Gandhi, Azad and nationalism

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481

G3S44

GANDHI, AZAD AND
NATIONALISM

hy

MOIN SHAKIR

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A comparative study of Gandhi and Azad is interesting

as well as rewarding to understand the later phase of

Indian nationalism which constituted the theoretical

foundation of the movement for the independence of the

country.

In the freedom struggle no two leaders represent such
a great similarity as Gandhi and Azad. They were religious
by temperament but wanted to reconcile their rehgion
with reason and science. Their orthodoxy which they
inherited was in a way hostile to rationalism. After making
a comparative study of religions, they arrived at the con-
clusion of the fundamental unity of all religions; for them
religion was not a dogma but a living principle. They
opposed the existence of the British raj but held that the
independence of the country was a means for the social,
cultural and the economic emancipation of the people.
They were equally concerned with the communal harmony
in the country. Their religion and politics never under-
mined the basis of humanism nor did it ignore the vital
reahties of the human situation.

It is also be noted that while their ideas were rooted
in the orthodox view of religion their commitment to the
modern democratic values was sincere and real. They
spoke in the idioms of Hinduism and Islam but they abhored
rehgious poHtics and the establishment of religious state.

They used leligioii for political purposes but never made
politics subservient to leligion.

Nationalism is the dominant feature of the political
thinking of Gandhi and Azad. In order to understand
their view of nationalism, a reference to the character of
Indian nationalism is essential. Indian nationalism is of
recent origin. It has been formulated by those who felt
the needs of "revaluation of values" and the discovering of
Indian identity vis-a-vis the British culture and civilization.
It was a dialectical process as it included at once the revivalist
and the reformist attitudes of the Indian mind.

Nationalism in India can, thus, be described as the
consciousness and the recognition of the socio-cultural
unity in the past. But it was more than a spiritual impera-
tive because it has to operate as a device to letting out the
aspiration and the hopes of the educated middle class.
The positive contributions of the British raj and the work
of the orientalist gave a fillip to it. The earlier nationalists
were more concerned with the questions Uke the cultural
backwardness of the people and the progress in the country.

The establishment of the Indian National Congress
in 1885 was a great landmark in the history of the growth
of Indian nationalism. What went into its making was
not only the urge for Indianizing the civil sei vices but also
the social and cultural movements of the early 19th century.
Pattabhi Sitaramayya rightly says that the Congress was
"the organ and exponent of a movement of national renais-
sance. For fifty years and more before the birth of the
Congress, the leaven of national rejuvenation had been
at work^"

The course of the evolution of the Congress was deter-
mined by the ideas and the ideals of its leaders. Its operative
basis was, of course, nationahsm. Its character remained
liberal so long as its leaders professed the notion of the

Providential connection of the British raj and the employ-
ment of the constitutional means and method.

This underwent a change when the leaders began to
preach extremism. Both liberals and extremists made
valuable contributions in strengthening the Congress and
nationalism. They had their merits and demerits, successes
and setbacks. But it should be noted that under the in-
fluence of the liberal and the extiemist schools, nationalism
came to be understood as a political doctrine of progress.
General democratic content was also provided. The aspect
of socio-cultural unity was put on political and economic
aspects. But the socio-cultural aspect of the history was
not discarded.

The outbreak of the First World War, the Indian contri-
bution to the war efforts, the successful prosecution of the
War by the Allies and the promises the British government
made to the Indian people constrained the British govern-
ment to change its approach to the Indian question. This
necessitated a constructive response on the part of the
Indian leaders. What was required was the blending of
the two apparently contradictory principles of liberalism
and extremism. A synthesis of these two trends is found
in the view of nationalism advocated by Gandhi and Azad.

The development of Indian nationalism was not always
coherent and consistent. The liberal nationalism was
primarily secular. The confluence of religion and politics
in extremist nationalism succeeded in broadening the base
of the nationalist movement. Religion and nationalism
became almost convertible terms in the speeches and the
writings of the extremists. This is tiue of both Hindu
extremism and Muslim extremism.

