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The Glenn Negley Collection 
of Utopian Literature 






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(being the second edition of "to-morrow: a peaceful path 
to REAL reform ") 


1 New occasions teach new duties ; 
Time makes ancient good uncouth ; 
They must upward still, and onward, 
"Who would keep abreast of Truth. 
Lo, before us, gleam her camp-fires ! 
"We ourselves must Pilgrims be, 
Launch our ' Mayflower,' and steer boldly 
Through the desperate winter sea, 
Nor attempt the Future's portal 
With the Past's blood-rusted key." 

—"The Present Crisis."— J. R. Lowell. 







Introduction, - g 

I. The Town-Country Magnet, - - - 20 

II. The Revenue of Garden City, and how it is obtained 

— The Agricultural Estate, - - -28 

III. The Revenue of Garden City — Town Estate, - 38 

IV. The Revenue of Garden City — General Observations 

on its Expenditure, - - - - 43 

V. Further Details of Expenditure on Garden City, - 57 

VI. Administration, - - - - 68 

VII. Semi- Municipal Enterprise — Local Option — Temper- 
ance Reform, - - - - 76 

VIII. Pro-Municipal Work, - - - - - 86 

IX. Some Difficulties Considered, - - - - 94 

X. A Unique Combination of Proposals, - - - 101 

XI. The Path followed up, - - - - 114 

XII. Social Cities, ------ 126 

XIII. The Future of London, - 141 

Index, ------- 153 

Postscript, -.-... 161 


THE THREE MAGNETS • - - - - - l6 

GARDEN CITY - - - - - - 22 


ADELAIDE - - - - - - - 1 28 


Garden Cities of To-Morrow. 


" New forces, new cravings, new aims, which had been 
silently gathering beneath the crust of re-action, burst suddenly 
into view." — Green's " Short History of the English People," 
Chap. x. 

" Change is consummated in many cases after much argu- 
ment and agitation, and men do not observe that almost every- 
thing has been silently effected by causes to which few people 
paid any heed. In one generation an institution is unassail- 
able, in the next bold men may assail it, and in the third bold 
men defend it. At one time the most conclusive arguments 
are advanced against it in vain, if indeed they are allowed 
utterance at all. At another time the most childish sophistry 
i3 enough to secure its condemnation. In the first place, the 
institution, though probably indefensible by pure reason, was 
congruous with the conscious habits and modes of thought cf 
the community. In the second, these had changed from in- 
fluences which the acutest analysis would probably fail to 
explain, and a breath sufficed to topple over the sapped 
structure."— The Times, 27th November, 1891. 

In these days of strong party feeling and of keenly- 
contested social and religious issues, it might perhaps be 
thought difficult to find a single question having a vital 
bearing upon national life and well-being on which all 
persons, no matter of what political party, or of what 


shade of sociological opinion, would be found to be fully 
and entirely agreed. Discuss the temperance cause, and 
you will hear from Mr. John Morley that it is " the 
greatest moral movement since the movement for the 
abolition of slavery " ; but Lord Bruce will remind you 
that " every year the trade contributes £40,000,000 to the 
revenue of the country, so that practically it maintains 
the Army and Navy, besides which it affords employ- 
ment to many thousands of persons" — that "even the tee- 
totalers owe much to the licensed victuallers, for if it were 
not for them the refreshment bars at the Crystal Palace 
would have been closed long ago." Discuss the opium 
traffic, and, on the one hand, you will hear that opium is 
rapidly destroying the morale of the people of China, and, 
on the other, that this is quite a delusion, and that the 
Chinese are capable, thanks to opium, of doing work 
which to a European is quite impossible, and that on 
food at which the least squeamish of English people 
would turn up their noses in disgust. 

Religious and political questions too often divide us 
into hostile camps; and so, in the very realms where 
calm, dispassionate thought and pure emotions are the 
essentials of all advance towards right beliefs and sound 
principles of action, the din of battle and the struggles of 
contending hosts are more forcibly suggested to the on- 
looker than the really sincere love of truth and love of 
country which, one may yet be sure, animate nearly all 

There is, however, a question in regard to which one 
can scarcely find any difference of opinion. It is well- 
nigh universally agreed by men of all parties, not only in 
England, but all over Europe and America and our 


colonies, that it is deeply to be deplored that the people 
should continue to stream into the already ovei'-crowded 
cities, and should thus further deplete the country 

Lord Rosebery, speaking some years ago as Chairman 
of the London County Council, dwelt with very special 
emphasis on this point : — 

"There is no thought of pride associated in my mind with 
the idea of London. I am always haunted by the awfulness of 
London: by the great appalling fact of these millions cast 
down, as it would appear by hazard, on the banks of this noble 
stream, working each in their own groove and their own cell, 
without regard or knowledge of each other, without heeding 
each other, without having the slightest idea how the other 
lives — the heedless casualty cf unnumbered thousands of men. 
Sixty years ago a great Englishman, Cobbett, called it a 
wen. If it was a wen then, what is it now? A tumour, an 
elephantiasis sucking into its gorged system half the life and 
the blood and the bone of the rural districts." — March, 1891. 

Sir John Gorst points out the evil, and suggests the 
remedy : 

" If they wanted a permanent remedy of the evil they must 
remove the cause; they must back the tide, and stop the 
migration of the people into the towns, and get the people 
back to the land. The interest and the safety of the towns 
themselves were involved in the solution of the problem." — 
Daily Chronicle, 6th November, 1891. 

Dean Farrar says : 

"We are becoming a land of great cities. Villages are 
stationary or receding; cities are enormously increasing. And 
if it be true that great cities tend more and more to become 
the graves of the physique of our race, can we wonder at it 
when we see the houses so foul, so squalid, so ill-drained, so 
vitiated by neglect and dirt ? " 


Dr. Rhodes, at the Demographic Congress, called 
attention to 

" the migration which was going on from the English agricul- 
tural districts. In Lancashire and other manufacturing dis- 
tricts 35 per cent, of the population were over 60 years of age, 
but in agricultural districts they would have over 60 per cent. 
Many of the cottages were so abominable that they could not 
call them houses, and the people so deteriorated in physique 
that they were not able to do the amount of work which able- 
bodied persons should do. Unless something was done to make 
the lot of the agricultural labourer better, the exodus would go 
on, with what results in the future he dared not say." — Times, 
loth August, 1891. 

The Press, Liberal, Radical, and Conservative, views 
this grave symptom of the time with the same alarm. 
The St. James's Gazette, on June 6, 1892, remarks : 

"How best to provide the proper antidote against the 
greatest danger of modern existence is a question of no mean 

The Star, 9th October, 1891, says: 

" How to stem the drift from the country is one of the main 
problems of the day. The labourer may perhaps be restored to 
the land, but how will the country industries be restored to 
rural England ? " 

The Daily News, a few years ago, published a series of 
articles, " Life in our Villages," dealing with the same 

Trade Unionist leaders utter the same note of 
warning. Mr. Ben Tillet says : 

"Hands are hungry for toil, and lands are starving for 


Mr. Tom Mann observes : 

" The congestion of labour in the metropolis is caused 
mainly by the influx from the country districts of those who 
were needed there to cultivate the land." 

All, then, are agreed on the pressing nature of this 
problem, all are bent on its solution, and though it would 
doubtless be quite Utopian to expect a similar agreement 
as to the value of any remedy that may be proposed, it is 
at least of immense importance that, on a subject thus 
universally regarded as of supreme importance, we have 
such a consensus of opinion at the outset. This will be 
the more remarkable and the more hopeful sign when it 
is shown, as I believe will be conclusively shown in this 
work, that the answer to this, one of the most pressing 
questions of the day, makes of comparatively easy solu- 
tion many other problems which have hitherto taxed the 
ingenuity of the greatest thinkers and reformers of our 
time. Yes, the key to the problem how to restore the 
people to the land — that beautiful land of ours, with its 
canopy of sky, the air that blows upon it, the sun that 
warms it, the rain and dew that moisten it — the very 
embodiment of Divine love for man — is indeed a Master- 
Keij, for it is the key to a portal through which, even 
when scarce ajar, will be seen to pour a flood of light on 
the problems of intemperance, of excessive toil, of restless 
anxiety, of grinding poverty — the true limits of Govern- 
mental interference, ay, and even the relations of man to 
the Supreme Power. 

It may perhaps be thought that the first step to be 
taken towards the solution of this question — how to 
restore the people to the land — would involve a careful 


considex'ation of the very numerous causes which have 
hitherto led to their aggregation in large cities. Were 
this the case, a very prolonged enquiry would be necessary 
at the outset. Fortunately, alike for writer and for 
reader, such an analysis is not, however, here requisite, 
and for a very simple reason, which may be stated thus : 
— Whatever may have been the causes which have 
operated in the past, and are operating now, to draw the 
people into the cities, those causes may all be summed up 
as "attractions''; and it is obvious, therefore, that no 
remedy can possibly be effective which will not present 
to the people, or at least to considerable portions of them, 
greater " attractions " than our cities now possess, so that 
the force of the old " attractions " shall be overcome by 
the force of new " attractions " which are to be created. 
Each city may be regarded as a magnet, each person as a 
needle ; and, so viewed, it is at once seen that nothing 
short of the discovery of a method for constructing 
magnets of yet greater power than our cities possess can 
be effective for re-distributing the population in a spon- 
taneous and health)' manner. 

So presented, the problem may appear at first sight to 
be difficult, if not impossible, of solution. " What," some 
may be disposed to ask, " can possibly be done to make 
the country more attractive to a work-a-day people than 
the town — to make wages, or at least the standard of 
physical comf ort, higher in the country than in the town ; 
to secure in the country equal possibilities of social inter- 
course, and to make the prospects of advancement for the 
average man or woman equal, not to say superior, to those 
enjoyed in our large cities? " The issue one constantly 
finds presented in a form vei*y similar to that. The 


subject is treated continually in the public press, and in 
all forms of discussion, as though men, or at least 
working-men, had not now, and never could have, any 
choice or alternative, but either, on the one hand, to stifle 
their love for human society — at least in wider relations 
than can be found in a straggling village — or, on the 
other hand, to forego almost entirely all the keen and 
pure delights of the country. The question is universally 
considered as though it were now, and for ever must 
remain, quite impossible for working people to live in the 
country and yet be engaged in pursuits other than agri- 
cultural ; as though crowded, unhealthy cities were the 
last word of economic science ; and as if our present form 
of industry, in which sharp lines divide agricultural from 
industrial pursuits, were necessarily an enduring one. 
This fallacy is the very common one of ignoring altogether 
the possibility of alternatives other than those presented 
to the mind. There are in reality not only, as is so con- 
stantly assumed, two alternatives — town life and country 
life — but a third alternative, in which all the advantages 
of the most energetic and active town life, with all the 
beauty and delight of the country, may be secured in 
perfect combination ; and the certainty of being able to 
live this life will be the magnet which will produce the 
effect for which we are all striving — the spontaneous 
movement of the people from our crowded cities to the 
bosom of our kindly mother earth, at once the source of 
life, of happiness, of wealth, and of power. The town 
and the country may, therefore, be regarded as two 
magnets, each striving to draw the people to itself — a 
rivalry which a new form of life, partaking of the nature 
of both, comes to take part in. This may be illustrated 


by a diagram of " The Three Magnets," in which the 
chief advantages of the Town and of the Country are set 
forth with their corresponding drawbacks, while the ad- 
vantages of the Town-Country are seen to be free from 
the disadvantages of either. 

The Town magnet, it will be seen, offers, as compared 
with the Country magnet, the advantages of high wages, 
opportunities for employment, tempting prospects of ad- 
vancement, but these are largely counterbalanced by high 
rents and prices. Its social opportunities and its places 
of amusement are very alluring, but excessive hours of 
toil, distance from work, and the " isolation of crowds " 
tend greatly to reduce the value of these good things. 
The well-lit streets are a great attraction, especially in 
winter, but the sunlight is being more and more shut out, 
while the air is so vitiated that the fine public buildings, 
like the sparrows, rapidly become covered with soot, and 
the very statues are in despair. Palatial edifices and 
fearful slums are the strange, complementary features of 
modern cities. 

The Country magnet declares herself to be the source 
of all beauty and wealth; but the Town magnet 
mockingly reminds her that she is very dull for lack of 
society, and very sparing of her gifts for lack of capital. 
There are in the country beautiful vistas, lordly parks, 
violet-scented woods, fresh air, sounds of rippling water; 
but too often one sees those threatening words, " Tres- 
passers will be prosecuted." Rents, if estimated by the 
acre, are certainly low, but such low rents are the natural 
fruit of low wages rather than a cause of substantial 
comfort ; while long hours and lack of amusements forbid 
the bright sunshine and the pure air to gladden the hearts 










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Where waL they Go? 

Town -Country. 

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of the people. The one industry, agriculture, suffers fre- 
quently from excessive rainfalls ; but this wondrous 
harvest of the clouds is seldom properly ingathered, so 
that, in times of drought, there is frequently, even for 
drinking purposes, a most insufficient supply. 1 Even the 
natural healthfulness of the country is largely lost for 
lack of proper drainage and other sanitary conditions, 
while, in parts almost deserted by the people, the few 
who remain are yet frequently huddled together as if in 
rivalry with the slums of our cities. 

But neither the Town magnet nor the Country magnet 
represents the full plan and purpose of nature. Human 
society and the beauty of nature are meant to be enjoyed 
together. The two magnets must be made one. As man 
and woman by their varied gifts and faculties supplement 
each other, so should town and country. The town is 
the symbol of society — of mutual help and friendly co- 
operation, of fatherhood, motherhood, brotherhood, sister- 
hood, of wide relations between man and man — of broad, 
expanding sympathies — of science, art, culture, religion. 
And the country ! The country is the symbol of God's 

x Dr. Barwise, Medical Officer of Health for the County 
Council of Derbyshire, giving evidence before a Select Com- 
mittee of the House of Commons, on 25th April, 1894, on the 
Chesterfield Gas and Water Bill, said, in answer to Question 
1873 : " At Brimington Common School I saw some basins full 
of soapsuds, and it was all the water that the whole of the 
children had to wash in. They had to wash one after another 
in the same water. Of course, a child with ringworm or some- 
thing of that kind might spread it through the whole of the 
children. . . . The schoolmistress told me that the children 
came in from the playground hot, and she had seen them 
actually drink this dirty water. In fact, when they were 
thirsty there was no other water for them to have." 


love and care for man. All that we are and all that we 
have comes from it. Our bodies are formed of it; to it 
they return. We are fed by it, clothed by it, and by it 
are we warmed and sheltered. On its bosom we rest. 
Its beauty is the inspiration of art, of music, of poetry. 
Its forces propel all the wheels of industry. It is the 
source of all health, all wealth, all knowledge. But its 
fulness of joy and wisdom has not revealed itself to man. 
Nor can it ever, so long as this unholy, unnatural separa- 
tion of society and nature endures. Town and country 
must be married, and out of this joyous union will spring 
a new hope, a new life, a new civilisation. It is the 
purpose of this work to show how a first step can be taken 
in this direction by the construction of a Town-country 
magnet; and I hope to convince the reader that this is 
practicable, here and now, and that on principles which 
are the very soundest, whether viewed from the ethical 
or the economic standpoint. 

I will undertake, then, to show how in " Town- 
country " equal, nay better, opportunities of social inter- 
course may be enjoyed than are enjoyed in any crowded 
city, while yet the beauties of nature may encompass and 
enfold each dweller therein ; how higher wages are com- 
patible with reduced rents and rates; how abundant 
opportunities for employment and bright prospects of 
advancement may be secured for all ; how capital may be 
attracted and wealth created; how the most admirable 
sanitary conditions may be ensured ; how beautiful homes 
and gardens may be seen on every hand ; how the bounds 
of freedom may be widened, and yet all the best results 
of concert and co-operation gathered in by a happy 



The construction of such a magnet, could it be 
effected, followed, as it would be, by the construction of 
many more, would certainly afford a solution of the 
burning- question set before us by Sir John Gorst, " how 
to back the tide of migration of the people into the towns, 
and to get them back upon the land." 

A fuller description of such a magnet and its mode of 
construction will form the theme of subsequent chapters. 



" I will not cease from mental strife, 

Nor shall my sword sleep in my hand, 
Till we have built Jerusalem 

In England's green and pleasant land." 

— Blake. 

" Thorough sanitary and remedial action in the houses that 
we have ; and then the building of more, strongly, beautifully, 
and in groups of limited extent, kept in proportion to their 
streams and walled round, so that there may be no festering 
and wretched suburb anywhere, but clean and busy street 
within and tli8 open country without, with a belt of beautiful 
garden and orchard round the walls, so that from any part of 
the city perfectly fresh air and grass and sight of far horizon 
might be reachable in a few minutes' walk. This the final 
aim." — John Ruskin, " Sesame and Lilies." 

The reader is asked to imagine an estate embracing an 
area of 6,000 acres, which is at present purely agricul- 
tural, and has been obtained by purchase in the open 
market at a cost of £40 x an acre, or £240,000. The pur- 
chase money is supposed to have been raised on mortgage 
debentures, bearing interest at an average rate not ex- 

1 This was the average price paid for agricultural land in 
1S98 : and, though this estimate may prove far more than suffi- 
cient, it is hardly likely to be much exceeded. 


ceeding ,£4 per cent. 1 The estate is legally vested in the 
names of four gentlemen of responsible position and of 
undoubted probity and honour, who hold it in trust, first, 
as a security for the debenture-holders, and, secondly, in 
trust for the people of Garden City, the Town-country 
magnet, which it is intended to build thereon. One 
essential feature of the plan is that all ground rents, 
which are to be based upon the annual value of the land, 
shall be paid to the trustees, who, after providing for 
interest and sinking fund, will hand the balance to the 
Central Council of the new municipality, 2 to be employed 
by such Council in the creation and maintenance of all 
necessary public works — roads, schools, parks, etc. 

