To
MY MASTERS
N. S. SUBBA BAO, M.A. (Cantab.), Bar-at-Law
DIBECTOB OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, MYSORE
AND
N. NABASIMHA MOORTHY, M.A., B.L.
UNIVERSITY LIBRARIAN (RETD.), MYSORE
PREFACE
THE object of this book is to enable the student or the
general reader to obtain in the compass of a small volume a
picture of the political, religious and social life of the people
of Mysore during the period of seven centuries from the
fourth to the close of the eleventh century. With this end
in view, an attempt is made throughout, to keep close to the
original authorities, wherever that has been possible, and
where conjecture is inevitable,, to summarise the best modern
criticism. Unimportant details are kept out as far as possible,
and stress is laid on the broad principles which constitute
the true interest in Mysore history and which shall not
mislead, if the reader pursues the subject afterwards. So
far as the political history of the origin and early development
of the Ganga dynasty is concerned, I have only given a
summary of the information that is available on the subject,
for I am fully aware that the ablest investigators and
scholars differ widely in their views and fresh evidence may
at any hour upset tentative conclusions and force us to seek
new interpretations of the data.
I have made a very liberal use in this work, of the
Gazetteers of Lewis Bice and G. Hayavadana Bao and the
valuable reports of the distinguished Arohaelogist Maha-
mahopadhaya B. Narasimhachar, and if I have borrowed
unconsciously from other sources without acknowledgment,
it is because what one has read becomes part of the furniture
of one's own mind.
I am deeply under obligation to Dr. M. H. Krishna, M.A.,
D. Litt. (Lend.), Professor of History and Director of Archse-
logical Researches in Mysore, for suggestions and kindly help-
JV PREFACE
ing me with blocks and photos which I have used in this
volume ; Mr. K. A. Nilakanta Sastry, M.A., University Pro-
fessor of Indian History and Archaelogy, Madras, for his kind
perusal of my manuscript and valuable suggestions ; Mr.
S. Srikantiah, B.A., B.L., Editor of the Quarterly Journal of
the Mythic Society, for the help and encouragement he gave
me in the work and for kindly publishing my articles on
' Beligion and Architecture ' in the Journal.
I am indebted for the preparation of an Index, the correc-
tion of many slips and the supplying of many omissions to my
friends and colleagues in the University. I must especially
mention my old friends Messrs. V. T. Tirunarayana lyengar,
M.A., Lecturer in Sanskrit, M. Yamunacharya, M.A., Lecturer
in Philosophy, and H. L. Hariyappa, M.A., Lecturer in
Sanskrit, University of Mysore ; and Mr. K. V. Lingappiab
for various kinds of help rendered.
The faults of the work are my own, and I express regret for
their occurrence in the volume. ' D ' marks are not used,
and uniformity in the spelling of proper names is perhaps
not maintained, and certain errors of omission and commission
have crept in, and these could have been avoided if there was
enough time for another revision of the manuscript and for a
more careful scrutiny of the proofs.
Bangalore, )
> M, V. K B.
24th January 1936 J
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
PREFACE ... ... ... iii
BIBLIOGRAPHY ... ... ... vii
I. THE ORIGINS AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE
GANGAS ... ... ... 1
II. BEGINNING AND EXPANSION OF GANGAVADI
UNDER MADHAVA AND HIS SUCCESSORS ... 25
III. GROWTH OF GANGAVADI UNDER SRIPURUSHA
AND SlVAMARA IN THE EIGHTH CENTURY... 51
IV. THE FOUNDATION OF A COLLATERAL LINE
BY MARASIMHA AND PRITHIVIPATI ... 69
V. THE ADVANCE OF THE EASHTRAKUTAS AND
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM ... 74
VI. THE GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND
MARASIMHA AND ITS DECLINE AND FALL
AFTER THEIR DEATH ... ... 93
VII. THE GANGA ADMINISTRATION ... ... 120
Till. RELIGIOUS LIFE ... ... ... 179
IX. ARCHITECTURE IN THE GANGA PERIOD ... 214
X. SOCIAL LIFE ... ... ... 248
INDEX . . ... ... ... 305
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
GOMATBSVABA ... ... ... Frontispiece
SOMESVAEA SHRINE, GANGAVAEA ... Facing Page 232
SOMESVAEA LION PILLAR... ... ,, 232
BHOGANANDISVARA SHRINE, NANDI ... 232
CHAUNDARAYA BASTI ... ... 236
VIEW OP CHANDRAGIRI, HASSAN ... ,, 236
TOP OF BRAHMADEVA PILLAR,
SRAVANABELGOLA ... ... 238
MANASTAMBHA ... ... 238
TYAGADA BRAHMA DEVA PILLAR ... 238
ATUKUR STONE, MANDYA ... 238
DODDAHUNDI STONE ... .., 240
SlDI-TALE-GODU ... ... ,, 302
MAP OF GANGAVADI ... ... Last Page
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Epigraphical Sources
Catalogue of Mysore Coins in the Collections of Banga-
lore Museum, Tufnell.
Epigraphica Indica.
Epigraphica Carnatica I to XII.
Indian Historical Quarterly.
Indian Antiquary.
Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. II.
Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society.
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
Journal of Andhra Historical Society.
Karnataka Historical Review, Parts I and II.
Karnataka Sahitya Parishat Patrike.
Madras Epigraphical Reports.
Madras Oriental Library Mss. Reports.
Mysore Archaelogical Reports, 1901 1930.
Mysore Gazetteer II, H. C. Hayavadana Rao.
Mysore Vol. I, Lewis Rice.
Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society.
South Indian Inscriptions by Hultze.
Vienna Oriental Journal.
Literary Sources
Aiyer, Subramania, K. : Buddhistic Remains in India.
Aiyengar, Ramaswamy and B. Seshagiri Rao : Studies in
South Indian Jainism.
Viii BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aiyengar, Krishnaswamy, Dr. S. : (1) Ancient India, (2)
Some Contributions of South India to Indian culture,
(3) Beginnings of South Indian History.
Aiyengar, Rangaswami, K. V. : Some Aspects of Ancient
Indian Polity.
Altekar, A. S. : The Rashtrakutas and their Times.
Alwar, Ananda : Indian Architecture.
Aravamuthan, T. G. : South Indian Portraits in Stone
and Metal.
Banner jea, Premnath : Public Administrations in Ancient
India.
Beal: (1) The Life of Hiuen Tsang, (2) Buddhist
Records of the Western World.
Bhandarkar, D. R. : Early History of the Deccan.
Bhattacharya : (1) Indian Buddhist Iconography,
(2) Indian Images.
Burgess, James : Indian Architecture.
Chintamani, Abhilashitartha : Mysore Oriental Library
Publication.
Colebrooke, H. T. : Asiatic Researches.
Cousens, Henry : The- Chalukyan Architecture of the
Kanarese Districts.
Cowell and Gough : Sarvadarsana Samgraha.
CHAUNDARAYA PURANA : K. S. P. Publication.
Dikshitar, Ramachandra, V. R. : Hindu Administrative
Institutions.
Dubreuil, Jouveau, G. Dr.: Ancient History of the
Deccan.
Dubreuil, Jouveau, G. Dr. : (1) Dravidian Architecture,
(2) Pallava Architecture.
Dutt. : Nitisara of Kamandaka.
Elliot, Sir Walter : Coins of Southern India.
Fergusson, James and James Burgess : Cave Temples of
India.
BIBLIOGRAPHY ix
Fergusson, James : History of Indian and Eastern Archi-
tecture.
Fergusson, James and Meadows Taylor : Architecture in
Dharwar and Mysore.
Fleet, John, F. : Kanarese Dynasties.
Ghorpure: Mitakshara.
Giles : Fahien's Travels.
Gangully, O. C. : South Indian Bronzes.
Griffith : Ajanta.
Grundwedel: Buddhist Art in India, translated by
Gibson.
Havell, E. B. : (1) Handbook of Indian Art, (2) Aryan
India, (3) Ancient and Mediaeval Architecture,
(4) Indian Architecture, and (5) Indian Sculpture
and Painting.
Hawkes, H. P. : A brief sketch of the gold, silver and
copper coinage of Mysore, 1856.
Ibid : The Architectural Antiquities of Western India.
Jayaswal, K. P. : (1) Hindu Polity, (2) Imperial History
of India.
Kaviraja Marga : Intro : Pathak, 1898 ; Bibliotheca Car-
natica.
Law, Narendranath, M.A., Ph.D.: Inter State Relations
in Ancient India.
Longhurst, A. H. : Umbrella in Indian Architecture.
Mazumdar : History of Education in Ancient India.
Mitra, Rajendra Lai : Indo Aryans, Vols. I and II.
Moraes, G. M. : Kadambakula.
Narasimhachar, B. : (1) Karnataka Kavicharitre, Vols. I f
II and III, (2) Nagavarma's Kavyavalokanam.
Narasimhachar, B. : Monographs on Architecture.
Panikkar, K. M. : Yagnavalkya Smriti.
Pargiter, F. G. : Indian Historical Tradition.
Ponna: Santipurana.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Raj : Architecture of the Hindus, 1834.
Banna: (1) Gadayuddha, (2) Ajitapurana.
Rao, Gopinatha, T. A. : Elements of Buddhist Icono-
graphy, Vols. I and II.
Rapson : The Cambridge History of Indi^.
Rea, Alexander : South Indian Buddhistic Antiquities.
Wee, Lewis, B. : Mysore and Coorg from the Inscrip-
tions.
Rke, E. P. : History of Kannada Literature, Bibliotheca
Carnatica.
Rice : Patnpa Bharata, 1890, Bibliotheca Carnatica.
Pampa Adipurana,
Sarkar, Benoy Kumar : Sukranitisara.
Sastri, Krishna, H. : South Indian Images of Gods and
Goddesses.
Sastri, Nilakanta, K. A. : The Pandyan Kingdom.
Smith, V. A. : (1) Early History of India, (2) History of
Fine Arts in India and Ceylon.
Vaidya, C. V. : History of Mediaeval Hindu India, Vols.
I and II.
Venkatramiah : South Indian Temple.
Venkateswara, S. V. : India's Culture through the Ages,
Vols. I and II.
Venkataramiah, N. : Trilochana Pallava and Karikala.
Vogel, J. : The Relation between the Art of India and
Java.
Waiters, T. : Yuan Chwang.
Wilson, H. H. : Introduction to Mackenzie's Manuscripts.
Bhuvikrama (608-670 A.D.)
Sreevallabha
Kannakuri Raja
Paramakula
Rajavarma
Singadi
Nrpatunga
Jayatega
(Contemporary of
Sivamara II)
GANGA GENEALOGY
KONGANI VARMAN I (340-400 A.D. ?)
MADHAVA II (400-436 A.D. ?)
HARIVARMA (436 A.D. ?)
VISHNUGOPA
TADANGALA MADHAVA (450-600 A.D. ?)
AVINITA (620-540 A D. ?)
DURVINITA (540-600 A.D. ?)
SREEVIKRAMA
I
Navakai
ima
Sivamara I (670-716 A.D.)
I
Sripurusha (726-788 A.D.)
I
Sivamara II
(788-812 A.D )
(Marasimha (863 ?)
Prithivipati 853-880
Prithivipati II
(880-926)
(contemporary of
Rajamalla II)
Rajamalla II
(870-907 A.D.)
I I
Vijayaditya Duggamara
I
Rajamalla
Satyavakya (817-863)
Nitimarga I (863-869)
Ereya Ganga I
Butuga
Ereyappa
Nitimarga II (887-936)
Narasimha Rajamalla III Butuga II (937-960)
(920-922) (922-937 A.D.) M. Revaka (Rashtrakuta princess)
Maruladeva Marasimha
(M, the daughter of (961-971 A.D.)
Krishna III Rashtrakuta)
Daughter (Mother of
Indra Rashtrakuta)
Rajamalla IV
(977-986 A.D.)
Rakkasa Ganga
(986-1024 A.D )
Daughter
(M. Indraraja Rashtrakuta
who died in 984 A.D.)
Gomatesvara
THE
GANGAS OF TALKAD
CHAPTER I
THE OKIGINS AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE
GANGAS
OF the ancient dynasties of South India, the
Gangas were one of the most illustrious who
ruled over the greater part of the Mysore coun-
try, then known by the wellnigh forgotten name
Gangavadi which survives only in the designa-
tion of a community of Mysore people known to
this day as the Gangadikar Vokkaligars. The
rise and fall of the dynasty of the Gangas mark
an important but neglected chapter of Mysore
history. A brief reference to the general his-
torical condition of the country on the eve of
the advent of the Gangas fits into the general
mosaic of the history of India. The decline of
the Satavahana Empire in the first quarter of
the third century A.D. loosened the bonds which
had restrained the disruptive forces, always
ready to operate in the country, and allowed
them to produce their normal result, a medley
2 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
of petty states with ever varying boundaries
and engaged in internecine war. The aggres-
sions of the Kshatrapas on the Andhra terri-
tory from the North and Northwest, and of the
Vakatakas from the centre of the Deccan,
deprived the Satavahanas of the most integral
part of their empire. The Eastern and South-
eastern portions of their empire similarly came
under the sway of the Ikshvakus, Salankayanas
and Vishnukundins. 1 The Chutas 2 and the
Nagas 3 who had claimed relationship with the
ruling family of the Satavahanas and achieved
great political distinction by wars against the
Sakas and Kshatrapas established their inde-
pendence in the south-western region of the
empire.
The Andhras were opposed in the south by
the Pallavas who extended their power gradual-
ly in all directions and acquired the territory of
Tondaimandalam. Virakucha Pallava, with a
view to develop and consolidate his territory,
married an heiress of the south-eastern block
of Andhra territory and daughter of Siva-
skanda Naga, a very powerful and influential
prince of Mysore, and acquired control over all
the dominions including Kuntala which Siva-
II. A. XII. P 230.
IE. P. Ind. VII P. 51.
SB. I. XIV. 153.
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 3
skanda ruled. Later it became the settled policy
of the Pallavas who had acquired a great king-
dom by dynastic alliances, to subdue neighbour-
ing powers and enforce local acquiescence of
their overlordship.
The events connected with the history of the
Gangas require to be pieced out and fitted into
a mosaic extracted as they are from inscriptions
which are sometimes vague indicators of his-
torical events. The difficulty of the historian
is further enhanced by the highly controversial
chronological framework in which the events
narrated in these pages are set. Looking back on
the periods mentioned in legends and traditions
as well as in the inscriptions of Nagarjuna-
konda, 1 it may be observed that a famous family
of kings ruled north of the river Krishna in
Andhradesa. This Ikshvaku dynasty seems
to have been prominent there between 225 A. D.
and 345 A. D. The Ganga founders who claim
descent from Ikshvaku Vamsa may really have
belonged to this dynasty which not only suc-
ceeded to the cultural inheritance of the Sata-
vahanas but a large part of their temporal pos-
sessions, thus being enabled to spread Hindu
culture to the outside world. The claims of the
Chalukyas and the Gangas to their descent from
i Mad. E. B. 1926 and 1927.
4 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
the solar race, 1 the marriage, according to a
Nagarjunakonda inscription of an Ikshvaku
princess with the King of Vanavasi, and the
pride of the Kaikayas in having brought about
matrimonial alliances with Ikshvakus and
Rajarsis, all indicate that relationship with
this family was solicited on account of its high
lineage and exalted character. The rule of this
dynasty was continued till its displacement by
the Salankayanas from the one side and the
Kadamba Vakataka expansions on the other.
Its disappearance and extinction may be dated
roughly about 340 A. D., and it coincided with
the meteoric descent of Samudragupta into the
south, rudely shocking the stability of existing
kingdoms and providing opportunities for en-
terprising men to carve out kingdoms for them-
selves. This subversion of the power of the
principalities dubiously independent, coupled
with the abeyance of political authority capable
of enforcing peace and order the direct result
of his invasion also favoured the plans of
powerful kings, like the Pallavas, for territorial
aggrandisement. Like the Kadamba Mayura
Sarma, perhaps, the progenitors of the Gangas
acted similarly. It is not then improbable that
i Mysore and Ooorg from the Inscriptions P. 30; E. C. Vol. VII,
Sb. 04.
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 5
two ambitious Ikshvaku princes came to Perur
and laid the foundations of the Ganga dynasty
about the fourth century. If this view is tena-
ble, it will then be possible to arrange in definite
chronological sequence the subsequent reigns of
the Ganga rulers. The two princes, Didiga and
Madhava of the Ikshvaku dynasty marched
southwards after the disintegration of the Iksh-'
vaku kingdom, and arrived at Perur still called
Ganga Perur, and there met with the Jain
Acharya Simhanandi who interested himself
Note : (a) Several are the theories advanced both traditional and
historical as to the origins of the dynasty. According to the tradi-
tional account of the Western Gangas, Harischandra of the Ikshvaku
Vamsai had a son named Bharata, whose wife Vijaya Mahadevi
bathed in the Ganges to remove her langour and begot Gangadatta
whose posterity were the Gangas.2 On one of this line, Bhagadatta,
was bestowed the government of Kalinga, while to Sridatta his
brother, was given the ancestral kingdom with the elephant which
thus became the Ganga crest. God Indra gave to Priya Bandhu
one of this dynasty five tokens with a warning that they would
disappear if the king proved an apostate. During an aggression
by Mahipala of Ujjain on the territory of Padmanabha Ganga
demanding the surrender of the five tokens, the two sons of Padma-
nabha Ganga with their sister and attendent brahmins and the
tokens were sent southwards to escape assault. These two sons
Didiga and Madhava were the founders of the Western Ganga
Line.3
(b) The account given in the Kalinga Ganga inscriptions is
that Purvasu, son of Yayati, being without sons practised self-
1 E. 0. VII Sk. 225, 236.
2 B. 0. VH Ng. 35.
3 1. A. XIH 275.
6 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
restraint and propitiated the river Ganga, by which means he
obtained a son Gangeya, whose descendants, were victorious in the
world as the Ganga line.
(c) The Western Ganga king Durvinita is mentioned in
Gummareddipura Plates as belonging to the lineage of Krisna, a
fact which induces the conclusion that the Gangas were Yadavas
like the Kalinga Gangas who formed an important line in the
seventh and eigth centuries and continued their rule down to the
sixteenth century.
(d) These inscriptions, on which the stories of their connections
with the river Ganges seem to be based, appear to lack credibility.
The origin of the dynasty and the commencement of the reign of
itf rulers are rather obscure. Jayaswal remarks that under the
Pallavas there came into existence a sub -kingdom of the Brahmin
Kanvayanas who after their original home adopted their dynastic
name as the Gangas. These Kanvayanas were very likely an off-
shoot of the imperial Kanvayanas of Magadha the last king of
which dynasty, Susarman, was taken prisoner and removed to the
South by Satavahana. These Kanvayanas, known also as Sangha-
bhrtyas, inheriting the tradition as well as the dominions of the
Mauryas, were naturally heirs to those parts of the Deccan and
South India over which the Nandas and Mauryas had already
exercised suzerainty. This dynasty, which succeeded the Sunga
Dynasty about 73 B. C., was able to maintain its powers according
to traditions for about 45 years in an empire that was hetero-
geneous in character consisting of dominions loosely knit and
forming diverse units. The Gangas were of Janhaveya and of the
Kunvayana gotras and as such it is not wholly impossible that
some scion of the family of the imperial Kanvayanas emigrated
south in search of a kingdom, after the dissolution of the Kanva
Empire in 28 B. C. It is very difficult to agree with such an early
antiquity that is assigned to the foundation of Ganga rule in
Mysore.
in the history of these princes, gave them ins-
truction and obtained for them a boon from
the Goddess Padmavati, confirmed by the gift
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 7
of a sword, and the promise of a kingdom.
Madhava with a shout struck with his sword, a
stone pillar described as the chief obstacle in
the way of his securing the throne, and the pil-
lar fell in 1 two pieces. Simhanandi recognis-
ing this fact as a good omen made a crown
from the petals of the karnikara blossoms and
placed it on the heads of the brothers and gave
them his peacock fan, as a banner. Probably,
in due course he provided them with an army
and invested them with all kingly powers. He
also impressed upon them the following coun-
sel// you fail in what you promise, if you
descend from the Jaina Sasana, if you take the
wives of others, if you are addicted to spirits or
flesh, if you associate with the base, if you give
not to the needy, if you flee in battle your
race will go to ruin. 2 There was a considerable
Jain element in the population of Gangavadi,
and Simhanandi, who exerted great influence
upon them, insisted that, as a sine qua non for
the people's acceptance of the faith, the princes
should lead the way and embrace Jainism. The
kingdom thus founded with the help of Simha-
nandi was named Gangavadi, 96,000 country.
Its boundaries were in the north Marandale, in
1 E. 0. II ; SB 54.
2 South Indian Inscription* II 3, 87 ; E. C. VII Sk 421 j E. 0. VH,
Ng 35, 36.
8 THE G ANGAS OF TALKAD
the east Tondaimandalam, in the west the
ocean in the direction of Chera, and in the
south Kongu country. Within these limits the
Gangas undertook the subjugation of all ene-
mies. The capital at the time of the foundation
of the kingdom was Kuluvala. But in later
times, Talkad, called Talavanapura in Sanskrit,
was the capital. The royal residence was fixed
at Mankunda (west of Channapatna) in the
seventh century, and at Manyapura, north of
Nelamangala in the eighth century. According
to the originally uniform practice of having one
device for the crest as used on copper plate
charters, occasionally with inscriptions on
stones and on coins, and another device for the
banner, the crest of the Gangas was the Mada-
gajendra LancJiana or crest of the lordly ele-
phant in rut, and their banner was the Pincha
Dhwaja or banner of a bunch of flowers. The
Gangas may be described as the principal Jaina
dynasty of the South. How 4 Ganga ' came to be
their designation, whence their kingdom was
called Gangavadi, or Gangapadi, and its sub-
jects Gangadikaras are not accounted for. The
only other recurrence of such a name in history
is in the Greek accounts of Chandragupta who
is described as ruling over the Presii and
Gangaridae, which probably existed at the
mouth of the river Ganges with Ganga as their
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 9
capital. Pliny calls its rulers Gangaridae
Kalingae who according to their own admission
were connected with Mysore Ganga kings.
Though there is no evidence that the name
Ganga originated with the Gangaridae Kalin-
gae, the fact of the existence of two main
branches of the Gangas, the Gangas of Talkad
and the Gangas of Kalinga, tracing their appel- *
lation to the sacred river Ganges, is borne out
by ample epigraphical and monumental testi-
mony.
Ganga Chronology : The chronology of
the early Gangas is highly controversial and
has to be accepted tentatively subject to altera-
tions with the discovery of new and valuable
evidence. The genuineness of many copper
plates which furnish evidence on chronology has
been questioned. There is some amount of
agreement in regard to the text and succession
list of kings they enumerate, but there is wide
disagreement referring to the reading and inter-
pretation of their characters, languages, and
orthography. A large number of plates is either
not dated at all or is wrongly dated and, to evolve
a consistent scheme of chronology purely on the
basis of dates given by copper plates,
without any reference to other contemporary
evidence is to land oneself in a maze of contra-
dictions. Still in spite of these discrepancies
10 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
in dates, all copper plates not merely present a
fairly consistent and consecutive account not
discredited by contradictory statements, but are
also supported and confirmed by scores of
stone inscriptions of all periods and by refer-
ences in contemporary records of neighbouring
and other dynasties. Therefore, the conclusion
is irresistible that the genuineness of the
plates does not depend mainly on the specific
mention of a date right or wrong, but on its
general character, the evidence of language,
genealogical details and the like.
There are a few copper plates which are con-
sidered genuine from this point of view and are
correctly dated, and these furnish valuable data,
on chronology. The date of the Javali plates
issued in the 25th regnal year of Sripurusha
exactly corresponds with Monday 20th April
750 A. D. and is confirmed by the Kondajji
Agrahara plates. Similarly, the date of the
Bedirur plates of Bhuvikrama, issued in the
25th year of his reign, corresponds with Thurs-
day 25th March 633 A. D. and these two dates
are the starting points in the early Ganga
chronology. The Bendiganahalli plates are
dated the 13th day of Asvayuja Bahula in the
1st regnal year of Vijaya Krishna Varman and
are assigned to about 40Q A.D. by R. Nara-
simhachar. The Penukonda plates accepted as
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 11
genuine, from every point of view, explicitly
mention the installation of Harivarman by
Simhavarman Pallava, and, if the synchronism,
recorded by the Penukonda plates of Hari-
varma and Madhava III with the Pallava kings,
Simhavarman and Skandavarman, is interpret-
ed with the aid of the date determined in Loka-
vibhaga, we know definitely that Simhavarman
came to the throne in 436 A.D. It follows from
this that Harivarman should have been anoint-
ed king sometime anterior to 450 A.D. Tadan-
gala Madhava, grandson of Harivarma, was in-
stalled on the throne by Skandavarman III r
son of Simhavarman, 1 of the Sanskrit charters,
about 475 A.D. when Madhava, as a natural
expression of gratitude to the Pallava sovereign
for placing him on the throne, issued the Penu-
konda plates. Madhava is also the author of
Kudlur 2 and Keregalur 3 grants and 500 A.D.
has been fixed as an approximate date for the
latter. As an identical genealogy and the
specific mention of a close connection with the
Pallava dynasty are the distinctive features of
the Kudlur as those of the Penukonda plates,
the Kudlut grant might have been issued some-
1 E. C. Ill 142, M. E. R 1914, P.
2 M. A. B. 19303.
8 M. A. B. 193088.
12 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
time between 475 A.D. and 500 A.D. As no clues
are given in Tagarti, Melkote and Chukkutur
plates as to the extent of Ms reign, 500 A.D.
might have been the probable year which mark-
ed its termination.
Harivarma's date, as mentioned above, has to
be fixed between 436 A. D. and 475 A. D. the
latter being an approximate date of the corona-
tion of his son Madhava. As Konganivarma
who as a boy founded the dynasty, and his son,
Madhava, father of Harivarma, came to the
throne early in age, they both might have ruled
for nearly a century, enabling us thus to fix the
date of the foundation of the kingdom about the
middle of the fourth century. One other guide
to fix the date of Konganivarma is to ascertain
the date of Simhanandin who helped him and
his brother Didiga in establishing their power.
This event is mentioned in many inscriptions as
a collateral fact. Acharya Simhanandi is men-
tioned with Elacharya Padmanandin, 1 and it is
very probable that the personal or religious
name of Kundakunda was Padmanandin. The
date of Kundakunda is invaluable in the deter-
mination of the date of Simhanandi and
Samantabhadra. Since none of the inscriptions
mentioning Kundakunda as the third pontiff of
iBarend Faddegon, Pravaehana Sara of Kundakunda, Intro, xv.
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 1$
the line with a date corresponding to
B. C. 8 A. D. 44, is of a date earlier than the
eleventh century, their testimony has only a
certain general value. Bhandarkar and Weber
mention Kundakunda as one of the earliest
Digambara teachers of very great renown, as
a poet and author of many works in Prakrit.
In the introduction to his edition of Kunda-
kunda Samaya Sara, Gajadharalala Jain, after
a thorough discussion of his subject and his
times, concludes, conceding the possibility of a
doubt, that Kundakunda lived about the middle
of the third century or 250 A. D. Since
Samantabhadra and Akalanka the two great
Digambara teachers are also mentioned and
frequently in this historical 1 order immediately
after Kundakunda, Samantabhadra, third in the
great order of the seven Kavis, probably lived
about the same time or in the last quarter of
the third century. Simhanandi is mentioned
next to Samantabhadra in inscriptions 2 and his
date cannot be fixed earlier than the period
ranging from about 250 to 350 A. D. Accord-
ingly, Madhava the founder of the Ganga dy-
nasty, until more satisfactory evidence is avail-
1 E. C. II 255, 285, 289, 363, 596, etc.
Vidyabhushana in the introduction to his history of Mediaeval
School of Indian logic assigns Samantabhadra to 600 A.D. (XV).
2 E. 0. II No. 59.
14 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
able, can be tentatively assigned to the middle
of the fourth century or 350 A.D.
It thus becomes manifest that Konganivarma,
Madhava, Harivarma and Tadangala Madhava
ruled between 350 A. D. and 500 A. D. and
Madhava 's successors Avinita, Durvinita,
Mushkara and Srivikrama during the
period between 500 A. D. and 608 A. D.,
the latter date being the first regnal year
of Bhuvikrama. It is evident from the phrases
that are invariably applied to Avinita in Nona-
mangala, Sringeri and Kodinjeruvu plates that
he was a posthumous child and was pro-
claimed king while still in the lap of his mother.
As five grants of his reign have been found of
the 1st, 2nd, 25th, 29th and 36th years and
seven copper plate grants of his son Durvinita
belonging to his 3rd, 4th, 20th, 35th and 40th
years, it is wellnigh tenable that both father and
son ruled Gangavadi for over a century. The
reference in the Gummareddipura 1 grant and
in the Hindupur stone inscriptions 2 to Chalukya
Jayasimha, Durvinita 's daughters' son, who
was in perpetual hostility with, and was
eventually slain by, a Pallava king, is an impor-
tant synchronism which helps us in fixing the
1M. A. E. 1911-1912, Para 68.
2E. C. VIII NT 35.
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 15
date of Durvinita. The Kanthem 1 grant sup-
ports this reference, in the stone inscriptions, to
the conflict between Jayasimha and his contem-
porary king of Kaduvetti and his having re-es-
tablished his power after a period of obscurity,
"with the intervention of Durvinita. As Jaya-
simha ruled in the first quarter of the sixth
century, Durvinita 's period will have to be fixed
about the same time, a date much too early for
him. Dr. Fleet assigns the Gummareddipura
plates of Durvinita on paleographic grounds to
the first half of the seventh century. R. Nara-
simhachar, who assigned these plates to about
550 A.D., shifts Durvinita to a later date bet-
ween 605 and 650 A.D., following the synchro-
nism of Durvinita, Simhavishnu and Vishnu-
vardhana, suggested by the Avantisundari-
kathasara. 2 Dr. A. B. Keith admits that though
it is difficult to establish the contemporaneity of
Bharavi, Simhavishnu, Vishnuvardhana and
Durvinita, there is at least no flagrant anachro-
nism. 3 The Aihole inscription of Pulekesin of
634 A. D. specifically makes mention of Bha-
ravi 's fame and Dr. Keith opines that, since
Bana ignores Bharavi, he having hardly pre-
ceded him long enough for his fame to compel
1 Fleet :Kanarese Dynasties. P. 342.
2 Madras Oriental Mss. Library Beports 1916, 17, 18, 19.
3 Keith : History of Sanskrit literature P. 109.
16 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
recognition, it is wiser to place Bharavi at
550 A.D. than as early as 500 A.D. It is then
not improbable that Bharavi visited Dur-
vinita 's court, about that time. This is the only
hypothesis that can be reasonably advanced in
support of the statement in most of the inscrip-
tions that Durvinita was the author of a com-
mentary on the 15th canto of Kimtarjuniya,
though Keith considers this as a piece of lite-
rary forgery. 1 Besides, if Durvinita is assigned
to the latter half of the sixth century, this will,
not merely, agree with the dates of his succes-
sors arrived at independently, but also makes
him the contemporary of Pulekesin I, Kirthi-
varman, Mangalesha and probably of Pule-
kesin II too. As Bhuvikrama came to the throne
in 608 A.D. the rule of Durvinita 's successors
Mushkara and Srivikrama was short.
Bhuvikrama might have ruled for a consi-
derably long period, for, from one of the in-
scriptions, 2 we obtain the date 670 A.D. marking
the end of his reign. His brother Sivamara
ascended the throne in 679 A.D. for, the Halla-
gere copper plate grant of his 34th regnal year
is dated, Saka 635. His reign appears to have
been eventful and long, as attested by the
preface -xvii.
2B. 0. IK. Md. 113.
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 17
[British museum 1 grant, the Bhaktarahalli*
lithic inscriptions and the Kulagana 3 copper
plates which are all assigned to a period bet-
ween 720 and 725 A.D.
There are numerous copper plates and lithic
inscriptions which fix definitely the date of Sri-
purusha's accession to the throne and rule. The
Javali plates give Saka 672 (750 A. D.) as his
25th year which is confirmed by the Devarahalli
plates which give Saka 698 (776 A. D.) as his
50th year, both being verified and accepted by
Fleet and Keilhorn. The Halkur lithic inscrip-
tion dated Saka 710 or 788 A.D. marks the 62nd
and probably also the last year of his reign.
Sivamara II succeeded Sripurusha in 788
A.D. and after great vicissitudes in his career,
long and sanguinary wars, and loss of the
throne, was at last in 815 A.D., reinstalled by
Govinda Rashtrakuta and Nandivarman Pal-
lava, a fact that is borne out by Sankenahalli
and Hiregundagal lithic inscriptions and the
Kadaba plates. The latter mention the death
of Sivamara fighting in the battle field at Kage-
mogeyur.
As the Manne grant is dated Saka 750 or
12th regnal year of Bajamalla corresponding
II. A. XIV. 229.
2M. A. B. 1918.1919. P. 62.
3 M. A. B. 1925, P. 100.
2
18 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
with 828 A. D., there is nothing inherently im-
probable about 817 A. D. being the year of his
accession to the throne. Though the Valli-
malai 1 and the Honganur lithic inscriptions are
silent about the extent of Rajamalla's rule,
from the Hindupur temple lithic inscription
dated Saka 775, one of the earliest records of
Bajamalla's successor Nitimarga Ereganga
Perumanadi, we obtain 853 A.D., as marking
probably the last year of his reign.
Nitimarga was the donor of the Galigekere
plates which are assigned to 860 A.D. His rule
lasted only for a, period of sixteen years till
869 A.D., as can be gauged from a rude bas
relief at the head of the Doddahundi stone 2
depicting his death.
The Biliur stone inscription is dated
Saka 809, the 18th regnal year of Rajamalla II
who commenced to rule in 870 A. D. His life
was one of strenuous activity and for a period
of nearly thirty-seven years, he was engaged in
incessant hostility with the Nolambas and the
Chalukyas of Vengi The Kabbalur and Satta-
nur Viragals dated in his 15th and 29th regnal
years, the Gattavadipura and Narasapura cop-
per plates dated in Saka 826 and 824, respec-
1 B. C. IV. 160.
2E, 0. III. TIL 91.
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 19
tively, and the Arkalgud inscription of his 37th
regnal year corresponding with the 21st year of
his nephew Ereyappa, who was associated with
him in the Government of the kingdom are all
an eloquent testimony to his great achievements.
Ereyappa or Nitimarga II who had already
ruled for twenty years in association with his
uncle continued to rule till 935 A.D. according
to one of his lithic inscriptions which gives
Saka 857, the year Vijaya. Narasimhadeva or
Narasinga referred to in the Sudi 1 plates of
Butuga, did not survive his father.
Rajamalla Satyavakya III mentioned in
Chikka Kaulande lithic inscriptions 2 dated
920 A.D. was killed by his brother Butuga who
then ascended the throne in 938 A. D. a date
that is obtained from his Sudi plates which
record a grant to a Jain temple and are dated
Saka 860. The Andagove 3 Kallur Viragals
dated Saka 866 cyclic year Krodhi and cor-
responding to 944 A. D. belong to his reign.
Like the Sudi plates the Atakur stone inscrip-
tion dated Saka 872 or 950 A. D. refers to
Butuga 's exploits in the field of battle. A lithic
inscription 4 which records a Kalnatta and is
1 M. A. K. 1911-12. P. 74.
2 E. I. VIL 24.
3Coorg Inscriptions No. 28.
4 M. A. R. 1919-20. P. 65.
20 THE OANGAS OF TALKAD
dated 960 A. D. issued twenty-two years later
than the Sudi grant might be the last grant of
his reign.
Marasimha succeeded him in 961 A.D., and he
issued the Kudlur plates an year after his acces-
sion in Saka 884 or 962 A.D. The lithic inscrip-
tion at Karagada, 1 Belur Taluk, dated Saka
893 and the inscriptions at Sravanabelgola, give
a long account of his achievements, and the
latter records his death in 974 A.D. at Bankapur
by the Jaina rite of sallekhana.
He was succeeded by Rajamalla Satya-
vakya IV in the same year. The Kuduru lithic
inscription with an illegal date, and the Peggur
inscriptions 2 with Saka 899 (Isvara) or 977
A.D are the only two grants of his period.
These inscriptions mention of Rakkasa
Ganga as being associated with his brother in
the government of the kingdom in 977 A.D.
Since the lithic grant of Rakkasa Ganga at Hale
Budanur, Mandya Taluk, has on the one side an
inscription of the 13th regnal year of Rajendra
Chola, who conquered Gangavadi prior to 1024
A. D., Rakkasa might have ruled the kingdom
long, acknowledging Chola suzerainty a fact
which is further supported by E. C. Ill Md. 78
which describes a Ganga Permanadi ruling
1 E. O. II No. 59.
2 Mysore and Oborg Inscriptions No. 4.
THE WESTERN GANGAS OF TALKAD 21
over Karnata, and is dated Saka 944 cyclic year
Dunnati corresponding to 1022 A. D. Rak-
kasa the last of the great Gangas ruled then
from 985 A. D. to 1022 A. D. With the estab-
lishment of Chola domination, the Gangas lost
their kingdom and sought shelter under the ris-
ing Chalukyas and Hoysalas. The Ganga no-
bility attained to positions of honour under
them and contributed their talent and resources
to a subversion of Chola ascendency in Mysore
and laying the foundations of the Hoysala Em-
pire which was destined to play in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries a great part in the poli-
tics of the Deccan and the South.
22
THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
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CHAPTER II
BEGINNINGS AND EXPANSION OF GANGAVADI
UNDER MADHAVA AND HIS SUCCESSORS
DIDIGA who was also called Kongani Varma
or Konkani Varman, a title used
vSST* ky a ^ *^ e ^sequent kings of the
350.400 A.D. line was the founder of the dynas-
ty. 1 As he and his brother had
come from the north and halted at Perur with
a view to mature their plans of conquest, they
naturally had to encounter the opposition of
the Mahabali or Bana kings who held sway over
the east of Mysore, and whose Western boun-
dary was probably the Palar river, close to
Kolar. Didiga who was bent on conquering the
Bana country, carried an expedition into it, and
became victorious, for he is described as a * wild
fire in consuming the stubble 2 of the forest
Bana/ He led another expedition later to the
Konkan coast, encroached upon Mandali near
Shimoga, where on the advice of his Guru
1 1. A. VII. P. 167.
B. C. VII Nr. 35.
E. a vn sh. 4.
0. IX. D6. 7.
26 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Simhanandi, he established a Chaityalaya. He
might have ruled for a considerably long period
as he was pretty young when he founded the
kingdom.
Didiga's son Kiriya or Younger Madhava
succeeded his father on the throne
4oo^ V A,i>. and assumed the purple with the
avowed object of promoting the
happiness of his subjects. The raison d'etre of
kingship according to the Ganga civic ideal wa&
good government ( samyak-praja-palana-
matradhigatarajya-prayojanasya ) . Besides
being an active soldier he was proficient in Niti-
sastra, in the TJpanisads as well as in other
branches of sociological study. Gifted with a
literary turn of mind, he could appreciate the
learned and the poets. He was an author of
repute and wrote a treatise on Dattakasutra.
A clear and accurate knowledge of the rela-
tive position of the Gangas with that of the
great powers of the south is necessary at this
stage in order to appreciate the reigns of three
Ganga sovereigns Hari Varma, Vishnu Gopa
and Madhava II who succeeded Madhava I. The
fourth and fifth centuries witnessed the attempt
on the part of the Pallavas to perpetuate their
authority in Kuntala, Gangavadi and Kadamba-
nad, and keep them in a position of political
subordination.
GANGAVADI UNDER MADHAVA 2T
During this period the Kadambas under
Mayurasarma rebelled against the Pallava
control and aimed at independence. Though
this conflict ended in a compromise it enabled
him to become a force to be reckoned with in
the politics of the day. Probably he received
Kuntala as a military fief from the Pallava
lords of Kanchi who were pleased with his
courage displayed on the field of battle. The
conspicuous absence of assumption of birudas
or titles connected with royal power enables us
to infer that his immediate successors were
mere samantas. Krisna Varma I, the son and
successor of Kukutsa Varman who bore the
titles of Dharmaraja and Dharma Maharaja, 1
and his descendants 2 Mrigesa and Mandhatri,
Eaghu and Ravi Varman who uprooted
Chandadanda, the lord of Kanchi, 3 all laid
claims to independent status and royal dignity.
Prom 475 A.D. the struggle for the maintenance
of overlordship over Kuntala began between
the Pallavas and the Kadambas. The Pallavas,
thus embroiled into civil war for succession, now
secured the throne for Vishnu Varman who
solicited their support. The Pallavas under
1 E. C. IX. Dg. 161.
2E. 0. V. Hn. 84.
81. A. VI. P. 24.
28 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Simha Varma 1 and Skanda Varman 2 streng-
thened the hand of the Gangas and a Ganga-
Pallava alliance was formed with a view to
over-awe the Kadambas. Though the history
of the war is irregular and shadowy, evidences
are not wanting to indicate the maintenance of
Pallava influence in Kuntala and the continua-
tion of a strong Pallava association about the
appellation of Simha Varman in the Kadamba
family of Vishnugopa and Simha Varman
Madhava in the Ganga family. The installation
of Harivarman and Tadangala Madhava on the
throne by Simha Varman and his son Skanda
Varman Pallava, contemporaries of Kadamba
JMrigesa, Mandhatri and Eavivarman, the
marriage of Tadangala Madhava with the
Kadamba princess, are strong evidences which
bear out the integrity of Pallava power and in-
fluence in Kuntala and Gangavadi in the sixth
century. They also bear out the attempts which
the Pallavas made to bring a consolidation of
their power partly by suspension of hostility
and partly by encouragement of matrimonial
alliances, the astuteness of which policy they
had recognised in the development of their own
power.
1 E. I. XV. 249.
P. I. XIV. 333.
GANGAVADI UNDER MADHAVA 29*
Madhava's son Harivarma came to the throne
about 436 A. D. On the basis of
jx Penukonda 1 and Bendiganahalli*
plates, the period of Harivarma
has been assigned to a time somewhat anterior
to 475 A. D. The plates mention the fact that
he was installed on the throne by the Pallava
Simha Varma II., who commenced to rule
about 438 A. D. Harivarma is commonly des-
cribed as having employed elephants in war and
having acquired great wealth by the use of the
bow. He removed the capital to Talkad situ-
ated on the Kaveri, in the southeast of the My-
sore district, probably for diplomatic consider-
ations. He conferred a gift of the Orekodu
village in the Mysore nad and the title of
Vadibhasimha on a victorious Brahmin adver-
sery for overawing a Buddhist in disputation. 8
He made similar grants of villages to Brahmin
ascetics and scholars and to a temple dedicated
to Mulasthana Isvara. 4
N. B. The genealogy of the early Gangas has been as contro-
versial as their chronology. All copper plates and lithic inscrip-
tions bear out the important fact that Konganivarma Dharma Maha-
raja dhiraj a and Madhava were the founders of the dynasty. Hari-
l E. I. XIV. 832, 33.
2M. A. B. 1915, P. 40.
8 B. I. VIII. P. 212.
*M. A. R. 1921, para 38, 39.
30 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
varma is mentioned as the third name in the list by Kudlur, Kallur-
gudda, and Purale stone inscriptions, and Kandasala, Tagadur,
Nonamangala, Sringeri, Mallohalli, Kadunjeravu, Uttanur,
<}uinmareddipura, and Bangalore Museum copper plates. But
the disclosure of names as Ayyavarman, Krishna Varman, Vijaya
Krisna Varman as third and Simha Varman as the fourth in the
list of kings by the Penukonda, Chukkuttur and Bendiganahalli
plates recognised as genuine has tended to a divergence of opinion
among scholars, with regard to their real identity. Some think
that the Ganga Empire was divided after the death of Madhava I,
among his sons, Ayyavarman, Krisnavarinan and Vijaya Krisna-
varman who made Talkad, Kaivara and Paruvi, respectively as
capitals of their principalities and maintained their independence
for a period of nearly half a century. The Talkad dynasty then
got the ascendency sometime between 400 and 500 A. D. and im-
posed its power upon the rest.i
But the description of Simhavarman, the son of Harivarman
with the same attribute as Pitrupaitamhaguna+samyulctha, on both
Penukonda and Chukkuttur plates leads a fortiori to an establish-
ment of the identity of Ayyavarman with Krsnavarman.
Madhava II and Vijaya Krisnavarman are described in Bendigana.
halli plates with the same attributes as 8vabhujajayajanita Sujana-
Janapada, GangaJcula-vyomavabhasanabhaslcara, Devadvija-guru-
charana.pranayalcrutanukainpana, Nanasastrarthagunah, that are
usually applied to Konganivarman and Madhava in all plates. The
probability of the attributes of Madhava of having been juxtaposed
'with the same name of Vijayakrisna by the engraver of the plates,
confirms the latter 's identity with Krisna Varman and Ayyavarman
of the Chukkutur and Penukonda plates. Again, as the term Hari-
vannan has come to be used without the aspirate as Arivarman in
liis Tanjore plates and in common parlance as Ay ya varma, it
becomes manifest that the name of Ayyavarma, Krishnavarman and
Vijayakrisnavarman are merely his appellations which he acquired
after his installation on the throne by the Pallava king.2
1M. A. K. 1930. 3, 36, 88.
SKaraataka Review. 1932. Pp. 7-8.
GANGAVADI UNDER MADHAVA 31
Vishnugopa who succeeded Harivarma set
aside the Jaina faith and showed a
distinct predelection for the wor-
ship of Vishnu, that the five tokens given by
Indra vanished as foretold in the original war-
ning. 1 Eulogistic references to him such as
Sakratulya-parakrama, Narayana-charana-
nudhyata, Gurugobrahmana-pujaka* indicate
that he enjoyed a greater reputation for saintli-
ness of character than for kingly accomplish-
ments.