Although Gandhi and Azad were brought up in an
orthodox atmosphere they refrained from joining the
extremists. They were impressed by the extremists but

were influenced by the liberals. This has been an enigma
for many interpreters of Gandhi and Azad.Their nationalism
can, therefore, be described as quasi-liberal and quasi-
extremist.

Gandhi's attempt to formulate the theory of national-
ism on the basis of certain liberal and extremist principles
was deliberate. He was half-liberal, half-extremist. He
surely succeeded in striking a new track. It is interesting
to note that Gandhi described himself as the true disciple
of Tilak but at the same time declared Gokhale as his
political guru. What Gandhi borrowed from Tilak was
"the love of country and the steady pursuit of Swaraj."
Besides, Gandhi was aware that "no one perhaps reahzed
the evil of existing system of government as Tilak did."

Thus the notion of the withdrawal of the British and
the awareness of the rotten nature of the alien bureaucracy
in Gandhi's ideal of nationalism is the contribution of extre-
mists. But unlike Tilak, Gandhi used religion "in a very
subtle way" and his religion was quite free from sectarian-
ism. Gandhi did not look upon Hinduism as a society.
P. Spiatt says that, "... .Mr. Gandhi represents the bour-
geois side of national movement, and Tilak the rural,
mediaeval side^."

It is surprising that Gandhi does not speak of religious
orientation of extremist nationalism that he accepted but
claims to have derived the principle of spritualization of
politics from Gokhale. According to him, the message of
Gokhale's life and teachings is to spirituaHze the political
life and the poHtical institutions of the country. He also
learnt from Gokhale that the means for bringing about
change in the society should be pure, peaceful and legitimate.
They should be based on religion. Without the spirit of
religion the political movement would be barren^.

Gandhi's analysis of liberaHsm and extremism defies

the popular superficial generalization. Azad's analysis
also agieed with that of Gandhi's. Under the influence
of the Uberals (particularly Sir Syed) Azad came to realise
that the British made a tremendous contribution to the
Indian political system. In the field of culture their contri-
bution was considerable. But he held that the British
connection with India was not providential. Moreover
the British rule was not everlasting. This was more the
result of dissillusionment with the liberal politics in India
than any vigorous influence of extremism on Azad. He
observed that the methods of "begging, petitions, waiting
in deputation and so on could not be of much avail. We
had to try to find some means of exerting direct pressure.
But most people fought shy of this hne of thinking^."

Unlike the liberals, he was not enthusiastic about the
issue of social reforms. For broadening the base of the
nationalist movement he did not join the ranks of the
extremists. He was alive to the hard reality that militant
nationalism would lead to religious obscurantism and
mysticism in politics and weaken the secular character of
the political movements Azad had come out of the shell of
religiosity by abandoning romanticism. Azad, like Gandhi,
was under similar compulsions of synthesising the liberal
and the extremist doctrines.

Gandhi and Azad were neither atheists nor agnostics.
They accepted the utility of religion for political purposes.
The view of religion they upheld was not narrow and dog-
matic, it was not devoid of justice and equality. To Gandhi,
rehgion "does not mean^ sectariamsm. It means a belief
in ordered moral government of the universe. It isn ot less
real because it is unseen. The rehgion transcends Hindu-
ism, Islam, Christanity, etc. It does not supersede them.
It harmonizes them and gives them reality." His Hindu-
ism was not exclusive: 'The Hinduism of my conception

is no narrow creed. It is a grand evolutionary process iis
ancient as time, and embraces the teachings of Zoraster.
Moses, Christ, Mohammad, Nanak and other prophets
that I could name."