The objects of this land purchase may be stated in 
various ways, but it is sufficient here to say that some of 
the chief objects are these : To find for our industrial 
population work at wages of higher purchasing power, 
and to secure healthier surroundings and more regular 
employment. To enterprising manufacturers, co-opera- 
tive societies, architects, engineers, builders, and 
mechanicians of all kinds, as well as to many engaged in 
various professions, it is intended to offer a means of 
securing new and better employment for their capital 
and talents, while to the agriculturists at present 
on the estate, as well as to those who may migrate 

1 The financial arrangements described in this book are 
likely to be departed from in form, but not in essential 
principle. And until a definite scheme has been agreed upon, 
I think it better to repeat them precisely as they appeared in 
" To-Morrow," the original title of this book — the book which 
led to the formation of the Garden City Association. See 
2 This word, " municipality," is not used in a technical sense. 


thither, it is designed to open a new market for their 
produce close to their doors. Its object is, in short, to 
raise the standard of health and comfort of all true 
workers of whatever grade — the means by which these 
objects are to be achieved being a healthy, natural, and 
economic combination of town and country life, and this 
on land owned by the municipality. 

Garden City, which is to be built near the centre of 
the 6,000 acres, covers an area of 1,000 acres, or a sixth 
part of the 6,000 acres, and might be of circular* form, 
1,240 yards (or nearly three-quarters of a mile) from 
centre to circumference. (Diagram 2 is a ground-plan of 
the whole municipal area, showing the town in the 
centre; and Diagram 3, which represents one section or 
ward of the town, will be useful in following the descrip- 
tion of the town itself — a description which is, how- 
ever, merely suggestive, and v/ill probably be much 
departed from.) 

Six magnificent boulevards — each 120 feet wide — 
traverse the city from centre to circumference, dividing 
it into six equal parts or wards. In the centre is a 
circular space containing about five and a half acres, laid 
out as a beautiful and well-watered garden ; and, sur- 
rounding this garden, each standing in its own ample 
grounds, are the larger public buildings — town hall, 
principal concert and lecture hall, theatre, library, 
museum, picture-gallery, and hospital. 

The rest of the large space encircled by the " Crystal 
Palace " is a public park, containing 145 acres, which 
includes ample recreation grounds within very easy a-ccess 
of all the people. 

Running all round the Central Park (except where it 





— 1 

























is intersected by the boulevards) is a wide glass arcade 
called the " Crystal Palace," opening on to the park. 
This building is in wet weather one of the favourite 
resorts of the people, whilst the knowledge that its bright 
shelter is ever close at hand tempts people into Central 
Park, even in the most doubtful of weathers. Here 
manufactured goods are exposed for sale, and here most 
of that class of shopping which requires the joy of 
deliberation and selection is done. The space enclosed by 
the Crystal Palace is, however, a good deal larger than is 
required for these purposes, and a considerable part of it 
is used as a Winter Garden — the whole forming a per- 
manent exhibition of a most attractive character, whilst 
its circular form brings it near to every dweller in the 
town — the furthest removed inhabitant being within 600 

Passing out of the Crystal Palace on our way to the 
outer ring of the town, we cross Fifth Avenue — lined, as 
are all the roads of the town, with trees — fronting which, 
and looking on to the Crystal Palace, we find a ring of 
very excellently-built houses, each standing in its own 
ample grounds ; and, as we continue our walk, we observe 
that the houses are for the most part built either in con- 
centric rings, facing the various avenues (as the circular 
roads are termed), or fronting the boulevards and roads, 
which all converge to the centre of the town. Asking 
the friend who accompanies us on our journey what the 
population of this little city may be, we are told about 
30,000 in the city itself, and about 2,000 in the agricul- 
tural estate, and that there are in the town 5,500 
building lots of an average size of 20 feet x 130 feet — the 
minimum space allotted for the purpose being 20 x 100. 


Noticing the very varied architecture and design which 
the houses and groups of houses display — some having 
common gardens and co-operative kitchens — we learn 
that general observance of street line or harmonious 
departure from it are the chief points as to house-building 
over which the municipal authorities exercise control, for, 
though proper sanitary arrangements are strictly en- 
forced, the fullest measure of individual taste and pre- 
ference is encouraged. 

Walking still toward the outskirts of the town, we 
come upon " Grand Avenue." This avenue is fully en- 
titled to the name it bears, for it is 420 feet wide, 1 and, 
forming a belt of green upwards of three miles long, 
divides that part of the town which lies outside Central 
Park into two belts. It really constitutes an additional 
park of 115 acres — a park which is within 240 yards of 
the furthest removed inhabitant. In this splendid 
avenue six sites, each of four acres, are occupied by 
public schools and their surrounding play-grounds and 
gardens, while other sites are reserved for churches, of 
such denominations as the religious beliefs of the people 
may determine, to* be erected and maintained out of the 
funds of the worshippers and their friends. We observe 
that the houses fronting on Grand Avenue have departed 
(at least in one of the wards — that of which Diagram 3 is 
a representation) — from the general plan of concentric 
rings, and, in order to ensure a longer line of frontage on 
Grand Avenue, are arranged in crescents — thus also to 
the eye yet further enlarging the already splendid width 
of Grand Avenue. 

1 Portland Place, London, is only 100 feet wide. 


On the outer ring of the town are factories, ware- 
houses, dairies, markets, coal yards, timber yards, etc., 
all fronting on the circle railway, which encompasses the 
whole town, and which has sidings connecting it with a 
main line of railway which passes through the estate. 
This arrangement enables goods to be loaded direct into 
trucks from the warehouses and workshops, and so sent 
by railway to distant markets, or to be taken direct from 
the trucks into the warehouses or factories ; thus not only 
effecting a very great saving in regard to packing and 
cartage, and reducing to a minimum loss from breakage, 
but also, by reducing the traffic on the roads of the town, 
lessening to a very marked extent the cost of their 
maintenance. The smoke fiend is kept well within 
bounds in Garden City; for all machinery is driven by 
electric energy, with the result that the cost of electricity 
for lighting and other purposes is greatly reduced. 

The refuse of the town is utilised on the agricultural 
portions of the estate, which are held by various in- 
dividuals in large farms, small holdings, allotments, cow 
pastures, etc. ; the natural competition of these various 
methods of agriculture, tested by the willingness of 
occupiers to offer the highest rent to the municipality, 
tending to bring about the best system of husbandry, or, 
what is more probable, the best systems adapted for 
various purposes. Thus it is easily conceivable that it 
may prove advantageous to grow wheat in very large 
fields, involving united action under a capitalist farmer, 
or by a body of co-operators ; while the cultivation of 
vegetables, fruits, and flowers, which requires closer and 
more personal care, and more of the artistic and inventive 
faculty, may possibly be best dealt with by individuals, or 



by small groups of individuals having a common belief in 
the efficacy and value of certain dressings, methods of 
culture, or artificial and natural surroundings. 

This plan, or, if the reader be pleased to so term it, 
this absence of plan, avoids the dangers of stagnation or 
dead level, and, though encouraging individual initiative, 
permits of the fullest co-operation, while the increased 
rents which follow from this form of competition are 
common or municipal property, and by far the larger 
part of them are expended in permanent improvements. 

While the town proper, with its population engaged 
in various trades, callings, and professions, and with a 
store or depot in each ward, offers the most natural 
market to the people engaged on the agricultural estate, 
inasmuch as to the extent to which the townspeople 
demand their produce they escape altogether any railway 
rates and charges ; yet the farmers and others are not 
by any means limited to the town as their only market, 
but have the fullest right to dispose of their produce to 
whomsoever they please. Here, as in every feature of 
the experiment, it will be seen that it is not the area of 
rights which is contracted, but the area of choice which 
is enlarged. 

This principle of freedom holds good with regard to 
manufacturers and others who have established them- 
selves in the town. These manage their affairs in their 
own way, subject, of course, to the general law of the 
land, and subject to the provision of sufficient space for 
workmen and reasonable sanitary conditions. Even in 
regard to such matters as water, lighting, and telephonic 
communication — which a municipality, if efficient and 
honest, is certainly the best and most natural body to 


supply — no rigid or absolute monopoly is sought ; and if 
any private corporation or any body of individuals 
proved itself capable of supplying on more advantageous 
terms, either the whole town or a section of it, with these 
or any commodities the supply of which was taken up by 
the corporation, this would be allowed. No really sound 
system of action is in more need of artificial support than 
is any sound system of thought. The area of municipal 
and corporate action is probably destined to become 
greatly enlarged ; but, if it is to be so, it will be because 
the people possess faith in such action, and that faith 
can be best shown by a wide extension of the area of 

Dotted about the estate are seen various charitable 
and philanthropic institutions. These are not under the 
control of the municipality, but are supported and 
managed by various public-spirited people who have been 
invited by the municipality to establish these institutions 
in an open healthy district, and on land let to them at a 
pepper-corn rent, it occurring to the authorities that they 
can the better afford to be thus generous, as the spending 
power of these institutions greatly benefits the whole 
community. Besides, as those persons who migrate to 
the town are among its most energetic and resourceful 
members, it is but just and right that their more helpless 
brethren should be able to enjoy the benefits of an experi- 
ment which is designed for humanity at large. 




Amongst the essential differences between Garden City 
and other municipalities, one of the chief is its method 
of raising its revenue. Its entire revenue is derived from 
rents; and one of the purposes of this work is to show 
that the rents which may very reasonably be expected 
from the various tenants on the estate will be amply 
sufficient, if paid into the coffers of Garden City, (a) to 
pay the interest on the money with which the estate is 
purchased, (b) to provide a sinking-fund for the purpose 
of paying off the principal, (c) to construct and maintain 
all such works as are usually constructed and maintained 
by municipal and other local authorities out of rates com- 
pulsorily levied, and (<7) (after redemption of debentures) 
to provide a large surplus for other purposes, such as old- 
age pensions or insurance against accident and sickness. 

Perhaps no difference between town and country is 
more noticeable than the difference in the rent charged 
for the use of the soil. Thus, while in some parts of 
London the rent is equal to .£30,000 an acre, ,£4 an acre 
is an extremely high rent for agricultural land. This 
enormous difference of rental value is, of course, almost 
entirely due to the presence in the one case and the 
absence in the other of a large population; and, as it 


cannot be attributed to the action of any particular in- 
dividuals, it is frequently spoken of as the " unearned 
increment,'' i.e., unearned by the landlord, though a more 
correct term would be " collectively-earned increment." 

The presence of a considerable population thus giving 
a greatly additional value to the soil, it is obvious that a 
migration of population on any considerable scale to any 
particular area will be certainly attended with a corre- 
sponding rise in the value of the land so settled upon, 
and it is also obvious that such increment of value may, 
with some foresight and pre-arrangement, become the pro- 
perty of the migrating people. 

Such foresight and pre-arrangement, never before 
exercised in an effective manner, are displayed con- 
spicuously in the case of Garden City, where the land, as 
we have seen, is vested in trustees, who hold it in trust 
(after payment of the debentures) for the whole com- 
munity, so that the entire increment of value gradually 
created becomes the property of the municipality, with 
the effect that though rents may rise, and even rise con- 
siderably, such rise in rent will not become the property 
of private individuals, but will be applied in relief of 
rates. It is this arrangement which will be seen to give 
Garden City much of its magnetic power. 

The site of Garden City we have taken to be worth at 
the time of its purchase £40 an acre, or £240,000. The 
purchase money may be assumed to represent 30 years' 
purchase, and on this basis the annual rent paid by the 
former tenants was £8,000. If, therefore, there was a 
population of 1,000 persons upon the estate at the time of 
the purchase, then each man, woman, and child was con- 
tributing towards this rent-roll an average sum of £S per 


annum. But the population of Garden City, including 
its agricultural land, is, when completed, 32,000, and the 
estate has cost them a sum on which they pay an annual 
charge by way of interest of £9,600. Thus, while before 
the experiment was initiated, 1,000 persons out of their 
united earnings contributed £8,000 a year, or £S a head, 
on the completion of the town 32,000 persons out of their 
united earnings will contribute £9,600 a year, or an 
average of 6s. a head. 

This sum of 6s. per head per annum is all the rent, 
strictly speaking, which the inhabitants of Garden City 
will ever be called upon to pay ; for it is all the rent 
which they pay away, any further sum they pay being a 
contribution towards their rates. 

Let us now suppose that each person, besides contri- 
buting annually 6s. a head, contributes an average annual 
sum of £1 14s., or £2 in all. In that case two things may 
be noticed. First, each person will be paying for ground 
rent and rates only one-fourth of the sum which each 
person before the purchase paid in ground-rent alone; 
and, secondly, the Board of Management, after the pay- 
ment of interest on the debentures, will receive an annual 
sum of £54,400, which, as will be presently shown, would, 
after providing a sinking fund (of £4,400), defray all 
those costs, charges, and expenses which are usually met 
by local taxation. 

The average annual sum contributed by each man, 
woman, and child in England and Wales for local pur- 
poses is about £2 a head, and the average sum contri- 
buted for ground rent is, at a very low estimate, about 
£2 10s. The average yearly contribution for ground- 
rent and local rates is, therefore, about £4 10s. It might, 


therefore, be safely assumed that the people of Garden 
City would willingly pay £2 per head in complete dis- 
charge of ground-rent and local rates ; but to make the 
case the clearer and stronger, we will test the supposed 
willingness of the tenants of Garden City to pay such a 
sum as £2 a year for rates and rents in another way. 

For this purpose, let us deal first with the agricultural 
estate, leaving the town estate to be dealt with separately. 
Obviously the rent which can be secured will be consider- 
ably greater than before the town was built. Every 
farmer now has a market close to his doors. There are 
30,000 townspeople to be fed. Those persons, of course, 
are perfectly free to get their food stuffs from any part of 
the world, and in the case of many products will doubts 
less continue to be supplied from abroad. These farmers 
are hardly likely to supply them with tea, with coffee, 
with spices, with tropical fruits or with sugar, 1 and their 
struggle to compete with America and Russia for the 
supply of wheat or flour to the town may be as keen as 
ever. But surely the struggle will not be so despairing. 
A ray — a beam of hope will gladden the heart of the 
despairing home-producer of wheat, for while the 
American has to pay railway charges to the sea^board, 
charges for Atlantic transit and railway charges to the 
consumer, the farmer of Garden City has a market at his 
very doors, and this a market which the rent he con- 
tributes will help to build up. 2 

1 The electric light, with cheap motive power for its genera- 
tion, with glass-houses, may make even some of these things 

2 See "Fields, Farms, and Workshops," by Prince Krapot- 
kin, 1/-, and "The Coming Revolution," by Capt. Petavel, 1/-, 
both published by Swan Sonnenschein & Co. 


Or, consider vegetables and fruits. Farmers, except 
near towns, do not often grow them now. Why? Chiefly 
because of the difficulty and uncertainty of a market, and 
the high charges for freights and commission. To quote 
the words of Dr. Farquharson, M.P., when they " try to 
dispose of these things they find themselves struggling so 
hopelessly in a spider's web of rings, and middlemen, and 
speculators, that they are more than half-inclined to give 
up the attempt in despair, and fall back on those things 
that stand up straight and square to their prices in the 
open market." A curious calculation may be interesting 
with regard to milk. Assuming each person in the town 
consumed only one-third of a pint a day, then 30,000 
would consume 1,250 gallons a day, and might thus save, 
taking railway charges at a penny per gallon, upwards 
of £1,900 per annum in railway rates upon the one item 
of milk, a saving which must be multiplied by a large 
figure in order to realise the general saving to be effected 
by placing consumer and producer in such close associa- 
tion. In other words, the combination of town and 
country is not only healthful, but economic — a point 
which every step taken will serve to make yet more clear. 

But the rents which the agricultural tenants of 
Garden City would be willing to pay would increase for 
another reason. The waste products of the town could, 
and this without heavy charges for railway transport or 
other expensive agencies, be readily brought back to the 
soil, thus increasing its fertility. The question of sewage 
disposal is naturally a difficult one to deal with, but its 
inhex*ent difficulty is often much increased by artificial 
and imperfect conditions already in existence. Thus, Sir 
Benjamin Baker, in his joint report with Mr. (now Sir) 


Alexander Binnie to the London County Council, says : 
" In approaching the consideration of the vast question 
of the whole sewerage system of the Metropolis, and the 
state of the Thames, as a practical problem ... we 
had clearly at once to recognise the fact that the general 
features of the main drainage system were unalterably 
settled, and must be accepted in the same way as the 
main lines of thoroughfares have to be accepted whether 
quite as we could wish them to> be or not. - ' But on 
Garden City site, given the skilful engineer, he would 
have comparatively little difficulty. He would have, as 
it were, a clean sheet on which to prepare his plans, and 
the whole estate being equally the property of the muni- 
cipality, he would have a free course before him, and 
would doubtless succeed in adding greatly to the pro- 
ductiveness of the agricultural estate. 

The great increase in the number of allotments, 
especially such favourably situated allotments as are 
shown in Diagram 2, would also tend to raise the total 
sum offered in rent. 

There are yet other reasons why the rent which a 
farmer on the Garden City estate would be willing to pay 
for his farm, or a labourer for his allotment, would tend 
to increase. The productiveness of the agricultural part 
of the estate, besides being increased by a well-devised 
system of sewage disposal, and by a new and somewhat 
extensive market, with unique conveniences for transit 
to more distant markets, would also be increased because 
the tenure on which the land is held encourages 
maximum cultivation. It is a just tenure. The agri- 
cultural portion of the estate is let at fair rents, with a 
right to continue in occupation as long as the tenant is 


willing to pay a rent equal to that offered by any would- 
be occupier, less, say, 10 per cent, in favour of the occupy- 
ing tenant — the incoming tenant having also to com- 
pensate the outgoing tenant for all unexhausted improve- 
ments. Under this system, while it would be impossible 
for the tenant to secure to himself any undue share of 
that natural increment of land-value which would be 
brought about by the general growth in well-being of the 
town, he would yet have, as all tenants in possession 
px-obably should have, a preference over any new-comer, 
and would know that he would not lose those fruits of 
his past industry which were not yet ingathered but were 
still adding their value to the soil. Surely no one can 
doubt that such a tenure would, of itself, tend greatly to 
increase at once the activity and industry of the tenant, 
the productivity of the soil, and the rent which the tenant 
would be willing to pay. 

