, 100. Capt. W. Winsor,
150. Capt. Ralph Sidley, 100. Captaine Oram, 100.
In all, 900.
340
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1603.
Foote at Loughfoyle. Foote at
Sir Henrie Dockwra Governour, 150. Captaine
Richard Hansard, 200.
At the Liffer, a place (in the Governours judgement)
most necessary to bee held by the English, and guardable
with one hundred men, to be maintained by land annexed
to the Towne, were left for the present, Sir Matthew
Morgan, 150. Capt. Nich, Pinner, 100. Capt. Bassel
Brooke, 100.
At Newtowne, a most necessary Garrison, and guard-
able by 1^0 men, was left Captaine Atkinson, 100.
At Omy, necessary and requiring this guard, Capt.
Edw. Leigh, 100.
At Ainoigh, lesse necessary, Capt. Lewis Orrell, 100.
Capt. Ellis Flyod, 100.
At Colmarhetreene, lesse necessary, Capt. Jo. Vaughan,
100.
At Colrane, a most necessary Garrison, and requiring
no lesse number to guard it, left Capt. Joh. Sidney, 100.
At Ramullan, a necessary Garrison to be held, and
guardable with ^o men, left Captaine Ralph Bingley, 100.
At Do Castle, necessary, and requiring this guard.
Capt. Tho. Badbey, 100.
At Colmore, most necessary to be held, was left Capt.
Hart with 20 men, spared out of the former Companies.
In all 1500. Totall of Foote. 11 150.
The charge of the Irish warres in the last yeere 1602,
beginning the first of April, and ending the last of March,
besides concordatums, munition, and other extraordin-
aries, two hundred fourescore ten thousand seven hundred
thirtie three pound eight shillings nine pence halfe penny
farthing halfe farthing.
The charge of the Irish warres from the first of October [II. iii. 299.]
1598, to the last of March 1603, being foure yeeres and ^-^^ charge of
a halfe, besides o-reat concordatums, great charg-e of .
. . ' 1 ° 1 ^ . J- • ^1 warres from
munitions, and other great extraordmaries, eleven October i:,q%
hundred fourescore eighteene thousand seven hundred to March
seventeene pound nineteene shillings one penny. 1603.
341
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1603.
The charge of the Army (as is abovesaid) forecast for
the yeere following, beginning the first of Aprill, 1603,
& to the last of March, 1 604, the horse standing as in the
former list, but the foote to be reduced to 8000, amounts
to one hundred sixty three thousand three hundred
fifteene pound eighteene shillings three pence farthing
halfe farthing.
Jnno 161 3. In the yeere 16 13, by the intreaty of my brother Sir
Richard Moryson (Vice-President of Mounster) and out
of my desire to see his children God had given him in
Ireland, (besides some occasions of my private estate),
I was drawne over againe into Ireland, where we landed
the ninth of September, miraculously preserved from
shipwrack. For at nine of the night (being darke at that
time of the yeere) we fell upon the coast of Ireland, and
not well knowing the coast, but imagining it to be
Yoghall Port, we tacked about, to beate out at Sea the
night following. But having some howers before sprung
a Leake, and our Pumpes being foule, so as they would
not worke, we had no hope to live so long at sea, and
againe not knowing the coast, wee durst not venture
to put in upon it, besides that in case it were Yoghall
Sea-danger. Harbour, our best fortune was to enter a barrd Haven
by night. In this distresse by divine Providence we
were preserved, the Moone breaking out through the
dispersed clouds, and shining so bright, as our best
Marrines easily discovered the Harbour of Yoghall, and
the tide serving happily, we passed the barre into the
same. And the next morning we might see the danger
we had escaped most apparant ; for our ship was so farre
unable to indure the waves of the sea, with her great
leake and the foulenesse of the Pumpes (if we had been
forced to keepe a bord till the next dales light might
make us know the coast) as the same night she had sunke
in the quiet Harbour, if the Marriners had not chosen
rather to drive her on ground.
At this time I found the State of Ireland much
changed ; for by the flight of the Earle of Tyrone, and
342
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1613.
The state of
Ireland in
1613.
the Earle of Tirconnell, with some Chiefes of Countries
in the North, and the suppression and death of Sir Cahier
Odogherty their confederate, in making new troubles, all
the North was possessed by new Colonies of English,
but especially of Scots.
The meere Irish in the North, and over all Ireland
continued still in absolute subjection, being powerfull in
no part of the Kingdome, excepting onely Connaght,
where their chiefe strength was yet little to bee feared, if
the English-Irish there had sound hearts to the State.
But the English Irish in all parts (and especially in the
Pale) either by our too much cherishing them since the
last Rebellion (in which we found many of them false
hearted), or by the Kings religious courses to reforme
them in their obstinate adiction to Poperie (even in those
points which oppugned his Majesties temporall power),
or by the fulnesse of bread in time of peace, (whereof no
Nation sooner surfets then the Irish), were growne so
wanton, so incensed, and so high in the in step, as they
had of late mutinously broken of a Parliament, called
for the publike good and reformation of the Kingdome,
and from that time continued to make many clamourous
complaints against the English Governours (especially
those of the Pale against the worthy Lord Deputy and
his Ministers) through their sides wounding the Roiall
authoritie, yea, in all parts the Churle was growne rich,
and the Gentlemen and Swordmen needy, and so apt to
make a prey of other mens goods. The Citizens of
Mounster had long since obtained the renuing of their old
Charters with all their exorbitant priviledges, and were
now growne most refractory to all due obedience,
especially for matters of Religion. In which parts the
very numbers of the Priests (swarming among them, and The Priests
being active men, yea contrary to their profession, bloudy
in handling the sword) far exceeded the number of the
Kings souldiers, reduced to very smal or no strength.
And many loose men flocked into that Province out of
the Low-Countries, who being trained there in the Irish
343
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1613.
Regiment which the Arch-Duke, daily sent over new men
to bee in like sort trained there, and themselves lay
[II. iii. 300.] dispersed and hidden in all corners, with hearts (no doubt)
apt to imbrace mischievous enterprises.
The English ^^^ howsoever the English Lawyers, comming over
azvyers. ^|-^^^ ^j^^ ^^^^ warre, vaunted Ireland to be reduced to
ful obedience by their Itinerary circuits, (scarce mention-
ing with honour the sword that made way to them), yet
they were therein deceived, that the Irish in their
clamorous and litigious nature, flying to them with many
complaints, did it onely to get countenance to their causes
from them, who were strangers to them (perhaps against
former judgements of the Governours, who better knew
them, and so to oppose one Magistrate against another),
not (as they might perhaps thinke) in sincere affection to
be ruled by the Lawes. Yea, those Chiefes o{ Countries
who used to waite on them to the limits of their Country,
did it rather to keepe the people by their awfull presence
from exhibiting complaints against themselves, then (as
the Judges thought) out of their dutifull respect to them
or to the State.
For otherwise, even among the English-Irish, in the
inferiour persons from the Counstables to the Justices of
Peace, and so upward, Justice had not his due course
(which can never have life, but in the moving of al the
members with due correspondency), and many outrages
were by the English-Irish, and meere Irish, done against
the English lately planted there. So as now when Ireland
should have enjoyed the fruites of the last warre, in the
due subjection of the meere Irish, these times threatned
the next combustions from our degenerate English Irish.
Onely the lovers of peace were erected to good hopes by
a generall confidence that our Soveraigne would apply
his Royall power, severe justice (most availeable in
Ireland) and other his heroick vertues, to the timely
prevention of any mischievous issue, as not long after
his Majestic happily began, with bringing those his
subjects to conformity of making wholesome Lawes for
344
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND ad.
1613.
the publike good, by common consent of that Kingdomes
three Estates, assembled in his Royall Court of Parlia-
ment at Dublyn, in the yeere 1614, to which worke and
all his Royall counsels, God give happy successe.
The Lyst of Officers Generall and Provinciall,
Warders, Horsemen and Footemen, as they
stood at this time of Peace.
Officers Generall. Officers
The Lord Chichester Baron of Belfast Lord Deputy of
Ireland, having enjoyed that place many yeeres beyond
all example of former times. Sir Thomas Ridgeway
Treasurer at Warres, Sir Richard Wingfeild Marshall
of Ireland. Sir Olyver S. Johns Master of the Ordinance.
Sir John King Muster-master. Sir Allen Apsley, and
Thomas Smith, Commissaries of victuals. Edward
Lenton Provost Marshall of the Army. Sir Josias
Bodley, Directer General and Overseer of the Fortifica-
tions. Sir Thomas Dutton Scout-Master. Captaine
John Pikeman, and Captaine William Meeres. Corporals
of the field.
Officers Provinciall. Officers
The Lord Davers, Lord President of Mounster, and
Sir Richard Moryson his Vice-President (besides the
command in his owne right, left him by the Lord
Lieutenant Mountjoy at his leaving the Kingdome.) Sir
Richard Aldworth, Provost Marshall of Mounster. The
Earle of Clanrickard, Lord President of Connaght, &
Sir Oliver S. Johns his Vice-president, besides his imploy-
ments in his owne right. Captaine Charles Coote
Provost Marshall of Connaght. Sir Flenry Dockwra
Governour of Loughfoyle. Edmond EUys Provost
Marshall there. Sir Henry Follyot Governour oi Balli-
shannon. The Lord Chichester, Governour of Carick-
fergus. Sir Henry Power Governour of Leax. Sir
Edward Blaney, Seneshal of Monaghan, and commander
345
, A.D.
1613.
[II. iii. 301.]
Warden.
Horsemen.
Footemen.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
of the Kings Forts there. Robert Bowen Provost
Marshall of Lemster. Moyses Hill, Provost Marshall
of Ulster. Captaine William Cole for Ballishannon, and
Captaine Hugh Clotworth for Loughchichester, both
Captaines of Boatmen.
Warders.
Dublin Castle, Roger Davies hath Warders, 14. Mary-
borough, Sir Adam Loftus warders, 16. Phillipstowne,
Sir Garret Moore, warders, 12. Duncannon, Sir Laurence
Esmond, warders, 30. Dungarvan, Sir George Carey,
warders, 12. Castlemaigne, Sir Thomas Roper, warders,
17. Limrick Castle, Sir Francis Bartley, warders 20.
Castle Parke, Captaine Skipwith warders, 20. Halebohn,
Sir Francis Slingesby, warders, 20. Athlone Castle, the
Earle of Clanrickard, warders, 20. Ballenfad, Captaine
5. Barbe, warders, 10. Dromruske, Captaine Griffoth,
warders, 9. Carickfergus Castle, Captaine Fortescue,
warders, 20. Moyry Castle, Captaine Smith, warders, 12.
Mount Norreys, Master Annestey, warders, 10. Omey,
Captaine John Leigh, warders, 20. Toome, Sir Thomas
Phillips, warders, 12. Doe Castle Captaine Samford,
warders, 9. Donnegall, Captaine Brooke, warders, 9.
Cloughaughter, Captaine Culme, warders, 9. Eniskillen,
Captaine Cole, warders, 10. Enishlaughlin, Sir Foulke
Conway, warders, 14. In all, 335.
Horsemen.
The Lord Deputy, 25. The Earle of Clanrickard, 25.
The Lord Davers, 25. Master Marshall, 20. Sir Oliver
Lambert, 25. Sir Edward Harbert, 12. Sir Richard
Aldworth, 12. Sir Garret Moore, 25. Sir Henrie Folliot,
6. Captaine John Kinsmill, 25. Captaine Charles Coote,
12. In all, 212.
Footemen.
The Lord Deputy, 100. The Earle of Clanrickard,
50. The Earle of Thomond, 50. The Lord Davers, 50.
The Lord Cromwell, 50. Master Marshall, 50. Master
346
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1613.
Treasurer, 50. Sir Richard Moryson, 50. Sir Charles
Willmott, 50. Sir Francis Rush, 50. Sir Henry Follyot,
50. Sir Edward Blaney, 50. Sir Francis Roe, keeper of
Mountjoy and the Territory, 50. Sir Thomas Rotheram,
keeper of the Fort at Galloway and the land, 50. Sir
Francis Cooke, 50. Sir William Stuart, 50. Sir Arthur
Savadge, 50. Sir Henry Power, 50. Sir Tobey Caw-
feild, keeper of Charlemount and the Territory, 50. Sir
Foulke Conway, 50. Sir Oliver S. Johns 50. Sir Thomas
Roper, 50. Sir Richard Hansard, 50. Sir Thomas
Phillips, 50. Captaine Craford, 50. Captaine John
Vaughan, 50. Captaine Arthur Basset, 50. In all, 1400.
The Totall number, 1947.
[The Discourse
347
The Discourse
[III. i. I.]
upon severall heads through the said severall
Dominions.
Of Travelling in generall.
PART III. BOOKE 1.
Chap. I.
That the visiting of forraigne Countries is good
and profitable : But to whom, and how farre ?
I nee the best and most generous wits The visiting
most affect the seeing of forraigne offorrmgiie
Countries, and there can hardly bee ^JJ^J^'J "
found a man so blockish, so idle, or so profitable.
malicious, as to discourage those that
thirst after knowledge from so doing, I
might seeme to undertake a vaine and
needelesse taske, if I should perswade thereunto. Where-
fore I passe over the aboundant fruits it yeeldeth. I will
not speake of the experience thereby attained, which
instructeth the most dull and simple, as the Sunne by
his beames coloureth the passenger, intending nothing
lesse then to be so coloured, & which neither by hearing,
nor any sense can so easily be gained, as by the eies.
For since nothing is in the understanding, which hath
not first beene in some of the senses, surely among the
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senses, which are (as it were) our Sentinels and Watch-
men, to spie out all dangers, and conduct us through the
thorny laberinth of this lifes pilgrimage, not any one is
so vigilant, so nimble, so wary, nor by many degrees so
trusty, as the sight, according to the saying of the Poet;
Segnius irritant animos delapsa per aures,
Quam quae sunt oculis subject a fidelibus, &c.
Lesse doth it move the minde that beates the eares,
Then what before the faithful eye appeares.
This ground of my discourse being granted, yet I
am not so blindly affected to this course of travelling,
as I will thrust all into this warfare without difference
Women unfit or choise. First, women for suspition of chastity are
to travell. most unfit for this course, howsoever the masculine
women of the Low Countries use to make voyages for
trafficke, not only to their owne Cities, but even to
Hamburg in Germany, and more remote places, neither
would I advise Angelica, if she were alive in these dayes,
[III. i. 2.] to trust her selfe alone and in desart places to the pro-
tection of wandering Knights, lest shee should meete with
more strong encounters, then was that of the weake
Hermite.
Nor yet will I herein give unlimitted liberty to married
men, holding Alexius unexcusable, who left his Bride
upon the very marriage day : yet after a due time of
conversation to combine love, why should he not in
summer season follow the wars at his Princes command,
yea upon his free will? (since we owe our selves to our
Countrey, as to our Wives), yea why should he not
search after politike wisdome, by short excursions into
forraigne parts? (since we permit Merchants and
Marriners, though married, to take long voyages for
gaine, neither can Gentlemen more inrich themselves,
then by the knowledge of military and politicall affaires).
And indeed the civill Law permits men to travell after
the Espousals : Alwaies provided that this industry
rather increase, then diminish our estates, except our
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Countrey be In question, in which case all respects to
our privat Family, (whether of love, of frugality, or what-
soever private good), must be cast behind our backes,
(since the Common-wealth containes each private mans
estate, and a part must be put to hazard for the preserva-
tion of the whole body).
Let Plato the Divine Phylosopher have patience with OUe men
me; though I be not of his opinion, who in his twelfth «"/^-
Booke of Lawes, assigneth to this course the last period
of life, from the age of fifty yeers to threescore. It is
true which he saith of that age, to be most able to discerne
betweene good and unprofitable Lawes, and that it is
lesse subject to infection from corrupt customes. Yet
as some yong men once freed ot the Tutors awe, be
prone and apt to runne into vices, so many old men
(alwaies comparing like dispositions) having forceably
restrained themselves from naturall inclinations, for feare
of shame, this cause of restraint once taken away, (while
among strangers they are at more liberty), doe often
returne to their owne nature, even in vices most improper
to that age, and in that case their dotages are more
slanderous both to themselves and their Countries. Now
that old men may dote in this sort, one example of
Tyberius the Emperour may serve for plane prove
thereof, who in his youth and the yeeres of his strength,
having dissembled his wicked inclination, at last in his
old age gave his nature the raines and retiring himselfe
(as it were out of the sight of the Senate and people of
Rome) into the Hand Caprea, there he shamelesly gave
himselfe over to all beastly lust, thinking himselfe safe
from the censure of the Romans, though his wickednes
was no lesse knowne in Rome, then if it had beene done
in their market places, according to the Italian Proverbe ;
L' Amor' e cieco & vede niente ;
Ma non son' cieche I'altre gente :
Love is Starke blind, and sees nought done amisse,
But other people are not blind ywisse.
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Children
unfit.
[III. i. 3-]
Stcke men not
fit.
Those who are
scrupulous
unfit.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
And though wee should grant that which Plato attri-
butes to old men, yet they, whose custome is growne to
another nature, shall never be able to endure the frequent
changes of diet and aire, which young men cannot beare
without prejudice to their health ; except it be by little
& little & (as it were) by insensible degrees. Not to
speake of the weakenesse proper to old age, which makes
them so sickly, as they are not onely unfit for conversation
abroad, but also have small hope to returne and relate
their observations at home. Old men are indeed most
fit for Ambassages in neighbour countries, for in this
employment they live in the sight of their Countrey
men, and may use their accustomed diet, and a little
change oi aire doth but little hurt, which they may
prevent or mitigate by the advice of Physicians.
Neither are childrens unripe yeeres fit for this course,
howsoever they are more to be excused, who send them
with discreet Tutors to guide them, with whose eyes and
judgements they may see and observe. Thus the Romans
(as Suetonius writes) permitted the visiting of forraigne
Countries to the Sonnes of Senators, under the governe-
ment of one who had borne Office in the City, (for the
charge of such children is not to be credited to all of
full age without choyce). Children like Parrats, soone
learne forraigne languages, and sooner forget the same,
yea, and their mothers tongue also. A familiar friend
of mine lately sent his sonne to Paris, who after two
yeeres returning home, refused to aske his father blessing
after the manner of England, saying, Ce n'est pas le mode
de France, It is not the French fashion. Thus whilest
(like Apes) they imitate strange fashions, they forget their
owne, which is just as if a man should seeke his perdition,
to gaine a cloake for ornament. Likewise sickly men
are unfit for this course of life, who in regard of their
weak health, want the meanes to make benefit thereof.
Lastly, they shall do well to keep themselves at home,
who have a scrupulous conscience, and thinke themselves
so wise, as they will not follow the advice of experienced
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men. But as in all actions they are happy that hold the
meane, so middle age is most fit to visit forraigne parts, Middle age
and to make use thereof, having first laid a good founda- most fit.
tion of Arts and Sciences in generall, and specially those
which they meane to professe, and being of so ripe
discretion, as they can distinguish betweene good and
evill. And since we must not only respect their ages,
but most of all their dispositions, I will adde, that it must
be diligently observed in each man, whether he naturally
afi^ect this course or no : for it is most certaine, that the
nature of man cannot with good successe be forced to any
course it liketh not, according to the old saying of the
Poet,
Naturam expellas furca licet, usque recurrit :
Though Nature be repelled by force.
Yet still it turnes to have his course.
I know that second causes can doe nothing without the
first, and it is no lesse true, that the first doth in naturall
things worke by the second, which makes me of opinion,
that the position of the Starres in each mans nativity
is not altogether vaine. This granted, it is not just, that
the Common-wealth, Parents, or Friends, should wrest
any mans nature to courses contrary thereunto, not
leaving each man liberty to shew and follow his owne
inclination.
To conclude, I thinke with Plato, that before any man Leave of
take this course, he must obtaine leave of the Magistrate, magistrates
as the custome is in England, where none but Merchants ^'^"/^'^"^^
may without leave goe out of the Hand, to the end that gi^tavied.
suspected persons may bee kept at home, lest being not
well instructed in the true religion, they should bee
seduced by Papists. And I take Parents consent for
granted, without which, the sacred power given them
by God should wickedly be violated.
My purpose was thus slightly to have passed over the
worthy prayses, due to the knowledge of forraigne States,
wherewith I began, lest (with the vaine Rhetoritian) I
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should seeme to praise Hercules, whom no man dispraised.
But when I consider, that so many heads, so many wits,
and remember that my selfe have sometimes heard
(though a man shall be last to heare the detractions of his
owne courses) some pleasantly, others wittily, and some
malitiously to scoffe at this kind of industry to gaine
knowledge, it will not be amisse so farre to take in hand
againe the taske I had almost finished, as according to
the end of my discourse, I may incourage the indifferent
Reader, by fully answering their idle objections. In the
first front are the pleasant men, who remember the Italians
stale Proverb,
Chi Asino va a Roma, Asino se ne torna.
If an Asse at Rome doe sojourne.
An Asse he shall from thence returne.
The very Asses straying into barren pastures, do after
learne more willingly to stay at home with plentifull
feeding. And very dull spirited men (at whom this
bitter Proverb allegorically aimeth) howsoever by this
industry, they doe not suddenly become Catoes, yet (I
will be bold to say) they are by nothing more, or with
greater ease instructed, according to their capacities, so
they travel not alone, as Socrates Laconically said. For
if by the way they find good companions, they must
needes in some measure be partners of their wits and
observations. Neither are the wise observers of humane
Grave Pilgrimage ignorant, that grave University men, and (as
University they say) sharpe sighted in the Schooles, are often reputed
men °fi^" idiots in the practice of worldly affaires, as on the contrary
7n"worldh° ' blockish men, and (to speake with the Italians) very
affaires. Asses, by continuall practice in grave imployments, gaine
the wisdome of them whose affaires they manage, and
the more they seeke to know the World, the more they
converse with those who know more then themselves, so
much are they more inflamed with sweet emulation, such
as tooke away sleepe from Themistocles, reading the
Triumphs of Miltiades.
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Secondly, the wittie detractors object, that Aglaus [III. i. 4.]
Psophidius was judged wise by the Oracle of Apollo,
because he never went out of the Grange wherein he
was born, according to that of the Poet Claudian.
Foelix qui patriis aevum transegit in arvis.
Ipsa Domus puerum quern videt ipsa senem.
Happy in native soyle his life who spends.
Whom one house birth, one house a gray head lends.
But what if passengers should come to a stately Pallace The theater of
of a great King, were hee more happy who is led onely ^^" ^°
into the kitchin, and there hath a fat messe of brewis \^g„jf,.j gf
presented him, or rather hee who not onely dines at the God.
Kings Table, but also with honour is conducted through
all the Courts and Chambers, to behold the stately build-
ing, pretious furniture, vessels of gold, and heapes of
treasure and Jewells. Now such, and no other is the
Theater of this world, in which the Almightie Maker
hath manifested his unspeakable glory. He that sayles
in the deepe, sees the wonders of God, and no lesse
by land are these wonders daily presented to the eyes
of the beholders, and since the admirable variety
thereof represents to us the incomprehensible Majestie
of God, no doubt we are the more happy, the more fully
we contemplate the same.
Thou wilt say, he hath lived well who hath spent his Perhaps a
time retyred from the world. 7' ^'^-^'"'^
•' for women.
Bene qui latuit, bene vixit.
Who knowne is least, hath lived best.
This may be true in women, and thus among many
Roman Gentlemen, when one praised Fulvia, another
Claudia, a third with good judgement preferred a Senators
unknowne wife to both these, and many other severally
commended, because she was no lesse good and faire,
yet was knowne to few or none : Not unlike to that
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Matrone, who thought all mens breath did stinke as her
husbands did. But it is the part of an industrious man,
to act their affaires in the world, tho sluggards lie by
the fire. Of a man, Parents challenge a part. Friends a
part, and the Common-wealth a part, and hee was judged
an unprofitable servant by the most true Oracle of God,
who hid his Talent.
Neither doe the Verses of the Lyricall Poet (objected
in the third place) any whit move me.
Oblitusque meorum, obliviscendus & illis.
Abroad forgetting thine, at home forgot by thine.
And in another place ;
Romae laudetur Samos & Chios, & Rhodos absens.
In Samos, Rhodes, and Chios what may please.
Let us at Rome commend sitting at ease.
Effeminate O poore effeminate Horace (let his Genius pardon
Horace. me) a very hogge of the Epicures heard, and (to use
his owne words) borne to consume corne. Is any mutuall
remembrance of kinsmen more pleasing, then that which
is caused by mention of their vertues .'* If a man should
offer to show thee all the strange miracles of Africk,
wouldst thou answer, goe your waies and paint them,
which done I will gladly see them : or if one would show
thee Paradice, and the infinite flowers and fruits thereof,
wouldst thou rather snort in a chimney corner, and not
shake off the least drowsinesse, for the very possession
of that happy inheritance, but if hee would goe and paint
them, then promise, perhaps and at leasure to view them.''
yet as Socrates for arguments sake, was wont to defend
the contrary to all disputers ; so I rather judge that
Horace thus writes in the person of the Epicure, (after
the manner of Poets) or for pastime and spending of
vacant time, then that it was his owne judgement.
There want not some, who discourage men from this
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course, by the manifold difficulties and dangers thereof.
But as the Poet saith :
Per ardua virtus, Vertue climbes craggy Rockes.
Nee jacet in molli veneranda scientia lecto.
Venerable science with his gray head,
Is never found on a soft feather bed.
Many more there bee, who tremble at the very thought [III. i. 5.]
of dangers of death, to which this course of life is subject.
Behold Salomons sluggard, who saith, There is a Lion
by the way, a Lion is in the streets. Fearest thou the
Sea because it swalloweth many.? Why fearest thou not
a bed, in which more have breathed there last ?
But a greater feare distracteth even the mindes of the What
wiser sort, that they see many returne from forraine parts distracteth the
corrupted with vices proper to them, according to the ""^^ ^"'^ '
Flemings Proverb : that no man was ever made more
healthfull by a dangerous sickenesse, or came home better
from a long voyage. And because it is hard to learne
vertues, and more hard not to learne vices, or to depose
them once learned ; from hence they say it is, That so
many homebred Angels, returne from Italy no better
then Courtly Divells. Surely this is just, as if a man
should say, I have a ground overgrowne with bushes,
which I feare to root up, because nettells or darnell will
more easily spring then grasse or corne. Fields are made
fruitfull by tillage, so are men made more wise by
knowledge of forraine Kingdomes. The Italians say
excellently ;
Coglier' le roso, lasciar' le spine.
Sweet Roses gathered, make an end.
And leave the prickles that offend.
Wee must observe vertues for imitation, and vices that Vertues for
wee may abhorre them. Contraries are manifested by f^nif'^iio",
contraries ; beautie shineth more being set with a ^fT^
deformed soyle, and the glory of vertues is more eminent,
by the object of base vices. Yet that which was said of
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the Athenians, may truely be said of the best wits of all
sexes and conditions. If they be good, they are best, if
ill, worst. Thus Histories witnesse, that women by
nature most witty, have often given extraordinarie testi-
monies of excellent goodnes, or monstrous badnesse.
Thus Suetonius saith of Caesar.
Magnus virtutes magna comitantur vitia.
Greatest vertues of the minde ;
With like vices are combinde.
Thus the English Proverb saith. No knave to the
learned knave. I confesse that steepe mountaines yeeld
most violent streames, but it is a point of Art to lead
these streames in a faire bed till they fall into the Sea.
By travel the This is the scope of all I say : That by this course the
good become good become best, the bad prove worst. Surely, out
best, the bad ^^ ^^^^ j^^t Scriptures the Atheist gathereth most profane
trnve wnift. ■' | ii-r»i 1 it-' iiri
arguments, as the godly Reader sucks the Eternall rood
of his soule. Bees and Toades draw hony and poyson
out of the same hearb. To conclude, the ill humors of
the body growne predominant, turne the best meats to
their nourishment ; yet, none but a mad man for the
abuse of that which is of it selfe good, will forbid to
read the most holy Scriptures, to gather sweetest flowers,
or to eate the best meates. Zwinglius writes of a certaine
Earle, who after long absence returning to his home,
and no lesse to his former vices, as a dog to his vomit,
and being for the same reproved, did answere that his
Taylor also returned to his occupation. But Cato the
younger, was of a more vertuous minde, whose regular
moralitie could not bee corrupted by wanton Asia, but
made his familiar friend Curio a false Prophet therein.
Farre greater was the vertue of Scipio, who in Spaine
left a faire Virgin untouched, and yet would see her, that
hee might excell Alexander the Great in the rare emula-
tion of continency ; who durst not behold the captive
daughters of Darius, least he should be subdued by
women, who had conquered men. Live with good men,
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seeke out honest not licentious houses to lodge in ; For
the Italians say well.
Dammi con chi tu vivi, io sapro quel' che tu fai.
Tell me with whom thou dost converse,
And I will soone thy deedes rehearse.
Restraine the vices to which thou art naturally most
inclined, by torcing thy selfe to exercise contrary vertues.
For the Poet saith truely :
Animum rege, qui nisi paret, Imperat :
Be sure to rule thy minde in all thou dost.
If it obey not, then it rules the rost.
Let the incontinent man restraine his unbridled lust, [HI- i- 6.]
by the remembrance of his chast Mistresse at home, which
will make him feare the miserable diseases incident to
the unchast, as Seamen tremble to strike upon a Rocke.
Let him that is given to excessive drinking of wine,
while yet he is sober, behold the rediculous gestures, the
dull braine, the shickle memory, the oppressed stomacke,
with each weakenesse and deformity of the drunkard :
so by one vices remedy, let him learne to cure all the
rest. There is no danger to so wary minds, either of No danger in
leesing their owne vertues, or of learning forraigne vices : ^'''^^'^^ '".
besides, that sweet vertues are of such power, as they "''^^•^ '"'" ^'
forcibly drawe, even negligent men standing least upon
their guard, to admire, love and exercise them. Yea, let
these strict censurers of manners tell me, if they have
so cleansed the pumpe of their owne Common-wealth,
as there is lesse danger of this corruption at home then
abroad. Surely many fall into vices abroad, but more
at home ; many returning from forraigne parts, after they
have abroad satisfied their disordinate appetites, by giving
youth his swinge (as the Proverbe is), doe at home cast
off their vices, and returne to the old bounds of shame-
fastnesse, which at home they never violated ; adding to
their old vertues the luster of forraigne ornaments. On
the contrary, most men at home, wrapped in the habit
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of vices, by custome taking away both the shame and
sense of sinne, never reforme their debauched life, nor
forsake vices, till in age or death they be forsaken by
them.
What vices g^t among other vices, dissembling, lying, and jelousie,
■ X^I' !'^^/^^ are by popular voice deemed proper to Travellers. The
mostgu'iltieof. ^^"^^ imputation I will referre to the precept of the next
Chapter, shewing how far it is fit for a wise man to
dissemble, and the second to the last precept of the same
Chapter, shewing how a Traveller should governe his
tongue. And in this place by the way I will briefly
discusse the reproch of jelousie, which the tumultuous
flocke of Weomen injuriously thrust upon us : Just as
if they should say, that by experience and the industrious
search of wisdome, we should be endued with vices, not
with vertues, or that those who can see farre of, yet
cannot discerne that which is before their eyes and feet,
or that those who are skilfuU in politike affaires, are
ignorant in domestical governement, & that those who
abhorring litigious suits at law, readily make peace with
their neighbours, would nourish houshold dissentions
most odious to a wise man, not knowing the tearmes of
love, wherewith they are in duty bound to entertaine
their dearest friends, their sweetest wife.
Et dukes natos ac pignor a chara Nepotes,
And Children sweet sent from above.
And Nephewes, deere pledges of love.