Gandhi's religion was the religion of truth. He believed
that men will be judged only by their actions and not accord-
ing to the religions they profess. Azad's view of religion
is strikingly similar to that of Gandhi; Azad's view of religion
consists of unity of God and emphasis on right action. It
means unity of man and his actions based upon the eternal
truths laid down by all scriptures. The religious philosophy
of Gandhi and Azad was rational. They regarded the
reasoning faculty in man as the noblest of his faculties.
Reasoning; the driving force which leads to an endless vista
of progress. It does not clash with religion but draws
strength and inspiration from faiths.

This rational view of religion and its incorporation
in the scheme of nationahsm is a departure from the Hberal
and the extremist nationahsm. Nationalism of Gandhi and
Azad is composed of three major ingredients : Swaraj,
Communal harmony and non-violence. Although Gandhi's
philosophy is based on truth yet it is not mentioned as one
of the elements of his nationahsm because he himself said
that active ahimsa necessarily includes truth and fearlessness
and non-violence is imbedded in truth and vice versa. One
thing more should be made clear. Azad regarded non-
violence as a policy while to Gandhi it was a creed. But in
the first analysis of the doctrine of non-violence all the
differences between Gandhi and Azad disappear.

Under the influence of Hberahsm, both Gandhi and
Azad were not initially anti-British. Azad was definitely a
supporter of the British government upto 1905. He admitted
that in the entire history of the country, there had been
no government which developed so much regard and respect

for the liberties of the people, irrespective of their caste,
creed and community. He also expressed his gratitude
to the British Emperor for maintaining the independent
existence of Islam and to the West for preserving Islamic
Arabic literature. But the currents and cross currents
inside and outside the country turned him into an uncom-
promising anti-imperialist.

He also came to realize that Islam and territorial nation-
alism are not antagonistic. Political Pan-Islamism was
nothing short of a misnomer. Therefore, a reahstic approach,
according to Azad, called for the struggle of all people to
destroy the vestiges of imperialism. Gandhi was also the
supporter of the British government but he was dis-illusioned
with the anti-people repressive poUcy of the British govern-
ment. He also arrived at the same conclusion of destroying
the fabric of imperialism through the united struggle of all
the people.

According to Gandhi and Azad, the basis of united
struggle was "commoji political subjection". Its aim
was freeing the people from the tyranny of the alien rule.
Swaraj signified self-rule and self-restraint. The British
government could not be just and moral because it was
founded on exploitation of the masses. It had ruined
India economically, politically, culturally and spiritually.
.Swaraj would not mean change of rulers but it would
provide an opportunity for the establishment of justice,
hberty and equality for one and all in the country. Justice
and slavery could not co-exist. Swaraj would, therefore,
ensure the regulation and control of authority by the people.
It would be a "healthy and dignified independence".

The content of Azad's Swaraj was mainly political
while Gandhi gave equal importance to social and cultural
aspects. Gandhi thought that the constructive programme
was a part and parcel of the scheme of swaraj. Azad did

8

not ignore them. He hought that they are impHed because
in India "every kind of faith, every kind of ciUture, every
mode of hving was allowed to llourish and find its own
salvation."

Gandhi and Azad did provide economic content to
Swaraj. Economic independence meant to them the
economic upliftment of every individual by his own cons-
cious effort. They thought that India need not imitate the
western model. The roots of the concept of economic in-
dependence may be traced in India's religious traditions.
They were perhaps aware of the strength of social conserva-
tism. Gandhi, therefore, preferred to call his stateless society
as Ram Raj which had nothing to do with Hindu Raj.

Gandhi stood for the welfare of all. His theory of
tiusteeship is far from clear. It is subjected to severe
criticism. It is relevant only in a static and stagnant society.
This is in keeping with the Indian temperament. "We
are by instinct and tradition averse to revolutions. Tradi-
tionally we are slow-going people," said Lajpat Rai. But
modern and rapidly changing society cannot be satisfied
with this scheme of trusteeship.