That there would be this increased offer of rent will 
become yet more obvious if we consider for a moment the 
nature of the rent paid by a tenant of Garden City. Part 
of what he pays would be in respect of interest on the 
debentures on which the money to purchase the estate 
was raised, or in the redemption of those debentures, 
and would thus, except so far as the debentures were held 
by residents on the estate, pass away from the community 
altogether; but the whole of the remaining sum paid 
would be expended locally, and the farmer would have a 
share equal to that of every adult in the administration 
of such money. The term " rent," therefore, has, in 
Garden City, acquired a new meaning, and, for the sake 
of clearness, it will be necessary in future to use terms 
which will not be ambiguous. That part of the rent 


which represents interest on debentures will be hereafter 
called " landlord's rent"; that part which represents 
repayment of purchase-money " sinking fund " ; that part 
which is devoted to public purposes " rates " ; while the 
total sum will be termed " rate-rent." 

From these considerations, surely it is obvious that the 
" rate-rent " which the farmer will be willing to pay into 
the treasury of Garden City will be considerably higher 
than the rent he would be willing to pay to a private 
landlord, who, besides increasing his rent as the farmer 
makes his land more valuable, will also leave him with 
the full burden of local taxation resting upon him. In 
short the plan proposed embraces a system of sewage- 
disposal which will return to the soil in a transmuted 
form many of those products the growth of which, 
by exhausting its natural fertility, demand elsewhere 
the application of manures so expensive that the 
farmer becomes sometimes blinded to their necessity, 
and it also embraces a system of rate-rents by which 
many of the farmer's hard-earned sovereigns, hitherto lost 
to him by being paid away to his landlord, shall return to 
his exhausted exchequer, not indeed in the form in which 
they left it, but in a variety of useful forms, such as 
roads, schools, markets, which will assist him most 
materially, though indirectly, in his work, but which, 
under present conditions, entail so^ severe a burden as to 
make him naturally slow to see their inherent necessity, 
and even to look upon some of them with suspicion and 
dislike. Who can doubt that if the farm and the farmer 
can be placed under conditions so healthful and natural 
alike in a physical and moral sense, the willing soil and 
the hopeful fanner will alike respond to their new en- 


vironment — the soil becoming more fertile by every blade 
of grass it yields, the farmer richer by every penny of 
rate-rent he contributes? 

We are now in a position to see that the rate-rent 
which will be readily paid by fanner, small occupier, and 
allotment holder, would be considerably greater than the 
rent he paid before (1) because of the presence of a new 
town population demanding new and more profitable 
farm products, in respect of which railway charges can be 
largely saved; (2) by the due return to the soil of its 
natural elements; (3) by the just, equitable, and natural 
conditions on which the land is held ; and (4) by reason 
of the fact that the rent now paid is rate and rent, while 
the rent formerly paid left the rates to be paid by the 

But certain as it is that the " rate-rent " would repre- 
sent a very considerable increase over the bare rent 
formerly paid by the tenants on the estate, it is still very 
much a matter of conjecture what the " rate-rent " would 
be; and we shall, therefore, be acting prudently if we 
greatly under-estimate the " rate-rent " which would pro- 
bably be offered. If, then, in view of all the circum- 
stances, we estimate that the farming population of 
Garden City will be prepared to pay for rates and rent 
50 per cent, more than they before paid for rent alone, 
we shall reach the following result : — 

Estimated Gross Revenue, from Agricultural Estate. 
Original rent paid by tenants of 5,000 acres, say £6,500 
Add 50 per cent, for contributions to rates and 

sinking fund, ._._.. 3,250 

Total " rate-rent " from agricultural 

estate, £9,750 


We shall in the next chapter estimate the amount 
which may, on the most reasonable calculation, be 
expected from the town estate, and then proceed to con- 
sider the sufficiency of the total rate-rents for the 
municipal needs of the town. 



" Whatever reforms be introduced into the dwellings of the 
London poor, it will still remain true that the whole area of 
London is insufficient to supply its population with fresh air 
and the free space that is wanted for wholesome recreation. A 
remedy for the overcrowding of London will still be wanted. 
. . . There are large classes of the population of London 
whose removal into the country would be in the long run 
economically advantageous ; it would benefit alike those who 
moved and those who remained behind. ... Of the 150,000 
or more hired workers in the clothes-making trades, by far the 
greater part are very poorly paid, and do work which it is 
against all economic reason to have done where ground-rent is 
high." — Professor Marshall, " The Housing of the London 
Poor," Contemporary Bcview, 1884. 

Having in the last chapter estimated the gross revenue 
which may be anticipated from the agricultural part of 
the estate at £9,750, we will now turn to the town estate 
(where, obviously, the conversion of an agricultural area 
into a town will be attended with a very large rise in land 
values), and endeavour roughly to estimate — again taking 
care to keep well within the mark — the amount of " rate- 
rent " which will be freely offered by the tenants of the 
town estate. 

The site of the town proper consists, it will be remem- 
bered, of 1,000 acres, and is assumed to have cost £40,000, 
the interest of which, at 4 per cent., is £1,600 per annum. 
This sum of £1,600 is, therefore, all the landlord's rent 
which the people of the town site will be called upon to 
pay, any additional " rate-rent " they may contribute 
being devoted either to the payment of the purchase- 


money as " sinking-fund," or applied as " rates " to the 
construction and maintenance of roads, schools, water- 
works, and to other municipal purposes. It will be 
interesting, therefore, to see what sort of a burden 
" landlord's rent " will represent per head, and what 
the community would secure by such contribution. 
Now, if the sum of ,£1,600, being the annual interest or 
" landlord's rent," be divided by 30,000 (the supposed 
population of the town), it will be found to equal an 
annual contribution by each man, woman, and child of 
rather less than Is. Id. per head. This is all the " landlord's 
rent " which will ever be levied, any additional sum 
collected as " rate-rent " being applied to sinking-fund 
or to local purposes. 

And now let us notice what this fortunately-placed 
community obtains for this insignificant sum. It obtains 
for Is. Id. per head per annum, first, ample sites for 
homes, these averaging, as we have seen, 20 feet by 130 
feet, and accommodating, on an average, 5| persons to 
each lot. It obtains ample space for roads, some of 
which are of truly magnificent proportions, so wide and 
spacious that sunlight and air may freely circulate, and 
in which trees, shrubs, and grass give to the town a 
semi-rural appearance. It also obtains ample sites for 
town-hall, public library, museum and picture-gallery, 
theatre, concert-hall, hospital, schools, churches, swimming 
baths, public markets, etc. It also secures a central park 
of 145 acres, and a magnificent avenue 420 feet wide, 
extending in a circle of over three miles, unbroken save 
by spacious boulevards and by schools and churches, 
which, one may be sure, will not be the less beautiful 
because so little money has been expended on their sites. 


It secures also all the land required for a railway 4^ 
miles long, encompassing the town ; 82 acres for ware- 
houses, factories, markets, and a splendid site for a 
crystal palace devoted to shopping, and serving also as a 
winter garden. 

The leases under which all building sites are let do 
not, therefore, contain the usual covenant by the tenant 
to pay all rates, taxes, and assessments levied in respect 
of such property, but, on the contrary, contain a covenant 
by the landlord to apply the whole sum received, first, in 
payment of debenture interest; secondly, towards the 
redemption of the debentures; and thirdly, as to the 
whole of the balance, into a public fund, to be applied to 
public purposes, among these being the rates levied by 
public authorities, other than the municipal authority, 
of the city. 1 

Let us now attempt to estimate the rate-rents which 
may be anticipated in respect of our town-estate. 

First, we will deal with the home-building lots. All 
are excellently situated, but those fronting Grand Avenue 
(420 feet) and the magnificent boulevards (120 feet) 
would probably call forth the highest tenders. We can 
here deal only with averages, but we think anyone would 
admit that an average rate-rent of 6s. a foot frontage foi 
home lots would be extremely moderate. This would 
make the rale-rent of a building lot 20 feet wide in an 
average position £Q a year, and on this basis the 5,500 
building lots would yield a gross revenue of £33,000. 

The rate-rents from the sites of factories, warehouses, 

1 The question of the form of Leases to be granted is on* 
which is being carefully considered by the Land Tenure Section 
of tho Garden City Association. 


markets, etc., cannot perhaps be so well estimated by the 
foot frontage, but we may perhaps safely assume that 
an average employer would willingly pay £2 in respect of 
each employee. It is, of course, not suggested that the 
rate-rent levied should be a poll-tax ; it would, as has been 
said, be raised by competition among the tenants ; but this 
way of estimating rate-rent to be paid will perhaps give a 
ready means by which manufacturers or other employers, 
co-operative societies, or individuals working on their own 
account, would be able to judge whether they would be 
lightly rated and rented as compared with their present 
position. It must be, however, distinctly borne in mind 
that we are dealing with averages ; and if the figure 
should seem high to a large employer, it will seem 
ridiculously low to a small shopkeeper. 

Now, in a town with a population of 30,000, there 
would be about twenty thousand persons between the 
ages of 16 and 65 ; and if it is assumed that 10,625 of 
these would be employed in factories, shops, warehouses, 
markets, etc., or in any way which involved the use of a 
site, other than a home-building site, to be leased from 
the municipality, there would be a revenue from this 
source of £21,250. 

The gross revenue of the entire estate would there- 
fore be : — 

Rate-rent from agricultural ©state (see p. 36), - £9,750 

,, 5,500 home building lots at £6 per 

lot, 33,000 

,, from business premises 10,625 persons 

employed at an average of £2 a head, 21,250 

Or £2 per head of population for rates and rent. 



This sum would be available as follows : — 

For landlord's rent or interest on purchase 

money £240,000 at 4 per cent., - - - £9.600 

For sinking fund (30 years), - 4,400 

For such purposes as are elsewhere defrayed 

out of rates, 50,000 


It is now important to inquire whether £50,000 will 
suffice for the municipal needs of Garden City. 




Before entering upon the question which presented itself 
at the conclusion of the last chapter — that of endeavour- 
ing to ascertain whether the estimated net available 
income of Garden City (£50,000 per annum) would be 
sufficient for its municipal needs, I will very shortly state 
how it is proposed to raise the money required for com- 
mencing operations. The money would be borrowed on 
" B " debentures, 1 and would be secured by a charge upon 
the " rate-rent," subject, of course, to the payment of 
interest and sinking fund in respect of the " A " deben- 
tures on which the purchase money of the estate is raised. 
It is, perhaps, superfluous to remark that, though in the 
case of the land purchase it might be requisite to raise 
the whole, or at least some very considerable part of the 
purchase money before possession would be given of the 
estate, or operations upon it commenced, yet in regard to 
public works to be carried out upon the estate, the case 
is quite different, and it would be by no means necessary 
or advisable to defer the commencement of operations 
until the whole sum which might be ultimately required 
should be raised. Probably no town was ever built on 
such onerous conditions as would be involved in the 

1 See note on page 21. 


raising at the outset of such a very considerable sum as 
would defray the cost of all its public works; and though 
the circumstances under which Garden City is to be 
built may be unique, there is, as will by and by be seen, 
not only no need for making an exception of the town in 
respect of initial capital, but quite exceptional reasons 
will become more and more apparent which make the 
overlaying of the enterprise with superabundant capital 
altogether unnecessary, and therefore inexpedient; al- 
though, of course, there must be a sufficient sum to enable 
all real economies to be readily effected. 

Perhaps it may be well in this connection to draw a 
distinction as to the amount of capital required between 
the case of the building of a town and the building, let us 
say, of a large iron bridge across an estuary. In the case 
of the bridge it is highly expedient to raise the entire sum 
required before commencing operations, for the simple 
reason that the bridge is not a bridge until the last rivet 
is driven home, nor, until its enth'e completion and its 
connection with the railways or roadways at either end, 
has it any revenue-earning power. Except, therefore, on 
the assumption that it is to be fully completed, it offers 
very little security for the capital sunk upon it. Hence 
it would be very natural for those who are asked to 
invest to say, " We will not put any money into this 
enterprise until you show us that you can get enough to 
complete it." But the money which it is proposed to 
raise for the development of Garden City site leads to 
speedy results. It is to be expended upon roads, schools, 
etc. These works will be carried out with due regard to 
the number of lots which have been let to tenants, who 
undertake to build as from a certain date ; and, therefore, 


the money expended will very soon begin to yield a return 
in the shape of a rate-rent, representing, in reality, a 
greatly-improved ground-rent; when those who have 
advanced money on the " B " debentures will have a 
really first-class security, and further sums should be 
easily obtainable, and at a reduced rate of interest. 
Again, it is an important part of the project that each 
ward, or one-sixth part of the city, should be in some 
sense a complete town by itself, and thus the school 
buildings might serve, in the earlier stages, not only as 
schools, but as places for religious worship, for concerts, 
for libraries, and for meetings of various kinds, so that all 
outlay on expensive municipal and other buildings might 
be deferred until the later stages of the enterprise. "Work, 
too, would be practically completed in one ward before 
commencing on another, and the operations in the various 
wards would be taken up in due and proper sequence, so 
that those portions of the town site on which building- 
operations were not in progress would also be a source of 
revenue, either as allotments, cow-pastures, or, perhaps, 
as brickfields. 

Let us now deal with the subject immediately before 
us. Will the principles on which Garden City is to be 
built have any bearing on the effectiveness of its municipal 
expenditure? In other words, will a given revenue yield 
greater results than under ordinary conditions? These 
questions will be answered in the affirmative. It will 
be shown that, pound for pound, money will be more 
effectively spent than elsewhere, and that there will be 
many great and obvious economies which cannot be ex- 
pressed in figures with much accuracy, but which would 
certainly represent in the aggregate a very large sum. 


The first great economy to be noticed is that the item 
of " landlord's rent,'' which, under ordinary conditions, 
largely enters into municipal expenditure, will, in Garden 
City, scarcely enter at all. Thus, all well-ordered towns 
require administrative buildings, schools, swimming 
baths, libraries, parks; and the sites which these and 
other corporate undertakings occupy are usually pur- 
chased. In such cases the money necessary for the pur- 
chase of the sites is generally borrowed on the security 
of the rates ; and thus it is that a very considerable part 
of the total rates levied by a municipality are ordinarily 
applied, not to productive works, but either to what 
we have termed " landlord's rent," in the shape of 
interest on money borrowed to effect the purchase, or 
to the provision of a sinking fund in payment of the 
purchase money of the land so acquired, which is land- 
lord's rent in a capitalised form. 

Now, in Garden City, all such expenditure, with such 
exceptions as road sites on the agricultural estate, has 
been already provided for. Thus, the 250 acres for public 
parks, the sites for schools and other public buildings, 
will cost the ratepayers nothing whatever, or, to put it 
more correctly, their cost, which was really £40 per acre, 
has been covered, as we have seen, by the annual average 
contribution of Is. Id. per head, which each person is 
supposed to make in discharge of landlord's rent; and 
the revenue of the town, £50,000, is the net revenue after 
all interest and sinking fund in respect of the whole site 
has been deducted. In considering, therefore, the ques- 
tion whether £50,000 is a sufficient revenue, it must be 
remembered that in no case has any cost of municipal 
sites to be first deducted from that amount. 


Another item in which a great economy will be 
effected will be found in a comparison between Garden 
City and any old city like London. London wishes to 
breathe a fuller municipal spirit, and so proceeds to con- 
struct schools, to pull down slums, to erect libraries, 
swimming baths, etc. In these cases, it has not only to 
purchase the freeholds of the sites, but also has usually 
to pay for the buildings which had been previously 
erected thereon, and which are purchased solely, of 
course, with a view to their demolition and to a clearing 
of the ground, and frequently it has also to meet claims 
for business-disturbance, together with heavy legal ex- 
penses in settling claims. In this connection it may be 
remarked that the inclusive cost of sites of schools pur- 
chased by the London School Board since its constitution, 
i.e., the cost, including old buildings, business-disturb- 
ance, law charges, etc., has already reached the enormous 
sum of £3, 516,072/ and the exclusive cost of the sites 
(370 acres in extent) ready for building by the Board is 
equal, on the average, to £9,500 per acre. 

At this i*ate the cost of the 24 acres of school sites 
for Garden City would be £228,000, so that another 
site for a model city could be purchased out of what 
would be saved in Garden City in respect of school sites 
alone. " Oh, but," it may be said, " the school sites of 
Garden City are extravagantly large, and would be out 
of the question in London, and it is altogether unfair to 
compare a small town like Garden City with London, the 
wealthy capital of a mighty Empire.*' I would reply, 
" It is quite true that the cost of land in London would 

1 See Report, London School Board, 6th May, 1897, p. 1480. 


make such sites extravagant, not to say prohibitive — they 
would cost about £40,000,000 sterling — but does not this 
of itself suggest a most serious defect of system, and that 
at a most vital part? Can children be better taught 
where land costs £9,500 an acre than where it costs £40? 
Whatever may be the real economic value of the London 
site, for other purposes — as to which we may have some- 
thing to say at a later stage — for school purposes, wherein 
lies the advantage that the sites on which its schools are 
built are frequently surrounded by dingy factories or 
crowded courts and alleys? If Lombard Street is an 
ideal place for banks, is not a park like the Central 
Avenue of Garden City an ideal place for schools? — and 
is not the welfare of our children the primary considera- 
tion with any well-ordered community?" "But," it 
may be said, " the children must be educated near their 
homes, and these homes must be near the places where 
their parents work." Precisely ; but does not the scheme 
provide for this in the most effective manner, and in that 
respect also are not the school sites of Garden City 
superior to those of London ? The children will have to 
expend less than an average amount of energy in going 
to school, a matter, as all educationists admit, of immense 
importance, especially in the winter. But further, have 
we not heard from Professor Marshall (see heading to 
Chapter III.) that " 150,000 people, in London, engaged 
in the clothes-making trades, are doing work which it is 
against all economic reason to have done where ground- 
rent is high " — in other words, that these 150,000 people 
should not be in London at all ; and does not the con- 
sideration that the education of the childi-en of such 
workers is carried on at once under inferior conditions 


and at enormous cost add weight and significance to the 
Professor's words? If these workers ought not to be in 
London, then their homes, for which, insanitary as they 
are, they pay heavy rents, ought not to be in London ; a 
certain proportion of the shopkeepers who supply their 
wants should not be in London ; and various other 
people to whom the wages earned by these persons in the 
clothes-making trade give employment should not be in 
London. Hence, there is a sense — and a very real one — 
in which it is fair to compare the cost of school sites in 
Garden City with the cost of school sites in London; 
because obviously if these people do, as suggested by 
Professor Marshall, migrate from London, they can at 
once effect (if they make, as I have suggested, proper pro- 
vision beforehand) not only a great saving in respect of 
ground-rent for their workshops, but also a vast saving 
in respect of sites for homes, schools, and other purposes ; 
and this saving is obviously the difference between what 
is now paid and what would be paid under the new con- 
ditions, minus the loss incurred (if any), and plus the 
numerous gains secured as the result of such removal. 