His grandson, son of Prithivi Ganga who
never came to the throne, was
mtoa* Tadangala Madhava 3 renowned
460-500 A.D. for his atheletic feats and great
personal strength and the valour
with which he maintained the integrity of the
kingdom. He favoured the worship of Triyain-
toaka and revived the donations for long ceased
festivals of the Gods and Brahmins. 4 Though
l M. A. B. 1921, para. 38, 39.
E. I. XIV. 331, 336.
2M. A. E. 1916, P. 34, 35.
M. A. E. 1914, P. 67, 69.
3E. C. VII. Sk. 464; E. C. VIII. Nr. 35.
4E. L XV. 249.
E. I. XIV. 335.
32 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
he was a devotee of Siva, he made grants to
Jain temples 1 and Buddhist Viharas. 2
During his period there appeared to have
been great vicissitudes in the fortunes of the
Gangas. A kingdom that had been arduously
built up and maintained free from any alien
domination for a century, seems to have come
under the influence of the Pallavas, as the
annointment of Harivarman by Simha-
varman II, and the elevation of Madhava to
the % throne by Skandavarman III bear testi-
mony. Apprehension of danger from the Pal-
lavas might have been the motive for the
Kadamba sovereign to supplement his strength
by a matrimonial alliance with the Gangas who
were virtually feudatories of the Pallavas.
Madhava married the sister of the Kadamba
king Krisna Varman II 3 and the issue of this
alliance was Avinita one of the most illustrious
sovereigns of the Ganga dynasty.
Avinita was crowned king while still an in-
fant on his mother's lap. 4 He
so(K54o'A.D. was probably a posthumous son of
his father. Traditions mention
that one day Avinita came to the bank of the
1 E. C. X. ML. 73.
2M. A. B. 1024, P. 89, 81.
31. A. XH. P. 13; ibid. XVIII. 366.
4 M. A. B. 1916. P. 34-35.
GANGAVADI UMBER MADHAVA 33
Kaveri and heard a voice calling out to him
Satajivi. He plunged into the river while
Whether Avinita's mother was the sister of Krisnavarman I or of
Krisnavarman II has been a matter of controversy. The alphabets
of the Bendiganahalli plates, Chikkutur plates and Bannahalli
plates are so similar that there is no room for doubting that
Ganga Madhava, Vishnu Kundin, Vikramendra Varman II, and the
Kadamba Krishna Varman II were contemporaries and the sister
of the latter king married Madhava II. Kukutsa Varman of the
Kadambas, in the Talgunda inscriptions, is said to have
given his daughter to the Guptas, and his date has been tentatively
fixed at 400 A. D., and Krisnavarman II, "Sun in the firmament of
the Kadamba family " fifth from Kukutsa in the main line may
be taken to have lived in the neighbourhood of 500 and 565 A. D.
and to have been succeeded by Ajavarman, Bhogavarman and
Vishnuvarman the last two being the Kadamba contemporaries of
Durvinita one of the most celebrated Ganga sovereigns of the
seventh century.
in full flood and swam across it in safety. He
married the daughter of Skanda Varman, Raja
of Punnad which lay south of Gangavadi with
the capital Kittur 1 on the bank of the river
Kapini.
Avinita is spoken of as a prodigy of valour,
unrivalled in the managing of elephants, in
horsemanship, archery, and as a prince of un-
stinted liberality. He is described to have been
devoted to the protection of the country and the
maintenance of varnasramadharma, 2 and to
IE. C. IX. D. B. 68. Mallopalli plates.
I. A. I. 136 ; ibid. I. 363.
2 E. C. IX. D. B. 67.
84 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
have made large grants of land to Jain temples
and Brahmins. Five such grants have been
found to belong to the first, second, twenty-
fifth and thirty-sixth years of his reign. He
was devoted to the worship of Hara 1 (Hara-
charanaravindarpranipata) . Brought up under
the care of Vijayakirti 2 who was his preceptor,
he displayed large partiality towards Jainism
and in his later life made a number of grants
for Jain bastis in Punnad and other places.
Durvinita was one of the most remarkable sov-
ereigns of the early Ganga dynasty.
His reign as those of his great
contemporaries marked a transi-
tion from a grey and lifeless period to one
that teemed with the exuberance of life. It
was an age of preparation, when the forces of
historical growth worked imperceptibly towards
a mighty religious transformation. The political
conditions were considerably altered and ortho-
doxy yielded place to a liberal cosmopolitanism.
The personal factor became all important in the
politics of the period and the fortunes of king-
doms and empires fluctuated according to the
strength or weakness of the men who presided
over their destinies. The political unity of the
IE. C. X. Mr. 72.
2 M. A. E. 1911. P. 31.
GANGAVADI UNDER DURVINTTA 35
country that was broken up into many princi-
palities once again offered opportunities for
powerful personalities to interfere gratuitously
in the affairs of their weaker neighbours, to
create there spheres of influence by taking sides
in cases of conflicting claims to sovereignty, and
to weld them all by such and other means into
strong national states.
The long but fairly successful struggle of
the Pallavas with the Kalabras in Tondai-
mandalam, the assertion of Pallava overlord-
ship over the Gangas and the Kadambas, who
after a long struggle acknowledged their suze-
rainty and the foundation of a new dynasty by
Simha Vishnu arc illustrations of this important
tendency in Pallava history, in the 6th century.
The accession of this powerful dynasty to
authority was almost coeval, with the rise of
the Chalukyas in the region north of their terri-
tory, 1 as well as the beginnings of hostility bet-
ween them. Repudiating the religious basis of
the hostility between the Pallavas and the Cha-
lukyas, as devotees of Siva and Vishnu, respec-
tively, as well as the theory of their foreign
origins which is untenable, we have to look to
its probable cause elsewhere. The early Cha-
lukyas spread southwards with the set object of
* E. 0. I. Car. 1. 50.
36 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
recovering the Southern block of territory that
once constituted an important part of the
Andhra Empire and, that was vulnerable to
attack, from a southern power. The Pallavas
equally anxious to buttress their north-western
frontier had already established in Banavasi
and Gangavadi their overlordship which was
very much resented by local dynasties. Natu-
rally, therefore, in this policy of irresistible
expansion, the Chalukyas and Pallavas had
reasons for perpetual hostility on an important
and at the same time a vulnerable frontier for
both of them.
In the fratricidal struggle that ensued bet-
ween Durvinita and his younger step-brother
whom Avinita at the time of his death had
nominated as his successor 1 on the advice of his
Guru Vijayakirti, the latter was ably support-
ed in his claims by the Kadavetti, and Rash-
trakuta kings. Durvinita allied himself with the
Chalukyan adventurer, Vijayaditya, who first
appeared in the South, by giving him his own
daughter in marriage, and with his aid des-
troyed the conspiracy 2 that was opposed to his
claims to the throne.
The aggressive attitude of Vijayaditya and
1 Fleet : Kanarese Dynasties 342, 844.
C. I. Ba. 141; XII. M. 110; IX. DB. 08.
GANGAVADI UNDER DURVINTTA 37
his encroachments upon Kuntala which the
Pallavas claimed as their dependency provoked
Trilochana Pallava to vindicate his right of
overlordship of that region by checkmating his
enemy and killing him in a fiercely fought
battle. The date of the war is uncertain, and
epigraphists who agree in making Trilochana
Pallava, Karikala and Vijayaditya contempora-
ries, estimate the period of Vijayaditya and his
wars to be about the beginning of the sixth cen-
tury A. D. 1 The fortunes of the Chalukyan
family were at the lowest ebb when Jayasimha
Vallabha, son of Vijayaditya ascended the
throne. He waged unceasing wars with the
Pallavas and the Rashtrakutas and with the
help of his maternal grandfather Durvinita,
re-established Chalukyan power that had suffer-
ed a temporary eclipse. The Nagar inscrip-
tion 2 which states that Durvinita vanquished a
Kaduvetti of Kanchi, and a stone inscription 3
which states that Avinita's younger son assum-*
ed from Kaduvetti the rule of Kongunad, and
the assumption of the surname Kaduvetti by the
earliest of Pallava kings, are evidences to sup-
port the fact that the Kaduvetti whom Dur-
1E. P. India XI; Trilochana Pallava and Karikala. P. 79; 87.
2 Vasudfoege ravana pratimanemba negertteya Icadwvettiyam
visasane rangadol pididu, etc.
3 E. 0. VII Cm. 30.
38 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
vinita defeated was Trilochana Pallava, who
carried extensive and ruthless invasions into
Chalukyan territory and inspired fear in the
minds of the people and neighbouring princes.
There was a renewal of the contest with the
Pallavas in the time of Ranaraga and Pule-
kesin who about 559 A. D., claimed universal
dominion and performed Asvamedha sacrifice.
The Nalas, Mauryas and the Kadambas who
were the early opponents to the expansion of
Chalukyan power were subdued and the strug-
gle between the Pallavas and their dependents
and the Chalukyas ran virulently its course
with unabated vigour under Pulekesin's suc-
cessors Kirtivarman, Mangalesa and Pule-
kesin II.
Durvinita was probably the contemporary of
all these early Chalukyan kings, though it
appears incredible that he should have lived till
the dawn of the seventh century. He aimed at
the expansion of dominion in the South not
merely to vindicate the right of conquest, to
recover Kongunad, taken and given over to his
younger brother, but at the same time to wreak
vengeance upon the implacable foe of the Cha-
lukyas who stood in great need of support
against the Pallavas. The outbreak of a civil
war at the close of the sixth century and the
beginning of the seventh, in Chalukyan domi-
GANGAVADI UNDER DURVXNITA 39
nions to a great extent frustrated the ambitious
designs of Durvinita who counted on Chalukyan
support in his wars with the Pallavas. Manga-
lesha who had successfully established himself
on the Chalukyan throne, attempted to prevent
his nephew Pulekesin from accession in order
to secure it for his own son. Pulekesin was
either banished by Mangalesha or was allowed
to prefer a flight to save his own life. 1 He who
had grown to be a prince of remarkable ability
baffled all his uncle's intrigues and by the use of
energy, counsel and intrepid support from Dur-
vinita and the Alupas, the traditional allies of
the Chalukya dynasty, neutralised all the ad-
vantage that Mangalesha had gained by the
actual possession of power, and succeeded in
becoming king. In the attempt to save the
throne for his son, Mangalesha lost his life and
kingdom.
Assured now of the support of a steadfast
and formidable ally Durvinita carried extensive
and ruthless wars against the Pallavas and cap-
tured Andheri, Allatur, (Coimbatore District)
Poralare, (Chengelpet), Pennagare, (Salem)
and other places which considerably augmented
his prestige. He conquered Punnad 2 and
vindicated his rightful claims to its rule, his
1 E. I. VI. 41.
2 E. C. XII. Tm. 23.
40 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
mother Jayesta, being the only daughter and
heiress to its king Skandavarman. 1
Durvinita was not only a great soldier and
conqueror who acquired great
Dunrfnita as fame by victories over the Palla-
an iMtw 1 ^* t i i 11
twtor. vas, but he was also a great scho-
lar, patron of learning and a
latitudinarian. In accordance with the lofty
traditions of hospitality that prevailed in the
East, he extended his kindness without distinc-
tions of creed to Jains, Brahmins and other
communities who spoke of his liberality, his
genial appearance and his elevated culture in
terms of the highest praise. He was adorned
with, among others, the titles of Avinita-sthira-
prajvala, Anita and Ari-nrpa durvinita and
was equal to Krishna, the ornament of the
Vrishni race and of his lineage ; and was an
abode of matchless strength, prowess, glory,
modesty, learning and magnanimity. 2 In the
Manne Grant of Eajamalla I, Durvinita is des-
cribed as a Yudhisthira in virtuous conduct and
an expert in the theory and practice of politics. 8
In the Bedirur grant he is referred to, as en-
dowed with the three constituents of regal power
1 1. A. XH. IB, XVIH, 366.
2M. A. B. 1918, 35, 36; M. A. B. 1912. P. 31, 32; E. P. India
XIV 388.
8 M. A. B. 1910. 32.
GANGAVADI UNDER DURVINITA 41
Prdbhusakti, Mantrasakti and Utsahasakti, im-
perial power, power of discretion and power of
active will. 1 Two grants of his reign one of the
third 2 year, and another of his thirty-fifth year, 3
record donations to Brahmins named Vasa Sar-
ma and Deva Sarma.
Although he favoured the religion of Vishnu
he tolerated other forms of religion and con-
ceded the fullest liberty of worship. He was
always anxious to promote the welfare of his
subjects, and his liberal benefactions originated
in a desire to relieve human want and misery.
He conferred large endowments on temples 4 so
that the fame of his charity spread all over the
country. The Uttanur 5 plates describe him as
resembling Vaivasvata Mann in the protection
he afforded to the castes and religious orders
and as fully able to protect the Southern region;
as kind to all, and possessed of loyal subjects.
Durvinita, sagacious and far-sighted in coun-
sel, eloquent and cultured when
AB a patron listening to the songs of the poets,
of learning. dignified and inspiring, formida-
ble in war, was also a great scho-
1M. A. E. 1925, P. 85.
21. A. VIII; E. C. IX. D. K 141.
31. A. V. 168; E. C. IX. D6. 68.
* Mysore and Coorg from the Ins. 36.
5E. C. IX. Bn 141.
M. A. B. 1916. P. 85.
42 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
lar who received the encomiums of the learned.
The Avanti-sundari-kathasara mentions in its-
introductory chapter that Bharavi the cele-
brated Sanskrit poet, stayed for some time in
the court of Durvinita and that he was a con-
temporary of Vishnuvardhana I and Simha-
vishnu the Pallava king of Kanchi. The story
by Dandi has thus been summarised :
"In the city of Kanchi in South of India
there was ruling a king of the Pallavas called
Simha vishnu who was a great patron of scholars.
One day a stranger appeared before him and
recited a Sanskrit verse in praise of Vishnu in
his Narasimha Incarnation. When the king lis-
tened to the lofty sentiments expressed in the
verse he enquired of the stranger with great
curiosity the name of the author of the piece. "
The Gandharva replied to him " In the North-
west there is a town named Anandapura the
crest Jewel of Arya Desa where ruled many
kings. A family of Brahmins of Kausika
Gotra migrated from the place and settled at
Achalapura. Narayanaswami a member of this
family had a son named Damodara who became
a great scholar and was known as Bharavi. He
became a friend of King Vishnuvardhana.
Once he accompanied Vishnuvardhana on a
hunting expedition and while in the forest was
obliged by him to eat animal flesh. He then set
GANGAVADI UNDER DURVINTTA 4
out on a pilgrimage to expiate his sins and final-
ly settled in the court of Durvinita. He is the
author of this verse which I have now repeat-
ed. " On hearing this the king desired to see the
poet and induced him to come to the court after
many invitations. The poet delighted the king
greatly by his writings and subhashitas. A res-
pectable dwelling being assigned to him for
residence by the king, he followed the profes-
sion of his father which was poetry. 1 This inte-
resting extract is important in establishing the
contemporaneity of three kings Simhavishnu,
Vishnuvardhana and Durvinita, and the poet
Bharavi. Durvinita appears to have written a
commentary on the fifteenth sarga of Bharavi 's
Sanskrit poem Kiratarjuniya, a work full of
alliterations and other forms of verbal orna-
ment. There cannot be greater praise bestowed
on the merits of a poet than that his work
should be commented on by the talented sove-
reign whose protege he was. This position
Bharavi seems to have acquired and from the
extract we learn that he did not continue for
long in the court of Durvinita, but was induced
to leave it and settle at the court of Simha-
vishnu.
From Durvinita 's inscriptions we gather that
1M. A. B. 1921, P. 48.
44 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
his tutor was the famous divine, the celebrated
Jain grammarian, Pujyapada the author of
Sabdavatara. Some inscriptions make Dur-
vinita himself the author of Sabdavatara. 1
Durvinita is also said to have made a Sanskrit
version of the Brihat-katha written in the Pai-
sachi dialect. " The existence of a Sanskrit
version of the Brihat-katha written centuries
before the three other versions, of Budha-
swamin's in the eighth century and Kshemendra
and Somadeva's in the eleventh century, has
been established beyond all reasonable doubt." 2
Professor Lacoste, too, says in commenting on
JBudhaswamin's work that "it is based on an
older Sanskrit version of the Brihat-katha, for
it shows by the side of traits relatively modern,
traces of very curious archaism." Durvinita
was not only a scholar and wrote in Sanskrit
and Prakrit dialects, but is also mentioned in
Nripatunga's Kavirajamarga as one of the dis-
tinguished Kannada writers.
Durvinita was distinguished for his great
military prowess, kindness to the fallen enemy
which endeared him alike to his feudatory
chiefs and to his subjects, for his religious zeal
and catholicity respecting all religions though
1 M. A. B. 1016. P. 36.
* M. A. B. 1911-12. para. 67.
Ibid. 1915.16, para. 65, 66.
GANGAVADI UNDER BHUVIKRAMA 45
his personal feelings were in favour of Vaishna-
vism ; for his royal reception, love of litera-
ture and solicitude for the welfare of his sub-
jects. He was one of the great South Indian
monarchs, who deserves an honoured place in
Indian History.
The great Durvinita was followed by his son
Mushkara or Mokkara sometime
665!e6o a A.D. a l so known as Kantivinita. 1 He
had two younger brothers and
probably Polavaira was one of them. He mar-
ried the daughter of the Sindhu Raja. 2 The
construction of Mokkara Vasati, a Jain Ganga
Temple 3 near Bellary was a memorial to him
and points to an extension of the Ganga king-
dom in that direction. 4
Of Sreevikrama, son by the Sindhu princess
who came next, no particulars are
Sreevikrama, recorded, except that he was a
660.665 A.D. scholar well versed in the science
of politics and was the abode of the
fourteen branches of learning. He had two sons
Bhuvikrama and Sivamara who in turn suc-
ceeded to the throne.
IE. a VI. Cm. 58.
21. A. XIV. 22 r
81. A. VIL 107.
4M. A. B. 1925. P. 90, 92.
46 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Bhuvikrama was the son of a Chola princess
descended from the family of
'Bimyikrama, Karikala reputed for the construe-
oa.67o A.D. ^ on O f ^ e embankment on the
Cauveri. He was a great warrior,
.a skilful rider, beautiful in body and pleasing
to the eyes and hearts of beautiful women.
During the seventh century while the Ganga
kings were extending their dominions in the
East and South, the Kadambas made encroach-
ments upon Ganga territory. The Chalukyas
who were invading the South and had repeated-
ly defeated and subdued the Kadambas, now
naturally came into contact with the Gangas.
The pedigree that is given in Tagarei plates reveals the name
of Polavira Kongani Maharaja, as successor of Arinarapa Nirvinita
who was none other than Durvinita indicated by the Sirigunda
stone inscription. Though Ganga records attest to the succession
of Mushkara to the throne after the death of Durvinita, it is not
improbable that Mushkara had younger brothers, one of whom
was Polavira who acted as a viceroy of a Vishaya and issued
prrnnts.2
Bhuvikrama was the contemporary of Pule-
tesin II and his rule witnessed the beginning
of the Pallava-Chalukyan conflicts which were
destined to be continued unceasingly for over a
-century and a half. Pulekesin had made him-
self master of Vengi which till then was under
l M. A. B. 1918. Pp. 35, 36.
3 E. 0. VI. Cm. 50.
GANGAVADI UNDER BHUVXKRAMA 47
the control of the Pallavas, and had established
Ms brother Vishnuvardhana as his viceroy. He
encountered his natural enemy the lord of the
Pallavas, Mahendravarman, and caused his
splendour to be obscured by the dust of his
army and to vanish behind the walls of Kanchi. 1
Though what part Bhuvikrama played in this
struggle is not known in the present state
of our knowledge, it is probable that he
and Pulekesin stood to each other as allies
against their common enemy, the Pallavas, and
jointly carried aggressions on Pallava terri-
tory. The expeditions that Pulekesin led in
the last years of his reign were repulsed with
heavy losses, and his great adversary Nara-
simha Varman led a counter invasion into Cha-
lukyan territory, defeated Pulekesin in a series
of battles at Mani Mangala, Parivala and Sura
Mara, inspired terror in the minds of the peo-
ple by destruction of temples and annexation of
large slices of territory, captured Vatapi and
killed Pulekesin in the field of battle. Ganga-
vadi was harassed by the invading armies of the
Pallavas and it is difficult to determine the
share of Bhuvikrama in this conflict and the
attempt he made to checkmate Pallava aggres-
sions. A civil war broke out in the Chalukyan
l E. C. III. M. D. 113.
Ibid. XII. Tin. 23.
48 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
territory after the death of Pulekesin, Chan-
draditya and his infant son, owing to a dis-
puted succession to the throne between Aditya
Vannan and Vikramaditya when both appear-
ed to have stood in need of extraneous aid. What
part Bhuvikrama played in this struggle too is
not known. As the hostility against the Palla-
vas was the objective of the Ganga sovereigns
in their foreign policy during this period, Bhu-
vikrama engaged the Pallava king Narasirnha
Potavarman in war, fought several battles at
Vilinda and other places, and acquired the title
of Sri Vallabha 1 and Dugga.
Bhuvikrama like his predecessors was tole-
rant of all religions that prevailed in his king-
dom. He made a grant of land to his Jaina
feudatory Sachindra of the Banas, known as
Mahavalibana Vikramaditya Govinda, He
made Mankunda his royal residence. His reign
terminated about 670 A.D. Sivamara ascended
the throne in 679 A.D. and the interregnum of
nine years between Bhuvikrama 's death and the
succession of Sivamara was one of great politi-
cal confusion. Bhuvikrama, probably, com-
menced a collateral line of which Paramakula
Mahadhiraja and Ajavarma were noteworthy
descendants who later disputed the right of
Sivamara to the throne !
1L A. XIV 229 ; E. 0. IX. Bn. 141 ; XII Ta. 23 j III. Md. 43.
GANGAVADI UNDER SIVAMARA I 49
Bhuvikrama's younger brother Sivamara
followed in the main line and
ruled for a long period. His reign
witnessed a Pallava invasion
carried with a view to redeem the defeat sus-
tained at the hands of Bhuvikrama. 1 Sivamara
not only confirmed his elder brother's conquests
but energetically maintained his control ovet
the Pallavas and received hostages from them.
While he was extending his sway in the south
and the east, his country was invaded by the
great Chalukya sovereign Vinayaditya who ruled
between 680 and 696 A. D. Chalukyan records,
describe Vinayaditya as arresting at the com-
mand of his father, the excessively fexalted
powers of the Chola, Pandya, Kerala and Pal-
lava kings and gratifying his father's mind by
bringing all these provinces into a state of peace
and quiet, and reducing the Kalabras, the Hai-
hayas, and the Malavas, into a similar state of
servitude with his hereditary servants, the Alu-
pas and the Gangas. 2 The Gangas did not
acknowledge Chalukyan overlordship but the
latter regarded the Gangas always as their feu-
datories and resented the interference of any
external power in the affairs of Gangavadi. In
1 E. C. IIJ. M. D. 113.
a L A. VI. P. 87, 88.
IMA VII. P. 303.
4
50 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Chalukyan inscriptions} the Gangas are dis-
tinguished by the epithet Mania which means
ancient and of original unmixed descent, an un-
impeachable testimony to the Gangas being
regarded by the Chalukyas with great deference
and respect.
Modest in behaviour, Sivamara was famous as
Avani Mahendra, and Sthira Vinita Prithuvi
Kongani, Nava Kama and Sistha Priyah the
name by which he described himself. It is pro-
bable that he had a son named Ereganga who
was governor of Tornad 500, the Kongalnad
2,000 and the Malenad 1,000 and who made a
grant to Vinadi and Kesadi the chief temple
priests of Panekodupadi. Ereganga did not
survive his father.
CHAPTER III
GROWTH OF GANGAVADI UNDER SRIPURUSHA
AND SlVAMARA IN THE EIGHTH CENTURY
ONE of the most distinguished rulers of the
dynasty was Sripurusha who came
to the throne about 726 A. D. His
Pnrusha . , , , .
726.776 A.D. reign inaugurated a new epoch in
the history of the country which
attained under him a height of greatness and
prosperity never reached before. The country
in his time came to be called Sree Rajya or
fortunate kingdom.
He seems to have ruled before he came to the
throne, under the personal name of Mutaiya a
variant of Muttarasa and as prithivi kongani
over Kerekunda 500, Elenagarnad 70, the
Avanyanad 300 and Ponkunda 12, (different
provinces in the Kolar district) to the east of
Gangavadi and contiguous to the kingdom of
the Banas who were hostile to the Gangas.
During his viceroyalty he carried on wars
against the Banas, and though for a time suffer-
ed a reverse, was able to retrieve his position,
invade their country, and enforce Jagadeka-
malla, son of Vijayaditya, whom he placed on
52 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
the throne, to an acquiescence of his over-
lordship. 1
From his succession in 726 A.D. 2 till his death
he had to confront the gradual and inevitable
encroachments of the Rattas who had risen to
power and were undermining Chalukyan sove-
reignty on the one hand and of the Pallavas on
the other. As it was a period of intense and in-
cessant activity, he managed to tide over diffi-
culties both by successful war and by equally
successful diplomacy. The Chalukyas developed
their territorial power in the south till the
fringes qf their country became coterminous
with those of the Gangas. Nandivarman Pal-
lava launched upon a career of ceaseless con-
quests, and at the same time attempted at but-
tressing the north-western frontier of his king-
dom, which abutted on Chalukyan boundary.
He encroached upon the Kongu territory in the
south. The Pandyas waged constant wars with
Nandivarman for the overlordship of Kongu
territory and for reinstating the legitimate clai-
mant Chitramaya on the throne. 3 They gained
a brief and ephemeral ascendancy over Kongu-
nad, under Maravarman Bajasimha whose con-
quests extended far and wide in the teeth of
1 M. A. B. 192352, 53.
2 M. A. B. 1907. P. 3. Kondaji I, Agrahara plates.
* E. I. IX. P. 205.
GANGAVADI UNDER SRIPURUSHA AND SIVAMARA 53
Nandivarma's aggressive policy. The establish-
ment of an alien power in Kongunad almost on
the fringes of Gangavadi which was regarded
by the Chalukyas as their feudatory state, pro-
voked another Chalukyan invasion. While
Nandivarman was tranquilising Kongunad and
fighting the southern powers, Chalukya Vikra-
maditya II invaded Kanchi and after a tempo-
rary military occupation returned triumphant
to his own country. 1 A few years later, Nandi-
varman, to avenge the insult done to his coun-
try by the Chalukyas, conciliated the Gangas
and the Pandyas, and led a powerful confede-
racy of all the southern powers, against Keerthi
Varman II, and inflicted such a crushing defeat
upon him at Vembai in 757 A.D., that he never
recovered from it. One of Keerthivarman's
feudatories, Dantidurga gained considerable
influence by a matrimonial alliance with Nandi-
varman and completed the general shipwreck of
Chalukyan 2 power. Rajasimha, like other
powerful kings of the south, gained a large slice
of territory in this war, and in order to fortify
his newly acquired power, and frustrate the
designs of Nandivarman, contemplated a matri-
monial alliance with the Ganga dynasty*
Though the fact of a Ganga princess being
II. A. VIH. P. 23.
2E. L IX. P. 24; Q.J.M.S, XIH. 581-8.
54 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
married with the Pandya family is not men-
tioned in any of the Ganga records of the
period, it is probable that Sripurusha's daugh-
ter was offered in marriage to the son of Raja-
simha by the Malava Princess, 4 Konarkon r
more popularly known as Jatila Parantaka
Nedunjadayan, the donor of the Velvikudi
plates. Jatila Parantaka was the successor of
Rajasimha on the Pandyan throne.
Immediately after the great Chalukyan-Pal-
lava struggle, war broke out between the
Pandyas and the Pallavas on the one hand, and
the Pallavas and the Rashtrakutas on the other.
In a policy of selfish aggrandisement, Nandi-
varman opened hostilities with the Gangas and
the Pandyas for the control over Kongunad.
Though what led to this conflict with the
Gangas, is not clearly known, still Nandivarman
is said to have made an aggression into Ganga
country and to have taken away a neck orna-
ment which contained in it the gem called
Ugrodaya. 1 This invasion did not seriously
jeopardise the position of Sripurusha, for we
learn that during this triangular conflict he
played the one part, now the other, and succeed-
ed eminently in extending his influence south
and east and consolidating his power. It was
1 8. L I. II. P. 519-20.
GANGAVADI UNDER SRIPURUSHA AND SIVAMARA 55
the war that followed this hostility between the
Gangas and the Pallavas that has been consi-
dered the chief military exploit of Sripurusha's
reign.
Siyagalla, Sree Purusha's son and general
and governor of Kesumannunad distinguished
himself in the war and inflicted a crushing
defeat on the Pallavas at Vilardi. 1 Sripurusha
slew the valiant Kaduvetti and took away from
him the title Permanadi which was afterwards
assumed by the Gangas, and used alone to desig-
nate them. Sreepurusha practically during the
whole of his reign was the contemporary of
Nandivarman and which Kaduvetti was killed
by him, is not known. This victory won for him
a great reputation and also the title of Bheema-
kopa. The Narasimharajapura plates and Kere-
godi Rangapura plates describe him as a terror
to enemies, an undisputed master of the whole
area, in whose battles 1 the Goddess of victory
was bathed in the blood of the elephants cut
with his sharp sword. 2
From the frequent occurrence of the name Kaduvetti in records,
of Ouddapah and Kurnool districts and of the Mysore State, it
has been concluded that the descendants of Simhavishnu's younger
brother Bhima Varman, during the active rule at Kanchi, of Simha-
vishnu's son Mahendravarman and his successors, lost their capital
temporarily and ruled over the northern part of Pallava territory
1 M. A. R. 1920. 51-52 ; M. A. B. 1918. para. 76.
*M. A. B. 1919. 60-63, 63*68 ; E. 0. X. El. 90.
56 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
(inclusive of JSTellore and Guntur districts) and that the kings of
this collateral line were actually called Kadavas or Kaduvetti. The
Ganga kings of the early period were feudatories of the Pallavas
as their being enthroned by the latter, would indicate.! The
crowning of Nirvinita's younger son and Sivamara Saigota by the
Pallavas, illustrates that the Pallavas asserted their claims as over-
lords of the Gangas on very rare occasions. As it is clearly stated
of Durvinita, in Kannada inscriptions as Havana Pratima memba
negerteya Kaduvettiyan visasana rangadol pididu, of Sripurusha,
Lokatraya madhyado ipareyebirada kanchiya kaduvettiyan, of Kak-
kasa ganga ' Tondenadu nalva Yrishabha lanchanum enisida
kaduvettige vivahotsava madi , it is obvious that the terms
Kaduve maharaya and Kadavamahadevi were applied to Pallava
kings and queens respectively, and that the term Kaduvetti was an
appellation usually borne by the Pallava kings of Kanchi
and Tondenad.2
Sree Purusha had to encounter during the
latter half of his reign the f ormi-
war with the dable aggressions of the Rashtra-
kutas who for several centuries
had suffered an eclipse by the
Satavahanas and Chalukyas, but
were never extirpated. During the eighth cen-
tury they recovered remarkably, supplanted
Chalukyan authority and unable to move north-
wards pressed southwards and by the middle of
the eighth century made themselves masters of
the Deccan. 3
The chief objective of the Bashtrakutas seems
IE. C. X. Kolar. 90.
E. I. XIV. 333.
2 Trilochana Pallava : P. 79.
3. P. IV P. 334; Q.J.M.S. XIII. P. 81, 89, 698, 700.
GANGAVADI UNDER SRIPURUSHA AND SIVAMARA 57
to have been enlargement of the kingdom and
consolidation of power by completing the
establishment of their supremacy over the
dominions formerly held by the Chalukyas.
From 760 A. D., till the close of his reign, Sree
Purusha had to combat, therefore, the aggres-
sive wars of the Rashtrakutas, waged for expan-
sion and hegemony. The apprehension of dan-
ger from them might have been the motive for
the transference of capital from Mankunda to
Manyapura. A great war was fought between
Sree Purusha and Krishna I or Kannarasa Bal-
laha in which several heroes of the Ganga army
fell. 1 Murukode Anniyar of the three umbrel-
las, Sreerevaman described as a lion among
pandits were a few of the band of heroes who
fell in the fiercely contested battles of Pinchnur
and Bogeyur. 2 Sree Purusha 's general Siya-
galla of Murugarenad, conspicuous in the war
with the Pallavas, considered a terror to the
enemy, a Rama in war, a purandhara in valour,
an accomplished swordsman and one of the
most celebrated warriors of the age took part
in most of the battles against the Rattas and
probably fell a hero at last in the long drawn
battle of Kagemogiyur (a place somewhere in
A. B. 1910-11, P. 74.
A. B. 1919.20. Para. 51-52.
58 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Tumkur taluk not yet identified). A lithie
record 1 immortalising the memory of Siyagella
and the Talegaon plates 2 which Krishna I
issued from Manne, while he encamped there in
768 A.D. during the course of the expedition,
bear out the important fact that Krishna after
a successful consolidation of his power in the
Chalukyan dominions that he had already con-
quered, invaded Gangavadi and occupied it for
a time. This military occupation appears to
have been transitory, for the aged Ganga king
is mentioned in inscriptions to have been suc-
cessful in checkmating Ratta aggressions and
even extending his kingdom towards the north
by appropriating a part of the east of Bellary, 3
and making a grant for a Jaina temple erected
there by Kandachchi, consort of Paramagula. 4
Although a great conqueror and warrior Sree
Purusha was no barbarian. He
HIS wrote a treatise on elephants call-
ed Gajasastra and was considered
character. an au thority in the matter of ele-
phant war-fare. Himself learned,
he freely extended his patronage to men of let-
ters. He listened to the creations of the poeta
IE. C. XII. Md. 99.
2 B. i. xm. p. 27$.
8E. C. VL Mg. 36.
4E. C. IV. Ng. 85.
GANGAVADI UNDER SRIPURUSHA AND SIVAMARA 59>
and the conversations of divines with great
interest and drew around himself by means of
his lavish generosity a galaxy of eminent poets
and scholars. The poets praised hi as Praja-
pati and the interior of his palace echoed the
sound of the holy ceremonial chantings accom-
panying the great gifts made by him. Though
a Jain he showed a great regard for the religi-
ous susceptibilities of the brahmins and made
magnificent grants to Jaina, 1 and brahmin
temples 2 alike. Sree Purusha is referred to in
grants and lithic inscriptions with different
titles and appellations as Prithvikonkani, Kon-
kanimuttarasa, Permanadi Sree Vallabah, and
Ranabhajana. He seems to have assumed in
the last years of his life the imperial title Kon-
gani Bajadhiraja Paramesvara Sree Purusha.
Sree Purusha had several sons by the two
queens Vineyakin-Immadi and Vijayamaha-
devi of the Chalukya family. Sivamara, the el-
dest son of the king was governing Kadambur
and Kunagalnad at the time of his father's
death. Vijayaditya, son of Vijayamahadevi,
was the governor of Keregodnad and Asandi-
nad where he seems to have left successors wha
IE. C. IV. Ng. 35.
I. A. II. 155, 370.
2E. C. X. G. B. 47.
E. C. VI. Mg. 36.
60 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
governed it for a long time. Duggamara was
the viceroy of Kovalalanad, Belaturnad and
Pulavakinad and Munad. 1 Sivagella probably
the youngest son and also the famous general of
Sree Purusha, who had won for his father a
great reputation in the wars with the Rashtra-
kutas and the Pallavas did not survive his
father to contest the throne with his brothers.
Sivamara, the eldest son of Sree Purusha, as
soon as he came to the throne in
788 A.D. had to contend with his
younger brother Duggamara who
780.812 A.D. attempted to dispute the succes-
sion by open declaration of inde-
pendence. Singapota, the Nolamba
king and a feudatory of Sivamara rallied his
forces against Duggamara and quelled the
rebellion. 2 Sivamara 's reign was marked by
many reverses of fortune of the Grangas and the
latter came to be subjected to calamities which
threatened the extinction of the Ganga dynasty
altogether. 3 These troubles arose from the
Rashtrakutas who had recently under Krishna I
ousted the Eastern Chalukyas and established
their own supremacy in Chalukyan territory.
Though the Deoli grant testifies to the
1 E. C. X. KL. 16 ; M. A. 60. Sp. 15, 57.
2 E. a X. KL. 16 ; Mb. 80 ; Sp. 15-57.
3 E. C. IV. Ng. 60 ; TbM. IX. Kg, 90.
GANGAVADI UNDER SRIPURUSHA AND SIVAMARA 61
supercession of Govinda by Dhruva, there
are clear evidences pointing to the fact that
supercession was not possible without stubborn
resistence, and that Govinda made an attempt to
secure the succession, for himself and called to
his assistance in 780 A.D. the hostile kings of
Malava, Kanchi, Vengi and of the Gangas. 1
Dhruva Nirupama or Dharavarsha easily
overpowered his elder brother, and readily re-
sorted to a chastisement of all his southern
neighbours who had openly espoused the cause
of his brother in securing the throne, and Siva-
mara, the most impetuous one among them, was
seized and confined in a Rashtrakuta prison. 2
The invasion of the Ganga kingdom and im-
prisonment of its ruler, disturbed the even tenor
of Ganga sovereignty. Dharavarsha in his turn,
desired his younger son Govinda to supersede
his eldest son Khamba in their claims for the
paramount sovereignty of the Eattas and the
Deccan, and accordingly, placed Gangavadi
which he had invaded and conquered under the
rule of Khamba as a conciliatory measure. 3 The
Prince mentioned in inscriptions as Ranavaloka
Khambaiya, accepted this humiliation of his
supercession reluctantly, for the time being, and
IE. I. IV. 187; I. A. VI. P. 62.
2E. C. IX M. 61; E. I. 248; E. I. III. P. 104.
E. C. IV Hg. 93; E, C. II. J3. B, No. 24.
<$ THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
ruled till the death of his father, as Viceroy of
Gangavadi. When his younger brother ascend-
ed the throne, after his father's death, in 894
A. D. he soon formed a formidable confederacy
of twelve kings to gain the throne to which he
had a legitimate claim and rebelled against his
brother. Dictated by reasons of policy, Govinda
released Sivamara " from the burden of his
cruel claims, " and sent him back to his own sub-
missive country, 1 probably with the intention of
creating a rival against his brother who was
then governing Gangavadi and the patrimony
of the released prince. Foreseeing a fratricidal
-struggle imminent, Sivamara assumed imperial
titles soon after his release, and joined the side
of Khamba, who probably promised him resto-
ration of the kingdom when he became
the Emperor of the Rattas. Sivamara, accord-
ingly made a victorious attack on the
Rashtrakuta army, composed also of Cha-
lukya and Haihaya troops who had encamped at
Mudugundur, (Mandya Taluk) but was unable
to hold long against his formidable adversary.
For this act of insubordination (Darpa Visa-
radhyah Pratikulye StMtah) he was taken pri-
soner, and the Manne plates graphically state
this incident in the words, " Sivamara 's pride
1 1. A. V. P. 150 ; VI. 62, 70 ; XL P. 161.
GANGAVADI UNDER SRIPURUSHA AND SIVAMARA 63
showing a return of hostility, before Govinda 's
trow was wrinkled in a frown was again subdu-
ed and easily bound." 1 Govinda, a great soldier,
and skilful general alienated all his brother's
adherents by a policy of conciliation and easily
suppressed his rebellion and generously restor-
ed the sovereignty of Gangavadi to his repent-
ant brother, who till his death continued to be
loyal and devoted to his suzerain." 2 Thakki
Raja followed Khamba after his death for a
short period, as the chief ruler of Ganga-
mandala. 3 Like Khamba, Charuponnea of
Nolambavadi, also readily acquiesced in the
suzerainty of Govinda.
The wheel of fortune brought good luck once
again to Sivamara. Govinda who was probably
in need of allies to help him to consolidate his
newly acquired possession, and to put down the
Eastern Chalukyas, reinstated Sivamara in his
kingdom. In order to show his new regard for
him, he and the Pallava king Nandivarman II
bound the diadam on Sivamara 's brow with
their own hands. 4 The whole of his territory!
was restored to him, Marandale constituting the
northern boundary of the newly restored terri-
1 M. A. R. 1920. Para. 54.
2E. C. IX. NL. 61.
31. A. XII. P. 8.
<E. 0. IV. 1920. Para. 54.
64 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
tory. Sivamara's attention was engrossed after
his return, in a hostility against Balavarman
who had lately alienated himself from Cha-
lukyan authority. He then successfully till
808 A. D. 1 waged a long, sanguinary war in
combination with Govinda his overlord, against
the Eastern Chalukya sovereign, Narendra
Manga Eaja Vijayaditya II, who is described
as having fought a hundred and eight battles
with the armies of the Gangas and the Rashtra-
kutas 2 for over a period of twelve years. During
this period Govinda transferred the capital to
Manyaketa a place of great strategical import-
ance, in order that he may successfully en-
counter the Eastern Chalukyas. A formidable
confederacy was formed sometime later, of
Ganga, Kerala, Chola, Pandya and Kanchi
princes, against Govinda while he was fighting
in northern India. Consequently, immediately
after his return Govinda made great prepara-
tions for the invasion of the south in 808 A. D.
and actually debouched on the plains of the Car-
natic, halted for a time at Sribhavana, (Cowl-
durg Chitaldoorg district) and later inflicted a
heavy defeat on the confederate army, in which
several members of the Ganga army and royal
IE. C. XII. ML. 9; TP. 10.
21. A. XX P. 101.
GANGAVADI UNDER SRIPURUSHA AND SIVAMARA 65
family perished. The Sanjan plates of Amogha-
varsha are silent about Sivamara's part in this
momentous campaign of Govinda. The last
years of Sivamara's reign appear to be utterly
dark.
Sivamara was a great warrior. We are told
in a rather realistic fashion that
character of his anger in battles, drove hostile
kings in a moment into the mouth
of Yama horrid to behold, filled
with turning entrails, blood and flesh, and as
such he was appropriately styled Bheemakopa.
His energy manifested itself not only in plans
of war and conquest but also in liberalising the
character of administration. He created and en-
dowed a Jaina temple at Kummadavada, per-
haps, the place of his confinement during his
exile. He also built a Basadi on the smaller hill
at Sravanabelgola. The generosity of Siva-
mara was prodigal and all inscriptions are un-
animous in extolling his lavish gifts to the nu-
merous Brahmin temples and other institutions.
At the same time he stood as the bulwark of
Jaina Dharma.
In spite of the vicissitudes in his fortunes
Estimate which for a time marred the
glory of his reign, he was unques-
tionably one of the ablest men among the crown-
ed heads of the early middle ages. Of the kings
5
66 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
who sat on the throne of Gangavadi, he was un-
doubtedly one of the most learned and accom-
plished. Nature had endowed him with a beau-
tiful form " surpassing that of cupid," a mar-
vellous memory, a keen and penetrating intel-
lect, and an enormous capacity for assimilating
knowledge of all kinds. The versatility of his
genius took by surprise all his contemporaries.
He was a lover of fine arts, and the ornamental
bridge which he built over the Kilini river to
the north of Keregodu, 1 exemplifies his keen
artistic proclivities. The grants of Marasimha
describe him as a profoundly learned scholar,
with a passion for culture and a gift for poetry.
He was equally at home in logic, philosophy,
grammar and other sciences. He was skilled in
all matters connected with the stage and the
drama. Even the most practised rhetoricians
found it difficult to rival the brilliance of his
imagination, and the subtleties and niceties of
expression of which he was capable. Esteemed
as a poet he took delight in composing poems in
three languages. His Gajasataka which he
wrote in Kannada 2 after a profound research
into the methods of elephant management, as
expounded by the great Yatigala Karemubhu,
i E. c. m. M. B. us.
SB. 0. VIII. N. 35. Karnata&a Kavi Cbarite, Edn. 1924, 17,
GANGAVADI UNDER SR1PURUSHA AND SIVAMARA 67
was considered to be a composition of consider-
able literary merit, unique in rhythm and ex-
pression. 1 He was also the author of a work
called Setubhanda. Not only was he possessed
of a thorough knowledge of the art of elephant
training but was also an authority in the science
of management of horses and the science of ar-
chery. He was reputed to have mastered the
difficult Phanisutamata, the yoga of Patanjali,
after a long and profound study.
Sivamara, though removed from his country
and kept in confinement in the early years, does
not seem to have ever relinquished his claims to
the kingdom. Inspite of Rashtrakuta viceroys
appointed to govern it, he seems to have made
arrangements to maintain his rights. Dhruva
and Govinda seem to have partitioned Ganga-
vadi between Sivamara 's son Marasimha, and
Vijayaditya the brother of Sivamara, with a
view to secure stability. Marasimha Ere-
yappa with the title of Lokatrinetra, claims
to represent Ganga rule during his father's
detention as prisoner. 2 Two Pallava princes,
father and son, obtained permission from him
to make a grant. The father's name was Kolli-
yarasa and the' Rashtrakuta king Govinda
VIII. M. 35.
. 0. in. Sr. 160.
68 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Prabhuta Varsha took Killy into his service. 1
Marasimha as Yuvaraja under the protection of
the Rashtrakuta emperor ruled the entire
G-angamandala, and decorated all his feuda-
tories. 2 He probably founded a different line.
1 E. 0. VIIL Sb. 10.
2 E. C. IX. M. 00.
CHAPTER IV
THE FOUNDATION OF A COLLATERAL LINE BY
MARASIMHA AND PRITHIVIPATI
THE Alur, Manne and the Ganjam grants; the
stone inscription at Sravanabelgola, the
Vijayapura lithic inscription which are all as-
signed to a period between 797 and 800 A. D.
show that Marasimha had commenced to rule by
about 797 A.D., while his father Sivamara was
in confinement. The lithic inscription 1 at Hindu-
pur, dated Saka 775 or 853 A. D. is also attri-
buted to Marasimha, though its authenticity is
doubtful. Much remains to be discovered and
explained before we can make a clear and con-
solidated story of these references to the long
reign of Marasimha and the division of the
kingdom between him and Bajamalla. The
great vicissitudes in the fortunes of the royal
family during Sivamara 's sovereignty and
after, might have necessitated a virtual partition
of the kingdom between Marasimha who is re-
presented as ruling till 853 A. D. and Vijaya-
ditya's son Rajamalla Satyavakya who came to
the throne in 817 A.D. Marasimha and his suc-
1M. A. B. 1913. Para. 16.