Abuse of But to say truth, most honourable titles of old, are
honourable j^y abuse growne most reprochfull, as the name of
Sophysters, by their continuall brawlings about Moone-
shine in the water, the name of Elenches by intricate
fallacies, the name of Tyrants by unlimited cruelties,
and the name of jelousie by affecting extremities. As
that jelousie is most hatefull, which growes from malice
of nature, from a mind guilty of wickednesse, or from
conscience of any defects in a mans owne body or mind ;
so the vertue of jelousie (deere not onely to Travellers,
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but to all wise men) is (in my opinion) approved ot all
men that are in their right wits. Our very God is in
a good sence said to be jelous : He that hath a Jewell
of price, is not willing to have it snatched out of his
hands, much lesse out of his sight. Reason like a severe
Schoolemaster, should overlooke all thy owne actions,
and why should it not have like authority in directing
the behaviour of those, whose honour or shame cannot
be devided from thine. And of this Judgement (so
vertue decline not to the neighbour vice, betweene which
there goes nothing but a paire of sheares, as the Proverbe
is), you shall ever find the chastest Weomen, desiring
an husband vertuously jelous : For others who had rather
not be loved, then have their actions observed, leave them
to be their husbands executioners, and to the racke of
their owne consciences, onely prayinq- them to take this
warning, that their husbands loves (for which perhaps
they litle care) beginne then to freeze, or rather vanish
away, when they have once cast away all care of their
good name, since onely vertue combines true love.
But the slanderers of this industry presse us more [III. i. 7.]
neerely, objecting, that vices, ill customes, and very Another
heresies are spread through the World by travellers. Let objection
me aske them, how wee should have knowne the divers ^^^^^'j
elevation of the Poles } who would have taught us
Geography, representing painted Worlds unto us.? how
should wee have learned all other Arts.^" yea, how should
we have discovered new Worlds (or rather the unknowne
Regions of the old) had not this industry of Travellers
been "? Yea, to use the most binding and concluding
argument, the saving knowledge of the holy Gospell had
been unrevealed to us, had not the Apostles excelled in
this Industrie, of making the whole World their Country
to preach the same.^* When wee have thus compared the
great and manifest profit of travelling, with the light and
doubtfull inconveniences objected against it, we must
confesse, that they who discourage the affecters of these
great rewards, by such smal dangers, are not unlike the
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Sophisters, who perswade that blindnesse, deafenesse, and
the privations of other sences, are not to bee numbred
among evils, because we see many unpleasing things,
often heare that which offendeth the eares, and for one
good smell draw in twenty ill savors. For my part, let
them dispute never so subtilely, though they convince
me, yet shall they never perswade mee, to pull out my
eyes, stop my eares, or cut of my nose, nor yet to preferre
sloth to an active life.
A not unjust But we must give eare to Parents, Friends, and as well
feare of private as publike Common wealths-men, who not un-
Fr'ltd ^"' ]^^^^Y seeme to feare, lest young men by this course
should be perverted from true Religion, and by this feare,
disswade passing into forraigne parts, as the chiefe cause
of this mischiefe. Surely if the vessell be new that taketh
an ill savour, it will sticke much faster thereunto, but I
have already professed, that I would have a Traveller
of ripe yeeres, having first laid good grounds of all Arts,
and most especially of Religion. Let me speake of my
selfe : When I beheld the mimicall gestures and ceri-
moniall shew of holinesse of the Roman Priests, (under
the shaddow whereof they abuse the superstition of
Laymen with unspeakable Arts, to their owne ambition
and covetousnesse), and on the contrary observed their
corrupt manners, I was so farre from being seduced by
them, as I could not refraine from laughter, and wondered
(as Cicero speakes of Southsayers), that one Priest did
not laugh when hee saw another his fellow Priest. If
you meete a faire painted face, the more neere and
narrowly you behold it, the lesse it pleaseth, but if the
beauty be true, then there is danger, least you or your
Sonne swallow the baite. Search corrupted Wares
narrowly, and they will stinke at thy nose, which farther
off, seeme to be odorifferous. Such is the painting of
the Papists. The English and those of the reformed
Church, who esteeme their Arguments as speares of
bulrushes, permit their books to be read in our Uni-
versities, but they perhaps guilty of errours, will in no
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sort give liberty to reade our bookes. We appeale to all
that are skilful! in Languages for the truth of our trans-
lations, they by statute of the Jesuites Colledge, admit
no young Scholler to study languages, till he have taken
an oath, that hee will use that skill to the defence of the
Roman translations with tooth and naile, wherein if they
offend their consciences, they have the Popes power of
dispensation on their side. Therefore let the Papists
feare to give their followers leave to heare us in our
Schooles or Churches, lest they be chained with the force
of truth. And let us securely permit our men to passe
into the heart of Italy, so they be first of ripe yeeres,
and well instructed. Upon my word they run no other
danger, then the escaping the snares of the Inquisition,
of which discretion, I shall speake at large in the foure
and twentieth Precept of Dissimulation, in the next
Chapter. If any man object, that some of our young
Schollers have passed into their Seminaries beyond the
Seas, let him consider, that they were not seduced abroad,
but first infected at home, in their parents houses, and
our Universities, which mischiefe Parents and Magistrates
ought to prevent, by keeping the suspected at home :
for the rest there is no danger.
But behold, when I thought to have finished my taske, Carpers
carpers consumed with envie, who barke at travellers as objections.
dogs at the Moone, and thinking to gaine reputation by
other mens disgrace, they are not ashamed to say, that ^ ^' J
vagabond Caine was the first Traveller. Old Writers I
confesse sometimes use the word of Perigrination, for
banishment ; but God be praised, here is no question
made of banished or cursed men driven out from the sight
of God. They which spend the greater part of their
yeeres in forraigne places, as it were in voluntary banish-
ment, may more justly bee compared to Caine, and are
not unlike to rude Stage players, who to the offence of
the beholders, spend more time in putting on their
apparrell, then in acting their Comedy, (for life is com-
pared to a stage, and our Parents and Kins-men expecting
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our proofe, to the beholders). Therefore it is fit to
restraine this course within due limits, to which the
Romans (as Suetonius writes) prescribed (perhaps too
strictly) three yeeres.
In the last place, they that detract from Travellers, to
the end they may choke us with our owne disdaine, if
not with arguments, send out their spyes in their last
skirmish to cast this Dart at us. After so many dangers
and troubles, how many of you, (after your returne) are
preferred in the Common-wealth ? To what purpose doe
you tire your selves in attaining so many vertues.'' Is
it to exercise them, leaning on a plowmans or shepheards
^ most staffe ? I should enter a most spacious field of common
spacious field griefe, if I should search the causes, why in our age great
''iriefe"°" f^''^ °^ ^^^ Counsellours of States, and Peeres of Realmes,
rather desire to have dull and slothfull companions, then
those that are wise and ambitious ; and so in like sort,
rather base and expert ready servants, then those that are
free and learned. Knowledge puffeth up, and I
remember of late a learned Physician, who being sent
for by a great Lord, and he being offended at his long
stay, freely and boldly answered ; that knowledge could
not dance attendance. Hence is our calamity, to omit
the more curious search of this evill, whose first encounter
astonisheth me, though I am not ignorant of the cause :
but let him that cast this Dart, tell me, whether this ill
be not common to all men of vertue, and if it be so, he
must at least confesse with the Poet,
Solamen miseris socios habuisse doloris :
Partners in griefe, doe solace give.
And let all rare men in any kind of vertue, when they
are despised or neglected, comfort themselves with this
Phylosophicall precept of Aristotle, that vertue is desired
The fruit of for it selfe, not for any thing else. So I say the fruit of
travellis travell is travell it selfe.
Having thus retorted our enemies weapons upon their
owne breasts, because the common sort is more moved
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with examples, then arguments, it remaines, that in the
last place I should adorne the triumph of this vertuous
industry, with some few and speciall examples. Many
have beene found, who have passed into remote parts
of the World, onely to gaine health ; farre greater is the
number of them, who as the Poet saith ;
Pauperiem fugiunt ultra Garamantas & Indos :
Who further runne to shunne base poverty.
Then Garamants and Indians doe ly.
And greatest is the number of them, who following Ambition
the standard of ambition, have pierced to the very gates ^^'^^^ *^^
of hell with sound of Drummes and Trumpets. To ^'^sest crowd.
conclude, as diligent Merchants gather precious wares
into one storehouse, so Phylosophers have from the first
ages of the World, passed by flockes into forraigne parts,
to gaine knowledge, as the Egyptians into Chaldea, the
Greekes into Egypt, and the Romans into Greece.
Pythagorus walked farre and neere, not onely to learne,
but also in divers places to get Disciples whom he might
teach : for the Poet saith well ;
Scire tuum nihil est, nisi te scire hoc, sciat alter :
To know availeth thee no whit.
If no man know, thou knowest it.
To be briefe, if wee will credit old monuments, (which [in. i. 9.]
I confesse to suspect), hee came in person, and sowed
the precepts of his Phylosophy, even among the Britaines
devided from all the World. Plato hath written some- Plato too
what too severely against Travellers, perhaps like severe against
Alexander the Great, who was angry with his Master Travellers.
Aristotle, because hee had published the aKpoafxariKa., which
hee had read unto him, thereby leaving him nothing
wherein he might excell others ; so Plato having gotten
the name of Divine, by his very travels would forbid or
limit the same to others, that he might shine among
the Phylosophers.
Velut inter stellus Luna minores.
As the bright Moone, among the lesser starres.
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It is most certaine, that hee was not onely industrious,
but even curious in this course, so as he sayled into
Sicily, the entrance of which Hand was upon paine of
death forbidden to strangers, onely that he might see
the burning of the Mountaine iEtna. Apelles by draw-
ing of a most subtile lyne at Rhodes, was made knowne
to Protogenes. Homer being blind, yet ceased not to
travell : In our Age, they which are renowned at home
for any Art, are not content therewith, except they may
passe into forraigne Courts, to make knowne their skill.
The most ancient Lawgivers, got the experience, by which
they had rule in their Cities, not by secure study at
home, but by adventurous travels abroad, as the Poet
saith ;
Ingenium mala saepe movent,
Adversities doe often whet our wits.
Great Moyses, Orpheus, Draco, Solon, Minos, Rhada-
Travellers rnanthus, Licurgus, and almost all the Consuls of Rome,
&(^ themselves had beene in forraigne parts, and granted
ample priviledges to strangers. Among Physicians we
read, that iEsculapius and Hypocrates travelled, and that
Galene was at Smyrna, Corinth, Alexandria, in Palestine,
at Lemnos, Ciprus, and at Rome ; and Avicenna boasteth,
that he had passed through the whole World. I know
that many in our Universities become learned Physicians,
but no doubt they would have beene more learned, if
they had passed into forraigne parts. One Land yeeldeth
not all things : A man shall hardly learne at home the
divers natures of hearbes, and other things, or the divers
dispositions of one and the same body, according to the
difference of the clyme, aire, and diet. This the Spaniard
wittily observed, who having got the French Pox, sayled
into America, and did there learne the cure of that disease,
from those who first infected the Spaniards therewith.
We praise Physicians especially for experience, as Lawyers
for diligence, desiring to have an old Physician and a
young Lawyer, to give us counsell and follow our
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businesse, but experience is of severall things dispersed
through the universall World. It is written that of old
the ^Egyptians had severall Physicians for each severall
disease, who would not have returned more learned from
their Lectures ? Also they laid up approved remedies of
diseases in the Temples of Isis and Vulcane. What
SchoUer then returning from iEgypt, should not have
gained great reputation to his skill? and we know that
opinion many times availeth with the sicke even more
then the medicine. In this sort ambitious men of old,
by the onely opinion of their experience by seeing the
world, did obtaine it to be numbered among the Gods. The Travels
Jupiter of Creta in Italy, Bacchus in the furthest East, "f^^^ ^°^'-
Hercules in the most remote parts of Africke, towards
the West, planted monuments of their travels. The
voyage of the Argonautes, the wanderings of Ulisses and
^neas, are sung by all Ballad-sellers. Alexander the
Great passed the monument of Bacchus in the East. It
were infinite onely to name the Roman Emperours, who
excelled in this industry : For as the Wiseman said, that
he was a Citizen of the World, so the Romans, by giving
remote Princes the priviledge to be Citizens of Rome,
and by sending Roman Citizens in Colonies, to inhabit
remote places, used the whole World for a City, neither
did they ever admit any to the highest dignities in the
City of Rome, nor yet to the inferiour Magistrates
thereof; who had not first borne rule or Office in some [III. i. 10.]
remote Province. One Julius Caesar, came, saw, and
overcame with his Army, among the Cimbrians, Germans,
Spaniards, Britans, Grecians, Africans, and those of Asia.
The very Westerne Emperours of later times, have been
enflamed with the same desire. Charles the Great made
happy warre beyond the Pyrenean mountaines against the
Sarrasens, beyond the Alpes against the Lombards, and
in Germany against the Saxons. Who hath not heard
of the European Princes, like so many Floods carrying
Armies into the East } To omit all other, (for I desire to
be briefe), Charles the fifth, Inferiour to none of his
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Predecessours, and emulous of Hercules himselfe, passed
his pillars at the furthest straight of the Mediteranean
Sea, and added to his Armes the Mot of Hercules ; Non
plus ultra. No farther beyond this, onely leaving out
the first word Non, because he had passed the limits of
Hercules, as Alexander the Great had done those of
Bacchus. Whereby notwithstanding some thinke that he
did rather blemish, then increase the fame of his travels,
since that part of Africke was so neere adjoyning to his
Kingdomes of Spaine ; but in the meane time they forget
that he was borne at Gaunt in Flaunders.
Me thinkes I have said enough, and too much in so
cleere a cause, therefore I will onely adde some choyce
Examples examples of the holy Scriptures, and so conclude. Abra-
drazvne from ham left his Countrey at Gods command, and went to the
the holy Land of Promise, called also the Land of Pilgrimage:
^ ' Jacob served for his wives in Mesopotamia, and in his
old age passed into iEgypt. The Israelites were brought
by large circuit from the servitude of ^Egypt, into the
Land of Promise, that the protection of God might by
adversity be more imprinted on their minds, and they be
more stirred up to keepe the Lawes of so gracious a God.
The example of a woman the Queen of Sheba, is famous,
who came to Jerusalem to be an eye and eare witnesse
of Salomons wisdome. To be briefe, Christ himselfe
lived in the flesh as a Pilgrim, choosing no set place of
aboad ; when he was in the Cradle, three Wisemen came
from the East to worship him, and himselfe being an
Infant, was carried into Egypt, to shunne Herods tyranny.
He commanded his Apostles to preach the Gospell
throughout the World. Among the Fathers, Saint
Augustine wished to have seene three things, Christ in
the flesh, Paul in the Pulpit, and Rome in the flower. In
our Age the Turkes and Papists so madly aff"ect Pilgrim-
ages, as they superstitiously thinke the same availeable to
the salvation of their soules, with which extreame, least
I should seeme to know no meane, I will conclude these
examples,
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For my part, I thinke variety to be the most pleasing Variety the
thing in the World, and the best life to be, neither con- most pleasing
templative alone, nor active altogether, but mixed of both. \y^JJ ^ ^
God would have made eternall spring, had he not knowne,
that the divers seasons would be not onely most profitable
to the workes of nature, but also most plesant to his
creatures, while the cold Winter makes the temperate
Spring more wished. Such is the delight of visiting
forraigne Countreys, charming all our sences with most
sweet variety. They seeme to me most unhappy, and
no better then Prisoners, who from the cradle to old age,
still behold the same wals, faces, orchards, pastures, and
objects of the eye, and still heare the same voices and
sounds beate in their eares ; Not the song of the Cuckow,
nor the craking of the Crowes, nor the howling of
Wolves, nor the bellowing of Oxen, nor the bleying of
Sheepe, no nor the sweet voyces of Larkes and Nightin-
gales, if they be shut up in a Cage, doe so much please
us at home, as the variety of all, composed of divers
tunes, delights us in the fields abroad. In like sort, it
is manifest that all the other sences are not so much
pleased with any thing, as variety. They are in some
measure happy, who having but one house, yet have
change of chambers, to remove as the season of the yeere
changeth : but I judge Lawyers and Oflftcers more happy,
who have their Termes to live in the City, and their
Vacations to returne into the Countrey, so often (as it
were) renewing their marriage dayes : And of all, I judge
the Nomades most happy, (the comparison holding in
other things) who live in Tents, and so by removing,
not onely escape the heat of Summer, the cold of Winter,
the want of pastures, all diseases, and all unpleasing
things, but at their pleasure, enjoy all commodities of all
places.
Let us imitate the Storkes, Swallowes, and Cranes,
which like the Nomades yeerely fetch their circuits, and [HI. i. n.]
follow the Sunne, without suffering any distemper of the
seasons : The fixed Starres have not such power over
M. Ill 369 2 A
A.D.
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FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
inferiour bodies, as the wandring Planets. Running
water is sweet, but standing pooles stinke : Take away
Idlenes, and the bate of all vice is taken away. Men
were created to move, as birds to flie ; what they learne
by nature, that reason joined to nature teacheth us.
Nothing can be added to the worthy praises of him as the
Poet saith ;
Qui Mores hominum multorum vidit, & urbes :
Who many Mens manners hath scene.
And hath in many Cities beene.
T^e conclusion In one word, I will say what can be said upon this
of the matter, subject ; Every soyle is to a valiant man his owne
Countrey, as the Sea to the Fishes. We are Citizens of
the whole World, yea, not of this World, but of that
to come : All our life is a Pilgrimage. God for his onely
begotten Sonnes sake, (the true Mercury of Travellers)
bring us that are here strangers safely into our true
Countrey.
Chap. II.
Of Precepts for Travellers, which may instruct
the unexperienced.
God is first to
be sollicited.
Will follow my purpose, and give pre-
cepts, not to expert men, (as Phormio did
to Hanniball in military affaires), but
onely to the unexperienced, and that not
curiously, as if I would prescribe them
every step they should goe, but such
as may whet the wits and memories of
other men, well knowing that many things may be added,
which are slipped out of my memory, and which others
may daily find out.
I In the first place, as every man in any course of life,
so most of all a Traveller, who is subject to many dangers,
must by his daily prayers sollicite God for his gracious
protection. All our actions must take beginning from
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OF PRECEPTS FOR TRAVELLERS ad.
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God, the fountaine of all good, if we desire with the
Israelites, to have Gods Cloud and pillar of fier protect
us in our journies and aboads. Let him daily commend
himselfe to Gods protection, and even in his journeys,
daily at morning and evening, not while he slumbers in
his bed, but in private withdrawne from company, either
kneeling as before his father, or standing as before his
Master and Lord, make his prayers, though never so
short, to his almighty and most mercifull God. And let
no man take this for a needlesse precept, for I freely
professe, that when I was most devout in this kind, I
found my selfe hedged about with the good Angell, as
on the contrary when I neglected the same, I often
observed by some manifest accident, that I was left to
errour and danger.
2 Let each Traveller forecast with himselfe his owne A traveller
purposes and ends : For they which are unskilfull in the must forecast
Arts of painting, carving, and building, can never ^"^^"^
worthily praise, nor well imitate the rare workes they p^"'^"^^'-
shall see of these kinds. Experience teacheth, that no
action is wisely undertaken, whereof the end is not fore-
cast in the first place, howsoever it be last put in
execution : but since it were infinit to apply my precepts
to the severall ends of severall men, and no more possible,
then for a Physician to cure the Patient, not knowing
the causes and the progresse o^ his sickenesse, I professe
to write especially in this place to the Humanist, I meane
him that affects the knowledge of State affaires. Histories,
Cosmography, and the like, and out of that I write, let
other men apply to their use, what they judge fit for them.
And if the Humanist judge many things I shall write
lesse necessary for him, let him know, that as an Orator
and Poet must have some skill in all Sciences, so the
Humanist must have some knowledge of all things which
fall into practice and discourse.
3 Let a Traveller observe the underwritten things, & [HI. i. 12.]
of them some curiously, some slightly, as he shall judge
them fit for his purpose. He shall observe the fruitfulnes
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What things of each Countrey, and the things wherewith it aboundeth,
^7 ^° ^^ h ^^ ^^^ Mines of mettals and precious stones, the chiefe
Travel! "^ ^ la-wes and customes of the workers in those Mines, also
Bathes and the qualitie of the water, with the diseases
for the curing whereof it is most proper, the names
springs and courses of Rivers, the pleasant Fountaines,
the aboundance or rarity of Pastures, Groves, Wood,
Corne, and Fruits, the rare and precious Plants, the rare
and proper Beasts, the prices of necessary things, and
what he daily spends in his diet and horsemeat, and in
hiring Horses or Coaches, the soyle of every dayes
journey, the plenty of Fishes or Flesh, the kinds of meat
or drinke, with the sauces and the rarer manners of
dressing meates, the Countreys expence in apparrell, with
their constancy or ficklenesse in wearing it, the races of
Horses, as the Giannets of Spaine, the Coursers of
Naples, and the heavy Horses of Freesland, and how they
manage and feed these Horses, the scituation of Cities
and Provinces, the healthfulnes of the Aire, the Choro-
graphy, the buildings, the ritches, the magnificence of
Citizens, their household stuffe, and in generall all speciall
things, as Statuaes, Colosses, Sepulchers with the Inscrip-
tions, Lybraries, with the most rare Bookes, Theaters,
Arches, Bridges, Forts, Armories, Treasuries, Monas-
teries, Churches, publike houses. Universities, with their
Founders, revenewes, and disputations. To conclude, let
him visit the most learned men, and those that excell in
military Art or any vertue, and let him conferre with
them, as his ends require. Thus did I visit Beza at
Geneva, thus did I visit Belarmine at Rome, (being ready
to take Horse, and in the habit and person of a French-
man). Thus in my returne did I gladly see Henry the
fourth of Burbon, King of France, famous for the feats
of Armes and Wisdome ; onely Lipsius, whom I loved
for his Booke of constancy, and much desired to see for
his universall learning, did bereave me of this hope, when
I came into the Low-Countreys, by his inconstant flight
to the Spaniards. The Traveller shall further observe
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the policy of each State, and therein the Courts of each
King or Prince, with the Courtiers entertainements, fees
or offices, the statures of the Princes, their revenewes, the
forme of the Common-wealth, whether the Prince be a
Tyrant, or beloved of the people, what Forces he hath
by Sea or Land, the military discipline, the manners of
the people, their vices, vertues, industry in manuall Arts,
the constitution of their bodies, the History of the King-
dome, and since the soule of each man is the man, and
the soule of the Common-wealth is Religion, he shall
observe the disposition of the people, whether it be
religious, superstitious, or prophane, and the opinions of
Religion differing -from his, and the most rare Ceremonies
thereof. He shall also observe the trafficke of Merchants,
and therein the commodities which they carry out, and
most want, the Havens and roades for Ships, their skill
in navigation, and whether they use subjects or strangers
for their Marriners. Lastly, the value of the Coynes in
each Countrey, and the several currant peeces, and what-
soever he shall thinke meet to adde hereunto,
4 And because the memory is weake, and those who Whatsoever
write much, are many times like the Clerkes that carry ^^ ^^^^ °^
their learning in their Booke, not in their braine, let him ^'^^l' ^[, ^ ,
11 ,-11 1 1 ^'"-f^ ^PP^y^ ^°
constantly observe this, that whatsoever he sees or heares, ^/^
he apply it to his use, and by discourse (though forced)
make it his owne. Thus Students of Rhetoricke, at first
seeking matter for words, rather then words for matter,
at last attaine an easie stile flowing like a still River, and
lay aside the affectation of words. Let nothing worth
the knowledge passe his eyes or eares, which he draweth
not to his owne possession in this sort. In the meane
time, though he trust not to his papers, yet for the
weakenes of memory, let him carefully note all rare
observations ; for hee lesse offends that writes many toyes,
then he that omits one serious thing, and after when his
judgement is more ripe, he shall distill Gold (as the
Proverbe is) out of this dung of Ennius. Let him write
these notes each day, at morne and at even in his Inne,
373
owne use.
A.D,
1605-17.
[III. i. 13.]
A Trust'te
friend who
will keepe
good his credit
must be left
at home.
What
quantities of
monye ivill
suffice.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
within writing Tables carried about him, and after at
leasure into a paper booke, that many yeers after he may
looke over them at his pleasure. But great caution must
be had, especially in places of danger, how he carry about
him these papers, tlie subject whereof, cannot but in many
Places be offensive and perhaps dangerous, if once upon
suspition he chance to bee searched. Therefore as he
sends his bookes and heavy things for carriage, halfe
yeerely, either into his owne Country, or to some place
in the way by which hee is to returne, there to bee kept for
him, so hee shall doe well to send these paper bookes
therewith. And for abundant caution, lest any thing he
notes by the way, should in any place upon mischance
prejudice him, he shall doe well to write such things in
Ciphers and unknowne caracters, being also ready to give
a fained interpretation of them to any Magistrate, if
neede be.
5 Also I advise him to leave a trusty friend at home,
who will keepe good credit with the Merchant that
furnisheth him with mony abroad, lest his friends ill
paiments leese him his credit, and so drive him to dis-
gracefull wants. For if his friend pay readily, nothing
shall be wanting to him, but Merchants will never trust
those which breake their day. And for his exchanges,
and other waies of receiving monies, at fit times and places,
as also for the value of gold and silver coynes, let him
reade the former last Chapter of the first Part, treating
thereof.
Fifty or sixty pounds sterling yeerely, were sufi^cient
at the time when I was beyond sea, to beare the charge
of a Travellers diet, necessary apparrell, and two journies
yeerely, in the Spring and Autumne, and also to serve
him for moderate expences of pleasure, so that hee
imitated not the Germans, who drinke and banquet as
much abroad, as at home, nor the Italians, who live they
among Christians or Pagans, yet cannot restraine their
incontinency ; nor the Polonians, who being perhaps the
sonnes of Castellani, (I meane such as have the keeping
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of Castles, or like entertainements from the King onely
for their life), commonly spend more prodigally in Italy,
and like places, then at home, so as many times they spend
their whole patrimony abroad. In which kind I cannot
but commend our Countrimen, who howsoever at home
they may have spent prodigally, yet going beyond seas,
rather dispose their expences to repaire this former
prodigalite then otherwise, and practise the rule of the
Poet,
Intra fortunam quemque manere suam :
Each man his cote to fit,
As his cloth will permit.
But I returne to the purpose, & since it is convenient. Spring and
for him that travels, to make two journies yeerely in the ^utumne
Spring and Autumne, and since in these journies his Travllkr
expences will be greater, then when he abides in Cities,
as wel for the hiring of Coches and horses, as for his diet
in common Innes, hee must bee carefiall to take the
opportunity to moderate his expences, when hee settles
himselfe to abide some moneths in any place. They which
have servants to attend them, must make accompt, that
each servant shal spend as much for his diet as himselfe,
especially in Germany, where passengers of all sorts sit
at the same Table, and pay the like shot.
For the danger of security of carrying money about Store of mone-j
him in all parts, I shall speake at large in the three & ^^'^ »°( ^^
twentieth precept of this Chapter. In generall, he must
bee warie not to shew any quantity of money about him,
since Theeves have their spies commonly in all Innes,
to inquire after the condition of passengers. If his
journy be long, let him not tell (no not to his companions
in his journy) the furthest end thereof, but rather from
Citie to Citie professe that he intends to goe no further.
Suppose he bee at Paris, if he professe his journy is from
thence to Rome, it is all one as if he shewed his purse,
since all men know, he must have great store of money
for that journy, so as it were more fit he should professe
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A.D.
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Cosmography
usefullfor
Travellers as
allso Coro-
graphy.
[III. i. 14.]
The Traveller
ought to make
his will before
he take his
Journey.
What he
ought to do
when first he
doeth beginne
his journey.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
onely to goe for Strassburg in Germany, or for Lyons in
France, and when he shall come thither, he shall either
perhaps have new consorts of his journy, or else may
professe to his former consorts, that there he met with
letters, which force him to goe further.
6 That hee may the better premeditate those things
which formerly I advised to bee observed by him, and
the like, he shall doe well before he set forth, to get some
skill (at least superficiall) in the Art of Cosmography,
for if he be altogether ignorant thereof, he shal, like a
blind folded man, not know where he is, or which foot
first to set forward. No man can reade with profit and
pleasure the voyages of other men, old Histories, and
the marching of Armies, except hee have some skill in
this Art, how much lesse shall he be able himselfe to
performe such actions, if he have no skill therein. I
containe under this Art, Corography, and the knowledge
of those Kingdomes which he is to passe, they being
most necessary for his use. Also it is fit for him, aswell
to observe the old as the new names of each place, which
gives great light in the reading of old writers.
7 For the Precepts before hee set forth, in the last place
I advise him to make his will, which no wise man staying
at home will have unmade. In which I commend our
Progenitors, who made their wills if they tooke a journy
but from Yorke to London, the same being much more
necessary in this our age, when we undertake far more
dangerous journies. And that the rather, for that there
be many difficulties in understanding the lawes and
manners of making willes in forraine parts, and the force
they will beare at home, besides that very death, and that
in a strange place, is like too much to distract the minde,
though it be not afflicted in that sad hower with worldly
cogitations.
8 When he hath once begun his journey, since at the
first step the ignorance of language doth most oppresse
him, and hinder the fruite he should reape by his journey,
while he being as it were deafe and doumb, and astonished
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with this Babylonian confusion of tongues, can neither
aske unknowne things, nor understand other mens
speeches, by which hee might learne much. My advice
is, that in each Kingdome which he desires most to know,
and the language whereof is of most use in his owne
Countrie, he goe directly to the best Citie for the puritie Languages
of language, namely, in Germany to Leipzig, Strasburg, j''^^ ^° °^
or Heidelberg, and in France to Orleans, &c., where
having learned the language, at least as much as is
necessary to understand, and to bee understood, he shall
make his next journy more profitable by discourse, and
in the same make his language more perfect. Hearing
much increaseth knowledge, what canst thou learne, if
at least thou understandest not those who should instruct
thee, howsoever thou beest hardly, or not at all under-
stood by them, except thou hast an interpreter with thee,
which a man of small meanes cannot maintaine, and yet
in that case doth the rich, onely borrow his knowledge,
and take it at the second hand.
I confesse, that rich men (having such consorts, and Rich men may
making good use of them) may with more ease attaine ^'•^^ "^°''f
knowledge, while they have the helpe of other mens {^Jg„f/Jf"^
Eyes, Eares, Feete, and understandings, and may sucke
from them the Quintessence of their observations. But
poore Cleanthes, while in the day time he drew water to
gaine his living, did by night more earnestly thirst after
knowledge, and gaine it, which all rich men doe not,
whose wits use to be corrupted with their fortunes. And
I would think that even for these rich men, it were more
honourable and safe, to be able to use their owne sences
and under standings, then other mens, since we see that
Princes Ambassadours and Peeres of other Realmes are
more welcome and esteemed, and lesse subject to con-
tempt, if they doe but only get the formes of saluting
and calling for necessaries in the language of the Country,
as if they would not seeme strangers.
And first in the learning of a Language, labour to
know the grammer rules thereof, that thy selfe mayst
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Grammar
rules to be
learnt.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Choice
Phrases
know whether thou speakest right or no. I meane not
the curious search of those rules, but at least so much,
as may make thee able to distinguish Numbers, Cases,
and Moodes. Merchants, Women, and Children, neglect-
ing these rules, and rushing into the rash practice of
Languages, doe many times pronounce the tongue, and
speake common speeches, more gracefully then others,
but they seldome write the tongue well, and alwaies forget
it in short time, wanting the practice. On the contrary,
they who learne the rules, while they be attentive to the
congruity of speaking, perhaps doe lesse gracefully pro-
nounce the tongue, but in the meane time they both
speake and write pure language, and never so forget it,
as they may not with small labour and practice recover
it againe.
In the next place, I advise him to gather the choice
phrases, that hee may speake and write more eloquently,
and let him use himselfe not to the translated formes of
speech, but to the proper phrases of the tongue ; for
[III. i. 15.] every language in this kinde hath certaine properties of
speaking, which would be most absurd, being literally
translated into another tongue. To this end the stranger
must reade those Bookes, which are best for speeches in
familiar conference, in which kind, as also for the instruc-
tion of his soule, I would commend unto him the Holy
Scriptures, but that among the Papists they are not to
be had in the vulgar tongue, neither is the reading of
them permitted to Laymen, and were not the phrases so
known to those who use to read them, as they would be
understood by discretion without knowledge. There-
fore to this purpose hee shall seeke out the best familiar
Epistles for his writing, and I thinke no Booke better
for his discourse then Amadis of Gaule, for the Knights
errant, and the Ladies of Courts, doe therein exchange
Courtly speeches, and these Bookes are in all Languages
translated by the Masters of eloquence. In the third
place I advise him to professe Pythagoricall silence, and
to the end he may learne true pronuntiation, and the
378
What bookes
are most
convenient.