Let us for the sake of clearness make the comparison 
in another way. The people of London have paid a 
capital sum representing, when spread over the whole 
population of London (this being taken at 6,000,000), 
upwards of lis. 6d. per head of population for school sites 
held by the London School Board, a sum which is, of 
course, exclusive of the sites for voluntary schools. The 
population of Garden City, 30,000 in number, have 
entirely saved that lis. 6d. per head, making a total 
saving of £17,250, which at 3 per cent, involves an 
annual saving of £517 in perpetuity. And besides thus 


saving £517 a year as interest on cost of sites for schools, 
Garden City lias secured sites for its schools incomparably 
better than those of London schools — sites which afford 
ample accommodation for all the children of the town, 
and not, as in the case of the London School Board, 
accommodation for only half of the children of the 
municipality. (The sites of the London School Board 
are 370 acres in extent, or about 1 acre to- every 16,000 of 
the population, while the people of Garden City have 
obtained 24 acres or 1 acre for every 1,250.) In other 
words, Garden City secures sites which are larger, better 
placed, and in every way more suitable for educational 
purposes, at a mere fraction of the cost which in London 
is incurred for sites vastly inferior in every respect. 

The economies with which we have thus dealt are, it 
will be seen, effected by the two simple expedients we 
have referred to. First, by buying the land before a new 
value is given to it by migration, the migrating people 
obtain a site at an extremely low figure, and secure the 
coming increment for themselves and those who- come 
after them ; and secondly, by coming to a new site, 
they do not have to pay large sums for old buildings, for 
compensation for disturbance, and for heavy legal 
charges. The practicability of securing for the poor 
workers of London the first of these great advantages 
appears to have been for the moment overlooked by Pro- 
fessor Marshall in his article in the Contemporary 
Eevieiv, 1 for the Professor remarks " Ultimately all 
would gain by the migration, but most " (the italics are 

1 No one is, of course, better aware of this possibility than 
the Professor himself. (See " Principles of Economics," (2nd 
ed.) Book v., Chap. x. and xiii.) 


my own) " the landowners and the railroads connected 
with the colony." Let us then adopt the expedient here 
advocated of securing that the landowners, " who . . . 
will gain most " by a project specially designed to benefit 
a class now low down in the social scale, shall be those 
very -people themselves, as members of a new municipality, 
and then a strong additional inducement will be held out 
to them to make a change, which nothing but the lack of 
combined effort has hitherto prevented. As to the benefit 
to be derived by the railways, while no doubt the building 
up of the town would specially benefit the main line of 
railway which passed through the estate, it is also true 
that the earnings of the people would not be diminished 
to the usual extent by railway freights and charges. {See 
Chap, ii., also Chap, v., page 60.) 

We now come to deal with an element of economy which 
will be simply incalculable. This is to be found in the 
fact that the town is definitely planned, so that the whole 
question of municipal administration may be dealt with 
by one far-reaching scheme. It is not by any means neces- 
sary, and it is not, humanly speaking, possible, that the 
final scheme should be the work of one mind. It will no 
doubt be the work of many minds — the minds of 
engineers, of architects and surveyors, of landscape 
gardeners and electricians. But it is essential, as we 
have said, that there should be unity of design and 
purpose — that the town should be planned as a whole, 
and not left to grow up in a chaotic manner as has been 
the case with all English towns, and more or less so with 
the towns of all countries. A town, like a flower, or a 
tree, or an animal, should, at each stage of its growth, 
possess unity, symmetry, completeness, and the effect of 


growth should never be to destroy that unity, but to give 
it greater purpose, nor to mar that symmetry, but to 
make it more symmetrical ; while the completeness of the 
early structure should be merged in the yet greater com- 
pleteness of the later development. 

Garden City is not only planned, but it is planned 
with a view to the very latest of modern requirements; 1 
and it is obviously always easier, and usually far more 
economical and completely satisfactory, to make out of 
fresh material a new instrument than to patch up and 
alter an old one. This element of economy will be 
perhaps best dealt with by a concrete illustration, and 
one of a very striking nature at once presents itself. 

In London the question of building a new street 
between Holborn and the Strand has been for many 
years under consideration, and at length a scheme is 
being carried out, imposing an enormous cost on the 

1 " London has grown up in a chaotic manner, without any 
unity of design, and at the chance discretion of any persons 
who were fortunate enough to own land as it came into demand 
at successive periods for building operations. Sometimes a 
great landlord laid out a quarter in a manner to tempt the 
better class of residents by squares, gardens, or retired streets, 
often cut off from through traffic by gates and bars; but even 
in these cases London as a whole has not been thought of, and 
no main arteries have been provided for. In other and more 
frequent cases of small landowners, the only design of builders 
has been to crowd upon the land as many streets and houses as 
possible, regardless of anything around them, and without open 
spaces or wide approaches. A careful examination of a map of 
London shows how absolutely wanting in any kind of plan has 
been its growth, and how little the convenience and wants of 
the whole population or the considerations of dignity and 
beauty have been consulted." — Right Hon. G. J. Shaw-Lefevre, 
New Beview, 1891, p. 435. 


people of London. " Every such change in the street 
geography of London displaces thousands of the poor " — 
I quote from the Daily Chronicle of July 6, 1898 — " and 
for many years all public or quasi-public schemes have 
been charged with the liability to re-house as many of 
them as possible. This is as it should be; but the diffi- 
culty begins when the public is asked to' face the music 
and pay the bill. In the present case some three 
thousand souls of the working population have to be 
turned out. After some searching of heart, it is decided 
that most of them are so closely tied to the spot by their 
employment that it would be a hardship to send them 
more than a mile away. The result, in cash, is that 
London must spend in re-housing them about £100 a 
head — or £300,000 in all. As to those who cannot fairly 
be asked to go even a mile away — hangers-on to the 
market, or others tethered to the spot — the cost will be 
even higher. They will require to have parcels of the 
precious land cleared by the great scheme itself, and the 
result of that will be to' house them at the handsome 
figure of £260 a-piece, or some £1,400 for every family of 
five or six. Financial statements convey little to the 
ordinary mind. Let us make it a little more intelligible. 
A sum of £1,400 means, in the house market, a rental of 
nearly £100 a year. It would buy an excellent, in fact a 
sumptuous, house and garden at Hampstead, such as the 
better middle-class delight in. It would purchase any- 
where in the nearer suburbs such houses as men with 
£1,000 a year inhabit. If one went further afield, to the 
new neighbourhoods which the City clerk can easily reach 
by rail, a £1,400 house represents actual magnificence." 
But on what scale of comfort will the poor Covent Garden 


labourer with a wife and four children live? The £1,400 
will by no means represent a fair standard of comfort, to 
say nothing of magnificence. " He will live in three 
rooms sufficiently small in a block at least three storeys 
high." Contrast this with what might be done on a new 
area, by carefully planning a bold scheme at the outset. 
Streets of greater width than this new street would be 
laid out and constructed at a mere fraction of the cost,- 
while a sum of £1,400, instead of providing 1 family with 
" three rooms sufficiently small in blocks at least three 
storeys high,'' would provide 7 families in Garden City 
with a comfortable six-roomed cottage each, and with a 
nice little garden ; and, manufacturers being concurrently 
induced to build on the sites set apart for them, each 
breadwinner would be placed within easy walking 
distance of his work. 

There is another modern need which all towns and 
cities should be designed to meet — a need which has 
arisen with the evolution of modem sanitation, and which 
has of recent years been accentuated by the rapid growth 
of invention. Subways for sewerage and surface drainage, 
for water, gas, telegraph and telephone wires, electric 
lighting wires, wires for conve) T ing motive power, 
pneumatic tubes for postal purposes, have come to 
be regarded as economic if not essential. But if 
they would be a source of economy in an old city, 
how much more so in new ones; for on a clean sheet it 
will be easy to use the very best appliances for their con- 
struction, and to avail ourselves to the fullest extent of 
the ever-growing advantages which they possess as the 
number of services which they accommodate increases. 
Before the subways can be constructed, trenches some- 


what wide and deep must be excavated. In making these 
the most approved excavating machinery could be em- 
ployed. In old towns this might be very objectionable, 
if not, indeed, quite impossible. But here, in Garden 
City, the steam navvy would not make its appearance in 
the parts where people were living, but where they were 
coming to live after its work in preparing the way had 
been completed. What a grand thing it would be if the 
people of England could, by an actual illustration under 
their very eyes, be convinced that machinery can be so 
used as to confer not only an ultimate national benefit, 
but a direct and immediate advantage, and that not only 
upon those who actually own it or use it, but on others 
who are given work by its magic aid. What a happy day 
it would be for the people of this country, and of all 
countries, if they could learn, from practical experience, 
that machinery can be used on an extended scale to give 
employment as well as to take it away — to implace labour 
as well as to displace it — to free men as well as to enslave 
them. There will be plenty of work to be done in Garden 
City. That is obvious. It is also obvious that, until a 
large number of houses and factories are built, many of 
these things cannot be done, and that the faster the 
trenches are dug, the subways finished, the factories and 
the houses built, and the light and the power turned on, 
the sooner can this town, the home of an industrious and 
a hajipy people, be built, and the sooner can others start 
the work of building other towns, not like it, but 
gradually becoming as much superior to it as our present 
locomotives are to the first crude attempts of the pioneers 
of mechanical traction. 

We have now shown four cogent reasons why a given 


revenue should, in Garden City, yield vastly greater 
results than under ordinary conditions. 

(1) That no "landlord's rent" or interest in respect 
of freeholds would be payable other than the small 
amount which has been already provided for in estimating 
net revenue. 

(2) That the site being practically clear of buildings 
and other works, but little expenditure would be incurred 
in the purchase of such buildings, or compensation for 
business-disturbance, or legal and other expenses in con- 
nection therewith. 

(3) The economy arising out of a definite plan, and 
one in accordance with modern needs and requirements, 
thus saving those items of expenditure which are incurred 
in old cities as it is sought to bring them into harmony 
with modern ideas. 

(4) The possibility, as the whole site will be clear for 
operations, of introducing machinery of the very best and 
most modern type in road-making and other engineering 

There are other economies which will become apparent 
to the reader as he proceeds, but, having cleared the 
ground by discussing general principles, we shall be 
better prepared to discuss the question as to the suffi- 
ciency of our estimates in another chapter. 



To make this chapter interesting to the general reader 
would be difficult, perhaps impossible; but if carefully 
studied, it will, I think, be found to abundantly establish 
one of the main propositions of this book — that the rate- 
rent of a well-planned town, built on an agricultural 
estate, will amply suffice for the creation and maintenance 
of such municijDal undertakings as are usually provided 
for out of rates compulsorily levied. 

The net available revenue of Garden City, after pay- 
ment of interest on debentures and providing a sinking 
fund for the landed estate, has been already estimated at 
£50,000 per annum (see Chap, hi., page 42). Having, in 
the fourth chapter, given special reasons why a given 
expenditure in Garden City would be unusually pro- 
ductive, I will now enter into fuller details, so that any 
criticism which this book may elicit, having something 
tangible to deal with, may be the more valuable in pre- 
paring the ground for an experiment such as is here 





On Mainten- 

On Capita) 

ance and 


Working Ex- 

(See Note A) 25 Miles road (city) at 

£4,000 a mile 



( ,, B) 6 \liles additional roads, 

country estate at £1,200 



( ,, C) Circular railway and 

bridges, 5i miles at 

£3,000 ... " 



( ,, D) Schools for 6,400 chil- 


dren, or i of the total 


population, at £12 per 

school place for capital 

account, and £3 main- 

tenance, etc. 


19,200 { 

( ,, E) Town Hall 


2,000 ! 

( ,, F) Library 



( ,, (j) Museum... 



( ,, H) Parks, 250 acres at £50 


1,250 ! 

( ,, I) Sewage disposal 





( ,, K) Interest on £263,000 at 4^ 

per cent. 

( ,, L) Sinking Fund to provide for extinc- 

tion of debt in 30 years 


( ,, M) Balance available for rates levied by 

local bodies within the area of which 

the estate is situated ... 



Besides the above expenditure, a considerable outlay 
would be incurred in respect of markets, water supply, 
lighting, tramways, and other revenue-yielding under- 
takings. But these items of expenditure are almost in- 
variably attended with considerable profits, which go in 
aid of rates. No calculation, therefore, need be made in 
respect of these. 


I will now deal separately with most of the items in 
the above estimate. 

A. Roads and Streets. 
The first point to be observed under this head is that 
the cost of making new streets to meet the growth of 
population is generally not borne by the ground landlord 
nor defrayed out of the rates. It is usually paid by the 
building-owner before the local authorities will consent 
to take the road over as a free gift. It is obvious, there- 
fore, that the greater part of the £100,000 might be 
struck out. Experts will also not forget that the cost of 
the road sites is elsewhere provided for. In considering 
the question of the actual sufficiency of the estimate, 
they will also remember that of the boulevards one- 
half and of the streets and avenues one-third may 
be regarded as in the nature of park, and the cost 
of laying out and maintenance of these portions of 
the roads is dealt with under the head " Parks." 
They will also note that road-making materials would 
probably be found near at hand, and that, the railway 
relieving the streets of most of the heavy traffic, the 
more expensive methods of paving need not be resorted 
to. The cost, £4,000 per mile, would, however, be doubt- 
less inadequate if subways are constructed, as probably 
they ought to be. The following consideration, however, 
has led me not to estimate for these. Subways are, where 
useful, a source of economy. The cost of maintaining 
roads is lessened, as the continual breaking-up for laying 
and repairing of water, gas, and electric mains is avoided, 
while any waste from leaky pipes is quickly detected, and 
thus the subways pay. Their cost should, therefore, be 


debited rather to cost of water, gas, and electric supplies, 
and these services are almost invariably a source of 
revenue to the Company or Corporation which constructs 

B. Country Roads. 

These roads are only 40 feet wide, and £1,200 a mile is 
ample. The cost of sites has in this case to be defrayed 
out of estimate. 

C. Circular Hallway and Bridges. 

The cost of site is elsewhere provided for (see p. 40). 
The cost of maintenance does not, of course, include work- 
ing expenses, locomotives, etc. To cover these a charge 
based on cost might be made to traders using the line. It 
should also be noticed that, as in the case of roads, by 
showing that the expense of this undertaking could be 
defrayed out of the rate-rent, I am jn-oving more than I 
undertook to' prove. I am proving that the rate-rent is 
sufficient to provide for landlords' rent, for such purposes 
as are usually defrayed out of rent, and also for greatly 
extending the area of municipal activity. 

It may here be well to point out that this circle rail- 
way not only will save the trader the expense of carting 
to and from his warehouse or factory, but will enable him 
to claim a rebate from the railway company. Section 4 
of the Railway and Canal Tariff Act, 1894, enacts: 
" Whenever merchandise is received or delivered by a 
i-ailway company at any siding or branch railway not 
belonging to the company, and a dispute arises between 
the railway company and the consignor or consignee of 


such merchandise, as to any allowance or rebate from the 
rates charged to such consignor or consignee, in respect 
that the railway company does not provide station accom- 
modation or perform terminal services, the Railway and 
Canal Commissioners shall have jurisdiction to hear and 
determine what, if any, is a just and reasonable allow- 
ance or rebate." 

D. Schools. 

This estimate of £12 per school place represents what 
was only a few years ago (1892) the average cost per child 
of the London School Board for building, architect, and 
clerk of the works, and for furnitui'e and fittings; and 
no one can doubt that buildings greatly superior to those 
in London could be obtained for this sum. The saving in 
sites has been already dealt with, but it may be remarked 
that in London the cost per child for sites has been 
£6 lis lOd. 

As showing how ample this estimate is, it may be 
observed that the cost of schools which have been 
proposed to be built by a private company at Eastbourne, 
" with a view of keeping out the School Board,'' is esti- 
mated at £2,500 for 400 places, or but little more than 
half the sum per school place provided in the estimate for 
Garden City. 

The cost of maintenance, £3 per head, is probably 
sufficient, in view of the fact that the " expenditure per 
scholar in actual average attendance " in England and 
Wales, as given in the Report of the Committee of Council 
on Education, 1896-97, c. 8545, is £2 lis. lUd. It must 
be especially noticed, too, that the whole cost of cduca- 


tion is, in these estimates, assumed to be borne by Garden 
City, though a considerable part would be, in the ordi- 
nary course, borne by the National Exchequer. The 
amount of income per scholar in actual average attend- 
ance in England and Wales, as given in the same report, 
is £1 Is. 2d. as against a rate in Garden City of £3. So 
that I am again, in the case of the schools, as in the case 
of roads and circle railway, proving more than I set out 
to prove. 

E. Town Hall and Expenses of Management. 

It is to be noticed that the estimates of the various 
undertakings are intended to cover professional direction 
and supervision of architects, engineers, teachers, etc. 
The £2,000 for maintenance and working expenses under 
this head is, therefore, intended to include only the 
salaries of town clerk and of officials other than those 
comprised under special heads, together with incidental 

F. Library, and G. Museum. 

The latter is usually and the former not infrequently 
elsewhere provided for out of funds other than rates. So, 
here again, I am more than proving my case. 

H. Parks and Road Ornamentation. 

This item of cost would not be incurred until the 
undertaking was in a thoroughly sound financial condi- 
tion, and the park space for a considerable period might 
be a source of revenue as agricultural land. Further, 


much of the park spaco would probably be left in a state 
of nature. Forty acres of this park space is road orna- 
mentation, but the planting of trees and shrubs would 
not entail great expense. Again, a considerable part of 
the area would be reserved for cricket-fields, lawn-tennis 
courts, and other playgrounds, and the clubs using 
public grounds might perhaps be called upon to contri- 
bute to the expense of keeping these in order, as is 
customary elsewhere. 