Azad, on the other hand, began to consider socialism
as a healthy system. He supported the progressive move-
ment in politics and hterature. He held that the modern
economic system should not approve concentration of the
means of production and wealth. Even private property
may be abolished in the interest of the nation. It is a question
of policy and is not all concerned with religion. To Azad,
progressive democracy should control the economy of the
nation without being bound by laissez jaire philosophy.
It should not rely on big business for solving the problems
of the nation. In Britain and America no fund could
prevent the poverty of the middle and the lower middle
class. One can conclude that Gandhi and Azad aimed at

the welfare of all but Gandhi enunciated the doctrine which
is very much obscure and ambivalent while Azad is com-
paratively clear.

The second ingredient of Gandhi-Azad nationalism
is communal harmony. According to them, it amounts
to the active participation of all the communities in the
freedom struggle. It also means the unity of the people
which should come through religion. What Gandhi and
Azad desired was that the religious interests of every com-
munity should be well-safeguarded. Love and tolerance
should be the basis of harmony. Every religion proclaims
the truths of human brotherhood and discards communal
and racial prejudices. The Muslim question was part of
the ideal of communal harmony.

Gandhi and Azad subscribed to composite nation-
alism. They did not countenance nationalism based on
religion especially in the Indian context of multiplicity
as it would divide the people on artificial lines. So Swa-
raj and strong self-government is not possible without
communal harmony. Gandhi and Azad stressed so much
on harmony that they considered it dearer than the freedom
of the country itself. Every thing should be subordinated
to the interests of unity.

Gandhi and Azad were in the forefront of the Khilafat
movement. Although the Khilafat was primarily a rehgious
question yet they believed that it would be instrumental
in bringing about the unity of the Indian people. It would
be the unity of those who professed different religions but
considered India their home. Besides, through it, the
interests of Hinduism could be protected. And the na-
tionalist movement would become nationalist in the true
sense of the word.

Gandhi and Azad were of opinion that pan-Islam
was not necessarily anti-Hindu or anti-India. The Khilafat

10

movement must be supported because it was, in fact, the
part of the struggle for the independence of the country.
It was a popular anti-British movement which meant
strengthening the forces of nationalism. It was a positive
step towards the unity of the country. Thus the support
to the Khilafat movement by Gandhi and Azad was not a
hasty or ill-considered decision. The extreniists, like
B. C. Pal, also supported the movement in order to save
India from the danger of Christian influence.

The Khilafat movement failed to achieve the objects
of communal harmony. The concept of unity advocated
by Gandhi and Azad was impossible of realization through
religion. The problem of communal harmony was__more
than rehgious. Gandhi recognized the political and eco-
nomic dimensions of the problem, particularly after 1930.
He stated that the Hindu-Muslim question "centred round
a division of political power-spoils of office.'-' Or "the
causes of the discord are economic and political and it is
these that have to be removed." Azad's rehgious approach
to the communal problem also underwent a change. He
observed that necessary assurances for the economic future
of the Mushms should be given; since the Hindu-Muslim
question is economic in character it cannot be solved without
taking the economic aspect into account. He wholeheartedly
supported the Bengal Pact of C. R. Das.

According to Gandhi and Azad, the partition of the
country would be "harmful not only for India as a whole,
but also for Mushms in particular, and in fact it creates
more problems than solves." The cry of the tyranny of
majority is fictitious. In future India there would be
political majority and poUtical minority. The majority
would always be a "mixed majority". "The future consti-
tution", according to Azad, "will be framed by the
jepresentatives, the Hindus and Muslims will have to think

11

of their position and interests not as Hindu or Mussalman,
but as a peasant or a zamindar, as a labourer or capitalist
and so on." The constitution would ensure equality of
opportunity and economic freedom. The country, there-
fore, need not be partitioned.

Still the country was partitioned in 1947. The failure
of Gandhi and Azad is evident. They failed to carry con-
viction even with their own colleagues. Acharya Kripalani
says "that Gandhi had not been able to show the way of
combating communal strife by non-violence as he had done
in the case of fighting the British." The approach of
Gandhi and Azad may be lacking in clarity but what is
relevant today is its secularism. Both advocated the separa-
tion of religion from politics. They also pleaded for making
religion a personal affair of the individual. Moreover,
even after independence the problem of the minorities
poses many difficulties. It should be handled more on
political and economic plane than on cultural or religious
plane.