Silence.
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properties of each language, not to be attained but by
long observation and practice, that he for a time listen
to others, before he adventure to speake. As in generall
to all living in forraigne parts, and desiring to search out
the knowledge of them, not to be had so well from any,
as from the Inhabitants, so particularly to him, that
would learne the language, my counsell is, that hee shunne
for the time the conversation of his owne Countrey-men,
onely visiting them in their lodgings, and that not often
nor long, but that he live not in the house with any
of them : For the Dutch Travellers conversing, drinking,
and lodging with their owne Countreymen, hardly attaine
any small skill, and never the perfect use of any forraigne
Language, be it never so easie. So as my selfe remember ISotc.
one of them, who being reprehended, that having been
thirty yeeres in Italy hee could not speake the Language,
he did merrily answere in Dutch ; Ah lieber was kan
man doch in dreissig Jaher lehrnen ? Alas good Sir, what
can a man learne in thirty yeeres? But the true cause
of his not speaking the tongue, was his perpetuall con-
versing with his Countrey-men. I professe freely, that
I never observed any to live lesse together in forraigne
parts, then the English, nor any who made more profit
of their travell then they : but I returne to the purpose.
When he that desires to learne any Language, hath
observed the former rules, then let him hier some skilfull
man to teach him, and to reprove his errours, not passing
by any his least omission : And let him not take it ill,
that any man should laugh at him, for that will more
stirre him up to endevour to learne the tongue more
perfectly, to which end he must converse with Weomen,
Children, and the most talkative people ; and he must
cast of all clownish bashfulnesse, for no Man is borne a
Master in any Art. I say not, that he himselfe should
rashly speake, for in the beginning he shall easily take
ill formes of speaking, and hardly forget them once taken.
The very Artificers of Polonia can speake Latin, but most
rudely and falsly ; and I speake of experience, that the
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Schollers of our Universities, conversant in reading
Cicero, howsoever they seldome speake Latin, but onely
in disputations, yea, and shunne the occasions of speaking
it, yet when they come abroad, and are forced necessarily
to make use of the latin tongue, they doe perhaps at first
speake it lesse readily, but in short practice they speake
it more eloquently and more easily, then the said Polakes,
or any other abroad, who have practised the tongue from
their young yeeres, and so they might speake readily,
neither cared for the quantity of sillables, nor the purity
of phrase, nor the strict keeping of Grammer Rules.
Moreover I speake by experience, that it is commendable
at home before setting forth, to learne the reading and
understanding of a language, and the writing thereof,
yet cannot then bee profitable to practice the speaking of
the tongue, till hee can have the foresaid commodities in
that part where it is naturall. And for this cause, I pre-
scribed Pythagoricall silence, and to listen to others,
before the practice of speech, and to take more care to
speake well, then much : but at last the learner must
beginne, and hee that never did a thing ill, can never
doe it well.
Languages. But whereas many boast, and have the fame to speake
many tongues, aswell as their mother tongue, I doe not
thinke but know, that it is false. The French have a
good Proverbe.
[III. i. 16.] Entre les aveugles, les borgnes sont les Roys:
Among the blinde, the pore blind are the Kings.
And thus they which have no skill in tongues, will
boldly say, that this or that man doth perfectly, and with-
out stamering, speake many tongs. But howsoever a
stranger living some six or more yeeres in any forraigne
part, may perhaps speake that tongue as perfectly as his
own, yet he that travelleth in few yeeres, through many
Kingdoms, and learnes many languages, shall never
speake all, nor many of them, with naturall pronuntia-
tion, and without errours, and some stamering, and slow-
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nesse in speech. Yea he that learnes one tongue alone,
and that with many yeeres practice, shall more hardly
attaine the perfect properties and elegancies thereof, then
an unskilfull man would thinke. For Theophrastus
having lived many yeeres at Athens, was knowne to bee
a stranger, of an old woman selling herbes, onely by the
pronuntiation of one sillable. For my owne particular,
I remember that I passed from Genoa to Milan on foote,
in a disguised habit, and that in an Inne not farre from
Pavia, I met an Englishman. Wee sat downe to supper,
where he voluntarily and unasked, did rashly professe
himselfe to be a Dutchman, whereupon I saluted him in
Dutch familiarly, till hee betraied manifestly his ignorance
in that language, and excused himselfe that he was no
Dutchman, but borne upon the confines of France, where
they speake altogether French. Then I likewise spake
to him in French, till he was out of countenance, for his
want of skill in that language. So as my selfe being
a man in his case, dissembling my Country and quality,
ceased further to trouble him. And wee after discoursing
in the Italian tong, he chanced to speake these words ;
lo mi repentiva, whereas an Italian would have said, lo
mi ne pentiva. And by this little difference of adding
the sillable re, I knew him to be an Englishman, for I
had found before that he was no Frenchman, which
Nation together with the English addes that sillable.
Thus when supper was ended, I tooke him aside, and
spoke English to him, whereat hee rejoyced, and imbrac-
ing mee, swore that he had been in the stable, and
commanded his man to make ready his horses, and would
presently have rid away, if I had not discovered my selfe
to him. And so wee lodged in one chamber and bed.
See how small a thing will make it manifest, that we are
not that Country men whereof we speake the language.
The knowledge of tongues hath ever been highly
esteemed. Aulus Gellius writes, that Mithridates spake
the languages of two and twenty Provinces, which were
subject to him, so as he never spake with any subject by
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A.D.
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An English-
man's
Knoivledge.
The
Knowledge of
tongues hath
been ever
highly
esteemed.
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
an Interpreter. Themistocles in one yeere got so much
knowledge in the Persian tongue, as hee was able to
speake with Artaxerxes without an Interpreter. Ennius
said, he had three hearts, meaning three languages.
Claudius the Emperour put a Grecian Prince from being
a Judge, because he could not speake Latine, and sent
him into Italy to learne the Tongue, as Suetonius writes.
To conclude, who hath not heard the worthy fame of
that Heroicall Woman, Elizabeth late Queene of Eng-
The skill in land, among whose rare vertues, her skill in Languages
languages of ^^^g not the least, being able to conferre with most
ui"^i .L Ambassadours or Princes in their owne tongue. And
whereas some Kmgs thmke it a base tnmg to speake in
a strange tongue, and take it for honour, if they can
induce any Ambassadour to speake their tongue, they
seeme to me like unto those, who being poore and proud,
speake much against rich apparrell, and extoU stuffes and
furnitures of small price, that they may seeme to doe
that of election and judgement, which they doe onely
for want. Yet I would not be so understood, as if I
thought fit, that one Ambassadour at a treaty, should
consent to have the same written in the language of
another Ambassadour, but rather that it should be written
in a third tongue, equally knowne to them both, as in
the Italian Tongue, the Treaty being betweene England
and France. But in the meane time, I thinke it honour-
able to the most mighty King, to be able to entertaine
familiar speech with any Ambassadour or Prince of neigh-
bour Kingdomes, though lesse potent then his owne.
Let us be incouraged by these noble foresaid examples,
to labour diligently, that we may attaine this rich Jewell
of speaking Tongues. In the last place I advise the
Traveller, that if he can have leasure, he joyne (for
greater ornament) the learning to write the hand of each
[III. i. 17.] Nation, with the knowledge of each tongue, especially
of that which is most of use in his Countrey.
Note for 9 For Englishmen, they shall doe well at their first
Englishmen, setting forth, to passe into Germany, and there spend
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OF PRECEPTS FOR TRAVELLERS ad.
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some time : for since we use too much the helpe of our
servants, so as we will scarcely make our selves ready,
and since wee use to despise the company of meane people
at bed or board, there wee may learne to serve our selves,
where hee that comes into a shoomakers shop, must find
out the shooes will fit him, and put them on himselfe.
There we may learne to admit the company of meane
men, where many times poore fellowes, yea, very Coach-
men shal be thrust to be our bedfellowes, and that when
they are drunke ; and like men will often sit by us at
the Table, and in some places (as most part of Low-
Germany) they drinke alwaies round, so as wee shall be
sure to pledge like men, and drinke to them in the same
cup ; and if wee have a servant of our owne, would rather
have him sit next us, then any other. There wee may
learne to feed on homely meat, and to lie in a poore bed.
There among many other things wee may learne, to
moderate our aptnesse to quarrell, whereof I will speake
more in the proper place. To conclude, all in generall
that passe Germany as strangers, are free among that
honest people from all cosinages and deceipts, to which in
other parts they are subject above others, especially
unexperienced.
10 As it is good before his setting forth, to be Reconcilement
reconciled with his enemies, that they may practice no ill «"'^^ enemies.
against him, or his friends in his absence, and that his
mind may be more religiously composed against all
events ; so while he is abroad, let him often write to his
friends of his health, which precept if Thesius had not
forgotten, hee had not beene Authour of his most deere
Fathers death, by bearing the false signe of a blacke
sayle : And this is no lesse good to himselfe, then to his
friends, since he that writes often, shall often receive
letters for answere : for one hand washeth another, and
the Poet saieth well ;
Ut ameris Amabilis esto.
Who wilt beloved be, that thou bist loving see.
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For indeed, there can hardly be given a more certain
signe of love or contempt, then the frequent, rare, or no
writing, or especially answering of Letters : whereof the
Italians have a Proverbe.
Chi scrive a chi non responde,
O egli e matto, o egli ha di bisogno :
Who writes to him, that answers not againe,
He is a foole, or neede doth him constraine.
The scituation 1 1 When he wil observe the scituation of any City,
of cities ought let him (if he may without jelousie of the Inhabitants,)
eo serve . ^^^^ climbe one of the highest steeples, where having
taken the generall scituation of the City, he shall better
remember in order the particular things to be scene in
the City. To which end, let him carry about him a
Dyall, which may shew him the North, South, East, and
West, which knowne, he shall lesse erre in the description
of the City, and this he may observe publikely onely
with his eyes, for avoiding of jelousie, and after, being
retired into his Inne, may draw it in paper, if he thinke
good. And lest for the want of a guide, to shew the
markeable things in each City, he should omit any thing
worth sight, let him confidently visit some chiefe Doctor,
or man of principall account, (especially in Germany,
where they are most affable) : For if he shall say, that
hee comes to see them, as the living monuments of that
City, I will be bold to promise, that they will give him
a guide, to shew him any thing worth sight, and to
instruct him in such things as are fit for him to know :
For as Weomen easily beleeve such as tell them that they
are faire, though indeed they bee deformed, so men oi
best quality will easily beleeve, that their name is knowne
among strangers, and they take these visitations for
honours done unto them, yea, many (especially in some
places) are vitiously proud, that their neighbours should
Companions
and countrey-
see strangers thus visit them.
men.
1 2 Many desire to have their Countreymen and friends
384
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to bee their companions in these their journeys : And it
is well said ;
Comes facundus in via pro vehiculo, [m* '• ^^-l
A pleasant consort by the way,
Is like a Coach that glides away.
But why should he not rather desire consorts of the Objections
same Nation, of whom he may learne the language, and ^'h Consorts
all other things worthy to be observed. My selfe could °-^^^^ "^^^
never see any profitably spend their time abroade, who to i^e chosen.
flocked together with their owne Countreymen, neither
doe I attribute the little proficiency of the Germans, and
their giving themselves to drinke, even amongst the sober
Italians, to any thing more, then to their living together
in forraigne parts. For an Italian, conversing abroad
with Italians, shall never learne bashfull chastity : How
shall any man cast off a vice proper to his Nation, if he
doe not disuse it by little and little, which he shall
hardly doe among his Countrey-men inclined thereunto.
Neither is there danger of learning forraigne vices by
leaving to converse with his Countrey-men, so hee pro-
pound to himselfe the foresaid end to learne vertues and
cast off vices, and if he bend himselfe wholly to attaine
that end. Moreover, in places of danger, for difference
of Religion, or proclaimed warre, whosoever hath his
Countrey-man or friend for his companion, doth much
increase his danger, aswell for the confession of his com-
panion, if they chance to be apprehended, as for other
accidents, since he shall be accomptable and drawne into
danger, aswell by his companions words or deeds, as by
his owne. And surely there happening many dangers
and crosses by the way, many are of such intemperate
affections, as they not onely diminish the comfort they
should have from this consort, but even as Dogs, hurt by
a stone, bite him that is next, not him that cast the stone,
so they may perhaps out of these crosses grow to bitternes
of words betweene themselves, yea, sometimes filthily
M, III 2>^$ 2 B
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
end their old friendship with new injuries, if not in single
combates.
Besides, if this deare friend and consort should happen
to dye by the way, and if other ill accidents should
increase this evill, whereof many may be imagined, as
namely, if by dying among enemies or Pagans, hee cannot
have so much as the honour of a grave ; surely I speake
by experience, nothing can bee added to this calamity.
This griefe threatens sicknesse unto thee, and to how
many ills that State is subject in forraigne parts, I shall
shew in the Precept of preserving health. And this
event will take from thee all the pleasure of remembring
thy dangers past, after thou returnest home, yea, will
make that bitter unto thee, which useth to bee most
comfortable to others. Therefore I commend the
English, who withdraw themselves from consorting with
their Countri-men abroad, not shunning them unnaturally
out of hate, but onely lodging in divers houses, and
onely spending some howers of the weeke in their
company to nourish acquaintance, that they may bestow
the rest of the time among those of the same Country
wherein they live, and so better their language, and learne
the state of the Countrie. For my part, if I were to
suffer ill, I had rather be alone, then have a friend partner
with me, howsoever the Poet saith,
Solamen miseris socios habuisse doloris.
The miserable man doth grieve the lesse,
If he have partners in his sad distresse.
An'madver: Which is to bee understood of enemies, or unknowne
partners, for I cannot thinke that my torment could bee
asswaged by the like miserie of my friend. Others
object, that it is the unspeakeable comfort of marriage,
that man and wife like well paired Heyfers, beare all
burthens together. Surely if other kinds of ill could bee
divided into equall parts, as burthens may, I might bee
of their opinion, but many kindes of ill are like the soule,
■vv^hich is all in the whole body, and all in every part
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thereof J neither is the torment of the soule eased, by the
bodies suffering with it. Therefore if I were to suffer
poverty, banishment, or torment, I had rather bee a
single man, then married, since the compassion of my
wires and childrens suffering with me, would infinitely [HI. i. 19.]
increase my misery.
These things being granted, I confesse it followes, (for
of contraries the consequence is contrary) that the
Traveller is to impart his good successes to his friends,
whereof Cicero in the dreame of Scipio so disputes, as
if a man seeing all the pleasures of Paradice, could take
no delight therein, if he were alone, and had no man
with whom he might communicate them.
But in conclusion, since Travellers meet with more
dangers then pleasures, it is most fit for them to take such
consorts abroad, as the way yeelds, and to deferre the
imparting of their good successes to their friends, till
their happy returne home, at which time, as their absence
hath sharpened their friends desire to see them, so the
discourse of these pleasant accidents, may sweeten their
conversation.
13 In stead of a companion, let the Traveller have What Booh i
alwayes with him some good Booke in his pocket, as wee ^re most
reade that Alexander the Great laied Homer under his Profitable, and
pillow, and let this Booke be either such, as fits his ends ^anzerom
or study, or such as containeth precepts or sentences,
which by daily use he desires to make familiar unto him,
alwaies bewaring that it treat not of the Common-wealth,
the Religion thereof, or any Subject that may be
dangerous to him ; By this companion he shall make the
solitude of the Innes and many irkesome things lesse
unpleasing to him.
14 As we reade that Alexander the great set on fier Onl'^e things
with his owne hands the wanes of carriage taken from ^^ich are
Darius, and that by his example all the Macedonians cast '""^'"^^"^'^0'^
away the spoyles they had taken from the Persians, lest carried.
they should hinder them in their expedition against India.
So the Traveller (comparing small things with great)
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must carry onely most necessary things with him,
especially in such places as the Low-Countries, where
boates and waggons are changed many times in one dayes
journey, and where (as also in Italy) they bring him not
to his Inne, but onely to the water side, or to the gates of
the City : for in such places heavy carriages will be a
great burthen or charge to him.
In Germany i ^ Let him enquire after the best Innes, especially in
and Italy the Germany, and also at night in Italy; for he may take
to be enquired ^ short dinner in any Inne of Italy, so hee lodge safely
after. at night. In the best Innes, with moderate and ordinary
expences, he shall avoid the frauds and injuries of knaves,
and shall sleepe safely, both for his person and the goods
hee hath with him. In all Innes, but especially in suspected
places, let him bolt or locke the doore of his chamber ;
let him take heed of his chamber fellowes, and alwayes
have his Sword by his side, or by his bed side ; let him
lay his purse under his pillow, but alwayes foulded with
his garters, or some thing hee first useth in the morning,
lest hee forget to put it up before hee goe out of his
chamber : And to the end he may leave nothing behind
him in his Innes, let the visiting of his chamber, and
gathering his things together, be the last thing he doth,
before hee put his foote into the stirrup.
Summary. 1 6 Some advise that a Traveller should learne to
swimme, but I thinke that skill is more for pleasure at
home, then of use abroade, and yeelds small comfort or
helpe in a storme at Sea. Let other men have their
free opinion, as I have mine, yet I know that Caesar
delivered himselfe and his Commentaries from perishing,
by his skill in swimming, but neither are all as fortunate
as Caesar, neither are all Seas like that of Africke. My
selfe have knowne many excellent swimmers, whereof
some in the sight of the wished Land, have perished by
the rage of the Sea waves, and others have sunke by the
waight of their fearefull companions knowing their skill,
and so taking hold of them, while at the same time others,
having not the least skill in swimming, but trusting to
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the hold of broken parts of the shippe, or light chests,
have escaped that danger, and came safely to shore : But
if any man put his trust in swimming, let him conceale Conceakment
his skill, least others trusting therein take hold of him, of swimming
and make him perish with them. '^ ^^f^^^-
17 In like manner some perswade a Traveller to use
himselfe first to hardnesse, as abstaining from wine, fast- Hardnene.
ing, eating grosse meates, and going journies on foote.
But in my opinion, they shall better beare these things [III. i, 20.]
when necessity forceth, who cherish their body while they
may. Neither doe I commend them, who in forraigne
parts take journies on foote, especially for any long way.
Let them stay at home, and behold the World in a Mappe,
who have not meanes for honest expences ; for such men, of Riding
while they basely spare cost, doe so blemish their estima- and going on
tion, as they can enjoy no company, but that of such poore f""^^-
fellowes as goe on foote with them, who can no way
instruct them, or better their understanding. Besides,
that by wearying their bodies, they are apt to fall into
sicknesse, and basely expose themselves to the dangers
of wild beasts, theeves, and their poore companions. I
dare bee bold to say, that all murthers in Germany by the
high way, are committed upon footemen ; for they who
are well brought up, when they are wearied by going
on foote, will spend more to cherish themselves in their
Innes, and make longer staies therein, by which meanes
they not onely spend almost as much, as if they had hired
horses or coches, but also bewray their plenty of mony
to their foote companions, who being needy, it oftens
happens, even among the Germans otherwise of honest
disposition, that they plot mischiefe against them, which
once intended, the vast solitudes of the Woods in
Germany, offer many opportunities to put their wicked
purpose in practice. And it is a hard remedy to be
prescribed to one of good education, that after his weary
journey, he should also suffer in his Inne. Moreover,
the Germans account of strangers according to their
outward habit, and their bold or dejected countenance,
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and doe altogether dispise passengers on foote. To con-
clude, the solitudes of the way, by reason of few Townes
or Villages, make a journey on foote most tedious in
Germany. But in Italy, if any where, this going on
foote may bee borne with, by reason of the pleasant and
fruitfull fields, the frequent Cities, Townes, and Villages,
the safety from theeves, (except it be upon the confines
of Princes, where horsemen and footemen are in like
danger) and by reason of the Italians opinion, who
respect a mans behaviour, not his habit. Alwaies pro-
vided that these journies bee short, and sweetned with a
pleasant companion. But for my part, I thinke the best
going on foote, is (according to the French Proverb) when
a man leades his horse in his hand, and may mount him
at pleasure, and I must confesse, that I have observed
some of our Countrie men to erre in this kinde, of whom
though few undertake these foote journies, yet they
generally thinke, that it is a point of frugalitie to suffer
in forraigne parts, as if our abode there should be
lesse profitable unto us, except we should (like Mene-
demus) vex our selves with unnecessary sufferings of
ill.
Travellers 1 8 The Traveller must have great care to preserve his
must have health, neither is it the last point of wisedome to follow
great care to ^.j^^ advice of Cicero, who bids him bee an old man
health. quickly, that desires to bee an old man long. But most
of all is this care necessarie for a Traveller : for those
that are sicke by the way, suffer many discommodities
in all places, and our Country men in Italy and Spaine
runne high dangers, where howsoever being in health,
they may discreetly shunne the snares of the Inquisition,
yet when they are sicke. Confession, the Sacrament in
one kind, and the adoration thereof as changed into the
body of Christ, and Extreme Unction at the point of
death, are thrust upon them by the Priests. Men ready
to die can ill dissemble, neither is any waight so heavy,
as that of a wounded conscience, wherewith if the sicke
man bee so affected, as hee professeth himselfe to bee of
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the Reformed Religion, then the Phisition and the
Apothecarie are forbidden to helpe him, and very Kitchin
phisicke is denied him by the Priests command, and if
hee recover, hee shall bee sure to bee brought into the
Inquisition : but if hee die, his body shall be buried in
the high-way, not in any Church-yard : of which events,
and the examples thereof, I shall speake more largely
in the Treaty of Religion in Italy. Formerly I have
shewed that sickly men are unfit for this course of
life.
Now the preservation of health consists in the use of Preservation
sixe things, namely, of Ayre, Dyet, Purging, Exercise, of health
Sleepe, and Accidents, or Passions of the mind. To '^°""''^,^"
11- 3 • • r 1 A • 1 S'^ things.
snunne the mcommodities or the Aire, hee must respect ,,,. . -.
the seasons of the yeere fit for journies, and the changes
of divers climes. The Spring and Autumne are the most
fit seasons for journeys, and he shall doe well, to goe first
to cold climes in summer times, and to hot climes in the
winter, that hee may use his body by little and little to
these changes. They who take journies in Countries
continually covered with snow, use to weare some greene
thing before their eyes, to comfort the sight, and to carry
hot odors to comfort the braine. In Moscovy subject to
great cold. Men cover their neckes, eares, and vitall parts,
with furres ; and in time of snow, weare a cot or cover
for their noses, and also rubbe their noses and faces with
snow, before they enter into the hot stove, lest sudden
heate should putrifie the same, as men of good credit
report.
On the contrary, in hot regions, to avoide the beames To avoide the
of the Sunne, in some places (as in Italy) they carry ^^'i'nes of the
Umbrels, or things like a little Canopy over their heads, I'^^^'J'' ^"^
but a learned Physician told me, that the use of them
was dangerous, because they gather the heate into a
pyramidall point, and thence cast it downe perpendicularly
upon the head, except they know how to carry them for
avoyding that danger : Also in the hot clymes of Turkey,
they were thicke garments, but loose, and a thick Tulbant
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upon their heads, but hollow, and borne up from
their heads, and they shave their heads, all to make
the Sunnebeames to have lesse power upon their
bodies.
Of Diet and Touching the change of diet, as also of the Aire, a
young man may change them by little and little, but to
old men the least change of them is dangerous. There-
fore let the Traveller use himselfe before his journey to
these changes by little and little, but in no extremity,
which he had better endure onely for the time when
necessity forceth them, using the best remedies, as Anti-
dotes against poyson, namely warme clothes against cold,
and the like : And in this he must use moderation, for
little ill doth little hurt. In the morning before he takes
his journey, let him take a small breakefast, that ill smels
may not oifend him ; let him dine sparingly, lest his
afternoones motion hinder digestion : for the precept to
make a light supper, is for those that stay at home. In
his dinner, often drinking and supping warme brothes,
helps the purging faculty : The seasons of the yeere, and
the nature of the clime, are to be respected in diet, aswell
as in the change of Ayre. In Winter and cold Regions,
let him take hot comfortable things, but in Summer and
hot Regions, let him take things that coole the blood:
It is dangerous to drinke when his body is heated, except
hee first make water, and wash his mouth, and when he
is heated, let him not suddenly expose himselfe to cold.
In his Inne let him have care to drie his feet and necke,
if they be wet. The rules of health are infinite, therefore
let him take the Physicians advice, according to the state
of his body : I will onely adde, that some very curiously
thinke the Art of Cookery necessary for a Traveller:
It is not amisse that hee have the skill to make a Cawdell,
or dresse some dish hee liketh. Homer bringeth in
Achilles dressing his meate in the Campe, and wee reade
that King Antigonus did see the Poet Antagoras seething
a Conger in the Campe, and said to him ; that Homer
of Agamemnon spent not his time in dressing Congers,
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who answered ; that Agamemnon used not to goe about
the Campe to observe who dressed Congers : And indeed
this Art is more necessary for a Souldier then a Traveller :
For the Traveller useth not to goe into barbarous regions,
but to civill places, where for the most part hee findes
Ministers for this purpose, but the warre wastes all
Countries, and carries desolation with it.
Touching the purging of the body, as all repletion is Ofphyskke
ill, and Socrates well advised to take heed of those meates, and purging.
which invited men to eate when they were not hungry,
so when the humours are growne through intemperancy,
it is good to purge them. He that feeles any change in
his body, let him not neglect it, but take physike, which
doing, he may with a small remedy prevent great sicke-
nesse, and keepe his body in health afterwards, not
oppressing himselfe with meate, nor enflaming his blood
with violent motion. This I speake of experience, for
my selfe thus taking physike once or twice, had my [in. i. 22.]
health in forraigne parts for seven yeeres, after which
time at last, care which brings gray heires had almost
killed me by griefe, conceived for the death of my most
deare Brother in Asia. In the morning and at noone let
him offer thus to purge naturally, in which nature, for
the most part yeelds to custome. Nothing is a more
certaine signe of sicknesse growing, then the obstruction
of the body, against which in Italy I tooke each morning,
while I was so disposed, a spoonefull of the sirrop of
Corinthian Currants. Damasco Prunes boyled, and other
moist things, as Butter and Hony, are good for this
purpose, as a German Phisitian writes, whom I follow in
this point. And since my selfe (God be thanked) was
never sickly, neither have the Art of Phisike, and since
I professe in the beginning of this Booke, not onely to
relate things observed, but also those I have gathered
by reading, I trust I may without offence adde the said
Doctors advice for Travellers instruction to my observa-
tions. My experience hath taught mee, that it is most Dangerous to
dangerous to stop the Flux of the body, which experience stop the flux.
393
A.D.
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Nothing better
than Rest.
Note.
Exercise.
Sleepe.
Accidents or
motions of the
minde.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
I dearely bought, by the losse of my foresaid Brother,
and there is no better remedy for it, then rest. But if it
continue many daies, and too much weaken the body.
Rice well boyled, hard Egges, Water tempered with
Steele, red and sowrish Wines, and Marmalate, are good
to bind the body.
Touching exercise, since it must be gentle, and onely
till we raise colour in our faces, not til we sweate, it
may seeme ridiculous to prescribe the same to Travellers,
who are almost continually in motion. Therefore I will
onely admonish the Traveller, to avoide extremity therein,
and that he neither drinke when he is hot, nor suddenly
expose himselfe to cold, and that when he is extremely
cold, hee likewise warme himselfe by little and little,
not suddenly at a great fier, or in a hot stove, and that
after dinner he rest a while.
Touching sleepe, breeding by excesse raw humours,
and watching that dries the body, they are happy who
keepe the meane, and they are the Phisitians friends,
who delight in extremes, and to their counsell I commend
them.
In the last place, touching accidents or motions of the
minde, I will onely say, that mirth is a great preserver
of health, and sadnesse a very plague thereunto. The
bodie followes the temper of the mind, as the temper
of the mind followes that of the body. My selfe have
been twice sicke to death in forraigne parts, first when
I lost my dearest Brother Henry in Asia (whose death
I must ever lament with the same passion, as David
did that of Absolon, who wished to redeeme his life
with his owne death ; and surely I freely professe, his
life had been more profitable then mine, both to our
friends, and to the Common-wealth.) The second time
I was sicke to death at home in England, upon a lesse
just but like cause, namely, griefe. Thus being at the
gates of death twice for griefe, I found the Poet to say
most truly, that care maketh gray headed ; and Seneca
no lesse truly, that he who hath escaped Stix, and the
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infernall Haggs, to him in care hee will shew Hell it
selfe.
To speake something of preserving health by Sea : He Of preserving
that would not vomit at all, let him some dayes before ^^'^^^'^ h ^^'^•
he take ship, and after at Sea, diminish his accustomed
meat, and especially drinke, and let him take the following
remedies against ill smelles and weakenesse of stomack.
Some advise, that he should drinke Sea water mingled
with his Wine, and some more sparing, that he drinke
Sea water alone, which dries cold humours, and shuts
the Orifice of the belly and stomack. But I thinke they
doe ill, who altogether restraine vomiting, for no doubt
that working of the Sea is very healthmll. Therefore
I would rather advise him, to use his accustomed diet,
till he have sailed one day or two into the Maine, or till
he feele his body weake, and thinkes it enough purged,
then let him take meates agreeable to the Sea in small
proportion, as powdred Beere, Neates-tongues dried, and
like salt meates, and after eating, let him seale his stomake
with Marmalate. Let him often eate Pomegranates,
Quinces, Corianders prepared, and such meates as are
sharpe, and comfort the stomake, and let him drinke
strong Wines, and sometimes hot Waters, but sparingly,
and let him dip a piece of bisket in his Wine. And to
restraine the extremity of vomiting, till he be somewhat
used to the Sea, let him forbeare to looke upon the waves
of the Sea, or much to lift up his head. To avoid the ill [HI. i. 23-]
smelles of the ship, hee may in Summer carry red Roses,
or the dried leaves thereof, Lemmons, Oranges, and like
things of good odour, and in Winter hee may carry the
roote or leaves of Angelica, Cloves, Rosemary, and the
foresaid Lemmons, Oranges, and Rose leaves. To con-
clude, if there bee no Phisitian in the ship, let him that
is sickly, take counsell of the Phisitian at home, for the
remedies of that weakenesse to which himselfe is most
subject, and of diseases most proper to Seamen, especially
if he take any long voiage.
19 To teach the Traveller how to behave himselfe in
395
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To teach the
Traveller to
behave in
forraigne
parts.
Cautions for
Travellers.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
forraigne parts, is a large and intricate precept, whereof
I will handle many branches in this, and the next follow-
ing Precepts. It is an old saying,
Cum fueris Romge, Romano vivito more,
Cum fueris alibi, vivito more loci.
Being at Rome, the Roman manners use,
And otherwhere, each places custome chuse.
Surely a Traveller must live after other mens fashion,
not his owne, alwaies avoiding extremities by discretion,
according to the Italian Proverb,
Paese dove vai, usa comme truovi.
The Country where thou goest,
Use thou as doe the most.
Now in this so great varietie of fashions in all Nations,
it seemes unpossible to give any set rules, since the
French say well,
Tant de payis, tant' de guises.
As many Nations, So many fashions.
And since no man is able to number these divers events,
first, I advise the Traveller in generall to be so wary,
as he adventure not to doe any new thing, till the example
of others give him confidence. Let him reprove nothing
in another mans house, much lesse in a strange Common-
wealth, in which kind it is not amisse to seeme dumb
or tongue-tied, so he diligently imploy his eyes and eares,
to observe al profitable things. Let him be curteous,
even somewhat towards the vice of curtesie, to his Host,
the children, and his fellow sojourners in the house. I
doe not advise him to imitate them, who will put off
their hat to a very Dog ; for in all actions basenesse must
bee shunned, and decency embraced, but it is veniall some-
what to offend in the better part, applying our selves
to the divers natures of men. If hee shall apply himselfe
to their manners, tongue, apparrell and diet with whom
he lives, hee shall catch their loves as it were with a
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fish-hooke. For diet, he needes lesse care, but for
apparrell he must fit it to their liking ; for it is a good
precept aswell at home as abroad, to eate according to our
owne appetite, but to bee apparrelled to other mens liking.