I. Sewage. 

All that need be said on this subject has been said in 
Chap, i., page 25, and Chap, ii., page 32. 

K. Interest. 

The money to construct the public works with which 
we have been dealing is supposed to be borrowed at 4^ 
per cent. The question here arises — a question partly 
dealt with in Chap. iv. — what is the security for those 
who lend money on the " B " debentures? 

My answer is three-fold. 

(1) Those who advance money to effect any improve- 
ments on land have a security the safety of which is in 
reality largely determined by the effectiveness with which 
the money so advanced is spent; and, applying this 
truism, I venture to say that, for effectiveness of expendi- 
ture, no money which the investing public has been for 
many years asked to subscribe for improvements of a like 
nature has an equal security, whether it be measured by 
miles of road, acres of park, or numbers of school children 
well provided for. 

(2) Those who advance money to effect improvements 


on land have a security the safety of which is largely 
determined by the consideration, aye or no, are other and 
yet more valuable works to be simultaneously carried out 
by others at their own expense, which other works are to 
become a security in respect cf the first-mentioned ad- 
vance; and, applying this second truism, I say that, as 
the money for effecting the public improvements here 
described would only be asked for as and when other 
improvements — factories, houses, shops, etc. (costing far 
more money than the public works necessary at any given 
period) — were about to be built or were in process of 
building, the quality of the security would be a very 
high one. 

(3) It is difficult to name a better security than that 
offered when money is to be expended in converting an 
agricultural estate into an urban, and this of the very 
best known type. 

That the scheme is in reality a 3 per cent, security, 
and would in its later stages become so, I entertain 
little doubt; but I do not forget that, though its 
points of novelty are the very elements which really make 
it secure, they may not make it seem so, and that those who 
are merely looking out for an investment may eye it with 
some distrust because of its novelty. We shall have in 
the first instance to look to those who will advance money 
with somewhat mixed motives — public spirit, love of 
enterprise, and possibly, as to some persons, with a 
lurking belief that they will be able to dispose of their 
debentures at a premium, as they probably will. There- 
fore, I put down A.\ per cent., but if anyone's conscience 
prick him he may tender at 2 or 2k, or may even advance 
money without interest. 


L. Sinking Fund. 

This sinking fund, which provides for the extinction 
of the debt in thirty years, compares most favourably with 
that usually provided by local bodies for works of so per- 
manent a character. The Local Government Board fre- 
quently allows loans to be created with a sinking fund 
extending over much longer periods. It is to be remem- 
bered also that an additional sinking fund for the landed 
estate has been already provided (see Chapter iv., p. 42). 

M. Balance available for Bates levied by Local Bodies 
within whose jurisdiction the estate is situated. 

It will be seen that the whole scheme of Garden City 
will make extremely few demands upon the resources of 
outside local authorities. Roads, sewers, schools, parks, 
libraries, etc., will be provided out of the funds of the 
new "'• municipality," and in this way the whole scheme 
will come to the agriculturists at present on the estate 
very much like " a rate in aid"; for, as rates are only 
raised for the purpose of public expenditure, it follows 
that, there being little or no fresh call upon the rat-es 
while the number of ratepayers is greatly increased, the 
rate per head must fall. I do not, however, forget that 
there are some functions which such a voluntary organisa- 
tion as Garden City could not take over, such as the 
police and the administration of the poor-law. As to the 
latter, it is believed that the whole scheme v. ill in the 
long run make such rates unnecessary, as Garden City will 
provide, at all events from the time when the estate has 
been fully paid for, pensions for all its needy old citizens. 
Meantime and from the very outset it is doing its full 


share of charitable work. It has allotted sites of 30 acres 
for various institutions, and at a later stage will doubt- 
less be prepared to assume the whole cost of maintaining 

With regard to police rates, it is not believed that 
these can be largely increased by the coming into the town 
of 30,000 citizens, who, for the most part, will be of the 
law-abiding class ; for, there being but one landlord, and 
this the community, it will not be difficult to prevent 
the creation of those surroundings which make the inter- 
vention of the police so frequently necessary. {See 
Chapter vii.) 

I have, I think, now fully established my contention 
that the rate-rent which would be willingly offered by the 
ten mts of Garden City, in respect of the advantages 
afforded them, would be amply sufficient, (1) to pay land- 
lord's rent in the form of interest on debentures; (2) to 
provide a sinking fund for the entire abolition of land- 
lord's rent; and (3) to provide for the municipal needs of 
the town without recourse to any Act of Parliament for 
the enforcement of rates — the community depending 
solely on the very large powers it possesses as a landlord. 

N. Revenue-bearing Expenditure. 

If the conclusion already arrived at — that the experi- 
ment advocated affords an outlet for an extremely effec- 
tive expenditure of labour and capital — is sound in 
regard to objects the cost of which is usually defrayed 
out of rates, that conclusion must, I think, be equally 
sound in regard to tramways, lighting, water-supply, and 
the like, whicb, when carried on by municipalities, are 


usually made a source of revenue, thus relieving the rate- 
payer by making his rates lighter. 1 And as I have added 
nothing to the proposed revenue for any prospective 
profits on such undertakings, I do not propose to make 
any estimate of expenditure. 

1 " Birmingham rates are relieved to the extent of £50,000 
a year out of profits on gas. The Electrical Committee of Man- 
chester has promised to pay £10,000 this year to the city fund, 
in relief of rate* out of a net profit of over £16,000."— Daily 
Chronide, 9lh Juno, 1897. 



I have in the 4th and 5th chapters dealt with the fund 
at the disposal of the Board of Management, and have 
endeavoured to show, and I believe with success, that the 
rate-rents collected by the trustees in their capacity of 
landlords of the towns will suffice, (1) to provide interest 
on the debentures with which the estate is purchased, 
(2) to provide a sinking fund which will at a compara- 
tively early date leave the community free from the 
burden of interest on such debentures, and (3) to enable . 
the Board of Management to carry on such undertakings 
as are elsewhere, for the most part, carried out by means 
of rates compulsorily levied. 

A most important question now arises regarding the 
extent to which municipal enterprise is to be carried, and 
how far it is to supersede private enterprise. We have 
already by implication stated that the experiment ad- 
vocated does not involve, as has been the case in so many 
social experiments — the complete municipalisation of in- 
dustry and the elimination of private enterprise. But 
what principle is to guide us in determining the line 
which shall separate municipal from private control and 
management? Mr. Joseph Chamberlain has said: " The 
true field for municipal activity is limited to those things 


which the community can do better than the individual." 
Precisely, but that is a truism, and does not carry us one 
whit further, for the very question at issue is as to what 
those things are which the community can do better than 
the individual ; and when we seek for an answer to this 
question we find two directly conflicting views — the view 
of the socialist, who says : Every phase of wealth-produc- 
tion and distribution can be best performed by the com- 
munity ; and the view of the individualist, who contends 
these things are best left to the individual. But probably 
the true answer is to be found at neither extreme, is only 
to be gained by experiment, and will differ in different 
communities and at different periods. With a growing 
intelligence and honesty in municipal enterprise, with 
greater freedom from the control of the Central Govern- 
ment, it may be found — especially on municipally-owned 
land — that the field of municipal activity may grow so as 
to embrace a very large area, and yet the municipality 
claim no rigid monopoly and the fullest rights of com- 
bination exist. 

Bearing this in mind, the municipality of Garden City 
will, at the outset, exercise great caution, and not attempt 
too much. The difficulty of raising the necessary funds 
with which to carry on municipal undertakings would be 
greatly increased if the Board of Management attempted 
to do everything ; and, in the prospectus to be ultimately 
issued, a clear statement will be made of what the Cor- 
poration undertakes to do with the moneys entrusted to 
it, and this will at first embrace little more than those 
things which experience has proved municipalities can 
perform better than individuals. Tenants, too, will, it is 
obvious, be far more ready to offer adequate ; ' rate-rents " 


if they are given distinctly to understand to what pur- 
pose those " rate-rents " are to be devoted, and after those 
things are done, and done well, little difficulty will bo 
placed in the way of further appropriate extensions of 
the field of municipal enterprise. 

Our answer, then, to the question, what field is to be 
covered by municipal enterprise, is this. Its extent will 
be measured simply by the willingness of the tenants to 
pay rate-rents, and will grow in proportion as municipal 
work is done efficiently and honestly, or decline as it is 
done dishonestly or inefficiently. If, for example, the 
tenants find that a very small additional contribution, 
recently made in the shape of " rate-rent," has enabled 
the authorities to provide an excellent supply of water for 
all purposes, and they are convinced that so good a result 
at so small a cost would not have been achieved through 
the agency of any private undertaking working for a 
profit, they will naturally be willing and even anxious 
that further hopeful-looking experiments in municipal 
work should be undertaken. The site of Garden City 
may, in this respect, be compared with Mr. and Mrs. 
Boffin's famous apartment, which, the reader of Dickens 
will remember, was furnished at one end to suit the taste 
of Mrs. Boffin, who was " a dab at fashion," while at the 
other end it was furnished to conform to the notions of 
solid comfort which so gratified Mr. Boffin, but with the 
mutual understanding between the parties that if Mr. B. 
should get by degrees to be " a high-flyer " at fashion, 
then Mrs. B.'s carpet would gradually " come for'arder," 
whilst if Mrs. B. should become " less of a dab at 
fashion," Mrs. B.'s carpet would " go back'arder." So, 
in Garden City, if the inhabitants become greater 


"dabs" at co-operation, the municipality will "come 
for'arder " ; if they become less " dabs " at co-opera- 
tion, the municipality will " go back'arder " ; while the 
relative number of positions occupied by municipal 
workers and non-municipal workers at any period will 
very fairly reflect the skill and integrity of the public 
administration and the degree of value which is there- 
fore associated with municipal effort. 

But the municipality of Garden City, besides setting 
its face against any attempt to embark upon too large a 
field of enterprise, will so frame its constitution that the 
responsibility for each branch of the municipal service 
will be thrown directly upon the officers of that branch 
and not be practically lost sight of because loosely thrown 
upon the larger central body— a plan which makes it 
difficult for the public to perceive where any leakage or 
friction may be taking place. The constitution is 
modelled upon that of a large and well-appointed busi- 
ness, which is divided into various departments, each 
department being expected to justify its own continued 
existence — its officers being selected, not so much for their 
knowledge of the business generally as for their special 
fitness for the work of their department. 


consists of — 

(1) The Central Council. 

(2) The Departments. 

THE CENTRAL COUNCIL {see Diagram 5). 

In this council (or its nominees) are vested the rights 
and powers of the community as sole landlord of Garden 


City. Into its treasury are paid (after provision has been 
made for landlord's rent and sinking fund) all rate-rents 
received from its tenants, as well as the profits derived 
from its various municipal undertakings, and these, we 
have seen, are amply sufficient to discharge all public 
burdens without any resort to the expedient of com- 
pulsory rates. The powers possessed by the Central 
Council are, it may be noticed in passing, more ample 
than those possessed by other municipal bodies, for whilst 
most of these enjoy only such powers as are expressly con- 
ferred on them by Acts of Parliament, the Central 
Council of Garden City exercises on behalf of the people 
those wider rights, powers and privileges which are en- 
joyed by landlords under the common law. The private 
owner of land can do with his land and with the revenue 
he derives from it what he pleases so long as he is not a 
nuisance to his neighbour; while, on the other hand, 
public bodies which acquire land or obtain power to levy 
rates by Acts of Parliament, can only use that land or 
spend those rates for such purposes as are expressly pre- 
scribed by those Acts. But Garden City is in a greatly 
superior position, for, by stepping as a quasi public body 
into the rights of a private landlord, it becomes at once 
clothed with far larger powers for carrying out the will 
of the people than are possessed by other local bodies, 
and thus solves to a large extent the problem of local self- 

But the Central Council, though possessing these large 
powers, delegates many of them, for convenience of ad- 
ministration, to its various departments, retaining, how- 
over, responsibility for — 

(1) The general plan on which the estate is laid out. 


(2) The amount of money voted to each of the various 
spending departments, as schools, roads, parks, etc. 

(3) Such measure of oversight and control of the de- 
partments as is necessary to preserve a general unity and 
harmony, but no more. 


These are divided into various groups — for example : 

(A) Public Control. 

(B) Engineering. 

(C) Social Purposes. 


This group may consist of the following sub-groups : 

Finance. Assessment. 

Law. Inspection. 


Into this department are paid, after making provision 
for landlord's rent and sinking fund, all rate-rents; and 
out of it the necessary sums for the various departments 
are voted by the Central Council. 


This department receives all applications from would- 
be tenants, and fixes the rate-rent to be paid — such rate- 
rents not, however, being fixed arbitrarily by the depart- 
ment, but upon the essential principle adopted by other 
Assessment Committees — the really determining factor 



being the rate-rent which an average tenant is found 
willing to pay. 1 


This department settles the terms and conditions 
under which leases shall be granted, and the nature of 
the covenants to be entered into by and with the Central 


This department carries out such reasonable duties in 
relation to inspection as the municipality, in its capacity 
of landlord, may with the tenants of the municipality 
mutually agree upon. 


This group may consist of the following depai*tments 
— some of which would be later creations. 

Roads. Parks and open spaces. 

Subways. Drainage. 

Sewers. Canals. 

Tramways. Irrigation. 

Municipal Railway. Water-supply. 

Public Buildings (other? Motive-power & Lighting, 
than schools). Messages. 


This group is also divided into various departments, 
dealing with : — 

Education. Libraries. 

Baths and Wash-houses. 
Music. Recreation. 

1 This individual is known to Assessment Committees under 
the name of the " hypothetical tenant." 


Election of Members of Board of Management. 

Members (who may be men or women) are elected by 
the rate-renter3 to serve on one or more departments, and 
the Chairmen and Vice-Chairmen of the departments 
constitute the Central Council. 

Under such a constitution it is believed that the com- 
munity would have the readiest means of rightly estimate 
ing the work of its servants, and, at election times, would 
have clear and distinct issues brought before it. The 
candidates would not be expected to specify their views 
upon a hundred and one questions of municipal policy 
upon which they had no definite opinions, and which 
would probably not give rise within their term of office 
to the necessity for recording their votes, but would 
simply state their views as to some special question or 
group of questions, a sound opinion upon which would be 
of urgent importance to the electors, because immediately 
connected with the welfare of the town. 




In the last chapter we saw that no line could be sharply 
drawn between municipal and individual enterprise, so 
that one could definitely say of one or the other, 
" Hitherto shalt thou come, but no further " ; and this 
ever-changing character of the problem can be usefully 
illustrated in our examination of the industrial life of 
Garden City by reference to a form of enterprise there 
carried on which is neither distinctly municipal nor dis- 
tinctly individualistic, but partaking, as it dees, of the 
character of both, may be termed " semi-municipal." 

Among the most reliable sources of revenue possessed 
by many of our existing municipalities are their so-called 
" public markets." But it is important to notice that 
these markets are by no means public in the same full 
sense as are our public parks, libraries, water under- 
takings, or those numerous other branches of municipal 
work which are carried on upon public property, by 
public officials, at the public expense, and solely with a 
view to the public advantage. On the contrary, our so- 
called " public markets " are, for the most part, carried on 
by private individuals, who pay tolls for the parts of the 
buildings which they occupy, but who are not, except on 


a few points, controlled by the municipality, and whose 
profits are personally enjoyed by the various dealers. 
Markets may, therefore, be fitly termed semi-mtinicipal 

It would, however, have been scarcely necessary to 
touch on this question, but that it naturally leads up to 
the consideration of a form of semi-municipal enterprise 
which is one of the characteristic features of Garden City. 
This is to be found in the Crystal Palace, which, it will 
be remembered, is a wide arcade, skirting the Central 
Park, in which the most attractive wares on sale in 
Garden City are exhibited, and, this being a winter 
garden as well as the great shopping centre, is one of the 
most favourite resorts of the townspeople. The business 
at the shops is carried on, not by the municipality, but 
by various individuals and societies, the number of 
traders being, however, limited by the principle of local 

The considerations which have led to this system 
arise out of the distinction between the cases on the one 
hand of the manufacturers, and on the other of the dis- 
tributive societies and shopkeepers who are invited to the 
town. Thus, for example: — In the case of the manu- 
facturer, say, of boots, though he may be glad of the 
custom of the people of the town, he is by no means 
dependent on it; his products go all over the world; 
and he would scarcely wish that the number of boot 
manufacturers within the area should be specially 
limited. He would, in fact, lose more than he would 
gain by restrictions of this kind. A manufacturer fre- 
quently prefers to have others carrying on the same 
trade in his vicinity; for this gives him a larger choice 


of skilled workmen or workwomen, who themselves desire 
it also, because it gives them a larger range of employers. 

But in the case of shops and stores the case is entirely 
different. An individual or a society proposing to open 
in Garden City, say a drapery store, would be most 
anxious to know what, if any, arrangements were to be 
made for limiting the number of his competitors, for he 
would depend almost entirely on the trade of the town 
or neighbourhood. Indeed it frequently hajDpens that a 
private landlord, when laying out a building estate, 
makes arrangements with his shopkeeping tenants 
designed to prevent them from being swamped by others 
in the same trade starting on his estate. 

The problem, therefore, seems to be how to make such 
suitable arrangements as will at once — 

(1) Induce tenants of the shcpkeeping class to come 

and start in business, offering to the community 
adequate rate-rents. 

(2) Prevent the absurd and wasteful multiplication of 

shops referred to in the note at the foot of page 81. 

(3) Secure the advantages usually gained (or supposed 

to be) by competition — such as low prices, wide 
range of choice, fair dealing, civility, etc. 

(4) Avoid the evils attending monopoly. 