Non-violence is the third ingredient of the nationahsm
of Gandhi and Azad. According to Gandhi, non-violence
was the first and the last article of faith. "My marriage
to non-violence is such an absolute thing that I would rather
commit suicide than be deflected from my position," said
Gandhi. He thought non-violence would prevent a bloody
revolution and anarchy in the country. It would lead to
democracy and not to despotism. It is the law of the human
race and is infinitely greater than the brute force. It is
not "the weapon of the weak" but "presupposes abihty to
strike." It is an active force free from weakness. It
exercises a sane pressure of love and good-will.

Azad's approach was not very much different. He
held that Islam has a message of peace for the mankind.
It does not sanction war. Jehad does not necessarily imply

12

warfare but katharsis, quietness and patience. It aims at
ending injustice, war and tyranny. He knew too well that
the consequences of war are not only cruel but disasterous.
It has adverse effects on morality. All the moral virtues
lose their value and utility.

To Azad, faith in Islam and love of freedom are syno-
nymous. Taking in view the realities of the Indian
situation, Azad did not suggest hostility to the British, but
drafted a plan of non-violent non-cooperation. It was
characterized by the conviction of unity, righteous
action, patience, organization, and the spirit of sacrifice
for the cause of freedom. There exists no difference with
Gandhi on this question. Interestingly although Gandhi
is supposed to be the greatest exponent and the practitioner
of non-coperation, the idea did not originate with him.
Azad had already come to understand the usefulness of
such a programme, Tolstoy had also suggested such a
programme in 1901. Hiren Mukherji says that Azad's role
in the formulation of that policy was decisive^^.

Unlike Gandhi, Azad described non-violence as policy
and not as creed. He maintained that war is permissible
to protect the freedom of religion and conscience. If
tyranny can be eradicated by war, then war is justified.
If the Indians have no alternative they have a right to take
the sword. Azad held that Congress must place greater
emphasis on the freedom of India than on non-violence
as creed. On the issue of support to the British during the
second World War Azad said that Gandhi raised an irrelevant
issue because Congress was not a pacifist organisation.

Gandhi thought that India should not favour the British
even if the participation in the war meant the achievement
of India's freedom. Gandhi was a convinced pacifist'
and the logic of facts could hardly persuade him to modify
his position. He was opposed to Cripps' proposals more

13

on account of his aversion to war than his objection to the
proposals as such'^

Azad's mind was not governed by such a consideration.
On many questions, like settlement with the government
on the issue of boycotting the Prince of Wales at Calcutta,
holding of Round Table Conference and the support of the
Japanese vis-a-vis the British during the 2nd World War,
Azad openly expressed his disagreement with Gandhi.
When the non-cooperation movement was called off, Azad
and C. R. Das felt the need of an alternative programme^'.
That such an alternative programme could not be formulated
may be attributed to the premature death of C. R. Das.
Had such a programme been formulated Azad would have
favoured it and challenged Gandhi's leadership. On the
basis of such differences Azad could be described as a
reluctant Gandhite.

It is pointed out_that with Gandhi non-violence was
a creed. He termed violence as a brute_ force. But Azad
thought that "opposing of violence with violence is fully
in harmony with the natural laws of God in those circum-
stances under which Islam permits violence." There are
many inconsistencies icL the Gandhian doctrine of non-
violence. He (Gandhi) was aware that absolute non-violence
is not possible so long as we exist physically. He also held
that inevitable violence cannot be regarded as sin. It is
not only permissible but even considered as meritorious.
Such statements do introduce an element of contradiction
in Gandhi's thinking. The inherent limitations of non-
violence are also obvious. His view of goodness of human
nature is nothing but pious thinking. He does not take
into consideration that "the better side of human nature
flourishes on the necessary scale only in favourable condi-
tions." In 1947 he felt that there was some vital defect
in his technique and working of non-violence.^^ Gandhi's

14

notion of non-violence is so flexible that violence and non-
violence become convertible terms. Here again, there is a
point of agreement between Gandhi and Azad.