70 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
cessors ruled Kolar and north-eastern districts.
It would appear that Durvinita and Dindika
were the younger brothers of Marasimha, for
the Karshanapalli 1 lithic inscription mentions a
Durvinita as Dindiga's elder brother who was
either identical with Marasimha or a different
individual of whom little is known.
Dindiga bore the pompous title of Prithivi-
pati or Pilduvipati. He was a
great patron of Jainism and wit-
nessed with his queen Kampita the Nirvana of
the Jain Acharya Aristanemi on the Katvapra
hill at Sravanabelgola. He gave his daughter
Kundawai in marriage to the Bana king,
Vidhyadhara Vikramaditya Jayameru. He gave
shelter to two princes Nagadanta and Joriga
who fled to his court unable to resist the aggres-
sions of Amoghavarsha. Resolved to vindicate
their honour, he carried on ceaseless wars
against his formidable Rashtrakuta adversary.
He was wounded in the field of battle at
Vaimbalguri, but stoically cut a piece of bone
from his wound and sent it to be cast in the
Ganges. Like his celebrated contemporaries
Bajamalla Satyavakya and Butuga, he embroil-
ed himself in the hostility between the Pallavas
and the Pandyas waged for expansion and hege-
1M. A. E. 1913. No. 326.
MAHASIMHA AND PRITHIVIPATI 71
mony. Aparajita came to the Pallava throne
about 880 A.D. and Varaguna, his great Pand-
yan contemporary made an attempt to reassert
the waning power of the Pandyas in Cholanad
and Tondenad in close proximity to Prithivi-
pati 's territory. Aparajita checkmated the
growing aggression of the Pandyan king and
made inroads into Chola territory which was
their chief bone of contention. Prithivipati,
Aparajita's feudatory, assisted him in the great
battle that was fought at Sripurambiyam
(identified with Tiruppurambiyam near
Kumbakonam in the Tanjore district) between
Aparajita and Varaguna Pandya, in the year
880 A.D. and in the words of the Udayendiram
plates which are too fulsome in their adulation
of Prithivipati, " Having defeated by force the
Pandyan lord Varaguna in the great battle of
Sripurambiyam, and having made his friend
Aparajita's title immortal, this Hero entered
heaven by sacrificing his own life." 1 Aditya
Chola who assisted Aparajita in this war like
Prithivipati, probably got a part of the Pallava
dominions as a reward which was made the
nucleus of a great policy of expansion, inimical
to the Pallavas themselves. 2 Important sue-
l 8. I. I. II. 381 ; M. A. B. 1906, Part H. Para. 9.
*Neelakanta Sastry. The Pandyan kingdom P. 76.
72 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
cesses were gained and large slices of Pallava
territory were confiscated to Chola dominions.
What part Prithivipati II who came to the
throne in 880 A. D. played in the
Chola-Pallava struggle and ulti-
mate conquest of Pallava terri-
tory is not known. We learn from inscriptions
that he gained the support of Viranarayana, the
great Parantaka I who came to the Chola throne
in 907 A.D. Parantaka with a view to aggran-
dise his power waged a relentless war against
Eaja Simha Pandya in order to exterminate
him. Likewise, he destroyed in the north of
his kingdom, the Bana sovereignty, and bestow-
ed it on Prithivipati, together with the titles of
Banadhiraja and Hastimalla, about 921 A. D. 1
Prithvipati is the donor of the Udayandiram
plates and is mentioned, in the Tatanakallu and
Solapuram lithic inscriptions, which have been
assigned to 925 A.D., with the alternative names
of Kannaradeva and Gangarayar. He was first,
the feudatory of Parantaka and subsequently
of Eashtrakuta Krishna III and like his con-
temporary Nitimarga II in the main line, pro-
bably, acquiesced in Rashtrakuta overlordship,
as the appellation Kannaradeva denotes. Ban-
1 M. A. B. 1925, No. 86, P. 75.
Sii. IL 887.
MARASIMHA AND PRTTHIVIPATI 73
keya the Rashtrakuta viceroy of Banavasi, de-
feated Prithivipati II and probably made him to
accept the position of a Rashtrakuta feudatory.
Prithivipati 's kingdom was later invaded by
Nolamba Polavira, son of Ayappa, the common
foe of the Western Gangas, which event might
have led him to ally himself with Ganga Raja-
malla III and accept him subsequently as his
overlord. Naniya Ganga who succeeded him,
lost his life in the field of battle while fighting
in the army of Vira Nolamba against the king
of the Santaras.
CHAPTER V
THE ADVANCE OF THE RASHTRAKUTAS AND
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM
RAJAMALLA, son of Vijayaditya, succeeded
Sivamara in the main line and got
a kingdom which had considerably
shrunk in size, than what had pre-
vailed under his predecessors. His accession
synchronised with the war which Bana-
vidyadhara waged against him, and appro-
priated from his kingdom a large slice of terri-
tory, Gangavadi 6,000. * Rajamalla had to
contend not only with his own feudatories but
also against the most powerful Rashtrakuta
sovereign Amoghavarsha 2 whose avowed ambi-
tion, after his accession, was the annexation of
Gangavadi and its conversion into an integral
part of his own vast empire. Large portions of
Gangavadi in the north had already passed
under Rashtrakuta control, when Sivamara
was a prisoner under them. Sivamara's
territory was placed under the rule of Nolamba
princes, Sinhapota's son and grandson, once
Sivamara 's feudatories, who now accepted
IE. 0. IX. Bn. 86.
SE. a iv. TO. eo.
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM 7S
Rashtrakuta protection after his power wa&
subverted. This territory inclusive of other pro-
vinces, constituted the Nolambavadi province.
It is probably with a view to secure the inte-
grity of Gangavadi, that Raja-
malla married on his restoration
with the . .
to his possessions, Simhapota s
grand daughter, the younger sister
of Nolambadhiraja, the viceroy, then ruling
Gangavadi 6,000, and gave his own daughter
Jayabbe, and the younger sister of Nitimarga
in marriage to Nolamba Adhiraja Polalchora. 1
The latter is described as ruling over Ganga
6,000 under the Ganga king Nitimarga in one
of his inscriptions.
These dynastic alliances were the first at-
War tempts which Rajamalla made
with the with a view to alienate his f euda-
Rastrakutaa. tories from Kashtrakuta suzerain-
ty and later repudiate his own allegiance to the
Rashtrakuta sovereign. Factions in the imperial
family, disloyalty of ministers, the truculence
and insubordination of feudal chiefs and decla-
ration of independence, attempts at disintegra-
tion of Rashtrakuta suzerainty by powerful
neighbouring princes, caused the greatest amba-
IE. C. XI. Si. 38, 24.
76 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
rassment to Amoghavarsha. The circumstances
were so hostile that he had to abandon aggres-
sive wars and resort to a policy of conciliation,
for Gangavadi and other neighbouring king-
doms however effete and meagre in their mili-
tary resources could no longer be conquered and
annexed to Rashtrakuta dominions. His south-
ern expeditions, were defensive, carried with the
object of buttressing his vulnerable southern
frontier. Still attempts at independence on
the part of his neighbours particularly
that of Rajamalla's by an astute policy
of dynastic marriages were therefore, much
resented by Amoghavarsha who ordered Ban-
kesa or Bankeyarasa of the Chellaketana family
and governor of Banavasi 12,000, Belgali 300,
the Kumdur 500, Puligere 300, 1 "to uproot the
lofty forest of fig trees of Gangavadi, difficult
to be cut down." 2 He accordingly captured
Kaidala (Kaidala near Tumkur) which was
strongly fortified and defended. Having occu-
pied that part of the country and placed it
tinder Rashtrakuta rule, he pursued the Ganga
king as far as Kaveri and threatened the con-
quest of the whole of Gangavadi 96,000. 3 But
l Fleet, Kanarese, dynasties. P. 403.
2B. C. VI. 25.
C. XII. Tm. 9.
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM 77
before any attempt at consolidation of newly
acquired territory could be made, Bankesa, on
account of some rebellion at home, was recalled
by his overlord Ainoghavarsha. The withdrawal
of Rashtrakuta forces was a signal for Raja-
malla in an heroic attempt to successfully take
possession of all the territory which Sivamara
had lost and establish his independence. Accord-
ing to an inscription, he rescued his country
from the Rashtrakutas which they had held too
long, as " Vishnu in the form of a Boar rescued
the Earth from the infernal regions. 1 Only a
part of the country round about Sivaganga
remained under the control of Bankesa 2 the
Rashtrakuta general, whose power was now
wholly broken in Gangavadi. Rajamalla is
praised like other kings of the dynasty for libe-
rality, valour, just rule, intelligence, righteous
conduct, and generosity towards fallen foes,
constant flow of gifts, modesty and prowess. 3
Rajamalla was succeeded by his son styled
Nitimarga, a name
an honorific designat
cessors. His real
ganga and he is mentioned
IE. C. IV. Yd. 60.
2E. 0. XII. Tm. g; E. 0. IX. NL. 84.
8 M. A. B. 1919. P. 63, 68.
78 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
inscriptions as Eana Vikramaditya. 1 He was
also the contemporary of Amoghavarsha, the
great Bashtrakuta king who ruled between
$15 and 878 A.D. Amoghavarsha was engross-
ed in wars for a time with the western Gangas
on the one side and with the Eastern Chalukyas
of Vengi on the other. Attempts at a recon-
quest of Gangavadi after Bankesa's with-
drawal were unsuccessful. Nitimarga continued
the policy of his father for retrieving the last
glory of Gangavadi and bringing all lost domi-
nions once again under Ganga banner.
Immediately after his accession to the throne
he embarked on a career of cease-
^^BaLas. l ess conquests, and waged a war
against the Banas who had main-
tained intermittent hostility since the founda-
tion of the Ganga kingdom and captured
'Banarasa Maharajara nad. He was assisted
in his invasion of the Bana kingdom by his
brother-in-law Nolambadhiraja Polavira, gov-
ernor of the Ganga 6,000. The latter sent a
chief named Pompella with a contingent to
reinforce Nitimarga 's forces, but Pompella was
slain in the battle at Muruggepadi. 8
1 E. C. IIL Yd. 60.
2E. 0. X. Mb. 228; Mid. X. Ct. 30.
E. 0. X. Kb. 79.
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM 79
Meanwhile Amoghavarsha who had already
Against subdued the Eastern Chalukyas,
under the grim determination of
EaahtraJrata. , . . ... , , .
rebringmg Gangavadi under his
sway, waged a terrible war with Nitimarga. In
this war, Amoghavarsha, was assisted by a con-
federacy of powerful feudatories. His army
said to be replete with infuriated elephants and
horses, triumphantly marched into Ganga
territory. Nitimarga gave battle at Raja-
ramadu in 868 A.D. where after a terrible and
bloody fight he inflicted a crushing defeat on
his enemy and forced the Rashtrakuta army to
retire with very heavy losses.
After this war, Amoghavarsha tried a differ-
ent policy with the G-angas giving
^^^- up his animosity in favour of alli-
poiicy ance. He gave his daughter Chan-
drabbalabbe "the handsome-limb-
ed beautiful lady, the outcome of
many blessings," in marriage to Butuga, the
Ganga Yuvaraja, and another daughter Sankha
to the Pallava king Nandi Varman III. 1
Nitimarga professed the Jaina faith like his
great adversary Amoghavarsha and was the
contemporary of the celebrated Jain Acharya
Jinasena. He was, like his predecessors, a
i Bahur Plate Sii. P. 515.
80 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
great statesman and administrator and was
liberal in his patronage of art and literature.
Amoghavarsha seems to have entertained the
highest admiration for the language, literature
and culture of the people of Gangavadi, as testi-
fied to in Kavirajamarga, a Kannada treatise
on poetics.
Here is his tribute to the Kannada country
commemorated in verse.
In all the circles of the earth
No fairer land you'll find,
Than that where rich sweet Kannada
voices the people's mind.
'Twixt sacred rivers twain, it is
from famed Godavari,
To where the pilgrim rests his eyes
on holy Kaveri.
If you would hear its purest tone
to Kisuvalal go ;
Or listen to the busy crowds
Through Kopana streets which flow;
or seek it in Onkuda's walls,
So justly famed in song
or where in Puligere's Court
The learned scholars throng.
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM 81
The people of that land are skilled
to speak in rhythmic tone ;
and quick to grasp a poet's thought,
So kindred to their own.
Not students only, but the folk
uptutored in the schools,
By instinct use and understand
The strict poetic rules.
I. 36-39. Tr. Bice: History of Kannada Literature.
Nitimarga died in 870 A.D. and was succeed-
ed by Rajamalla. 1
Rajamalla Satyavakya as soon as he came to
the throne had to contend with the
Chalukyas of Vengi, the inveterate
f oes o f the Rashtrakutas and the
Gangas. No doubt, danger from
the Rashtrakutas had disappeared owing to the
astute matrimonial policy of Amoghavarsha,
who in the last years of his reign not only gave
his daughter Chandrabbalabbe to Butuga, but
also developed the most cordial and friendly
relations with the Gangas, and desisted from all
attacks as if in appreciation of the glorious
and vigorous defence they had made for their
territory and the dubious victories they had
gained over him. The Gangas, though they did
i E. o. in. Tn. 91.
6
82 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
not bear enmity towards the Eastern Chalukyas,
provoked their hostilities, later, as the allies of
the Rashtrakutas. Danger from the north-east
centre where the Chalukya Sunka Vijayaditya
III adopted a menacing attitude, and from
Nolambaadhiraja Mahendra, who exercised de
facto sovereignty within his jurisdiction Ganga-
vadi 6,000, and who aspired to universal domi-
nion and made no secret of his ambitions,
engendered a situation which caused Rajamalla
and Butuga not a little embarassment. The
Kongu country was the bone of contention bet-
ween the Pandyas and the Pallavas, and in the
conflict for Kongu overlordship, the Ganga
kings had played the part of a ballast to main-
tain balance of power. The proximity of
Gangavadi to Kongunad where there was the
intensification of the struggle for hegemony,
was an invitation for Ganga intervention, not
only to buttress their vulnerable south-eastern
frontier but also to extend their sphere of influ-
ence in Kongu territory.
The glory of Rajamalla's reign is a reflection
of Butuga 's achievements. He was Yuvaraja
during his brother's universal sovereignty and
governed Kongalnad and Ponnad. 1 The Kud-
lur and Keregodu Rangapura plates 2 describe
1 R 0. HI. Nj. 75.
2 M.A.B. 1919. 63.68 ; Ibid. 1921.
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM 83
him as the harasser of the Pallava family by his
prowess, and state that he was surrounded by
the army of subjugated enemies. Butuga de-
feated 1 the invincible Rajaraja, probably a
Chola Prince. Five times he overcame in fight
the Kongas who resisted his tying up of ele-
phants and he captured many horses according
to the old custom. 2 He also inflicted a heavy
defeat on the Nolamba king Mahendra at Hiri-
yur and Surur. His wars with Gunaka Vijaya-
ditya III (844-88) who claimed the distinction
of having conquered the unequalled Gangas
and frightened the Rashtrakutas, were long and
sanguinary. The cause for this animosity bet-
ween Vijayaditya and the Ganga king is a mys-
tery. The efforts of Amoghavarsha and Krish-
na II to overpower the Vengis, the Gangas and
their Nolamba feudatories were exhaustive and
unavailing. The Vengis under Vijayaditya
were still powerful on the eastern frontier.
Krishna II contemplated probably a diplomatic
manoeuvre, therefore, of inciting Vijayaditya
to invade Nolambavadi, by the offer of money,
men and other sinews of war and a free passage
to the Vengi army to that territory, for that
would lead to a complete exhaustion of the re-
IE. C. III. Supplement. Nj. 269. Giitavadi plates.
2 Mysore and Coorg from Cos. 44.
84 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
sources of the contending kingdoms and create
opportunities for easy conquest and annexation
of territory. Vijayaditya invaded Nolamba-
vadi that lay between Vengi-mandala and Gan-
ga territory and killed the valiant general of
the Nolambas, Mangi, by an act of perfidy. This
success was followed in its wake by a general
advance into Ganga territory and the capture
of a few forts near the Ganga boundary. The
inscriptions extol the valour and personal gal-
lantry which Butuga and Rajamalla displayed
in the battles of Remiya and Gungur 1 which
they fought unsuccessfully against Vijayaditya.
There was an outbreak of fresh hostilities bet-
ween the Rattas, Gangas and the Eastern Cha-
lukyas, when Bhima I succeeded Vijayaditya.
Bhima appears to have defeated Krishna and
his Karnataka allies in the battles of Nira-
vadyapura and Peruvangura Grama?
Butuga was surnamed Gnnadattaranga and
was married to Abbalabbe or Chandralabbe,
daughter of Amoghavarsha I. The policy of
dynastic alliances of Amoghavarsha had not
merely brought about the adherence of the Gan-
gas and Pallavas to the Rashtrakuta overlord*
ship, but had also tended to cement the f ormer,
1 MJLR 1919. P. 63, 68.
2 Saletore: The Rashtrakutas and their times, 79.
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM 85
by many ties of kinship, till lately in traditional
animosity with each other. Butuga and Nandi-
varman jointly carried on a war against the
Pandyan king Srimara and suffered a defeat at
KudamukUu? (Kumbakonam), where the
Pandyan sovereign repulsed, the confederation
of the Pallavas, Gangas, Cholas, Kalingas and
the Magadhas with great losses. This victory
seems to have considerably enhanced the mili-
tary reputation of Srimara and earned for him
the high sounding title of Parachakra Kolaliala.
Undaunted by this humiliation, Butuga later
assisted his nephew, and son of the Rashtrakuta
princess Sankha, Nripatunga Varman, who
succeeded Nandi of Tellaru in 884 A.D., in his
campaign against Srimara who had previously
inflicted a defeat on him. In the Bahur plates
it is said "The army of the Pallavas which on
a former occasion sustained defeat at the hands
of the Pandyan king, was by the grace of this
king (Nripatunga Varman) able to burn down
hosts of the enemies together with the pros-
perity of their kingdom on the bank of the river
Aricit." It is clear from this, that though Sri-
mara won a great victory once, lived long
enough to sustain a defeat at the hands of Nri-
1M. A. B. 1907. Pp. 63.
00 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
patunga Varman at Aricit. 1 Butuga must have
died before his elder brother.
With the glorious death of Butuga in the
field of battle, Ereganga his son by the Rashtra-
kuta princess became Yuvaraja and was asso-
ciated with his uncle Satyavakya in the govern-
ment of the kingdom. He was crowned king
under the name of Ereyappa about 886 A.D.
His mother was entrusted with the government
of Kunigal while he was placed in charge of
Kongalnad 8,000, Nugunad and Navale and
other provinces. 2 Rajamalla who exercised dual
sovereignty with his nephew, made generous
grants to brahmins and Jains. He made a gift
of twelve villages on the Peddoragere (Laksh-
manathirta) to a jain priest, for the benefit of
the Satyavakya jaina temple on the Panne Ka-
danga in Coorg. He seems to have encouraged
his subjects to works of merit and devoted
service, by bestowing on them marks of royal
favour, such as binding the Permanadi Patta
on the foreheads of persons, and fixing the land
rent and rice dues in permanance. The Kere-
godi 8 Rangapura plates describe him as adorn-
ed with good qualities and the virtues of Man-
dhata and other ancient kings, and as the illumi-
iNeelakanta Sastri. Pandyan kingdom. P. 75.
2 E. C. IV. Hg. 103 ; I&wt IV. Hs. 92 ; HI. Nj. 130.
3 M.A.B. 1919. P. 63, 68.
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM 87
nator of his family. 1 He seems to have died at
a place called Kombale, from hiccough owing
to a phlegm sticking in his throat. Certain
devoted men committed themselves to death in
the fire through sorrow for his decease. 2
Ereyappa who was associated with his
uncle in the government of the
Erwppa^r 1 ' kingdom, and was viceroy of
907.920 AJ>. Nugunad, Navalnad, and Kongal-
nad, 3 ascended the throne about
907 A. D. and began a career of conquest and
consolidation.
Conflicts with the Ballaha Krishna II though
not of such virulence as in the time of his pre-
decessors, were still of such magnitude as to
disturb the tranquility of his kingdom. Lokade-
yarasa of Bankesa Challaketana family, a feu-
datory of Krishna II, and governor of the
Banavasi province, stationed at Venkapura,
was a source of great menace to Ereyappa.*
The Virgals at Buraganahalli and Karbale,
record conflicts 5 with this Mahasamanta at
Golan janur and other places. Krishna's suze-
rainty over Gangavadi was undisputed, and
1 Hyvadana Rao Gazetteer. Vol. II. 659.
2E. C. V. 5, 27.
3E. 0. IV. Hg. 103; E. C. IV; Ha. 92; IV Nj. 130, 139.
41. A. XII. P. 217.
5M.A.B. 1914-15. Page 65; E. C. Bn. 83-87.
88 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Prachanda Dandanayaka Sampaiya described
in lithic inscriptions as bearing the burden of
the whole kingdom, was stationed at the old
Ganga capital, Manne as the general of all the
South. 1 This leads to the reasonable conclusion
that the Gangas, inspite of the great efforts at
independence of Nitimarga and Rajamalla had
virtually become the feudatories of the Rashtra-
kutas, a situation worked out astutely and saga-
ciously by Amoghavarsha's matrimonial policy.
Another great adversary of Ereyappa was
Mahendra, son of Nolambhadhiraja Polalchora
and Jayabbe, the Ganga princess. As viceroy
he ruled in conjunction with his son Ayappa
over a territory up to Kirutore as its boundary
and extended it eastwards as far as Srinivas-
pur Taluk. 2 He then assumed independence in
878 A.I). 3 and ruled the kingdom as an inde-
pendent sovereign and challenged the Ganga
overlordship. He destroyed the Banas, which
conquest brought him the titles of Tribhu-
vanadhira and Mahavalikula Vidvamsanam*
This conquest led gradually to the annexation
of territory as far as Kanchi 5 inclusive of Dhar-
mapuri and Gadivipuri, the capital of the
IB. C. VIII. Sb. 546, 91, 88; Ng. 23.
2IU. Md. IB; XII. ML. 52; III. Md. 14.
8B. C. X. 8p. 30; E. C. XII. S. 38; VI. Om. 129.
4E. I. X. 65.
6&A.B. 1913. Para. 13.
THE PERILS OF THE GANGA KINGDOM 89
Banas. His aggressions into Bana and Puli-
nadu country with the clandestine support of
Kaduvetti and without the authority of his
Ganga overlord was causa belli for a war against
him in the first instance by Butuga and later on
by his celebrated son Ereyappa who pursued it
relentlessly with a view to terminate Mahendra's
sinister designs on dominion and his policy of
territorial aggrandisement. Ereyappa 's band of
noble chiefs like Naggatara 1 and Dharasena
fought bravely against him at Tumbepadi and
Bengaluru and sacrificed their lives, in devotion
for their master. Nitimarga slew Mahendra in
one of the fiercely fought battles at Penjeru,
and this act of valour earned for him the dis-
tinctive title of Mahendrantaka* He then cap-
tured speedily Surur, Nadugani, Midige, Suli-
sailendra, the lofty Tipperu, Penjeru, and other
impregnable fortresses and brought down the
pride of their owners. Probably it was during
this period, that the Cholas who had regained
some of their original importance and had about
the end of the ninth century made themselves
sufficiently important to exercise an influence
upon the politics of the Deccan now under the
IE. C. IV. Bn. 83.
52 ; E. I. VI. 46.
2 Bice, Mysore Vol. I. P. 315; Nagar. 35; E. P. Ind. VI. 47.
90 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
celebrated Parantaka (907-947 AJD.) exting-
idshed Pallava supremacy and established their
own suzerainty over the disintegrated Pallava
dominions. Parantaka uprooted the Banas and
conferred the Bana sovereignty on the Ganga
prince Prithivipathi II together with the title
Hastimalla. The latter was a scion of the Ganga
family ruling the province as a Ganga feuda-
tory. 1
Mtimarga II like his father was a great war-
rior. The Kudlur plates of Marasimha speak
of him as a great soldier, fearless in battle, a
Bharata in the arts of singing, instrumental
music, and dancing, an authority on grammar
and politics, and as solicitous of the welfare of
his subjects and feudatories as Nolambas,
Banas and Sagaras of Bevur. 2 He had the title
Komaravedanga and Kamada and married
Jakebbe, the daughter of Nijagali a Chalukyan
Prince. He made grants to brahmins and to
Jain temples built at Mudahalli and Toremavu.
He was assisted by Nagavarman, Narasinga,
Govindara, Dharasena, and Echayya, a band of
noble and devoted ministers who not only parti-
cipated in his wars but also helped him in the
task of government and displayed the intelli-
1 S. I. I. II. 387.
SGattavadi Plates. E. C. XII, Supplement Nj. 269; Sii IT. 387.
THE PERILS OP THE GANGA KINGDOM 91
gence of Brihaspati and Mandhata in their skill
in politics. 1
Mtimarga left three sons, Narasimhadeva,
Rajamalla and Butuga. Narasimhadeva was
learned in the science of politics, of elephants
and archery, and was equally proficient in
drama, grammar, medicine, poetry, and music.
He was renowned for valour and had the titles,
of Satyavakya and Viravedenga.
Narasimha's reign probably was very brief
and uneventful for he was suc-
RajamaUa m. j -i i i -, ,-,
920.9^7 A.D. ceeaed by his younger brother
Rajamalla III entitled Satya-
vakya and Nacheya Ganga, and Nitimarga
immediately after his father's death. War
was revived with the Nolamba Princes Ayappa
and Anneya who were contending with the
Rashtrakutas on the one hand and Eastern
Chalukyas under Bhima II, on the other with
the object of frustrating the latter 's design on
their territory. Ayappa fell in a battle which
he fought against Chalukya Bhima II 2 in 934
A. D. His son Anneya, the son of the Ganga
Princess Pollabbe, enjoyed a vast extent of
territory as an independent ruler and acknow-
ledged no paramount power 3 over him. He now
1M.A.B. 1908-9. P. 59.
2 E. I. X. 62.
E. 0. X. Nb. 122.
92 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
stoutly resisted the Eastern Chalukyas and
Rashtrakutas and made an invasion of Ganga-
vadi and encountered Aniyagaunda 1 and other
heroes of Eajamalla's army at Kottamangala.
Several heroes fell in the field of battle, and
Anneyya surrendered on the promise of safety
to himself and to his troops. Later, he sustain-
ed another humiliating defeat at the hands of
Eashtrakuta king Krishna III. 2 Before Eaja-
malla could contemplate consolidation of terri-
tory threatened by Nolamba aggression, and
which he had eventually won his younger
brother Butuga gained possession of the whole
of Gangavadi, 3 probably with the help of Kan-
nara. We learn from the Isamudru inscription
that this Kannara of great might, slew Ganga
permanadi and gave the throne to Bhuvalla-
bha. 4 Eajamalla II 's son Ereyaganga and his
descendants who were deprived of sovereignty
contented themselves with the small principality
that were assigned to them in the north-western
part of the Shimoga District.
1M.A.B. 1925. No. 86.
2E. I, IV. 289; E. I. V. 191.
*E. 0. III. Ma. 41. Hg. 116; E. I. IV. 249.
C. XL Cg. 76.
CHAPTER VI
THE GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND
MARASIMHA AND ITS DECLINE AND
FALL AFTER THEIK DEATH
BUTUGA celebrated in history as Ganga Nara-
yana, Ganga Gangeya, Nanniya
A.D. Ganga, came to the throne after
his brother's short, tragic but
eventful career. 1 With Butuga, considerable
changes occurred in the Ganga dominions. As
Yuvaraja he had aimed at a division of the
kingdom and probably at the most favourable
opportunity with the support of a few chiefs,
and of Boddega or Amoghavarsha III over-
powered his brother and came to the throne.
Amoghavarsha and Rajamalla fought a battle
in which one Boyega, a servant of Ganga Vajra
Eajamalla, rallied his retreating forces and
made an unsuccessful but impetuous attack on
Amoghavarsha 's army near Sravanabelgola. As 1
Rashtrakuta overlordship was complete and un-
challenged over Gangavadi by this time it was
but natural that the most cordial relations exist-
ed between the Gangas and the Rashtrakutas.
IV. Hn. 14; XII. Tp. 10.
$4 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
A sort of defensive and offensive alliance seems
to have been entered into between Butuga and
Amoghavarsha for the latter felt that his claims
to the throne would be challenged by his own
brother and cousins. This alliance was sealed
l)y Amoghavarsha 's offer of his daughter
Eevaka in marriage to Butuga, 1 together with
a dowry of territory inclusive of the Ganga
kingdom, the Biligere 300 the Belvola 300, the
Kisuvad 70 and the Bagenad 704 (provinces in
the present Dharwar, Belgaum and Bijapur dis-
tricts). The first child of this union Marula-
deva was born while Amoghavarsha was still
on the throne.
Butuga ? s career, full of strenuous activity
-extending over a period of twenty years is
almost unique in the annals of Gangavadi. The
J&rst half of the tenth century was a period of
unprecedented storm and stress, when the exal-
tation of the kingly office by restoration of law
and order was the prime need of the time. The
Cholas who had supplanted the Pallavas were
gradually encroaching on all the territories
which once constituted the Pallava kingdom.
Nolamba Vaidumba and other minor princi-
palities were struggling against the overwhelm-
l E. I. IV. 350.
E. C. IU. In. 41; III. 175.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 95
ing forces brought against them, by their power-
ful but hostile neighbours, the Eastern Chaluk-
yas and the Eashtrakutas. Though Butuga could
have repudiated Kashtrakuta overlordship and
their hegemony of the Deccan by an alliance with
the southern forces, as a discretionary measure,
acquiesced in Eashtrakuta authority and pur-
sued a % consistent and friendly policy cemented
by dynastic marriages. On the death of Bod-
dega, Butuga assisted his son Krishna III, or
Kannara, as an act of reciprocation of loyal-
ties, in securing the throne from an usurper
Lalliya, and in the reorganisation of the empire.
Krishna was probably absent in northern India
at the time of his father's death, on a military
expedition, an event which gave to Lalliya an
opportunity to hoist the flag of revolt. This
was readily put down by Butuga before the
return of Krishna. Butuga not only took ele-
phants, horses, and the throne from Lalliya 's
possession, and gave them to Krishna, but also
defeated and silenced Kakka Eaja of Achala-
pura, Dantivarma of Vanavasi, Ajavarma lord
of Santaras, Nagavarma and Damari lord of
Nulugurri, and a host of others who espoused
the cause of Lalliya 's in the usurpation of the
Bashtrakuta throne. Kannara was soon after
engaged in a war with the Chola king Eaja-
ditya Muvadichola in charge of Tondaimanda-
96 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
lam (in the neighbourhood of North Arcot dis-
trict). Rajaditya consolidated the conquests
of his father Parantaka in Banavadi and other
places and contemplated further territorial
aggrandisement by inroads into Rashtrakuta
country in close proximity to his own. Krishna
decided to attack the chola kingdom ostensibly
with the object of reinstating Vikramaditya III
and concealed his real intentions of annexing as
much of the southern territory as possible. This
led to a series of bloody episodes in which for-
tune befriended now the one and now the other,
till at last Butuga and Kannara emerged tri-
umphant. The crown prince Rajaditya in the
year 949 A.D. led the Chola forces to the battle-
field of Takkolam and fought obstinately with
the Rashtrakuta forces strengthened by a con-
tingent under Butuga. The latter with archers,
the very flower of his army and the Rashtra-
kuta contingent under Manalara and Kotaya
dandanayaka son of Dilipa Aniga, made an im-
petuous attack on Rajaditya and killed him
in single combat. In the words of the Leyden
grant Rajaditya "Went to the world of heroes
being pierced in the heart while seated on the
back of his elephant. m
Butuga and Krishna III followed up this
1 M. E. B. 1911. P. 22 ; E. P. I. IV P. 2SO.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 97
victory, by occupation of Tondaimandalam, and
carrying the war into the Chola country and
besieging Kanchi, Tanjore, and Nalkote. Butu-
ga in this campaign was assisted by Manalara
described as the boon-lord of Valabhi 1 and the
supreme king of 'the broad white flag' and as
having done the greatest slaughter in battle
which earned for him the distinctive titles of
Sudrdka and Sagara Trinetra. Manalara and
Butuga were the heroes who made a rally, when
the Rashtrakutas were overwhelmed in the
battle, and killed the royal elephant on which
Eajaditya was seated. When Krishna pleased
with Manalara 's martial achievements granted
a boon, befitting a good and noble soldier the
latter solicited from his sovereign the favour of
a small strip of land, wherein he could bury his
hound that had fought desperately with a boar
and had subsequently died. Manalara 2 set up
a stone in its memory, in Atukur in front of the
Challeswara temple and granted a piece of land
for its maintenance. Krishna on his return from
the campaign, halted at Melpati near Tiruvalem
(in the North Arcot district) for parcelling
territories among his dependents, for receiving
tributes from his feudatories and for establish-
ing Kalapriya, Gandamarthanda, Krishne-
1E. C. III. Int. 6; E. C. IJI. Tn. 102.
SHyvadana Rao. Gazetteer P. II. 671.
7
98 THE GANGAS OF T ALKAD
svara and other temples. Butuga on his return
from this glorious campaign took Chitrakuta
by assault and conquered the seven Malavas,
the boundaries of which he marked with stones,
and gave the country the name of Malava
Ganga. Probably he fought also against Dilipa
Nolamba and forced him to capitulate. 1 For
the important service he had rendered in the
expedition in 949 A. D. Kanara confirmed him
in the possession of the Banavasi 12,000, Bel-
vola, Belegere, Kisukad, and Bagenad provin-
ces 2 in the Dharwar Belgaum and Bijapur dis-
tricts. Like his predecessors, Butuga used the
titles of Maharajadhiraja, while acknowledging
the sovereignty of the Rashtrakutas.
Like his illustrious predecessors he also fol-
lowed their policy of liberal administration.
Like them he made grants to basadis and brah-
mins. He appears to have been well versed in
Jain philosophy and often seems to have parti-
cipated in the theological controversies held in
his court. He is reported according to the
Kudlur plates to have worsted a Buddhist con-
troversialist in an open debate in refutation of
the Elkanthamatha doctrine.
Butuga 's sister Pambabbe, widow of Dhora-
payya, to his great sorrow died in 971 A.D.,
l M. A. B. 1917. Para. 85.
2E. 0. III. MP. 41; B. I. VII. 194.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 99
after thirty years of strenuous and
austere ascetic life. Butuga 's
daughter by Revaka, the Rashtrakuta princess,
was married to Amoghavarsha IV son of
Krishna III who probably predeceased his
father. This princess was the mother of Indra-
raja, the last of the Rashtrakutas. 1 Butuga 's
son Maruladeva Panuseya Ganga married the
daughter of Krishna III and obtained from
him the umbrella Madanavatara a distinction
which was not conferred on any other
prince. Manila's titles were Gangamartanda,
Ganga-chakrayudha, Kamada, Kaliyuga
Blfiima, Kirthi-Manobhava. His mother was
Revakanimmadi with the title Cagavedangi.
But the successor of Butuga on the throne was
another son by name Marasimha, celebrated in
the history of Gangavadi as Gutiya Ganga and
Nolambantaka. The Hebbal inscriptions state
that after Maruladeva had reigned, there came
another son of Butuga by his wife Kallabhara
or Kalldbarasi, named Satyavakya Kongani-
varma Permanadi Marasimha, with a variety
of Birudas, such as " Ckalad-Uttaranga, the
arch of firmness v of character/' " Dharmavatara
or incarnation of religion," Jagadekavira the
sole hero of the world, Gangara Simha 'Lion
t E. 0. V. Mj. 67.
100 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
of the Gangas,' Gangavajra, "The Ganga dia-
mond, Ganga Kandarpa, The Ganga God of
Love, and Nolamba Kulantaka, the destroyer
of the family of the Nolamba Pallavas, Ganga
Chudamuni, Vidhyadhara and Muttiya, Ganga."
He was easily the greatest personality who
figured on the stage of Gangavadi.
The Kudlur plates which furnish a few per-
sonal touches, relating this sovereign, record his
reputation during his boyhood for prodigi-
ous physical strength and military prowess, for
his respect to gurus and obedience to teachers,
for gentleness and generosity of character and
for scholarship. His reign appears to have
been literally crowded with military engage-
ments, sieges, and invasions. The policy of dy-
nastic alliances with the Bashtrakutas which
had enabled his father to make considerable
additions to his territory was the one which he
also pursued to realise his objects of military
aggrandisement. That he tried to realise his
ambition as a faithful and devoted feudatory of
Krishna III is made clear in his grants of 963
A.D. 1 which state that Rashtrakuta Krishna
when setting out on an expedition to the north
to conquer Asvapati, himself performed the
ceremony of crowning Marasimha as the ruler
1 E. 0. II. 8b. 38.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 101
of Gangavadi. 1 Subsequently he was employed
by Krishna III to command an expedition to
Gujarat to protect the Kalachuris from an
attack by the Gurjaras. He defeated there
Mularaja of Anhilwad, and Siyaka the Para-
mara feudatory of the Rashtrakutas governing
Malwa and northern Gujarat. Marasimha
came to be known after this success as Gurja-
radkiraja. Two of Marasimha 's captains
Sudrakayya and Goggiyamma for their great
distinction in the war and for rescuing the hill
forts of Kalanjara and Chitrakuta, earned the
titles of Ujjeni Bhujangas. 2 These captains
were also appointed to rule Kadambalige 1,000
probably as a reward for the meritorious ser-
vices they had rendered in the expedition
against the ruler of Malwa. An elaborate ac-
count of Marasimha 's achievements is given in
one of the Sravanabelgola records. This record
reveals to us that Marasimha was victorious in
battles fought on the banks of the Tapti and
succeeded in dispersing, the Kirathas dwelling
on the skirts of the Vindhya forests; that he
protected the army of Krishna at Manyakheta,
when it was threatened with destruction by
Siyaka who invaded and sacked the capital as
1M.A.E. 1921. P. 26; B. I. IV. 280.
2 E. 0. XI.
102 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
a retaliatory measure. Inscriptions state that
Marasimha also defeated Vaj jala the younger
brother of Patalamalla ; that he captured all the
possessions including jewels and elephants of the
ruler of the Banavasi country, Kaduvitta Maha-
samanta who harboured designs of independ-
ence. These facts testify to Marasimha 's loyalty
and devotion as a feudatory and as a great bul-
work of Rashtrakuta hegemony of the Deccan.
Marasimha encountered also, the Chola Prince
Eajaditya 1 who made through anger a brave
declaration of war at a great festival of victory,
and defeated him and took by storm the hill
fortress of Ucchangi (near Molakalamuru)
which had proved impregnable even to Kadu-
vetti. 2 He next marched against the Sabara
leader Naraga a bandit renowned for his depre-
datory expeditions, encountered him at Gonnur
in Banavasi country, defeated and killed him
and captured his stronghold Pabhase. Many
members of the army distinguished themselves
in this campaign, and one of this band was
Amavasayya who repeated the exploits of
Butuga by making his howdah his battlefield
and killing with a dagger his opponent in a
single combat. 3 In this war of extirpation and
1 E. I. IV. P. 280.
2 M. A. B. 1911. P. 37.
a E. 0. III. Mr. 41.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASXMHA 103
subjugation of territory, Marasimha relentless-
ly and systematically suppressed the truculence
of the chiefs and their attempts at inde-
pendence.
This period of the successful termination of
the war and punitive expeditions undertaken by
Marasimha against powerful chiefs, synchro-
nised with the fratricidal war which broke out
in the Rashtrakuta dominions among the clai-
mants to the throne of Krishna III who died
in 966 A. D. The conditions that developed
after his death were absolutely unfavourable
for the maintenance of the integrity of Rash-
trakuta power, on which Marasimha himself
had depended for augmenting his own prestige
and territorial limits. The Rashtrakuta state
owed her strength to the devotion, military
genius and dogged perseverance of her sov-
ereigns, and her success to the policy of making
the very peoples whose independence, she was
forced to curtail, partakers by gradual incorpo-
ration, in her own supremacy. At the height
of her power, her allies had aspired to a partici-
pation in her wars, as a privilege, which at first
they had regarded as a degradation. Out of this
great empire which her emperors, and Krishna
had sedulously built up with the unflinching aid
of Butuga and Marasimha, several principalities
which were not knit together by any principle
104 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
of unity or cohesion came into existence and
asserted their independence. State fought
against state for leadership and only for a
period of eight years after Krishna's death that
his successor with the indefatigable support of
Marasimha could maintain their paramountcy
and effectively hold in check the forces of dis-
ruption that were becoming universal. The
forward and aggressive policy of Krishna had
alienated the sympathies of his feudatories. No
effective consolidation was attempted in the
south where extensive conquests had brought a
large slice of territory to Rashtrakuta domin-
ions. The Paramaras and the Chedis, who later
grew into a great power, were left undisturbed,
to carry on their policy of expansion inimical
to the Eashtrakuta interests in the northern
boundary. Silaharas of Konkon, Eattas of
Sundatti and Yadavas, established their inde-
pendence. Khottiga and Kakka II who suc-
ceeded Krishna, by their weak and effete sov-
ereignty provided ample opportunities for the
ambitious designs of Taila II, a scion of the old
Chalukyan stock, to subvert the empire at a
convenient opportunity. Marasimha, after the
overthrowal of Kakka and his expulsion from
Manyaketa by Taila, endeavoured to prop up
the claims of his son-in-law Indra to the throne, 1
IE. o. n. 59.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 105
in the teeth of violent hostility. He failed in
his efforts as Rashtrakuta power was shattered,
beyond all recovery by the Chalukyas. Still his
reputation as a conqueror was great and he
enjoyed in addition to his patrimony the gov-
ernment of Puligere 300 and Belvala and other
provinces, and at some time during his reign,
he had under his control even the government
of a very large area, extending as far as
Krishna inclusive of the Banavasi 12,000,
Nolambavadi 32,000 and Santalige 1,000, situ-
ated in the west of Gangavadi. 1 The disinte-
gration of Rashtrakuta dominions, consequent-
ly was a source of serious embarassment to him,
as he had always depended for the development
of his power on Rashtrakuta alliance.
Marasimha in the last years of his life was
confronted with a dangerous situation. The
menacing attitude and the encroachments of the
Nolamba feudatories on Gangavadi considerably
alarmed Marasimha and urged hiin,
determined attack on them with,
tinguish their power. The
ants of the great Mahendra I
the field of battle at the han
took service under the Rasht
ed the latter in the invasion
1E. I. IV. 352. Fleet: Kanarese dynasties
106 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
try. It was this acceptance of the position of a
feudatory and the help rendered to Krishna III
in the invasion of the provinces of Tondai-
mandalam that enabled them to redeem their
power in Nolambavadi and open up hostilities
against the Gangas their traditional enemy. As
the Nolambas " misbehaved themselves through
self conceit, and arrogance due to strength of
hundreds of princes who composed the army
and the pride of troops and of elephants,^
Marasimha led a large army against them, over-
ran their country and destroyed the Nolamba
family and earned the distinctive title of
Nolamba Kulantaka. According to the Sra-
vanabelgola epitaph and Kudlur plates there
seems to have been a general massacre of all the
Nolambas, in the campaign that Marasimha led
against them. Three of the princes Butiga,
Nolipa, 1 Kattanemalla, seem, however, to have
escaped the general massacre and hid them-
selves in some sequestered part of Banavasi,.
and a few years later hearing with great relief,
the news of Marasimha 's death, slowly recover-
ed their lost dominions 2 which they continued
to rule for another period of nearly three centu-
ries. 8 By such drastic punishments and relent-
IE. C. X. Mb. 84.
2M.A.B. 1924. 47-70.
8 E. C. X. P. 59.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 107
less measures however, Marasimha suppressed
all elements of disorder and taught the people
of Nolambavadi, obedience and submission and
fear of the governing power, the basis of all
good government and the source of the glory
and splendour of states. He returned to Ban-
kapur about 972 A.D. and after making an un-
successful attempt to end his days in religious
exercises at the feet of Agitasena, observed the
vow of Sallekhana for three days and passed
away in 974 A.D. His son-in-law Indra, pros-
trate and despondent, after great vicissitudes
in his life, and privation and misery, eight years
later in 982 A.D. returned to Sravanabelgola
and starved himself to death by the Jaina rite
of Sallekhana.
We might well believe the composer of the
Kudlur plates when he says that Marasimha
" delighted in doing good to others, and when he
praises the prince 's renunciation of other women
and wealth, his aversion in the matter of giving
ear to evil report regarding the good, his dili-
gence in making gifts to sages and brahmins,
his solicitude for those who sought his protec-
tion. " His love of religion, learning, and piety
and the animal world as typified by the worship
of the cow indicates the general bent of his
mind. The Gokal Hebbatta containing a Sar~
vatobhadra, and Virgals at Niduvani and
108 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Nagamangala bear testimony to his love of the
animal kind, while grants to a great scholar and
grammarian Yadigangala Bhatta, and others
bear out his lavish generosity and love of learn-
ing. He was humble, merciful, truth loving,
faithful and pious and he delighted in the con-
versations of the divines and poets. Himself an
-expert in grammar, logic, philosophy and lite-
rature and sciences of politics, and elephant
warfare he extended patronage to eminent poets
and philosophers and scholars. It is probable
that learned men from other parts assembled in
his court and sang the praise of the conqueror
who even in the midst of an arduous campaign
snatched a brief interval of time to listen to a
poem or a song. This Danachudamani's spoken
word was a written bond and it is no wonder
that Nagavarman and Kesiraja who quote the
verse in the Sravanabelgola epitaph in their res-
pective works, fully endorse this eulogistic
testimony. In the estimate of the composer of
the Kudlur plates who is too fulsome in his adu-
lations of his king, Marasimha was a great
leader of men, a just and upright ruler, an
intrepid and gifted soldier, a dispenser of jus-
tice, a patron of letters and as such deserves to
Ire ranked among the great kings who ruled
Oangavadi.