All these results may be secured by a simple ex- 
pedient, which will have the effect of converting com- 
petition from an active into a latent force to be brought 
into play or held in reserve. It is, as we have said, an 
application of the principle of local option. To explain : 


—Garden City is the sole landlord, and it can grant to a 
proposed tenant — we will suppose a co-operative society 
or an individual trader in drapery or fancy goods — a 
long leaso of a certain amount of space in the Grand 
Arcade (Crystal Palace), at a certain annual rate-rent; 
and it can say, in effect, to its tenant, " That site is the 
only space in that ward which we for the present intend 
to let to any tenant engaged in your trade. The Arcade 
is, however, designed to be not only the great shopping 
centre of the town and district, and the permanent ex- 
hibition in which the manufacturers of the town display 
their wares, but a summer and winter garden. The 
space this Arcade covers will, therefore, be considerably 
greater than is actually required for the purposes of shops 
or stores, if these are kept within reasonable limits. 
Now, so long as you give satisfaction to the people of the 
town, none of the space devoted to these recreative 
purposes will be let to anyone engaged in your calling. 
It is necessary, however, to guard against monoj^oly. If, 
therefore, the people become dissatisfied with your 
methods of trading, and desire that the force of competi- 
tion shall be actively brought into play against you, then, 
on the requisition of a certain number, the necessary 
space in the Arcade will be allotted by the municipality 
to some one desirous of starting an opposition store." 

Under this arrangement it will be seen the trader will 
depend upon the good-will of his customers. If he charges 
prices which are too high ; if he misrepresents the quality 
of his goods ; if he does not treat his employees with proper 
consideration in regard to horn's of labour, wages, or other 
matters, he will run a great risk of losing the good-will of 
his customers, and the people of the town will have a 


method of expressing their sentiments regarding him 
which will be extremely powerful ; they will simply invite 
a new competitor to enter the field. But, on the other 
hand, as long as he perform his functions wisely and well, 
his good-will resting on the solid basis of the good-will of 
his customers, he will be protected. His advantages are, 
therefore, enormous. In other towns a competitor might 
enter the field against him at any moment without 
warning, perhaps at the very time when he had purchased 
some expensive goods, which, unless sold during the 
season, could only be realised at an enonnous sacrifice. 
In Garden City, on the other hand, he has full notice of 
his danger — time to prepare for it and even to avert it. 
Besides, the members of the community, except for 
the purpose of bringing a trader to reason, will not 
only have no interest in bringing a competitor into 
the field, but their interests will be best served by 
keeping competition in the background as long as 
possible. If the fire of competition is brought to 
bear upon a trader, they must suffer with him. 
They will lose space they would far rather see devoted to 
some other purpose — they will be bound to pay higher 
prices than those at which the first trader could supply 
them if he would, and they will have to render municipal 
services to two traders instead of to one, while the two 
competitors could not afford to pay so large a sum in rate- 
rent as could the original trader. For in many cases the 
effect of competition is to make a rise in price absolutely 
necessary. Thus, A. has a trade of 100 gallons of milk a 
day, and can, we will suppose, pay his expenses, earn a 
bare living, and supply his customers with milk, 
say, at 4d. a quart. But if a competitor enters the field, 


then A. can only sell milk and water at 4d. a quart if lie 
is to continue to pay his way. Thus the competition of 
shopkeepers absolutely tends not only to ruin the com- 
petitors, but to maintain and even to raise prices, and so 
to lower real wages. 1 

Under this system of local option it will be seen that 
the tradesmen of the town — be they co-operative societies 
or individuals — would become, if not strictly or techni- 
cally so, yet in a very real sense, municipal servants. But 
they would not be bound up in the red-tape of officialism, 
and would have the fullest rights and powers of initia- 
tion. It would not be by any literal conformity to cast- 
iron and inflexible rules, but by their skill and judgment 
in foi'ecasting the wishes and in anticipating the tastes of 
their constituents, as well as by their integrity and 
courtesy as business men and women, that they would 
win and maintain their good-will. They would run 
certain risks, as all tradesmen must, and in return they 
would be paid, not of course in the form of salary, but 
in profits. But the risks they would run would be far 
less than they must be where competition is unchecked 
and uncontrolled, while their annual profits in propor- 

1 " It has been calculated by Mr. Neale " (" Economics of Co- 
operation") "that there are 41,735 separate establishments for 
22 of the principal retail trades in London. If for each of these 
trades there were 648 shops — that is 9 to the square mile, no 
one would have to go more than a quarter of a mile to the 
nearest shop. There would be 14,256 shops in all. Assuming 
that this supply would be sufficient, there are in London 251 
shops for every hundred that are really wanted. The general 
prosperity of the country will be much increased when the 
capital and labour that are now wastefully employed in the 
retail trade are set free for other work." — " Economics of In- 
dustry," A. and M. P. Marshall, Chap, ix., sec. 10. 


tion to capital invested might also be greater. They 
might even sell considerably below the ordinary rate pre- 
vailing elsewhere, but yet, having an assured trade and 
being able very accurately to gauge demand, they might 
turn their money over with remarkable frequency. 
Their working expenses, too, would be absurdly small. 
They would not have to advertise for customers, though 
they would doubtless make announcements to them of 
any novelties; but all that waste of effort and of money 
which is so frequently expended by tradesmen in order 
to secure customers or to prevent their going elsewhere, 
would be quite unnecessary. 

And not only would each trader be in a sense a muni- 
cipal servant, but those in his employ would be also. It 
is true such a trader would have the fullest right 
to engage and dismiss his servants ; but if he acted 
arbitrarily or harshly, if he paid insufficient wages, or 
treated his employees inconsiderately, he would certainly 
run the risk of losing the good-will of the majority of his 
customers, even although in other respects he might prove 
himself an admirable public servant. On the other hand, 
if the example were set of profit-sharing, this might grow 
into a custom, and the distinction between master and 
servant would be gradually lost in the simple process of 
all becoming co-operators. 1 

This system of local option as applied to shopkeejjing 
is not only business-like, but it affords an opportunity for 

1 This principle of local option, which is chiefly applicable to 
distributive callings, is perhaps applicable to production in 
some of its branches. Thus bakeries and laundries, which 
would largely depend upon the trade of the locality, seem to 
present instances where it might with some caution be applied. 
Few businesses seem to require more thorough supervision and 


the expression of that public conscience against the 
sweater which is now being stirred, but which scarcely 
knows bow to effectually respond to the new impulse. 
Thus there was established in London some years ago the 
Consumers' League, the object of which was not, as its 
name might lead one to suspect, to protect the consuming 
public against the unscrupulous producer, but it was to 
protect the sweated, over-driven producer against a con- 
suming public over-clamorous for cheapness. Its aim was 
to assist such of the public as hate and detest the sweat- 
ing system to avail themselves of the League's carefully 
compiled information, so that they might be able to 
studiously avoid the products which had passed through 
sweaters' hands. But such a movement as the Consumers' 
League advocated could make but little headway without 
the support of the shopkeeper. That consumer must be 
an uncommonly earnest opponent of sweating who insists 
upon knowing the source whence every article he pur- 
chases has come, and a shopkeeper under ordinary cir- 
cumstances would scarcely be disposed either to give such 
information or to guarantee that the goods he sold were 
produced under " fair " conditions ; while to establish 
shops in large cities, which are already overcrowded with 
distributive agencies, and to do this with the special 
object of putting down sweating, is to court failure. 
Here in Garden City, however, there will be a splendid 
opportunity for the public conscience to' express itself in 

control than these, end few have a more direct relation to 
health. Indeed, a very strong case might be made out for 
municipal bakeries and municipal laundries, and it is evident 
that the control of an industry by the community is a half-way 
house to its assumption of it, should this prove desirable and 


this regard, and no shopkeeper will, I hope, venture to 
sell " sweated goods." 

There is another question with which the term " local 
option " is most closely associated which may be dealt 
with here. I refer to the temperance question. Now it 
will be noticed that the municipality, in its position of 
sole landlord, has the yotver of dealing in the most drastic 
manner possible with the liquor traffic. There are, as is 
well known, many landlords who will not permit a public- 
house to be opened on their estate, and the landlord of 
Garden City — the people themselves — could adopt this 
course. But would this be wise? I think not. First, 
such a restriction would keep away the very large and 
increasing class of moderate drinkers, and would 
also keep away many of those who are scarcely 
moderate in their use of alcohol, but as to whom 
reformers would be most anxious that they should 
be brought under the healthful influences which would 
surround them in Garden City. The public-house, 
or its equivalent, would, in such a community, have many 
competitors for the favour of the people ; while, in large 
cities, with few opportunities of cheap and rational en- 
joyment, it has its own way. The experiment, as one in 
the direction of temperance reform, would, therefore, be 
more valuable if the traffic were permitted under reason- 
able regulations than if it were stopped ; because, while, 
in the former case, the effects in the direction of temper- 
ance would be clearly traceable to the more natural and 
healthy form of life, if the latter course were adopted it 
could only prove, what no one now denies, that it may 
be possible, by restrictive measures, to entirely keej) away 
the traffic from one small area while intensifying the 
evils elsewhere. 


But the community would certainly take care to 
prevent the undue multiplication of licensed houses, and 
it would be free to adopt any one of the various methods 
which the more moderate of temperance reformers 
suggest. The municipal authorities might conduct the 
liquor traffic themselves, and employ the profits in relief 
of rates. There is, however, much force in the objection 
that it is not desirable that the revenue of a community 
should be so derived, and, therefore, it might be better 
that the profits- should be entirely applied to purposes 
which would compete with the traffic, or in minimising 
its evil effects by establishing asylums for those affected 
with alcoholism. 1 On this subject, as on all points in- 
volved, I earnestly invite correspondence from those who 
have practical suggestions to offer; and, although the 
town is but a small one, it would perhaps not be im- 
practicable to test various promising suggestions in the 
different wards. 

1 Since " To-Morrow " was published, various Companies 
have been formed by tbe Public House Trust Association, 
116 Victoria Street, Westminster, S.W., with the object of 
carrying on the trade on principles advocated by the Bishop 
of Chester. A limited dividend of 5 per cent, is fixed ; all 
profits beyond are expended in useful public enterprises, and 
the Managers have no interest whatever in pushing the trade 
in intoxicating liquors. It may be interesting also to observe 
that Mr. George Cadbury, in the Deed of Foundation of the 
Bourneville Trust, provides for the complete restriction of 
the traffic at the outset. But as a practical man, he sees that 
as the Trust grows (and its power of growth is among its most 
admirable features) it may be necessary to remove such com- 
plete restrictions. And he provides that in that event "all the net 
profits arising from the sale and co-operative distribution of 
intoxicating liquors shall be devoted to securing recreation 
and counter attractions to the liquor trade as ordinarily con- 



There will be found in every progressive community 
societies and organisations which represent a far higher 
level of public spirit and enterprise than that possessed 
or displayed by such communities in their collective 
capacity. It is probable that the government of a com- 
munity can never reach a higher tone or work on a higher 
plane than the average sense of that community demands 
and enforces; and it will greatly conduce to the well- 
being of any society if the efforts of its State or muni- 
cipal organisations are inspired and quickened by those 
of its members whose ideals of society duty rise higher 
than the average. 1 

And so it may be in Garden City. There will be dis- 
covered many opportunities for public service which 

1 " Only a proportion of each in one society can have nerve 
enough to grasp the banner of a new truth, and endurance 
enough to bear it along rugged and untrodden ways. ... To 
insist on a whole community being made at once to submit to 
the reign of new practices and new ideas which have just begun 
to commend themselves to the most advanced speculative in- 
telligence of the time — this, even if it were a possible process, 
would do much to make life impracticable and to hurry on 
social dissolution. ... A new social state can never estab- 
lish its ideas unless the persons who hold them confess them 
openly and give them an honest and effective adherence." — 
Mr. John Morley, " On Compromise," Chap. v. 


neither the community as a whole, nor even a majority of 
its members, will at first recognise the importance of, or 
see their way to embrace, and which public services it 
would be useless, therefore, to expect the municipality to 
undertake ; but those who have the welfare of society at 
heart will, in tho free air of the city, be always able to 
experiment on their own responsibility, and thus quicken 
the public conscience and enlarge the public under- 

The whole of the experiment which this book describes 
is indeed of this chai'acter. It represents pioneer work, 
which will be carried out by those who have not a merely 
pious opinion, but an effective belief in the economic, 
sanitary, and social advantages of common ownership of 
land, and who, therefore, are not satisfied merely to 
advocate that those advantages should be secured on the 
largest scale at the national expense, but are impelled to 
give their views shape and form as soon as they can see 
their way to join with a sufficient number of kindred 
spirits. And what the whole experiment is to the nation, 
so may what we term " pro-municipal " undertakings be 
to the community of Garden City or to society generally. 
Just as the larger experiment is designed to lead the 
nation into a juster and better system of land tenure and 
a better and more common-sense view of how towns 
should be built, so are the various pro-municipal under- 
takings of Garden City devised by those who are prepared 
to lead the way in enterprises designed to further the 
well-being of the town, but who have not as yet succeeded 
in getting their plans or schemes adopted by the Central 

Philanthropic and charitable institutions, religious 


societies, and educational agencies of various kinds occupy 
a very large part in this group of pro-municipal or pro- 
national agencies, and these have heen already referred 
to, and their nature and purposes are well known. But 
institutions which aim at the more strictly material side 
of well-being, such as banks and building societies, may 
be found here too. Just as the founders of the Penny 
Bank paved the way for the Post Office Savings Bank, so 
may some of those who study carefully the experiment of 
building up Garden City see how useful a bank might be, 
which, like the Penny Bank, aims not so much at gain 
for its founders as at the' well-being of the community at 
large. Such a bank might arrange to pay the whole of 
its net profits or all its profits over a certain fixed rate, 
into the municipal exchequer, and give to the authorities 
of the town the option of taking it over should they be 
convinced of its utility and its general soundness. 

There is another large field for pro-municipal 
activity in the work of building homes for the 
people. The municipality would be attempting too 
much if it essayed this task, at least at the outset. 
To do so would be perhaps to depart too widely 
from the path which experience has justified, how- 
ever much might be said in favour of such a course on 
the part of a municipal body in command of ample funds. 
The municipality has, however, done much to make the 
building of bright and beautiful homes for the people 
possible. It has effectually provided against any over- 
crowding within its area, thus solving a problem found 
insoluble in existing cities, and it offers sites of ample 
size at an average: rate of £6 per annum for ground-rent 
and rates. Having done so much, the municipality will 


pay heed to the warning of an experienced municipal 
reformer, whose desire for the extension of municipal 
enterprise cannot be doubted (Mr. John Bums, M.P., 
L.C.C.), who has said: " A lot of work has been thrown 
upon the Works Committee of the London County 
Council by councillors who are so anxious for its success 
that they would choke it by a burden of work." 

There are, however, other sources to which the workers 
may look for means to build their own homes. They may 
form, building societies or induce co-operative societies, 
friendly societies, and trade unions to lend them the 
necessary money, and to help them to organise the re- 
quisite machinery. Granted the existence of the true 
social spirit, and not its mere letter and name, and that 
spirit will manifest itself in an infinite variety of ways. 
There are in this country — who can doubt it ? — many 
individuals and societies who would be ready to raise 
funds and organise associations for assisting bodies of 
workmen secure of good wages to build their own homes 
on favourable terms. 

A better security the lenders could scarcely have, 
especially having regard to the ridiculously small land- 
lord's rent paid by the borrowers. Certain it is that if 
the building of the homes for these workmen is left to 
speculative builders of a strongly-pronounced indivi- 
dualistic type, and these reap golden harvests, it will be 
the fault, amongst others, of those large organisations of 
working-men which now place their capital in banks, 
whence it is withdrawn by those who with it " exploit " 
the very men who have placed it there. It is idle for 
working-men to complain of this self-imposed exploitation, 
and to talk of nationalising the entire land and capital of 


this country under an executive of their own class, until 
they have first been through an apprenticeship at the 
humbler task of organising men and women with their 
own capital in constructive work of a less ambitious 
character — until they have assisted far more largely than 
they have yet done in building up capital, not to be 
wasted in strikes, or employed by capitalists in fighting 
strikers, but in securing homes and employment for them- 
selves and others on just and honourable terms. The true 
remedy for capitalist oppression where it exists, is not the 
strike of no work, but the strike of true work, and against 
this last blow the oppressor has no weapon. If labour 
leaders spent half the energy in co-operative organisation 
that they now waste in co-operative disorganisation, the 
end of our present unjust system would be at hand. In 
Garden City such leaders will have a fair field for the 
exercise of proKmunicipal functions — functions which are 
exercised for the municipality, though not by it — and the 
formation of building societies of this type would be of 
the greatest possible utility. 

But would not the amount of capital required for the 
building of the dwelling-houses of a town of 30,000 be 
enormous? Some persons with whom I have discussed 
the question look at the matter thus. So many houses in 
Garden City at so many hundred of pounds a-piece, 
capital required so much. 1 This is, of course, quite a 
mistaken way of regarding the problem. Let us test the 
matter thus. How many houses have been built in 
London within the last ten years? Shall we say, at the 
very roughest of guesses 150,000, costing on an average 

1 The position was so stated by Mr. Buckingham in 
"National Evils and Practical Remedies," see Chap. x. 


£300 a-piece — to say nothing of shops, factories, and 
warehouses. Well, that is £45,000,000. Was £45,000,000 
raised for this purpose? Yes, certainly, or the houses 
would not have been built. But the money was not raised 
all at once, and if one could recognise the actual sove- 
reigns that were raised for the building of these 150,000 
houses, one would often find the very same coins turning 
up again and again. So in Garden City. Before it is 
completed, there will be 5,500 houses at, say, £300 a-piece, 
making £1,650,000. But this capital will not be raised 
all at once, and here, far more than in London, the very 
same sovereigns would be employed in building many 
houses. For observe, money is not lost or consumed 
when it is spent. It merely changes hands. A work- 
man of Garden City borrows £200 from a pro-municipal 
building society, and builds a house with it. That house 
costs him £200, and the 200 sovereigns disappear so far 
as he is concerned, but they become the property of the 
brickmakers, builders, carpenters, plumbers, plasterers, 
etc., who have built his house, whence those sovereigns 
would find their way into the pockets of the tradesmen 
and others with whom such workmen deal, and thence 
would pass into the pro-municipal bank of the town, when 
presently, those 200 identical sovereigns might be drawn 
out and employed in building another house. Thus 
there would be presented the apparent anomaly of two, 
and then three, and then four or more houses, each 
costing £200, being built with 200 sovereigns. 1 But 
there is no real anomaly about it. The coins, of course, 

1 A similar line of argument to this is very fully elaborated 
in a most able work entitled " The Physiology of Industry, " by 
Mummery and Ilobson (MacMillan & Co.). 


did not build the houses in any of the supposed cases. 
The coins were but the measure of value, and like a pair 
of scales and weights, may be used over and over again 
without any perceptible lessening of their worth. What 
built the houses was really labour, skill, enterprise, 
working up the free gifts of nature ; and though each of 
the workers might have his reward weighed out to him in 
coins, the cost of all buildings and works in Garden City 
must be mainly determined by the skill and energy with 
which its labours are directed. Still, so long as gold and 
silver are recognised as the medium of exchange, it will 
be necessary to use them, and of great importance to use 
them skilfully — for the skill with which they are used, or 
their unnecessary use dispensed with, as in a banker's 
clearing house, will have a most important bearing upon 
the cost of the town, and upon the annual tax levied in 
the shape of interest on borrowed capital. Skill must be 
therefore directed to the object of so using coins that they 
may quickly effect their object of measuring one value, 
and be set to work to measure another — that they may be 
turned over as many times as possible in the year, in 
order that the amount of labour measured by each coin 
may be as large as possible, and thus the amount repre- 
sented by interest on the coins borrowed, though paid at 
the normal or usual rate, shall bear as small a proportion 
as possible to the amount paid to labour. If this is done 
effectively, then a saving to the community in respect of 
interest as great as the more easily demonstrated saving 
in landlord's rent may probably be effected. 