I have observed the Germans and French in Italy, to live
and converse most with their owne Countrimen, disdain-
ing to apply themselves to the Italians language, apparrell,
and diet, and the English above all others, to subject
themselves to the Lawes, customes, language, and
apparrell of other Nations.
And hence it is that the conversation of the English Note.
abroad, is wonderfullie pleasing unto strangers. Onely
because they are forced to dissemble their Countrie among
Papists, I have found by experience, that other Nations,
whose habit and name they take, have reaped the com-
mendation of this their vertue ; and it is certaine, that
the Germanes, whom the English do often personate,
have thereupon beene often praysed in forraigne parts
for their temperance, and other vertues lesse proper to
them. In the meane time the English who are thus
pleasing for this vertue, while they dissemble their
Countrie, are by other accidents lesse agreeable to the
liking of strangers in divers places, when they confesse
what Countrie-men they are : as in Italy for the difference
of Religion ; in the Low-Countries, for that many of
them have gone away in their debts ; in France and
Scotland for the old hatred of both Nations : and in the [HI. i. 24.]
Hans or sea-bordering Cities, for the many injuries they
pretend to have received from English men of warre
at Sea.
Perhaps severe and froward censors may judge it an
apish vice thus to imitate other nations, but in my opinion,
this obsequiousnes of conversation, making us become
all things to all men, deserves the opinion of a wise man,
and one that is not subject to pride : but he must alwaies
shunne extremity, lest while he affects to be affable, hee
incurre the infamy of a flatterer.
20 He must be humble, so it be with decency, and Humilitie.
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without basenes ; yet I thinke in Germany he shall doe
well to seeme, but not to be proud, where they will take
a man to be of base condition, if he be courteous and
officious, as in reaching any thing to another, or doing
like offices of service, and where they respect especially
the outward habit, esteeming a frowning proud counten-
ance, for grave and generous, lastly, where they that sit
last at Table, pay the same shot with the first, who have
the best meate, the cleanest beds, and best bedfellowes,
which my selfe experienced, when I did travell from
Stoade to the Low-Countries, in the disguised habit of a
servant. In the meane time a stranger may not in any
place altogether use the same boldnesse, as one of the
same Nation may. On the contrary, I would rather
offend in humility among the Italians, who respect
nothing lesse, then the apparrell and outward habit, and
are ready to observe with knee and cap a proud stranger,
though they scoffe at him behind his backe, and the
hosts will not faile to put their observance and reverence
into the reckoning, making him pay for his pride. And
The Polontan from hence it is, that the Polonian Gentlemen (as I said
Gentlemen, before the summes of Governours of Castles for hfe),
being of their owne nature proud, doe in the space of
one or two yeeres spend all their patrimonie among these
officious and flattering Italians, which they do not among
the Germans, though many of them live long in their
Universities, and give themselves to drinking as much
as the Germans, though not so daily, and that because
the Germans cannot in their nature so observe them and
nourish their pride. In generall, he shall doe best, that
keepes a meane ;
: neque Altum
Semper urgendo, neque dum procellas
Cautus horrescit, nimium permendo
Littus iniquum.
Not alwaies bearing to the Maine,
Nor while to shun stormes thou dost straine,
Beating too much on shore againe.
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Liberall modesty is decent, but clownish bashfulnesse
disgraceful!.
21 And because the youths of our age, as they hold The behaviour
civill behaviour to consist in bold speaking, and proud of the youths
lookes, so they place the opinion of wisdome in the ^ °^^ ^^^'
volubilitie of the tongue, I must remember the Traveller
of two good Italian Proverbs :
In bocca serrata mai non entro mosca.
Keepe close lips, and never feare,
Any flies should enter there.
La lingua non ha osso ; ma fa rompere il dosso.
The tongue is bonelesse, yet doth make,
The broken backbone oft to ake.
It is an old saying, sometimes it repents to have spoken,
never to have held thy peace, therefore let him have
a slow tongue, let his mind bee locked up, but his fore-
head bee cleare and chearefull. Let him speake sparingly,
and seldome speake of his owne common-wealth, private
estate, or good qualities, which otherwise knowne will
give him more grace, then his owne boasting. Nothing
doth more preserve a Traveller from falling into dangers,
or sooner deliver him in any danger, then the moderate
discreete use of his tongue. It is an old proverb, that
men go to Rome by asking the way of those they meete,
but I may say, that the way to goe thither, and to returne
safely thence, is silence. The Italians say well,
Assai sa, chi nulla sa, se tacer' sa. [HI. i. 25.]
Who knowes no thing, yet knowes his fill.
To hold his peace if he hath skill.
There is great Art to shunne talkative companions, or Note.
not to seeme to heare their questions. Two things are
necessary to be observed ; That he have a chearefull
countenance, as an argument of innocency, to free him
from suspicion of any wickednes, or of being a spie.
The other, that he shun vicious silence, aswell as Clownish
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bashfulnesse. He may sparingly and as it were care-
lessly inquire after things worthy to bee observed, and
what he learnes in this kind, let him diligently note in
his Itinerarie.
Curiosity. 22 Curiosity to see the burning of the Mountain
Vesuvius (now called Somma) made Pliny perish, and the
like curiositie to see the burning of vEtna, bred like
mischiefe to Empedocles. Likewise the inquiring after
the secrets of Religion, and desiring to bee present at
those Rites, hath made many perish. Therefore he must
be wary and discreete in this point. Yet I know not
how, as Cicero praised some affectation of speech in a
young Orator, so I cannot but allow some curiositie in
a Traveller, and thinke the same to be o^ great use to
him, since hee runs through the observation of many
things in short time, the infinitenesse whereof no memory
can comprehend, neither is he like ever to see them
againe. Therefore in my opinion, let him be, so hee
seeme not to bee curious.
O/Quarrells. 03 Some disswade men from being patient in their
conversation, saying, that he invites a new injury, who
beares the old patiently, according to the Italian proverb :
Chi pecora sifa, il Lupo se la mangia.
The man who makes himselfe a sheepe.
The Wolfe will eate, whilest he doth sleepe.
But howsoever I may grant, that in thy owne Country
thou shalt bee so much esteemed of others, as thou
esteemest thy selfe, yet he that lives in forraigne parts,
must with Diogines beg an almes of an Image, that hee
may learne patience. The thunder-bolt strikes not that
which yeelds. I advise young men to moderate their
aptnesse to quarrell, lest they perish with it. We are not
all like Amades or Rinalldo, to incounter an hoste of
men, we have not the inchanted bodies against wounds,
which Achilles and Orlando had, wee shall not finde
abroad the same Judges or judgement, which wee might
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have at home, nor the same indulgence or approved
customes of single fights.
In Italy twelve or more armed men will assault one
enemy unarmed, and perhaps sleeping in his bed. For Italian
the Italians in our age, having for the most part placed Q^^rrelh.
all their happinesse in the earthly paradise of Italy, and
the pleasures of this world, are not given in their nature
to undergoe dangerous and equall combats, howsoever
honourable. And since the Fathers in the Councell of
Trent (lest they should seeme to have done nothing) did
strictly forbid these combats unto them, they willingly
obey therein, to shaddow their want of daring, yet can
they not put off their naturall pride and desire of revenge,
but according to the nature of proud men, are apt
to take revenge upon al dishonorable advantages of
number or Armes, and that with strange cruelty ; so as
at this day more perish there by these treasons, then ever
perished before the Councel of Trent by single combates.
When they have a quarrel, they presently arme al their
bodies, and, as they vulgarly say, their very shinbones,
and hinder parts, with males of Iron, and then, compassed
with their friends, servants, and hired Fencers (called
Bravi) will not stick to fall upon their enemy in this sort,
though he bee an unwary stranger, wanting friends ; and
when they have done a murther, they flie without any
impediment to the confines of neighbour Princes, living
there as banished men for a time upon roberies, till they
can obtaine pardon, which escape a stranger cannot so
easily make. But if they have a quarrell with Italians,
using like practises, it is a thing most ridiculous to see,
with what proud bragging they thus walke armed, and
guarded, and with what warinesse and foolish tumult the
contrary parts thus walke about the Citie, keeping as
farre the one from the other as is possible, till by the
intercession of friends, or authority of the Magistrate,
they be made friends, which must be done with infinite
cerimonies, and cautions of honour, no way blemished
but by themselves. Whereas a stranger in Italy may [III. i. 26.]
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not without licence from the Magistrate, weare a sword
in their Cities, no nor so much as a dagger either in the
Cities or high-waies of the Popes State. How much
lesse will it bee permitted to any stranger thus to arme
himselfe, if hee would (since wee are of opinion, that it
were better once to dye, then alwaies to feare death, even
in our private chambers, and to be continually so loded
with iron Armes, as a man can hardly walke or breath.)
Therefore a stranger must be very wary not to have a
quarrell, and if any be thrust upon him, he must be no
lesse wary to shun the danger, by leaving the place or
Note. City in Italy. Neither would I advise a stranger to
fight for his money, if hee be assaulted by theeves (called
Banditi) in Italy (except the way from Rome to Naples,
where hee hath a guard oi souldiers to joyne with) since
they are men of desperate fortune, and when they assaile
the passenger, have not only their bodies armed as afore-
said, but carry Muskets, and have ready meanes of escape,
ever lying upon the confines of Princes. But in my
opinion, he shall doe better to carry letters of credit for
receiving money in great Cities as hee passeth, and
willingly to yeeld them that which hee hath about him,
especially since they use not to kill any not resisting,
being content with the spoile of them. Yet in generall
for Italy, I remember not that ever I lived in any place,
where fewer wrongs and causes of quarrell are offered
then there ; for they have a Proverb.
Porta rispetto a tuttie no' haver' paura di nessuno.
Give good respect to all, Feare neither great nor small.
So as the Italians offer mutuall honour more then is due,
and nothing is more easie, then to abstaine from words
of reproch, which a civill man should hate, aswell in
respect of himselfe, as others. The chiefe cause of
quarrels there, is either making love to other mens private
concubines, or the keeping of a private concubine to a
mans selfe. For it is proverbially said,
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Chi Asini caccia e donne mena,
Non e mai senza guai & pena.
Who drives an Asse, and leades a Whore,
Hath toile and sorrow evermore.
And the stranger who will intangle himselfe in this
mischiefe, seemes worthy to beare the punishment, since
there is plenty of grasse in the open fields, though a
man never breake into inclosed pastures.
As in Italy, so in Germany, Bohemia, the Low-
Countries, and Denmark, the Magistrate never pardons
any murther, nor man-slaughter upon hot bloud, nor him
that killes in single combat upon those termes which
some call honourable, neither is there any way to escape
punishment, but by flight. And this is common to all
these Nations, that onely the Officers of Justice, either
stop or lay hands upon a Murtherer or any offender
against the Lawes. And this makes great respect of
persons, for a poore man having killed one that hath rich
friends, shall bee pursued with light horses, while either
not at all, or slowly, they follow others, and give way to
their escaping. Let a stranger consider, how difficult his
flight will be in a strange Country, and how hotly he is
like to be pursued.
The Germans are apt to quarrell, and sometimes they German
fight after their fashion, which is a slash or two with Quarrelh.
the edge of a sword, and if one of their fingers bee hurt,
they straight shake hands, and go to the Taverne to
drinke, but to stab or make a thrust is vulgarly called
ein schelemstiicke, that is, the act of a villaine, and the
very judges esteeme it a most abominable act. It is
ridiculous, that hee which is wounded never so slightly,
though it be at the first incounter, straight shakes his
adversary by the hand and both returne againe to the
Citie, where he that is hurt payes the Wine to the other,
for a new or renewed league of friendship. In Germany,
Bohemia and Denmarke, no man wil part a quarrel, nor
put himself betweene them that are at variance. Neither
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will they doe it in disputations (that I may mingle jest
with earnest), where the argument is seldome or never
taken up by the Moderator; for in truth they are not
so fierce in any of these kinds, but that they can compose
the matter themselves. The little danger in their manner
of fighting, makes their quarrels very frequent. In these
[III. i. 27.] places, as every where, it behoves a Traveller with his
best judgement to shun quarrels, and if he must needs
adventure his body, yet to forecast meanes of escape after
victory. Besides the lye, and such words as we account
most disgracefull, with many in Germany are made
familiar speech, and clounish rudenes esteemed for the
neighbor vertue. For the Cochmen, when they are
drunke, will easily give ill words, especially to a stranger,
and they will not stay a minute for him, either in the
Inne, if he be not ready to take Coach, or by the way,
if he have any necessary cause to light. Herewith thou
being incensed, thinkest him worthy to be strucken, but
the Magistrate thinks not so, and will rather beare with
him & his partakers, if they tumultiously revenge thy
wrong. Who would not with silence and fained deafenes
slip his necke out of such base and dangerous brawles.
A stranger needes not feare theeves in Germany, for they
are most rare, but if any such assault him, let him defend
himselfe the best hee can, for they alwaies kill those
whom they rob, either out of their nature apt to insult
upon the conquered, or because their punishments are
most cruell by the Law, neither is there any pardon for
Sweitzer capitall crimes. The Sweitzers for the most part
Quarrells. Souldiers, and stiffe drinkers, yet seldome or never have
any quarrels, because the Lawes impose great penalties
upon those that offer injury, and the severe Magistrate
never spareth them, there being through all Cities and
Villages (with most wise and religious carefulnes) officers
appointed, who particularly intend the execution of this
justice. Theeves or murtherers are very seldome or
never heard of among them, as well for the severitie oi
the Law, and the serious execution thereof, as because
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they are industrious at home, and to shun poverty, are
more inclined to serve in forraigne war, then to live by
infamous courses at home. In Poland, the Gentlemen Quarrells in
are most prone to quarrels, cumbats, and murthers, Poland.
especially if they be heated with drink, as many times
they are, and that because of the unfit priviledges they
have above others, and because they have power of life
and death in their owne Territories, neither can be called
in question for criminall matters, but in the publike
Parliament, held once in three yeeres or there abouts,
where they are also tried by Gentlemen, who for con-
sanguinity, friendship, or the common cause, are like to
be favourable to them. And they care not greatly upon
what unequall termes they offer violence, nor how many
they be that set upon their adversarie. Some Gentlemen
who have been in forraigne parts, are much more civill
then the rest, but in general! there is no place where a
stranger ought more to avoid quarrels, especially if hee
stand not upon equall termes, as not having one or more
Gentlemen on his part. In the meane time, all that can
here offer violence being Gentlemen, to whom the rest
are slaves, either for feare of infamy, or for the abound-
ance they have of all things for life, robbers by the high-
way are very rare in Poland, and a passenger may safely
carry ready money about him, especially if he conceale it.
It were in vaine to give any precepts for quarrels in Quarrells in
Turkey, where a Christian not onely may not quarrell, Turkey.
but not so much as carry a sword, no nor looke a Turke
in the face without a Bastinado. For the Turkes among
themselves, they seldome or never fight a combate. The
Citizens and men of inferiour deg-rees stand in as humble
awe of their souldiers, as the Christians doe of them,
neither dare lift up the head or hand against a common
Souldier, though they were one hundred against one.
And the Souldiers, howsoever they brawle among them-
selves like butter-wives, yet they never strike one another,
the Lawes being most severe in the punishment thereof.
Theeves are lesse to be feared there, because passengers
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neither goe nor ride alone, but in Caravanes, that is, a
multitude of men and loaded Cammels : yet the
Christians commended to the protection of those that
leade the Caravans, not onely by friends, but by bribes,
Janizaries are and chancing to meet by the way any Janizaries, shal be
dest to protect forced to give them such victuals as they carry, especially
nstians. -wine, except they have a Janizary to protect them,
whereof one will serve to defend them against the injuries
of a thousand chancing to meet them, but they seldome
doe the Christian passengers any other wrong, then this
consuming of their provisions. Howsoever in all events
I would advise no Christian of the better sort, having
meanes for fit expences, to goe any journey without a
[III. 1. 28.] Janizarie to protect him, especially since at Constantin-
ople, from one Christian Ambassadour or other, he may
easily obtaine a Janizarie to attend him faithfully, and
at a very easie rate. At which Citie it is most fit for a
Christian to begin his journey into other parts of Turkic.
Howsoever hee may likewise obtain such a Janizarie
of some Christian Consull, either at Halepo in Syria, or
at Cayero (called also Babilon) in Egipt, and at other
frequented places upon the Sea coast. And this Janizarie
for some eight Aspers a day wages, will faithfully helpe
the Christian of whom hee is hired, not as a companion,
but rather as a free kinde of servant.
English Englishmen, especially being young and unexperi-
Q^uarrells. enced, are apt to take all things in snuffe. Of olde,
when they were fenced with Bucklers, as with a Rampier,
nothing was more common with them, then to fight about
taking the right or left hand, or the wall, or upon any
unpleasing countenance. Clashing of swords was then
daily musicke in every streete, and they did not onely
fight combats, but cared not to set upon their Enemie
upon advantages, and unequall termes. But at this day
when no nation labours more then the English (as well
by travailing into forraigne Kingdomes, as by the studie
of good letters, and by other meanes) to enrich their
mindes with all vertues, I say in these dayes, they scorne
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such men, and esteeme them of an idle braine, who for
ridiculous or trifling causes runne the triall of single
fight, and howsoever they behave themselves stoutly
therein, yet they repute them to have lost as much opinion
of wisedome, as they have gayned of daring. Much
more doe they despise them, who quarrell and fight in
the streetes publiquely, and doe not rather make private
triall of their difference, as also those, who make quarrels
with men of base condition, yea they thinke them
infamous who with disparity of number doe many assaile
one man, and for this beastly quality comparing them to
Hogges, whereof when one grunts, all the Heard comes
to helpe him, they thinke them worthie of any punish-
ment : besides that upon killing any man, mercie is
seldome or never shewed them, howsoever in other faire
combats, the Princes mercie hath many times given life
to the man-slayer. And the cause why single fights are Why Mingle
more rare in England in these times, is the dangerous fig^ti<ire
fight at single Rapier, together with the confiscation of ^"^^ [^J^ j„
man-slayers goods. So as I am of opinion, contrarie times past.
to the vulgar, and think them worthy of praise, who
invented dangerous weapons, as Rapiers, Pistols, Gunnes,
and Gunpowder, since the invention, whereof much
smaller number of men hath perished, by single fights,
or open warre, then in former times : and conquests and
such inundations of barbarous people as were those of
the Gothes, Hunnes, and Longobards, are much lesse to
bee feared. Nothing did in olde time more animate
strong Tyrants and Gyants to oppresse weaker men, then
the huge waight of their Clubs, and of their armes, where-
with Goliah had easily quelled David, if God had not
put in his minde to fight against him with a new kinde
of weapon more suteable to his strength, I returne to
the purpose, and doe freely professe, that in case of single
fights in England, the Magistrate doth favour a wronged
stranger, more then one of the same Nation, howsoever
the Law favours neither, and that a stranger so fighting,
neede feare no treason, by any disparitie or otherwise.
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Theeves in
England.
[III. i. 29.]
The English
descended of
the French.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
But in the meane time, here & in all places happy are
the peaceable. Let me adde one thing of corrupt custome
in England, that those who are not growne men, never
have the opinion of valour, till in their youth they have
gayned it with some single fight, which done, they shall
after live more free from quarrels : But it were to be
wished, that a better way were found to preserve reputa-
tion, then this of single fights, aswell contrary to the
Law of God, as a capitall crime by the Lawes of men.
Theeves in England are more common then in any other
place, so farre as I have observed or heard, but having
taken purses by the high way, they seldome or never
kill those they rob. The true man, having strength,
armes, and courage, may cheerefully resist them, having
the Lawes, Magistrates, People, and all passengers,
together with a good cause on his side : but this is
peculiar to the English, that not onely the officers of
Justice, but all private men, present or meeting him by
chance, are bound to apprehend a murtherer, or any
theefe, & that the next Constables or under officers are
bound to pursue them by hue and cry, from Village to
Village, and City to City.
And howsoever the English are for a great part
discended of the French, and so partaking with them
nature and manners, have also like customes, more
specially in quarrels and single fights, yet in France they
have not this custome to pursue and apprehend male-
factors. Onely they have Marshals in severall Provinces,
to pursue malefactors with light horses, but otherwise
onely the officers of Justice use to apprehend them in
Cities. And of late, to represse the malice of men after
a long civill warre, breaking out into single fights and
murthers, they have made severe Lawes, and imposed
great penalties upon those that quarrell, especially if any
bloud be shed, whereas in England onely man-slaiers are
called in capitall question, and small or no punishment
is inflicted upon one that lightly wounds another. For
the rest, the French and English have the same apt-
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nesse to quarrels, and the same braverie in these single
fights.
Also the Scots are therein like the English, save that Scotisk
the Scots will take parts, and assaile an enemie with Quarrelh.
disparitie oi numbers and armes, wherein also the
Northerne English are not at this day fully reformed.
In this kind the Barbarous Irish doe offend in Ireland, Irish
but the English and Irish-English there have the customes Q'^^^^^^^^-
of the English. And in times of peace few or no theeves
rob by the high waies of Ireland, but the stealths of
Cowes, Horses, and Sheepe, are frequent. All I have
said of this subject is onely to this purpose, that the
Traveller being informed of the condition of Justice,
Combats, and Roberies in forraigne parts, may better
learne to apply himselfe to patience, and to use modera-
tion, according to the necessitie & danger more proper
to him then others, in divers places.
24 Being to write of simulation, I am at a stay, and Dissimulation.
grope for passage, as in a darke Labyrinth : for the voyce
of the Vulgar, esteemes the vice of dissimulation proper
to a Traveller, and highly doth reproch him therewith.
Shall we then say, that hee who knowes so to live with
Italians, Spaniards, and very barbarous Pagans, as he can
gaine their well-wishing, will be at home and among
his friends subject to the odious vice of dissimulation,
the very plague oi true friendship.^ Surely by travell,
the good become better in all kinds of vertue, and the
ill more wicked in all vices. But let the indifferent Judge
tell me, if the greater part of Clownes under their rugged
cotes, and most Lawyers, and Merchants, under the
shadow of faire words, and sometimes wicked perjuries,
have not more skill to dissemble (if that be to deceive),
then any Travaler whatsoever, not excepting Plato him-
selfe. No doubt simulation in fit place and time is a
vertue. He that cannot dissemble, cannot live. But hee
that so dissembles, as he is accounted a dissembler, indeed
hath not the skill to dissemble, but is noted with that
infamy, so as another shall better bee believed upon his
409
A.D.
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IVhen a
Traveller
ought to
dissemble.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
word, then hee upon his oath. Cicero commends the
saying of Epicharmus, Remember to distrust, and calles
it the sinew of wisedome, and the Italians have a Proverb,
Da chi mi fido, mi guarda Dio :
Da chi non mi fido, mi guardero io.
From him I trust God helpe me at my neede,
Of him I trust not, my selfe will take heede.
Antigonus prayes God to defend him from his friends.
Let me speake of mine owne experience. My selfe was
never deceived by the Italians, whom I suspected, but
by a German (which Nation hath a cleare countenance,
and generall reputation of honesty), I was at Lindaw
stripped and cousoned for a time of al the gold I carried
about me. Therefore it is a point of art for a Traveller
to know how to avoide deceit, and how to dissemble
honesty (I meane to save himselfe, not to deceive others.)
Let him have a cleare countenance to all men, and an
open brest to his friend, but when there is question of
his Countries good, of his enemies lying in waite for
him, of his owne credit or life, let him shut his bosome
close tfrom his inward friends. That Counsel! thou
wouldest have another keepe, first keepe it thy selfe. A
Traveller must dissemble his long journeys, yet onely
in dangerous places, and among suspected persons. My
selfe have observed some too warie in this kinde, who
in most safe waies, used grosse caution, to hide from
their neere friend the purpose of their journey, and some-
[III. i. 30.] times in Cities would conceale where and what hower they
dined and supped. In like sort a traveller must sometimes
hide his money, change his habit, dissemble his Country,
and fairely conceale his Religion, but this hee must doe
onely when necessity forceth. Let mee insist upon some
examples, which are most proper to manifest the truth
in a darke argument. My selfe in Italy many times
passed for a German, and then consorted my selfe with
Germans, faithfull companions, as they bee all in general),
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haters of drunkennes, as some of them be, either drinking
altogether water, or using the French diet, and of the
same Religion with me, as those are of the Palatinate of
Rheine, and in some other Provinces. Then I covenanted
with these my consorts, that when any man spake Dutch
to me (though I had some skill in that Language,
especially for vulgar speeches), and most of all if wee
were in any long discourse, one of them should take the
answere out of my mouth, as being slow of speech,
though it were done somewhat unmannerly. Secondly,
that if I were discovered (in any dangerous place) not
to be a German, as I professed, they should say that I
was unknowne to them, and by the way fell into their
company, and so withdrawing themselves out of danger
by leaving the place, should leave to me the care of my
selfe. And with these consorts I went to Naples, and
there confidently, though lesse wisely, in respect of the
warre betweene England and Spaine, I entered to view
the strong Fort kept by the Spaniards, and after went
to Milan. Another time under the name of a Polonian,
I went to the Duke of Loraine his Court at Nanzi, where
being curiously sifted by the guard at the City-gate, and
being asked many questions about the King and Queene
and State of Poland, I so satisfied them, as they admitted
me into the City, but when at the very entrance they
bad me hold up my hand, which ceremony the French use
in taking of othes, I was much affraied, least they should
put me to my oath for my Country, but when they had
asked me if I came not from any place infected with the
plague, and I had answered no upon my oth, they let
me passe into the Citie.
There is great art for a Traveller to conceale his Conceakment
Religion in Italy and Spaine, with due wisdome and with- ofRehgm.
out offending his conscience : for if a man would seeme
(as I may say) a Puritan Papist, (which sort they call
picchia petti, that is, Brest-beaters), there is danger to
fall into the suspition oi an Hypocrite. For the Italians
well know,
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AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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Chi te carezza piu che far* no' suole,
O Che gabbato t' ha, O che gabbar' te vuole.
Who more then he was wont doth court and woe,
He hath deceiv'd thee, or faine would so doe.
And they have often read that of Tacitus.
Quo magis ficta sunt quae faciunt, eo plura faciunt.
The more any doe dissemble,
The more to doe they are nimble.
mat errors a Also the Traveller must beware not to fall into such
at' er errors, as I observed two of mv familiar friends (yet in
must beivarc ^ ' - . J . r 11 • /^r
noi to fall 3. sate place and tree or danger) grossely to tall mto. Or
into. which one being a German, and living in the State of
Florence, when hee returned after dinner to his lodging,
and his hostesse asked where hee had been, made answer,
that hee came from hearing of a Masse, whereas Masses
are onely sung in the morning and when the Priests are
fasting. The other being an Englishman, and going to
Rome in a disguised habit, did weare apparrell of so many
colours, and so strange fashions, as by the same being
most strange and uncomely not onely in the sight of his
owne Country men, but also of the Italians, he drew the
eyes of all Jesuites and Romans upon him, so as they
began to inquire after him, and he hardly escaped thence
by speedy flight, and when they pursued him, had fallen
into their snares, if he had not been forewarned of his
danger by an Italian friend. To these I will adde a
third, who being an Englishman and by freedome of
speech voluntarily professing himselfe a Frenchman, was
discovered by me at that time also disguised, and by
chance falling into his company, but hee learning at that
[III. i. 31.] time, that nothing was more safe then silence, afterwards
escaped dangers, into which otherwise he might easily
have fallen.
My selfe lived in Italy, and for the space of one yeere
never heard a Masse, but daily I went out of my
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chamber in the morning, as if I had gone to the
Masse. At my very first comming into Italy, I
presently went to Rome and Naples, and so at my
first enterance passed my greatest dangers, that having
satisfied my curiositie, if perhaps in my returne I should
happen to feare any danger, I might more contentedly
and speedily escape away. For they who stay at Paduoa
some moneths, and after goe to Rome, may be sure, that
the Jesuites and Priests there, are first by their spies
advertised, not onely of their comming, but also of their
condition, and the most manifest signes of their bodies,
whereby they may bee knowne. Moreover, I being at
Rome in Lent time, it happened, that some few dayes
before Easter, a Priest came to our lodging, and tooke
our names in writing, to the end (as he told us) that we
might receive the Sacrament with our Hosts family.
Therefore I went from Rome upon Tuseday before
Easter, and came to Sienna upon good Friday, and upon
Easter even (pretending great busines) tooke my journey
to Florence, where I staied onely Easter day, and from
thence went to Pisa, and before the ende of Easter weeke
returned in haste to Sienna, where I had a Chamber,
which I kept when I was at Rome, and where I meant
now to abide for a time. Thus by often changing places ^y often
I avoyded the Priests inquiring after mee, which is most changing
dangerous about Easter time, when all men receive the /"''^^^^ Pnests
Sacrament. Yet indeede there is lesse danger of the ^^^ ^^'"^ ^ '
Inquisition in the State of Florence, then other where,
as there is no danger thereof at all in the State of Venice
to him that can hold his peace, and behave himselfe
modestly.
One thing I cannot omit, that some few dayes before
Easter, when I was ready to come from Rome, I adven-
tured to visit Bellarmine, and that in the Jesuites
Colledge, professing my selfe to bee a Frenchman, and
wearing Italian clothes, and that after their manner, which
is a matter of no small moment ; for if I had not been
wary therein, the craftie spies of Rome would easily have
413
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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knowne mee by some gesture or fashion of wearing my
clothes, which they know to bee proper to the English,
as the muffling a mans face with his cloke, or the like.
But especially I tooke heede, not to gase on the Colledge
walles, a manifest signe of a stranger, nor to looke sted-
fastly in the face of any Englishman chancing to meete
mee, whereof some were like to have knowne mee in the
Universitie of Cambridge, least by such beholding of
them, I might draw their eyes to looke earnestly on mee,
for one looke invites another. And with these cautions,
I did happily satisfie this my curiositie. Also upon good
judgement I made my selfe knowne to Cardinall Allan,
when I first came from Naples to Rome, and when hee
had promised mee his protection, holding my peace, and
abstaining from publike offence, I rested thereupon for
the worst events, yet withall, to avoide the conversation
and familiaritie of Priests and Englishmen, yea even of
those that were of the Cardinals family, I first left the
common Inne, then changed my hired chamber, taking
another in a poore house close under the Popes Pallace,
as a place least like to be searched.
Of being I doe not commend the curiositie to be present at
present at seeing the rites of a contrary Religion, which was the
"'^"^' death of two young men, and gave occasion to the first
Macedonian warre, the people of Rome assisting the
murtherers, and the King of Macedon desiring to revenge
the death of the two young men. In former times, and
now to this day, the Turkes use to fling stones at the
Christians (whom they call unwashed dogs, because they
use not Baths) when they come neere to their Moschees
or their Sepulchers. The Papists doe no lesse persecute
the Reformed Church with fier and sword. And how-
soever one of the Reformed profession may live in Italy,
and yet never communicate with them in their rites, by
the foresaid governing of the tongue, by going out of
his chamber each morning, as if hee went to Masse (for
the Italians generally thinke they are not safe till in the
morning they have worshipped the Hostia at the elevation
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Common
ceremonies
not to be
omitted.
thereof, which their devotion is done in a moment), and
by changing places of abode, with like discreete carriage,
yet since it is dangerous to see their rites, yea, perhaps [III. i. 32.]
sinfiill, why should he not restraine his curiosity to heare
their Masses, & see their cerimonies, especially all the
monuments of the Churches being to be scene at another
time of the day. But if any will needs be present at
their Masses, either to please his companions, or for his
owne pleasure, as going to see a stage-play, or for
curiositie, wherewith many are led. Of two evils he
must chuse the least, namely, rather to signe himselfe
with the crosse, or negligently to make offer, as if he
dipped his hand (or his glove upon it, as their manner
is) into the holy water-Box, rather then by omitting these
common ceremonies, to fall into suspition, and being
called into question, either be driven to denie his Religion
under his hand writing, or be burned with fier.