But his work did not endure. In his scheme
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 109 1
consolidation did not keep pace with conquest
and that is why the mighty fabric he had built
up, in an incredibly short time crumbled to
pieces in the hands of weak successors. The
elements of decay silently gathered strength;
and they began to assert themselves as soon as
his master hand was stiffened in death. The
enemies whom he had subdued were only wait*
ing for an opportunity to strike a blow at inde-
pendence and they were a huge agglomeration
of peoples who could be held in check only by
an argus-eyed sovereign.
While the sons of Marasimha, Rajamalla and
Bajamaiia iv, Rakkasa Ganga styled also as
977.985 A.D. Annanabanta were in the country
round Biddoregere (Lakshmana tirtha) at the
time of his death, effective attempts at usurpa-
tion were made by Panchaladeva and Mudu
Bachayya. Panchaladeva Mahasamanta gov-
ernor of a circle of thirty villages, Puligere and
Belvola which he held under Marasimha in 972
A.D., 1 took advantage of the general confusion
that attended the downfall of the Rashtrakuta
power and the death of Marasimha, to set him-
self up as an independent king. He reigned as
paramount sovereign in 974-75 A.D. over the
whole country " Bounded by the eastern, west-
Uw A. VoL XII. 255.
110 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
ern and southern oceans/' and proclaimed him-
self as an emperor in opposition to Taila. The
Ganga minister Chaundaraya, and Chalukya
Taila, in subjugating the recalcitrant states,
successfully thwarted Panchala's sinister de-
signs at usurpation, and encountered him in the
field of battle and killed him in 975 A.D. 1 Mudu
Rachayya, another usurper who had slain Naga-
varma, Chaundaraya 's younger brother, and
had assumed the Ganga titles Chaladanka Gan-
ga and Gangarabanta was killed in the battle of
Bageyur by Chaundaraya who thus avenged his
brother's death. He also thereby removed the
chief obstacles in the way of Ra jamalla ascend-
ing the throne and for this service to the state
earned the title of "Samara Parasurama." In
the war against these usurpers several devoted
servants of the royal family also rendered cons-
picuous service by removing the young princes
Ua jamalla and Rakkasa, on to a place of safety,
and after a remarkable display of valour rush-
ed to death. 2 Saviabbe, a daughter of Rakkasa
Ganga 's guardian Boyiga, out of the affection
she bore to her husband accompanied him to
battle and fell at his side.
Chaundaraya who stamped out sedition and
established order became the minister and gene-
1 E. I. V. 372.
0. II. No. 60-61.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 111
of Eajamalla IV. Though he was armed
with unlimited powers, he behaved with great
moderation ; and with a singleness of aim which
has no parallel in the history of Ganga dynasty,
he devoted himself to the service of the state.
His whole career might be summed up in the
word "Devotion." Devoted he was to the inte-
rests of the Gangas, and ideal of territorial
-expansion and administrative reform. He
waged wars and subdued provinces that had
alienated themselves from the control of the
Ganga kings.
Chaundaraya belonged to the Brahma Kshat-
ra race. His father Mahabalayya and grand-
father Govindamayya were trusted servants of
the royal family and had served with great dis-
tinction under Marasimha. 1 Like his illustri-
ous parent, Chaundaraya too had distinguished
himself in Marasimha ? s campaigns and had dis-
played remarkable valour and personal gallan-
try particularly in the war against Nolamba
Pallava. He frustrated the designs of the
usurpers after the death of Marasimha and sup-
pressing all elements of disaffection and
discord placed Rajamalla on the throne. A
brave and warlike minister, immediately after
this episode, waged unending wars against hos-
1 Chaundaraya Parana, verses 20, 23; E. 0. II. 8. 13, 109, 137.
112 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
tile neighbours and refractory chiefs and feu-
datories. He stormed the impregnable fortress
of TJcchangi which was strongly fortified by
nature by long chains of hills and thus making
permanent subjugation difficult. At the behest
of Rashtrakuta Indra and Rajamalla he fitted
out another expedition and routed and put to
flight the hostile army of Vajvaladeva, brother
of Patalamalla, in the battle of Khedaga. He
killed Prabhuvanavira in the battle of Bayelur
and enabled Govindaraja to enter the fortress
which he took after a protracted siege. He
punished Raja, Basa, Sivara, Kunanka and
other chiefs who showed signs of insubordina-
tion and attempted at alienation from Ganga
rule. For this great distinction in the field of
battle and service to the king he earned the
titles of Vim Martanda, Ranarangasimha,
Samara Dhurandhara, Vairikula Kaladanda >
Bliuja Vikrama and Bhatamara.
Though a great warrior and statesman he
loved scholarship and spent his leisure in the
society of learned men. He was well versed in
logic, grammar, mathematics, medicine and
literature and had a rare gift for epistolary
composition. 1 He was a literary character
being the author of a Kannada work called
l Ghaundaraya Purana, Verse 1-3, 45, 47.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 113
Chaundaraya Purana, an account mostly in
prose of the twenty-four Tirtankaras which he
wrote in 978 A.D. His puranam has been con-
sidered^ to be a great work of "the southern
school" with a lot of admixture of Prakrit and
Tamil words. Chaundaraya was a great scholar
profoundly learned in Kannada, . Sanskrit and
prakrit. He was the contemporary of Pampa
the author of Adipurana.
Prom Chaundaraya Purana we learn that he
was a devout Jain and that his guru was Agita-
sena the same great saint before whom Mara-
simha performed Sallekhana at Bankapur.
Chaundaraya's son Jinadevana was likewise a
lay disciple of this saint and built a temple at
Sravanabelgola. 1 Even when Chaundaraya had
reached the apogee of power he never neglect-
ed the interests of the poor. He performed
many works of merit in the land he governed. 2
He was pious, learned, and magnanimous, and
could rise above the narrow orthodoxy of the
age, and his entire religious outlook instead of
being that of a typical mediaeval canonist, was
wide and comprehensive. He was one of the
chief devotees of Jaina faith and has been fitly
compared with Ganga the great minister of
1 E. c. ii. SB. 121.
2 E. 0, HL Tn. In.
114 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Vishnu Vardhana, in wisdom, statesmanship
and military genius. He earned the title of
Raya from Rajamalla for founding the Gomata
Image in Sravanabelgola. While Rakkasa was
governor in Coorg, sedulous efforts seem to
have been made to revive the influence of the
Jaina religion of which the expiring Rashtra-
kuta and Ganga dynasties were the mainstay.
The sacred erections of Chaundaraya Basti on
the smaller hill 1 in Sravanabelgola and the
colossal image of Gomatesvara ' on the larger
hill 2 a remarkable monument in daring concep-
tion and gigantic dimensions, and executed in
983 AJX, are testimony in stone to Chaunda-
raya 's piety and religious zeal. 3 Simplicity of
living, courage and determination in times of
difficulty, generosity, magnanimity of temper,
love of justice, and benevolence, a character
that defied all temptations, with a lofty concep-
tion of moral life these are the traits by which
he has been characterised by unanimous testi-
mony of scholars and poets.
Rakkasa Ganga, described as Annanabanta
and as a general in the army of his
brother Rajamalla and governor
986.io A.D. O f a province on the bank of the
1 E. C. II. Sb. 122.
2 8. B. II. 145, 176, 179, 234, 254.
3 E. C. IIL In. 69.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 115
Peddore, at the death of his brother suc-
ceeded him on the throne. The first few years
of his reign were peaceful when he devoted his
time to performing works of merit and en-
couraging the Jaina religion which for want of
royal support and hostility of other creeds was
being practically starved out. He constructed a
Jaina temple in his capital, and an embankment,
to the deep tank of Belarekatte (Belur) and
made magnificent grants to brahmins and tem-
ples of other denominations. The Nolamba Pal-
lava king was his feudatory. As he had no child-
ren, he seems to have adopted his younger
brother's daughter and son. 1 The latter was
named Raja Vidyadhara who probably died
early, as the king is represented as taking spe-
cial interest in the daughter and preparing for
her succession. Rakkasa Ganga was the pat-
ron of the author of CJiandombudhi, Naga-
varma, who in the introduction to his work has
verses relating to the king 1 beginning with
Annam Eakkasagangam. He ruled for a con-
siderably long time from 985 to 1024 A.D., first
as an independent sovereign and later on as a
feudatory of the ' Cholas acknowledging their
suzerainty. So long as Chaundaraya was the
minister, foreign aggression was successfully
l E. C. VIII. Nr. 635.
116 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
prevented and the integrity of Ganga' dominion
was preserved. With his death, departed the
cohesion and power of the Ganga kingdom.
The Ganga sovereign had to contend after
990 A.D. with formidable powers as 1 the Cholas
and Chalukyas who had launched upon a career
of territorial aggrandisement and aimed at the
conquest of Nolambavadi and Gangavadi which
constituted their most vulnerable frontier.
There followed a gradual and steady encroach-
ment upon the territory of Gangavadi by the
Chola sovereign with the overthrow of Pallava
regency in the south. Parantaka had uprooted
the Banas and had conferred the Bana sov-
ereignty on the Ganga prince Prithivipati. 1
The Chola sovereign Rajaditya had ( met his
death at the hands of the Ganga prince
Butuga. 2 Fifty years later the tide turned, in
favour of Rajaraja. The Cholas had by
this time carried their arms up to Kalinga on
the east coast and had made Vengi, the Eastern
Chalukyan territory 'an appanage of the Chola
Empire, Kajaraja's daughter being married to
the Eastern Chalukya king Vimaladitya. The
wave of conquest was then directed to the west
against the Western Chalukyas in the course of
1 Sii. II. 387.
SB. 0. m. Md. 41; A. 8. L iv. 207.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 11?
which., the Ganga territory in Mysore was in-
vaded, the Gangas and the Rashtrakutas as
allies of the Eastern Chalukyas, giving
enough provocation for such an aggression.
The work of conquest was followed invariably
by consolidation of Chola power. Unlike the
Pallavas and the Rashtrakutas who established
a normal overlordship, the Cholas contemplated
the entire subjugation of Mysore. Rajaraja
conquered the south-eastern territory in 992
A.D. and followed it up by the establishment of
his camp near Hosakote in 997. 1 But by 1004,
his son Rajendra Chola who was in command
of the Chola army, succeeded in capturing Tal-
kad and extinguishing Ganga sovereignty. The
conquest of the south and east of Mysore in an
arc extending from Arkalgud in the west,
through Srirangapatam, north, by Nelamangala
to Nidugal was speedily effected and outposts
of these conquests were established at Henjeru
and Nidugal. The Changalvas whose kingdom
was in the Hunsur taluk and Coorg were at the
same time brought under Chola subjugation,
and the Chola general Panchala Maharaya who
had overcome the Changalvas in the battle of
Panasoge, was rewarded by Rajaraja with
ArkaJgud and Yelusavira country together with
i E. c. ix. HL. 111.
118 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
the title of Kshatriya Sikhamani Kongalva*
Extension of conquest 1 westwards, and consoli-
dation of territory, was not possible, as Hoy-
salas who were now a rising power under
Naganna and Nripakama, offered a stubborn
resistance near Kaleyur and Malmgi. The
territory actually acquired by the Cholas in-
stead of being restored to the ancient dynasty
in return for an acknowledgment of their over-
lordship as had been done earlier, was parcelled
into provinces and sub-divisions of provinces
and an attempt was made to reorganise the
state on the model of the Chola empire.
Inspite of this systematic attempt at annihi-
lation of Ganga power, the Gangas did not dis-
appear from history. A Ganga princess was
married to the Western Chalukya king Somes-
wara I (10421062 A.D.) and she became the
mother of the kings Someswara II (1068
1076 A.D.) and his celebrated brother Vikra-
manka (10761126 A.D.). The Gangas were
in authority in the Kolar district during Chola
occupation and later were trusted officers of the
Hoysalas. Practically in the beginning of the
eleventh century the Western Gangas lost all
semblance of independence and, sank into the
position of mere local representatives of the
1 Rice Mysore and Coorg. 85, 86.
GANGA EMPIRE UNDER BUTUGA AND MARASIMHA 119
Chola and Western Chalukya kings. Ganga
Raja attacked in 1117 A.D. Idiyanna or Adi-
yanna and other feudatories of the Cholas, en-
camped at Talkad, who refused to acquiesce in
the authority of his lord, defeated them and
placed it in the hands of his master Vishnu-
vardhana. 1 Other Ganga chiefs, similarly who
were driven out from their kingdom by the
Chola overlords and had taken refuge with the
Chalukyas and the Hoysalas, attained to posi-
tions of great honour under them. It is pro-
bable at the termination of the Ganga sovereign-
ty in-Orissa, one of the Ganga Rajas assumed
independence and established a smaller princi-
pality at Sivanasamudram later. He gradual-
ly extended his power and claimed Penukonda
as a part of his own territory. Krishnadeva-
raya of Vijayanagara provoked at this aggres-
sion, led a campaign to Sivanasamudram in
1511, and subdued Gangaraja. 2 The kingdom
thus conquered and overpowered, lingered for
some time, when a domestic quarrel, created by
the arrogance of a Ganga princess, culminated
in a war, and the submergence of Ganga princi-
pality in the kingdom of Sriranga Raja of
Talkad.
1 E. C. III. ML. 31.
2 E. I. VIII. 18.
CHAPTER VII
GANGA ADMINISTRATION
THERE was a distinct and in some ways a very
The duties enlightened conception of kingly
of toe King. duties among the Gangas. The
secret of successful government lay according to
them, in the perfect; confidence which the people
had in their king and ministers, in the mutual
trust in the good faith of one another, in the
identity of government with popular interest
and the united effort of the king and the people
to bring about the greatest good of the greatest
number. The sovereign's duty was to promote
the highest well-being of the people and the
raison d'etre of all political institutions was the
satisfaction of material wants and the moral
elevation of the entire community. The Kadam-
bas are represented as studying the requital of
good and evil 1 (Prati-krta-svadhyaya-charcha-
paras). Kiriya Madhava was not at all eager
to fill the throne as he was said to have assumed
the honours of the kingdom only for the sake
of the good government of his subjects. 2 Avi-
lEpigraphica Caxnatica. v. Rice's introduction, ill.
2E. C VHI NT. 35; Sh. 4.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 121
nita, Durvinita and Sripurusha and other great
successors of Madhava evinced a similar solici-
tude for the welfare of their subjects. 1 " Their
practice was that of the Manu's, the policy they
adopted was the policy of the ancient kings,
the good of the others was the wealth they ac-
cumulated; the satisfaction of their dependents
they reckoned as their own satisfaction." 2 The
Oanga sovereigns like others displayed great
anxiety in being remembered by posterity as
those who strictly adhered to and carried out
the precepts laid down by Manu/Dharmasastras,
and Niti Sastras. The king's responsibility for
the maintenance of social and moral order was
the outcome of the sacerdotal conception of the
origin of the state, the .early rise of the priest-
hood in the history of the country and the very
early division of the people* by Varnas. "The
king shall never allow the people to swerve from
the appointed duties (Dharma), for, whoever
upholds his own duty, adheres to the usages of
the Aryas, and follows the duties of the castes
and orders (Varnashrama Dharma) will attain
happiness in this world as. in the next." "The
rules enjoined in the Vedas for the orders of
castes and Ashramas are Dharma ; and it is in-
1M.A.B. 1916, P. 34-35; M.A.E. 1910. P. 32.
2 E. 0. Vii. 92.
122 * THE GANG AS OF TALKAD
cumbent on every body to refute in public
Assembly any one who casts aspersion on this,
statement " These and similar references bear-
ing out the maintenance of Dharma as a sacred
and inviolable duty of the king, persist with
extraordinary frequency in Ganga 1 and
Kadamba inscriptions. 2 Madhava Kongani-
varma acquired and ruled a country of gentle-
manly population; (Svabhuja-java-jaya-janita-
janapadasya) and he was known as Kongani-
varma Dharma Mahadhiraja* Vishnugopa was
devoted to the worship of gurus, cows and brah-
mins. 4 In the Uttanur plates, Durvinita is des-
cribed as resembling Vaivasvata Manw in the
protection afforded to the castes and religious
orders. 5 Nitimarga is praised as the foremost
of the kings ruling according to Nitisara. 6 The
duty of protecting the subjects extended not
merely to the promulgation and enforcement of
ordinary laws, but also to save the state from
1 E. C. Sh 126.
2E. P. Indica VIII 80, 81, 322; IV P. 2, 88, 346, Vi. P. 349, 217,
218. Indian Antiquary IX. P. 48. VIII 97, P. >P. 303; E. a
IX 39. IX, 73. X. 78. IV, 62. 60, 85, XI 13. XII 115. V. 23.
115.
Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society XIX P. P. 200.
4E. C. X. Ml. 72; M.A.B. 1924, 67, 69.
6M.A.B. 1916. P. 35.
E. C. I. IX. 0. P. 48.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 123,
unseen and supernatural dangers, and both
were necessary to prevent the oppression of the
weak by the strong. The King received his
share of the revenues of the state, as well as, a
corresponding portion of the increase in (spiri-
tual merit among the people, in return for the
protection that he gave to! the subjects. 1 "To
make a gift oneself is easy; to protect another's
is difficult, whether giving or protecting, 'pro-
tecting another's gift is more meritorious than
giving." 2 Though the idea of protection ex-
tended to the inner and public life of the sub-
jects, the government was not paternal, for
there was no restriction on individual liberty 3
and the state definitely reeognised(the institu-
tion of private property and individual pro-
priety right over all forms of wealth including
land. 1
The Ganga state was not theocratic because
the priestly class had 'no organisation fitting
them to act together for common purposes under
acknowledged leaders, and also because the kings
never allowed themselves to be swayed by any
sect or fettered by any priestly organisation.
1 Benoy Kumar Sarkar. Sukranitisara. P. 71.
2 E. C. VI Mg. 36.
8V. A. Smith, Oxford History of India. 1904. P. 258, 260.
4K. V. Rangaswamy lyengar. Some aspects of Indian polity.
P. 71-72.
124 THE GANG AS OF TALKAD
4i The Hindu theory of kingship was never per-
mitted to degenerate into a divine imposture and
profane autocracy. Jugglery in the divine name
of the creator was not possible for the hindu
king,, as the race never allowed the craft of the
priest to be united with the office of the ruler/ 71
Still the advice of the priesthood was ever deem-
ed important, and the history of the lives of
Simhanandi, who assisted Didiga and Madhava
in the foundation of the Ganga kingdom and rule
it according to his instructions, 2 of Vijayakirthi
and Pujyapada, contemporaries of Avinita and
Durvinita, 3 of Torana Charya and his disciple
Puspanandi gurus of Sivamara 4 and of Agita-
sena the royal preceptor of Marasimha and
Chaundaraya, bears eloquent testimony to the
influence they brought to bear on the adminis-
tration of the state. The Acharyas greatly!
determined the character and career of their
royal disciples, and inscriptions of the period
are too fulsome' in their adulations of their
royal donors. Durvinita is spoken of as an
abode of matchless strength, a Yudhisthira in
virtuous conduct, an expert in the theory and
l Jayaswal. Ancient Hindu Polity. P. 58, 59.
* B. 0. Vii. 8k. 4. Sii. II. 387.
3 E. C X Mr. 72. LA. XII. 211.
4E. 0. IX NL 60, 61.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 125
practice of politics. 1 The Kudlur plates of
Marasimha praise "his delight in doing good to
others, his aversion to woman and wealth and in
the matter of giving ear to evil report regard-
ing the good, his diligence in making gifts to
sages and brahmins and his solicitude for those
who sought his protection. " 2 Learning, for-
bearance, truth, self-restraint, purity, non-
injury to life, obedience to spiritual guides,
pity for the afflicted, profundity / highminded-
ness, spurning the riches of others, reverence
towards God and brahmins, were some of the
attributes which the inscriptions mention in
praise of Ganga sovereigns. 3
The king held the same position in the macro-
Limitations cosm of the state as the headman
of power. O f ^ e yyi a g e community did in
his smaller sphere. The royal authority was
by no means despotic, for the constitution itself
was designed not in the interest of the king or
one class, but to secure for 'all classes as full a
measure of liberty and of spiritual and material
possessions as their respective capacities and
considerations for the common weal permitted.
1 E. I. XIV. P. 333.
2M.A.B. 1921.
8R 0. X BP. 47; E. a X Mb 84; EL 79; E. C. Ill Tn I. 53.
E. 0. III. Ml. 87; Nj. 23, 68, 97, 126; Mol. 41, 37, 40.
E. 0. HI. Mys. 35, 41.
126 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Xingship was established for the maintenance
of the whole system of traditional laws, religi-
ous and civil, which governed society. The sub-
jects while they acquiesced in the divine nature
of kingly authority, at the same time sought to
impose a check on the autocracy of kings by
holding that laws were also divine and incapa-
ble of being changed. The kings: had thus no
legislative power, and their main duty was to
administer justice and to maintain peace and
tranquility by suppression of evil doers. Be-
sides, the existence of local rajas or Samantas
who were left more or less in the full enjoyment
of their authority, was a great check on royal
pretensions. The opposition of a confederacy
of Samantas to an oppressive ruler was formid-
able. The despotism of the king was also to a
great extent regulated by the wholesome check
imposed on him by his own ministers and coun-
sellors whose advice he always sought. 1
Though kingship was usually hereditary, the
right of succession to the throne was not vested
in the family 'of the reigning monarch absolute-
ly; it was contingent on the approval of the
state council, whose power was nominal, the
king having the right to choose and dismiss his
Mysore Gazetteer Vol. II P. 310; E. C. XII Mi. 110. B. C.
Bn. 141.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 127
own ministers. Still at the king's death the
Council exercised their traditional prerogative
in the interest of the state to overrule family
rights to the throne. Instances of Harsha,
Eajaraja and Vikramaditya invited by minis-
ters to accept the throne, of Nandivarman Pal-
lava Malla elected by both ministers and
leaders of the people, 1 of supercession of Rash-
trakuta Kambha by his younger brother
Oovinda, contemporaries of Sivamara Sai-
gotta, 2 of Durvinita's claim to the throne being
set aside by his 'father Avinita in favour of an
other son by a different mother 3 amply exem-
plify the prevailing practice of the day. Nor-
mally the 'reigning monarch chose the fittest
amongst his nearest relatives or sons, as heirs to
the throne, and the eldest son had no prescrip-
tive right by birth alone. The choice of an
heir presumptive to the crown lay between the
king's uncle, if younger than himself; a young-
er brother 4 or son, of his elder brother; his own
son or an adopted child. 5 The Yuvaraja, as
1 8. V. Venkateswara. India 's culture through the ages Vol. II.
P. 103.
2E. I. IV. P. 287; E. C. Hg. 93.
3E. C. IX Db 67, 68; M.A.B. (1916. P. 25; 1912 Pp. 31-32. 1924.
P 69-72.
*E. 0. Ill Nj. 269; E. C. X Sp. 59; B. C. Ill Sr. 147.
5E. C. VIII Nr; E. 0. HI Tn. 21.
128 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
well as other princes of the family while young-
were given a liberal education not only in the
sciences of politics, of elephants, archery, medi-
cine, poetry, grammar, drama and Itihasa, but
also in the art of dancing (Bharata Sastra):
singing and instrumental music. 1 They were
appointed early as viceroys or governors of
provinces so that they might gain acquaintance
with the duties of administration, and later
bring to bear the weight of their rich and valu-
able administrative experience on the efficient
management of the state. Ereganga governed
Torenad, Kongalnad during the sovereignty of
Sivamara, 2 while Sripurusha himself a gov-
ernor of Elenagarnad, Avanyanad and Pon-
kunda before he came to the throne, 3 entrusted
the work of administration of Kadambur,
Asandinad, Kovalalanad, during his reign to
his sons Sivamara, Vijayaditya and Duggamara
Ereyappa. 4 The princes were sometimes asso-
ciated with the sovereign in the task of adminis-
tration 5 and the responsibility of government
devolved on their shoulders when the king was
engaged in hunting or foreign expeditions.
IE. I. X. 62; E. C. XII -Nj. 269, etc.
2 1. A. XIV 229.
8E. 0. IX Ht. 86; E. <C. X. B.P. 13.
C. X. JO. .16; E. C. VI. Kd 145; E. 0. X. Sp 65.
C. XII 269.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 129
Transfer of viceroys and governors seems to
have been resorted to frequently with a view to
ensure the safety and integrity of royal power. 1
The practice of polygamy, in spite of marked
predilection being shown by the king to one or
other of his wives, often entailed an embar-
assing situation in the choice of heirs and fre-
quently embroiled the children of the king by
different wives in civil wars for succession. 2
The Queen not only enjoyed equality of sta-
^ _ tus with the king and often ap-
The Queens. e ^
peared by his side at durbars as
is manifest from the interesting friezes in front
of the Belur temple, but also exercised consi-
derable political power along with other chil-
dren of the royal family, and assisted the king
in the maintenance of equality and justice and
humane administration. 3 A few of the Ganga
inscriptions make mention of the Queens of
Sripurusha, Butuga and Permadi, ruling to-
gether with the king and Yuvaraja, in co-ordi-
nation with the king's authority, 4 and some-
times independently, the provinces that were
IE. C. X Kb 80; E. C. IX Nl 60. E. C. Ill Nj 75.
E. C. IV Hg 103 ; E. C. IV Hs 92 ; E. C. Ill Nj 130.
2M.A.R. 1916, P. 35; M.A.B. 1912. P. 31-32.
E. C. IX. D.B. 67-68 ; E. C. IX 01. 8.
3 E. I. XV. P. 333.
4E. C. IV Hs. 92; in Nj. 130.
9
13U THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
assigned to their care. 1 It is probable that the
chief Queen had as her insignia, like the queens
of the Hoysala dynasty, the white conch, the
white umbrella, the golden rod and the Chama-
ras. The queen not only participated in the
public functions of the king, 2 regulated temple
administration and interested herself in the
distribution of religious endowments, 3 cons-
truction of temples and tanks, but also took part
in the king's expeditions. 4
The period was one of unprecedented storm
The court. anc ^ s * ress an( l order could be res-
tored only by the exaltation of the
kingly office and the maintenance of a splendid
court where the king presented himself on pub-
lic occasions decked in all the magnificent
trappings of royalty. His court consisting of
Samantas, court officials, the queen, the chowrie
bearers, royal gurus, and other dignitaries
presented an imposing spectacle. 5 The king
who drew around himself by means of his lavish
generosity a galaxy of eminent poets and scho-
lars, listened to their creations, or discussions 6
l E. C. X. Mb. 80.
2VIII. Sb. 346.
3M.A.B. 1926.
4M.A.E. 1926.
E. C. II 60-61. HI. 28. 37, 38, 40.
5 Narasimhachar. The Kesava temple at Belur 4. 5. XIII and XV.
6 LA. VIII 212; M.A.E. 1910 P. 27 M.A.R. 1924 79-81.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 131
in the durbars and sometimes took part in phi-
losophical disputations not only for the sake of
the intellectual recreation that they afforded,
but also for understanding the deeper truths of
religion that they revealed. These debates
besides, gave the king an admirable opportunity
of noting the qualifications and worth of the
men gathered round his throne. Gifts of land
to brahmins and Acharyas and remission of
taxes were made on such august 1 occasions.
The king was the apex of the whole adminis-
trative system, but owing to the
difficult and complicated duties
attached to the kingly office, he was often com-
pelled to seek the assistance of a council com-
posed of ministers, military commanders, men
of the priestly class and poets. There was no
system of election and all the members of the
council were appointed by the king. The minis-
ters constituted a powerful body and adminis-
tered the state during the minority of its sov-
ereign. As the position of the ministers was
the difficult one of reconciling the will of the
king to the wishes of the people, often popular
opinion exonerated the king in times of distress
and held the ministers responsible for having
misguided him. The Panchapradhana became
IE. 0. IX DB 67; E. C. IX Bn 141. M.A.B, 1912. 31-32.
132 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
more powerful with the establishment of Hoy-
sola power and extension of dominion.
The number of ministers required for the
council was regulated by the needs of the state,
there being no hard and fast rule about it. The
officers of state were differentiated from those
of the palace. Ministers like Dandanayaka,
commander, Sarvadhikari 1 (the prime minis-
ter), the Mannevergadde (the royal steward),
Hiriya Bhandari, Yuvaraja and Sandhi-
vigrahi? minister of peace and war, spoken
of also as Mallavijaya Sutradliari, Maha Pra-
dhana (the chief minister and spokesman of the
Council) 3 assisted the sovereign not only in the
task of government, displaying the intelligence
of Brhaspati and Mandhata in their skill and
politics 4 and administration of justice, but also
accompanied the king on his tours and expedi-
tions. 5 The Council in the time of the Hoy-
1 E. C. V. Hn. 53. E. C. II. SB. 240.
*E. C. VI Mg. 21 ; E. 0. V. Ak 194 ; E. C. X Kl. 63.
Arasam Hakkasa ganga i
Mandalikara mantri Sandhi-vigrahi Bayam.
B. Narasimhachar, Nagavarma's Kavyalokanam. Intro. P. 2.
8 E. C. XL Dg. 25.
4M.A.B. 1908-9. P. 59.
*E. C. VII Sk. 136.
E. C. VIII Sa. 45.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 133
salas was composed of Srikarannadhikari, the
Hiriya Bhandari, the Senadhipati, the Maha-
pasayita, and the Sandhivigrahi. The offices of
Sandhivigrahi and of Sarvadhikari seem to
have devolved in times of war, on the shoulders
of the Hiriya Danda Nayaka, who obeyed im-
plicitly the command of the sovereign on mo-
mentous issues of declaration and suspension of
hostilities. The Council of ministers was recruit-
ed entirely by merit, and membership was some-
times hereditary, as can be gauged from
the life of Chaundaraya, who like his father and
grand-father ministers of Butuga and Mara-
simha, entered with his brother Nagavarma, the
service of Marasimha and Rakkasa and served
them with signal loyalty and devotion. 1 Prom
the designation of ministers mentioned in ins-
criptions as Mahaprachanda Dandanayaka?
Mahapradana* and Dandanayaka Sarvadhi-
kari* Mannevergadde Dandanayaka 5 and so
on, it is manifest that the functions of ministers
were not always clearly differentiated and that
recruitment was from men who were skilled
both in the art of warfare and statesmanship,
IE. C. II S. B. 109-137. Chaundarayapuranam. Verses 20-26.
2E. C. V. Hn. 53.
3 E. C. II 8.B. 118.
4 E. 0. II S.B. 240.
0. VII. Sk, 111.
134 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
and that the titles Sarvadhikari or Danda-
nayaka bestowed on officers of merit, did not
denote any political authority.
The chief officers of the palace were Maha-
pasayita 1 (minister of Robes) ,
Mahalayaka 2 probably Maha
Aryaka(the palace Chamberlain) or Antahpura-
dhkshya, Antapasayita, connected with the
palace (secretary), and Nidhikara (treasurer)
Sasanadh ikarikaksapatalika, Rajapalaka,
Padiyara, Hadiyara or Hadihara (the superin-
tendents of the guard at the palace,) Sajje
Valla (Durbar Bhakshi), Hadapada (betel
carrier). The officer Sarvadhikari is referred
to in some inscriptions as superintendent of
ceremonies 3 and in others as chief of the Kara-
nas, Srikarana Heggade. 4 Another officer
associated with the king was Dharmmadi-
karana* or Dharmakaranika, mentioned as
investigating religious as well as local boundary
disputes and administering justice. He was
known under Hoysala rule as Lokopakara-
karana, an officer appointed for confirming
public benefactions made by the king. With
1 E. C. II S. B. 199, 237 ; Ak. 69.
2 E. 0. Ill Md. 14.
3 E. 0. V. On. 151.
4E. C. V. Cn. 179.
5E. C. Vi Kp. 14. 37.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION -!->
the growth of Hoysala power, officers like Tan-
tradhikari Manevegadde (royal steward) and
Bahattara Niyogadhipati, superintendent of
officers, seem to have been added to the palace
establishment.
For the effective administration of the king-
dom, the king needed reliable private secretaries
and confidential clerks whose counsel he sought
on every question of weight. Expediency alone
might have demanded the creation of these
posts. There are references to Raya-Sutra-
Dhari 1 (royal draughtsman), to Mahamatra?
not as a moral censor but as a supervisor of
Sasana expressions, to Rajjuka? probably an
officer in charge of revenue settlement, and to
Rahasyadhika 4 ' (private Secretary) and Lekha-
ka. 5 The lekhaka who made records in Kadita
and probably whose duties overlapped with
those of Raya-Sutra-Dhari and Mahamatra,
was expected to possess ministerial qualifica-
tions, to acquaint himself with all kinds of cus-
toms, and languages, methods of revenue collec-
tion and expenditure, to be smart in composi-
1 E. C. Ak. 123.
2E. C. IX. Nl. 1.
8 E. C. VII 263.
4E. C. VIL Sk. 29.
5E. C. V. Bl. 17.
Abhilashitartha CMntamani Bk. II 128, 132.
136 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
tion, good in legible writing and sharp in read-
ing, so that he could attentively listen to the
king's orders and after having well deliberated
over the matter, might reduce the order to writ-
ing. Great importance was attached to the
king's business being done in writing, 1 for the
prevailing political conception was, that the
king who did state business without a written
document (lekliya) was practising fraud on the
state. The written orders of the king, begin-
ning with invocations of deity 2 followed by
genealogies of the ruling sovereigns, with eulo-
gies of their deeds and conquests and ending
with the king's signature, were to pass through
the royal secretary to the chief secretary who
with other heads of departments, home, justice
and diplomacy, having passed it directed that
it should be entered in the revenue register, by
the revenue officers and accountants. 3 Minute
attention seems to have been paid to business
routine and there was a considerable amount of
circumlocution in the government offices.
The power of the council and the king's
secretaries seems to have considerably weakened
in a later period, when the kings narrowly
IE. C. XI Mk. 21.
2E. C. VII S.K. 263.
8E. C. X. EX HI 112; Mysore and Coorg from the Ins. P. 172.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 137
engrossed in military aggrandisement, preferr-
ed to come under the sinister influence of mili-
tary officers rather than under the men lea^rned
in the Dharmasastras.
That great importance was attached to diplo-
statecraft. m ^cy and statecraft is inferable
from the fact that the study of
Nitisara was considered obligatory on princes.
Madhava prided himself on being an expert in
the science of polity even including its secret
doctrines. 1 The Bedirur plates of Durvinita
refer to him as endowed with the three consti-
tuents of regal power, Prabhu Sakti, (imperial
power which enabled him to augment his re-
sources and win his rivals over) Mantra Sakti,
(power of discretion or diplomacy) TJtsaha
Sakti (power of active will). 2 To most of the
kings, warfare for the vindication of the right
of conquest, and military aggrandisement seem
to have been the source of constant occupation.
Consequently alliances with other states were
made for defence against the aggression of
formidable powers on their territory and
in certain cases to prevent the dangerous
outgrowth of one particular state or to
thwart the designs of the enemy by sheer
1 M.A.R. 1925. 95-96 ; M.A.B. 1914. P. 27.
2 M.A.B. 1925. P. 35.
138 THE GANGAS OF TALKED
combination and thus attain one's object. Some-
times alliances were made for the acquisition
of territory. Some of the sovereigns were said
to have acquired not only the Saptanga-Rajya
but also the Chatur-upaya or four expedients
against the enemy, sowing-dissensions, negotia-
tion, bribery, and open attack. 1 It was an ac-
cepted political doctrine that no war should be
waged without previous declaration of hostili-
ties, that unfair methods of fighting should not
be resorted to, that noncombatants should not
be molested and that in the pacificatory settle-
ment that followed the war, local rights and
usages should be respected, as well as the van-
quished local dynasty restored back to the peo-
ple. The Ganga king Avinita claimed to have
maintained the rights of the country which he
conquered. 2 Not only was Sivamara restored
to the throne with all his territory, by Govinda
III Rashtrakuta, 3 but also both Govinda and
Nandivarman II bound the diadem on Siva-
mara 's brow with their own hands as if in
recognition of his rights to his ancestral king-
dom. 4
From the glimpses we obtain of the social and
IE. C. V. Bl. 128.
2E. C. IX. D. B. 68.
31. A. V. P. 150; I.A. IV. 62.70.
4E. 0. IV. Yd. 60; E. 0. IX. 60.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 139*
provincial political life of Gangavadi we see
that the state was organised elabo-
*" rately with a full supply of
departments and completely graded officials,
with well defined duties reminding in details, of
the Mauryan and Gupta administration. The
kingdom was divided for purposes of efficient
administration into a number of provinces
which were sub-divided into Nadus and Visha-
yas, Ventyas, Khampanas comprising of groups
of villages and towns, the village constituting
the lowest administrative unit. (Rashtra-pati,
Vishayapati, Gramakuta Kayuktaka Niyukta-
kadhikara). 1 The territorial divisions were
more popularly known as Gangavadi 96,000,
Banavasi 12,000, Punnad 10,000, Kerekunda
300, the Elenagarnad 70, 2 the Avanyanad 30,
and Ponekunda 12, and some of the oldest ins-
criptions bear out that the reckoning had a more
direct reference to the amount of revenue
realised 3 rather than to extent of cultivation or
to the real or exaggerated and traditional num-
ber of cities, towns and villages, tl
IE. C. XI Dg. I. 56; E. C. Ill Md. 113;
2Ep. Iindica. VI P. 161; E. C. IX Ht. 86
3 Bice : Mysore Gazetteer Vol. I. P. 574 ;
Niskas was called a Kshetra; 18,000
pana; 2 Khampana a ventya; 33 V<
formed a 12,000 country.
140 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
tuted the district or the state, ample evidence
toeing available to substantiate all the inter-
pretations. 1
Each province was held by a viceroy who was
either a prince of the royal family or a powerful
noble of the state, or some representative of the
old ruling dynasties. Ministers of the king
were often appointed as governors. 2 The gov-
ernment of every province was a replica of the
central government and the viceroy kept his
own army, held his own court, made charitable
grants and behaved like an autocrat within his
own jurisdiction. The governor was generally
styled the Dandanayaka or Dannayaka who
combined both civil and military 3 functions and
in newly acquired territories acted as a Sena-
dMpati, Chamupati or general. Those who
exercised control over Samantas or feudatory
chiefs obtained the title of Maha Samantadhi-
pati,* an office which the Hoysalas continued
and designated it as the superintendent of feu-
datories 5 (Manneya Maha Samantara Adhis-
thayahara) and reinforced it with additional
duties, that of acting as the warden of the
1I.A. V.P. 280; IA. 244; LA. IX P. 38; E.G. XII Si. 98.
2E. C. VII Sk. 192.
3 E. C. VII Sk 13. Ill ; VIII Sb 292.
4E. C. VH Sk. 131; VIII Sb. 388.
C. II Sb. 118. 237, 240, E. 0. IX. Op. 38.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 141
marches, particularly in the most strategic and
vulnerable northern frontier. 1
The governors of provinces variously known as.
Senadhipati Hiriya Heddavala, Maha Prachan-
da Dandanayaka? Dannayaka 3 Sarvadhikari,,
were responsible for the collection of taxes and
for the administration of justice. But the gov-
ernor could neither make remissions of revenue
nor increase the revenue by levying tolls and
other imposts without the consent of the king.
In relation to the king the position of gov-
ernors was that of a feudal vassal, though they
exercised supreme authority in their respective
spheres of jurisdiction and even possessed the
right of waging war with each other. During
the period of Hoysala sovereignty the governors
became primarily military officers enjoined
with the duty of preservation of peace and
order, and protection of the frontiers and the
maintenance of a permanent body of troopa
under them (Padaividu).
The Heggades variously known as Baja^
dhyaksha Heggade, Bajadhyakshada Karnam
in charge of districts, likewise combined civil
and military functions, but in financial matters
IE. C. X. Bp. 9; E. 0. V. Hn 69,
2 E. 0. II Sb. 240.
8 E. 0. IX. Op. 38.
142 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
were subject to the control of Srikarana, Sarva-
dhikari 1 who was one of the chief ministers of
the council supervising revenue and financial
departments of the kingdom. Changes in ad-
ministrative organisation, minute territorial
divisions for administrative purposes and
clearer definition of the duties of officers, seem
to have appeared with the establishment of
Rashtrakuta overlordship. Owing to the com-
plication and arduous nature of civil adminis-
tration, several important towns were made
treasury centres and were assigned to the care
of Bhandaris (Bhandara Vadadadhipar) as
Srikaranadhikari, Manikya Bhandari and
Kosadhyakshas and these assisted the Heggades
in efficient management of revenue work and in
the collection of taxes in the tracts that were
not given exemption. 2 Of the several other
officers who were subordinate in authority to
Heggade were Sunkaveggade and Srikarana
Heggade and the latter was an important officer
of the district being assigned the work of writ-
ing down in the Sevadi the taxes due from each
individual to the government and such of the
remissions that the king had ordered. Similar-
ly accountants (ganakas) were placed under the
1 M.A.R. 1912, P. 43. M.A.E. 1913, P. 37.
2E. C. VII Sk. 137. 246; VIII Sb. 38, 88; IL SB. 467, 142-147.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 143
control of Pattagaras, nayakas, officers in
charge of military stations, manneya, officer in
charge of fortifications, under Nadgaundas
Nad Prabhus 1 in charge of Ventyas and Kam-
jpanas 2 and lastly under Prabhus 3 or gaudas
holding Paripatya of the village. Often these
accountants were promoted, on the testimony of
lionest and efficient service, to the position of a
Srikarana and sometimes to that of a Bhandari
of the local treasury.
The principal source of government revenue
Revenue Was ^ le ^ an( ^ * ax > ^ e norm al r &te
Adminis- according to immemorial tradi-
tration. ,. , .
tion, being one sixth of the
gross produce. For the assessment of this
tax a very careful survey of cultivable
land was made of which a register was kept so
that every cultivator knew the exact amount for
which he was liable. 4 The king who would
usually not venture to demand more from the
cultivators directly in defiance of public opinion
and of traditional laws, probably, in times of
great emergency and with the consent of the
popular assemblies raised the rate to one fourth
of the produce, an enhancement made at very
IE. C. VIJI Sk. 218.
^E. I. V. 257; E. C. VIII Sa 71. XI Dg. 32.
3E. C. III. Nj. 139 j E. C. Ak. 17.
*S. Krishnaswamy lyengar, Ancient India P. 175. 176.
144 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
rare intervals. Though all cultivable lands were
not measured according to one uniform mea-
surement but according to different methods of
measurement, the soil was divided into classes
according to its fertility ; and the method of cal-
culation of assessment was not arbitrary, for a
moderate assessment was made for the first two
years making due allowances for vagaries of
the seasons and nature of the soil, and assess-
ment after, was definitely fixed in the third
year. 1 Remissions however were granted when
lands were actually uncultivated, and when
they suffered from too little water or from in-
undations, in case, the crops raised were such
as required irrigation.
The instrument used for purposes of mea-
surement was generally a pole of which differ-
ent sizes are mentioned in the inscriptions.
There were the Bherunda pole? the Ganga pole*
the Margundi pole* the kachchavi pole? Otto-
la pole 6 the Danda or the staff of the royal
standard, the Varisai 7 kkol, which was used
1 E. C. Ill Sr. 148.
2 E. C. VII 8k. 120.
3 E. C. VI Tk. 45.
4E. C. VII Sk. 118.
5 E. C. VIII Sb. 317.
6E. C. VII Ci. 64.
7E. C. X KL page. 44.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 145
for the measurement of wet land particularly
Etta land, and the pole of 18 1 spans each of
12 fingures breadth called M ana Danda as well
as poles of thirty six steps and forty eight
steps. 2 The units of measure for the land gene-
rally used were Nivarthana? Matta* and
Kamma? the last being the smallest unit.
Other measures used for Nava Dhanya were
Mishka; 10 of which formed a phala; 64 phala
a Mana; 20 Mana a Kolaga; 20 Kolaga a
Khandaga. 6 Adda also was used for husked
rice, Soilage for paddy, and Mana for oil. Sev-
eral inscriptions mention of Suvarna, Nishka
and Gadyana, types of gold coins being used for
gifts and daily transaction, as well as coins of
smaller denominations. A half Suvarna was
called Pon or Hon, doubtless a corruption of
Hana or Pana. 1 References are made to coins
of the type of Haga, Kodevana and Kasu* and
Jiera drachmmas, of whose ratio to the gold is
not clear in the inscriptions. The conspicuous
1 E. C. X Mb. 49.
2 E. C. V Ak. 12-13.
3 E. C. V. VB1. 245.
4E. C. VII Sk. 120.
5E. I. XIIJ P. 25.
6 Eice : Mysore Gazetteer Vol. I.P. 577 ; E. 0. X Mb. 49 j E. C.
VH Sh. 10.
7 E. C. V Mj. 53.
E. C. VIII Sb. 482.
146 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
absence of silver coins in currency organisation
is to be accounted for by the inadequate supply
of silver to meet the circulation of a vast coun-
try. 1 All the gold coins of various denominations
were in the form of spherules (gulige) quite
plain and smooth, save for a single very
minute punch mark. The Ganga gold coins had
an elephant on the obverse, and floral design on
the reverse and weighed between 52.3 to 58.5
grains.