And now the reader is asked to observe how admir- 
ably, and, as it were, automatically, a well-organised 
migratory movement to land held in common lends itself 


to the economic use of money, and to the making of one 
coin serve many purposes. Money, it is often said, is " a 
drug in the market." Like labour itself, it seems en- 
chanted, and thus one sees millions in gold and silver 
lying idle in banks facing the very streets where men are 
wandering workless and penniless. But here, on the site 
of Garden City, the cry for employment on the part of 
those willing to work will no more be heard in vain. Only 
yesterday it may have been so, but to-day the enchanted 
land is awake, and is loudly calling for its children. 
There is no difficulty in finding work — profitable work — ■ 
work that is really urgently, imperatively needed — the 
building of a home-city, and, as men hasten to build up 
this and the other towns which must inevitably follow its 
construction, the migration to the towns — the old, 
crowded, chaotic slum-towns of the past — will be 
effectually checked, and the current of population set 
in precisely the opposite direction — to the new towns, 
bright and fair, wholesome and beautiful. 



Having now, in a concrete rather than an abstract form, 
stated the objects and purposes of our scheme, it may be 
well to deal, though somewhat briefly, with an objection 
which may arise in the thought of the reader : " Your 
scheme may be very attractive, but it is but one of a great 
number, many of which have been tried and have met 
with but little success. How do> you distinguish it from 
those? How, in the face of such a record of failure, do 
you expect to secure that large measure of public support 
which is necessary ere such a scheme can be put into 
operation? " 

The question is a very natural one, and demands an 
answer. My reply is : It is quite true that the pathway 
of experiment towards a better state of society is strewn 
with failures. But so is the pathway of experiment to 
any result that is worth achieving. Success is, for the 
most part, built on failure. As Mrs. Humphrey Ward 
remarks in " Robert Elsmere " : " All great changes are 
preceded by numbers of sporadic, and, as the bystander 
thinks, intermittent efforts." A successful invention or 
discovery is usually a slow growth, to which new elements 
are added, and from which old elements are removed, 
first in the thought of the inventor, and subsequently in 
au outward form, until at last precisely the right elements 


and no others are brought together. Indeed, it may be 
truly said that if you find a series of experiments con- 
tinued through many years by various workers, there will 
eventually be produced the result for which so many have 
been industriously searching. Long-continued effort, in 
spite of failure and defeat, is the fore-runner of complete 
success. He who wishes to achieve success may turn past 
defeat into future victory by observing one condition. 
He must profit by past experiences, and aim at retaining 
all the strong points without the weaknesses of former 

To deal at all exhaustively here with the history of 
social experiments would be beyond the scope of this 
book ; but a few leading features may be noticed with a 
view of meeting the objection with which this chapter 

Probably the chief cause of failure in former social ex- 
periments has been a misconception of the principal 
element in the problem — human nature itself. The 
degree of strain which average human nature will bear in 
an altruistic direction has not been duly considered by 
those who have essayed the task of suggesting new forms 
of social organisation. A kindred mistake has arisen 
from regarding one principle of action to the exclusion 
of others. Take Communism, for instance. Communism 
is a most excellent principle, and all of us are Com- 
munists in some degree, even those who would shudder at 
being told so. For we all believe in communistic 
roads, communistic parks, and communistic libraries. 
But though Communism is an excellent principle, 
Individualism is no less excellent. A great orchestra 
which enraptures U3 with its delightful music is 

q6 garden cities of to-morrow. 

composed of men and women who are accustomed not 
only to play together, but to practise separately, and to 
delight themselves and their friends by their own, it may 
be comparatively, feeble efforts. Nay, more : isolated 
and individual thought and action are as essential, if the 
best results of combination are to be secured, as combina- 
tion and co-ojieration are essential, if the best results of 
isolated effort are to be gained. It is by isolated thought 
that new combinations are worked out ; it is through the 
lessons learned in associated effort that the best individual 
work is accomplished ; and that society will prove the 
most healthy and vigorous where the freest and fullest 
opportunities are afforded alike for individual and for 
combined effort. 

Now, do not the whole series of communistic experi- 
ments owe their failure largely to* this — that they have 
not recognised this duality of principle, but have carried 
one principle, excellent enough in itself, altogether too 
far? They have assumed that because common property 
is good, all property should be common ; that because 
associated effort can produce marvels, individual effort is 
to be regarded as dangerous, or at least futile, some ex- 
tremists even seeking to abolish altogether the idea of 
the family or home. No reader will confuse the experi- 
ment here advocated with any experiment in absolute 

Nor is the scheme fc> be regarded as a socialistic experi- 
ment. Socialists, who may be regarded as Communists 
of a more moderate type, advocate common property in 
land and in all the instruments of production, distribu- 
tion, and exchange- — railways, machinery, factories, 
docks, banks, and the like; but they would preserve 


the principle of private ownership in all such things 
as have passed in the form of wages to the servants 
of the community, with the proviso, however, that 
these wages shall not be employed in organised creative 
effort, involving the employment of more than one 
person ; for all forms of employment with a view to 
remuneration should, as the Socialists contend, be under 
the direction of some recognised department of the 
Government, which is to claim a rigid monopoly. But it 
is very doubtful whether this principle of the Socialist, 
in which there is a certain measure of recognition of the 
individual side of man's nature as well as of his social 
side, represents a basis on which an experiment can fairly 
proceed with the hope of permanent success. Two chief 
difficulties appear to present themselves. First, the self- 
seeking side of man — his too frequent desire to produce, 
with a view to possessing for his own personal use and 
enjoyment; and, secondly, his love of independence and 
of initiative, his personal ambition, and his consequent 
unwillingness to put himself under the guidance of others 
for the whole of his working day, with little opportunity 
of striking out some independent line of action, or of 
taking a leading part in the creation of new forms of 

Now, even if we pass over the first difficulty — that of 
human self-seeking — even if we assume that we have a 
body of men and women who have realised the truth that 
concerted social effort will achieve far better results in 
enjoyable commodities for each member of the community 
than can possibly be achieved by ordinary competitive 
methods — each struggling for himself — we have still the 
other difficulty, arising out of the higher and not the 


lower nature of the men and women who are to be 
organised — their love of independence and of initiative. 
Men love combined effort, but they love individual effort, 
too, and they will not be content with such few oppor- 
tunities for personal effort as they would be allowed to 
make in a rigid socialistic community. Men do not 
object to being organised under competent leadership, 
but some also want to be leaders, and to have a share in 
the work of organising; they like to lead as well as to 
be led. Besides, one can easily imagine men filled with a 
desire to serve the community in some way which the 
community as a whole did not at the moment appreciate 
the advantage of, and who' would be precluded by the 
very constitution of the socialistic state from carrying 
their proposals into effect. 

Now, it is at this very point that a most interesting 
experiment at Topolobampo has broken down. The 
experiment, which was initiated by Mr. A. K. Owen, an 
American civil engineer, was started on a considerable 
tract of land obtained under concession from the Mexican 
Government. One principle adopted by Mr. Owen was 
that " all employment must be through the Department 
for the Diversity of Home Industries. One member 
cannot directly employ another member, and only 
members can be employed through the settlement." 1 In 
other words, if A. and B. were dissatisfied with the 
management, whether owing to doubts as to its com- 
petency or honesty, they could not arrange to work with 
each other, even though their sole desire might be the 
common good ; but they must leave the settlement. And 

1 " Integral Co-operation at Work," A. X. Owen (U.S. Book 
Co., 150 Worth St., N.Y.). 


this is what they accordingly did in very considerable 

It is at this point that a great distinction between the 
Topolobampo experiment and the scheme advocated in 
this work is evident. In Topolobampo the organisation 
claimed a monopoly of all productive work, and each 
member must work under the direction of those who con- 
trolled that monopoly, or must leave the organisation. 
In Garden City no such monopoly is claimed, and any 
dissatisfaction with the public administration of the 
affairs of the town would no more necessarily lead to a 
widespread split in Garden City than in any other muni- 
cipality. At the outset, at least, by far the larger part 
of the work done will be by individuals or combinations 
of individuals quite other than municipal servants, just 
as in any other municipality, at present existing, the 
sphere of municipal work is still very small as compared 
with the work performed by other groups. 

Other sources of failure in some social experiments 
are the considerable expense incurred by migrants before 
they reach the scene of their future labours, the great 
distance from any large market, and the difficulty of pre- 
viously obtaining any real knowledge of the conditions of 
life and labour there prevailing. The one advantage 
gained — cheap land — seems to be altogether insufficient 
to compensate for these and other disadvantages. 

We now come to what is perhaps the chief difference 
between the scheme advocated in this work and most 
other schemes of a like na.ture which have been hitherto 
advocated or put into actual practice. That difference is 
this : While others have sought to weld into one large 
organisation individuals who have not yet been combined 


into smaller groups, or who must leave those smaller 
groups on their joining the larger organisation, my pro- 
posal appeals not only to individuals but to co-operators, 
manufacturers, philanthropic societies, and others ex- 
perienced in organisation, and with organisations under 
their control, to come and place themselves under condi- 
tions involving no new restraints but rather securing 
wider freedom. And, further, a striking feature of the 
present scheme is that the very considerable number of 
persons already engaged on the estate will not be displaced 
(except those on the town site, and these gradually), 
but these will themselves form a valuable nucleus, paying 
in rents, from the very inception of the enterprise, a sum 
which will go very far towards the interest on the money 
with which the estate is purchased— rents which they 
will be more willing to pay to a landlord who will treat 
them with perfect equity, and who will bring to 
their doors consumers for their produce. The work 
of organisation is, therefore, in a very large measure 
accomplished. The army is now in existence ; it has but 
to be mobilised ; it is with no undisciplined mob that we 
have to deal. Or the comparison between this experi- 
ment and those which have preceded it is like that 
between two machines — one of which has to be created 
out of various ores which have first to be gathered 
together and then cast into various shapes, while for the 
other all the parts are ready to hand and have but to be 
fitted together. 



In the last chapter, I pointed out the great differences of 
principle between the project placed before the reader of 
this work and some of those schemes of social reform 
which, having been put to the test of experience, have 
ended in disaster, and I urged that there were features of 
the proposed experiment which so completely distin- 
guished it from those unsuccessful schemes that they 
could not be fairly regarded as any indication of the 
results which would probably follow from launching this 

It is my present purpose to show that though the 
scheme taken as a whole is a new one, and is, perhaps, 
entitled to some consideration on that account, its chief 
claim upon the attention of the public lies in the fact that 
it combines the important features of several schemes 
which have been advocated at various times, and so 
combines them as to secure the best results of each, 
without the dangers and difficulties which sometimes,' 
even in the minds of their authors, were clearly and dis- 
tinctly seen. 

Shortly stated, my scheme is a combination of three 
distinct projects which have, I think, never been united 
before. These arc-(l) The proposals for an organised 


migratory movement of population of Wakefield and of 
Professor Marshall ; (2) the system of land tenure first 
proposed by Thos. Spenceand afterwards (though with an 
important modification) by Mr. Herbert Spencer ; and (3) 
the model city of Jas. S. Buckingham. 1 

Let us take these proposals in the order named. 
Wakefield, in his " Art of Colonisation " (London : J. W. 
Parker, 1849), urged that colonies when formed — he was 
not thinking of home colonies — should be based on 
scientific principles. He said (page 109) : " We send out 
colonies of the limbs, without the belly and the head, of 
needy persons, many of them mere paupers, or even 
criminals; colonies made up of a single class of persons 
in the community, and that the most helpless and the 
most unfit to perpetuate our national character, and to 
become the fathers of a race whose habits of thinking and 
feeling shall correspond to those which, in the meantime, 
we are cherishing at home. The ancients, on the con- 
trary, sent out a representation of the parent State — 
colonists from all ranis. We stock the farm with 
creeping and climbing plants, without any trees of firmer 
growth for them to entwine round. A hop-ground 
without poles, the plants matted confusedly together, and 
scrambling on the ground in tangled heaps, with here and 

1 1 may, perhaps, state as showing how in the search for 
truth men's minds rim in the same channels, and as, possibly, 
some additional argument for the soundness of the proposals 
thus combined, that, till I had got far on with my project, I 
had not seen either the proposals of Professor Marshall or of 
Wakefield (beyond a very short reference to the latter in J. S. 
Mill's "Elements of Political Economy"), nor had I seen the 
work of Buckingham, which, published nearly fifty years ago, 
seems to have attracted but little attention. 


there some clinging to rank thistles and hemlock, would 
be an apt emblem of a modern colony. The ancients 
began by nominating to the honourable office of captain 
or leader of the colony one of the chief men, if not the 
chief man of the State, like the queen bee leading the 
workers. Monarchies provided a prince of the royal 
blood ; an aristocracy its choicest nobleman ; a democracy 
its most influential citizen. These naturally carried along 
with them some of their own station in life — their com- 
panions and friends ; some of their immediate dependents 
also — of those between themselves and the lowest class; 
and were encouraged in various ways to do so. The 
lowest class again followed with alacrity, because they 
found themselves moving with and not away from the 
state of society in which they had been living. It was 
the same social and political union under which they had 
been born and bred ; and to prevent any contrary impres- 
sion being made, the utmost solemnity was observed in 
transferring the rites of pagan superstition. They carried 
with them their gods, their festivals, their games — all, in 
short, that held together and kept entire the fabric of 
society as it existed in the parent state. Nothing was 
left behind that could be moved of all that the heart or 
eye of an exile misses. The new colony was made to 
appear as if time or chance had reduced the whole com- 
munity to smaller dimensions, leaving it still essentially 
the same home and country to its surviving members. It 
consisted of a general contribution of members from all 
classes, and so became, on its first settlement, a mature 
state, with all the component parts of that which sent it 
forth. It was a transfer of population, therefore, which 
gave rise to no sense of degradation, as if the colonist 


were thrust out from a higher to a lower description of 

J. S. Mill, iu his " Elements of Political Economy," 
Book I., Chap, viii., § 3, says of this work : " Wakefield's 
theory of colonisation has excited much attention, and is 
doubtless 1 destined to excite much more. . . . His 
system consists of arrangements for securing that each 
colony shall have from the first a town population bearing 
due proportion to the agricultural, and that the culti- 
vators of the soil shall not be so widely scattered as to 
be deprived by distance of the benefit of that town 
population as a market for their produce." 

Professor Marshall's proposals for an organised 
migratory movement of population from London have 
been already noticed, but the following passage from the 
article already referred to> may be quoted : — 

" There might be great variety of method, but the 
general plan would probably be for a committee, whether 
formed specially for the purpose or not, to interest them- 
selves in the formation of a colony in some place well 
beyond the range of London smoke. After seeing their 
way to building or buying suitable cottages there, they 
would enter into communication with some of the em- 
ployers of low-waged labour. They would select, at first, in- 
dustries that used very little fixed capital ; and, as we have 
seen, it fortunately happens that most of the industries 
which it is important to move are of this kind. They 
would find an employer — and there must be many such — 
whoi really cares for the misery of his employees. Acting 
with him and by his advice, they would make themselves 
the friends of people employed or fit to be employed in 
his trade; they would show them the advantages of 


moving, and help them to move, both with counsel and 
money. They would organise the sending of work back- 
wards and forwards, the employer perhaps opening an 
agency in the colony. But after being once started it 
ought to be self-supporting, for the cost of carriage, even 
if the employees went in sometimes to get instructions, 
would be less than the saving made in rent — at all events, 
ix allowance be made for the value of the garden produce. 
And more than as much gain would probably be saved 
by removing the temptation to drink which is caused by 
the sadness of London. They would meet with much 
passive resistance at first. The unknown has terrors to 
all, but especially to those who have lost their natural 
spring. Those who have lived always in the obscurity of 
a London court might shrink away from the free light; 
poor as are their acquaintanceships at home, they might 
fear to go where they knew no one. But, with gentle in- 
sistence, the committee would urge their way, trying to 
get those who knew one another to move together, by 
warm, patient sympathy, taking off the chill of the first 
change. It is only the first step that costs; every suc- 
ceeding step would be easier. The work of several firms, 
not always in the same business, might, in some cases, be 
sent together. Gradually a prosperous industrial district 
would grow up, and then, mere self-interest would induce 
employei'S to bring down their main workshops, and even 
to start factories in the colony. Ultimately all would 
gain, but most the landowners and the railroads con- 
nected with the colony." 