Let them stay at home who are so zealous, as they
will pull the Hostia or Sacrament out of the Priests
hand. They should doe better to avoide the adoring
thereof, by slipping out of the way, or restraining their
curious walkes : for inordinate desire of Martyrdome is
not approveable, for the avoiding whereof and all snares,
we are bidden joyne the Serpents wisdome to the Doves
simplicity. Saint Paul was not so furious, for he did not
cast downe the Altars in Athens, but taking occasion
by the Altar which Epimenides erected in the time of a
plague to an unknowne God, he preached Christ peaceably
unto them, though he were an Apostle, and so had greater
authoritie then the blind zealous of our time. For my
part, I know no reason, why one of the reformed Church
may not say his prayers in the Churches of Papists, and
I know the greater part of the Masse (I meane the Divine
Office) is good, but the chiefe mischiefe is the adoration
or communication of the Hostia. Ismenius an Ambassa-
dour of the Thebans being willed to adore the Persian
King, let fall his Ring from his finger, and taking it up,
made a shew to adore the King, yet was not judged to
415
Overheated
zealouts are
unfit to
Travell.
Example of
S. Paul.
A.D.
1605-17.
Luther mis
opinions.
William
Perkins
his teaching.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
have offended against the Freedome of the Greeke
Nation.
The Papists at the tinckling of a little Bell, lift up the
consecrated Bread, to bee adored for the true body of
Christ, at which time all that are present fall on their
knees, and mumble a short prayer, and onely the more
devout strike their brests, but all Papists beleeve Christ
to bee there corporally present. No doubt they erre in
that thought, but the question is of the outward reverence
exhibited, how farre that may offend the conscience of the
stranger, who otherwise knowes the truth of that point,
and beleeves it.
The Lutherans, though they doe not beleeve transub-
stantiation, yet they beleeve Consubstantiation, which is
a corporall presence, yet I neither reade nor heare any
follower of Calvins doctrine, who hath positively for-
bidden one of their profession and living among
Lutherans, to communicate in Prayers and Sacraments
with them, if he may not with his owne, and am sure
that with common consent they confesse, the Lutherans
to have true Sacraments. William Perkins a late Writer
of singular learning and piety, doth teach, that the preach-
ing of the Word, and the administration of the Sacra-
ments, differ not in substance, and that the Word
preached by Heretickes is the true Word of God, as their
Sacraments also are true. He teacheth, that the Pharises,
though in part hereticks, and Apostataes, yet by Christs
command were to be heard, as sitting in the chaire of
Moses, so men tooke heed of their false doctrine. He
concludes, that the Word hath his power among hereticks.
Then so have the Sacraments, which himselfe saith doe
not differ in substance from the W^ord.'' Hee teacheth,
that some of the Levits were Heretikes, and did teach
after a sort the breach of the Morall Law, and beleeved
Justification by workes, and yet that the Circumcision
administred by them was true. He teacheth that Judas
was an hypocrite, and was called a divell by Christ, yet
that hee truly preached and baptized. From all which
416
OF PRECEPTS FOR TRAVELLERS ad.
1605-17.
points he collecteth, that Infants are not to be rebaptised,
because the Sacraments are true, the right forme being
used, which are administred by Papists. Lastly, hee con-
cludes, that howsoever the Church of Rome is no true
Church, yet it hath true Sacraments, because in that
Church the true Church is, though it lie hidden, to which
these Sacraments onely belong. Yet he denies that it
followes thereupon, that it is lawful! to communicate the
Supper of the Lord with Papists. I will onely adde one
position more of this godly man, in another discourse of [III- i- 33-]
his, namely, that in the eternall worship of God, the
particular gestures are not prescribed by the word of God,
so they be done decently and modestly, according to the
laudable customes of each Church, either standing, sitting,
kneeling, or lying prostrate.
Some may inferre from this discourse, and the last
positions thereof, that the Gods of the Gentiles are
Idols to Papists, Protestants, and to all Men, but how-
soever the Papists Hostia is an Idoll to them, who thinke
erroniously of it, yet of it selfe and to others rightly
judging of it, that it is a true Sacrament, and so is to
have due reverence, according to the custome of the
Church wherein a man doth live. That in like sort a
Papist praying before the Images of Christ or of the
Apostles, doth sinne, because he bends his knee to them,
and thinkes them to be worshipped, but that if another
abhorring from such idolatry, should pray in a chamber
or Church where such Pictures are, and should kneele
before them, yet he should not sinne, having no mind to
worship them, or kneele to them. That God will be
worshipped with holinesse, not with faction : That some
honest kind of dissembling Religion (within due limits) is
tollerable ; yea, that the outward gesture and reverence
used in the Churches of Papists, even to the Sacrament
elevated, is if not lawfuU, yet not impious.
For my part, God is my witnesse, that I abhorre from Adver:
denying my Faith, or my blessed Saviour in any point
of my Faith, and would not for a World employ my
M. Ill 417 2D
A.D.
1605-17.
None of our
Teachers have
forbidden us
to heare a
Papists
Sermon.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
tongue or pen to give encouragement to any wickednesse,
yet not to leave the consciences of such as sojourne among
forraigne Papists altogether upon the Racke, give me
leave to say : That the former positions being granted,
I cannot but thinke that there is great difference, betweene
those who superstitiously worship one true God in three
Persons, (which Article of the Trinity cannot be denied
to be held by Papists), and the Heathen Idolators
worshipping imaginary Gods, yea very Divels. That we
are not tied to write our Faith in our foreheads, and
thrust our selves into the hands of Inquisitors, but may
with godly wisdome avoide their snares. Yea, that I
cannot condemne the bare kneeling and praying, or out-
ward reverence in the Churches of Papists, as simply
impious, no other circumstances concurring to aggravate
such actions, especially they being done in forraigne parts,
where no offence is given to weake brethren, (which the
Apostle I Cor. 8. 13, bids us avoide); but rather the
offence of those is avoided, who are Christians, howso-
ever superstitious. And this I am the rather induced
to thinke, because none of our Teachers have (to my
knowledge) ever dogmattically forbidden us to heare a
Papists Sermon, at which if wee may be present without
sinne, no doubt we may not without sinne omit the
reverence in our gestures due to the word of God from
the Chaire of Moses, howsoever spoken by the mouth of
Pharyses : But for the maine question of hearing a Masse,
of adoring the Hostia therein, and of communicating that
Sacrament with them, I must confesse. That I hold the
hearing of a Masse, being alwayes joined with kneeling
to the Hostia, to be questionlesse a sinne, which the
godly must bewaile, who by curiosity or any vaine
affection have beene seduced thereunto, because thereby
they have communicated in prayers to Saints, without
precept or promise, and so without faith ; and have
further exhibited the reverence of kneeling to the Hostia,
which howsoever it is due to God at the receiving oi the
Sacrament, yet to beholders onely of the elevation, where
418
OF PRECEPTS FOR TRAVELLERS ad.
1605-17.
the Priest onely receives it, no pretence is left for such
outward reverence or worship. Also I must confesse,
that whatsoever may be concluded out of the former
and like positions to prove that the Papists have a true
Sacrament of Baptisme, yet in the Lords Supper they
want the true forme required by Master Perkins to make
a true Sacrament, and in my opinion this one thing alone,
makes it most unlawfull for us to communicate the Lords
Supper with them, namely, that they mangle it and make
it lame, by giving it only in one kind of bread, without
the other kind of wine, contrary to the institution. And
so much may suffice for this kind of simulation. HeritUkes at
Moreover I advise no man to beleeve that, which some tJie Papists
by wofull experience have of late found most false, f^ff"^ «^»
namely, that men of any Religion may freely come to ^^y^^o*'°^^
Rome in the yeere of Jubily : For the priviledge of that ^^^ ^.^ ^r
yeere belongs to men banished and indebted, not to jubilye.
Heretikes, (as they terme us) ; In summe they who feare [HI. i. 34-]
God from their hearts, who see before their eyes the
misery of them that are infected with the French disease,
and who know the chast pleasures of marriage, they may
with honest dissembling and little art keepe their chastity
in Italy, where a stranger is not lesse esteemed for not
being vicious in that kind, as they commonly are, so he
be not an austere and bitter reprover thereof to those
with whom he liveth : yea, rather he shall avoide many
dangers by not being rivall to any of them in their love.
In like sort, when hee lives in other Countries, nothing
is more easie, then by honest dissimulation to avoid the
communicating with them in the proper vices of the
Countrey, onely the Germans are like fier, which con-
verteth all into his owne element, for singular art must
be used by him, that will preserve himselfe from drunken-
nesse among them : And let no man wonder that I say
it is easie to preserve chastity in Italy, and most hard to
be sober in Germany, since the first is a solitary vice, and
hates the rivall, but the second is communicative, and
requires the emulation of companions, wherein they strive
419
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
for victorie as in games for the wager. Of the art to
shunne drinking, I shall treat in the following Chapter of
the Germans diet, by which it will appeare that some
dissimulation is honest and vertuous, the vice whereof
is to be avoyded both at home and abroade, and cannot
justly be imputed to a Traveller of this kinde. To
conclude, he that will safely live abroade, and so returne
home, must carry himselfe wisely and warily, so shall he
not onely avoide vices, without the blot of rude austerity,
and shall without danger both converse with Papists, and
even be present at their rites, if hee be so affected, but
also with Ulisses shall have the skill, even to steale away
the Image of Pallas from the Troyans his enemies,
without reare of surprisall.
How a 25 It remaines that to a Traveller returning home
Traveller ^^\th experience, I should not give precepts, as to a novice,
T\ " ,. but friendly admonitions, as to a fellow Souldier. First
behave httn- . . ^
selfe returning ^^^ discourse must not be generally and continually in
home. dispraise of other Nations : for so he shall bewray want
of judgement, except he adde some good reason for all
generall and severall imputations : Thus the Italians erre,
who comming into England, and seeing the familiar
conversation of our Weomen, doe repute them for
Harlots, who are much chaster then their Weomen would
be, having like liberty as ours have. Thus strangers may
easily judge amisse, of the weomen in Freesland giving
kisses to each man to whom they drinke, and taking kisses
of each whom they pledge. As also of the Virgins in
Holland, who hand in hand with young men, slide upon
the yce farre from their Fathers house, and there lodge
in a strange Towne or Village : for these old customes
of particular places, are no certaine signes of unchastity.
The Italian Sansovinus grossely erreth in this kinde,
being otherwise a man of great wit and judgement, who
affirmes that Parents in England take the pillowes from
the heads of their children ready to die, out of tender
pitty and charity, to put them out of their paine ; because
perhaps hee heard that some weomen, hired to keepe
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OF PRECEPTS FOR TRAVELLERS a.d.
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some that were sicke of contagious diseases, and therefore
sent with them into solitary places, had sometimes com-
mitted this notable villany. What could he have said
more? if he had lived among the Indians, who eate their
Parents, that the wormes may not eate them. I have
heard some complaine of England, for the deare rates
of diet, and for the peoples inhumanity to strangers,
because they had beene ill used at Gravesend, (where
the very English are rudely and ill served), and by some
obscure Hosts of London, who use to entertaine and
wrong strangers, having otherwise never visited the
Citizens of London, the Schollers of the Universities,
Gentlemen, or learned men, nor having ever gone further
then London into the Countrey, which if they had done ;
they should have found these men, and the very Countrey
people not onely curteous, but too much given to admire
strangers, so they could make themselves understood, or
had with them a guide skilful of the language & fashions.
Others I have heard speake very ill of Italy, whereas there
is no Countrey in the World more commodious, to him
(as they say) Chi sa far' i fatti suoi, that is, who knowes
to doe his owne businesse : We betray our ignorance or
our selfe love, when wee dispraise forraigne things with-
out true judgement, or preferre our owne Countrey before
others, without shewing good reason thereof.
They erre no lesse, who like critickes or the Poet [III. i. 35.]
Aristarchus, omitting the vertues of other Nations,
discourse onely of all their vices. Againe, it is no lesse What we
unfit to praise forraigne things without good judgement, should praise
as I have heard some, beyond measure extoll the bridge dispraise.
of Prage in Bohemia, the monuments of Saint Dennis
in France, and poore antiquities of Rome. This argues
a vulgar man, since the vulgar praise small things, admire
meane things, and have altogether no feeling or appre-
hension of great things.
26 Also I admonish him, after his returne home, to oide friend-
renew his old friendships : and as Souldiers in a good ^hip is to be
Common-wealth, when the warre is ended, returne to the ^^"^^^d.
421
A.D.
1605-17.
Divers
strange
manners teach
us good
behaviour.
Of discourse.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
works of their calling, (like the followers of Mercury,
aswell as of Mars), so that he returning home, lay aside
the spoone and forke of Italy, the affected gestures of
France, and all strange apparrell, yea, even those manners
which with good judgement he allowes, if they be dis-
agreeable to his Countrey-men : For we are not all borne
reformers of the World. Dancing teacheth good carriage
of the body, yet we must not alwayes dance ; so divers
strange manners teach us good behaviour, yet we must
not use inconstancy of manners : Thou didst wisely
forbeare abroad to offend strangers, with whom thou didst
live but from day to day, either with thy apparrell or diet,
or austerity of thy Countrey manners, and why shouldest
not thou much more forbeare, at home to offend thy
own Countrymen, with whom thou art to spend al the
rest of thy life, or provoke them to scoffe at thee for the
foresaid vanities disagreeable to them. Alexander the
Great himselfe, though he were a most powerfull King,
and most gracious in his Subjects love, could not use the
Persians apparrell and fashions, whom hee had over-
come, without the great offence and repining of his
Macedonians.
Many at the first sight may judge me to erre, in that
I perswade the Traveller, when he returneth home, not
to use those manners which in good judgement hee
allowes, in case they be not approved, and used by his
Countrey-men : But this is good in my judgement, for
confirmation whereof I will onely yeeld one example.
The Italian being a great and somewhat viciously curious
observer of ceremonious complements, when hee hath
saluted one, and begunne to entertaine him with speech,
if he chance to espy another man, with whom he hath
very great businesse, yet will hee not leave the first man
without a solemne excuse : But an Englishman discours-
ing with any man, (I meane in the house or any chamber
of Presence, not in the streetes), if hee spy another man
with whom hee hath serious occasion to speake, will
suddenly without any excuse turne from the first man,
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OF PRECEPTS FOR TRAVELLERS ad.
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and goe to conferre with the other, and with like
negligence will leave and take new men for discourse,
which an Italian would take in ill part, as an argument
of disrespect. This fashion, and the like curiosities, I
would have an Englishman to leave when hee returnes out
of Italy, as tasting of affected nicenesse, and not in use :
Except hee bee of such place, authority, and grace at
home, as he may have confidence to bring any good
forraigne custome or manner into use and fashion in his
owne Countrey : for wee seldome commend or follow
any man of meane sort, taking upon him to bring in new
words into our language, or new manners into practice,
or clothes into wearing : And except hee shall leave the
foresaid curiosities, his company is like to be shunned,
as of a nice observer of mens actions and manners, and
most men will thinke that he doth not so much out of
judgement allow forraigne things, as out of pride dispise
his owne.
Yet I doe not give this admonition so much, that he
may not offend others, as that he may not be offended
himselfe by others : For I will be bold to maintaine this
position against the vulgar opinion, namely, that sharpe
sences, subtill wits, curious behaviour, and like nice
properties, savouring of either extreme, are to be
accounted among the owners calamities, and that a certaine Owners
dulnesse (in some meane, not in extremity) doth give the calamities.
owner great ease and quietnesse. For since all the objects
of humane life, are more often accompanied with noysome-
nesse, then pleasure, it comes to passe, that he who hath
a quicke smell, is troubled with more stinkes, then hee
is refreshed with sweet odours, that an eye offended with
any the least errour in building, with the very houshold
stuffe never so little disposed out of order, with negligent
attire, (though it be not slovenly or sluttish), and with [III. i. 36.]
like unpleasing sights, is more often offended, and some-
times redeemes the pleasing of his eye with extraordinary
charge to the purse : That one of a nice taste, finding
few things that like his appetite, seldome is pleased with
423
A.D.
1605-17.
fVitty men
wound them-
selves with
the edge of
their owne
wit.
Conclusion.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
any meate, Cooke or Host, while in the meane time they
who have more dull sences, use many things with pleasure,
and are more rarely offended ; That a subtil wit, by all
arguments and meanes enlarging each il accident, makes
them seeme unsupportable, and therewith is driven into
phrensie, whiles other men of more dull apprehension,
though indeed they be oppressed with worse fortunes,
yet being not able to search the bottom of their disasters,
by blockish oblivion give their soules much rest : For
discussing hereof, out of one particular learne to resolve
of all. As honour is not in him that receives it, but in
him that gives it, so love is not the excellency of the
party beloved, but the fancy of the lover. Hence it
comes, that witty men wound themselves with the edge
of their owne wit, while in the meane time they snort
in sound sleepe, which are more dull then that love or like
fancies can disturbe their rest : yea, since selfe love is
the very roote of love, this blind love of all that our
selves doe or thinke, makes the Ovidian enamoured
persons faine in their winding imaginations a gracefull
comelinesse in meere deformity, as they who see an
^Ethiopian Woman blacke, yet love her upon the conceipt
of her white teeth and soft skin, and so they repute their
Mistresse much fairer and more vertuous then indeed shee
is, and the more they feed and nourish these fictions of
their owne braine, the more they love her for them, even
to desperate madnesse and meere Idolatry, while in the
meane time the duller lovers more trusting to their eyes,
then to their wits, cannot find out these subtill arguments
to deceive themselves, and so make them love a blacke
More, a squint-eyed, lame, or deformed Mistresse.
Hence it is also, that howsoever there is but one true
beauty, yet divers fancies find severall beauties in each
complexion, or rather imagine them such to please their
owne fancies.
To conclude, hence it is, that he who at home ties him-
selfe to the curious manners of Italy, and finds that others
observe not the like towards him, is often enraged, as if
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OF PRECEPTS FOR TRAVELLERS
he were disrespected, and so takes every thing for an
injury, being distracted with these falsly conceived
offences, which are taken by him, but not given by them
who observe not the same nice rules of behaviour as he
doth : And my selfe, though never very ceremonious,
speake this of experience, which hath confirmed my judge-
ment, that a Traveller must cast away all customes
smelling of unpleasing curiosity, and howsoever hee doth
well to observe curiously all forraigne customes and
ceremonies, thereby to enritch his knowledge and confirme
his judgement, yet hee must use them sparingly in his
conversation at home.
27 Lastly, I advise him, that after his returne, he
sparingly & not without intreaty, relate his journeys and
observations. Such must a traveller be, as may be hired
with a crust of bread to hold his peace or to speake :
how little then doth it become him to be so talkative, as
he would hier one to heare him ? My selfe have heard
many, who had scarce seene the Lyons of the Tower,
and the Beares of Parish-Garden, (as I may well say in
comparison of their small journeys and experience with
other mens), so ingrosse all the talke of the Table in relat-
ing their adventures, as if they had passed the pillars of
Hercules : nothing could be asked which they could not
resolve of their owne knowledge, having well learned the
precept of Ovid to Lovers :
Et quae nescieris ut bene nota refer ;
What thou know'st not, boldly relate, as if thou
knew'st thereof the state.
And this they did with great applause of the ignorant,
and no lesse derision of experienced men, who in their
discourse had often found them lyers, and well knew that
as many hastning out at one gate, passe more slowly, so
vessels full of good liquor, sound not so much as the
emptie, and they who understand much, are not so free
in imparting it. And these be the men who have branded
Travellers with the tytle of Lyers, but a wise man
425
A.D.
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Travellers
must be
sparing not
talkative at
theire returne.
A.D.
1605-17/
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
ought to distinguish such sponges, from praise-worthie
Travellers. For in all arts, professions, and courses of
life, some take upon them the skill and facultie of the best,
who are commonly most ignorant and impotent therein,
[III, i, 37.] and it were great injustice to ascribe the weakenesse of
the one, to any defect in the other, or in the art and course
it selfe. Therefore,
Navita de ventis, de Tauris narret Arator.
Let Marriners of the winds force.
And Plowmen of their Buls discourse.
but I would have a Traveller after his returne (Hke an
Orator or Poet) so well instructed in all subjects of
discourse, as nothing should be altogether strange to him,
yet so discreete also, as hee should not but upon some
faire occasion speake of those things, whereof he could
discourse most eloquently and judicially. And since stale
Harlots by this art make their putrified wares saleable,
how much more shall Travellers, whose discourse more
pleaseth in the stomack then in the mouth, make the very
stones and insensible creatures to daunce and hang upon
their mouthes, as they are said to have been moved by the
eloquence and musick of Ulysses and Orpheus.
Chap. III.
Of the opinions of old Writers, and some Proverbs
which I observed in forraigne parts by reading
or discourse, to be used either of Travellers
themselves, or of divers Nations and Provinces.
Ld Writers affirme, that the Northerne
men, in respect of their heate kept in by
the cold, are generally greater eaters then
Southerne men. Thus they prove it;
Because all men have a better stomacke
Winter then in Summer, because
towards the
Voracitie.
m
Northerne
men passmg
South, daily leese their appetite ; and because both men
and beasts of the South are more leane, then those of the
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OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS a.d.
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North. This opinion is of it selfe true, but the argu-
ments for proofe admit some exceptions ; for the Turkes
towards the South be fatter generally, then our men of
the North, not that they eate more, but that they are
Eunuches, and given to idlenesse, I say therefore, that
the opinion is generally true, but by many accidents
proves false, namely, in places which suffer not the
extremity of cold in the North, or of heate in the South,
and comparing barren Pastures in the North, with fertile
pastures in the South, and upon like accidents, hindring
the true effects.
The fortitude of the minde, and the strength of the Fortitude and
body for the same reason they attribute to Northerne men, s(''("gi^-
and shew by Histories that hereupon they were ever
Conquerours, as the Medes against the Assirians, the
Assirians against the Chaldeans, the Greekes against the
Persians, the Parthians against the Greekes, the Romans
against the Carthaginians, the Gothes against the Romans,
the Turkes against the Arabians, the Tartars against the
Turkes, the English against the French, even in France,
though the French called in by the English could never
conquer them.
Lastly, they conclude that the Scythians are most
valiant, and the best Souldiers of the World : The truth
is, that the Romans were overrunne by barbarous people
of the North, yet not for their want of valour, but by
their dissention, and the vastnesse of their Empire, falling
with his owne weight : yet the same Romans subdued,
and long held in subjection many Nations of the North,
as France, the Low-Countries, and Britanny. And no
doubt the hope of spoile, not valour or strength, made the
barbarous people overrunne the Romans, who might have
beene quiet from them if they had been poore. No man
will fish with a golden hooke for a halfe penny fish.
Againe, the riches of the Romans, made them effeminate,
which likewise incouraged the barbarous people to assaile
them.
But it were fitter to say, that wisdome and wit, rather
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A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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[III. i. 38.] then heate or cold, make men to be valiant. For no man
contemnes death, or hath due respect of honour but hee,
with whom reason prevailes more then nature. Nature
hath his force, as the Eagle begets not a Dove, but reason,
rather then nature, is the cause, that when common
Souldiers runne away, yet Gentlemen chuse rather to dye,
then escape by flight. Not so much because they are
borne of a Noble race, as because they will not be a
reproach to themselves, and their race. Not because
Gentlemen dye with lesse paine then the common sort,
but because they better understand that the soule is
immortall, that he dies in a good cause who fights for his
Country, and that an honorable death is to be preferred
before a disgracefull life. In all great Empires, valour
and learning flourished together, and decayed together,
with the ruines of the Empires following their decay :
as in those of the Assirians, Persians, Medes, and the
Empires more knowne to us by Histories, of the Greekes,
and Romanes. Therefore howsoever strength, and an
innated boldnesse, are propagated, and come by Nature,
yet true fortitude is not found in the North, nor in the
South, nor proceedes from nature, but where learning
flourisheth, and cowardice is reputed basenesse, and where
the word of God teaching the immortality of the soule,
and the vanities of mortall life, most raigneth, there men
are most valiant.
Wit and Also they affirme, that the Southerne men are more
zviidome. wittie, and more wise, then Northerne, because the
barbarous Gothes and Northerne people, when they got
great victories, yet could not make true use of them,
but lost Provinces for want of wit and wisedome, in as
short a time, as they got them by their valour and
strength.
Surely variable fortune did exercise and tosse part
of the Gothes, and vandales, yet other part of the
Gothes, and the Longobards, subdued the plaine Country
of Italy, and there setled a long lasting Kingdome,
calling it Lombardie. And though Hannibal were a
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Southerne man, yet of him, after the field woone by him
at Canna, it was first said Hannibal thou knowest how
to overcome, but thou knowest not how to make use of
thy victorie. Besides that wit and wisedome cannot
generally be thus joyned in one subject, except we will
graunt that women commonly most wittie, are also
commonly most wise. There is a mediocrity required in
wisedome. Noli altum sapere. Be not too wise, even
as Salomon adviseth not to be too just, (meaning in out-
ward appearance, for the inward man cannot be too just.)
But mediocrity (perhaps) will be judged rather to be
found in the inhabiters of the worlds middle regions.
Againe, howsoever wee may graunt, that the Italians, in
the founding of their Empire, by valiant acts and learned
writings, left notable markes and evidences of their wise-
dome, yet in our age they may (perhaps) be preferred to
others, for some indowments of Nature, but must yeeld
the preheminence of valour and learning to some other
Nations. The vaine wisedome of man tires it selfe in
vaine, while it attributes so many and so great changes
in the world, to this or that Clime, or Starre, or any
naturall cause, rather then to looke backe to the first
mover of all humane things, and acknowledge his finger
in the disposing of them.
They affirme that the Northerne people are most cruell, Crueltie.
and Tacitus accuseth the Germanes, Transsilvanians, and
olde Brittaines, of cruelty. Bodine disputes wittily
against this opinion, first because fat men, as the
Northerne, are better men then those who are leane, as
the Southerne men be, and he calls Caesar to witnesse, who
was not afraid of the fat men, Anthony, and Dolabella,
but of the leane men, Brutus and Cassius.
In my opinion, fat men, whose heate is decayed, are
thereby lesse bold for any great enterprise. Onely I
admire Luther, who alone, and weake, did wonderfully
oppose himselfe to the great multitude of Papists, and
power of the Popes. But I remember that Melancton,
a leane man, and skilfull in the Greeke & Hebrew tongues,
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and universally learned, did assist him, yea the Germanes
say that Melancton was more learned, and Luther more
bold. So as, according to the course of the world, it is
likely, that Melancton did much in that great worke,
whereof Luther bare the name. Besides that we must
attribute the happy and wonderfull reformation of
Religion, to higher causes then those under the Moone,
[III. i. 39.] namely, not to the naturall heate of men, but to the
boldnesse proceeding from the divine heat of the holy
spirit.
Bodine affirmes, that Northerne men, because they are
fat, are lesse prone to the extremities of good or evill,
and so concludes them to be lesse cruell, which he shewes
by examples, in that the Carthaginians, and other people
of the South, used to pull out eyes, to pull off the skinne,
to burne with a slow fier, and to impale or set upon stakes,
and to use like cruelties towards condemned men, and
that those of America, use to smeare their children with
the blood of their enemies : whereas on the contrary,
the Romans were mercifull, first beheading condemned
men, then by the law of Porcius, forbidding Citizens to
be beaten with rods, after punishing by starving, & by
banishment. In my opinion he might have added the
lenity of the Britans, being more northward, where the
greatest offences are punished with hanging, except
treason, for which drawing and quartering are added, yet
the severity thereof is commonly mittigated, by letting
them hang till they be dead. Bodine addes, that
Northerne men did alwaies assaile with open force, and
were soone pacified, whereas Southerne men assailed with
Fox-like craft, and were cruell to those that submitted
to them : But in the end, while he confesseth, that the
Germans being Northern, break the bones of condemned
men upon the wheele ; and that the Greekes being
southerly, put to death by poyson of the Hemlocke, and
that in Chios they mingle water to make them die without
paine ; by these contradictions he rather obscures then
illustrates that which he would prove.
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For my part, while I consider these and like examples,
so contrary in both kindes, together with the great
changes of the World in divers times, so as they, who in
one age were cruell, become in another age mercifiill.
While I consider the old integrity of the Romans, when
they reproched the Carthaginians to be breakers of faith,
and find them after to become greater breakers thereof,
concluding that no faith is to be kept with Heretikes,
with which note they brand any enemy at pleasure, and
bringing in divellish equivocation, the plague of integrity,
which takes away all faith among men ; and lastly, prov-
ing these things not with words, but with fier and sword.
Upon these considerations, I am induced to conclude,
not onely for cruelty, but for all vices and vertues : That
Southerne men, as more witty, if they be good, prove
best, if ill, prove worst, and that the degrees of good or
ill, proceed not from wit, but from the application of it
to good or ill. Therefore not the North, nor the South,
but Phylosophicall precepts, godly lawes, and the know-
ledge of Gods word, or otherwise the wants thereof,
make men good or ill, and where knowledge, religion,
and good lawes flourish, there vertues are practised, but
among barbarous and superstitious people, living in
Cimerian darkenesse, all vices have ever, and will for
ever flourish. Abraham conceived just feare, lest for his
Wives beauty he should suffer violence and death, only
because the feare of God was not in those places where he
sojourned : for this feare of God in himselfe mercifiill,
and so commanding his children to be mercifiill, doth
restraine the most fierce natures from offering any wrong
to their neighbours. Also Phylosophy did keepe the
very Heathen within limits of honesty and Justice, which
as the Poet saith ;
Emollit mores, nee sinit esse feros:
Doth soften manners with remorse.
And keepes them from a furious course.
Perfidious-
In like sort old Writers aflSrme, that Northern men nesse.
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are most perfidious : but nothing is more easie then in
all sorts of men to find examples of perfidiousnes.
Hircius witnesseth that the old Egyptians were naturally
most perfidious, yet are they most southerly. In like
sort, the Southerne Carthaginians were of old most
infamous for treacherous acts. On the contrary, many
Histories taxe northerne men, for breaking leagues :
Also the Northerne Gothes & Southerne Spaniards,
objected mutuall breaches of faith one to the other.
Therefore (as I said) knowledge and religion are the
causes of all vertues, as ignorance and atheisme or super-
stition, are the causes of all vices, neither are these causes
hereditary to any clime or nation, but are dispersed
through the world by supernal distribution diversly at
divers times.
Covetousnfs They write that Southerne men are rather sparing and
1" J. ,. fruD:all then covetous, and that Northerne men are
proatga/tty. • n • •
prodigall and given to rapine, but the Egyptian Cleopatra
passed the Romans and all others in luxury : And at this
[III. 1. 40.] (jay nothing can be added to the rapacitie and covetous-
nesse of the Turks, and more specially of those most
towards the South, daily exercised both against Christians
and among themselves. And this seemes to be attributed
to their corrupt and tyrannicall forme of government,
and to their ignorance of Religion, as also ofliberall and
manuall Arts, not to the situation of the Provinces. I
confesse that in generall Southerne men are now more
frugall in diet and apparrell then Northerne. But the
Jewes and Southerne men are and ever have beene great
usurers, extortioners, and amassers of treasure, so as they
must also be reputed covetous. And as the Italians are
most frugall, so have the Romanes in their riches beene
monsters for Luxurie. So as the clime cannot be the
cause. But indeede riches are cause of Pride and
Luxurie, as the examples of all times and nations
doe teach. And the same riches are cause of
covetousnesse, according to the Poet. Crescit amor
nummi quantum ipsa pecunia crescit, As money growes
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so groweth avarice. Prodigality at this day, not for the
climes sake but for some other causes, may justly be
imputed to Northerne men, yet this vice dispersing
treasure vitiously, is not so great a vice as that of rapine
and covetousnesse, hiding those treasures, and burying
them from use.