Besides the ordinary tax of one sixth of the
produce of communal lands, one fifth of the
produce of forest tracts and of lands on which
dry crops were raised, and one third of the pro-
duce of lands cultivated below tank and one
third of under-ground treasures (Tri-bhoga-
byantara), which were all the king's due ac-
cording to the oldest Aryan tradition, there was
the revenue from irrigation assessments, tolls
on merchandise and exise and fines imposed for
various offences. The recognised principle
with regard to the incidence of taxation accord-
ing to Sukra's Nitisara, was, that the king
should levy taxes upon the peasant as a garland;
maker gathers leaves and flowers from the trees
in the forest and not like a charcoal burner.
l Elliot. Coins of Southern India 22-45; Rice, Mysore Gazetteer
VoL I. 802.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 147
The excise appears to have been farmed out or
managed by an agent appointed by the govern-
ment, and it is referred to under the different
heads of Hejunka or Perjjunka. 1 Custom
duties on the chief articles of trade, Kirikula*
or miscellaneous duties on articles in which the
transactions were small, Vaddaravula 3 and
Panneya, taxes on water supply and on areca
and betel leaves, bilkode sunka* tax paid on
every load of betel leaves, by the towns' people,
Lailalike, Manneya, Ay a, Day a and Dasa-
bandha, a ten percent tax on all miscellaneous
articles of daily use, and Viravana 5 and tax on
salt were some of the most important dues that
were collected. In the levy and collection of
customs duties particularly in regions where the
transport of grain and other commodities had to
l3e carried on by means of pack bullocks, exemp-
tions 6 from payment of tolls were allowed to a
few articles of necessity as arecea nut, husked
rice, tamarind, oil and ghee.
The village assembly which was responsible to
the supreme government for the collection and
1 E. C. VIII Sk. 11-13 ; Rice : Mysore and Ooorg from the Ins. P.
513.
2E. C. VII Sk. 96.
3 E. C. VII 104-170.
*E. C. VII Sk. 11-13.
*E. C. III. Tn. 98.
E. C. X. Mb page. 41; E. 0. IX Nl. 3; IX, Ht. 10.
148 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
payment of dues, in addition to the special
taxes levied by the central government, levied
a number of other taxes such as Hadike, Horane?
Malabraya, Avicchu, taxes on land occupied by
houses, on looms, ploughs, on markets, and on
sugar mills, and received miscellaneous forced
labour, accountant's fee, tribute, subscription for
making boundaries, double-payment to the army
or for compensation of loss incurred, fodder for
horses and elephants. These different obliga-
tions were not all in the nature of taxes, but
more of free will offerings, of first fruits of
orchards by gardeners and ryots, and of sup*
plies of food and fodder and means of trans-
port to royal armies or to officers while on tour. 1
Though the rates of levy varied in different
regions, several inscriptions mention of 10
Panas for elephants, an Alakku for every load
of pepper, a Kavalige for betel leaves, a Uri for
grain, and Kasu for cloth etc., as being levied as
excise by the village parliaments. 2 Performance
of forced labour for the land-lord, payment of
land-tax, grazing tax, marriage tax, ordinary
incidents of feudalism, and a number of in-
direct taxes in the shape of customs duties on
articles of daily consumption, all seem to sug-
1. C. III. Tn. 27; E. C. X Mb. P. 41.
2 E. C. IX Mb. Page 19.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 149
gest that unfortunately the interests of the
tillers of the soil were not always consulted in
such fiscal arrangements.
The system of collection of land and excise
revenue was simple. The gauda and Karana 1
of the villages were responsible for keeping a
register of householders and their lands, which
gave their occupations, caste, income, and pro-
perty in the servants and live stock, and the
amount of the tax payable whether in money or
in kind if they were not exempt from taxation,
or state service for which they were liable in
lieu of taxes. The Nayaka and Nadgavunda of
the districts had under them a staff of rev-
enue officials who performed similar duties for
the larger groups of villages and townships. A
collector of customs who probably combined the
duties of administrator and judge and of an
examiner of state records, 2 Dharmma Kara-
nika? was posted for every district with an
office staff to register merchants and their goods
which passed through the district and to ex-
amine passports. 4 The official staff of Karani-
kas were not only writers of legal documents,
and superintendents of accounts but were also
1 E. C. Ill Tn. 17.
2 Bhandarkar. Early History of the Deccan P. 116.
3 E. 0. VI Kp. 14-37.
41. A. XH. P. 122.
150 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
officers in charge of village lands. 1 We have
references in several inscriptions to accountants
also under the control of Heggades, Pergadde
or Nadu Prabhus, and to Senabova, and to
Collectors and teridara, 2 officers of land tenures
(Manne Magatiny overseer, superintendents
and keepers of land registers, all who were res-
ponsible for a meticulous entry of excess and
deficiency in the revenue register. 4
The village or the grama formed the back-
one village bone of the country and its ad-
Adminis ministration. The villages remain-
ed undisturbed during internecine
wars and self-contained in their administration,
having their hereditary headman and account-
ants. The policy of the Central government
was one of developing local self-governing ins-
titutions so efficiently that they should call for
little interference from central power. The
main function of the central government con-
sisted in adjusting local authorities in the just
exercise of their rights, against powerful mis-
creants in high places who had defied their con-
trol. Each village had an Assembly which
IE. P. Ind. II. P. 129; LA. LP. 166.
2 E. C. IX Dv. 43.
8E. C. III. Nj. 176.
*E. C. X. Kl. 112; E. C. VI Om. 68.
E. 0. IH Tn. 129, 130-etc.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 151
usually met in the Mantapams of the village
temple. How the admission to the Assembly
was regulated is not known, though in the
south, in the ninth and tenth centuries, admis-
sion to the Mahajana of the village was con-
fined to shareholders on the agrahara, if they
knew the Vedas, or at least Mantra Brahmana
and Dharma Sastras. But this condition did
not preclude men of other castes and royal
officers being present while the deliberations of
the meetings were going on.
The assembly had both deliberative and exe-
cutive functions. Custodians of all charitable
endowments 1 themselves, they often provided
endowments for temples and other religious ins-
titutions free of all taxes, by selling village
lands and after making provision for royal
dues. The assembly not only collected some
part of the revenue of villages including labour
contributed by artisans in lieu of taxes but also
ordered that the temple authorities should take
over judicial jurisdiction themselves and punish
any offence committed against the land by vil-
lages. Some inscriptions run like this : "If
any one makes a misrepresentation to the
officers who come here in connection with the
house and lands which we have granted to him
1 B. 0. IX An. 80; E. C. IX Op. 128, 129, 130, 181; W Nj. 164, 85.
152 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
as a Sarva Many a" or we authorise the
pujaris to receive suttu kadam and a share of
the produce of the above land. 1 If the Gra-
mani tried to destroy a charity and if the
Assembly knowing this neglected to take steps
(Idanaridu Upekshisidaradade) the assembly
itself was responsible for the destruction of the
charity. The Assembly through committees
collected taxes such as Bittu Vatta, Talarike,
Bala Pana 2 and granted exemption chiefly to
temples. There was confiscation of lands in
default of payment 3 of taxes. The Committee
of the Assembly attended to public wells, reser-
voirs and irrigation works. They also kept the
accounts of transfers of land and revenue
receipts. The Mahasabha borrowed money and
paddy, agreeing to pay a fixed rate of interest
at stated times, probably to meet the expenses
connected with the repairs of tanks, ponds and
channels and gardens. It gave permission to
landholders to use the water from the tank of
the villages, sometimes free and sometimes on
payment of a fixed water-tax. It was also
responsible for the division of agraharas into
equal parts, the regulation of the amount of
taxes payable by each division, as well as the
IE. C. IX Cp. 94, 95, 97; 128, 133.
2E. C. VI Cm. 203; V. Cn. 181.
SB. O. IX. Ht. Ill; IX An. 80, IX. Op. 94, 95, 97.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 153
relation between divisions, with regard to the
introduction of improvements and use of roads,
gardens and water. When the Assembly sold
lands, it agreed to settle disputes about the
boundaries of such lands and sometimes it set
aside the former decisions on land as unequal
and got the fields measured by agents before
making an equitable distribution which had the
force of law, and compelled recognition by the
parties concerned. Such Samaja Sasanas were
also endorsed by the king and those who violat-
ed or transgressed the agreement were ex-
communicated and punished. All these ac-
counts were periodically subject to audit by the
king's officers and inspectors, who detected mis-
appropriation of charitable endowments. In
disputed matters the king's authority was some-
times 1 invoked. Inscriptions speak of Dharm-
ma Karanika holding inquiry on land and reli-
gious disputes and affecting a settlement ami-
cably to all parties concerned. But for all prac-
tical purposes the king's officers did not ordi-
narily interfere with the administration of local
affairs, 2 though they occasionally called for ac-
counts and adjusted matters relating to temple
endowments particularly Brahma Deya and
Devadana lands. The temple priests who were
1 E. C. IX. Op. 97, 133.
2 E. C. IV. Ha. 18.
154 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
enjoined to maintain gifts of land endowed on
temples, and their families, enjoyed great res-
pect in the village community and were desig-
nated as Tammadis or Sthanapatis. 1
The method of allocation of gifts of land
Land varied in character. Some were
Tenures. known as Umbali 2 a regular rent
free gift followed by the traditional eight fold
rights of possession. The cultivators disting-
uished the land according to the quality of the
soil, as Makki blackland, land for Kummari
cultivation and so on. 3 The epigraphical
records make mention of three kinds of tenures
under which the farmers held the land. The
Sarvamanya* a kind of gift wherein the gov-
ernment relinquished all rights, Tribhoga a
joint tenure enjoyed by three distinct parties,
e.g., a private person, god of the village, and
Brahmins, and Talavrittis. The gifts of lands
to gods, brahmins and temples and other chari-
table institutions were made sometimes for defi-
nite periods free of all taxes, 5 and sometimes
to endure as long as the sun and the moon, im-
mune from all taxes. We hear of land grants
IE. C. IV. Gu. 89; Vi. Cm. 89; III Ml. 60.
2E. C. VI. Kd. III.
8 E. C. VIII Sb. 35. 31.
4E. C. JX. Cp. 94, 97.
*E. C. II 8.B. 255.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 155
to Brahmins made in villages or groups of vil-
lages under the designation of Agrahara. The
entire landed property was divided into Vrittis,.
which varied in extent according to the extent
and area of the villages. Gifts of land were
made to individual Brahmins for great scholar-
ship, 1 (Vidyadana) for profound knowledge of
the Sastras and distinctions in the ritualistic
observances. Some times gifts were made to
temples, and temple priests on special cere-
monial occasions. 2 Camping places (Bidara)\
on ceremonial occasions were constructed for
the use of Athithi Mahattigal (itinery priests)
who came 3 to beg for alms. We have cases of
lands acquired by purchase, by private persons
and transferred to temple authorities to make
provision for the rites and festivals of the
Gods. 4 The mention of grants of Bittu Katta
or Bittu Kattu for certain tanks is made in
many inscriptions and probably this was
similar to Dasabanda which was land granted
at one tenth of the usual rates, to a person in
consideration of his constructing or repairing
a tank. Probably it was a reduction on the
usual rent for Bittu sowing or cultivation..
IE. C. V. Ag. 24; VI Tk. 55.
2E. 0. Ill Yl. 38, 39, 40; Vi, Kp 44; IV Hs. 18.
3E. 0. Ill Nj. 85.
*E. 0. VI. Mg. 9.
156 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
JZerekodege 1 and Kattukodege were also grants
of land made rent free for the service rendered
in construction or upkeep of a tank. Another
type of land mentioned in inscriptions is Etta 2
land or land irrigated by water levers. Refer-
ences to Bittu-Kattu, Desabanda and Kere-
Jcodege grants bear testimony not only to the
solicitude of kings for the promotion of the wel-
fare of their subjects by erection of dams on
rivers from which channels were led off, con-
struction and repairing of tanks, wells and
reservoirs, but also to the vital importance that
was attached to the provision of a good supply
of water for irrigational purposes. 3
There are interesting references to other
types of land gifts made rent free and bestowed
on the soldiery for the meritorious services
rendered in expeditions and wars. Grants of
land made to the family of the fallen man were
sometimes styled as Bal-Galcchu 4 ' or Kalnad.
The grants were made with the washing of the
fallen man's sword, probably to purify it
from the stain of slaughter. Kalnad though it
means a stoney tract, but from the way it was
used, signified a land granted for the support
IE. C. V. 245; III Nj. 51.
2E, C. Ill Nj. 199; X XI. Page 74-60. 108. 74.
*E. C. HI Md. 113.
4E. C. VII 8k. 176; X. Bp. 4. 9.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 1ST
of the family of a man who had fallen in battle
or been otherwise killed in public service. 1
Mention is made in several inscriptions of
Eakta Kodege 2 or Nettara Kodege similar to
Balgalcchu and Kalnad, signifying grants to-
the family of the fallen heroes particularly
while defending the village against aggressors,
or engaged in the recovery of the stolen cattle, 8
from robber gangs or enemies of the village.
An essential condition making the grant inviol-
able, was the immunity afforded to the gift
from encroachments by the eighteen castes 4 of
the village, composed of the agricultural,,
artisan and trading classes, the Balgai headed 5
by the Banagigas, and the Yedagai headed by
the panchalas with the Madigas at the bottom. 6
The village authorities were the headmen
(gaunda) the senabova, manigar, and the
Gramalekhaka. It was the duty of the head-
men to collect revenue and with the help of the
local men to secure the village from the inroads
of robbers. To the extent he was the chief
revenue officer, he exercised judicial authority
as well as that of the police magistrate. He:
IE. C. V. Ag. 5. 25. in Nj. 4, 9.
2E. 0. V. Cn. 205.
8E. 0. V. Ak. 31.
4 E. 0. VIII Sb. 6, 47, 221.
E. 0. VII. HI. 47.
6E. 0. IX Db. 67, 141.
158 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
was neither elected by his co-villagers nor ap-
pointed by the king. He was a hereditary
officer with hereditary rights which he could
transfer by sale. The office of the gauda some-
times was continued to the widow on the death
of her husband and references to the skill and
ability of her management of the village offi-
cers are noticed in a few inscriptions. 1 The
headman was entitled to all that the king could
expect from a village as fuel, grass, fodder,
oil-cloth, vegetables, salt, etc. The Gauda
probably was a member of the nadu Assembly
and as he was also the settlement officer of the
Nadu, he participated in the deliberation of
the council and assisted the members in arriv-
ing at an amicable settlement of disputes per-
taining to definition of boundaries.
A natural consequence of the consolidation of
Tawn the Aryan tribal system into large
Adminis- states and kingdoms, was the gene-
ral development of the village
settlements into larger towns and cities planned
on the same principles in which the different
villages united, were grouped round the royal
palace. The site for the construction of the
town was always chosen in a place that was
well wooded, fertile with supplies of water and
1 E. C. X. Mb. 49.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 159
food and not too far from the hills. The towns
were well fortified with several lines of forts
intercepted by deep and impassable moats. 1
The town was required to construct good roads,
wells and reservoirs, public parks, and orchards,
taverns, temples and " garden tanks filled with
lotus " and groves and chatrams for travellers
to rest in. 2 Puras varying in number from two
to seven according to the importance of the
town and strength of population, Mattas and
Agraharas dedicated to learning and study of
the sastras, and Ghatikas * supports of piety
and mines of enjoyment 73 were a special feature
of town life, attracting students from all parts
of the country, to take advantage of the facili-
ties provided for pursuit of knowledge.
The town composed of all the eighteen castes
as gavareyas, settles, Ankakaras, Gavundas,
etc. was governed by the town corporation
which was directed to maintain the work of
merit and enjoin the irreligious, to leave it
alone. 4 The Assembly was composed of the
Mayor, the Senabova, Manigara and representa-
tives of the Mumuri Danda, and of trading
1 Pampa Adipurana VL Asvasa Padya 102. 103; Pampa Adipurana
6th asvasam 95.
2 E. C. V. Ak. 82.
8 E. C. V. 178. Ill Ml. 109.
4E. C VII. Sk. 94.
160 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
guilds. 1 The administration of the towns was
usually in the hands of merchant guilds,
Nigama Sabhas sometimes expanding them-
selves into an assembly of the citizens of which
the Pattana Swami was the head. 2 We learn
from epigraphical records that all important
towns as Talkad, Mankunda and Manyapura,
the residential capitals of the Gangas had all a
corporation and a Pattana Swami who looked
after public health, maintained houses of chari-
ty and repaired roads. The town organisation
was predominantly mercantile, comprising of
guilds ''Srenis" of oil-mongers, potters, bank-
ers, day labourers, bamboo workers, and 3 pan-
chalas or five guilds of artisans. The guilds
received deposits and paid interest on them.
Though merchants of brahmin 4 descent import-
ing horses and elephants, and pearls in ships by
the sea, and selling them to kings, are spoken
of in a few inscriptions, the mercantile and
traditional classes were mostly "Vira Banaji-
gas" whose formal meetings or convocations
were generally accompanied with setting up,
the diamond "Vaisanige or Bayasanige" 6 as
1 E. C. VII Sk. 94.
2E. C. IV Gtu 34.
3 E. C. V. Ak. 22.
4E. C. V. Ak. 77; VII. Sk. 119.
5E. C. V. Bl. 75; E. C. IX. Dg. 59.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 161
the symbol of their guild. The towns were also
the meeting place of merchant caravans of
which the Kerala and Malayala merchants are
mentioned as wearing Vibhutipatta, and as
making gifts, as experts in testing gems and
gaining credit as suppliers of the wants of
kings and as truthful negotiators of alliances
between hostile kings.
The assembly of the town imposed taxes oti
houses, oil mills, potters, washermen, masons,
basket makers, shop keepers, and customs on
import and exports, giving exemption to brah-
mins from 1 payment of chief taxes, and ad-
ministered law and order through the Nagarika
or the Totigara* the magistrate and head of
the city police. He had to dispose of all im-
portant disputes relating to the roads and
houses, regulate prices, take the census and keep
a record of all persons coming into and leaving
the city, and at the same time remit regular
accounts to the king. He also enforced regula-
tions regarding houses and streets and sanita-
tion, assisted by Gopas and Sthanikas. 3 The
brahmins enjoyed exemption from payment of
taxes and customs dues of the nad, on condition
of carrying out annual repairs or managing
1 E. C. IV. Hs. 187.
2 E. C. V. Ak. 31.
8 E. C. HI. Tnu 176.
it
162 * THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
public affairs, which they successfully per-
formed by appointing one of their number in
rotation once a month. 1 (Masa Veggade tana).
The Assembly of the towns enjoyed great
autonomy and freedom, and their rights and
privileges regarding making grants, licences
and general administration of the town were
zealously protected and safeguarded by the
king who in one of the inscriptions, is interest-
ingly referred to as having bought the Umbali
land belonging to a Setti, the Pattanaswami
of the town, by washing his feet (Kalagarcli-
chu) and with the knowledge of the priests and
townsmen, by making a suitable agreement
with him. 2
The military organisation of the kingdom,
Military probably, was one of feudal cha-
racter. Besides the king's per-
tration. sonal troops, the provincial gov-
ernors supplied their quota in time of war, and
were also required to give all kinds of assist-
tance. The kings could collect as many sol-
diers as they wanted without difficulty. The
permanent standing army, composed of infant-
ry, cavalry, and elephants was not only a war
machine thoroughly well equipped and drilled
to a high state of efficiency, but was animated
IB. C. VI. Kp. 44; Tp. 2.
2B. C. VH. Sk. 99.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 16$
by the highest spirit of devotion and loyalty to
their sovereign and recognised by the people as
their own defence against misrule and foreign
aggression. Though references are made to the
conventional Chaturanga, there is no specific
mention of the chariot as an integral part of
military organisation. Chariots might have
been used very rarely 1 as can be inferred from
the study of the friezes of the Halebidu and
other temples containing sculptures of war
scenes, of the epics depicted in the manner in
which the battles were fought in the days of the
Kadambas, Gangas and Hoysalas. A form of
open trek cart with disc wheels and axles dove-
tailed to the top of the cart with an wooden
band and drawn by horses, seems to have been
used in the field of battle. Mention is made of
the cartmen (bandiyakara) in Hoysala inscrip-
tions and it is possible that he not only made
supplies of the sinews of war, but often parti-
cipated in battles. The high military officials
usually bore the title Dandanayaka? or Dana-
yaka or Mahaprachanda Danayaka, Maha
JSamantadhipati and Senadhipati Hiriya Hed-
davala* Next in order in the military hier-
i E. C. VIII. Sa. 58.
2E. C. Ill Tn. 27; E. C. Hu. IT SB. 118. 240.
3 E. C. X. Bp. 9. V. Hn. 69.
164 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
archy, were the Dandadhipas 1 the generals
eulogised in several inscriptions for their firm-
ness, goodness, appropriate generosity, courage,
behaviour and profundity. The masters of the
horse were known as Pallikaras, Adalajas 2 and
Asvadhyakshas or Turuga Sahani. The other
officers were the superintendents of mines
(Okara Mandalika)? Vaidya, and Maha
Vaddavyavahari* who was probably an army
contractor responsible for commissariat sup-
plies. 5 There were the wardens of the marches
in all the frontiers of the kingdom and those
who were stationed in the eastern frontier were
known as (Muda Datara). 6
It may have been a custom among the Ganga
rulers, as it was also in the time of the Hoy-
salas, to enlist in the army local robber tribes
like the Bedas who were expert archers. The
army contained men of all castes including
goldsmiths and carpenters. Sometimes there
were caste contingents separately organised and
placed under Danayaks who were brahmins.
The infantry, composed of regular and irregu-
IE. C. II SB. 142.
2E. C. IV. Ha, 65.
3E. C. V. On. 269.
4E. C. III. Ml. 56; VII Sk. 118.
5 Banna. Gadayuddha III Asvaaa. Padya
6E. C. VII. Sk. 56, 60.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 165
lar troops, king's messengers and servants, was
counted to be of not much value. The Saman-
tas often engaged a mercenary army while cam-
paigning in a distant country. The foot sol-
diers armed themselves with flat coats of leather
and flat helmets and steel armours and shields
to protect themselves against javelin thrusts
and arrow shots, while they used bucklers,
broad swords, lances and arrows and javelins,
for purposes of assault. They carried fire arms
of some sort. 1 They were also initiated into the
difficult methods of climbing hill forts. 2 The
cavalrymen wore breast plates and flat helmets
and used lances, daggers, swords and bucklers
in the battlefield. The horses which were
mostly imported 3 by sea for war operations,
were protected by coats of mail.
The elephant formed a very important part
of the army and it was given special training
in killing warriors, (vadhakrama) being made
to trample under foot stuffed objects of
human shape. Mavantas (elephant drivers)
and Ekkatigar (soldiers employed to guard the
elephants during the battle) were given special
training in elephant management. The com-
IE. C. XI Dg. 25; Bice: Mysore and Coorg from the Ins. 171.
2 Pampa Adipurana VI. Asvasa 61, 63.
3 E, 0. VII Sk. 197.
166 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
mander of the elephants was known as Gaja
Sahani. 1 As the use of elephants developed the
courage, strength and skill of fighters special
training seems to have been given to soldiers
and princes in fighting the elephant, and many
Ganga princes are mentioned in inscriptions as
young lions breaking the pride of elephants. 2
Butuga, the younger brother of Rajamalla II
defeated the Kongas who resisted his tying up
elephants and he captured many herds accord-
ing to the old custom. 3 The art of catching
elephants, of rearing and training them to fight
had reached perfection under the Gangas, and
from Sivamara's Gaja Sataka which he wrote
in karmada after a profound research into the
methods of elephant's management, it is clear
that there were regular treatises on all these
subjects. Probably as elephants were captured
in the country, every Samanta was required to
maintain a number of them, and sometimes vil-
lages were assigned to chieftains in perpetuity
for the purpose. Though the elephants consti-
tuted the first line of defence in the field of
battle, standing like an impregnable wall, still,
in the case of a stampede they often determined
1 SK. 34.
2 M.A.R. 1921. P. 26.
8 M.A.R. 1919. P. 63. 68.
Bice: Mysore and Ooorg from the Ins. 44.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 167
the result of the battle, turning a situation in
the imminence of a victory to one of defeat and
disaster. The most terrible fighting was that
with the elephant force, and the fight always
tested the valour and physical strength of the
fighters. Inscriptions extol the king's valour in
attacking black masses of elephants in the
words "Soaked with blood issuing from the ele-
phants falling under the stroke of his sword,
like mountains struck by the thunderbolt of
Indra and in which demons and paisachas close-
ly followed dancing headless trunks/' 1
Warfare was a constant occupation of kings
employed for purposes of defence and battles
were always savagely fought out in the pasture
region. The government levied such taxes as
Aneya Sese, Kudureya Sese and Dandina Bhya-
gate to meet the extraordinary demands of the
army during the period of warfare. As the
slaughter of men was sinful, the ministers often
advised their sovereign on the eve of battle to
abandon active hostilities in preference to less
savage methods of deciding the victor of the
day, as jalayuddha (battle between tuskers in
water) Mallayuddha (single combat). 2 Con-
ches, horns and kettledrums were sounded while
1 E. I. VI. 47.
2Pampa Adipurana IV. Asvasa, Padyaa, 101-113.
168 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
the army was on the march and Javanikes*
(tents) were used for encampment on the field.
Bovas (carriers) Bidina bovas, Hiriya Kotta-
rada Bovakkal and Jagati Kottali were camp
followers. 2 When the elephants marched to
battle they were conducted by Harikara. They
were bound with chains on the legs and round
the stomach so as to get control over their move-
ments. The line of elephants was followed by
infantry with bows and arrows, cavalry, and
waggons carrying food for the army. The
banner was attached to the king's chariot or the
elephant in front of the army. 3 The deep
voiced drum when sounded could be heard from
afar elating the spirit of the soldiers and strik-
ing terror into the hearts of the enemy. 4 A
priest Ketakicharya, accompanied the army to
perform daily ceremonies. 5 Biting the straw
by the enemy was taken to be a token of sur-
render. 6 The strategy and tactics used in the
field of battle were an old fashioned one, based
on ancient text books which took no account of
foreign methods and the unity of command was
1 E. C. V. Cm. 269.
2 VI. HI. 7.
3 B. C. IkX. Bn. 6.
41. A. II. P. 303.
SIX. G. 40.
IV. Kp. 9.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 169
always hampered by tribal or sectarian divi-
sions and personal jealousies. The loss of the
leader was always the annihilation of the cause.
When once a panic ensued nothing availed to
keep together the fleeing troops and a defeat
was turned into a rout.
Border skirmishes usually began with the
capture of cattle, taken to be one of the many
hostile demonstrations of the enemy. The driv-
ing off cattle from grazing grounds into the
intervening woodlands, was tantamount to an
act of defiance, and was followed by an affray
for recovery of cattle, in which individual dis-
tinction was crowned with the grant 1 of rent-
free-land. In cases of death in such patriotic
exploits a grant of land called Bcd-galchu 2 or
Eakta Kodagi was made to the family, by the
tfhief of the nad or the king. Whenever victory
hung in the balance, it was customary for the
commander to entrust the command to some
noted champion and confirm it with the presen-
tation of betel leaf, with the solicitation to de-
vote his life to retrieve an impending defeat.
To be chosen for such an enterprise was always
deemed as a great 3 honour. The courage of the
warriors was stimulated by the belief that their
1 B. C. X. ML Page. 66, X. Bp. p. 130. 36. 45. 46. 47.
2E. C. V. Cn. 205.
3B. 0. VHL Sa. 84. 86. Bice: Mysore and Ooorg from the Ins. 171.
170 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
deeds of valour were eagerly watched by celes-
tial nymphs who, if they fell, would bear them
away from the battlefield in a triumphant pro-
cession to enjoy the delights of paradise. A
peculiar feature of the Ganga military organi-
sation was the dedication of a few to the ser-
vice of their king swearing to die with him on
the field of battle or accompany him on the
funeral pyre. One of Nitimarga's followers
evinced his fidelity, by being buried alive under
his master. 1 When Bajamalla Satyavakya
died of hiccough at Kombale, certain of his fol-
lowers committed themselves to death in the fire
through sorrow 2 for his decease. These life-
guards of the king came to be known in the
time of Hoysala kings as Garudas and several
inscriptions 3 bear testimony to the inviolable
vow of Garuda forces varying from one hun-
dred to thousand, and their committing suicide
when their sovereign died, along with their
wives and servants.
There is no evidence of a regular judicial
procedure in inscriptions and it
Justice. . , . , -
seems fairly certain that a sort of
rough and ready justice was dispensed accord-
1 E. C. III. Tri. 91.
2M.A.B. 1919. P. 63-68; E. C. V. Ag. 5-27.
8E. 0. VI. Kl. 9. 10; E. C. V. Ag. 5. 27.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 171
ing to the discretion of the authorities. The
king was the supreme court of justice and in
important cases his intervention was effective.
He never showed any partiality even towards
his own kith and kin and whenever any of his
relatives committed an act of injustice he never
failed to grant redress to the aggrieved party.
The king appointed judicial officers as Dharm-
madhyakshangal and Bajadhyakshangal^ who-
were to scrutinise morality as well as judicial
and political affairs. 1 Their main duty was to
check disloyalty to the throne, and to maintain
the purity of justice, of morals and of charita-
ble endowments. Maha Dandanayaka and
chief of the Nadus also exercised powers of
control and punishment and were spoken off as
Droha-gharatta. Dharmadi Karna or Dharma
Karanika inquired into revenue disputes and
administered justice.
One of the striking aspects of judicial ad-
ministration in Gangavadi was that of partition
and inheritance of property. Some inscrip-
tions recognise the right of the widow and her
daughters to the property on the death of the
man without male issue. Some other inscrip-
tions completely ignore the rights of the widow
and recognise the claims of the brothers of the
IE. C. VII. Sk. 123; E. I. XV. 81.
172 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
deceased. One inscription gives reference to
the claim of the son-in-law failing which that of
the uncles Kiriyaya and Hiriyaya and their
sons. 1 The practice of allowing the children of
female slaves to inherit the estate, on failure of
all other heirs, seems to have been universal in
the country, 2 as can be gleaned from several
inscriptions which mention of the regulations
regarding the claims of women and children of
female slaves (Tottinamakkalige saluvudu).
The property was used for charitable purposes
in the last resort, by common agreement among
the people in the absence of all heirs inclusive
of the slaves to the property. No great distinc-
tion was observed in civil and criminal cases.
Civil cases to be settled by the king's court or
the chief judicial officers were very few, and
practically the settlement of judicial disputes
devolved on the shoulders of the village parlia-
ments and corporations of towns. All disputes
and questions had to be decided by or on the
evidence of the leading men of the locality.
Much unnecessary litigation was avoided by
the practice of Samyasasana, failing which, by
that of public sales in the presence of the lead-
ing men of the village. When disputes about
IB. C. V. Ak. 49; VL Tk. 55.
"3W. B. 219. Cp. 72, Cj. 59. Tn. 21.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 173-
the boundaries arose, the officers of the Nadu,
as the Gaudas, merchants and the people of the
village assembled at a place to inspect the pro-
perty and to hear evidence and to give final
decisions in the matter. Because of the import-
ance of the matter, the unanimous decision of
a large assembly of persons was always soli-
cited. The decision was recorded by the Sena-
bova of the village and it was incumbent on the
parties concerned to accept the award of the
arbitrators. 1 Usually the Kula in legal proceed-
ings constituted the first court where attempts
were made to bring about an equitable distribu-
tion of disputed territory. If its authority was
questioned or repudiated, then the Sreni the
trade guilds of the locality, the Puga, corpora-
tions of men of different castes and occupations
and all residents of the same place, arbitrated
in the matter. Superior to these local courts
were the officers of the king, who in consonance
with the wishes of the assembly enforced unani-
mous decisions on the contestants ; when reliable
evidence was not available then they gave deci-
sions either by an examination of boundary
marks or on the testimony of the respectable peo-
ple of the village. The king settled the bound-
aries on his own authority and divided the dis-
lAk. 49. M.A.E. 1924, P. 34, 35.
174 THE GANGAS OP TALKAD
puted territory equally between the two par-
ties. 1 The scope of the disputes over land sales
was further limited by the provision, that tax
payers should sell their immovable property to
tax payers and the holders of Brahma Deya
(tax free) lands only to those who possessed
already such immunities.
Besides, the sale of immovable property had
to be made in the presence of witnesses, with the
-consent of the sons, the Jnati, the neighbours,
the relatives and the Mahajanas and was always
to be accompanied by gifts of gold and water. 2
The sellers agreed to settle the disputes about
the boundaries, if any disputes arose after the
transactions. 3 The usual practice was giving
land only for cultivation (Jalapashana Var-
jita bele Bhumiyagol*) and of forbidding its
mortgage to another. Sometimes the sale of
the land was restricted only to those who could
<carry on services 5 or its being transferred to
the creditor himself on settlement of debts. 6
The custom, as in some unusual instances, of
exacting fines and threatening eviction of the
iColebrooke: Mitakshara, B. II. Ch. V. 30; Ch. X 153.
^Ak. 82. 120. Kd. 56. Mitakshara * . Sd. I. 31.
3Ak. 120.
4Ak. 123.
SCk. 2.
Kd. 65,
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 175
tenant in case of misdemeanour, slander or
adultery, the threat 1 of deprivation of pro-
perty, and punishments in case of violation of
customary laws, Samaja Sasanas or compacts
with regard to preservation of pastures, and
lands and management of temples, seem to have
considerably circumscribed the scope of legal
disputes and reduced the volume of judicial
work for the king and his courts. In the ad-
ministration of justice, strict regard was paid
not only to the privileges of castes, corpora-
tions and families, but also to local customs and
any infringement of a recognised law or usage
was visited with heavy penalties. Most of the
disputes were in reference to demarcation of
boundaries of land, and to avoid the danger of
injustice being done to any one of the parties,
the king or officers of the Nadu often allowed
the parties to call in divine evidence in the form
of an ordeal. The ordeals were resorted to,
only in the last instance when documentary
evidence and testimony of neighbours were not
available or were inadequate
tory, 2 and when the defendant
agreed to abide by the result. 3
high families, liberally disposec
iBg. III. 115.
2Md. 79.
3 Mitakshara Bk. II. Oh. VTH. 134.
176 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
religious austerities and observances, were
cited as witnesses in ordinary contested suits,
in trials concerning heinous offences, as treach-
ery, disloyalty, assault, slander or violence, the
ordeals alone were the witnesses. 1 The ordeals
by balance, the fire, the water, the poison and
the rice were resorted to in trials to obtain
exoneration from serious allegations. The
ordeal by balance was prescribed for the brah-
mins, women, children, old and cripple, while
that of fire and water and poison for Kshatriya,
Vaishya and Sudra respectively. The rice
ordeal seems to have been administered in case
of larceny. 2 Several inscriptions merely men-
tion of the holding of the consecrated food in
the presence of the village God (Divyava
Hididu) . Probably ordeals were performed in
the presence of a large body of people and in-
variably in front of a temple. After the wor-
ship of the deities of the village by wise and
pious brahmins, a Sirapatra leaflet containing
the subject matter of ,the accusation was placed
on the head of the man performing the ordeal,
by the chief judge with the mantra saying that
the sun, the moon and the fire know the action
of men. 3 After the ordeal the judges examined
iGharpure: Mitakshara, P. 40.
2Gharpure p. 165.
8 Mitakflhara Bk. H ch. VII. 148.
GANGA ADMINISTRATION 177
the result and gave a decision, and a certificate
of victory (Jayapatra) was issued to the suc-
cessful party.
The government was free from cruelty and
was not debased by the system of espionage.
The king let the people live their own lives
without needless interference and was temper-
ate in the repression of crime. As Jainism, the
dominent religion of Gangavadi laid the strong-
est emphasis on moral rectitude and sanctity of
animal life and promoted high truthfulness and
honesty among the people, crime seems to have
been rare. The administration of criminal
justice was not characterised by any uncompro-
mising sternness and slight regard to human
life as was the case in the early period. It was
considerably milder and offences were generally
punished by fines, death penalty being inflicted
only in cases of murder. A rough and ready
justice was dispensed with and most of the cases
were decided by ordeals. The local authorities
were invested with magisterial powers and as a
frequent resort to the capital, was not possible a
great many of them were decided by them. One
of the special characteristics of Ganga grants is
their insistence on heavy penalties being im-
posed on offenders for breaches in the town
wall, channel, banks of reservoirs or destruction
of groves and cattle. The sinner who destroyed
12
178 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
the tank or grove or a cow was not only guilty
of slaughtering tawny cows on the banks of the
Ganges, of being stained with the murder of a
thousand brahmins of Varanasi, but also of in-
curring the result of five sins and of suffering
eternal perdition in the place appointed for
such sins. 1
With regard to local fights the King's repre-
sentatives in the Nad administered justice.
Death seems to have been the punishment for
murder, for, a powerful wrestler for having the
misfortune in killing in a match or a bout, his
opponent apparently a relation of a king was
marched off to Talkad and put 2 to death. 3 The
dwelling place of a chief who had kept posses-
sion of a dog that did not belong to him was
burnt and his property was confiscated.
IE. c. rv. Hg. is.
a E. C. IV. Hg. 18.
3E. C. VT. Hs. 10-11.
CHAPTEE VIII
RELIGIOUS LIFE
SOUTH India during the ten centuries of the
T~* ^ ^ ^ Christian era was an intellectual
Introductory.
arena of four different warring
creeds, Jainism, Buddhism, Saivism and
Vaishnavism. A colourful record of their con-
flicts with each other is indelibly preserved by
the incidental marks left on monuments and on
the body of the vernacular literature of the
country. But their animosities, rivalries and
bickerings did not lead to any violent or active
persecution. The Hindu mind has always been
prone, to quote Niti Vakyamrta of Somadeva,
to recognise Dharma as the common heritage of
all mankind, and particular usages as special
only to classes or castes enjoined in their res-
pective scriptures bearing on Varnasrama-
Dharma. This toleration was the accepted
principle of the state, in religious affairs, and
was consistent with existing practice as a state
policy. The kings patronised different sects
heretical and religious and even took a leading
part in religious discussions and disputes, for
they liked to hear learned discourses and dis-
cussions between savants expounding ap-
180 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
parently diverging faiths. The scholastic charac-
ter of theological discussions, of recognising the
opponent's defeat in argument as the criterion
of truth and the recognition of the supremacy
of logic in preference to revelation, were some
of the notable features of the religious life of
this period. The beliefs of the hindus and other
communities abounded in all kinds of theistic
and atheistic views and one could discern
several strands of religious belief among the
people. The beliefs were compounded of such
varied elements such as nature worship, wor-
ship of creatures like the snake and worship of
many gods and goddesses presided over by the
supreme deity living in celestial lokas, ancestor
worship, veneration of parents, worship of spi-
rits, hero worship and at the same time a form
of pure monotheism which thrived very well in
the midst of this conglomeration of beliefs.
The earliest inhabitants of Gangavadi were a
race of serpent worshippers. They were, pro-
bably, a powerful scythian race who invaded
India prior to the appearance of the Aryans,
and established their colonies all over the coun-
try. Inscriptional records of kings claiming
Naga descent, 1 marrying daughters of the Naga
race, and using Phani Dhwaja or serpent flag 2
II. A. VII 106.
SB. C. VII. HoaalL No. 50; VII, Om. 95.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 181
as a symbol of royalty, leave no room for doubt
that the Nagas of Gangavadi, as of the other
parts of India, were a real and powerful race of
people to whom the application of the term
Naga was not merely a tribal name but an appel-
lation used by later brahmanical writers to dis-
tinguish them from the rest. Their veneration
for the Naga must have been the basis of this
appellation. Naga worship was more wide-
spread and intense in the South and Gangavadi
than in other parts of India. These people were
cut off by nature from the rest of the peninsula
and their popular beliefs were less subject to
the influence of neighbouring culture and reli-
gion. Though there are references in mediaeval
inscriptions of the South, to kings giving dona-
tions to brahmins for performing the Sarpa-
yaga sacrifice, indicative of a wholesale subju-
gation and extinction of Nagas as serpent wor-
shippers, it is difficult to determine when Naga
worship came to be superseded by Saivism and
other forms of worship.
Saivism in its early phases was influenced by
animistic and Naga cults. The romance of
Siva, a trans-Himalayan God, his desire to have
a part in the worship of the conquering Aryans
and in their sacrifices, his disturbance of Aryan
rites, and his ultimate exaltation to the status
of one of the trinity, all elucidate the intimate
182 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
struggle between Aryan gods and non-Aryan
gods for supremacy. Of all the three gods of
the Trinity, it is Siva, who represents chiefly the
non- Aryan or Turanian element in Hinduism
by his intimate connection with the Earth as
lord of the mountains and master of the ghosts.
It is as difficult to state when the Linga cult
became prevalent, in the country, as it is to fix
the time when the worship of Siva coalesced
with that of the Linga. That Siva was being
revered in the form of the Linga in the first
century A.D., appears pretty certain, for this
worship seems to have been the state religion at
the time of the early Kushans and Kadamba
kings. 1 Sporadic settlers, followed later, by
progressive streams of brahmins, gradually
spread themselves up to the extreme end of the
peninsula and impressed their religious thought
upon the local inhabitants, long before the ac-
tive spread of Buddhism or Jainism. The
Jogayyapetha and Mayidavalla grants, the
Malavalli and Talgunda inscriptions recording
grants to Brahmins for worship of Siva, and
references in inscriptions to the people north of
Vengadam, of Erainainadu (Mysore) speaking
the same language Vaduki, confirm the belief
that the brahmins had migrated to the South
1L A. XLI. 231.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 183
in the first few centuries after Christ, and had
made extensive settlements there. A knowledge
of the peculiar thoughts, manners and religious
tenets of the Dravidians led to an interchange
and assimilation of ideas hitherto strange to
these Aryan invaders. Dravidian culture had
a matriarchal element and the Aryan pan-
theon which had not admitted goddesses to
supreme authority so far, probably because of
the patriarchal character of its culture, ab-
sorbed much of the religious spirit of the Dra-
vidians, who from a remote period had wor-
shipped the mother earth as the principal deity.
The Aryan religion underwent a change which
was affected as much by intellectual develop-
ment as by environment. The brahmanisation
of the old native gods and goddesses was accom-
plished gradually, with the result that most of
the spirits and objects dear to the soil were now
exalted to the status of divinity and assigned a
place in the Hindu Vedic pantheon. Dravidian
goddesses as Gramadevata or Kshetradevata, a
titular deity of the village or town as Kali,
Durga and others in the development of theistic
and devotional hinduism were incorporated
gradually into a consistent theological scheme
as manifestations of one goddess who is her-
self the supreme power, energy, or Sakti the
power inherent in the male deity. The early
184 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
forms of worship such as those of spirits, Naga
and Linga, flourished in the country contempo-
raneously with Buddhism, and Jainism.
There is a divergence of opinion regarding
the time when Buddhism was introduced into
the south. Some scholars contend that it was
already flourishing in the country long before
the time of the great Mauryas. Though the
Buddhistic chronicles of Ceylon profess to
carry the time of the advent of Buddhism to the
South as far back as the age of Buddha himself,
the absence of any real knowledge of its history
anterior to the age of Asoka leaves on one the
impression that the active diffusion of the reli-
gion, might have been brought about solely by
the energetic efforts of Asoka and Tissa of Cey-
lon. 1 Among the countries to which the emperor
sent his great missionaries are mentioned Mahi-
shamandala, Erainaiyur, Vanavasi and Apa-
ranta, mostly comprising of the dominion of
Mysore and its neighbourhood. The Andhras
who established their hegemony in the Deccan
after the dissolution of the Mauryan Empire
were ardent Buddhists. The religion gained
ground during their rule in those parts of
southern India as Chitaldoorg, Shimoga, and
Kollahpur and Paithan which had acknowledg-
1 8. Krishnajwamy lyengar : Beginnings of South Indian History.
P. 9^36.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 185
ed their rule. There were Buddhistic centres
of considerable importance, both in the east and
west of their empire, as Purvasilla and Avar-
sUla Sangharanas at Dhanyakataka (Amara-
vati). The Buddhistic work Manimekhaiai
refers to the Brahmin settlements with their
sanctified places for the celebration of sacri-
fices, large hermitages for the votaries of the
Jaina religion, places for the residence and pro-
pagation of the Saiva faith, and well provided
garden places, for the Buddhists, as having
existed in close propinquity with one another
in the country. It is probable that the earlier
culture of the Deccan between 225 A. C. and
225 A.D. took a definite shape, primarily under
Buddhistic stimulus and emerged into the new
Brahmanical culture of the post-Satavahana
period. It received the patronage of the Ganga
kings along with other creeds in the country.
Madhava II made grants to Jain temples, and
Buddhist viharas. But Buddhism could not
take deep root in Gangavadi and the South as
it was intolerant of ritualism. At the same
time it lacked the political influence that the
other religions possessed in the royal house-
holds. It provoked great hostility owing to its
nihilistic aspects. A leading religion in the
Sangham period, it declined in the age of
Nayanmars and Alwars. Sambandar, Manika-
186 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
vachakar Tirumalisai, Tondaradipodiyalwar,
Tirumanghai Alwar, Nammalwar, were some of
the great savants who realised the futility of
endless religious discussions and the need for
devotion to one supreme being, whose nature
was Love. They engaged themselves in regular
missionary work and carried crusades relent-
lessly to wipe out all heretical sects like Bud-
dhism and Jainism which tended to disinte-
grate society. During the reign of Harivarma
a Buddhist disputant, Vadimada Gajendra, in
the pride of his learning affixed to the main
door of the palace at Talavanapura a pattra or
(scroll) asserting his claim to be the foremost
scholar in logic, grammar and other branches of
learning. Then a Brahmin named Madhavd
BJiatta put his pretence to the proof before
the king and when the Buddhist opponent
denied the existence of the soul, the latter
established its existence and vanquished
him. The king was pleased and gave the victo-
rious brahmin the title Vadhiba Simha and
with it the gift of the Orekondu village. 1 Like-
wise Butuga or Nanniya Ganga worsted a bud-
dhistic controversialist in what appears to have
been an open debate.