The doctrine of non-violence has been severely criticised.
But what is ignored in such criticism is the progressive con-
tent of the ideology of Gandhi and Azad. Non-violence
provided an effective strategy for the struggle for freedom.
In that sense it was a progressive force. It could mobilise
the millions who saw in it their political, economic and
social emancipation. It turned the movement into the
struggle of the people of all classes. Philoophically speaking,
at may be faulty; but from the point of view of Swaraj, it_
contributed towards the enrichment of Indian nationalism.

The nationalism of Gandhi and Azad was different
from that of the extremists and the liberals. It was.jaQt_
only based on the interests of the people but also on wider
knowledge of human affairs. Their nationalism was never-
chauvinistic or irrational. It was democratic and pro-
gressive. It was not a borrowed dogma but was rooted
in patriotism. They made it absolutely clear that their,
fight is against the oppressive bureaucracy and not against
the British people. "Hatred is not essential for nationalism.
Race hatred will kill the real national spirit .... we want
freedom of our own country, but not at the expense or ex-
ploitation of others, not so as to degrade other communities

a country has to be free in order that it may die,

if necessary, for the benefit of the world^^", said Gandhi.

To Azad, narrow-mindedness was a "disease." Paro-
chial nationalism, according to him, would be a hindrance
to world unity and peace^''. Thus, internationalism with-
out nationahsm is not possible. Nationalism wants to
organise itself or find full self-expression for the benefit
and service of humanity at large. In this way nationalism
is an attempt at the realization of the brotherhood or identity

15

with the human life.

Indian nationahsm is composed of various strands but
the contribution of Gandhi and Azad is of profound signi-
ficance. They played unique role in the national awakening
of the people.

The criticism that they possessed a mediaeval mind is
wrong. Much better understanding of Gandhi and Azad
is possible if their ideas are assessed against the background
of the conflict of old and new (in India), East and West,
culture and science and the effects of the industrial civiliza-
tion. In the post-independence era also one finds that the
nationalism of Gandhi and Azad is useful as the basis of the
efforts of reconstruction of society. It will be a guiding
force for the social transformation, achievement of economic
independence and the establishment of a secular set up in
the country,

REFERENCES

(1) Pattabhi Sitaramayya : History of Indian National Congress
vol. I Pp. 11-12.

(2) M. K. Gandhi : Gokhale, P. 53.

(3) Ibid : P. 52.

(4) Phillip Spratt : Gandhism — an analysis, P. 176.

(5) M. K. Gandhi : Op. Cit. Pp. 50-51.

(6) Cf Mahadeo Desai : Maulana Azad, p. 32.

(7) A. R. Desai : Social background of hidian Nationalism, P. 293.

(8) Tendulkar : Mahatma, Vol. IV, Pp. 224-225.

(9) Cf. R. P. Dutt : India Today and Tomorrow, P. 137.

(10) Azad : Malfiizat-i-Azad, P. 99.

(11) Cf. A. B. Rajput : Maulana Ahul Kalam Azad, Pp. 158-159.

(12) Azad : Mazamin-i-al Hilal, Pp. 37-38.

(13) Hiren Mukerji : India Struggles for Freedom, Pp. 126.

(14) Azad : India wins freedom, P. 50.

(15) Ibid : Pp. 18-19.

(16) N. K. Bose : Selections from Gandhi, P. 155.

(17) Tendulkar : Op. Cit. Vol. VIII P. 223.

(18) Tendulkar : Op. cit. Vol. II, P. 200.

(19) Azad : Speeches of Azad, P. 152.

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