Olde Writers taxe Southerne men most for Jealousie. Jealousie.
No doubt the most sharpe sights are sometimes dimmed,
and so for what cause so ever, it must be confessed, that
the sharpe witted Southerne men are to this day madly
jealous, alwayes tormenting themselves with this restlesse
passion, and using their wives like slaves, yet no whit
more freed thereby from fatall homes, though to preserve
their wives chastitie they permit the Stewes, and that
because they live among men, who no lesse vexe them-
selves in finding meanes to enjoy these forbidden Loves,
then the other are vexed in the courses to prevent their
enjoying thereof, and because their wives so watched,
thinke themselves to bewray simplicity and ignorant folly,
if they omit any occasion of offending this way, though
it were with never so base a man.
Having taxed the wittie Southerne men with jealousie, Suspition.
yet they in generall conclude, that Northerne men are
most suspitious, and that upon a contrary cause, namely
the defect of wit. No doubt they who are most guilty
of their owne defects, take in worst part the whisperings
& private laughters of those that are in their company.
Yea I wil say of experience, that I found the Italians
nothing nice to shew their strong Forts to me and other
strangers, and that in Northerne parts the same were not
to be seene by strangers, or at least with great difficulty.
By which and like arguments easie to be brought, I am
induced to thinke that want of true judgement is the
cause of suspition, but not the sole nor yet the chiefe cause
thereof. To omit many other causes, sometimes an ill
conscience makes men suspitious, as we reade that our
tyrant Richard the third, upon the least shadow or shaking
of a leafe, had his hand upon his dagger. Againe the
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best and wisest men are justly suspitious, when they live
among wicked men, or have necessarie affaires with them.
Therefore let Southerne men consider, whether they use
not more to wound their owne consciences with guilti-
nesse of wicked deedes, then Northerne men use to doe,
and whether they be not more justly to be accused of
treacheries, poysonings, and like high crimes, then the
other. For no doubt the jealous Southerne men by
guiltinesse of these crimes in spite of their wit and wise-
dome, shall become in all kinds most suspitious.
Madnesse. Olde Writers affirme, that Southerne men are more
prone to madnesse then the Northerne, and they report
that infinite numbers of mad men are found in Affrique,
where many Almes-houses are built onely to receive the
sicke of this kinde, and that the South parts of Spayne
doe abound with distracted men. And this is agreeable
to nature, and the Rules of naturall Philosophic. For
howsoever the situation of places cannot properly be the
cause of any vertue or vice, yet it is probable, that it
may cause diseases or health.
Venerte. Bodine against the judgement of Hipocrates, proveth
that Northerne men are more venerious then Southerne.
First, because our bodies have greater inward heate in
Winter then in Sommer, and so in Winter are more apt
for the act of generation, the same reason being of a
Northerne and Southerne bodie, as of Winter and
Sommer. I should thinke that the hot and dry Southerne
[III. i. 41.] men are most prone to venery, but that the colde and
moist Northerne Men are most potent therein.
Againe Aristotle saith, that they who ride most, are
most venerious, which Bodine also objecteth against
Hipocrates, who falsely holds that the Northerne mens
riding makes them lesse fruitfull in generation. It is
most certaine by our and all mens experience, that great
part of Asia, and especially the Southerne Provinces, lie
at this day waste or little inhabited, though Poligamy
be permitted among them, (I meane the having of many
wives for one man), and that all Europe on the contrary
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is wonderfully populous, and especially in the most
Northerne parts, though no man hath more then one
wife allowed him : By this one argument it is most
manifest that the Northerne men are most potent for
generation ; And it is no lesse manifest that Southerne
men have more desire, by the multitude of their wives,
their libidinous using the love of boyes, and all mens
consent so generall, as it needs no further proofe : yea,
men of experience say, that Northerne men only travelling
towards the South, are more and more troubled with this
restlesse desire.
Bodine disputes that Southerne men are longer lived Long life.
then Northerne, (contrary to the opinion of Pliny) : First
because Elephants, who (as Aristotle saith) have the
longest lives of all other, are onely found in the South.
I remember that the Turkes at this day repute them old
weomen, or past the age of love, who are come to the
age of 25 yeeres ; and that my selfe did see few or no
men in Asia, who had gray beards, and if any had grey
hayres, it was not for the number of their yeeres, but
because they grow old sooner then Northerne men. I
cannot so well speake of other Nations, where I lived a
short time, and as a stranger ; but I remember, that in
Beverly a Towne of Holdernes in England, there lived
in our age one Jemings a Carpenter, whom the men of
those parts report, to have lived 120 yeeres, and that he
married a young woman some few yeeres before his death
by whom (being of good fame) he had foure children,
and that his eldest sonne by his first wife, then living,
was 100 yeeres old, or thereabouts, but was so decrepite,
as he was rather taken for the father then the sonne.
And lest I should seeme by one Swallow to make summer,
as the Proverbe is, the men of Hereford-shire can witnes,
that such examples are not rare in England, where in
the raigne of King James, they made a morris-dance of
fifteene persons, all borne in the same County, or within
the compasse of 24 miles, who made 1500 yeeres
betweene them, some being little lesse then too yeers old,
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and some farre passing that age. Many such examples
are not wanting in England and Ireland, to prove that
Northerne men are longest lived. My selfe have knowne
some, and have credibly heard of many more weomen,
of one 100 yeers age, in these Kingdomes. The Irish
report, and will sweare it, that towards the West they
have an Hand, wherein the Inhabitants live so long, as
when they are weary and burthened with life, their
children in charity bring them to die upon the shoare
of Ireland, as if their Hand would not permit them to
die. In our time the Irish Countesse of Desmond, hved
to the age of about 140 yeeres, being able to goe on
foote foure or five miles to the Market Towne, and using
weekly so to doe in her last yeeres, and not many yeeres
before shee died, shee had all her teeth renewed. Againe,
Bodine may best be confuted with his owne argument :
for as he saith that Surtherne men are longest lived, so
he confesseth that they are most given to venery, whereas
they that are like the Cocke Sparrow, cannot be long
lived : And whereas old writers affirme that the
Inhabitants of the middle regions are of shortest life,
because Southerne men used to great heate, and
Northern men used to great cold, can easily beare
them both ; but the Inhabitants of the middle regions,
being oppressed both with cold and heate, are subject
to these changes of the Ayre, which breed diseases and
old age. This seemes to me as if they should say, that
custome makes extreme things, but not temperate things,
to be tollerable, since these of the middle regions
are no lesse used to the changes of their temperate ayre,
then the others are to the extremities, and their changes.
Give me leave to say, contrary to the vulgar opinion,
that the purenes or any properties of the ayre, doe not
so much cause long or short life, as the changes of ayre
by long journies, or by removing mens dwellings from
[III. i. 42.] one ayre to another, which changes are more powerflill,
the more violent they are, and that to men of all climes,
whether they journey or remove dwelling, from the
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North to the South, or from the South towards the North.
This experience teacheth by many examples. First, of
great travailers, whereof infinite nombers in youth die
before they returne home. Secondly, of those that dwell
in the Fennes of Lincolnshire, and of Essex in England,
where they that are borne, and live all their dayes in
those Fennes, and in that unhealthfull ayre, live to be of
very olde age, and with good health ; but if they remove
dwelling to a purer ayre, soone die, as likewise they that
are borne in purer ayre, and come after to dwell in those
Fennes, live very short time. This in generall I say,
because many very aged people are found in those Fennes,
but particularly I am confirmed in this opinion, as by
many other, so by ont pleasant example, of a Husband-
man, whom my selfe did see in Essex, who dwelling in
the Fennes not farre off, was threescore yeares olde,
healthfuU, and like to live long, and within few yeares
past had married and buried eight wives, all which hee
had brought to his house in the Fennes, upon one Nagge
of some fortie shillings price, for these women borne in
purer ayre, soone died after they came to dwell with him
in the Fennes.
Many prove that Southerne men are most religious, Religion.
by their sumptuous Churches (in which it is a great
trespasse so much as to spet,) by the very Princes of
Affrick entring the profession of Monkes, by their Fasts,
frequent praying, whipping of themselves, lawes made
against irreligious persons, and the Pontificiall habit of
their Kings. On the contrarie they afHrme that Northerne
men (as women and children soone make and as soone
breake leagues of amitie) doe soone and greedily imbrace
any Religion, and no lesse speedily cast it off againe.
As the Ostrogothes and Visigothes, being driven from
their seate, became Christians under the raigne of the
Emperour Valens, and soone after terrified with burnings,
fell from the Christian Faith. And the Gothes in Italy
first became Christians, then Arrians. Yea, Gotland
soone received the Christian Faith, and presently returned
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A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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to their Idolatrie. And the Turkes soone fell to the
Arabians Religion. As also Tartares were easily drawne
on both hands for the point of Religion. And lastly, the
Germanes taxing the Papall frauds (together with their
neighbours) did of their owne accord fall from the Popes
obedience, without any force or violent constraining.
But on the contrarie, that Southerne men ever did slowly
imbrace any new Religion, and howsoever they were
often devided into Sects, yet could never be drawne to
change their Religion without miracles and force of
Armes. So as Antiochus by no torment could draw any
one of seven brethren, or their mother that exhorted them
to be constant, so much as to tast Swines flesh. It is
easie to oppose examples and arguments to the fore-said
examples and arguments. If we behold the Temples,
Monasteries, Bels, and other old ornaments or rehgious
vestures of our Northerne Hand England, no doubt they
farre passe those of the South, where neither the present
Churches building, nor the ruines of like olde building,
shew the like (if any) magnificence. Yea, rather the
Sepulchres then the Moschees (or Churches) of the South,
may be thought sumptuous. Neither want we examples
of Northerne Kings (as of the Saxons in England, and
Gothes in Italy) who put on Monks habits : nor yet
of Nations in Europe, who have violently with much
suffering maintained their rites of Religion. Moreover,
see how these men omit to distinguish superstition from
Religion. They confesse that the Northerne men first
discovered the Papall fraudes, yet they will also have
them more simple, whence it followes, that the sharpe-
witted Southerne men did first see these fraudes, and
cover them for feare of the Popes persecutions, or because
they esteemed Religion onely a State policie, and knowing
the truth yet abstained from reformation. Surely Pet-
rarch, Dantes, and other free wits of Italy did see the
Papall frauds before the Germanes, and though fearefuUy
yet plainly pronounced Rome to be Babylon. But our
Northerne Luther, when at Rome he had seene the
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licentious Romanes, and their criminall frauds, could not
abstaine, but he must needes divulge these impostures
of Religion, and being weake for his defence, yet could
not but oppose himselfe to most powerfull enemies.
Northerne men are soone drawne with the love of
Religion, the out-side whereof the Southerne men can
skilfully paint over, that under the pretext of feare due to [m- *• +3-]
God, they like Foxes, may command over Lyons, which
our good Epimethei at last by the events perceiving, doe
so much abhorre all hypocrisie and whorish painting of
Religion, as by no danger they can bee frighted from
professing truth, whose constancy in suffering persecution
for the same is abundantly witnessed, by the multitude of
them burnt in France, as Sleyden writes of his owne
sight, and by the more violent, at least, more lasting
persecution of them by fier under Marie, late Queene of
England. Therefore let us say, that Northerne men are
easily drawne to the true Religion, and by no terrors
can bee kept from reforming corruptions growing
therein ; for in that without torments, and of free will
they are drawne to professe the truth, this proves them
most religious ; and in that Southerne men still hold
their old opinion, this proves, that they preferre the peace
of the World, before the peace of Conscience. And in
that the Northerne Magistrates (I speake of our Reformed
Churches) seeke rather to teach and perswade Religion,
then to force it by fier and sword, this proves that they
are more godly and milde, then those of the South, who
tyrannically persecute their owne subjects differing from
them in Religion. Shall I attribute it to the constancy
of the Spaniards, that they dare not lift up a finger against
the tyrannie of their Clergie.'' or rather to the basenesse
of their minds, and the unspeakable tyranny of the
Inquisition, punishing innocent and nocent without dis-
tinction if they never so little crosse the ambitious pride
and covetousnesse of the Clergiemen. They who live
in the Kings and generally approved Religion of their
Countrie, injoying all priviledges, these in this particular
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A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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may rather bee thought secure then religious, and they
who dare professe the Religion which they judge to bee
true, though it bee done against their Kings Edicts, and
with losse of goods and life, (of which kind wee have
notable examples in Northerne parts) these men doe more
feare God then man, and truly deserve to be called
religious. Besides it must not bee granted, that all
Northerne people have thus voluntarily and speedily
yeelded to the profession of the reformed Religion : for
in Ireland farre towards the North, few or none are found
of the Natives, who in this so cleare light of the Gospell
have cast of the Roman Religion. Yet is not this to be
attributed to their constancy in Religion, but rather to the
lenitie of the reformed profession, which thinkes that the
conscience must not be forced, or perhaps to the Magis-
trates fault, having taken small or no good orders to have
the people instructed in the truth, or lastly and most of
all to the ignorant blindnesse of this Nation, which doth
not willingly receive any Rules and Lawes of civill hfe,
or religious reformation, or rather frowardly opposeth the
same, and so as children prise their babies, they more
obstinately retaine the outward Pharisaicall holinesse of
the South, in burning wax light, having Images, and
externall pompe of Copes and Processions, and like
humane traditions. Lastly, if we shall consider well the
above mentioned position of old Writers, namely, that
Northerne men are more blockish and ignorant, by that
reason it will follow, that Northerne men are more hardly
drawne from any received opinion. For ignorant men
are also suspitious, and hardly admit any that bring
innovations, the rather because they are lesse capable of
their perswading arguments. So the Philosopher said of
a Citie in Greece, that the Citizens were so blockish, as
they could not be led by eloquence. In like sort the
Professors of Alchumy seldome deceive any ignorant
persons, who would answere as Cicero speaketh of South-
sayers : thou promisest mee Kingdomes, and yet beggest
a groat of mee : but wee daily see, that witty men and
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learned, are often caught and drawne to expence by their
abstruse darke arguments. Therefore in my opinion it
should bee said, that the Religion of Southerne men, by
the outward ceremonies, is, like Sepulchers, sumptuous
without, but that the Religion of the Northerne men is
glorious within. Or if, setting humane experience aside,
we will waigh this by the holy scales of the Sanctuarie,
wee shall finde undoubtedly, that wee can neither in
North nor South come to God, or flie from him at our
pleasure, but that God in what Countrie soever, imparteth
his light to his chosen children, which hee hides from
potent Kingdomes, and men more wise and mightie in
their owne sight.
Old Writers affirme, that Northerne men have softer [III. i. 44.]
skinnes then Southerne men, as women have them in Sofniesse of
generall softer then men. Whereupon Bodine saith, that ^kinne.
the transalpine men comming into Italy, are much
troubled with Fleaes, and biting Flies. But in my
opinion, howsoever wee may truly say, that Northerne
men have whiter skins, and many times by the accident
of fatnes softer then the common sort there, yet the
Ethiopians and other people of Aifrique dwelling neere
the extremest South on this side the line, as they have
properly white teeth, so is their skinne (howsoever tanned)
farre softer then the skinnes of any nation whatsoever,
by the common consent o( all men.
They account Southerne men to be mostly cleanly and Cleanlinesse.
neat of body, as well for their frequent use of Bathing
and continuall washings, as for that they will not endure
any the least filth or spot upon their apparrell, especially
the Turkes upon their Tulbent (or white linnen worne
upon their heads,) and keepe their houses in like sort
from all filth, but above all are curious in keeping their
Churches, in which it were no small trespasse so much
as to spet, (which in common conversation they take for
an offence, as if he that spets were wearie of their
company, and in deede by the Nature of the Clime and
continuall bathing in hot Bathes, they take away the
441
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
rheume, so as they are not troubled with coughing and
spetting.) If any man object that the Germanes use
bathing, if not so continually as the Turkes, yet very
often, surely the Germanes use it not for cleanlinesse, but
to dry up the grosse humours which they get by intem-
perate drinking, and they are otherwise more slovenly in
their apparrell, in their Stoves and all manner of linnen,
if they be compared with Southerne nations, and nothing
lesse then cleanly if they be compared with other
Northerly nations of Europe.
Luxurie. They write that of olde, the Southerne men passed all
other in luxurie, as well of apparrell as diet, and they
alledge that the Romanes had Oysters out of Britanie,
and that Anthony himselfe being a Romane, and much
given to this luxurie, yet was farre surpassed therein by
Cleopatra, a more Southerly Queene of Egipt. But at
this day it may be confidently said, that they are nothing
lesse then luxurious in either kinde, as shall be shewed
more at large in this volume, and in the Chapter treating
of the divers diets and apparrell of severall nations.
Lev'ttie. The French in Europe, and the Syrians in Asia, but
most especially the Greekes in Europe, being all inhabiters
of middle Regions, are by olde Writers taxed with levity.
Bodine confesseth that the French are more quicke and
nimble, and as inhabiters of a middle Region, also more
chearefull, since the Northerne men by grosse humours,
and the Southerne men by Melancholly, are made more
slowe, and in this sence he is content levity should be
imputed to them, for otherwise he brings many argu-
ments, why Northerne men should be light or inconstant,
Southerne men should be obstinate, and the inhabiters
of middle Regions, (among whom he containes the
French) should be constant. But howsoever he cannot
have the patience, to have levity (that is inconstancie in
word and deede) attributed to the French, yet no doubt
by the general! consent of Nations, the French, in
apparrell, gesture, in counsels o^ peace and warre, and
more specially in the raising of civill warres, are nothing
442
OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS a.d.
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lesse then constant and grave, if they be compared with
the wise Italians, and delatorie Spaniards. Besides that
levity, which they put in swiftnesse and nimblenesse, must
be attributed to the Irish, above any Nation, of the
middle, or whatsoever Regions.
The olde Writers affirme, that the Southerne Nations Tortmate-
are more fortunate, which they prove by many arguments, ^^"'•
yet among those, whom they judge thus fortunate, the
Egiptians were ever slaves to more Northerne nations,
excepting those ages, wherein their Pharoes, Ptolemyes ;
and Sultans (Rebels to the Emperour,) ruled over them.
And for the most part Southerne men have had the
fortune to serve others, and no doubt slaverie is no badge
of good fortune. If they object the olde saying, that all
ill comes from the North, it is true that Northerne men
have commonly conquered the South, and so they bring
ill to others, rather then have it themselves, and ill may
be said to come from the North, rather then to be in the
North. But if they judge the South happy, because it [HI. i. 45-]
first had the knowledge of Gods word, the Art Militarie,
learning, policie, civility, and Empires. Some are of
opinion that these, and all good or ill things, are circularly
caried through the world, and communicated to all
Nations at divers times. And (perhaps) Justus Lipsius,
in our age, observing this, by the reading of Histories,
did thereupon prophecie of an Empire from the West,
as if the Spaniards with their West-Indians, should have
the Empire of the World, and all good things that follow
it, which hope of theirs, though formerly feared, our age
hath broken. I undertake not to know future things,
as he did, but for the old Writers opinion, this I know
that the above named fortunate things, came from the
East, rather then the South : And if they will needs
have them to come from the South, yet as it first had
them, so it first lost them, neither is it so great happines
to have had any good, as it is misery to have lost it :
so as the South may be said to have beene fortunate of
old, but to be miserable now, and the North now injoying
443
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
these things to be fortunate for the present, yet not to
have been miserable of old in the want of them, which
then they knew not, and so never desired them : For
as the Poet saith ; Ignoti nulla Cupido : Unknowne,
undesired.
Dwels, and Lastly, old Writers affirme, that few or no Divels are
^Mdiveh "^ ^^^ South, by reason of the plentifull light, which was
thought to drive them away, and the subtilenesse of the
Ayre, which could not beare them, and that whole Armies
of Divels and Witches were in the North. They are
very tender hearted to the Divels tormented with fier,
in giving them the cold North to inhabit : yet of old,
they say the gate of hell was at the Lake of Avernus,
in the territory of Naples : Have the Roman Bishops
possessed this gate with their squadrons, so as Northerne
men can no more passe that way? Hath wickednesse
increased ? or are they more unkinde to us then the
Heathen Romans, that now in the age of the World
they force Northerne men to find out a new gate at the
Mountaine Hecla in Iseland ? But to speake seriously :
The Platonists, and some of the Christian Fathers follow-
ing them, doe give bodies both to good and ill Angels.
Aristotle and his Peripatetikes, and our Schoolemen
following them, hold that Angels are simple and abstract
intelligences, and substances altogether without bodies.
Zanchius comparing all their arguments, concludes, that
Angels may take bodies, and are not in many places at
once, but in one place, and move with these bodies as
swiftly as the windes, so as nothing can hinder their
motion, being made in time unperceiveable by us. By
which it may be gathered, that their substances, not
taking any body, are so subtile, as they need not to be
sustained by the Ayre : And if they imagine that Ayry
Divels are sustained by thicke Ayre, yet watry and earthy
Divels, (for such bodies they also give them), are not
hindered by any subtilenesse of Ayre, to compasse the
Earth. If Southerne men have such store of light as they
write, let me merrily aske them, why the Southerne, as
444
OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS a.d.
1605-17.
well Papists, as Turkes, burne so many candles by day
light, which Northerne men use not in these dayes, nor
ever used, but as received from them : but I grant that
the light of the Gospell, (not any other light), drives
away Divels, since the Divell is the Prince of this World,
but not of the Children of light : And the want of the
Gospels light makes so many Witches in Lapland upon
the Baltike Sea, which are most rare in England, (so
farre in the North, as the old Romans said they were
divided from the World). Before the preaching of the
Gospell, the Druydes in France, the Heathen Priests
pronouncing Oracles, and the German weomen foretelling
things to come, were as I thinke witches, but all these
witchcrafts ceased after the comming of Christ. For
Witches and Conjurers, I will not denie them to be here
in the North, as in all the World ; for the Divell is every
where ready to devoure his prey : but prophane Histories,
and even the Holy Scriptures witnesse, that the Egyptians
and Chaldeans, were of old most famous Sorcerers : yea,
the very Northerne Weomen, which goe about and tell
fortunes, are for the reputation of their Art called Gypses,
and have their faces tanned, that they may seeme to be
Southerne Weomen, (which sort are in Italy called
Singari). In Tripoli of Syria, at Haleppo, and in the
Cities of Cilicia, they shew places at this day, where frogs
and the very sand are inchanted, with pillars erected over
the places, lest they should grow and destroy the [III. i. 46.]
Countrey, and where they confidently affirme treasure to
be hid and guarded by spirits. When I returned from
Constantinople, a Gentleman came in my company, who
brought the great Turkes Letters (after his siege of
Agria) to our Queene Elizabeth, the coppy whereof he
did shew me, translated into Latin, wherein I remember
these words ; That day, because we perceived the
invisible spirits to be on our left hand, wee did forbeare
to fight with the Germanes, but the next day the same
spirits being turned on our sides towards the East, my
most valiant Souldiers incouraged with this helpe,
445
devill.
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
assailed the Christian Army, and with our exceeding glory
defeated it. To conclude, the Romane Priests of later
times, invented and taught us in the North, to hallow
Water, Crosses, Belles, and Candles, by incantations, and
at this day, either there be in Italy very many possessed
with Divels, or else many say that they are so possessed,
perhaps hired by the Priests, that they may glory in
healing them, (which is not incredible.) For my selfe
at Loreto in Italy, (in the Church whereof the Papists
use no lesse superstition, then the Heathen did at the
A Priest Oracle of Delphos), I say my selfe did see a Priest casting
casting out a a devill (as they said) out of an old woman with strange
inchantments, and hee did so familiarly call that Divell
and all his Legion by their names, as I much wondred
thereat ; for wee Northerne men have not such exquisite
knowledge of the hellish Squadrons. And it is ridiculous
but true, that while I seemed thus astonished, a young
Priest without a beard came to me, and told me a long
fable, of a horrible Divel which had been there cast out,
yet before his departure, shewed to the Priest a stone
in the next window, upon which the Angel Gabriel stood,
when he foretold the Virgin Marie of Christs Nativitie,
crying that hee was cast out by the holinesse of that
stone, not of the Priest. This I heard with great atten-
tion, and with shew of astonishment, but with my selfe
I thought it strange, that they should in this beleeve
the Divell the father of lies ; and I could not but see
the singular craft of the Priests, who by this art found a
new idoll for the people to worship, and greedily drew
great and new oblations to themselves, not content to
have the opinion of holinesse, in seeming to cast out that
divell, except they should also obtrude this fraud to the
people. For if the Divell had beene the Priests most
faithfull friend, hee could have found nothing more
profitable to them, then this divelish invention. But I
returne to the purpose. As an old Father said, that he
saw but one Divell in the Market-place, where most of
the buyers and sellers were his owne, but many Divels
446
OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS a.d.
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in the Church, that they might lay snares for them that
rebelled against the power of Hell : let those who
defend this opinion, and thrust whole Armies of Divels
into our Northerne parts, so and for the same reason say,
that one Divell is in the South, and Legions in the
North. Or if they like not this assertion, let them say,
that ayrie Divels are in the North sustained by the thicke
ayre thereof, and confesse, that the subtile ayre of the
South not bearing them, yet there be whole Legions of
watry and earthy bodied Divels, living within the same
walles among men.
Old Writers reproch the French with Gluttonie, the Proverbial
Jewes with Envie, the Persians with Perfidiousnesse, ^P"'^"^^ y
the Egyptians with Craft, the Greekes with Deceit, the ^gn^j-aU
Saracens with savage Crueltie, the Chaldeans with Levitie,
the Africans with desire of change, the Lombards with
Vaine-glory, the Hunnes with Crueltie, the Suevians with
Slovenlinesse, the French with Fiercenesse, the Saxons
with Foolishnesse, the Pictes with Hardnesse, the Scots
with Lust, the Spanyards with Violence, the Brittans with
Anger, the Normans with Rapacitie.
In like sort for grace they attribute, Prudency to the
Hebrewes, stabilitie to the Persians, subtile practising or
policy to the Egyptians, sapience (that is, knowledge
Divine and Human) to the Greekes, gravity to the
Romans, quicknesse of spirit called sagacity, to the
Chaldeans, wittines to the Assyrians, firmenes to the
Galles, fortitude to the Francks, fidelity to the Scots,
quipping subtlety to the Spaniards, hospitalitie to
the Brittanes, communion of all things to the Nor-
mans.
Aulus Gellius in his seventh booke, and the sixteenth Uamtle
Chapter, thus reckons the daintie meates of Cities and meates.
Nations. The Peacocke of Samos and Phrigia. The [HI. i. 47-]
Cranes of Melica, the Kid of Ambracia. The fish called
a Thinnye of Calcedonia. The Lamprey of Tartessia.
The Aselli (a kind o^ Codfish of the colour of an Asse)
of the Pessinuntians. The Oysters of Tarentum. The
447
A.D.
1605-17.
D hi fie Law.
Nations.
Passing over
of griefe.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
little Scalop of Chios. The fish called Elops of Rhodes.
The fish that cheweth like a beast called Carus, of Cilicia.
The Nuts of Thasia, the Palme of Egypt, the Acorne
or Mast of Iberia, (that is of Spaine.)
They write, that the Divine Law came from Italy to
the Transalpines, from Greece to Italy, from Egypt to
Greece, from the Hebrewes to Egypt, from Gods owne
mouth to the Hebrewes. (In like sort I would say, that
military discipline came to us from the Assirians and
Persians, and that liberall sciences came to us from the
Chaldeans.)
The Nations of the World were called Gentiles by the
Hebrews, and Barbarians by the Greekes, and at this day
the Northerne Nations are called Transalpini (men beyond
the Alpes) by the Italians in a kind oi reproch.
They say that Charles the fifth Emperour of Germany
was wont to say, that the King of Spaine ruled over
Asses, doing nothing without blowes and violence. The
King of France over men, and the Emperour over Kings.
And when one of the standers by said, that the Polonians
also had their King. I grant said he that he is
their King (meaning, that his power was limited by
them.)
The same Emperour is said to have thus spoken of
the languages ; in the Italian tongue. La lingua
Todescha e per commandare, 1' Italiana per far' amore, la
Francese per far' mercantia, la Spagnuola per far' miseri-
cordia : that is in English. The Germans tongue is fit
to command, the Italian to make love, the French
to trafficke, or buy and sell, the
mercy.
To passe over griefe, the Italians
sing, the Germans drinke, the English goe to Plaies, the
Spaniards lament, as likewise the Irish (save that rudely
they utter their griefe by cries in the open streetes), the
Low-country-men or Flemmings, the Bohemians, the
Danes, the Polonians, and other farre Northerne Nations
use the same remedy of drinking, which the Germans
448
Spanish to move
sleepe, the French
OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS a.d.
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use. This Proverbiall speech I containe in these two
verses ;
Somnoe Itali, cantu Galli, vinoque Alemanni,
Scaena Angli, planctu maesti recreantur Hiberi.
Italians sleepe, French sing, Dutch drinke away their
griefe,
English at Plaies, Spaniards lamenting, find reliefe.
The Greekes in bed, the Italians at Table are accounted
most neate of all other.
The French are said to excell in singing and dancing,
the Italians in fencing and riding great Horses, the Dutch
or Germans, like Bulles, never to assaile, but repell force
by force.
The Germans are said to woe like Lyons, rather by JVoelng.
commanding then obsequiousnes, the Italians like foxes
steaHngly creeping into their sweet-hearts affections, the
Spaniards like religious Friers, worshipping the idoll of
beauty with astonishment. The French like Bees
presently stinging. Of like variety of loves affections
in divers Nations, these verses are vulgar.
Gallus amat celerem pede non remorante puellam,
quae lenis est, certis & satu apta modis.
Hispano magis ilia placet, cui forma benigna est,
cui Venus ex oculis semper amica nitet.
Italus at timidae lastatur amore puellae,
dulcia quae veneris praelia saepe fugit.
Virgo sed audaci quae provocat ore Magistrum,
Ilia est Germano dulcis amica viro.
The Frenchman loves a nimble lasse,
that gently as you cast her lyes.
Spaniards love her, that like a glasse
darts beauty at him from her eyes.
Italians love a fearefull wench, [HI. i. 48.]
that often flies from Venus sport.
To her that at the drinking bench
challengeth love, the Dutch resort.
M. Ill 449 ^ ^
A.D.
1605-17.
Love.
Behaviour.
Walkc'ing.
Countenance.
Speech.
Manners.
Apparrell.
Singing.
Speech.
Towards
strangers.
Conversation.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
In love the Germans are said to be ambitious, the
French light, the Spaniards impatient, the Italians jealous
to their great torment.
The Germans gesture or behaviour is said to bee
Fencerlike, the Frenchmans soft and gentle, the Italians
grave, the Spaniards proud.
The German is said to walke like a dunghill cocke,
the French in hast speedily, the Italians somewhat slowly,
the Spaniards disdainefully.
The Germans looke or countenance is said to be fierce,
the French mans flattering, the Italians constant, the
Spaniards loftie.
The Germans speech is said to be manly, the French-
mans sweet and fluent, the Italians winning the Auditors,
the Spaniards flexible.
The Germans manners are said to be rusticall, the
Frenchmans light, the Italians gracious, the Spaniards
maofnificall.
The Germans apparrell is said to bee constant without
any curiosity, the Frenchmans luxurious and carelesse,
the Italians neate, the Spaniards decent, (me thinks their
hose and ruff's are nothing lesse then comely.)
For singing Art, the Germans are said to houle, the
Flemmings to sing, the Spaniards to sob, the French to
deskant, the Italians to bleate. Or otherwise: The
Italians to lament, the Germans to crie, the French to
sing : or otherwise : The Spaniards weep, the Italians
sigh, the English bleate like Goats, the Germans bellow,
the French sing.
In speech the Germans are said to be simple, the French
ready, the Italians subtle, the Spaniards bragging.
Towards strangers the Germans are said to be unhos-
pitall (I thinke otherwise), the French Gentle, the
Spaniards flattering, the Italians officious (no doubt, if
you respect outward Ofl&ces).
In conversation the Germans are said to bee imperious
and intollerable (I should say they are peaceable when
they are sober, and diversly affected according to their
450
OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS ad.