While Buddhism gradually became extinct in
1 I. A. VIIL P. 212.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 1ST
Gangavadi owing to the preponderance of Jai-
nism, Brahmanism with its remarkable capa-
city to assimilate the vital elements of other
cultures strengthened itself by absorbing the
ethical aspect of its two rival creeds. The
introduction of Brahmins into Stanagundur bjr
the Kadamba king Trinetra from Ahicchatra-
agraliaram the admission of brahmins into Pal-
lava country by Mukkanti and the devotion of
Vishnugopa during the same period to the wor-
ship of Brahmins and the tradition of his
having lost the Jain tokens which were the
heirlooms of his house, are evidences indicating
the general public recognition of Brahmanism
in the south. Madhava and Harivarma are
represented as being devoted to the worship of
the gurus, cows and brahmins. Tadangala
Madhava is described as the reviver of dona-
tions for long ceased festivals of the gods and
sacrifices. Avinita, Durvinita, Sripurusha and
Marasimha are mentioned in copper plate
grants as maintaining like Manu, the castes and
religious orders of the south and making large
grants of villages to Brahmins. Brahminism
continued to preserve its old Vedic rites and
sacrifices 1 along with the worship of other
. C. VII. Sk. P. 178; V. Belur P. 121; IX. Kolar, 63.
188 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
native gods who were exalted to the Vedic pan-
theon. It enjoyed great patronage and even
preferential treatment from Ganga kings
though they were of Jaina persuasion.
The practices of some of the devotees of Siva
were almost staggering and their beliefs
strange. There were the Pasupatas some-
times called Mahesvara, who extolled Siva as
the Almighty, wore the marks of sacred ashes
on their persons and worshipped the image or
phallic emblem of the deity. 1 Some cut off
their hair, others made it into a top knot ; some
went about naked and smeared themselves with
ashes, but all persevered in austerities to seek
release from mortal existence. 2 Some believed
in a set of demons who were the followers or
companions of Siva and who were to be propiti-
ated by human sacrifices or by oblations of the
flesh of the dead. The Kapalikas worshipped
Bhairava, wore garlands of skulls, offered
sacrifices of animals and human beings, feasted
on flesh and wine, worshipped women as the em-
bodiment of Adi Sakti, and at the same time,
recognised equality of all classes of people in-
cluding the Panchamas in the act of divine wor-
ship. Many stories are current which testify to
l Fleet : Gupta Inscriptions P. 165.
* Yuan Chang: Tr. Watters Vol. I, Pp. 206 and 3371; H, P. 47.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 189*
the strange beliefs of the Saiva cult and their
prevalence all over Gangavadi. A Mahendra,
Eaja of Ganga lineage applied to Rajamalla I
to permit the construction of a temple for the
goddess "Kilta Bal-eretti-Bhatari" apparently^
a form of Sakti. The worshipper of the god-
dess was a Vaikhanasa, 1 one whose mode of
worship was in accordance with Vaikhanasa
Agamas. The Tantric Siva worship and
Candika worship seem to have originated in the
south among the Andhras and the Dravidians
who were always spoken of as the chief priests
in these rites. 2 Saivism in Gangavadi, how-
ever, was qualified monism* which abhorred
the bloody sacrifices and the revolting practices
of the Kapalikas. It regarded Vedas and Aga-
mas as its scriptures, the former being intended
for the twice-born and the latter for all. LaUu-
lisa Pasupatas or Kalamukhas exercised consi-
derable influence in Gangavadi in the ninth,
tenth and the following centuries. Inscriptions
also refer to other orthodox and heretical sects
which adhered to their doctrines and lived in
amity with the followers of other religions-.
1M.A.R. 1910. P. 58.
2C. V. Vaidya: Mediaeval India I. P. 104.
3 Sarvadarshana Sangraha: Tr, Cowell and Gtough. P. 105.
192 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
was in no small part due to the propagandist
activities of the great Jain Acharyas.
It is surmised that the Jaina religion pene-
trated south India as early as 300 B.C. and that
Bhadrabahu, the last Srutakaveli, who pre-
dicted a twelve years' famine in the north, led
the great Migration across the Vindhyas, ac-
companied on this journey by his disciple, the
Mauryan emperor, Chandragupta. On reaching
Sravanbelgola and perceiving his end nearing,
the Srutakaveli ordered the Jaina community
to proceed on their journey, himself remaining
at Vindhyagiri, the smaller hill at that place.
There he died, tended in his last moments by
his disciple. 1 Upon the death of Bhadrabahu,
Chandragupta continued there as an ascetic for
several years, worshipping the footprints of his
guru, till his death by the Jaina rite of Salle-
khana. It must also be remembered that up to
this period there was no split in the Jaina fold
and indeed this great migration constituted the
initial fact of the Digambara tradition. 2 The
Bhadrabahu legend is further supported by a
complete absence of the Svetambaras in the
south where the Jains claim to belong to the
Mula Sangha or the Original Congregation. It
lEp. Cam., Ill, 8r. 147-148; E. C. H SB. 31, 67.
2 Vienna Oriental Journal, XXOVII, P. 382.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 193
may also be observed that the Digambaras had
gone from Bhadalpur (Pataliputra) or Tirup-
papuliyam (modern Cuddalore) to Delhi and
Jaipur for religious propagandism. 1
For close upon half-a-millenium from this
time on, Gangavadi witnessed a vigorous and
intensive campaign by rival religions competing
for supremacy as well as the peregrinations of
religious leaders embracing different faiths on a
missionary enterprise amongst the rulers and
the masses. The Jain Acharyas began prosely-
tising on an extensive scale and secured a rapid
spread of their religion; and by about the 4th
century A.D. Jainism had come to dominate the
life and thought of the people of Pandya, Chola
and Chera kingdoms. Tamil classical litera-
ture prospered under Jaina auspices, and
Kaveripatanam and Madura became centres of
great literary importance. Illangovadigal
younger brother of a Chera king and contempo-
rary of Gajabahu of Ceylon was a Jain and
author of Silappadikaram. Tradition men-
tions of a sage Kundakunda as having occupied
the pontificial chair about 8 B.C. and carried on
the work of propagation. The scattered facts
culled out from traditions and literary remains,
the identification of Elacharya, the author of
Und., XXI Pp. 59-60.
13
194 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Kural, with Kundakunda, the priority of Rural
to Silappadikaram and Manimekhcdai produce
cumulative evidence to conclude that Kunda-
kunda was of Dravidian origin belonging to the
Dravida Sangha. 1 He probably lived in Patali-
putra, the seat of Dravida Sangha and wrote
\Panchastikaya, Dvadasamukha, Pravachana-
sara, and Samayasara in Prakrit, then the court
language of the Pallavas, for the benefit of his
royal disciple Sivakumara Maharaja. He is
reported to have made triumphant journeys to
Pandya, Chola, and Chera kingdoms for the
purpose of spreading the Jaina Dharma, and
converted them to the true faith.
One of the most remarkable teachers of his
line, intent on vigorous religious propaganda
and on wiping out heretical and nihilistic doc-
trines of Buddhism, was Samantabhadra, who
lived in the neighbourhood of the third century
AJX He is said to have been skilful in reduc-
ing to ashes the depressing and abstinate dis-
ease Bhasmaka. An interesting story is told
in Eajavali Kathe how he, on the advice of his
guru, went to Kanchi to gratify his voracious
and morbid appetite and how he miraculously
suppressed that appetite and earned the con-
1 1. A. XX. XXI. Digambara Pattavalis Pp. 60, 61.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 195
version of Sivakoti of KancM to Jainism, 1 His
disciple later on came to be known as Sivakota-
charya celebrated in jaina history for writing a
commentary on Tatvarthasara? It was a cus-
tom in those days for a drum to be fixed in a
public place in the city. 8 Any learned man
who wished to propagate a doctrine or prove his
erudition and skill in debate would strike it by
way of challenge to disputation. Samanta-
bhadra made full use of this custom, and power-
fully maintained by his great learning and pole-
mical skill, the Jaina doctrine of Syadvada.
This preceptor addressed one unnamed king of
Karaltataka (Karhad) 4 perhaps the capital of
the Silaharas and undertook a missionary tour
to Pataliputra, Malwa, Sindhu, 5 Tikka, Kan-
chipura and Vaidesa.
Simhanandi is another celebrated teacher who
is mentioned in many inscriptions as helping
Madhava Konganivarma in founding his dy-
nasty and establishing his power. 6 He took up
the cause of Madhava and Didiga, and in due
IE. C. II. P. 83.
V E. C. II. 254.
3 Giles: Fahien's travels P. 57.
Beal : The life of Hiuen Tsang Pp. 161-165.
41. A. XXL 228.
5E. C. II SB. 67; VIII Sa. 156.
Si. i. IJ, 387; E. C. VII. Sk 4; VIII Ng 35 and 36.
196 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
course he provided them with an army and in-
vested them with all kingly powers. 1 He final-
ly insisted on the two brothers changing their
faith to Jainism, as Gangavadi was then pre-
dominantly Jain and attempted with their sup-
port to secure the solidarity of the Jaina com-
munity. The immediate successors of Simha-
nandi were Vakragriva, Vajranandin, author of
Navastotra, and Patrakesari, renowned as a
refuter of the Trilakshana theory of matter
Utpada, Vyaya, and Dlirauvya existence, ex-
tinction, and endurance. He is not the Acharya
referred to by Prof. Patak who imagines him
to be identical with Vidyananda supposed to be
a contemporary of Akalanka and the refuter of
Astasasti and Pramanapariksa. 2 Sumatideve
was the author of Sumatisaptaka containing
wise thoughts on fortune, wealth, pleasure and
salvation. Kumarasena and Chintamani were
the immediate predecessors of the reputed Sri-
vardhadeva, sometimes called from his birth-
place, Tumbulacharya and the author of Chuda-
mani containing 96,000 verses, a fact retold in
Bhattakalanka's Sabdanusasana. An inscrip-
tion quotes a couplet by Dandin 3 of the seventh
lEice: Mysore Gazetteer I. 310.
2J.B. B.R.A.S. XVIII P. 222.
Ibid 232.
81. A. XVI. 12.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 197
century highly praising its author who produc-
ed Sarasvati from the tip of his tongue just as
Siva produced the Ganges from the tip of his
top knot. 1
A contemporary of Srivardha was Pujya-
pada also called Devanandi who probably be-
longed to the first half of the seventh century.
He was a Jaina muni or anchorite who prac-
tised Yoga and was believed to have acquired
extraordinary psychic powers. He travelled
throughout south India, encountered disputants
and successfully vanquished them in open
debate. He is reported to have gone as far as
Vidhcha (Behar) in the north. His learning
extended over a wide range and enabled him to
make valuable contributions to Jaina philoso-
phy, logic and grammar. Possibly, Pujyapada
was the preceptor of Durvinita as Sabdavatara
(the name of Nyasa on Panini) is attributed to
a Jain grammarian by name Pujyapada be-
longing probably to the latter half of the sixth
century. 2 Pujyapada was followed by a few
Acharyas of the type of Mahesvara who pro-
bably kept up the traditions of Mulasangha byl
maintaining the supremacy of Jainism over
other conflicting religions.
l E. C. II SB. 67.
2 1. A. xm, 211.
198 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
According to Digambara Darsana, a Dravida
Sangha was founded at Madura by Vajranandi,
a disciple of Pujyapada, for spreading the
Jaina faith. Gangas, Pallavas of Kanchi and
the Rashtrakutas of Malked were staunch Jains,
one or two even going to the extent of persecut-
ing other religions. We learn from the inscrip-
tions of Western Chalukya kings Pulekesin II,
Vijayaditya and Vikramaditya II that they
favoured the Jaina faith by executing repairs to
temples and granting villages to them. 1 Aka-
larika, a Jain teacher from Belgola who had
been educated in the Bauddha college at Pon-
natanagara (Trivatur) is reported to have van-
quished the Buddhists in disputations at Kan-
chi. He addressed three verses to a king Saha-
satunga Himasitala and in the third verse
claims to have overcome the Bauddhas in his
court. He secured the conversion of the prince
and the banishment to Ceylon of the Bauddhas
who were said to have come from Benares in
the third century A.D. 2 Akalanka's period also
witnessed the reinforcement of Jainism by a
further migration of Jains from the north to
Tondaimandalam and the establishment of
their settlements at Annamalai, Madura and
1 Bombay Gazetteer. II, 191.
5 Wilson: Introduction to Mackenzie's Manuscripts P. 40.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 199
Sravanabelgola. Sandusena, Indusena and
Kanakanandi were some of the reputed teachers
of the Jaina settlements at Annamalai. Push-
pasana, Vimalachandra, and Indranandi who
belonged to the original congregation at Sra-
vanabelgola were probably the colleagues of
Akalanka and contemporaries of the great
Ganga rulers of the eighth century Sripurusha
and Sivamara II. Toranacharya and his disci-
ple Pushpanandi were gurus of Sivamara. 1
Vimalachandra, a contemporary of Akalanka,
challenged the Saivas, Pasupatas, Bauddhas,
Kapalikas and Kapilas in a letter which he
applied to the gate of the palace of an unnamed
king with a surname Satrubhayankara, whose
city thronged with troops, horse and lofty ele-
phants. Paramadimalla, during his extensive
missionary tour, is reported to have quoted a
verse in the presence of a king named Krisna-
raya, probably, of the Rashtrakutas. Aryavada,
another great Jaina missionary, observed the
vow of Kayotsarga on the small hill at Sravana-
belgola maintaining the limbs in a state of
absolute immobility and thus obtained deliver-
ence from the eight terrible kinds of Karma.
Charukirti and Karmaprakurti were probably
his contemporaries. Sripala Deva mentioned
* B. 0. IX. 60, 61.
200 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
in Jinasena's Adipurana 1 like Aryavada was a
Trividyactiarya, profound in grammar, logic
and philosophy. Matisena and Hemasena fol-
lowed the latter and earned great distinction by
challenging Buddhist disputants in the court
of one of the Rashtrakuta kings of the period.
} ElacJiarya who belonged to Desigana and Push-
takagaccha was the guru of Ereyappa a dis-
ciple of Sridharacharya. He subsisted on water
for one month and expired by Samadhi. 2
The period between the ninth and tenth cen-
turies witnessed a great religious revival in
every part of the peninsula with the object of
eradicating heretical doctrines of Jainism and
Buddhism. The cult of Bhakti embodied in
the revival of Saivism and Vaishnavisin of the
seventh and eighth centuries, was a reaction
to Vedic exclusiveness, Jaina asceticism and
Buddhistic moralism, and provided for the
saving priest or preceptor as an essential factor
to attain salvation. To secure the required
ebullition of emotion, visits to places of holy
reputation, acts of memorial service in temples
and the pouring out of one's heart in verses and
dancing were introduced. These changes in
Hinduism considerably increased its influence
IB. C. IX. H. Sb. 67 and J.B.B.B.A.S. XVHI P. 222.
2M.A.B. 1914, 18, P. 63.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 201
and secured the adhesion, loyalty and devotion
of all those who were in the Jaina fold and were
eager to expose to the world the inconsistency
between the life led by their teachers and the
beliefs to which people now adhered. If Sam-
bandar brought about the downfall of Jainism
in the Pandya kingdom, Appar expelled the
Jains from the Pallava country. 1 The rise of
Saiva saints and the Vaishnava Alwars, and
their intensive and active propaganda against
the Jains, the triumphant disputations and suc-
cessful peregrinations throughout the Deccan
and the north of the great Advaita philosopher
JSankara and Manikkavachakar and the estab-
lishment of mutts and organisations in import-
ant centres of Saiva and Vaishnavite persua-
sions, all effectively removed Jainism from
south India by about the latter half of the
ninth century.
As a result of these aggressions, the Jains in
the Tamil country sank into numerical and
political obscurity though they retained in full
their intellectual vitality and continued to
bring out books on grammar, lexicon and astro-
nomy. Inscriptions found in Malur, Periya-
kulam, Palni and Madura taluks indicate the
a Bamaswamy lyengar and B. Seshagiri Rao : Studies in South
Indian Jainism, P. 66.
202 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
extent of the territory over which Jaina influ-
ence was felt and the work done by Kurandi
Astopavasi and his famous disciples, and others
as Gunasena, Naganandi, Aristanemi, Ajja-
nandi referred to in Jivaka Chintamani, and
Mandalapurusha, a disciple of Gunabhadra and
author of the Tamil metrical dictionary. After
their persecution in the Pallava and Pandya
countries by the saints Appar and Sambandar,
the Jains probably migrated in large numbers
to Gangavadi always their centre and settled at
Sravanabelgola.
The Mulasangha produced about this time
some remarkable Jaina Acharyas who exerted
great influence in Gangavadi and the Rashtra-
kuta kingdoms. Prdbhachandra, one of the
most influential Jaina teachers who preceded
Jina, the guru of Amoghavarsha, influenced his
sovereign in carrying out works of piety and
encouraging Jaina thought and religion. Jina
was the author of Adipurana and his royal dis-
ciple, according to Chaundaraya Purana wrote
JinadJiarmadipikastaka. Gunabhadra, a disci-
ple of Jinasena, was a contemporary of the
Rashtrakuta king Krisna II who ruled between
880-911 1 A.D., and wrote Uttarapurcma. Ajita-
sena reputed to be the author of Alankara chu-
1 Bombay Gazetteer VII, Part II, 407-8.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 203
damani and Maniprakasa 1 was a disciple of
Gunabhadra and the guru of Marasimha and
the celebrated Ganga minister Chaundaraya.
Marasimha in 973 A.D. retired to Bankapur to
end his days by religious exercises at the feet
of Ajitasena and died after observing the vow
of Sallekhana. Chaundaraya and his son Jina-
devana were both lay disciples of Ajitasena and
dedicated a temple to him at Sravanabelgola.
During the time of Ajitasena and his imme-
diate successors great efforts were made with
royal support to revive Jainism. Dayapala who
composed the Hitarupasiddhi was the disciple
of Matisagara and fellow-student of Vadiraja.
The latter was one of the most remarkable tea-
chers in the latter half of the tenth century who
challenged rival religionists in the capital of
the Chalukya sovereign Jayasimha II (1018
1042). Srivijaya mentioned in Kesiraja's Sab-
damanidarpana and worshipped by Butuga,
Marasimha and Rakkasa Ganga, was a contem-
porary of Vadiraja.
Arhadbali conspicuous in Jaina history for
dividing the Mulasangha of Saraswati Gaccha
into four sanghas, Sena, Nandi, Deva, Simha,
"in order to minimise hatred and other evils
that might arise owing to the nature of the
1 Sanskrit Mas. in Mysore and Ooorg, P. 304.
204 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
times, m was a disciple of Gunabhadra as
Ajitasena.
The most powerful supporters of Jainism in
the south of India in their day
patronage. were the Gangas. Simhanandi the
great Jaina Acharya, who as-
sisted in the foundation of the Ganga dynasty
about 350 A.D., insisted that, if the people were
to accept the faith, the princes should lead the
way and enter the Jaina fold. Consolidation
of the Jainas followed in Gangavadi as a matter
of course. The Gangas, always ruled under the
protecting and wakeful eye of Jinendra. Inten-
sive propaganda on behalf of Jainism was
carried on everywhere. Though the change of
faith of Vishnugopa into Vaishnavism perhaps
caused the five royal tokens given by Indra to
vanish as foretold in the original warning and
Todangala Madhava, Avinita, Durvinita and
Mushkara showed distinct predeliction towards
Brahmanical Hinduism, nevertheless Jainism
on the whole prospered widely in Gangavadi
under the Gangas. The Gangas from the time
of Srivikrama adhered more steadily to the
Jain religion and with the Gangas and the
Rashtrakutas favouring this great faith, it had
a remarkably grand career for a few centuries
1 1. A. XXI 73.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 20S
side by side with the Saiva and Vaishnava
forms of Hindu religion. Numerous endow-
ments for temples and temple building sprang
up.
Several of the Ganga kings like Nitimarga,
Butuga and Marasimha were not only well
known for their learning and scholarship in
Jaina philosophy but were also remarkable for
their great acts of piety. Bastis, monasteries,
bridges, manastambhas, renovation of tanks,
gifts of villages for religious and humanitarian
purposes followed. Chaundaraya, himself the
author of a history of the Tirthankaras, cons-
tructed the Chaundaraya basti and the colossal
image of Gomatesvara at Sravanabelgola. Even
Rakkasa Ganga and Nitimarga III during the
dark days of the dynasty continued their patro-
nage of this religion. The temple at Talkad
was constructed and other works undertaken by
them. Talavanapura or modern Talkad, the
capital of the Gangas for about eight centuries,
was once a mighty city, adorned with beautiful
temples and monuments of architectural inte-
rest but it is now, submerged in the sand dunes
inexorably hoarded up by the river Kaveri ; and
who knows that some day, a merciful provi-
dence may render munificient aid and thus help
towards restoring the architectural beauties and
reviving in true and glorious colours the past
memories of Ganga rule !
206 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Asceticism has always been the ideal of
Digambara Jainism. The conquest
of the weakness of the flesh
expresses itself in the renunci-
ation of clothing and a rigid clinging to the
austerities of ascetic life. Of all the ascetics,
a Jaina sadhu stands apart by the peculiar na-
ture of his garments and austerities, as he was
expected to observe the five great vows and re-
dress himself from the dandas, salyas, garvas
and pramadas which taint the soul. The Jain
Acharyas were skilled in the contemplation of
the Jaina faith and the twelve Bhavanas. 1 The
Jaina Acharya was expected, with the perpetual
idea of the transitoriness of the world and the
helplessness of man before inexorable death to
subdue greed by egoism, and purify his intel-
lect. He was to believe in the inevitability of
the fruition of Karmas (asrava) and in the
subjugation of the soul to a never ending cycle
of births and rebirths (samsara). A clear con-
ception of the dependence of one's own future
on oneself (ekatva) was another attitude which
the Acharyas had to cultivate, together with the
separation of all else and the clear idea of the
solitude of the soul born alone and passing
alone (anyatva). Since ignorance of truth,
l B. 0. H 141, 258.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 207
passions, evil propensities and senses lead the
mind towards external objects of the world
(asrava), sedulous attempts were to be made to
redeem the soul from karmic matter through
right knowledge and self-restraint (samvara)
and shedding of Karma already there, by sub-
duing anger by forbearance, pride by humility,
duplicity by sincerity, greed by contentment,
sense objects by control of the senses.
Freeing of the eternal spirit from the bonds
of eternal matter by asceticism and austere
religious practices was thus the fundamental
fact in the life of the Jaina Acharyas of the
Oanga period. He who could not resist his
passions and could not endure austerities could
commit suicide, for the Jain ascetic was assur-
ed of Nirvana after twelve years of asceticism
consisting of very rigid fasts. Of the twelve
Pratimas or fasts that he had to observe, the
first seven extended progressively from one to
seven months, and were not undertaken during
the rainy seasons. Hence they covered a period
of nearly nine years. The next three fasts ex-
tended to seven days and nights each, while the
eleventh and the twelfth were of only one day
and one night's duration. The Jaina teachers
never washed themselves and some of them were
reputed as Maladharins 1 or the bearers of dirt,
l Bice's introduction to E. C. II. P. XXXVII.
THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
just to illustrate their contempt of worldly
habits.
The Sravakas or Bhavyajanas had also a
rigid duty to perform as their gurus, for in the
Jaina society the differences between the train-
ing of a layman and that of an ascetic was not
one of kind but one of degree. As a part of
his religion he was required to abstain from all
thoughts and acts of injury to all living beings T
to avoid falsehood and theft in all forms and
to wean himself of all sexual appetites and sor-
did feeling born of an innate and insensate
desire for worldly possessions. So, even with
regard to the duties of the house-holder, the
permanent note which dominated the whole
body of prescribed codes of duties was non-
injury to all sentient beings (aJtimsa) and an
uncompromising series of self-denials.
Several inscriptions mention Pratimas and
Lekhanas undertaken by Jain gurus. Most of
them which go back to the seventh and eighth
centuries A. D. record the death of men and
women by religious suicide or by starvation to
death by the performance of the vow of Salle-
khana which is thus described in the Ratna-
Karandaka of Samantabhadra : "When over-
taken by calamity, by famine, by old age or by
incurable disease, to get rid of the body for
Dhanna is called Sattekhana. One should by
RELIGIOUS LIFE 209
degrees give up solid food and take to
liquid food; then giving up liquid food,
should content himself, gradually with warm
water; then abandoning even warm water
should fast entirely and thus with mind
intent on the five salutations should by every
effort quit the body. Firm faith in Jainism,
observance of the Anu, Guna, Siksa Vratas and
Salleklianas according to rules at the time of
death these complete the duties of the house-
holder." Though the taking of life is the great-
est sin conceivable to a Jain an exception was
made in favour of vow of voluntary starvation
which was looked upon as the highest proof of
that victory over bodily passions which made a
perfect Jaina. The inscriptions at Sravana-
belgola record the steadfastness of those who
fulfilled the vow of Samadhi 1 Sanyasana or
Sallekhana by keeping their minds free, "on the
one hand from relentings and on the other from
impatience for death, and letting their thoughts
dwell on those who had conquered the flesh be-
fore and had attained the state of the gods and
simply awaiting release by death. " A more ex-
peditious and pleasant method of putting an
end to one's life was that of Jalasamadhi* per-
formed by the Chalukya Somesvara and others.
1 E. C. II SB, 1, 2, 29, 59, 93, 108, 138.
2 Bhandarkar. History of the Deccan. P. 84.
14
210 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
The decline of Jainism in the south was early
and sudden. The opposition came
jtafe. f from the revival of Saivism by
about the eighth and the ninth
centuries. Still the religion could resist the
inroads into it and maintain its hold on the
people for another two centuries, on account
of powerful royal support it obtained, and the
identity of its ritualistic ordinances with Hindu
ceremonial. Its influence waned considerably
after the tenth century owing to inherent and
adventitious causes. Corruption gradually
crept in, owing to their contact with people of
various customs, methods and practices. Its
original purity was tainted by the introduction
of undesirable changes, and the religion which
started with the condemnation of rituals ended
by becoming as ritualistic as Brahmanism.
Every relaxation of the old thorough-going
position which was welcomed and supported by
the converts from other faiths only aggravated
weakness in the movement for reform. Ideas
ceased to grow, scholastic learning alone receiv-
ed rewards and recognition and there was no
longer any spirit of change and progress any-
where to counteract the growing decay. Even
the old ideal of life, the salvation of the Arhat
to be won in this world by self -culture and self-
mastery was clouded by punctilious observances
RELIGIOUS LIFE 211
of all the ceremonial ordinances of the faith and
pursuit of the straightest path of orthodoxy.
The code of discipline, abstinence and morals
was far too stringent and austere for the large
number of monks and Bhavya-janas. Adop-
tion of Sanskrit to express philosophical and
religious ideas enshrined in their scriptures
showed the extent to which Brahmin thought
had penetrated into the growth of Buddhism
and Jainism. Pali bore an increasing admix-
ture of Sanskrit after the second century A. D.
The change in the form of expression connoted
a subtle change in thought. When the Maha-
yanists and Jains re-stated their doctrines in
terms of Brahmin philosophy, the change was
complete and gave away the logical position of
their founders, preparing thus for a religious
reaction in favour of orthodox Brahmanism
and Saivism, accelerated to a great extent by
the trend of political events. 1
The Cholas were great devotees of Siva and
used their political power for the suppression
of Jainism. The statues of sixty-three Nayan-
mars in the Chola temple, and the paintings of
the bloody episodes in the mantapas of the
Meenakshi temple at Madura bear witness to
the active persecution of the Jains in the Chola
1 Havell. Aryan India P. 81.
212 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
country. The Western Chalukyas also were
devout Saivas and if the traditions are to be
believed Jain statues and idols in the bastis
were thrown away and the puranic gods were
substituted. 1 The Kalachuri rule which fol-
lowed the rule of the Chalukyas in the last quar-
ter of the twelfth century, in spite of its being
a religious movement in favour of Jainism
could not stem the returning tide of Saivism,
the Lingayat Schism under Basava.
If Jainism suffered great vicissitudes in its
fortune in the south owing to the active hosti-
lity of Saivism, it had a spell of prosperity for
some time in Mysore probably due to the influx
of large bodies of Jains from the south after
the seventh century. Sravanabelgola, Maleyur
and Humcha math as the last one founded by
Jinadatta Raya continued to be still strong-
holds for a considerable period and enjoyed the
great patronage of even some of the Hoysala
kings and generals. The leaders of the commu-
nity, during the interregnum, between the
decline of Ganga power and the foundation of
the Hoysala power, were themselves Jains and
actively encouraged the construction of temples
and Jain Bastis.
The fall of the Kashtrakutas and the Ganga
kingdom of Talkad in 1004 A.D. and the wide
iRamaswamy lyengar and B, Seshagiri Bao, Studies in South
Indian Jainism. P. 112.
RELIGIOUS LIFE 213
conquests and temporary domination of the
Chola kings bitterly hostile to the Jaina faith
and destruction of Jain temples and monas-
teries were a cataclysm to Jainism. The revi-
val of Kalamukha Saivas in the eleventh cen-
tury, the probable change of faith of Vikra-
maditya VI, the greatest ruler of the century,
the revival of Vaishnavism, and the conversion
of the Hoysala Vishnuvardhana to Vaishna-
vanism completely alienated the kings from the
austere teachings of the Jains. Losing support
of the royal family in Gangavadi, persecuted
by the Cholas in the Tamil land, and displaced
by the Lingayats in the southern Maharatta
country, Jainism naturally succumbed in south
India finally. Still it lingered on for two more
centuries, but the rise of the powerful kingdom
of Vijayanagar, standing as the champion of
Hindu civilization and culture, and a bulwork
against muslim aggressions, completely relegat-
ed to the background Jainism which had for a
long time held a pre-eminent position in
Mysore. Under-nourished and under-fed, for
want of popular and royal support, Jainism
lost much of its importance and sought refuge
in a few of its original and well-known centres
where once Jain Sanghas had flourished and
constituted the nucleus of a great and active
propaganda.
CHAPTER IX
ARCHITECTURE IN THE GANGA PERIOD
GANGAVADI, from the early centuries of the
introductory Christian era, has been a veritable
museum of monuments, temples,
sculptures and stambhas which bear remarkable
witness to the splendid vitality and intellectual
refinement of the people. These architectural
survivals have been considered to belong sev-
erally either to Buddhist, Jaina or Hindu, or
Dravidian, Chalukyari or Hoysala types. Emi-
nent writers have adopted this classification in
order to indicate the most active periods of pro-
gressive designs in the architectural history of
the country as they reflect the alterations pro-
duced to some extent in artistic conceptions by
changes in the religion of the country or dynas-
tic beliefs.
The general consensus of opinion is that the
various styles met with in Mysore and South
India in the apsidal temple, the pyramidal
storeyed structure, the waggon-headed roof,
and the circular shrine chamber with great
variety of plan and design are merely develop-
ments of Buddhistic buildings. The prevalence
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 215
and popularity of the Buddhistic dedicatory,
funeral and memorial stupas prior to the Hindu
ones, the paucity of the oldest examples of in-
dependent Hindu plastic arts before the Chris-
tian era, and the marked similarity of a few
early Hindu temples in form and on plan with
early Buddhistic specimens have led to the pre-
sumption that Hindu architecture is derived
from the Buddhist. Students of Indian archi-
tecture firmly believe that the structure and
symbolism of the South Indian temples grew
out of Hinayana Buddhism. The symbol
common to Buddhist nionasticism and Brahmin
ascetism, viz.? the domed stupa, which covered
the sacred shrines, and the procession path, win-
dows, finials, pillars, sculptural motifs, and
other elements of Buddhist iconography possi-
bly entered into the Hindu style. It is stated
that the stupas which were attended, reverenced
and patronised by the people were converted
into Hindu and Jaina temples, and their con-
version was probably accomplished by adding a
row of pillars all round the Chaityalayas and
by covering the added area with sloping roofs. 1
The square rathas of Mamallapuram which re-
present a fully developed and sophisticated
1 Archaeological Survey of India, 1907- '08. PP. XXIII, XXIV.
216 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
style, are considered to be the copies of Bud-
dhist viharas and as the originals from which
all the vimanas and gopurams or gateways of
Dravidian temples are derived. The architec-
tural forms of these early buildings of the sixth
and seventh centuries were apparently dictated
by local conditions and influences. The persis-
tence of expression in forms appropriate to
wood on stone was probably due to the avail-
ability of large quantities of timber in Mysore
and the South and stone obtainable in shafts
upto a great length. Similarly the vertical and
horizontal repetition of complete buildings in
miniature in temple-construction markedly
noticeable in these monuments are supposed to
be merely the enlargements of the structural
arrangements of the many-storeyed Buddhist
pyramidal viharas or monasteries. 1 These
replicas or series of laboriously mounted oblong
platforms in diminutive size in the form of a
pyramidal structure, and crowned by the bar-
rel-vaulted roof, or the Pallava spherical dome,
merged themselves into a general decorative
pattern by combination with figure and animal
sculpture, thus completely obliterating the ori-
ginal design of the mediaeval Buddhist stupa
and gave us the highly enriched gopurams and
l Beal. Buddhistic Records, Vol. I, P. 69.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 217
yimanas of the Dravidian temples. Probably
stripped of its ornaments, a ruined Hindu tem-
ple presents to-d&y^the same appearance as a
mediaeval Buddhist stupa.
Havell remarks that a Dravidian temple is a
glorified stupa and that there is no evidence of
the existence of any great architectural tradi-
tion among the Dravidians before Aryan civili-
zation penetrated into the South. 1 It is also
said that the origin of the South Indian tem-
ples has to be traced not to Buddhist stupas but
to a primitive architecture that existed in the
South prior to the advent of Brahmanism, Bud-
dhism, or Jainism. 2 The practice of construct-
ing megalithic tombs and sepulchral memorials
that was prevalent among certain tribes and
castes of South India in the early centuries of
the Christian era and the testimony of epigra-
phical evidences showing the erection of Siva
temples as memorials on tombs of important
personages 3 seem strongly to justify the latter
point of view. The crude megalithic struc-
tures, dolmens, cromlechs and hero-shrines
essentially tumular and external, spread all
over Mysore and the South, might have been the
1 Havell. A study of Indo. Aryan civilization, P. 169.
2 Annual report of the Archaeological Department, Southern circle,
1914, P. 34.
BS.I.L, Vol. HI, Pt. 1, P. 26; Ep. Indica, VIJ> 193.
218 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
nucleus on the basis of which the early Bud-
dhist architecture of the South developed. 1
Owing to these sharp differences of opinion
on the origin of temples, it is possible to contend
that an adequate classification of mediaeval
architecture is geographical and that ethnic and
sectarian classifications are really misleading.
However divergent the specimens of architec-
ture in Mysore and the South in point of plan
and design may appear to be, there is beneath
them a fundamental unity of spiritual urge and
aesthetic inspiration. To the Hindu, Buddhist
or Jain, his whole life was an affair of religion
in the past and nowhere was this religiousness
more clearly manifested than in architecture
and sculpture, through which he sought to real-
ize the all-embracing notion of his faith. Archi-
tecture was thus employed in raising a fitting
dwelling place for the supreme being and sculp-
ture was an eloquent channel for emotional ex-
pression.
Further, there was the subservience of archi-
tecture to social continuity. The social and
religious life of any particular epoch was re-
produced in its art and architecture. To judge
from the early temples of Mysore, the artists
were not only concerned with the supreme
iBice. Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. I, P. 510.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 219>
theme of the fundamentals of life. They want-
ed to reveal in their work collective emotions,
folk-concepts and social ideals, a striking fea-
ture being the introduction of figure and animal
sculpture. The great intellectual awakening of
the Gupta period widened the mental outlook of
the people and manifested itself in all the
departments of human activity such as litera-
ture, art and architecture. For the first time,
lofty ideas and themes of the renaissance and
Brahmanical revival came to be revealed and
expressed and communicated as live intimate
realities and experiences in architecture. The
sculptors, who had drunk deep from this new
fountain of learning, aimed at the crystalliza-
tion of the conflicts, direction and objective of
human endeavour. The passionate forms and
epic contents revealed in the rich sculptures of
the caves at Ellora and Elephanta and in other
temples of the period bear testimony to this ten-
dency. It is very probable that this develop-
ment of figure and animal sculpture was largely
the result of the earlier attempts which the
Jainas had made in embellishing their temples
and samavasarana structures with sculptures of
gods and goddesses. The emphasis that fell on
decoration and sculpture and elaborate orna-
mental profusion, noticeable in the temples of
the ninth and twelfth centuries, is due incident-
220 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
ally to the discovery of fine, chloritic schist
which enabled the sculptors to produce so much
of the beautiful, delicate, lace-like tracery which
characterises the later works of art. Archi-
tecture and sculpture no doubt were regulated
by canons of temple ritual and the craftsman 's
code and manual but these, instead of being
serious impediments to an unfettered display
of genius, were elastic enough to allow the crea-
tion of things of beauty as objects of joy for-
ever.
The earliest monuments of Buddhist, Jaina
Traces of an( * Pallava remains in Gangavadi
Buddhistic go back to a period when a part
Architecture. e l *
of Mysore was evidently a Sata-
vahana viceroyalty and Buddhism dominated
the minds of the people. Though no distinctly
Buddhistic rock-cut temples or stupas of
stone or of wood have so far been traced in
Mysore, still the representation of the chaitya
on coins shows that the structural form of the
chaitya was quite familiar to the people. 1 The
Malavalli pillar stone with the Prakrit inscrip-
tion of Haritiputra, 2 the Banavasi inscription
recording the grant of a tank and a vihara, the
Talgunda pillar inscription, all testify to the
1 Mysore Archaeological Report, 1909, Para 110.
2 E. C. VII, Sk. 263.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 221
existence and popularity of the chaitya grihas
and viharas in Mysore. Such grihas and viha-
ras, centres of great Buddhistic propaganda,
providing accommodation for the residence of
monks and ascetics and a meeting place for both
laymen and members for worship, continued till
the sixth century A. D., depending for their
maintenance on royal patronage. 1 In the sculp-
tured representations on coins and on inscrip-
tions the figures of Buddha are conspicuously
absent, while the events of his life appear to be
narrated in aniconic symbols quite in conson-
ance with the puritanical spirit and esoteric
teaching of the Buddha. The Mahayanists of
the north emphasized bhaMi or devotion in their
ceremonials, adopted the Yavana culture that
was near it and constructed the images of the
Buddha and bodhisattvas. They preferred the
Sikhara to that of the Dome in erecting temples
of worship. From inscriptions it is clear that
the form of Buddhism which prevailed in Gan-
gavadi was the Hinayana and as such the Hina-
yanists of the South emphasized Jnana or
knowledge as the point par excellence in their
religious life and adopted the stupa in exclu-
sion to the sikliara as their architectonic sym-
bol.
1M.A.B., 1909-10, P. 49.
222 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
While the Buddhists left few traces of their
^ , architecture in Mysore and South
Prevalence J
of an inde. India except for the traditions
jain^styi* embodied in the designs of Saiva
temples, the Jainas who enjoyed a
considerable share of royal patronage under the
Gangas have preserved for us fine memorials of
their early history. Jainism co-existed with
Buddhism from the period of the Mauryas and
became an active proselytising creed under the
Gangas and the Jaina A chary as of the Original
Congregation. As the religion of the Jainas
and Buddhists are similar in several respects, a
strong presumption arises that the style of the
Jaina temples was very closely allied to the
Buddhist style. The Jaina Tirthankaras are
represented as seated in the same cross-legged
attitude as the Buddha and it is difficult to
mark off one from the other. In the absence of
any conclusive evidence regarding the existence
of an independent Jaina style of architecture,
Fergusson and Havell, among others, are of opi-
nion that Jainism did not create a special style
of architecture of its own and that it adopted
local building traditions to vivify royal and
public interest in their creed. It may be admitt-
ed that all religions received their inspiration
from a common store-house of symbolic and
conventional devices, and stupas, railings and
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 223
wheels were available to the Buddhist, Jaina or
Hindu as religious or decorative elements. 1 The
Jainas had their stupas in the time of Asoka,
not particularly as symbols of any religious cult
but as memorials of the dead associated with
the practice of burial. The stupa was vene-
rated by the Jainas, for they intended it to
symbolize a definite philosophical concept just
as the Buddhists considered Parnirvana or the
merging of the finite ego with the infinite. 2
Like the Buddhists and the Brahmins again,
their ascetic ideal was symbolised by the stupa
dome which covered the tower of the shrine, the
layman's ideal of bliakti or karma marga being
represented in the sikhara. A philosophical
compromise of these two ideals was later sym-
bolised by the combination of the two structural
types, the sikhara being covered by a dome. 3
With the diffusion of Indo- Aryan culture and
the propagation of Buddhist and Jaina doc-
trines in the south, the nagara style or what
Fergusson calls the Aryavarta style seems to
have begun to spread and by about the early
mediaeval ages had become universal not only in
the north but practically over the whole of the
peninsular India. Generally, in the nagara
1 Havell. Handbook of Indian Art, P. 14.
2 Havell. Ibid., P. 74.
3 Havell. Aryan Eule in India, P. 245.
224 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
style of structure the shrine was square or rect-
angular in shape with the sikhara or spire
rising upto a point. Many temples in Mysore,
and the Aihole and Pattadkal temples, in which
the path of circumambulation is lighted by
stone lattices in the outer walls and with a
modest and small sikhara on the top, prove that
this style was for a time prevalent in the Kan-
nada and Chalukyan territories. The nagara
style in the sixth and seventh centuries was
superseded by the vesara style whose distinc-
tive feature was a rectangular shrine with spire
rising in regular steps and terminating in a
hemispherical dome. A manifestation of this
new style is noticed in the early period of the
seventh century not only in the Chalukyan dis-
tricts at Badami, Aihole and Pattadkal, in the
Malegatti and Virupaksha temples but also in
the temples of Mamallapuram and Kanchi. A
glimpse at a round samavasarana structure of
the Jains with three battlements consisting of
sculptures of door-keepers, the twelve congre-
gations as Sramanis, Vaimanikas, Bhavana-
patis, Vyantara$ and several divisions of god-
desses, and crowned by an octagonal top with
the lion throne, the Dhama Chakra and Asoka
Tree with Jina figures on all four sides in the
pose of ordinary meditation, 1 impresses on one
II. A., Vol. XL, Pp. 125, 153.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 225
the belief that this structure was definitely the
parent of the vesara style.
The Jains built Chaturmukha or Chaumukh
temples which were in the form of a mantapa
or a hall cruciform in plan with a lofty door-
way and pillared portico on each of its four
sides and a verandah running all round. A flat
roof formed of massive granite slab and ex-
terior walls and pillars sometimes decorated
with figures of Jaina saints were other features
of this type of temple. The collonaded portico
in front was usually cruciform in plan and was
surmounted at the top by a pointed dome, rest-
ing on eight columns with bracket capitals and
struts the most distinctive features of the
Jaina style. 1 The Jains created also the three-
celled temples for housing Tirthankaras with
their attendants, Yakshas and Yakshinis. The
Chalukyas built one or three cells, so called
from being all attached to a central mantapa,
the main garbhagriha and the chief deity facing
north or south. 2 This method
their structures adopted by
Kadambas and the Hoysalas
spired from their original
Kadamba structures with sc
I Annual Report of the Archaeological Z>,
1913-14, P. 14.
2Ananda Alwar, Indian Architecture, P.
15
226 THE 6ANGAS OF TALKAD
merited with geometrical designs, closed win-
dows and figures of Gajalakshmi on the lintels, 1
pyramidal towers marked with horizontal
stages and narrow tooth-like indentations, simi-
larly suggest a Jaina origin. 2 The Hoysalas like
the Chalukyas copied the existing Jaina models
and constructed the famous Trikutachala and
Pancliakutacliala temples. According to Ber-
gess and Fergusson, the Jaina style of archi-
tecture prevalent in the south pressed north-
ward as far as Ellora in the seventh and eighth
centuries taking its Dravidian elements with it.
Later in the tenth century, there was a great
outburst of Jaina magnificence which continued
for some time more. The Indra Sabha and
the Jagannatha Sabha cave temples constructed
under the patronage of the Chalukyan kings
and nearly contemporary with the great temple
of Kailasa illustrate the extension of the Jaina
style in the north.
Inscriptions bear out the prevalence of Jina-
layas or cliaityalayas and bastis in
Gangavadi and Banavasi made of
wood and conforming to this style
Architecture. of architecture before the Pallavas
came to dominate and transform
1 Cf. the monuments of Yellavati and other Jain bastis in the
neighbourhood.
2 Moraee. Kadambakuto, Pp. 313.14.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 227
its architectural motifs. Madhava, the founder
of the Ganga dynasty, established on the hill of
Mandali a basadi of wood which received great
patronage by his successors. 1 Avinita and
Durvinita are eulogised in inscriptions as bene-
factors of temples and chaityalayas. 2 Mara-
simha's general Srivijaya caused to be made
an auspicious Jinendra temple, ' Lofty and im-
maculate suited to the grandeur of the royal
capital Mamie.' 3 Sripurusha is reported to
have made a grant to a Jaina temple construct-
ed at Gudalur by Kandachchi. The Ganga sove-
reigns manifested a similar solicitude for Brah-
manism by making large endowments to Brah-
min temples. The grant of villages by Hari-
varman to a scholar for the worship of Mula&-
thaneswara and by his son Avinita, for the
worship of Hara, bear testimony to the existence
of Hindu temples, the sculptures and plan of
which were identical with the prevailing style
of the Jainas. 4 We learn from the inscrip-
tions that the temples, Vinitesvara, probably a
iemple constructed in memory of Avinita, and
Nitimargesvara, Jagadhara Nagaresvara and
IE. C., VIII, Sh. 41.
21. A. Vol. I, P. 136.
3 E. C., IX, Md. 60.
-4M.A.B., 1921, Pp. 38-39.