1605-17.
several! natures, when they are drunken), the French
mild (I would rather say trifeling and cerimonious), the
Spaniards wary, the Italians wise.
In hatred the Germans are said to be revengefull (I Hatred.
should grant that they bee cruell upon Victory), the
French threatning (sure they depose hatred when the
bloud is cold), the Spaniards obstinate, the Italians secret
(no doubt, and both they and the Spaniards great
revengers upon any unequall termes.)
In businesse, the Germans are said to be industrious, Businesse.
the French carefull, the Spaniards vigilant, the Italians
circumspect.
The Germans are said to bee singular in manuall Arts, SeverallJrts.
the French in Civility, the Spaniards in Navigation,
Italians in Learning. But with favour, I should thinke
the ItaHans were of old more famous for learning, then
now they are. And howsoever the Spaniards had the
fortune to find out the new world, yet they must yeeld
to the Brittans and Flemmings in the Art, or at least the
practice of Navigation.
The Italians and Spaniards are said to be wise before wise.
the act, the French in the act, the Germans after the act.
Otherwise it is said in the Italian tongue : I Spanuoli
paiono savii e sono pazzi : I Francesi paiono pazzi e sono
saveii, 1' Italiani paiono e sono savii : I Porrtughesi ne
paiono ne sono savii : that is, The Spaniards seeme wise
and are fooles. The French seeme fooles, but are wise.
The Italians seeme and are wise. The Portugals neither
seeme nor are wise.
In France the Kings Treasurers, in England Dukes, are
said to bee fatally miserable.
The Germans are said to invade their enemies land like Invasion.
Life (that is slowly), the French like Fleaes, (now biting,
now driven away), the Spaniards like Crablise (sticking fast.)
The Italian women are said to be given to the study ^omen.
of humanity, the French to the learning of languages, [HI. i. 49.]
the Flemmings especially to the skil of languages, the
Germans to houshold affaires.
451
A.D.
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IVomens
Apparrell.
Divert
womens
conditions.
ProverbiaJl
speeches of
Travellers in
general!.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
In apparrell the Italian women are said to be neate
and grave (onely the Venetians shew their necks and
breasts naked) the French light & variable, the Spaniards
proud, the Germans foolish (perhaps because they weare
extreme straight sleeves on their armes, and guard one
and the same gowne with many and divers coloured
guards), the Flemmings fine (no doubt they, and especially
the Brabanders, excel! for white and fine linnen, and for
generall comlinesse of their garments.)
The Italian women are said to bee sharpe witted, the
Spanish blunt (I should hardly thinke it), the French
simple (I should rather say most crafty, as most women
are every where), the Germanes good mothers of family
(yea exceeding good.)
The Spanish women are said to be painted, the Italians
somewhat lesse painted, the French seldome painted, and
sometimes the Germaine Virgins (never that I observed,
except those of Prussen have perhaps borowed this vice
of the Moscovites their neighbours.)
She is said to bee a faire woman, that hath the face
of an Englishwoman, the bodie (from the neck to the
navell) of the French, the other parts of the Flemmish.
To this purpose are the verses in Latin ;
Triginta haec habeat quae vult formosa vocari
Foemina : sic Helenam fama fuisse refert, &c.
She must have thirtie things that faire is counted,
In which they say faire Helena surmounted, &c.
the rest I omit for the wantonnesse of them.
The Italians say in their tongue ; Queste cose sirichie-
dono nel' viandante, 1' occhio di Falcone (per veder'
lontany), 1' orecchie d' Asino (per udir' bene), il viso di
simia (per essere pronto al riso), la bocea di porcello (per
mangiar' d' ogni cosa), le Spalle di Camelo (per portar'
some conpatienza), le gambe di Cervo (per fiiggir' peri-
colo) e un' sacchone pien' pieno di danari (perche chi ha
danari, signore e chiamato.) That is in English ; These
things are required in a Traveller, the eye of a Hawke
452
OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS ad.
1605-17.
(to see farre off), the eares of an Asse (to heare the least What things
whispering), the face of an Ape (to bee ready to laugh <ire to be
in soothing), the mouth of a Hogge (to eate whatsoever ^^'^^^^dt^
is set before him), the backe of a Camell (to beare
burthens patiently), the legge oi a Hart (to flic from
danger) a huge great purse top full of gold (because he
that hath mony, is called Lord.) We in England
vulgarly say, that a Traveller to Rome must have the
backe of an Asse, the belly of a Hogge, and a conscience
as broad as the Kings high way
The Italians say,
Cinque hore dorme un' viandante,
Sette un' studiante, nove ogni fiirfante.
A Traveller five howers doth crave
For sleepe, a Student seven will have,
And nine sleepes every idle knave.
The Italians advise a Traveller : Ch' il suo cavallo sia Riding.
governato d' amico, ma cavalcato da nemico : That he
should meate and dresse his horse like a friend, but ride
him like an enemie.
The Italian Travellers say, Da 1' hoste nuovo, & da la
putana vecchia Dio ci guarda : From a new host, and
an old Harlot, God deliver us.
Of the Cities in Germany, they say in the vulgar Proverbidl
tongue : Ulm die reichest, Augspurg die hoffertigest, speeches in
Trier die eltest, Nurnberg die Witzigest, Strasburg die particular of
edlest. That is: Ulme the richest, Augsburg the SoZmil^nd
proudest. Trier the eldest, Nurnberg the wittiest, Stras- Sweitzerland.
burg the noblest.
That all Germany is blind, onely Nurnberg hath one
eye.
Of the Bishopricks upon the Rheine. That Chur is Bishopricks
the highest (because it is seated upon the highest Alpes, "P°" Rheine.
neere the Spring head of the Rheine), Costnetz the
amplest, Basil the sweetest or pleasantest, Strasburg the [III. i. 50.]
noblest (because no man is a Canon of that Church, which
453
A.D.
1605-17.
Italian
Curtlsans.
Germans
speeches.
Students.
Citizens.
The West-
Phalians.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
is not an Earle or a Baron of seventeene discents) Spire
the most religious, Metz the most venerable (as the chiefe
among the Electors Clergy-men), Colin the richest, Trior
the most ancient.
The Italian Curtisans say, that a German makes love
like a Clowne, doth that worke like an Asse, and paies
like a Prince : which the Germans also say in the same
words of their vulgar tongue ; Eine Deutscher bulet wie
ein bawer, fiichst wie ein esel, und bezalt wie ein fiirst.
The Germans say, that Suevia alone hath whores, Fran-
conia robbers and beggers, Bavaria pilfering theeves,
Helvetia hangmen and Baudes, Frisia and Westphalia
perjured persons, and Saxony drunkards, more then
enough to serve al long and broad Germany.
That the Students of Gena ply the Citterne, those of
Wittenberg the pot, and those of Leipzig the playing at
Cards.
That the Citizens of Lubeck are Lords, those of Lune-
burg Gentlemen, those of Hamburg Clownes, and of the
Hamburgers these verses are vulgar ;
Hamburgenses sunt velut enses, semper acuti,
Praelia poscunt, nee bene noscunt, ensibus uti.
Hamburgers be, like swords we see, sharpe to dandle.
Have warres they will, yet have not skill, swords to
handle.
That West-Phalians devoure gammons of bacon, and
have poore Innes (vulgarly arme wirtshausen), browne
bread (vulgarly cranck broat, that is, sicke bread), thin
drink (vulgarly dinne bier) & long miles (vulgarly langhen
meylen.) And to this Proverbiall speech is added in the
vulgar tongue ; gloubst du night, lauff da, zu beschawen :
that is, If "thou beleevest not, walke thither to trie it.
Of Hessen Land they have this vulgar rime.
Hohe berg, und tieffe thall, grobe speisse uberall.
Hart bett, und sawre wein, wer wolt ihm land zu hessen
sem.
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OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS a.d.
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High Mounts, and Vallyes deepe, with grosse meates all
annoide :
Sowre wine, hard beds for sleepe : who would not Hessen
land avoide?
The Silesians in reproch are called Esellfra'sser, that is, T'he SUesians.
devourers of Asses, and the Silesians She-Asse, is called
the mother of Hares. And if any German will put the
Asse upon another cunningly, he will say, that the other
was never in Silesia.
The Sweitzers are by the Germans in reproch called Smitzers.
ku'milcher, that is, Cow milkers, because the men use
to milke Cowes.
Bohemia I passed with speede, and was unskilfull in
the language, so as I never observed any proverbiall
speech among them of this kind, neither hath it been my
chance since that time to reade any such speeches in
approved Authors.
Among the Cities of Netherland, Harlam is called Proverblall
great (though at that time the designed building of speeches of
Amsterdam made it much greater in circuit.) Leyden is Netherland or
called faire, Delph rich, Torg CathoHke. Those of Qguntries
Bruxelles are called devourers of Pullin, or Capon-eaters,
the Hollanders rude (vulgarly plump) and the Nether-
landers in general hasen kopen, that is. Hare-heads, and
because they feede much on butter, they are called butter-
mouthes, and because daily passing to and fro in ships,
they use for avoiding of greater expences in Innes, to
carry with them boxes of butter, they are also called
butter-boxes by the English.
As I passed hastily through Denmarke and Poland, OfDenmarke
being ignorant in the languages, I did never heare any and Poland.
such Proverbiall speeches among them, neither had I ever
the hap to find any such in approved Authors.
Touching the Cities oi Italy, it is proverbially said Proverbiall
among them. Roma la santa, Paduoa la dotta, venetia ^P^^<:^^! °f
la ricca, Fiorenza la bella, Milano la grande, Bologna la ^'^^'
grassa, Ravenna 1' antica, Napoli gentile, Genuoa Superba.
That is : Rome the holy, Paduoa the learned, Venice the
455
A.D.
1605-17.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
[III. i.
The
dispositiom
of Divers
"Nations.
rich, Florence the beautifull, Milan the great, Bologna
the fat, Ravenna the ancient, Naples the Gentile, Genuoa
the proud.
In generall, the Italians are said to be mad twice in
51.] the yeere, at Shroftide (for their unspeakeable luxury in
meate, wantonnesse, and all pleasures), and in Lent (for
the no lesse wonderfull superstitions of that time.) For
speech the Hetrurians are said to bee elegant, the
Milanesi voluble, the Venetians slow, the Genoesi
and Bergmaschi ridiculous. The Milanesi are said
to excell in the study of the Civill Law, the Florentines
in naturall Philosophy, the Calabrians in the Greeke
tongue, the Neapolitans in the Hetrurian or Tuscane
tongue, those of Lucca in Divinitie, those of Bologna
in the Mathematicks, the Venetians in Musick, those
of Ferraria, Paduoa and Salernum in Phisick, those of
Sienna in Logick, those of Perusium in the Canon Law
of the Popes, and those of Pavia in Sophistrie. They
say, that the Merchants of Florence are crafty, those of
Lucca covetous, the Venetians most bold (hazarding all
in one ship), those of Milan honest (so as if they bee put
to it, they will confesse, that the house they sell is infected
with the plague.) The Calabrians are said to be officious
to strangers in hope of gaine, the Neapolitanes to love
all that excell in any vertue, those of Lucca to reverence
strangers, and to defend them from wrongs. The
Florentines to be officious towards them without hope
of gaine, and to communicate their fortunes and counsels
to them, if they stay long there. The Venetians
to be officious in words. Those of Paduoa to be inhos-
pitall, and likewise those of Genoa, even towards those
who have deserved well of them. The Bergomaschi to
be so inhumane as to hate strangers. The Milanesi to
be officious towards them, even to their owne domage.
Those of Parma to be covetous, but within short time
to be weary of them. And those of Ferraria to be secret
towards a stranger, though they have eaten a bushell of
Salt with him. The Milanesi are said to be little jealous,
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and to hate fat women. The Mantuans to love women
that can dance. The Florentines to love a modest woman,
and one that loves home. The Neapolitanes to love a
stately high-minded woman. Those of Lucca are said
to love constantly, the Venetians contrarily, and to desire
fat women with great dugs, but to love without choice,
and to force them if others have injoyed. The Ferrarians
to hate their rivall. Those of Sienna to be rapt with
faire faces. Those of Perusium to love them with white
teeth and grey eyes. Those of Paduoa to love women
with little brests, which makes their women use the juyce
of Plantane to keep them from growing. Those of
Genoa to love fervently, & to desire fat women, to be
temperate in the use of them, and to hate those that smell
of Perfumes. Those of Piacenza to be jealous, and once
offended, to practice the murther of their Mistrisse and
rivall. Those of Cremona to love one skilfull in musicall
Instruments. Those of Ravenna one ruled at a beck.
The Pisanes a plaine dealing open harted wench. Those
of Crotona to think themselves never beloved enough,
and to kill themselves if they cannot enjoy their love.
Those of Pistoia seldom be jealous, but to hate the very
wife of him that is of another faction. And those of
Viterbo when their lust is satisfied, to set their Mistris
to sale for profit. The Neapolitanes are said to wooe by
Horsemanship and tilting. Those of Milan with feasts,
and by slandering the women that refuse them. Those
of Ferraria by praises. Those of Mantuoa by maskes
or dancing. Those of Perusium by threatning. The
Venetians by boasting and magnificence. Those of
Bologna by gifts. The Florentines by Sonnets. Those
of Sienna by fained teares. Those of Lucca by obstinate
loving. Those of Verona by obsequiousnesse. The
Romans and Aretines by witty jests. In diet, the
Neapolitanes are said to be gorgeous or honorable (spend-
ing more sugar then bread). The Florentines sparing,
but wonderful clenly. Those of Lucca (therein as in al
things) to keepe the golden meane. The Tyberine peares,
457
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-1;.
and Martiolane cheeses, are accounted dainties. Those
of Genoa to be of a most slender diet, and no clenlines.
The Mantuans to feede on base pease. Those of Ferraria
to be inhospital. Those of Paduoa to sup with an half-
penny worth of fish. The Venetians to spend little for
meat. Those of Sienna to keepe an honorable diet, and
to hold Kids flesh, and fresh Cheeses for great dainties.
Those of Milan to have a plentiful diet, and to invite
appetite with sharpe things. The Novocomians to eat
without end, and drinke stoutly. Those of Piemont to
eate after the French manner, and those of Ancona to live
most basely for their diet. The women of Lucca are
accounted honest, and skilfull in Cookery. Those of
Sienna faire and well affected to Poets. The Florentines
delicate, and good at the needle, and matters of the
Family. The Pistoians deceivers. The Perusians deli-
cately handed, and delighting much in fishing. The
Novocomians to blesse their husbands with the Rams
home. The Romans to seeme religious. The Cayetans
to be painted & lustful. The Capuans proud, & excellent
in nothing. The Neapolitans delighted in flocks of maid
servants & lovers. The Beneventants to be of rude
beauty. The Picenes desirous to be observed by their
[III. i. 52.] husbands. The Bononians to be somewhat browne
coloured with a body full of juyce, and loving sighes and
teares of their sutors. The Ferrarians robbers of those
they love. Those of Urbino seeming of a rude nature,
but none being more gentle. Those of Parma covetous
and hard. Those of Piemont ever begging. Those of
Genoa lecherous, talkative, faire, bountirull to their
Lovers, and alwaies adorned with sweete flowers. Those
of Sienna (lisciate fin' alia fossa), painted to the very
grave. The Venetians of a variable disposition, very
jealous, and some of them giving the use of their bodies
freely without reward (but I should thinke there be few
such, for they pleasantly scoff at our English women, that
they give the fruit of love to their lovers for charity
(vulgarly per amor' di Dio, as they give almes to beggers)
458
OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS
and affecting to have yellow haire, white skins, and cherry
cheekes, all by art, and to have short legs. And of the
Venetian most famous Curtizans, it is proverbially said,
Son grasse di stracci, bianche di calcina, rosse di belito
alte di zoccole : They are fat with cloutes, white with
chalke, red with painting, and high with shooes. In
generall it is said of the Italian weomen : Sono gazze a
le porte, Sante in Chiesa, capre n'i giardini, Diavoli in
casa, Angeli in strada, Sirene alia fenestra. They are
Magpyes at the doore. Saints in the Church, Goates in
the garden, Divels in the house. Angels in the streete, and
Syrens at the window. Of Rome this verse is proverbiall.
La corte Romana non vuol' pecora senza lana,
Curia Romana non quaerit ovem sine lana :
The Court of Rome cannot abide.
To have a sheepe with a shorne hide.
The old Romans by these letters, S.P.Q.R. did signifie
Senatum Populum Que Romanum, the Senate and people
of Rome, and they being graven upon the gates of the
City, one did pleasantly thus interpret them : Stultus
Populus Quaerit Romam : That is ; Foolish people seeke
Rome. These verses also are proverbiall.
Roma vale, vidi, satis est vidisse, revertar,
Cum Leno, Maecus scurra, Cynedus ero,
Rome farewell, I have thee seene, well for me,
And then I will returne againe to thee.
When Lecher, Jester, Ingle, Bawde ile be.
Of Genoa it is said : Mar' senza pesci, montagne senza
legni, huomini senza fede, Donne senza vergogna, Mori-
bianchi, Genoa superba. That is : The sea without fish,
Mountaines without wood. Men without faith, Weomen
without shame, white Mores, Genoa the proud. Sienna
is said to abound with Fountaines, Towers, and faire
women : And they say in the vulgar tongue ; Sienna
di sei cose plena : Di Torre e di campane, di scolari e di
putane, di becchi e di Ruffiani. Sienna is full of sixe
459
A.D.
1605-17.
Particularly
of the Italian
Cities.
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
things, Towers and Bels, Schollers and Whores, Cuckolds
and Bawdes. They of Sienna have a Proverb : That a
stranger once drinking of the Fountaine Brando, must
needs stay there (as surprized with the love of the City).
But the Florentines in their reproch say ;
Chi beve di Fonte Brando, diventa malto.
Who of the Fountaine Brando drinkes, becomes
a Foole.
The Florentines are said stoutly to revenge the breach
of Faith, and to be mindfull of benefits, to have Armes
of Iron (for their industry), and the bodies of Antes,
(for their spare diet). It is vulgarly said of them : Chi
disse Fiorentino, non disse burla, che di tre cose ti fanno
dovitia. A Dio, A Revederci, vuoitu nulla.'* He that
spake of the Florentine ; said well, that they give plenty
of three things : God keepe you. Health till we meet
againe ; Will you any thing with me ^ It is vulgarly
said : I Bergomaschi hanno il parlar' grosso, & il far'
sottile : Those of Bergamo are grosse in speech, but
subtill in action. Againe, II bianco & il nero (cioe pepe
& cottone) hanno fatto venetia ricca. Blacke and white,
(that is. Pepper and Bumbast), have made Venice rich.
Againe, II Podesta di Senigallia, comanda, e poi fa. The
Mayor of Senigallia, commands, and then doth it him-
selfe. In reproch of Modena it is vulgarly said : Menar
P Orsia Modena. To leade Beares at Modena. Againe,
Da la Marca Asinie Pedanti famosi. The Marchians
have famous Asses and Schoolemasters : And they say
vulgarly that a great lie is, Bugia Marchiana, that is, a
Marchian lie. As I hastily passed the vast Empire of
0/ Turkey, the Turks, and being ignorant of the vulgar languages,
I never heard any such Proverbe, neither think that the
unlearned Turks trouble their braines with these
Laconicall sentences. Onely among the Italians I heard
this Proverbe in their tongue. In Cipro tre cose a buon'
Mercato si danno, il Sale, il Zuccaro, e le putane. In
Cyprus three things are good cheape, Salt, Sugar, and
460
OF THE OPINIONS OF OLD WRITERS ad.
1605-17.
Whores. In France they say proverbially : Qui feit Of France.
Picard, il feit la hart (dit le Norman) : Pour pendre le
Norman' Couard (dit le Picard) who made a Picard, made
a rope (saith the Norman) : To hang the coward Norman
(saith the Picard.)
Againe, Qui feit Francois, il feit curtois : Qui feit [m- '• 53-]
Breton' il feit larron. He that made a Frenchman, made
a curteous man ; He that made a Britan, made a theefe.
The French in reproch to the Normans, salute them
with this counterfet or made word ; Fla-va-gou-la-men,
as if they should call him, Flateur, vanteur, goula, larron,
Menteur, that is, flatterer, bragger, glutton, theefe, Iyer.
They vulgarly say, Gascon' teste verte : Gascon green
head, as rash in anger : Bourguignon' Sale : The salted
Burgundian, which reproch grew, of a strange cruelty
used by the Citizens of Aiguesmortes, against a garrison
of Burgundians, who in the Raigne oi Charles the
seventh, and in the yeere 1422, by a sudden conspiracy
cast out and killed the Burgundians lying there in
garrison, and salted their dead bodies in a vessell of stone,
which they shew to this day.
They name three jurisdictions or commonalties, which
it seems of old had foolish and great priviledges ; La
Basoche de Paris : Les Cornards di Rouen : La Mere
Folic de Dijon.
Of the Cities they say ; Paris la grande (the Great)
Rouen la riche (the Rich) Orleans la belle (the Faire)
Dijon la Folle (the Foolish). Angers, basse ville, hauts
clochers, riches putaines, pouvres Escoliers : Low City,
high Steeples, rich Whores, poore Schollars.
They say vulgarly, Les Badauts, (the Fooles, or as we
say Cocknies) di Paris : Les Cornards (the foresaid society
of horned), Di Rouen. Les Guespins, (the word hath
some reference to Vespae, a Latin word, signifying those
that carry dead bodies to be buried by night, but the
French can hardly give a true signification of it),
d'Orleans. Les Copieux, (the copious, for their art in
jeasting), de Flesche. Les faux tesmoings (the false
461
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
witnesses), quatorze pour un' fromage (foureteene for a
Cheese), du Manz : Nau, (the novices or simple men),
de Solongne, qui s'abusent toussiours a leur profit, (which
are abused alwaies to their owne profit, as if under colour
of simplicity, they were most crafty).
Of three Cities of Champaigne : Les Graniers, (the
Garners as full of Corne), de Challens. Les Caves,
(the Cellars as full of wine), de Reims. Les Bourses, (the
Purses as fiall of money), de Troyes.
They say vulgarly, II y a plus de Monmartre a Paris,
que de Paris a Monmartre. This speech II y a is ambig-
uous or of divers significations : vulgarly it should be
thus understood. It is further from Monmartre to Paris,
then from Paris to Monmartre : but in this place it is
thus meant. There is more of Monmartre within Paris,
then of Paris upon Monmartre ; because almost all the
Houses of Paris are plastered over, and the matter of
this plaster is daily brought into Paris from Monmartre.
Also A Monmartre II y a plus de Putains, que de
vaches : Mais ostes en les Nonnains, II y' aura plus de
vaches que de Putains. At Monmartre there be more
Whores then Cowes : But take away the Nunnes, and
there will be more Cowes then Whores. Also, Fromages
(Cheeses) dAuvergne. Angelots (a kinde of Cheese) de
Brie. Andouilles (Intrals or Trypes) de Troye. Saveisses
(Sawsages) du Pont I'Evesque. Chapons (Capons) du
Mans. Moutarde (Mustard) de Dijon, Pruneaux
(Prunes) de Tours. Marrons (great Chesnuts) de Lyon.
Pain d'espice (Spiced Bread) de Reims. Raves (rape
rootes) de Limosin. Pesches (Peaches) de Carheil. Pain
(Bread) de Genesse.
The Italians say, that the manner of the French, is;
Di non dire quando vogliono fare, di non legger' come
Scrivono, e di non cantare come notano. Not to speake
that they will doe, not to reade as they write, not to sing
as they pricke.
England. England in generall is said to be the Hell of Horses,
the Purgatory of Servants, and the Paradice of Weomen.
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The Londiners pronounce woe to him, that buyes a Note.
Horse in Smyth-field, that takes a Servant in Pauls
Church, that marries a Wife out of Westminster.
Londiners, and all within the sound of Bow-Bell, are in
reproch called Cocknies, and eaters of buttered tostes.
The Kentish men of old were said to have tayles, because
trafficking in the Low-Countries, they never paid full
payments of what they did owe, but still left some part
unpaid. Essex men are called calves, (because they
abound there), Lankashire egge-pies, and to be wonn^ by
an Apple with a red side. Norfolke wyles (for crafty
litigiousnes) : Essex stiles, (so many as make walking
tedious), Kentish miles (of the length.)
Northumberland men (exercised in roades upon the [m. i, 54.]
Scots) are accounted best light Horsemen. Cornish men
best Horse-riders and Wrastlers, and most active men.
Lincolneshire Belles and Bag-pipes, Devonshire White-
pots, Tewksbery Mustard, Banberry Cakes, Kings-Norten
Cheese, Sheffeld knives. Darby Ale, are proverbially
spoken of.
I hastily passed through part of Scotland bordering Poland and
upon England, and had no skill in the Irish tongue, so Ireland.
as I observed no such Proverbs in those Kingdomes.
[The Second Booke.
463
THE SECOND BOOKE.
Germany and
Szveit-z.erland
and
Boemerland.
Chap. I.
Of the fit meanes to travell, and to hire Coaches
and Horses.
Ereof I must intreate briefely, and howso-
ever the subject be large, yet I wil com-
pendiously restraine this my discourse,
praying him that desireth more plaine
instruction in any particular, to reade the
following discourse in this third Part of
these Nations diet in generall, and
expences in their Innes, as also to gather particular obser-
vations for his use out of my daily journies, related in
the first Part.
The greatest part of Germany is a plaine Countrie,
with few Hilles, and almost no Mountaines, but it is
full of vast Woods, and the soile is either sandy, or for
the most part drie, and little subject to durt, so as they
use commonly Coaches for their journies, which are easily
to be found in any City, neither shall a passenger long
stay for companions to fill up the Coach, so as by this
constant manner of travelling, hee shall not be put to
any extraordinary charge. From Hamburg to Nurnberg,
being nine daies journey, I remember that sixe of us in
company, hired a coach for fifty dollers. That five of us
for two dayes journies paid five dollers. That foure of
us for three daies jorney payed seven dollers for our
Coach. But in our journey from Hamburg to Nurnberg
464
OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL a.d.
1605-17.
we paied for our Coachmans diet, himselfe paying for
his horses meate, whereas in the other journies he paied
also for his owne diet. The ordinary Coaches hold sixe
consorts, but those of Nurnberg receive eight, bearing
two in each boote on the sides. But if companions bee
not readily found to fill the Coach, the passengers shall
doe better in going forward with such company as they
have, and the Coachmen will rather goe for lesse, then
stay in the Inne, and spend more in expecting the full
number. The top of the Coaches is made with round
hoopes (covered with lether, or for the most part with
black cloath) which are buckled together in the middest
when it raines, or the weather is cold, for otherwise the
hoopes fastned with staples of Iron to the body of the
coach, fall backward to the ends, so as the passengers
may sit in the open aire. In lower Germany a passenger
commonly payes about foure Lubeck shillings for each
meale. In middle Germany he shall pay about foure
Batzen. And in higher Germany he shall pay about sixe
or seven batzen each meale, and all passengers sit at one
common table. At the foote of the Alpes, where the fall
of waters make the waies durty, they use to ride on
horsebacke. Sweitzerland consists of hilles and Moun-
taines, so as they likewise travell on horsebacke. And
there the passenger shall commonly pay some five or sixe
batzen each meale.
The horses in both places are to bee hired for sixe or
seven batzen by the day, but the travellers expence is
doubled, by paying as much for the dayes in which the
Horse returnes empty: Besides, that hee must hire a [III. ii. 55.]
Foote-man to bring backe his Horse, and must also beare
his charges by the way, which greatly increaseth his
expence in these Countries yeelding wine, the Foote-men
being as good or better drinkers then the Horse-men. In
upper Germany a Horse-man shall pay daily about thirty
Creitzers for Oates, and about sixe for Hey. In lower
Germany about sixe Lubecke shillings for Oates, and
almost the foresaid value for Hey.
M. Ill 465 2 G
AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
This I write more particularly, because he that travels
for Italy, cannot take a more frugall course, then to buy
a Horse in Germany, which he may sell for gaine in
Italy, especially if hee sell him by the way, being within
few dales of his journeys end, whence he may passe by
hired Coach or Horse to Padoua : For if he bring his
Horse thither, those that are to buy him, are such crafty
knaves, and will so conspire together against him, as he
shall be forced to sell his Horse under hand, being made
weary with the great charge of his meate : but this
frugalty hath some difficulties, if the passenger have
no skill in the tongue, (in which case hee must hire an
Interpreter), and if he have not Horse-men to accompany
him, because they passe all by Coaches, yet if this Horse-
man will follow the Coach, hee may with a small gift
induce the Coach-man, to teach him the meanes to provide
for his Horse : but this difficulty is taken away when
he once comes as high as Nurnberg, to which place it is
more easie, though deerer, to passe by Coach.
It is a matter of small moment, yet not unfit to bee
observed, that the churlish Coach-men of Germany, have
this custome, that the Coaches comming downe from the
upper parts, give the way to those that come up.
The Alpes. All Men speake strange things of the Alpes, and such
as will hardly be beleeved by those, that have not seene
them. The way from Vienna to Padoua is plaine, yet
lying betweene high Mountaines, and fetching many
compasses, so as it is fit for Horse-men, but I passed
that way in the company of a Coach, which went slowly in
the stony wayes, and was hardly by force of mens
shoulders kept from falling. The way from Augsburg
to Padoua is like this, and of both these journeys I have
spoken at large in the first Part. My selfe weary of
expecting companions, and violently carried with the
desire to returne into my Countrey, did all alone, without
any one in my company, (which I thinke few or none
ever did), passe over the Alpes, from Bergamo to Chur,
save that sometimes I hired a Foote-man to runne by
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OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL a.d.
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my Horse, and to guide mee for a mile or two. In this
journey through the Grisones Countrey, I sometimes (not
without horror) ascended very steepe passages of Moun-
taines, lying with my face on my Horses necke, whose
bridle I left free to him, holding my selfe with one hand
on his maine, and the other on the saddle. Woe to me,
if any Mares had then passed that way, at the sight
whereof my Horse used to be so furious, as many times
at straight passages, and steepe fals of the Mountaines
into low vallies, I was forced to light from him, and on
foote to holde his bridle ; and yet sometimes hee was so
fierce, as he plunged out of the way up to the saddle
skirts in snow, so as I could hardly recover him. The
passages over the Alpes towards Geneva and Savoy,
especially the Mountaines called Furca and Gothardo, are
most dangerous of all others. The fittest times to passe i^hat times
the Alpes, are the Winter moneths, when no show is ^'^^ "'"{'
newly fallen, and the old snow is hard congealed, or else ^^ J ^.
the moneths of June, July, and August, when the snow y^ites.
neere the high wayes is altogether melted ; For the middle
moneths are very unfit, either by falling of new snow, or
by melting of the old, neither can any man passe, before
the Officers appointed to have care of the way, have
opened the same. My selfe passing over the more easie
Alpes, in the moneth of June, did often heare Moun-
taines of melted snow fall into the neere Vallies, with
as violent rushing, as if whole Cities had fallen by an
Earth-quake. Over the Alpes towards Geneva and
Savoy, passengers are sometimes carried upon sledges,
sometimes with gloves and shooes fiill of nailes, they
creepe over them on hands and feete, and in both these
kindes, their Guides ever warne them, to turne their
eyes from beholding the steepe fals of the Mountaines
into most deepe Vallies. For sometimes it happens, that
in a turning or winding way, the sledge whereon the
passenger sits, is cast out of the way, and hangs downe [III. ii. 56-]
into a most deepe valley, with the passengers head downe-
wards and his heeles upward. Woe be to him then, if
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FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
hee let his hold goe, or the harnesse tying the sledge
to the Horse should breake : yea, very Mules and Asses,
going most slowly, and so most firmely, yet sometimes
fall into deepe valleys, and so perish in the snow. My
selfe in my journey from Padoua to Augsburg, being a
lesse difficult passage, did see an Horse boggling at a
casuall noise, tumble halfe a mile into a valley, with his
heavy loade upon his backe, yet have no harme, the snow
being so congealed as it bore him up, so as his Master
by a large circuite brought him safe againe up to the
rest of his Horses, on the Mountaines top.
Bohemia. Bohemia is all plaine, but often rising into low and
fruitfull hils, so as there (as in Germany) they journey
most in Coaches. A passenger in this Kingdome shall
pay some five Bohemian Grosh, or upon the Confines
towards Nurnberg, some eighteene or twenty creitzers,
for each meales meate : yet at Prage in most Innes, the
Bohemians themselves use to diet by the meale, but upon
account, the Hosts having little or nothing for diet in
the House to sell, but buying most things without dores
for the Guests.
In the Low-Countries Travellers passe most in long
narrow Country Waggons, the sides thereof being like
Rackes for Horses, and acrosse over them short and some-
what narrow boards, being fastened for Passengers to sit
upon, two in a ranke, so as they hold some eight or
tenne passengers ; And they have goodly Mares to draw
these Waggons, using their Horses for the troops in their
Army, or exporting them (as sometimes their Mares also)
to sell in forraigne parts. I did never see the meanes
of passage so ready in any place, as these Waggons here
at all times are, before the doore of the Waggoners Inne,
nor consorts so readily found to all places, whereof the
numbers are infinite passing both by Waggon and Boate :
Neither did I ever see Travellers passe at so easie rates,
(I meane for their passages, not for the Innes), so they
have not heavy luggage : For in that case, the Waggons
being left and taken at the gates of the Citie, (as I thinke
468
Lotv-
Countr'ies.
OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL a.d.
1605-17.
not to weare the bricke pavements with their wheeles),
and the waggons being often changed in each dayes
journey, this carriage to his Inne and from it so often,
must needes be a great burthen to his shoulders, or charge
to his purse : The Waggoners being commonly drunken,
drive their Mares like mad men, yet without danger of
turning over their Waggons, because the wayes are most
plaine, faire, and sandy. From Delph to Hage, being
two houres journey, with consorts I paied two stivers for
my Waggon, and alone I paide seven. The way lies
betweene ditches, and is plaine and safe, the Countrey
people continually repairing it : For otherwise the wayes
in this low watry soyle, could not be so drie and sandy
as they are. And because they cast up sand upon the
passengers, some curious men use spectacles of glasse to
preserve their eyes.
On all sides from City to City, they have ditches cut,
upon which boates passe almost every hower to and fro,
and give passage at a low rate, and the wind being faire,
they beare sayles, otherwise they are drawne by Horses
or by Marriners, with a rope fastened upon a pole, set
up in the hinder part of the boate, and the Marriners
being commonly drunke, through their too much hast and
negligence, it often happens, that the ropes wherewith
the boates are drawne, catch hold on some posts and
stakes by the way, or chance to be intangled with the
horses or roapes of other boates, meeting them, and so
overturne them in the water, with no small danger to
the passengers. The rates of passages by boate are
divers, but ever small. My selfe have passed three miles
for foure stivers, seven miles for sixe stivers, and foure-
teene miles (as from Amsterdam to Harlingen) for eight
stivers. The Marriners use not to deceive strangers in
the rates, neither can they easily doe it, they being
vulgarly knowne to every child. Every day and at a set
hower, the Boates must goe away with those passengers
they have, and may not stay for more, and if at any time
some few passengers, or any one alone, will pay the whole
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AD. FINES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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fraight of the Boate, then they must without any delay
[III. ii. 57.] transport those passengers or that one man. This I will
illustrate with one example. A Barke must everie day
at a set hower set sayles from Harlingen a Citie in Frees-
land to Amsterdam a Citie in Holland (and hke are the
customes of other Cities for mutuall trafficke), neither
may the covetous Marriners stay one minute after the
hower, and after it is never so little loosed from the
strand, it may not come backe to the shoare, though
never so many passengers should come suddenly, and
desire to bee received into it, but these new passengers
must hire another barke, the price whereof is vulgarly
knowne, and that being offered by them or any one
passenger, the Marriners may not refuse to goe presently
away. Sometimes it happens, that one Barke receives
so many passengers, as the owner gets tenne Flemmish
guldens for one fraight ; for if great number of passengers
comes before the appointed hower, that turnes to the
Marriners profit. But if one man alone, or few men,
doe after the appointed hower, offer to give five guldens
for the said passage, they may not refuse presently to
transport him or them. The like custome is kept in
other Cities for small boates and short passages, namely,
that tenne consorts (which are most readilie found) shall
pay each man three stivers for his passage ; and if one
or two being in haste will pay these thirty stivers, the
boate without delay must carry him or them. I cannot
denie, but these rates of hiring barkes or boates are
subject to change. For in the passage from Harlingen
to Amsterdam my selfe paid eight stivers for my trans-
porting, which of old was but five stivers a man. As
likewise for small boats we then paid three stivers for
a passage, which of old was but one blanck. But in the
meane time these increases are not raised by the Marriners
covetousnesse after their pleasure, but by the publike
authority of the Magistrate in lawfull and decent manner.
In the publike Innes a passenger paies some ten or
fourteene stivers each meale : but if he drinke wine,
470
OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL ad.
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that will cost as much more, by reason of the great
impositions upon the Wines. Besides that, the Flem-
mings his consorts drinking beare stiffely, especially if
they light upon English beare, and drinke being put into
the common reckoning of the company, a stranger shall
pay for their intemperancy.
The Danes have such and the same waggons, as the Denmark.
Flemmings, which a man alone or few or more consorts
may hire some foure miles (being a short dayes journey),
for 20 or 24 Lubeck shillings, or about that rate. Travellers
use not to passe on horsebacke. The Coachmen pay for
their owne diet and their horses meate. My selfe
commonly paid each meale for my diet sixe Lubeck
shilHngs, reckoning three for beare apart, and in some
places joyntly for both foure Lubeck (that is eight
Danish) shillings. Lastly, I was carried in a boate foure
miles by the Sea-coast for eight Lubeck shillings.
Poland for the most part (or almost all) is a plaine Poland.
Countrie, fit for the passing of coches, which may be
hired in Cities, and are like to those of Germany. From
Dantzke to Crakaw (being ten dales journey) a coach
may be hired for some 44 German guldens. My selfe
paid there for my part six guldens, leaving the Coach
after foure dales journey, because the horses were tired.
And for my diet two of those dayes upon our guides
reckoning, my part came to two guldens, but I am sure
he deceived us. In one Citie by the way, five of us paid
> 2 doUers for one supper, but my selfe after passing alone,
commonly dined in villages for 2 or 3 grosh, and supped
for 4 or 6 grosh. They use to carry a bed in the Coach,
and to sit upon it in the day time, for otherwise no beds
are to be found, but onely in great Cities, which are
very rare. And they who will have wine, must also
carry it with them, for it is not to be had but onlie in
great Cities. Our Horses (as I said) being tired, we left
our Coach, and by the Kings letter or warrant granted
to one of our company, we tooke up horses, and that for
small prices, namely, one or two Grosh for a Polish or
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A.b. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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Dutch mile : But the Polonians for the most part ride
on horsebacke, and the most convenient and frugall course
for passengers, is to buy horses and sell them in Italy
after their journey, neither shall they want horsemen to
beare them company from City to City : but he that is
a horse-man, cannot carrie his bed, & so must have
patience to rest upon a bench, til he shall find beds upon
the confines of Germany. In the meane time his long
horsmans coat (which the Polonians & Hungarians gener-
ally use) may (with straw) make his lodging more con-
[III. ii. 58.1 venient, especially if it be lined with Woolves skinnes,
or like furres, for the Winter time. Neither shall he
neede to feare any cold, since the Polonians use hot
stoves (as the Germans have), and do also lodge all the
family therein at night upon straw and benches. Horse-
meate will cost some two or three grosh at noone, and
some foure or five grosh at night.
Italy. In Italy they use few or no Coaches, but onely in the
State of Venice, where, from Treviso to Padoua, being
twelve miles, my selfe and my companions hired a Coach
for eighteene Venetian lyers. For other parts of Italy,
Travellers for journeys use horses or mares in Lumbardy,
and otherwhere upon hilly Countries, and in the Plaine
towards Naples, they use Mules and Asses much more
commonly, then Horses, and the same beasts in like sort
are used for all carriages. Post-horses are to be hired
in every City, and for one they commonly pay a silver
crowne, that is seven Venetian lyres, for ten miles. But
I do not remember to have seene any use Post-horses
as we do for galloping, the Italians using to ride a slow
pace. And if any passenger thinke this rate deare, he
may take a more frugall course, by enquiring after Post-
horses of returne, so called, because they must returne
home empty, if they find no passengers by chance to use
them : for these horses may bee had at a lower rate, and
if the passenger find them not readily at every stage, it
will not be unpleasant for him to walke on foote to the
next stage, where or by the way he shall commonly find
472
OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL ad.
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such horses, so as the want of consorts, or heavy baggage,
make not his walking on foote unpleasant ; for other-
wise the fields and waies are most pleasant, and the Cities,
Townes, or dwellings most frequent. But if he ride
upon a post-horse of returne, he must take heede that he
light from his horse at the Towne-gate ; for if he ride
to the Inne, the Post-master will force him to take a new
Post-horse, or else to goe away on foote, whereas if he
come to the Inne either on foote, or upon an hackney, it
is free for the horse-letters to furnish him and his company
with hackney horses. These horse-letters are called
Vetturini, and let their horses at a lower rate, especially
if the passenger have two or three consorts, and they
will send a servant on foot to feede the horses by the
way, and to bring them backe, except their journey be
short, as of one or two dayes, in which case they will let
a horse to a passenger being alone, with caution that hee
shall meate him by the way, and at the journeys end leave
him at the Inne which they appoint, without further care
of his meate or returne. Yea, if the passenger would
ride his horse beyond that Inne, the Hoste or his servants,
knowing the horse, will stay him, and take the horse into
their keeping. Also ordinary Carriers from Citie to Citie
use to let horses, and leade passengers with them.
My selfe hired a horse of returne from Bologna to
Rimini, being thirty five miles, for tenne poali ; from
Sienna to Lucca, being fortie five miles, a Vetturines
horse, for foureteene poali or giulii ; from Lucca to Pisa,
being tenne miles, for two giulii ; from Pisa to Lirigi,
being fortie one miles, for a piastre, or silver crowne ;
and from Milan to Cremona, being fifty two miles, a
carriers horse, for five lyres besides horse-meate. Hee
that hath his owne horse, or a Vetturines horse left to
his keeping (as I said for a short journey), shall pay for
horse-meate after these rates. At Lucca in the State of
Florence, hee shall pay each night some twelve creitzers
for oates, & eight creitzers for the stable (that is hay, straw
and stable roome) and at Vicenza and in the State of
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A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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Venice, some eighteene soldi for oates, and twentie soldi
for the stable. The Italians ride upon most hard saddles,
having commonly a lether cushian of their owne to
fasten upon the pummell of the saddle. Touching the
charge of diet by the way, a passenger in the State of
Venice shall have his supper and bed for forty soldi, and
in the upper parts of Italy for three giulii, and he may
dine conveniently for one giulio upon reckoning, or at
most for a giulio and a halfe : but if hee will eate at the
ordinary, he shall pay three. Many agree with the
Vetturine, not onely for horses and horsemeate, but also
for their owne diet : but for my part, I would rather Hve
at my owne charge and discretion, then at theirs, except-
ing the journey from Rome to Naples, in which, for the
great hast, especially at dinner times, & for the familiarity
which the Vetturines have with the Hosts, all men use to
agree with them, aswel for diet as for horses and horse-
meate, which if they should not doe, they should spend
[III. ii. 59.] more, & hardly be used so wel. In Italy the passenger
must be content with a hard flock bed ; for by reason of
the heate of the Country, they use no feather beds : He
shall have clean e sheetes, at least if he be curious to
demand them : but because the beds are suspected for
filthinesse of the Venerian disease, passengers use to
weare linnen breeches of their owne. It is good to lodge
in the best Innes, especially in Italy, for in them hee shall
be best used, and shall be most safe from dangers. For
other particulars let the passenger reade the more full
handling of them, in my daily journies through Italy,
in the first Part, and the following Chapter of the Itahan
diet in this third Part.
Turkey. In the Turkish Empire they travell not, as we doe,
sometimes one man alone, sometimes two, three, or more
consorts, at pleasure ; but as theeves there goe in troopes
to spoile, so Merchants for their security, joyne together
till they have some two or three hundred Cammels, loaded
with goods, and a convenient number of men to attend
them. And this Company is called vulgarly a Carravan,
474
OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL ad.
1605-17.
to which passengers joyne themselves, for their better
safety. This Company, to avoide the heate of the Sunne,
useth to beginne their journey in the evening, and to
continue the same till two howers after Sunne-rise, resting
all the day in Tents : And every man carries his owne
meate, or provides it by the way. Malem signifies one,
that leades Merchants goods ; and Muccaro signifies him
that lookes to the beasts, and to the loading of them, and
these Men let Cammels, Horses, and Mules, to
passengers, for the whole journey, at reasonable rates, and
doe waite upon the passengers to feede the beasts, and to
loade them, as also to buy and dresse meate for the
Men. My selfe and my Brother Henry, in our journey
from Tripoli in Syria to Haleppo, paied nine Pyastri for
two Asses to ride upon, and for their meate and for some
tributes (vulgarly Cafars) of twenty Meidines or there-
abouts, due by the way. And in our journey from
Haleppo to Constantinople, wee paide to our Muccaro
bearing the charge of the beasts meate, seventy and one
Pyastri, for a Horse and a Mule to ride upon, and for a
Cammell to carry our provisions, of Bisket, Wine,
Damaske Prunes, and some such comfortable things :
For wee pitched our Tents neere Villages or Cities, from
whence wee bought Egges, Hennes, and Ryce, as wee
needed them, and sometimes had opportunity to supply
that which wee had consumed, of those provisions which
wee carried with us. One Cammell will beare a passenger,
and good store of necessary provisions with him, but the
pace thereof is very harde, and shaketh the body of the
Ryder, the hinder parts of the Cammell being higher
then the fore parts. The Horses either goe a foote pace,
or gallop, but are not taught the paces of ambling or
trotting : yet in regard that in these journies the passenger
goes slowly, following loaded Cammels, their Horses are
easie enough to ride upon. The Mules naturally have
easie and slow paces, and are most commodious, especially
for sicke men. Besides these Caravans, a passenger may
light upon other commodities of taking his journey,
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AD. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
namely, when Bashaes or Turkish Governours are recalled
from their Governements, and returne with their families
to Constantinople. For these Magistrates are often
changed in Turkey, and so these commodities of passage
are frequent. Onely the passenger must bee commended
to the protection of this Basha or Governour, which upon
a small present or gift hee will easily undertake, and
sweare by his head, touching it (as their manner is to
sweare), that hee will bring him safely to his journyes
ende. And the passenger who together with this caution,
hath a Janizare to protect and guide him, shall neede to
feare no danger, so as hee receive this Janizare from an
Ambassadour, Consull, or Christian Merchant, who will
aske account of the passengers safetie from the Janizare
at his returne.
They have a third commodious way for journeys, in the
company of a Troope of Horse, (vulgarly called Cas-
senda), which often carries the Turkes Treasure up to
Constantinople. And not onely the chiefe of this Troope,
upon a small gift, will protect any passenger, but also this
[III. ii, 6o.] course of all others is most commodious for journies,
because they ride a good pace, being not troubled with
loaded Camels, and so come speedily unto their journies
end.
France. The French seldome use Coaches for journeys, but at
Paris he that will hire a Coach about the City, shall pay
seven or eight ryals by the day. Likewise at Paris, very
Notaries and ordinary men, hire horses and foot cloathes
to ride about the Citie, and they pay ten soulz for the
horse, and five for the foot-cloath by the day. But for
journies, the French have three sorts of horses; The
first is of post-horses, let for a stage of some three miles,
shorter or longer, for which a French man shall pay
fifteene, perhaps a stranger twenty soulz, and as much
for a guide, besides some five soulz of free gift. The
second sort are called Chevaux de relais, that is, horses
to be left at a place. And for the hiring of these for a
like distance of miles, a passenger payes some tenne
476
OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL ad.
1605-17.
soulz, and hee needes no guide to bring backe the horse,
because he is to leave him in a place appointed at the
end of the stage. But hee may not ride these a false
gallop, as they use to ride post-horses; for if he that
receives the horse, can find either by the note delivered
him, or by the swetting of the horse, that hee hath ridden
an extraordinary pace, hee shall pay ten soulz, the ordin-
ate penaltie for that wrong. The third sort are called
Chevaux de louage, that is, hired horses, and these a
passenger may hire to what place hee will for some fifteene
or twentie soulz by the day, for so many dayes till the
horse may bee sent backe, and at the journies end hee
dehvers the horse with a note to some friend of
the owner, and by the way hee payes for his
meate, some five soulz at noone, and ten at night.
I will adde one example of my owne experience.
From Roane to Diepe are twelve or fourteene miles, to
bee ridden in some foure howers, but the horses being
weake, passengers use to bate at a Village called Totes
in the halfe way ; and howsoever before the civill warre,
a horse of hire for this short journey was let for ten
soulz, yet at the time when I passed that way, they
demaunded and tooke thirtie soulz, reckoning three dayes
for the journey, and the sending backe of the horse.
Hee that hired this horse from Roane to Diepe, and
backe againe to Roane, paid no more, so he returned
within three dayes. But if his occasions were to make
any stay at Diepe, or to sayle from thence to England,
or to journey from thence to any other place, then he
paid the foresaid thirty soulz, and left the horse with an
host, still paying for his meate some eight or ten soulz
by the day, till he could be sent backe. Yet passengers
are so frequent there, as the host doth not onely soone
free the passenger of this charge for the horses meate,
but easily gaineth himselfe some ten or more soulz from
him, that undertakes to carry the horse backe to Roane.
In generall, the Traveller must be content with hard
saddles, and sometimes with a rope for a bridle, who hath
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A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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them not of his owne. The French in their Innes use to
eate at an ordinarie table together for the most part. In
Totes the foresaid Village of Normandy before the great
civill war, assoone as a Traveller lighted from his horse,
they brought him water to wash, and presently set bread
and wine before him (for without some refection, the
French have not patience to stay for supper.) Then at
supper commonly they gave mutton, a capon or pullet
and a partridge, or like meates, with some banqueting
dishes (as apples, cherries, grapes in Summer, and ches-
nuts, rice, dried grapes and fruits in winter.) Then they
brought cleane sheets to be aired before the passenger
at the fier. Lastly, in the morning they gave him his
breakfast (as buttered tosts, or some morsell of flesh),
and for all this and his horsemeat, he was wont to pay
no more then some I2 soulz. As likewise for his dinner
and horsemeat some 10 soulz. But after the civil war,
when I passed these parts, sometimes I paid 12, sometimes
15 soulz for each meale, and for my horse-meate at noone
five soulz, at night tenne soulz ; but an horse-man paid
nothing for his bed. And if any desired to breake his
fast, hee paid for it apart, but a small matter. Neither
at this time was there any ordinarie Table (which they
call Table de I'hoste, the Hosts table), for since French-
men use not to leave it where any such is, I should
otherwise have seene it, besides, that they pay not apart
for breakfasts, where Ordinary Tables are held, as wee did
in these Innes.
[III. ii. 61.] The horseman hath his bed freely, the footman paies
some three soulz a night. In some places, as upon the
confines of France towards Flanders, the Hosts onely
give Linnen, bread and wine, and when the guests will
eate, Cookes bring in trayes of divers meats ready for
dressing, and when the guests have chosen their meate,
and agreed for the price, they carry it backe, and after
it is prepared, bring it in warme with sauces. If the
passenger have a horse of his owne (which he may buy
here to sell with good gaine in Italy) he shall pay for
478
OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL a.d.
1605-17.
his meate (as I said) five soulz at noone, and some ten
soulz at night. The French have also long Waggons
covered with cloath (such as our English Carriers use),
wherein women, and such as can indure the slownesse
thereof, use to travell from Citie to Citie. My self after
I had been robbed in Champaigne, passed in such a
Waggon from Challons to Paris, and paied two gold
Crownes of the Sunne for my passage. Alwaies it is to
bee understood, that in most Kingdomes and places a
stranger shall pay somewhat more, then one that is borne
in the Country.
In England towards the South, and in the West parts, England.
and from London to Barwick, upon the confines of Scot-
land, Post-horses are established at every ten miles or
thereabouts, which they ride a false gallop after some
ten miles an hower sometimes, and that makes their hire
the greater : for with a Commission from the chiefe
Post-master, or chiefe Lords of the Councell (given either
upon publike businesse, or at least pretence thereof) a
passenger shal pay two pence half-penny each mile for his
horse, and as much for his guides horse : but one guide
will serve the whole company, though many ride together,
who may easily bring backe the horses driving them
before him, who know the way aswell as a begger knowes
his dish. They which have no such Commission, pay
three pence for each mile. This extraordinary charge of
horses hire, may well be recompenced with the speede of
the journey, whereby greater expences in the Innes are
avoided, all the difficultie is, to have a body able to
endure the toyle. For these horses the passenger is at no
charge to give them meat, onely at the ten miles end the
boy that carries them backe, will expect some few pence
in gift. Some Nobleman hath the Office of chiefe Post-
Master, being a place of such account, as commonly he
is one of the Kings Counsell. And not onely hee, but
other Lords of the Councell, according to the qualities
of their offices, use to give the foresaid Commission,
signed with their hands joyntly or severally : but their
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AD FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
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hands are lesse regarded then the Post-masters, except
they be favourites, and of the highest Offices, or the
businesse bee important. In the Innes men of inferiour
condition use to eate at the Hosts Table, and pay som six
pence a meale : but Gentlemen have their chambers, and
eate alone, except perhaps they have consorts and friends
in their company, and of their acquaintance. If they bee
accompanied, perhaps their reckoning may commonly
come to some two shillings a man, and one that eates
alone in his owne chamber with one or two servants
attending him, perhaps upon reckoning may spend some
five or six shillings for supper and breakfast. But in
the Northerne parts, when I passed towards Scotland,
Gentlemen themselves did not use to keepe their
chambers, but to eat at an ordinarie table together, where
they had great plentie of good meate, and especially of
choice kinds of fish, and each man paid no more then
sixe pence, and sometimes but foure pence a meale. One
horses meate will come to twelve pence, or eighteene
pence the night for Hay, Oates and Straw, and in Summer
time commonly they put the horses to grasse, after the
rate of three pence each horse, though some who ride
long journies, will either keepe them in the Stable at
hard meate as they doe in Winter, or else give them a
little Oates in the morning when they are brought up
from grasse. English passengers taking any journey,
seldome dine, especially not in Winter, and withall ride
long journies. But there is no place in the World where
passengers may so freely command as in the English Inns,
and are attended for themselves and their horses aswell as
if they were at home, and perhaps better, each servant
being ready at call, in hope of a small reward in the
morning. Neither did I ever see Innes so well furnished
with household stuffe. Coaches are not to be hired any
where but only at London ; and howsoever England is
for the most part plaine, or consisting of little pleasant
hilles, yet the waies farre from London are so durty, as
[III. ii. 62.] hired Coachmen doe not ordinarily take any long journies,
480
OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL a.d.
1605-17.
but onely for one or two daies any way from London,
the wayes so farre being sandy and very faire, and con-
tinually kept so by labour of hands. And for a dayes
journey, a Coach with two horses used to be let for some
ten shillings the day (or the way being short for some
eight shillings, so as the passengers paid for the horses
meat) or some fifteene shillings a day for three horses,
the Coach-man paying for his horses meate. Sixtie or
seventy yeeres agoe, Coaches were very rare in England, Coaches were
but at this day pride is so farre increased, as there be few ^^'"•5' ^^^^ ^"
Gentlemen of any account (I meane elder Brothers), who ^^^" '
have not their Coaches, so as the streetes of London are
almost stopped up with them. Yea, they who onely
respect comlinesse and profit, and are thought free from
pride, yet have Coaches, because they find the keeping
thereof more commodious and profitable, then of horses,
since two or three Coach-horses will draw foure or five
persons, besides the commodity of carrying many neces-
saries in a Coach. For the most part Englishmen
especially in long journies, use to ride upon their owne
horses. But if any will hire a horse, at London they
use to pay two shillings the first day, and twelve, or
perhaps eighteene pence a day, for as many dayes as they
keepe him, till the horse be brought home to the owner,
and the passenger must either bring him backe, or pay
for the sending of him, and find him meate both going
and comming. In other parts of England a man may
hire a horse for twelve pence the day, finding him meate,
and bringing or sending him backe ; and if the journey
bee long, he may hire him at a convenient rate for a
moneth or two. Likewise Carriers let horses from Citie
to Citie, with caution that the passenger must lodge in
their Inne, that they may looke to the feeding of their
horse, and so they will for some five or sixe dayes journey
let him a horse, and find the horse meate themselves for
some twenty shillings. Lastly, these Carryers have long
covered Waggons, in which they carry passengers from
City to City : but this kind of journying is so tedious,
M. HI 481 2 H
A.D.
1605-17.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
by reason they must take waggon very earely, and come
very late to their Innes, as none but women and people
of inferiour condition, or strangers (as Flemmings with
their wives and servants) use to travell in this sort.
Ireland. In Ireland since the end of the Civill warre, some Lords
and Knights have brought in Coaches to Dublin, but
they are not generally used, neither are there any to bee
hired, though the waies be most plaine and generally good
for Coaches. They ride for the most part upon their
owne horses, but they are also to bee hired for some
twelve pence, or eighteene pence the day, finding the
horses meate, which in the stable will cost some twelve
pence each night, and at grasse little or nothing. In
every City there be some knowne houses, where an
ordinary is kept for diet, and beds may be had, and the
Ordinary is commonly twelve pence each meale. By the
way in poore Hamlets, at this time of peace, there bee
English houses, where is good lodging and diet, and
where no such are, passengers must got to the houses
of Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Husbandmen English, and
Irish-English, where they cannot want intertainement in
some good measure, these inhabitants much loving
hosoitalitie, but all other houses are full of filth and
barbarousnesse. But there are not any Innes in the very
Cities, which hang out Bushes, or any Signes, only some
Citizens are knowne, who will give stable and meate
for horses, and keepe a table where passengers eate at an
ordinarie, and some Citizens have cellers, wherein they
draw wine, if not al the yeere, yet as long as their wine
lasts : but they have no Taverns with Ivy bushes or
signes hung out, save onely some few at Dublin.
Scotland. In Scotland a horse may be hired for two shillings the
first day, and eight pence the day untill he be brought
home, and the horse letters use to send a footeman to
bring backe the horse. They have no such Innes as bee in
England, but in all places some houses are knowne, where
passengers may have meate and lodging : but they have
no bushes or signes hung out, and for the horses, they are
482
OF THE FIT MEANES TO TRAVELL
A.D.
1605-17.
commonly set up in Stables in some out-lane, not in the
same house where the passenger lyes. And if any man
bee acquainted with a Townes-man, hee will goe freely
to his house, for most of them will entertaine a stranger
for his money. A horseman shall pay for Gates and
Straw (for hay is rare in those parts) some eight pence [HI- 'i- ^3-]
day and night, and he shall pay no lesse in Summer for
grasse, wherof they have no great store. Himself at a
common table shall pay about sixe pence for his supper
or dinner, and shal have his bed free ; and if he will
eate alone in his chamber, he may have meate at a reason-
able rate. Some twenty or thirty yeeres agoe the first
use of Coaches came into Scotland, yet were they rare
even at Edenborough. At this day since the Kingdomes
of England and Scotland were united, many Scots by
the Kings favour have been promoted both in dignitie
and estate, and the use of Coaches became more frequent,
yet nothing so common as in England. But the use of
Horse-litters hath been very ancient in Scotland, as in
England, for sickly men and women of qualitie.
Chap. II.
Of the Sepulchers, Monuments, and Buildings in
generall ; for I have spoken particularly of
them in the first Part, w^riting of my daily
journies.
Mong all the Sepulchers that I have scene Sepulchers in
in Europe, or in Turkey, that in West- ^^"^^'^"•
minster erected to Henrie the seventh,
King of England, of Copper mettall,
adorned with vulgar precious stones, is
the fairest, especially considering the
stately Chappell built over it. The next
to that in my opinion is the Sepulcher at Winsore, made
of the same mettall curiously carved, at the charge of
Cardinall Wolsye, had he not left it unperfected, so as
none hath yet been buried under it. The next place I
483
A.D. FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
1605-17.
would give to the Sepulchers of the Turkish Ottomans,
whereof the fairest is the monument with the Mosche (or
Chappell) built over it, for Sultan Soloman at Constantin-
ople. The other monuments of the Sultans are built
more low, with a little round Mosche over them, all of
the best Marble, the top being a round Globe of brasse or
leade, and for the better shew, they are commonly set upon
hilles. The insides are round, and lightsome with
windowes, and in the very middest lyes the Sultan, with
his sonnes round about him, which (according to their
custome) are strangled by the command of their eldest
brother, assoone as the father is dead, and his Sultana
is laid by his side when she dies. These are all laid in
chests of Cypresse, lifted up from the ground, with their
Tulbents over their heads, which living they woare upon
their heads, with some Jewels at the crowne. And these
chests are compassed with a grate of iron, without which
is a round Gallerie or walking place, spread with Tapestry,
upon which the Zantones or Priests that keepe the
Sepulcher, continually sit, as if the Sultans would not
be left alone without attendance when they were dead.
I speake not of the Turkes common Sepulchers, which
have no beauty, being in common fieldes, with three
stones erected, at the head, the breast, and the feete.
Neither did I see any other stately monuments erected to
the Turkish Visiers and Bashaes. In the next place is
the monument of the Saxon Elector Mauritius, at Friburg
in Germany (being of black Marble, three degrees high,
with faire statuaes) and the monuments of English Noble-
men in Westminster, and Saint Pauls Church at London
(of greater magnificence and number, then I have seene
any otherwhere.) In the next place are the Sepulchers
of the French Kings at Saint Dennys, neere Paris, and of
the Palatine at Heydelberg in Germany. I speake not
of the Prince of Orange his Sepulcher at Delph in
Holland, which is a poore monument, farre unfit for so
worthy a Prince, who deserved so wel of the Low-
Country men. But they have few or no stately monu-
484
OF BUILDINGS IN GENERAL a.d.
1605-17.
ments, nor almost any ordinary Sepulchers erected to the
dead. Of the same degree with the French Kings
Sepulchers, or rather to be preferred before the most of
them, are the Sepulchers of Italy, but they are of another
kind. Some of them at Rome, and that of the King
of Aragon at Naples, and some few other, are stately and [III. ii. 64.]
beautimll. The rest are erected little from the ground,
and sometimes Pyramidall, but the Altars built over them,
are adorned with rare pictures, Porphery, Marble, and
Lydian stones, and upon these Altars they sing Masses
and prayers the dead lying under them.
As I said that all the Turkes, excepting the Sultans
or Emperours are buried in the open fields, so I have
seene in Germany some fields without the Cities, com-
passed with faire square walles of stone, wherein Citizens
were buried. Of these the fairest is at Leipzig, the walles
whereof are built with arched Cloysters, under which the
chiefe Cittizens are buried by families, the common sort
onely lying in the open part of the field, and at one corner
of the wall there is a Tarras, covered above, but open
on the two sides towards the field, and paved on the
ground, wherein stands a Pulpet. This place is called
Gotts aker, that is, that Aker or field of God. The like
burying place I have seene at Geneva, without the walles
of the City. At Pisa in Italy they have a publike place
of buriall like in fashion to these, but within the walles
of the Citie, and the building compassing it, is very
stately, and much to be preferred before that of Leipzig.
This place is called Campo santo, that is the holy field,
either of the use, or because the Emperour Frederick
Barbarossa, returning from the holy Land, and taking
that earth for ballast of his ships, did after lay the same
in this place.
The Exchange, or publike place for the meeting of Publike
Merchants, and for the selling of smaller or richer wares buildings for
at London, being built of Free-stone by Sir Thomas
Gresham Knight and Merchant, is the most stately build-
ing in that kind that I have seene in Europe or Turkey.