228 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Sivamaresvara, were maintained by the rich
subsides made by Ganga sovereigns. 1
In the light of the knowledge obtained of
early Chalukyan structures contiguous to and
contemporaneous with those of the Ganga
monuments of the period some essential fea-
tures, which in all probability characterised
Jaina structures in the country, may be men-
tioned. The garbhagriha always received light
from one of the central halls and the palpable
darkness so created by bad lighting served the
purpose of exciting the religious fervour of the
devotee for concentration and contemplation
and made him believe to have visualised the
sentient movements of the feature of God. The
Images of Tirthankaras were invariably placed
in oblong or square cells while those of Gaja-
lakshmi always appeared on the outer-doors of
a Jaina temple and was never carved over the
shrine door, the latter being preserved for the
image of Jaina. The walls and the ceilings were
profusely ornamented with rich sculptures of a
seemingly weird and symbolic character, and
carvings of the principal incidents in the life
of a Jina,. 2 Larger temples had encircling
them a great open court which was generally
IE. 0., IX, P. 67, IV, Mys. 2; XO, 48.
21. A., XL, P. 161.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 229
studded with a great number of cells for hous-
ing Jina images. In some temples, an upper
shrine was provided with a projecting front
and entrance and the first storey of the tower
seems to have been its distinctive feature. 1
Provision was made for a stone ladder in the
north aisle of the mantapa leading to the roof
in the tower in which an upper shrine was loca-
ted. 2 "The Jains used in their temple con-
struction horizontal arches and domes which
were not copies of wooden models. " From
Meguti and Aihole temples which were origi-
nally Jain it is clear that a Jain temple had not
only arches and domes but the shrine itself was
surrounded by eight small rooms in place of
pradakshina, antarala and porch, and the roof
of the mantapa was supported by sixteen square
piers. 3 The construction of a verandah to a
temple must have been probably Jain, for Fer-
gusson states, "It is not easy to settle in the
present state of our knowledge whether the
Buddhist chaityalayas had or had not veran-
dahs." 4 The outer walls were probably plain
1 Fergusson. History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. II,
P. 22. PI. XIX.
2 Cousens. Chalulcyan Architecture, P. 45, PI. LI.
3 A. S. of India, Vol. I, PI. XLV.
4 A. 8. I., PI. XLIII, P. 31; Fergusson and Burgess, Cave Temples
of India.
230 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
and the temples faced all directions, north,
south, west and east, the Jains being not very
punctilious about the observance of Hindu
superstition that temples should not face
south. 1
A further stage in the evolution of architec-
was reached
of Paiiava when the Pallavas in their scheme
of expansion and in the full
tide of their hostility towards the Chalukyas
encroached upon Ganga and Kadamba territory
and attempted at a consolidation of their power.
There was a great upheaval in religious thought
about the seventh century, with the rise of
Vaishnava and Saiva saints who carried on
propagandist activities to suppress the nihilistic
tendencies of Jainism and Buddhism. This
period witnessed also the beginning of temples
and their monuments in stone instead of in
perishable materials such as brick or wood.
Great improvements were introduced in the de-
sign and structure of temples in the time of
Mahendra Varman, Narasimha Varman, and
the most striking feature of the style was the
type of pillars used in temples. Cubical pillars
with octagonal shaft in the middle and decorat-
Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. II,
P. 322.
8"
1
3 a
"
I
CM
00
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 231
ed with a conventional lotus design and corbel
capitals were now replaced with elegant pil-
lars with a conventional lion at the base carry-
ing on its head the shaft of the column with
double brackets between the capital and archi-
trave intended for supporting the corners. This
was evidently a stone copy of a wooden model. 1
This new style spread to Gangavadi and Cha-
lukyan territory when the Pallavas were at the
height of their power and revolutionised its
indigenous archtecture. The wooden structures
which the Jains had built for religious purposes
were now converted into stone temples. Struc-
tural prototypes of the Pallava style with
storeyed vimanas and gopurams, horizontal
mouldings and shadows, square pillars, corri-
dors and enclosures, and attenuated pilasters on
outer walls came to be repeated in Gangavadi
and in some parts of the Chalukyan territory
where the Pallava influence became supreme
after the dissolution of the Eastern Chalukyan
power. The Kalahastesvara temple 2 in Mdu-
galdurga founded by Billichorasa of the Pallava
family, the Somesvara 3 temple at Gangavari-
palli, the Bhoganadisvara temple at the foot of
1A. S. I., 1918, P. 11.
2 E. a, IX, Pavgada 45.
3 E. C., IX, Bg. 20.
232 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
the Nandi Mils and the Ramesvara temple at
Arkere, 1 all seem to.be manifest copies of the
Mamallapuram pagodas.
The Somesvara temple in Gangavaripalli is
one of the earliest Pallava buildings in the state,
built much earlier than the temple at Nandi.
The temple consists of the garbhagriha, sukha-
nasi and navaranga, and mukhamantapa with a
small gopura over the shrine. Dwarf pillars
resting on the heads of sculptured-lions the
distinctive feature of the Pallava style plain
structure and ornamental friezes on the ruined
mantapa that lies to the left to the entrance to
the temple, unmistakably speak of the Pallava
influence and the architecture of the period. 2
The Bhoganandisvara shrine, the oldest portion
of the Nandi temple, was built by Ratnavali,
consort of Banavidyadhara about 810 A.D. and
was patronised by the Rashtrakuta king, Go-
vinda III. It consists of a garbhagriha, sukha-
nasi, a navaranga carved with small figures and
two pierced windows opposite to each other and
a ceiling decorated with astadikpalakas in their
proper directions with Siva and Parvati in the
central panel. The outer walls have pilasters
and turrets, a frieze of large images represent-
1M.A.R., 1911, Para 13.
2M.A.B., 1927, P. 21.
ff
o
1
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 233
ing the marriage of Siva and Parvati, with a
smaller frieze of swans above, and, conspicuous-
ly, two pierced windows which, unlike the per-
forated windows of other temples, have fine
figures of Dakshinamurti, with holes in the
inter-spaces to admit light. 1 The original
shrine has been so completely overshadowed by
pillared corridors and enclosures that the Nandi
temple and other Dravidian structures now ap-
pear to be a fortuitous aggregation of parts
arranged as circumstances required during the
long course of their erection, thus lacking in
complete symmetry, plan and structure.
During this period there was not only the
construction of new temples but also the re-
habilitation of old ones. Temples which were
in wood were converted with the advent of the
new style into Dravidian temples, dedicated
either to Siva or to Tirthankara worship. The
Kapilesvara temple at Manne, once the celebra-
ted capital of the Gangas, is a brick structure
with a navaranga and good pillars and pierced
stone windows, ornamented creepers with danc-
ing figures represented in all convolutions. 2
The garbhagriha of the Somesvara temple in the
same place and built of brick seems to be as old
l M.A.E., 1909-10, P. 20.
2M.A.B., 1915, P. 22.
234 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
a structure as the former, probably going back
to the eighth century. The Makalingesvara
temple at Varuiia, once the capital of the chiefs
of a minor branch of the Chalukyan dynasty, is
a small plain building, and has a narrow frieze
running along under the roof with minute sculp-
ture illustrative of the Ramayana and executed
in a realistic and spirited manner in a remote
Jaina style. 1 The Kanncsvara temple at
Kannambadi built by the Rashtrakuta king
Krishna III in 812 A.D. is no longer in exis-
tence. 2 The Arkesvara temple at Vijayapura
with grants of Sivamara and Ereyappa, the
Patdlesvara and Mardlesvara temples of Talkad
with Ganga inscriptions, the Naraximha temple
at Kunche with an inscription of Satyavakya
Permadi, the Nagesvara temple at Begur can
all be assigned to a period when the Gangas
were at the height of their power. 3
The later Gangas, if the early Jaina temples
in Mysore are any guide in the
matter, followed the Dravidian
style. Building a temple as in
the case of all Jains, who have an instinctive
love of the picturesque, was a prayer in stone
1E.C., HI, Mys. 136; M.A.E., 1916, P. 34.
2 B.C., IX, Gb. 61.
3M.A.E., 1912, P. 28; 1912, P. 19; 1913, P. 23; 1915, P. 23.
Lion Pillar Someswara Shrine, Gangavara
P. 232. (By courtesy of the Director of Archaelogical Researches, Mysore)
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 235
which they thought would secure for them the
delights of paradise in the life hereafter. Bet-
ween the seventh and tenth centuries when the
propagandist activities of the Jaina Acharyas
were at their height, some of the most elegant
specimens of architecture were raised in all im-
portant Jaina centres as Javagal, Kuppattur,
Algodu, Ankanathapura, Chikkahanasoge,
Heggadadevanakote, Kittur, Humcha and above
all at Sravanabelagola, where both the " historic
and the picturesque clasp hands." The
Chandranatlia basti at Hanagal, 1 the Santi-
natha basti at Kuppattur, 2 the Adinatha basti
at Hanasoge, 3 the Parsvanatha basti at Kittur,
the Guddada basti of Bahubali, built by Vikra-
maditya .Santara in 898 A. D., the Panchala
basti built by Chattala Devi, the Pallava queen
and the adopted daughter of Rakkasa Ganga,
the Makara Jinalaya at Angadi with vestiges of
old Jain bastis and the ruined figures of Tir-
thankaras, 4 all bear testimony to their const-
ruction in the early Dravidian style.
These are all built in gradually receding
storeys, ornamented with little simulating cells
which with their connecting links are adorned
l M.A.B., 1911.
2M.A.E., 1912, P. 42.
3M.A.R. 1912. P. 13.
4E.C., VI, Mudigere 9.
236 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
with semi-circular dormer windows. Behind
these cells, the walls are divided by slender pilas-
ters into narrow apartments and in each is
placed the statue of a deity of cross-legged Tir-
thankaras in a contemplative mood. The outer
walls of most of these temples are similarly
ornamented with pilasters and crowned with a
row of ornamental cells.
The Sasana and Chandragupta bastis on the
handragiri hills known also as Katvapra or
Kalbappa hills in Sravanabelgola have garbha-
griha, sukhansi or three cells and a narrow
verandah in front with seated Yaksha figures.
The Chandragupta basti has been considered to
be one of the oldest temples on the hills and is
attributed to Chandragupta. Chaundaraya
basti has a garbJiagriha, sukhansi, navaranga
and a porch with verandahs attached. Chandra-
prabha basti was built by Sivamara, son of Sri-
purusha, about the beginning of the ninth cen-
tury while the Chaundaraya basti, the most
imposing on the hill both in style and dimen-
sions, was undertaken and completed by Chaun-
daraya about 982 A.D. His son Jinadevanna
probably adorned his father 's structure by add-
ing an upper storey which he dedicated to Pars-
vanatha. The outer walls of this temple are
decorated with pilasters and crowned with three
fine friezes, one of small ornamental niches, the
I
>* ^
CTJ j
U ^
I
P4
View of Chandragiri Hassan
(By courtesy of the Director of Arctiaelogical Researches, Mysore)
P. 236.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 23T
second of the head and trunks of Yalis, mostly
in pairs facing each other and the third of lar-
ger ornamental niches with seated Jina and
other figures at intervals. In most of these bas-
tis is a square cell surrounded by a cloister at
the back of which is a vestibule from which the
small shrine is entered. The vimana over this
cell which contains the principal image is sur-
mounted by a small dome as in the case of every
Dravidian temple, while the shrine itself is sur-
rounded by walls of unusual thickness to sup-
port the vimana.
(a) Stambhas.The distinctive contribution
Ganga of the Gangas to the architecture
sculpture. O f ^ p er i O( j se ems to be the erec-
tion of mantapas, free-standing monuments and
colossal statues of Tirthankaras on the hill in
Sravanabelgola. Unlike the four pillared pavi-
lions of the Hindus, the Jain mantapas are five
pillared, with a pillar at each angle and one in
the middle, as can be gauged from the pavilion
before the entrance to the hillock on Sravana-
belgola, the middle pillar being so supported
from above that a handkerchief can be passed
through below its base. 1 Fergusson states "If
anyone wished to select one feature of Indian
1 Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture.
238 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
architecture which has its perfection and weak-
ness there are probably no objects more suited
for this purpose than these stambhas or free-
standing pillars. 3 ' 1 There are two types of
pillars with which the Ganga architects were
familiar, Manastambhas and Brahmadeva pil-
lars. Manastambhas have a pavilion at the top
containing standing Jina figures, facing the
four directions as the one in front of the Pars-
vanatha basti. 2 The Brahmadeva pillar has a
seated figure of Brahma at the top like the
Kuge Brahmadeva memorial figure, built in
974 A. D. in honour of the Ganga king Mara-
simha, and Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar, 3 built
by Chaundaraya in 983 A.D. Though it is not
quite clear whether a wooden origin can be
claimed for these stambhas or whether they
have any connection with the obelisks of the
Egyptians both are invariably monoliths
still, these pillars are undoubtedly, as Fergus-
son has pointed out, like the Dipadans and
Dwajastambhas of the Hindus, the lineal des-
cendants of Buddhist lats which bore inscrip-
tions on their shafts with emblems of animals
on their capitals. The Tyagada Brahmadeva
pillar carved out of a single block of stone rests
1 llid. 9 P. 277.
^E.C., II. Pis. VI and XIL
* B.C., IT, No, 50.
p. 238. Manaslambha -Pillar at Sravanabelgola
(By courtesy oj the Director of Archaelogical Rest-arches, Mysore)
The pavilion at the top of the
Brahmadeva Pillar at Sravanabelgola
(By courtesy of the Director of Archaelogical
Researches, Mysore)
P. 238.
Tyagada
Brahmadeva Pillar
(By courtesy of the
Director of Archaelogical
Researches, Mysore)
P. 238.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 239
on a base beautified by figure sculpture and con-
tains on the north side the inscriptions of
Chaundaraya, giving a glowing account of his
exploits, and on the south, figures of Chaunda-
raya flanked by chauri-bearers, and of his Guru
Nemichandra. The shaft of the pillar is deco-
rated with a graceful scroll of fine bell shaped
flowers and beautiful flowering climbing shrub
the honeysuckle, which gives striking resem-
blances to Asoka's pillars, especially the one at
Allahabad which has a beautiful scroll of alter-
nate lotus and honeysuckle.
(6) Virakals. The Gangas developed a uni-
que type of sculpture in virakals and decorative
friezes in temples for which the Hoysalas later
on became distinctively famous. The discovery
of a sort of clay chlorite with a fine grained
hardness, capable of taking a high polish and
reflecting the effect of light and shade with won-
derful appropriateness and thus enabling the
artist to display the softness of the flesh by the
deftness of the chisel stroke, completely revolu-
tionised the art of sculpture after the tenth
century. The sculptural representations of ele-
phants with hanging necklaces and bent tusks,
as on the Kyathanahalli stone inscription 1 and
on the Tayalur stone, and on the Atukur stone
1E.C., III, Sr. No. 147.
240 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
of the time of Butuga, representing the boar
hunt, 1 the fight between the hound and the boar
with their tails turned up in anger and each
warding off the blows of the other, are very
natural, realistic and life-like. The Dodda-
hundi stone depicting Nitimarga's death, the
king resting on a double pillow attended by Aga-
rayya, his family servant and his warrior son,
Satyavakya in full panoply, is a good piece of
elaborate interesting sculpture. The physical
exhaustion of the king, the anguish of the son at
his father's death and the ineffable joy of the
major domo at his opportunity for self-sacrifice,
are on the whole very vividly portrayed. 2 The
Begur stone of the time of Ereyappa (890 AJD.)
represents how in the spirited battle of Tumbe-
padi, the chief Nagatara under Ereyappa 's
orders fought against Ayappa, the son of Ma-
hendra and lost his life and made a triumphant
ascent to the world of gods. There are three
panels in it, as generally in the scenes of most
virakals representing those in which the hero
fell, his ascent to heaven borne along in a car
surrounded by celestial nymphs, and his being
seated in the immediate presence of divinity.
The depiction of the foot soldiers in different
1 E.G., HI, I, Md. 14.
2 E.C., III, I, Tn. 91 ; E.G., VI, No. 6.
Atukur Stone Mandya
P. 239. (By courtesy of the Director of Archadogical Researches, Mysore)
Doddahundi Stone Mysore
P, 240. (By courtesy of the Director of Archaelogical Researches, Mysore)
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 241
attitudes and postures of striking, rising or
falling, accoutred with all the implements of
warfare and engaged in a very close sanguinary
fight, and the representation of Nagatara, seated
on a well-caparisoned steed and advancing along
with other cavalry officers against the enemy,
who is seated on a beautiful but agitated ele-
phant, all reveal colour, movement and great
animation. 1 This class of sculpture, though
varied and ruder in execution than the repre-
sentation of the scenes of warfare in epic poems
on the temples, are unique in their own way
since they illustrate scenes from life and the
costumes, weapons and other features of the
time in which they were erected.
(c) Bettas.'Like the bastis, the Ganga monu-
ments are represented by bettas (literally hills)
or courtyards open to the sky and containing
the image of Gomatesvara who seems to have
had a peculiar attraction to Jaina sculptors.
These open courts are invariably surrounded
by a corridor containing cells with Jaina images
with, at some distance, a heavy wall. A good
part of it as in Dodda Betta is picturesquely
formed by natural boulders. The unfinished
statue of Bharatesvara complete only to the
knee with an inscription of about 900 A.D. and
1E.O., IX. Bg. 83.
16
242 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
the colossal statue of Gomata standing on the
summit of Dodda Betta in simple human form
without any support above the thighs are the
most remarkable specimens of Ganga sculpture.
Other Jaina works of this kind are found at
Karkala and at Enur both in the district of
South Canara, once a very important Jaina
settlement. The Karkala statue, about 41 feet
5 inches high, was erected by Virapandya on the
advice of his Guru Lalitakirthi of Hanasoge;
Timmaraja in 1604 in consonance to the wishes
of his spiritual adviser Charukirthi of Belgola
erected the Enur statue which is about 35 feet
high.
(d) Gomata Image. Gomata otherwise
known as Bhujabali, according to traditions the
second son of Adinatha, after generously restor-
ing the kingdom to his brother Bharata, retired
to the forest for the practice of austerities and
attained to great fame by his victory over
karma. Bharata erected at Pandarapura a gol-
den statue of his brother, 525 bow-lengths in
height, known as Kukkutesvara or Kukkuta-
Jinesvara which was worshipped by the gods but
which soon became inaccessible to men, the re-
gion being infested with Kukkuta sarpas or
cockatrices. Traditions vary with regard to the
antiquity of the statue. Devachandra reports
in his Bajavalikathe that Rama and Sita
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 243
Brought it from Lanka and installed it on the
liill at Sravanabelagola. The Sthalapurana and
Bhujabali Charitre written by Panchabana, re-
fer to the revelation of Gomata in the form of a
stone image on the larger hill to Chaundaraya
who consecrated it some time about 983 A.D.
during the reign of his sovereign Rachamalla.
An inscription of 1180 makes the clear statement
that Chaundaraya, minister of Rachamalla,
had the statue of Gomata made, and we have
further synchronous records in Kannada, Tamil
and Mahrashtra languages respectively engrv-
ed at the sides of the image itself stating the
same fact. Chaundaraya does not mention the
erection of the statue in the long account of his
exploits and personal gallantry which he has
recorded in his work Chaundarayapurana com-
posed by himself in 978 A.D. and as such the
Gomata image could not have been installed
before that period. It must have been esta-
blished and consecrated before 993 A.D. as the
great Kannada poet Ratna, more popularly
known as Ranna, refers in his
a pilgrimage made by his pati
to Jinesvara 1 commonly knowj
logical name Kukkutesvara 2 .
1 E.G., II, 234, 335, 349.
Purana, I, 61.
244 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
made in his work to Gomata which, appellation
it came to acquire probably later after Nemi-
chandra's great work Gomatasara.
The face of Gomata is remarkable for its
serene expression, the hair curled in short spiral
ringlets all over the head while the ears are long
and large. The figure is treated conventionally,
the shoulders being broad, the arms hanging
straight down the sides with the thumbs turned
outwards. The image is represented with an
attenuated waist, legs a little dwarfed below the
knee, and with other anatomical details reveal-
ing an extreme simplicity of contour. Though
not elegant, the image is not wanting in majes-
tic and impressive splendour. The figure has
no support above the thighs. The ant-hill with
emerging serpents, the lower limbs and the
climbing plant madhavi twining round both legs
and arms and terminating at the upper part of
the arm in a cluster of berries of fragrant white
flowers, probably symbolize the complete ab-
sorption of the ideal ascetic in meditation and
penance. The pedestal is designed to represent
an open lotus and upon this the artist has work-
ed a scale corresponding to three feet four in-
ches which was probably used in laying out the
work. 1 "It is probable that Gomata was cut out
l B.C., II, Pp. 10, 11.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 245
of a boulder which rested on the spot : it is larger
than any of the statues of Barneses in Egypt.
It is carved in a fine grained light granite and
has not been injured by weather or violence and
looks as bright and clean as if just fashioned
from the chisel of the artist. The face is its
strong point considering the size of the head
which, from the crown to the bottom of the ear,
measures six feet six inches. The artist was
skilful indeed to draw from the blank rock the
wondrous contemplative expression touched
with a faint smile with which Gromata gazes out
on a struggling world." * A glance at the image
impresses on one the idea that the artist seems
to have meditated not on the " glory of the naked
human form, nor the proud and conscious
assertion of human personality, but on the
heavenly model that leads us from ourselves
into the universal life," while translating the
sublime idea of man's victory over his karma
into such a piece of ineffable art. Two Yak-
shas, Chauri-bearers, beautifully carved and
richly ornamented, in royal marks, dress and
crown and fruits in the left hands attend on
Gomata. To the left of the enclosure, there is
a dvarapalaka of imposing height and size with
four hands with maces of different kinds in,
1 Workman, Through Town and Jungle, 82-84.
246 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
three of his hands, while the left hand is in the
abhaya pose. The akhanda bagalu or the door-
way with a lintel beautifully carved with a
seated figure of Lakshmi with flowers in her
hands and elephants on either side bathing her,
the Brahmadeva pillar with a pavilion at the
top, and the figure of gnllakayajji below it,
were all caused to be made by Chaundaraya.
The pillared hall in front of the image with
elaborately carved ceilings containing figures of
Indra and the Asia Dikpalakas was erected by
Bala Deva in the early part of the twelfth cen-
tury. The Jaina pantheon includes among
many of the favourite Brahmanical divinities,
Sarasvati and Lakshmi as the most prominent.
Indra is as prominent in Jaina as in Buddha
mythology and with his consort Indrani is fre-
quently figured on the lower jambs of doorways
of Jaina temples whilst larger figures of Yak-
shas and Yakshinis are represented as gods at
the entrance of the shrines. The navagrahas or
nine planets are frequently represented at the
foot of the asana of the Jaina images as also the
Asia Dikpalakas. It may also be observed that
all the figures of Tirthankaras have a triple um-
brella or tiara over their heads and are identi-
cally alike with the exception of snake crest over
Suparsva and the right hand laid over the left
in the lap with the palm upwards. All the Yak-
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE 247
shas and Yakshinis have similar tapering head-
dresses ; the Yakshas are naked to the navel and
the Yakshinis are more fully clad, and all sit in
the lalita mudra or with one foot down and the
other tucked up in front ; all hold the front right
hand up before the breast open with the palm
outwards (varadahasta) / These features as
well as conventionalised representations of
Omkara, Hrimkara, etc., are prominent in all
the Jaina temples of the Ganga period.
1 1. A., XXXII, P. 463.
CHAPTER X
SOCIAL LIFE
THERE are very few epigraphical records which
Educational testify to the existence of a ladder
Aixns< of education and graduated course
of instruction in Ganga society. There was no
one system of education. There were in vogue
different courses of study sufficiently broad and
elastic as to accommodate varied requirements
of students. Worldly success or an insatiable
thirst for knowledge, and in some cases a desire
to attain spiritual insight were the objects
sought after in educational life.
Neither logical consistency nor perfect sym-
metry nor comprehensiveness characterised the
educational system. Spontaneity was its key-
note. Its varied forms, its uneven progress, its
lack of symmetry, were all due to the fact that
it sprang unbidden and unforced from tlie needs
and aspirations of the people. It was one of
local preference and individual initiative and
royal patronage was applied only to stimulate
and encourage local interest in education and to
avoid the deadening routine of mechanical uni-
formity.
At the lower stage, the village and town
SOCIAL LIFE 249
schools were an integral part of an organised
system of popular education. There was the
normal type under which the teacher as a settled
householder admitted to his institution, pupils
of tender age and retained them as wholetime
inmates of his house and imparted learning un-
der regular system of rules in an atmosphere of
rigorous discipline governing the entire life of
the pupil. Along with these settled homes of
learning were the academies like Vidya Pithas,
Mathas, Agraharas and Ghaticas which specia-
lised in higher branches of study both secular
and religious, and constituted the highest type
of a number of competing social and educational
institutions which ministered to the moral and
spiritual wants of students. Academic meetings
for purposes of philosophical discussion, fluc-
tuating bodies of peripatetic scholars wander-
ing through the country in quest of knowledge,
and national gatherings and congresses in which
representative thinkers of various schools met
and exchanged views, were other powerful agen-
cies intended for the propagation of culture and
thought.
The initiation of a pupil into the school was
symbolical of his consecration to service and the
cultivation of a life of righteousness. The com-
plete and harmonious development of the hu-
man body and soul in their strength and beauty,
250 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
the perfect and full yet regulated enjoyment of
earthly life, in its social as well as individual
form, the broadening and strengthening of
human sympathies, the cultivation of power to
find joy and delight in all that is noble, beau-
tiful and true, and above all the attainment of
spiritual happiness, these seem to have been
the fundamental ideals which governed the
Aryan educational system. This objective alone
constituted the greatest function and final safe-
guard of society.
It must be conceded that premium was placed
Elementary more upon beauty and perfection
Education. o f gou j j n w i s d O m, fortitude, tem-
perance and justice than on power and vigour
of personality. Elementary and popular educa-
tion comprised the art of writing, prayers,
learning grammar, distinguishing meanings of
words, their classifications and distinctions,
arithmetic, sciences as mechanical arts, of astro-
logy, prosody and metre, the science of reason-
ing by which the orthodox and the heterodox
and the true and the false could be thoroughly
appraised and evaluated, as well as the sciences
of the inner life devoted to the investigation of
the paths of religious attainment. 1 Narasimha
iBeal. Yuan Chwang, VII. 78-79; Walters, VI, 154-155.
There is a reference to a similar course of study in the work of
great Kannada poet Pampa of the 10th century.
SOCIAL LIFE 251
Deva the eldest son of Nitimarga was learned
in the science of politics, of elephants, archery,
grammar, medicine, bharathasastra, poetry, iti-
hasa, dancing, singing, and instrumental music. 1
Military arts, legends, history, dharma and
arthasastras, music, and dancing were some of
the subjects which even royal pupils learnt and
practised. They were expected to be perfect in
the four tests of character, as loyalty, disinte-
restedness, continence and courage. 2 The art of
dancing and music enjoyed a peculiarly favour-
able place in the curricula of studies in so far
as the princes and women often entertained the
court with artistic skill and deftness of grace-
ful movement without being in the least appre-
hensive of their exalted position and reputation
being in jeopardy.
Intensive specialisation in any branch of
knowledge was not always aimed at as it was
thought to develop a narrowness of mind, the
natural concomitant of concentration on one
branch of study to the exclusion of every other.
The attention of the pupils was made to
sweep over a large and comprehensive vista of
knowledge, cosmopolitan in character and even
inclusive of such unusual subjects as the know-
1E. 0. XII, Ng. 269.
2 E. C. V. Bl. 17.
252 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
ledge of the significance of cries of animals and
birds, decoration, pantomine and masquerade.
It was a matter of the greatest discomfiture for
the princes to be ignorant of sciences and arts
which were of considerable utility in the under-
standing of men and society and interstate
diplomacy. Inscriptions are too fulsome in
their adulations of kings who were proficient in
sastras and languages and who earned great
esteem as poets or authors of treatises on such
subjects as the arts of elephant management,
archery and social psychology. 1
The system was evidently a mixture of voca-
tional and classical training. The earlier train-
Technical ing as we learn from the inscrip-
^dncation. tions and contemporary writers
was essentially secular, and children of ordi-
nary men whether of Jaina or brahmanical
persuasion, probably, went through a course
of secular studies before they parted ways in
metaphysics. Government and the educational
system decreed the equality of right under the
law and not equality of result. It opened the
door of opportunity to all and took from no
man the fruit of his energy and endurance,
knowledge, skill, patience and thrift, to repair
the just consequences of another man's in-
l E. C. Ak. 8-14.
SOCIAL LIFE 253
competence and worthlessness. It recognised
wide differences in the circumstances, the work
and the outlook of the people, and distinguished
between the kinds of learning which were best
suited to differing and inevitable conditions of
life. It thus gave as much prominence and
honour to manual skill as to intellectual occu-
pation.
Probably, the country stood for a balanced
educational system, the best and the broadest that
could be made, and therefore, good enough for
all wherein the individual found what he wanted
and could if he liked go as high in the education
ladder as he wanted. It was not a system
wherein undue prominence was given to any
particular interest which aided any one as
against any other. The tendency was towards
imparting of a liberal education, and there are
many inscriptional evidences which bear out the
fact that such an education being given to
princes and children of other classes and techni-
cal education to those who desired proficiency in
the several mechanical arts, as metal work, sculp-
ture and the like, which were thought to be of
very great importance to the body politic. Since
the time Gangavadi was a viceroyalty of Sata-
vahanas, there was a great advance of industrial
education, and public and private patronage had
254 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
induced an intensive specialisation in industrial
arts, and handicrafts.
The most highly organised and efficient of the
industrial classes were Virapanchalas compris-
ing of goldsmiths, (akkasaliga) coiners (kam-
mada acharigal) blacksmiths (kammara) car-
penters and masons. The five hundred Svamins
of Ayyavale 1 Vim Banagigas, Gavaras, Setti-
guttas, Ankakaras, the manigaras, telligar, (oil-
man) Chippiga-gothaligal (tailor) constituted
other important trading communities of the
country. The social status of these artists,
craftsmen, and traders was not low as it became
afterwards. In the finest period of Indian art,
particularly between the eighth and ninth cen-
turies when the national culture found expres-
sion as completely in art as in literature, these
claimed and enjoyed a high social status in the
community equal to the Brahmins.
The art of engraving and sculpture attained
a high stage of development in the time of the
<Jangas and were exclusively cultivated by the
Panchalas who wore the sacred thread and con-
sidered themselves as Visvakarma Brahmanas.
Their class title was usually Achari, but in
most of the inscriptions of the Ganga period the
16k. 118.
SOCIAL LIFE 255
term Oja or ojjha and sometimes Srimat 1 is
used, signifying a guru, or Acharya, Bidigoja
probably one of the sculptors of the Gomata
image, Madhurovajha of the time of Raja
Malla I about 828 A.D. and others, with various
titles as Biruda-ruvari, Gondola Badiva, Mach-
chariparuvarigala Ganda, Ruravari, Giri-
Vagradanda, all seemed to have enjoyed great
influence in the community. The craftsmen
being deeply versed in national epic literature
always figured in the history of India as mis-
sionaries of civilisation, culture and religion. 2
Their intellectual influence being creative and
not merely assimilative, was at least as great
as that of the priests and authors.
The fundamental feature of technical train-
ing consisted in the fact that the young crafts-
man was brought up and educated in the actual
workshop of his master, serving him as his dis-
ciple, even though he happened to be his son.
\In the workshop he stood in the peculiar rela-
tion of a disciple whose life was consecrated by
devoted personal service and sacred attachment
to his master. This created an atmosphere in
which alone, one could best imbibe and spon-
taneously assimilate the excellences of his mas-
ter, and the essential secrets of his trade. The
l E. C. II SB. 21.
2Havell. Indian Sculpture and Painting. P. 188.
256 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
workshop of the craftsman was always recog-
nised as a sacred mystery, as a sacrament than
as a secular trade. This religious conception
of his craft combined with thorough technical
training which gave him a detailed knowledge
and skill in the intricacies of his art, was calcu-
lated in producing a master craftsman. The
latter in his turn preserved and transmitted to
posterity the artistic and technical excellences
of his trade richly consolidated by his own per-
sonal contribution.
In the admission of an apprentice to the
trade, the barriers between occupations were not
so fixed and rigid as those between castes. The
work, and the immunity his art had from ex-
ploitation for profit, and cut throat competition,
and above all the " spiritual conception of the
serious purpose of art, encouraged him to give
to his work that contentment of mind and lei-
sure and pride and pleasure for its own sake
essential to all artistic excellence."
The institutions that disseminated higher ins-
university traction in several departments of
Education. human knowledge were the Ghati-
kas, Agratiaras, Brahmapuris,
Mathas, temples and Bhatta Vrittis. Though
references describing the nature of Ghatikas are
inadequate, from the Kadamba sovereign Mayu-
ra Barman's allusion, it can be made out to be
SOCIAL LIFE 257
an institution of the highest learning, where
the pupils and scholars obtained the highest
knowledge in religious and secular literature. 1
They were probably institutions intended for
discussions and religious disputations, like the
conferences convened by kings in whose pre-
sence learned discussions on philosophical ques-
tions between the professors of different doc-
trines were held. The Indo-Aryan mind
was trained to recognise the supremacy of
logic to that of tacit acceptance of dogma.
Consequently the art of logical refutation of an
opponent's position was regarded as of great
importance. Owing to the popularity of this
ancient custom, scholars and founders of new
theories repaired to these institutions for the
propagation of the truths of doctrines they pro-
fessed. The member who distinguished him-
self in the discussion was known as Ghatika
Sahasa as is revealed in the Huligere plates of
.Sivamara in which a reference is made to a
Ghatika Sahasaya Madhava Sarmane. 2 These
Ghatikas, as can be gauged from references to
the participation of Samantabhadra, Pujya-
pada and others in the disputations held in the
Ghatika at Kanchi were inter-provincial in cha-
1E. C. VII Sk. 94, 176, 197; E. C. Ill Md. 113. V. On 178.
2M.A.E. 1910. Para 115.
17
258 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
raeter like the Tamil Sangham and attracted
students from all parts of the country. The
reputation that followed a successful disputant
in these assemblies was so high that it was an
inducement to all scholars to persevere in their
studies especially in the abstruse and subtle doc-
trines of religion and metaphysics, and keep up
a high standard of intellectual attainment, with
the object of winning victory in the assembly of
learned men. This custom, seems to have react-
ed powerfully on the educational atmosphere of
the country.
Associated with these early educational ins-
titutions were the monasteries and
* Chaityalayas mostly of Jaina per-
suasion, which attempted the dis-
semination of their religious doctrines among
the masses. The great Jaina monastery at
Patalika (in South Arcot district) existing in a
very flourishing condition in the 7th century
A.D. and Chaityalayas at Perur, 1 Manne and
Talkad and other places of importance were of
this type. They acted as powerful levers in sti-
mulating thought and promoting learning and
literacy among the people. The great mission of
the Jaina Sangha was ethical and was expressed
in the ideas of obedience, charity and poverty.
1M.AJL 1914. Para 56.
SOCIAL LIFE 259
Monasticism arose from a protest against vice
and corruption that prevailed in society and
pointed the way to a deeper religion and nobler
life. The confusion and distress that followed
the dismemberment of the Andhra Empire, and
the inroads of foreigners to the country, natu-
rally made life so unsafe and burdensome as to
drive large numbers of men and women to the
cloister to occupy themselves with the world to
come. More powerful than these extraneous
causes that led to a life of monasticism was the
predilection of the Aryan mind to mysticism
which furnished the foundation for the monkish
world-fleeing view of life, the distinguishing
feature of the early Middle ages. Mysticism
satisfied emotional cravings which found no
satisfaction in the cold, austere and arid abs-
tractions of Buddhism. An intense , ecstatic
feeling, deliberately induced, often became an
object in itself. In their mysteries, if they did
not teach a higher morality they raised the wor-
shipper above the level of old conventional con-
formity and satisfied in some way his longing
for communion with the Supreme Being and
assurance of life beyond. *
Mysticism devoted to a life of contemplation
and devout communion, appeared when religion
began to harden into formulae and ceremonial.
It constituted a reaction of spirit against letter,
260 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
and like monasticism arose as a revolt against
vice and corruption and f growing secularisation
of religious institutions, and primarily to satis-
fy the immediate demand for religious experi-
ence. The mysticism of the period taught a
belief in the three aspects of the soul, Physio-
logical, Psychological and Spiritual, and that
the highest could be obtained only by withdrawal
from the world of activity and sensation to that
of pure thought or pure existence. The disci-
pline consisted in the gradual purification of
body and mind by divesting the mind of all
sense impressions of the outside world and fill-
ing it with thoughts of spiritual life. "Dialectics
and logical gymnastics came to be used to
strengthen the mind for mystic contemplation,
and in the later Middle ages, scholasticism came
to reduce to rational form the prevailing mysti-
cism and to draw out static contemplation into
dynamic reasoning, and offer a rational justifi-
cation of truths revealed in the mystic state of
ecstasy.
Prom the early centuries of the Christian era
mysticism and scholasticism co-existed in the
country, for the tendency among monks and
mystics was to turn to ancient authorities and
to reach truth by their study, interpretation and
reconciliation (Samanvaya) of rival texts. The
method that was adopted by all religious dis-
SOCIAL LIFE 261
putants and theorists was scholastic. It con-
sisted in citing all known authorities on both
sides of a given problem, then draw an ortho-
dox conclusion and then by a variety of distinc-
tions and devices to show how each authority
could be reconciled with its conclusion. It
assured that all truth was to be found in autho-
rities and that when properly interpreted, they
were in agreement. Though this led to mere
abstractions, indulgence in over-subtle distinc-
tions and verbal quibbles, it was useful in
making the confused mass of traditional and
irrational doctrines, systematic and rational
and scientific, and bring a tremendous intellec-
tual activity to bear on monastic and episcopal
institutions and on the higher life of society.
This tended to produce subtle and acute minds
blazing their way through the tangle of difficult
texts. The result was that every prejudice was
changed to light, every confusion unravelled,
every error convicted, and the shame of ignor-
ance intensified, and love of truth kindled into
a passion.
The employment of dialectics in disputations
anc * discussions had the most
wholesome effect on thought in so
far as it tended to turn the attention of the
pupils from ritualism and devotion to logic and
speculation. It corrected the narrow sectaria-
262 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
nism and bigotry incidental to such institutions
as Mathas and temples. The various education-
al agencies attempted to keep alive the inte-
rest of the people in the several branches of
secular and religious knowledge by considering
religious, traditional and inherited cultures.
The Agrahara consisting of learned brahmins
was one of this type which attracted large bodies
of students into its academic atmosphere. It
was usually situated at some distance from the
cities far away from the restlessness and agita-
tion of the world, in villages where the unobstru-
sive influences of earth and sky combined with
green foliage, water, fields, the songs of birds and
fresh breeze of heaven, would pass impercepti-
bly and unsought into the soul, or sweep gra-
dual gospels in. Though the nucleus of a small
school sometimes expanded itself into that of an
Agrahara, the majority of them were invariably
state foundations given as gifts by the royal
donors or governors for the acquisition of merit
and for the promotion of learning and educa-
tion. The land that was endowed was divided
among the brahmin families and the rest was
constituted as an endowment for maintaining
the different departments of study and conduct-
ing religious service in the temple attached to
the Agrahara. The grants of land, gardens, and
money made subsequent to the foundation of
SOCIAL LIFE 263
the Agraharas were consolidated with the origi-
nal fund which enabled the authorities, with the
interest accruing from the augmented funds, to
expand courses of study, build rest houses, esta-
blishments for maintaining poor students,
housing pilgrims and wandering scholars. The
income being thus assured, the brahmins were
naturally devoted, or dedicated to study and
imparting of instruction thus making the Agrar
hara a centre of learning and a university.
Sometimes Mathas were founded in the Agra-
Jiaras of other denominations with heavy en-
dowments enjoying immunity from taxation
and official jurisdiction. 1
The endowments came probably under the
direct authority of the brahmins who form-
ed a corporate body, and controlled the proper-
ties and administered the affairs of the Agra-
hara. 2 The assembly of the brahmins exercised
civil and municipal duties as well as that of or-
ganising celebration of plays, entertainments of
visitors and scholars, and arrangements of dis-
putations, exposition and interpretation of new
and conflicting doctrines by the learned. Sanita-
tion, construction and repairing of roads, organi-
sation and distribution of charities were other
1 E. C. VIII Sk. 29.
2E. C. IX 127-132.
264 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
types of work which devolved on the shoulders
of the Mahajanas. They, in consonance with
the practice of the age trained themselves in
military exercises and constituted themselves as
leaders in battle whenever their Agraharas were
threatened by invasion 1 or raids by the aborigi-
nal tribes. The Mahajanas were perfect in
Yama, Niyama, Bhajana, Dharana, Japa,
Manana, Svadhyaya and Samadhi and proficient
in Rig-Yagus-Sama and Atharva Vedas, the
Vedangas the eighteen puranas and Smritis, in
music, dialectic, Kamasastras, Natakas and
Alankaras (rhetoric). They were acquainted
with languages of Karnataka, Lata, Dramila
and other countries and all their written cha-
racters (lipi). 2 They delighted in offering
food, medicine and asylum to those who sought
their protection. 3 They performed punctili-
ously the duties assigned to them by law, of
which receiving of gifts and officiating as priests
were the primary ones.
A vivid description of the educational life in
an Agrahara is given in one of the inscriptions
of the twelfth century. "In some streets were
brahmins reading the Vedas, sastras and six
systems, of tarka; in some were mantapas in-
1E. C. VH. Sk. 293.
2Ak. 130. Ag. 99.
8B. C. VHI Sb. 253.
SOCIAL LIFE 265
tended as theatres for new shows ; in some tem-
ples were groups of brahmins either reading the
Veda or all at once listening to some higher
science, or unceasingly carrying on discussions
in logic or joyously reciting pur anas or settling
the meaning of all manner of Smriti, drama and
poetry. To studying, teaching, listening to
good precepts and the rule of their faith were
the brahmins devoted/'
Unlike the Agraharas, the Brahmapuris were
simply settlements of brahmins in cities and
towns devoted to dissemination of learning. It
was not a corporate body enjoying rights and
privileges and possessing property like the
Agraharas, though the Brahmins had Vrittis
for their maintenance. Talkad and Manyapura
had Brahmapuris which were increased in num-
ber in later times under the patronage of the
Hoysalas.
The Mathas that were in existence for a long
time were residential colleges housing monks,
ascetics and students who were not only provided
with instruction but food and clothing free of
charge. The poor, infirm and the destitute
found 'free boarding and lodging in the Matha,
whether founded by kings, chieftains or by
Gurus of great education and scholarship. The
Mathas were pioneers in education. The scho-
lastic attainments of the preceptors were prodi-
266 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
gious in so far as the inscriptions record their
proficiency in Jainism, Buddhism, Tarka,
Kavya, Vyakarana, Nataka, Bharathasastra
and other sciences. The Acharyas of Maleyur
were spoken of as uprooters of Mimamsakas,
Tathaghatas and Sankhyas.
The last two centuries of Ganga rule were
saiva days of passionate emotion and
Mathas. highly strung enthusiasm. Never
had the souls of men been so deeply stirred by
the ideas of raising the whole existence of man-
kind to a higher level. It was a case of regene-
rating the whole people, apparently doomed be-
yond redemption by the spread of the nihilistic
doctrines of Buddhism, by regulating it from
within from the inmost depths of its nature.
Sankara carried on his relentless crusades
against them and founded Mathas in Sringeri,
Kumbhakonam, and other centres. The Alwars,
Nayanmars, and other theists found the way of
devotion as the best and the only means of ex-
pressing the deep seated religious instincts of
the masses than resort to the dry agnostic philo-
sophy of Buddhism, or the arid metaphysics of
Hinduism, too cold and austere to satisfy the
passionate and emotional nature of the people.
All the activities that had been called into life
by the age that was passing away, were seized,
concentrated and steadied to a definite aim by
SOCIAL LIFE 26T '
the spirit of religion. Life as a result gained
in moral grandeur, in the sense of the dignity of
manhood, in orderliness and equable force.
Mathas and monasteries arose in all parts of
the country with a view to propagate the new
impulse, and became gradually great centres of
learning, of which the Kalamukha Mathas were
prominent.
The Kalamukha priests who were attached to
the Mathas and monasteries were great educa-
tionists. They were probably followers of the
Bhakti cult as they observed exercises such as
lying upon sand, muttering holy words, devo-
tional perambulations, dancing and singing and
thus worked themselves to a state of psychical
exaltation and religious ecstacy. 1 They are des-
cribed in one of the inscriptions as "Sishya
Chataka Varshakala, mukhar," indicating
thereby that they were in great demand by the
student body. Their names usually ended in
Rasi, Sakti and Abharana. There were both
married men and brahmacharins possessing the
eight attributes of Yoga, Yama, Niyama and
Dharana, etc. The celebate priests were held in
greater esteem than their married brothers.
They were not only the heads of Mathas and the
monasteries in Mysore but also of the residen-
1 Sarvadarshanasangraha, Tr. Cowell and Gough, P. 105-6.
268 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
tial colleges that were associated with them. By
the force of their dynamic personality and great
scholarship in the Vedas, Vedangas, Kavya,
nataka, Bharata sastra, and other sciences, they
attracted students of different ages and degrees
of culture from all parts of the country. During
Hoysala sovereignty when their influence was
considerable they were styled as " Rajaguru"
As pontiffs of Kedaresvara, Panchalingesvara,
and Nandikesvara and Kusumesvara and other
temples, they were the recipients of great
patronage of governors and kings. The Kash-
trakuta king Govinda III in 807 A.D. made a
grant to Isvara Dasa, a disciple of Kalasakti
and head of the matha in the temple of Nandi.
Netra Sivacharya, disciple of Sakari Bhatta-
raka "a moon in the firmament of pure Saivism"
received for the renovation of Siva temple at
Alur in Nirgunda Vishaya a similar grant with
exemption from all imposts from Vijayaditya
Uanavikrama. Though the Kalamukha mathas
were pre-eminently religious institutions, from
the comprehensive scheme of studies accepted
and taught by them, the distinction which some
priests claimed in grammar and literature one
can see that secular learning also was imparted
in them. The curriculum of studies included
among others, grammar, Darshanas, Lakula
Siddanta, Toga and Dharmasastras, puranas,
SOCIAL LIFE 269
poems, comedies, polity, logic, music and paint*
ing.
The method of teaching in these universities
was oral. It was meant to direct
the disciples to mental activity
rather than to instruct them
in dogma. Education that was imparted in
them was not merely one of development of
intellectual skill but a growth in self -conscious-
ness, in the power of right judgment and cha-
racter depending upon an intimate knowledge
of the phenomenon of life and nature and capa-
ble of being developed by use and extended by
experience. Jainism, the dominant religion of
the country like Buddhism emphasised the use
of the vernacular as the medium of instruction,
Illustrations by allegories, parables and stories
were pressed into service in vivifying know-
ledge. Stress was laid on example rather than
on precept, thus making it imperative for stu-
dents to transmute their learning to action.
The most potent factor in the system more
potent than even the corporate influence of the
community was the personality of the Guru who
touched the deeper springs of the student-being
by personal example, resting upon a clear
ideal and easy method of approach, which the
disciple could follow, by sympathy, moral in-
sight, sense of justice, candour of heart, self
270 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
discipline, consistency of conduct, and a rever-
ential attitude of mind. The staging of plays,
amusements and recreations which the Maha-
janas organised for the benefit of the student
Tbody, as well as the healthy open air life, the
pleasurable sensation of growth, all formed a
solid foundation to the joys of existence. The
student's career was not merely a pis oiler but a
vocation, a life work in the highest sense. The
Agrahara or Ghatika was not merely an academy
where students gathered for study, but a temple
where the transcendental duties of the indivi-
dual to his fellow citizens and to the state were
offered. Such great mediaeval universities gra-
dually fell into desuetude and were rendered
powerless by loss of income, moral inertness, by
their antogonism to the deep religious convic-
tions of the people, and blind hostility to the
new intellectual movements that later stirred
the country.
From very early times, Sanskrit and prakrit
languages were extensively culti-
_? <_? /
vated. The prevalence of Brah-
manical religion from about the beginning of
the first century A.D., bears testimony to the
-currency of secular and brahmanical literature
in Gangavadi. Along with literary activities in
Sanskrit, prakrit also seems to have been ex-
tensively used in the country as can bfe gleaned
SOCIAL LIFE 271
from the Asokan inscription, and the coins in
prakrit of the Satavahana and Kadamba kings.
The Malavalli stone inscription, and Sivaskanda
Varman's grant to brahmins are additional tes-
timony, bearing out the same fact. Prom the
beginning of the first century practically till the
close of the eleventh century Prakrit was gene-
rally adapted by both the Jains and Brahmins
for literary purposes, as can be seen from the
treatise on Jain cosmography, referred to in the
Lokavibhaga, Anupreksha by Kundakunda
Acharya and several prakrit works by Tumbu-
lur Acharya and others. Partly sectarian
motives and partly a zeal to spread culture and
thought might have induced the Jains to use
prakrit and the vernaculars predominantly in
instruction for promoting their religious tenets.
The Jain Acharyas, as can be inferred from
the inscriptions and extant works, were also the
greatest cultivators of Sanskrit. Samanta-
bhadra and Pujyapada wrote several Sanskrit
works which were well known and commented
upon by Kannada writers of a later period.
Safodavatara, a Sanskrit grammar also known
as Anekascsha, Vyakarana, Sarvarthasiddi, a
philosophical work, Jainabhiseka, a treatise
on poetics and prosody and SamadMsataka
were some of the works which are attributed to
Pujyapada. Though the Sanskrit version of the
272 " THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Ramayana and the Mahabharata were current
in the time of Madhava Varma as testified to by
a copper plate inscription 'of the 4th century
A.D. one Ravisena Acharya who, probably, flou-
rished in the 7th century A.D. wrote Padma
Charite or Mciharamayana, comprehensive of
all the current versions of the story of Rama.
During the seventh and the eighth centuries
due to the persecution of the Jains in the South,
a large number of Jains came and settled in
Gangavadi, and there was an indirect stimulus
for the development of Jaina literature, and
thought under Ganga patronage. It was during
this period, on the strength of the Jain popula-
tion and the patronage given by the Rashtra-
kuta and Ganga kings, the Jain Acharyas made
peregrinations to Kanchi, and other Bud-
dhistic and Saiva centres, and there challenged
the exponents of its rival doctrines to disputa-
tion. A vivification of Jaina thought was at-
tempted by several Acharyas in the writing of
commentaries or sutras on old Jaina works.
Akalanka, the celebrated Jaina philosopher who
conquered the Buddhists at Kanchi wrote Asia-
sakti, a commentary on Samantabhadra's Apta
Mimamsa. Works as Uttara Purana by Guna-
bhadra, Kalyana Karcika, work on medicine by
Ugraditya and several others on different bran-
ches of human knowledge, were written by the
SOCIAL LIFE 273
Jains. Some of the Ganga kings like the Jain
Acharyas are mentioned in inscriptions as emi-
nent in wisdom and scholarship in religious and
secular literature. Madhava II was a touch
stone for testing the learned and the poets, good
in .Nitisastra and author of a Vritti on Dattaka-
sutra or Aphorisms of Dattaka, who probably,
lived in the 1st century A.D. prior to Vatsayana.
Durvinita, one of the greatest kings of the 7th
century wrote a commentary on Panini and on
the 15th Sarga of Kiratarjuneya of Bharavi.
Of the several Dravidian languages, Kan-
Kannada nada, language of Karnataka,
poets - like Tamil is of great antiquity.
From the inscriptions and references in the
works of poets of the 9th and 10th centuries to
Halekannada and the beautiful style in which
the inscriptions of the time of Sripurusha and
others are engraved on stone, or copper plates,
it is obvious that Purvada Halekannada or pri-
mitive old Kannada, probably the language of
Banavasi, was widely cultivated prior to the
period of the great poets. The period of the
Purvada Halekannada might have terminated
about the end of the 7th century, while Hale-
kannada began about the 8th century and was
extended nearly as long as the 14th century.
Samantabhadra, Kaviparamesti, and Pujya-
pada or Devanandi are mentioned by Pampa
18
274 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
and other poets as the most distinguished of the
early Kannada authors. Samantabhadra was
the author of BhashatManjari, Chintamani Tip-
panni and several other works. Srivardha
Deva, also called Tumbulur Acharya, was the
author of Chudamani, and this has been praised
as one of the greatest works in the Kannada
language by Bhatta Kalanka in his Karnataka
Sabdanushasanam. He was also the author of
works on Sabdagama, Yuktyagama, and Para-
magama, as well as on poetry, drama, rhetoric
and the fine arts. A work like Chudamani which
had the eulogistic testimony of the great poet
Dandin who flourished at the close of the
7th century, could not have been produced had
there not already pre-existed a considerable
literature in Kannada and a wide spread culti-
vation of the language. 1 The great Rashtra-
kuta king, Amoghavarsha or Nripatunga who
ruled between 814 to 867 A.D. mentions in his
Kavirajamarga the names of great poets as
Vimala, Udaya, Nagarjuna, Jayabhandu, Dur-
vinita, and others who acquired great fame in
the world of rhythmic prose. Of the old poets
(Purvada Kavigal), who wrote poems in Kan-
nada, Srivijaya, Kavisvara, Pandita, Chandra,
Lokapala were remarkable for their great excel-
IB. 0. II. No. 50.
SOCIAL LIFE 275
lence in style and comprehensiveness of the sub-
ject of poetry.
Between the ninth and the tenth centuries, the
moral conceptions of the time, the exaltation of
the sense of human brotherhood, and longing
after a higher and a nobler standard of life and
action, hatred of oppression, and a desire to
inculcate the doctrine of Ahimsa and Syadvada
and love for one's own language, culture and
thought were expressed by a crowd of writers
with such fire and eloquence as to carry them to
the heart of the people. The centre of lite-
rary activity was Gangavadi and Kisuvolal
Kopana, Puligere and Omkunda, and the langu-
age attracted the special attention of the scho-
lars to its systematic study and culture. Sev-
eral poets and scholars strove in the true spirit
of scholarship to outvie one another in embel-
lishing their native language and purging it
from the admixture of foreign elements. A
knowledge of Sakkadam, considered to be a
tadbhava formed from the word Samskrita was
deemed to be the necessary mark of a scholar,
though the best poets always used it apart from
the local vernacular. From statements of Naga-
varma and other great poets it is obvious that
Kannada was not dependant for purposes of
composition on Sanskrit, for the standard poets
always ridiculed "the mongrel productions of
276 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
those who could not write in Kannada without
a resort to Sanskrit, condemning the practice,
as the mark of an imperfect education, and
advocating purism in the separate use of the
two languages." 1
The use of classical Sanskrit words in their
unaltered form whenever desired, and the tad-
bhava to suit the language of the people, strict
adherence to the use of tense and cases and the
rule of syntax, pleasing euphonic junction of
letters, and intermixing poetry with passages
in prose commonly known as Champu were
some of the characteristics of the literature of
the period. Several types of Kannada as Olu-
gannada, Belugannada, Achchakannada, proba-
bly, derivatives from Sanskrit seem to have pre-
vailed in the Ganga country along with other
local dialects. 3
The greatest poets of this period Nagavarma,
Pampa, Ponna, Asaga, Chaundaraya, Ranna,
and others were all invariably Ubhayabhasha
Chakravartins with an expert knowledge of
1 Palegannadadapadangole
Kole-sakkadamam Tagulchidam edam uttum
Malesam god ant ire pe
Wali-gavigala kavite budharan erdeg olisugume.
Nagavarma 's verse quoted by Kesaraja.
2 Olu-gannada belugannada
Telu-gannadavachcha-gannadam sakkajamum
IDIe-ganuada hale-gannada
Sale-dedyak-ene-y-ad-unte kannadak ileyol.
J. B. A. S. XXII. P. 246.
SOCIAL LIFE 277
Sanskrit, prakrit and the local languages. The
earliest poet of this period was probably Guna-
varma, the author of Harivamsa, and other
works, and a contemporary of the Ganga king
Yeriappa who ruled between 886-913 A.D.
Asaga named by Ponna and Kesiraja was pro-
bably the author of Vardhamanasvami Kavya. 1
Among the galaxy of great poets of the period,
Pampa, variously known as Kavitagunarnava,
Guruhampa, Puranakavi, Sujanottamsa, Ham-
saraja, stands pre-eminent. Pampa was born
in 902 A.D. and was descended from a brahmin
from the Vengi country. Abhiramadevaraya,
his father was a resident of Vikramapura, one
of the Agraharas in Vengi, and from conviction
became a Jaina. Pampa ? s patron was Ari-
kesari, a prince of the Chalukya family ruling
over one and one-fourth lakh country called
Jola. With the pious determination to essay
for the good of the world, Pampa, the devout
Jaina, accomplished in an incredibly short time
of three months and six months, the remark-
able feat of completing Adipurana and Vikra-
marjunavijaya or Pampa Bharata. Laghu-
purana, Parsvanathapurana and Paramarga
are some of the other works that are attributed
to him.
u. B. A. s. xv. p. 300.
278 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
Henna, Ponniga, Santivarma, Savana and
by such other ' names Ponna is referred to in
literature, and he was Pampa's great contem-
porary, and was the author of Santipurana
which he himself styles /as Puranachudamani.
For his superiority over all other poets, in com-
mand of both Kannada and Sakkada, in the
Akkaradarajya or the realm of letters, he
received the title of Ubhaya Kavichakravarti,
from the Rashtrakuta king Krishna who was
also known as Nirupana and Akalavarsha.
Chaundaraya the patron of Eanna was the
author of Chaundarayapurana.
Of the poets of the latter half of the 10th cen-
tury, Ranna mentioned as Kaviratna, Abhinava
Kavichakravarti and by other appellations has
been considered to be the greatest of the Kan-
nada poets. He was of the Valegara kula that
of the bangle sellers and was born in 940 A.D.,
in Mudavalalu, a village of the Jambhukhandi
70, in the Beligere 500. His mother was Aba-
labbe. His father was Janavallabhendra.
Ajitasenacharya was his guru and his lord was
Chaundaraya. He was the author of Gadha-
yudda and Ajitpurana, and the latter he styles
as Puranatilaka comparable with Adipurana
and Santipurana of Pampa and Ponna. Gada-
yuddha and Ajitapurana were probably written
between 983 and 998 A.D. An emperor in the
SOCIAL LIFE 279
empire of poetry, lie was honoured by Taila II
as well as by Samantas and Mandalikas. He
received a Madanavatara, a parasol, Chowri,
elephant and a Bhattagave and the title of
Kavichakravarti from the emperor. He was
well versed in both grammars Jinendra and
Sabdanusasana. He says that Pampa, author
of Adipurana, and Ponna, author of Santi-
purana, and himself constituted the three
jewels that illuminated the Jaina religion.
While praising Atimabbe, his patroness, as a
Danachintamcmi in a number of verses, he inci-
dentally refers to Butuga, Marasimha, Sankara-
ganda, probably of the Challaketana family
and feudatory of Amoghavarsha, and Chaun-
daraya, as being justly honoured for their great
liberality and patronage they extended to men
of letters. A Kesidandanayaka, known as
Brahma, apparantly a great literary character
is also refered to by him as having revised his
poem. 1
Nemichandra, author of Kaviraja Kunjara,
and Lilavati, a Sringara Kavya, with poetry of
a high order was the great contemporary of
Banna and also the tutor of Taila. 2 Naga-
varma the author of Chudamani lived during
the reign of Rakkasa Ganga and was patronised
1 Indian Antiquary XI. 41.
2 J. B. A. S. XV. P. 305.
280 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
by Chaundaraya, 1 His guru was Ajitasena-
deva likewise the guru of the poet Banna* All
the poets who belonged to the close of the tenth
century were remarkable for their scholarship,
knowledge of languages and sublimity of senti-
ment. In the works particularly of Pampa
and Ranna are noticeable a certain tragic gran-
deur, classic severity, facility and grace of ex-
pression, delicacy of phrase, symmetry, regula-
larity in arrangement of sentences and range
over every quality of poetic excellence.
From what is mentioned in Kavirajamarga
_ and in the statements of Pampa 1
The People. \
that ms works were read by all
classes, one is tempted to infer that the people
of Gangavadi referred to by even the Jain
Acharyas as bhavyajanas were passionately
fond of learning, well-instructed and paid res-
pect to moral and intellectual eminence. 2 The
1 Karnataka Kavyavalokana ; P. 3. Revised edition.
2 Padan aridu nudiyalum nudi
dudan arid arayalum arpar a nadavargal
Kuritavar allade mattam
Kiru-vakkal ma mugar
Maripalk arivar vivekamam matugalam.
Apt are the people of that land in speaking as if accustomed to
verso and in understanding it when spoken, clever in truth are
they, for they are ripely skilled in the usages of poetry without
SOCIAL LIFE 281
education and enlightenment of the masses, were
accomplished by various cultural agencies, as
recitations of ballads scenic representations of
the epics and Puranas, periodic lectures, and
special festivities and Kathas which inculcated
high ethical and philosophic ideals. Great
educational work also was done by Sadhus who
recognised no political barriers nor any distinc-
tions of race. They were deeply versed in
antique wisdom and possessed the culture ac-
cumulated by constant travel, and were content
to live a life of; poverty, in spite of sometimes
belonging to wealthy families. The people were
courteous, pleasant of speech, truthful, just,
tolerant, generous, and hospitable, and great
votaries of love and wealth.
The majority of the population being agri-
cultural, lived, assembled in vil-
Guilds. ' '
lages, with the one all absorbing
occupation of going to the field for labour and
returning with cattle home at night. It is pro-
bable that villages varied very much in different
parts of the country, some open, and others
giving themselves up to its study. Not only students but others
are skilful in their speech; and know how to teach both wis-
dom to young children and words to the deaf. To compose at
will in Sanskrit or Prakrit may be done and in conformity with
the old canons which is the aim and mark of the able.
Nripatunga Kavirajamarga.
282 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
fairly well fortified with walls and defences to
restrict the aggressions of hostile enemies, of
the midnight marauders who came to steal
cattle. Each village had its annual fairs and
festivals, and temples and houses for lodging
strangers, pilgrims or religious mendicants. The
condition of the country people, could not have
been prosperous as they had to contribute by
way of taxes and perquisites a large part of
their income to the royal treasury, government
officers or local religious institutions. The
towns too were walled and rendered impregna-
ble by moats, bastions and other devices. Many
of them teemed with a large population, the
insecurity of life and property making the
growth of such fortified towns under the strong
protecting hand of a governor, or a king impe-
rative. The guilds were important organs of
the municipal government of the towns. The
most powerful of these guild organisation was
that of the Vira Panchalas consisting of gold-
smiths, coiners, blacksmiths, carpenters and
masons.
These guilds had numerous branches in the
country which followed the rules, regulations
concerning wages and succession to property,
determined by the central body in the capital.
They too, like the oilmen, potters and tailors
who constituted themselves into separate
SOCIAL LIFE 283
guilds for industrial purposes and observed
Samaya Dharma (caste piety), paid profes-
sional taxes. The numerous trading guilds or
communities that are spoken of in inscriptions,
bear witness to the rich trade of the country, its
important exports and imports, the easy means
of communication, and various modes of trans-
port that were available during the period.
Gavaras, settis, virabanagigas, manigars,
nanadesis and Desakaras, were some of the com-
munity of merchants, who like industrial classes
were organised into guilds. Strongly entrench-
ed behind the ramparts of communal or guild
rights and privileges (virabanagiga Dharma)
they were able to help each other against diffi-
culties and robbery and impose heavy penalties
on offenders for transgressions of guild regu-
lations. 1 These guilds were bankers also, deal-
ing with loans and deposits. Merchants who
wandered from country to country in caravans
using buffaloes or carts and pack animals, dealt
largely in such articles as musk, saffron, mus-
tard, turmeric, cotton, cloth, sandlewood, areca-
nuts, forest produce, beryl, ghee, spices, horses,
salt and precious stones. Though their jour-
ney was sometimes hazardous, subject to grave
dangers of confiscation and molestation from
IE. a XI Hk; E. C. VII h 91.
284 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
robbers and wild forest tribes, the main roads
called Heddari and cart tracks and small roads
tributary to the main ones, were well preserved
and zealously protected by local authorities.
Weights and measures were systematised, but
were not uniform throughout the country.
There were well established commercial laws
and practices and from Krayapramana Patras
or contracts effected between individual or
groups often in the presence of village assem-
blies, one can infer that a very high standard of
commercial morality was maintained.
Jainism by insisting on the practice of uni-
Pood and versal virtues as honesty, truthf ul-
******* ness, justice and toleration, self-
restraint and sanctity of animal life, had com-
pletely transformed the outlook of the people
towards animate and inanimate creation and to
a denunciation of bloody sacrifices and rituals.
The religion also made people very abstemious
in habits and food. Though few inscriptions
speak of the nature of the food that was taken
by the people, it was probably both in country
and town, unleavened bread with boiled vege-
tables, clarified butter or oil and spices. The
inferior castes ate meat along with vegetables
and spices. Drunkenness was confined to them
because it was a matter of natural propensity
with them. The poor and the rich alike chewed
SOCIAL LIFE 285
betel with the hard nut of areca mixed with a
sort of lime made from shells and with various
spices, according to one's means. Some of the
sweet-meats as holige, laddu, seekarane, unde,
seem to have been popular among the people, as
borne out by Parsva Pandita in his Parsva-
natha Purana. 1 A class of brahmins are describ-
ed as well versed in the science of sacrifices
(Yagna Vidhya}, devoted to the study of sha-
dangas and performance of the six duties and
as incessant drinkers of the Soma juice (avich-
china Soma pitabhyam) 2 With the decline of!
Jainism in the country and the establishment of
Hoysala sovereignty with Vaishnavite persua-
sion and the revival of rituals and sacrifices,
animal food seems to have been revived and in-
dulged in by the kings and the nobility too.
Onions, countryfowls, pigs, and the flesh of
bears, elephants, pigeons, horses, dogs, and ani-
mals used in sacrifices were forbidden in eating.
Culinary experts (Mamsapakavishara^
could prepare varieties of flesh
in the palace. 3
The princes and the nobili^
hospitality on entertainmen^j
amusements. The king oft
IE. Narasimhachar : Kavicharite Vol. I.,
2 M.A.R. 1912. P. 66. ,
8 Abhilashitarta Chintamanij 136-7.
286 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
an( * invite( * People of all classes to
ments of witness his pomp and pageantry.
the King. jj e wou j ( j sea {. hi mse if on the
throne in the durbar hall, filled with men
enveloped with cotton fabrics, ornaments,
garlands and scents, and attended with'fly-whisk
bearers. From the sculptural representations
in temples, and references in contemporary
chronicles, it is clear that the ladies of the harem
appeared without veil in the open durbar, and
sat in the rear of the throne. The priest, amat-
yas, mantris, princes, and sachivas who came
with suitable dress and ornaments were assign-
ed a place of distinction. Samantas, mandala-
adhipatis, lords of countries, heroes and feuda-
tories occupied the right and left side in front
of the king, while officers of districts and of vil-
lages, Dharmadikarins and officers in charge of
market rates, weights, and measures, passports,
roads, infantry, body-guard, elephants, horses
and chariots, of education, musical instruments,
of mines, of liquor, also adorned the durbar
decked with all the magnificent trappings suit-
ed to their respective positions in the official
hierarchy. There were the loyal servants hold-
ing vases of betel leaves and nuts, or holding
drawn swords, alert and raptly attentive. Poets,
singers, heralds, dancers, conversationalists,
ankamallas noted for their bravery, and men of
SOCIAL LIFE 28T
sanctity, bhattas, soothsayers, were others who
attended upon the king and received his hospi-
tality. 1 On such great and auspicious occa-
sions the nobility appeared dressed in cotton
coats with long arms, jewelled head dresses with
golden ornaments and Karnavatamsa or ear-
rings. Normally men wore a waist cloth and a
dhoti, and left their breasts unprotected. Com-
plete clothing with head-dress was insisted upon
in durbars and royal occasions. Men wore their
hair tied up to a knot behind.
The king observed the Tulabhara ceremony
and weighed himself against precious metals,
during the celebration of his birthday. 2
Hiranyagarbha and Tidapurasha gifts were
made to brahmins on such august occasions. 3
Decorations and titles were conferred on pro-
minent publicmen, on generals with great mili-
tary distinctions, the most dignified of which
was the Patta or the golden band to be worn on
the forehead. 4 Another high distinction that
was bestowed upon celebrated generals and offi-
cials was the Ganda-Pendara an anklet worn on
the right leg. 5 Valuable presents as elephants
1 Abilashitarta Chintamani : II Sarga Slokas, 1216-80.
2E. 0. V Ak. 102.
8 E. -0. V Ak. 108.
4E. 0. VIII Sa, 80. A.A.B. 1919, P. 63-68.
5 E. 0. V BL 112.
288 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
chariots, and endowments of land were made
along with decorations as a mark of royal
favour. 1 Todar and Pende jewelled anklets
embossed with medallions and worn on the left
leg, were bestowed on Garudas who wore them
.as a pledge of unflinching loyalty and devotion,
together with the determination to die with the
master and not survive him. Physicians cele-
brated for their knowledge of medicine
(Nutana Vaidyakala) 2 scholars learned in
writing several languages, and writing with
l)oth hands, and for performing a hundred
avadhanas (mnemonic feats), 3 asukavis, Sat-
avadlianis, poets who composed extempore and
in short time, Salaki Acharyas, experts in
stichomancy in answering questions by putting
a stick into a palm leaf book at random and
finding a suitable passage, 4 were also ' the reci-
pients of gifts of land and honour from the
king.
The king usually had many wives who per-
formed sati at his death, A numer-
ous harem guarded by hunchbacks
and oldmen maintained by the Hoysala king
Narasimha may not be too fragmentary an evi-
1 E. C. V Ak. 108.
2 E. C. V Ak. 8.14.
3 E. C. VII Ci. 64.
4 Pampa Adipurana III Asvaes 21.
SOCIAL LIFE
dence to bear out its popularity in the country
in the early period. He had female attendants
who guarded his inner apartments and carried
fly-whisks as one of the insignias of royalty. The
queen and women of the royal family and the
nobility observed a certain amount of seclu-
sion. Companions of the queen and servants
were capable of writing and arranging little
scenes for the amusement of royalty. Women
were held in high respect. Education was com-
mon among women of the higher classes and
they were taught 1 arithmetic, grammar, poetry^
prosody, and fine arts. The princesses are men-
tioned in inscriptions as being great scholars
and patronesses of poets and learned men.
Some of the ! queens brought up precocious,
children and later on, in spite of their low sta-
tus in life married them into the royal family
and conferred on them high ministerial posi-
tions. 2 They were also remarkable for their
religious fervour and distribution of charity. 8
At the height of Jaina religion, culture and
Ubid VIII, Asvasa, 59-60.
2 Ganitavanmi Yedagaialli baredu torisi
Svayambhu Vabhidana Pada Vidhya chchandro
Vichitya lankara galam
Vangmayamumam, Samasta kata kalapamumam,
VIII Asvasa 59-60,
8E. C. II SB. 143.
19
290 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
education, rectitude and piety, liberality and
charity, had come to permeate all sections of
the people, engendering in them devotion for
the faith and practice of austerities. Seela, and
Vinaya were considered to be the true mark of
sound education 1 and Jainism insisted upon the
cultivation of these virtues. Some women of
the nobility were renowned for their learning
in medicine, 2 for intelligence and influence, and
for the exposition of high ethical and philoso-
phical truths. A few earned Vibhutipatta, a
mark of high distinction for erudition and scho-
larship. 3 We learn from inscriptions, of high-
ly cultured and educated women who renounced
the world with all its joys and took shelter at
the sacred feet of Jina and acquired the true
inner vision. Many women earned a high and
honourable* place in society as great education-
ists and devotees of religion, and as the most
efficient instruments for promoting the solid-
arity of the religious organisation and success-
ful propagation of the faith among the multi-
tude.
Fine arts as dancing, singing and instru-
Arts. mental music were considered to
iPampa Adipurana: VIII Asvasa 58.
-2 E. C. H 124-129.
* E. 0. V Ak. 108. M.A.E. 1912, 58.
SOCIAL LIFE 291
be a great accomplishment among women of
noble families. 1 The musical instruments that
were in use then, were the flute, samudraghosa,
Katu-Mukha Vadhitra (a kind of trumpet), the
band of five instruments as tantri, tal, nakara,
bije, jhanjh &n.d turya, veena and drum. 2
Dancing was accompanied by singing, drum
and instrumental music. Profici-
ency in several types of dancing as
Bharathi, satvaki, kaisike, arabhate, and differ-
ent kinds of pose and expression of feeling was
considered to be a mark of distinction. 8 Bhu-
chaladevi, a perfect dancer attracted the king
by her dance and won the king as well as titles
of Patrajagudale (head of the world of
dancers). 4 Dancing halls with stone pave-
ments in courts and temples were constructed
and embellished by kings, and often, from dona-
tions by the rich who were great patrons and
IE. 0. Ng. 32; M.A.R. 1932. 45.
2 Pampa Adipurana II Asvasa; 9 E. 0. V Kd 179.
IX Asvasa 15, 18, 26, 28; I. A. V. P. 35.
3 Bharati, Satvaki, Kaisike,
Yarabhateyumemba Vrittiyol rasamam San|
Charisuva bhavavam yi|
Stirimiva bedangu bere Neetanganeya
Bharata gamadol muvateradaneya Negaldam gaharamum
amentum. 1 1
Pampa. Ibid IX Asvasa 26*28.
4E. C. VIII Sh 97.
20
292 THE G ANGAS OF TALKAB
promoters of music, dancing and decorative
arts. 1
Noble damsels were also taught painting and
decoration (Alekya krama) and
the use of brush, pure and colour
paints and needle. 2 One of the fascinating
contents of the art of painting which because
of its emotional value had come to be largely
utilised for ethical purposes, was portraiture.
The portraits were " expressions of form, re-
collection of appearances and delineation of
character," in so far they attempted to establish
the identity of individuals, partly by rendering
their features, and partly by other associations
essential for their identification a motif which
was maintained up to a very late period. Chitra
Phalakas or prepared mediums applied over-
slabs of terra cotta stone or pieces of wood, ap-
proximately a board, and colour boxes with
brush, were used for painting. The vastness of
conception, force of expression, perfect grace,
and complete mastery of the materials of the
painter revealed in the Ajanta frescoes not by
any means an isolated instance of contemporary
painting, testify to centuries of artistic develop-
ment which contributed to the making of such
IE. 0. III. Cm 160; Tn 87; E. C. H. 335; VII Sk 105.
2 Abhilashitartha Cbintamani : P. 195, 201, 282.
SOCIAL LIFE 293
precious mural documents in the life of the
nation. For the painting of animals and birds
and for representations of human scenes, the art-
ists found their inspiration in the human and
animal life surrounding them. Cave painting
as at Ajanta, or at Sittanavasal near Pudukot-
tai, is the earliest document in the art of the
-country followed later by painting and decora-
tions of gods and goddesses with colourful dress
and ornaments upon palm leaf manuscripts in
which the Jains specialised. 1 The students of
painting were introduced to the study of port-
raiture and picture drawing along with music
and other fine arts. 2
The dress of women was nearly the same as
it is to-day, but only larger and
longer sarees and bodices of vari-
ous bright colours were worn by them. The
dancing girls wore breeches, to facilitate free-
dom of locomotion or free movement of the
body. 3 Various ornaments as jewelled girdles,
necklaces, ear-rings and bracelets and several
kinds of cosmetics were used to enhance beauty
of expression. The body and cheeks were an-
ointed with saffron paste to keep them cool aad
golden. It was a mark of beauty to have
1 Journal of Indian Art XV P. 91,
2 Abhilashitartha Chintamani: P. XI.
3 M.A.R. 1910.11. P. 8.
294 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
almond eyes unduly elongated and often reach-
ing from ear to ear, and they were adorned
with collyrium. A pretty touch of freshness
was given to black curly locks for which the
maidens of Karnataka were famous, by a wreath
of flowers and scents and perfumes.
Polygamy was not uncommon in the higher
ceremonies strata of society. Marriage was a
of marriage. matter of religious necessity rather
than of individual choice though the custom of
Svayamvara was occasionally observed by prin-
cesses, 1 as borne out by Chandralekha's choice
of Vikramadeva and Punnata's princess's
choice of Avinita. The absorption of foreign
and aboriginal races into the new hinduism, and
the great religious movements of the period
which tended to reconcile the jarring strife of
sectarianism in a broad religious philosophy,
and bring the north and south closer together
in a linguistic, literary and social sense, had
created new social groupings, a large number of
new castes, and new conventions about occupa-
tions and intermarriages. Probably this ex-
plains the prevalence of inter-marriages between
brahmins and Jains 2 and people of different
religious persuasions. The Jains observed six-
iBilhana: Vikramadeva charita, 38.
2E, C. II SB. 126: XII Tm. 19.
SOCIAL LIFE 295
teen ceremonials, very similar to the brahmins,
the principal of which were as Garbhadana,
Pumsavana, Simanta-karma, Jatak-karma,
Namakarana, Annaprasana, Chudopanayana
(the ceremony of tonsure), Upanayana, Sastra-
bhyasa, Samavartana (the return of a student
on the completion of his studies under a
teacher), vivaha and Antya Karma.*
Marriages were performed with many cere-
monies, the essential parts of which were, the
joining of hands of bride and bridegroom; and
pouring water over their hands with a golden
kalasa; and the bride taking seven steps, parti-
cular texts being repeated for each, at the end
of which the marriage was declared indissolu-
ble. 2 The couple were then presented with gar-
ments, gems, jewels, elephants, horses, cows,
servants and lands to the accompaniment of
instrumental music and singing of the songs of
heraldry. Presentation of garments and gold
to brahmins, sumptuous entertainments and
dinner and betel leaves and nuts, were made on
all the four days at the end of which the bride-
groom and bride decked with ornaments and
mounted on a richly caparisoned elephant were
l Mackenzie Asiatic Researches: IX Pp. 247; LA. XXXII 460.
2Colebrooke Asiatic Researches: VII 303, 309.
296 THE GANGAS OP TALKAD
taken in procession through the main streets of
the city glowing with illuminations.* With
polygamy, enforced widowhood and early
marriage, the social life of a vast majority of
women did not differ materially from that of
their sisters of to-day. Along with music and
dancing, which to a great extent relieved the
languor and monotony of domestic life, the
girls recreated themselves in games as Annekal,
Tirekal in which pebbles were tossed up and
caught so that while one was in the air, the
other was picked up. The younger girls exhi-
bited Kolatam on certain occasions to the enter-
tainment of the multitude.
Hunting, wrestling and acrobatics seem to
Games and have been the favourite pastimes
amusements. of the king an( j the peop l e . Qne
of the inscriptions of 982 A.D. describes the un-
paralleled skill displayed by Rashtrakuta Indra
in a game at ball, probably Polo indicated by
the mention of the use of horses in the game.
" Indra alone is capable on earth of making
the various movements such as Sukhara, Dush-
kara, Vishama and Vishama Dushkara, in the
four directions ; who knows like Eatta Kanda-
rappa, the beauty of making movements with
great velocity inside, outside, to the right and
1 Abhilaahitartha Ghintamani: 12 Sarga 81. 1488, 1552.
SOCIAL LIFE 297
to the left without missing the circuit, avoiding
such defects as going in a circle, ascending,
turning round and retreating and hitting exact-
ly the ball (girige) with the stick, neither
going beyond nor coming short of it f m
The higher classes often recreated themselves
in their beautiful orchards and groves where,
the trellised walks closely covered with highly!
scented flowers and slender stems and impervi-
ous shades of areca and champak trees and the
gushing of little rills, afforded dark and cool
retreats, profound silence and repose, from the
intolerable glare of the sun. 2 Often in summer,
the king and the princes had an elaborate bath
in Snana-grihas constructed of black-marble
or crystal, and ankdkaras massaged their bodies
and fair maidens rubbed them with scented oils,
mixed with different herbs, and treated them
with lukewarm water. 3
The outdoor amusements of the townspeo-
ple probably were confined to those at fairs
(sante) and festival, where they congregated
in large numbers and entered into it with infi-
nite relish and every sign of peaceful festivity
and enjoyment. Even, in pilgrimages to tem-
ples, though the long anticipation of worship to
IE. C. SB 133; M.A.B. 1921. P. 48.
2 Pampa Adipurana : 6 Asvasa 95.
3 Abhilashitartha Chintamani P. 282.
298 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
be performed, the example of other pilgrims
invoking the god aloud, and the sanctity of the
place, concurred in producing the strongest
feelings of devotion, still the feeling of amuse-
ment was much stronger than that of religious
zeal.
The temples were supported by the state, en-
, dowments from benevolent citi-
Temples.
zens, and contributions from diffe-
rent industrial and commercial classes. The
heavy expenditure that was saddled to the
budget of the temple in the maintenance of
a large establishment inclusive of a body-
guard, dancers, cooks, drummers, remsigas,
goldsmiths, decorators, pergade, puranikas,
and Acharyas, was partly met by visiting fees,
tolls levied on merchants and farmers, interest
on endowments, taxes on articles, 1 and partly
by guilds of oil mongers, rice merchants and
others who supplied perpetually oil, rice and
other requisites to the temple. 2 The apprehen-
sion of being doomed to eternal perdition and
their race becoming extinct coerced the mer-
chants to be strict in the maintenance of endow-
ments. 8
IV BL. 137. 236.
2V BL. 114.
811 SB 336.
SOCIAL LIFE 299
A prodigious concourse of people always
gathered on festive occasions in temples in
which music, dancing, pantomime, lectures, dis-
plays, acrobatic feats, in spite of the religious
character of festivals, did a great deal to relieve
the humdrum monotony of life. The great
festivals were of the Uttarayana, Dakshina-
yana, Chaitra, Tulapurusha} Suggi and Dipa-
vali? and Nulu Habba? among weavers, when
Vibhuti, and Vilya were offered to God, and
worship, decorations, illumination and ablu-
tions were performed. 3 The dripping pot, a
kind of mechanism for reading time, seems to
have been provided for, in the temples, so that
the authorities could conduct their morning,
noon and evening prayers regularly. 4
The love of magic and the supernatural and
superstitious the marvellous, and belief in the
ixaiefs. potency of mantras and tantras
seem to have been strong in the popular mind.
Probably with a view to guard the cattle against
famine and epizootic diseases, the kings set up
yantra stones all over the country, with mysti-
cal diagrams carved on them thirty-two small
squares, with thirty-two letters of what was
IV Ak 180.
2 V Hs 64.
3 V BL 124.
*E. C. V. Hn 73.
300 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
called a sarvatobhadra verse, and the syllable
hrim repeated twelve times. 1 Mantravadins
were employed for exorcising of spirits. 2 Diffe-
rent kinds of medicines were prepared for cur-
ing ills of the body and mind and even stupi-
dity. 3 Some kind of collyrium when applied*
to the eyes was believed to give ability to dis-
cover hidden treasure. 4 Sights of conflagra-
tion, black cloth, oil, naked monks, dishevelled
women, mutilated and blind people; cobra and
hare were considered to be very inauspicious,
while making a journey. People instinctively?
credulous, believed in the prognostications of
the sooth-sayers. Sudra mendicants appeared
early in the morning at the doors of houses with
a small rattle drum in their hands and ascrib-
ed their predictions to Pingala birds consulted
before dawn. 5
The large number of mastikals of elaborate
workmanship discovered all over
country, with different panels
of self- depicting women encircled by
immolation. x * i
flames, or a raised hand project-
ing from its right extremity and bearing a lime
1 M.A.R. 1917 P. 42.
2 III Nr. 254, 258.
8R. Narasimhachar Kavieharitc : Vol. I, P. 119.
4E. C. XI Qg. 25.
Abhilashitartha Chintamani: P. 124 Intro. P. XI.
SOCIAL LIFE 301
fruit between the thumb and the forefinger,
point to the widespread practice of sati or self
immolation. 1 The hopes of immediately enter-
ing on the enjoyment of heaven, and of entitling
the husband to the same felicity, as well as, the
glory, attending such a voluntary sacrifice,
were powerful inducements to excite the enthu-
siasm of women for going through the awful
trial. Inscriptions bear witness to more than
human serenity of sati, her gentle demeanour,
her care to omit nothing in distributing her last
presents and paying the usual marks of court-
esy to relations and bystanders, her going
through all ceremonies with astonishing compo-
sure and presence of mind and apparent insen-
sibility to the terrors and agonies of death by
fire. Jain Sravakis and nuns endowed with
ascetic qualities often starved themselves to
death by the rites of Sallekhana. 2 Persons
under vow or lingering under incurable dis-
orders performed self immolation by leaping
into fire, or by plunging into a river and by
other modes.
Vows of self-sacrifice were undertaken by
royal servants and chiefs with the object of
attesting undying attachment and fidelity to
1M.A.R. 1915 P. 35; E. C. V Ak 81; III Md. 103; IV Ng 96.
2M.A.B. 1912; P. 75; 1914, P. 65.
302 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
their master, and these were accomplished
either by entering into fire and being burnt to
death, or buried alive under the master's body,
and becoming thus Kilgunthe. 1 Vows of self-
destruction were not merely ^undertaken to vin-
dicate love or fidelity for others, but sometimes
in conformity to the fulfilment of a cherished
desire. This is borne out in the vow of a cow-
herd to give his head "to swing on the pole be-
fore the Gods/ 1 if the king should obtain a
son, 2 and that of a woman who promised to
give up her life on the day of the death of her
chief's mother. One of the inscriptions records
the intrepidity and determination of a soldier
to go on pulling out the nails of his fingers so
long as the fort remained unrecovered from his
enemy, and how, being discomfited by failure,
he cut off his finger and threw himself down to
death from the top of a Bherunda Pillar. 3
Devoted servants who took a vow not to sur-
vive their master offered their heads to be cut
off, on the occurrence of their master's death.
The process of decapitation (sidi-tale-godu\ or
offering of the springing head, was ghastly, in
so far the votary was seated close to an elastic
IE. 0. Ill Tn. 91. V Ak 5, 27. Dg. 119.
3 Cm 31; XI. Mk 12.
6h 152.
A Virakal showing the process of decapitation Sidi-tale-Godu
(By courtesy of the Director of Archaelogical Researches, Mysore)
P. 302.
SOCIAL LIFE 303.
rod or pole with its end attached to the topknot
of his hair, so that the head when cut off, sprung
up with the rebound of the rod released from
its tension.
From the glimpses we obtain of the life in
Gangavadi, we realise that the people had
reached a high degree of civilisation and cul-
ture. It has to be conceded that some kinds of
revolting usages as sati and Hook-swinging pre-
vailed in the country, that society remained
normally at a dead level with no conspicuous
objects to guide the course of the community.
In spite of these discouragements, society was
able to struggle against them and attain a high
pitch. The administration was highly system-
atised, and its most remarkable feature was the
great interest which village assemblies evinced
in the discharge of their manifold functions.
The state was a congeries of little republics
whose constitution and general condition re-
mained unaffected by war or revolution, or
rapid rise and sudden changes of dynasties. The
religion of the people was hardly a dogma, but
a working hypothesis of human conduct adapt-
ed to different stages of spiritual development
and different conditions of life, and as such
there was no religious persecution of any kind
for one's own profession. The great epoch bet-
ween the seventh and the tenth centuries, was
304 THE GANGAS OF TALKAD
the most fascinating one in the life of the coun-
try, full of colour and animation. This was
characterised with a lavishness of wealth, of
life, of beauty, of colour, of display, and pro-
digal enjoyment of light and sunshine, as op-
posed to the old sober notions of dress, dwel-
ling and of life ; with a! general burst of delight
in the new resources of thought and language
which literature felt to be at its disposal ; with
a reproduction of the passion, caprice, largeness
of feeling and sympathy and quick pulse of de-
light of the age in art, architecture and sculp-
iure.
INDEX
ADMINISTRATION of Durvinita 40 ; of Sivamara Saigotta 65;
provincial 139 43 ; revenue 143 50 ; town 15862 ;
village 15054 ; criminal 17078 ; military 16270,
AGRAHARAS 261.
ALLIANCE of Bajamalla with the Nolambas 75.
AMOGHAVARSHA BASHTRAKUTA 79.
AVINITA 32.
ACHARYAS Jaina 191.
ARCHITECTURE Traces of Buddhistic 220 ; Jaina style 222 ;
Pallava style 230.
BANAS conquest against 78.
BHUVIKRAMA 46.
BRAHMAPURIS 265.
BUTUGA 93
CHALUKYAS 35 8 ; 46; 49;
Eastern 64 ; 834.
CHOLAS 89, 90 ; 11619.
CHAUNDARAYA 110.
CHRONOLOGY of the Gangas 9.
CONQUEST against ranas 18 ;
against Amoghavarsha 79.
COURT the 130 ; ministers 131 ; officers 134>
DECLINE of Jainism 210.
DURVINITA 34 ; a patron of learning 41.
EDUCATION aims of 246 ; elementary 250 ; technical 252 ;
university 256 ; method of teaching 269.
GHATIKAS 256.
GOMATA 242.
HABITS & CUSTOMS of the Jains 206 ; their food and
drink 284; dress 293; dancing 291; games and
amusements 296 ; marriage ceremonies 294 ; superstitious
beliefs 299 ; self-immolation 300.
306 INDEX
HABI VABMA 29.
KADAMBAS 27.
KING duties of 120 ; limitations of power 125 ; statecraft
137 ; pomp and entertainments of 286*
KONGANI VABMA 25.
LAND TBNUBBS 154 58.
LlTBBATUBB 270 ; Prakrit 270 ; Sanskrit 271 ; Kannada
27380.
MADHAVA 126 ; Tadangala 31.
MABASIMHA 99.
MUSHKABA 45.
NITIMABGA II, 87 ; 177.
NOLAMBAS 75; 889; 1057.
ORIGIN of the Gangas 1 9.
ORDERS RELIGIOUS Mathas : early Jaina 258 ; Saiva 266 ;
Kalamukha 266.
PALLAVAS 2 ; 11 ; 28 ; 32 ; 35 ; 39 ; 42 ; 535; 63.
PANDYAS 52 ; 85.
POLICY of Amogbavarsha 79.
PBITHIVIPATI I, 70 ; II, 72.
BAJAMALLA 74 ; his war with the Bashtrakutas 75 ;
Satyavakya 81 ;
III, 91 ; IV, 109.
BASHTBAKUTAS 56 ; 603 ; 757 ; 87 ; 92 ; 94 8 ; 1015.
SIVAMABA 149 ;
Saigotta 60 ; estimate of 65.
SOCIETY the queens 129 ; Boyal patronage 204 ; sculpture
237; people 28081; guilds 28184; fine arts 291;
women 288 ; temples 234, 298 ; portraiture 292.
SBBBPUBUSHA 51 ; his personality and character 58 ; wars
with Bashtrakutas 56.
SBEBVIKBAMA 45.
VISHNUGOPA 31.
ERRATA
Page
Line
For
Read
6
8
eigth
eighth
24
7
Kudur
Kudlur
60
3
Sivagella
Siyagella
61
4
resistence
resistance
19
Khamba
Kambha
83
27
Gutavadi
Gattavadi
84
28
Saletore
Altekar
95
26
Lalliya's
Lalliya
97
29
Hyvadana Rao
Hayavadana Rao
98
25
Elkanthamatha
Ekantamatha
104
5
successor
successors
132
22
ganga
gangam
27
Kavyalokanam
Kavyavalokanam
165
18
itinery
itinerary
168
17
Kelakicharya
Ketakiacharya
170
25
dispensed
dispensed with
172
24
Samyasasana
Samayasasana
196
16
Sumatideve
Sumatideva
204
19
Todangala
Tadangala
20
predeliction
predilection
221
22
the Hinayana
Hinayana
225
8
massive
a massive
231
11
architecture
architecture
236
12,17
sukhansi
sukhanasi
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