What could more strongly point than the last sentence 
of that quotation from Professor Marshall's proposal to the 
necessity of first buying the land, so that the most admir- 


able project of Thomas Spence can be put into practice, 
and thus prevent the terrible rise in rent which Professor 
Marshall forsees? Spence's proposal, put forward more 
than a hundred years ago, at once suggests how to secure 
the desired end. Here it is : — 

" Then you may behold the rent which the people have 
paid into the parish treasuries employed by each parish 
in paying the Government its share of the sum which the 
Parliament or National Congress at any time grants ; in 
maintaining and relieving its own poor and people out of 
work ; in paying the necessary officers their salaries ; in 
building, repairing, and adorning its houses, bridges, and 
other structures; in making and maintaining convenient 
and delightful streets, highways, and passages, both for 
foot and carriages ; in making and maintaining canals 
and other conveniences for trade and navigation ; in 
planting and taking in waste grounds; in premiums for 
the encouragement of agriculture or anything else 
thought worthy of encouragement ; and, in a word, in 
doing whatever the people think proper, and not, as 
formerly, to support and spread luxury, pride, and all 
manner of vice. . . . There are no tolls or taxes of 
any kind paid among them by native or foreigner but the 
aforesaid rent, which every person pays to the parish, 
according to the quantity, quality, and conveniences of 
the land ... he occupies in it. The government, 
poor, roads, etc., . . . are all maintained with the rent, 
on which account all wares, manufactures, allowable trade 
employments or actions are entirely duty-free." — From a 
lecture read at the Philosophical Society in Newcastle, on 
November 8th, 1775, for printing which the Society did 
the author the honour to expel him. 


It will be observed that the only difference between 
this proposal and the proposals as to land reform put 
forward in this book, is not a difference of system, but a 
difference (and a very important one) as to the method of 
its inauguration. Spence appears to have thought that 
the people would, by a fiat, dispossess the existing owners 
and establish the system at once and universally through- 
out the country ; while, in this work, it is proposed to 
purchase the necessary land with which to establish the 
system on a small scale, and to trust to the inherent 
advantages of the system leading to its gradual adoption. 

Writing some seventy years after Spence had put 
forward his proposal, Mr. Herbert Spencer (having first 
laid down the grand principle that all men are equally 
entitled to the use of the earth, as a corollary of the law 
of equal liberty generally), in discussing this subject, 
observes, with his usual force and clearness : — 

" But to what does this doctrine that men are equally 
entitled to the use of the earth, lead? Must we return to 
the times of unenclosed wilds, and subsist on roots, 
berries, and game ? Or are we to be left to the manage- 
ment of Messi-s. Fourrier, Owen, Louis Blanc & Co.? 
Neither. Such a doctrine is consistent with the highest 
civilisation, may be carried out without involving a com- 
munity of goods, and need cause no very serious revolu- 
tion in existing arrangements. The change required 
would be simply a change of landlords. Separate owner- 
ship would merge in the joint-stock ownership of the 
public. Instead of being in the possession of indivi- 
duals, the country would be held by the great corporate 
body — society. Instead of leasing his acres from an 
isolated proprietor, the farmer would lease them from the 


nation. Instead of paying his rent to the agent of Sir 
John and His Grace, he would pay it to an agent or 
deputy agent of the community. Stewards would be 
public officials instead of private ones, and tenancy the 
only land tenure. A state of things so ordered would be 
in perfect harmony with the moral law. Under it all 
men would be equally landlords; all men would be alike 
free to become tenants. A., B., C. and the rest might 
compete for a vacant farm as now, and one of them might 
take that farm without in any way violating the pi'in- 
ciples of pure equity. All would be equally free to bid ; 
all would be equally free to refrain. And when the farm 
had been let to A., B., or C, all parties would have done 
that which they willed, the one in choosing to pay a 
given sum to his fellow-men for the use of certain lands — ■ 
the others in refusing to pay the sum. Clearly, there- 
fore, on such a system the earth might be enclosed, 
occupied, and cultivated in entire subordination to the 
law of equal freedom." — " Social Statics," Chap, ix., 
sec. 8. 

But having thus written, Mr. Herbert Spencer at a 
later period, having discovered two grave difficulties in 
the way of his own proposal, unreservedly withdrew it. 
The first of these difficulties was the evils which he 
considered as inseparable from State ownership (see 
" Justice," published in 1891, appendix B., p. 290) ; the 
second, the impossibility, as Mr. Spencer regarded it, of 
acquiring the land on terms which would be at once 
equitable to existing owners and remunerative to the 

But if the reader examines the scheme of Spence, 
which preceded the now-withdrawn proposals of Mr. 


Herbert Spencer, he will see that Spence's scheme was 
entirely freed (as is the one put forward in this little 
book), from the objections which might probably attend 
control by the State. 1 The rents were, under Spence's 
proposals, as in my own, not to be levied by a 
Central Government far removed from contact with 
the people, but by the very parish (in my scheme 
the municipality) in which the people reside. As 
to the other difficulty which presented itself to 
Mr. Herbert Spencer's mind — that of acquiring 
the land on equitable terms, and of yet making it re- 
munerative to the purchasers — a difficulty which Mr. 
Herbert Spencer, seeing no way out of, rashly concluded 
to be insuperable — that difficulty is entirely removed by 
my proposal of buying agricultural or sparsely-settled 
land, letting it in the manner advocated by Spence, and 
then bringing about the scientific migratory movement 
advocated by Wakefield and (though in a somewhat less 
daring fashion) by Professor Marshall. 

Surely a project, which thus brings what Mr. Herbert 
Spencer still terms " the dictum of absolute ethics " — that 
all men are equally entitled to the use of the earth — into 
the field of practical life, and makes it a thing immedi- 
ately realisable by those who believe in it, must be one of 
the greatest public importance. When a great philosopher 
in effect says, we cannot conform our life to the highest 
moral principles because men have laid an immoral 

1 Though Mr. Herbert Spencer, as if to rebuke his own 
theory that State control is inherently bad, says, " Political 
speculation which sets out with the assumption that the State 
has in all cases the same nature must end in profoundly 
erroneous conclusions." 


foundation for us in the past, but " if, while possessing 
those ethical sentiments which social discipline has now 
produced, men stood in possession of a territory not 
yet individually portioned out, they would no 
more hesitate to assert equality of their claims 
to the land than they would hesitate to assert 
equality of their claims to light and air" 1 — one 
cannot help wishing — so inharmonious does life seem — 
that the opportunity presented itself of migrating to a 
new planet where the " ethical sentiments which social 
discipline has now produced " might be indulged in. 
But a new planet, or even " a territory not yet indivi- 
dually portioned out," is by no means necessary if we are 
but in real earnest; for it has been shown that an 
organised, migratory movement from over-developed, 
high-priced land to comparatively raw and unoccupied 
land, will enable all who desire it to live this life of equal 
freedom and opportunity ; and a sense of the possibility 
of a life on earth at once orderly and free dawns upon 
the heart and mind. 

The third proposal which I have combined with those 
of Spence and Mr. Herbert Spencer, of Wakefield and 
Professor Marshall, embraces one essential feature of a 
scheme of James S. Buckingham, 2 though I have pur- 
posely omitted some of the essential features of that 
scheme. Mr. Buckingham says (p. 25) : " My thoughts 
were thus directed to the great defects of all existing 
towns, and the desirability of forming at least one model 

1 " Justice," Chap, xi., p. 85. 
2 Buckingham's scheme is set forth in a work entitled 
"National Evils and Practical Remedies," published by Peter 
Jackson, St. Martins le Grand, about 1849. 


town which should avoid the most prominent of these 
defects, and substitute advantages not yet possessed by 
any." In his work he exhibits a ground plan and a 
sketch of a town of about 1,000 acres, containing a 
population of 25,000, and surrounded by a large agricul- 
tural estate. Buckingham, like Wakefield, saw the great 
advantages to be derived by combining an agricultural 
community with an industrial, and urged : " Wherever 
practicable, the labours of agriculture and manufacture 
to be so mingled and the variety of fabrics and materials 
to be wrought upon also so assorted as to make short 
periods of labour on each alternately with others produce 
that satisfaction and freedom from tedium and weariness 
which an unbroken round of monotonous occupation so 
frequently occasions, and because also variety of employ- 
ment develops the mental as well as physical faculties 
much more perfectly than any single occuption." 

But though on these points the scheme is strikingly 
like my own, it is also a very different one. Buckingham 
having traced, as he thought, the evils of society to their 
source in competition, intemperance, and war, proposed 
to annihilate competition by forming a system of com- 
plete or integral co-operation ; to remove intemperance 
by the total exclusion of intoxicants; to put an end to 
war by the absolute prohibition of gunpowder. He pro- 
posed to form a large company, with a capital of 
£4,000,000 ; to buy a large estate, and to erect churches, 
schools, factories, warehouses, dining-halls, dwelling- 
houses, at rents varying from £30 a year to £300 a year; 
and to carry on all productive operations, whether agri- 
cultural or industrial, as one large undertaking covering 
the whole field and permitting no rivals. 


Now it will be seen that though in outward form 
Buckingham's scheme and my own present the same 
feature of a model town set in a large agricultural estate, 
so that industrial and farming pursuits might be earned 
on in a healthy, natural way, yet the inner life of the two 
communities would be entirely different — the inhabitants 
of Garden City enjoying the fullest rights of free associa- 
tion, and exhibiting the most varied forms of individual 
and co-operative work and endeavour, the members of 
Buckingham's city being held together by the bonds of a 
rigid cast-iron organisation, from which there could be no 
escape but by leaving the association, or breaking it up 
into various sections. 

To sum up this chapter. My proj:>osal is that there 
should be an earnest attempt made to organise a 
migratory movement of population from our overcrowded 
centres to sparsely-settled rural districts; that the mind 
of the public should not be confused, or the efforts of 
organisers wasted in a premature attempt to accomplish 
this work on a national scale, but that great thought and 
attention shall be first concentrated on a single movement 
yet one sufficiently large to be at once attractive and 
resourceful ; that the migrants shall be guaranteed (by 
the making of suitable arrangements before the move- 
ment commences) that the whole increase in land-values 
due to their migration shall be secured to them ; that this 
be done by creating an organisation, which, while per- 
mitting its members to do those things which are good 
in their own eyes (provided they infringe not the rights 
of others) shall receive all " rate-rents " and expend 
them in those public works which the migratory move- 
ment renders necessary or expedient — thus eliminating 


rates, or, at least, greatly reducing the necessity for any 
compulsory levy ; and that the golden opportunity 
afforded by the fact that the land to be settled upon has 
but few buildings or works upon it, shall be availed of in 
the fullest manner, by so laying out a Garden City that, as 
it grows, the free gifts of Nature — fresh air, sunlight, 
breathing room and playing room— shall be still retained 
in all needed abundance, and by so employing the 
resources of modern science that Art may supplement 
Nature, and life may become an abiding joy and delight. 
And it is important to notice that this proposal, so im- 
perfectly put forward, is no scheme hatched in a restless 
night in the fevered brain of an enthusiast, but is one 
having its origin in the thoughtful study of many minds, 
and the patient effort of many earnest souls, each 
bringing some element of value, till, the time and the 
opportunity having come, the smallest skill avails to weld 
those elements into an effective combination. 



"How can a man learn to know himself? By reflection 
never — only by action. In the measure that thou seekest to do 
thy duty shalt thou know what is in thee. But what is thy 
duty? The demand of the hour." — Goethe. 

The reader is now asked to kindly assume, for the sake of 
argument, that our Garden City experiment has been 
fairly launched, and is a decided success, and to consider 
briefly some of the more important effects which such an 
object-lesson, by the light which it will throw upon the 
pathway of reform, must inevitably produce upon society, 
and then we will endeavour to- trace some of the broader 
features of the after-development. 

Among the greatest needs of man and of society 
to-day, as at all times, are these : A worthy aim and 
opportunity to realise it; work and ends worth working 
for. All that a man is, and all that he may become, is 
summed up in his aspirations, and this is no less true of 
society than of the individual. The end I venture to 
now set before the people of this country and of other 
countries is no less " noble and adequate " than this, that 
they should forthwith gird themselves to the task of 
building up clusters of beautiful home-towns, each zoned 
by gardens, for those who now dwell in crowded, slum- 
infested cities. We have already seen how one such town 


may be built; let us now see how the true path of reform, 
ouce discovered, will, if resolutely followed, lead society 
ou to a far higher destiny than it has ever yet ventured 
to hope for, though such a future has often been foretold 
by daring spirits. 

There have in the past been inventions and discoveries 
on the making of which society has suddenly leaped 
upward to a new and higher plane of existence. The 
utilisation of steam — a force long recognised, but which 
proved somewhat difficult to harness to the task it was 
fitted to accomplish — effected mighty changes; but the 
discovery of a method for giving effect to a far greater 
force than the force of steam — to the long pent-up desire 
for a better and nobler social life here on earth — will 
work changes even more remarkable. 

What clearly marked economic truth is brought into 
view by the successful issue of such an experiment as we 
have been advocating 1 This : — That there is a broad path 
open, through a creation of new wealth forms, to a new 
industrial system in which the productive forces of society 
and of nature may be used with far greater effectiveness 
than at present, and in which the distribution of the 
wealth forms so created will take place on a far juster and 
more equitable basis. Society may have more to divide 
among its members, and at the same time the greater 
dividend may be divided in a juster manner. 

Speaking broadly, industrial reformers may be 
divided into two camps. The first camp includes those 
who urge the primary importance of paying close and 
constant attention to the necessity of increased yro- 
duction: the second includes those whose special aim 
is directed to more just and equitable division. The 


former are constantly saying, in effect, " Increase the 
national dividend, and all will be well " ; the latter, " The 
national dividend is fairly sufficient were it but divided 
equitably." The former are for the most part of the in- 
dividualistic, the latter of the socialistic type. 

As an instance of the former point of view, I may cite 
the words of Mr. A. J. Balfour, who, at a Conference of 
the National Union of Conservative Associations held at 
Sunderland on 14th November, 1894, said : " Those who 
represented society as if it consisted of two> sections dis- 
puting over their share of the general produce were 
utterly mistaken as to the real bearing of the great social 
problem. We had to consider that the produce of the 
country was not a fixed quantity, of which, if the em- 
ployers got more, the employed would get less, or if the 
employed got more, the employers would get less. The 
real question for the working-classes of this country was 
not primarily or fundamentally a question of division : it 
was a question of production.'' As an instance of the 
second point of view, take the following : " The absurdity 
of the notion of raising the poor without, to a corre- 
sponding degree, depressing the rich will be obvious." — 
" Principles of Socialism made plain," by Frank F airman 
(William Reeves, 83 Charing Cross Road, W.C.), page 33. 

I have already shown, and I hope to make this con- 
tention yet more clear, that there is a path along which 
sooner or later, both the Individualist and the Socialist 
must inevitably travel; for I have made it abundantly 
clear that on a small scale society may readily become 
more individualistic than now — if by Individualism is 
meant a society in which there is fuller and freer oppor- 
tunity for its members to do and to produce what they 


will, and to form free associations, of the most varied 
kinds; while it may also become more socialistic — if by 
Socialism is meant a condition of life in which the well- 
being of the community is safe-guarded, and in which 
the collective spirit is manifested by a wide extension of 
the area of municipal effort. To> achieve these desirable 
ends, I have taken a leaf out of the books of each type of 
reformer and bound them together by a thread of 
practicability. Not content with urging the necessity of 
increased production, I have shown how it can be 
achieved ; while the other and equally important end of 
more equitable distribution is, as I have shown, easily 
possible, and in a manner which need cause no ill-will, 
strife, or bitterness ; is constitutional ; requires no revolu- 
tionary legislation ; and involves no direct attack upon 
vested interests. Thus may the desires of the two sections 
of reformers to' whom I have referred be attained. I 
have, in short, followed out Lord Rosebery's suggestion, 
and " borrowed from Socialism its large conception of 
common effort, and its vigorous conception of municipal 
life, and from Individualism the preservation of self- 
respect and self-reliance," and, by a concrete illustration, 
I have, I think, disproved the cardinal contention of Mr. 
Benjamin Kidd in his famous book, " Social Evolution," 
that " the interests of the social organism and of the in- 
dividuals comprising it at any particular time are actually 
antagonistic ; they can never be reconciled ; they are in- 
herently and essentially irreconcilable " (page 85). 

Most socialistic writers appear to me to exhibit too 
keen a desire to appropriate old forms of wealth, either 
by purchasing out or by taxing out the owners, and they 
seem to have little conception that the truer method is to 


create new forms and to create them under juster condi- 
tions. But this latter conception should inevitably 
follow an adequate realisation of the ephemeral nature 
of most forms of wealth ; and there is no truth more fully 
recognised by economic winters than that nearly all forms 
of material wealth, except, indeed, the planet on which 
we live and the elements of nature, are extremely fugitive 
and prone to decay. Thus for instance, J. S. Mill, in 
" Elements of Political Economy," Book 1, Chapter v., 
says : " The greater part in value of the wealth now 
existing in England has been produced by human hands 
within the last twelve months. A very small proportion 
indeed of that large aggregate was in existence ten years 
ago; — of the present productive capital of the country, 
scarcely any part except farm-houses and manufactories 
and a few ships and machines ; and even these would not 
in most cases have survived so long if fresh labour had 
not been employed within that period in putting them 
into repair. The land subsists, and the land is almost 
the only thing that subsists." The leaders of the great 
socialistic movement, of course, know all this perfectly 
well ; yet this quite elementary truth seems to fade from 
their minds when they are discussing methods of reform, 
and they appear to be as anxious to seize upon present 
forms of wealth as if they regarded them as of a really 
lasting and permanent nature. 

But this inconsistency of socialistic writers is all the 
more striking when one remembers that these writers are 
the very ones who insist most strongly upon the view that 
a vexy large part of the wealth-forms nov? in existence 
are not really wealth at all — that they are " ilth," and 
that any form of society which represents even a step 


towards their ideal must involve the sweeping away of 
such forms and the creation of new forms in their place. 
With a degree of inconsistency that is positively startling, 
they exhibit an insatiable desire to become possessed of 
these forms of wealth which are not only rapidly 
decaying, but are in their opinion absolutely useless or 

Thus Mr Hyudman, at a lecture delivered at the 
Democratic Club, 29th March, 1893, said: — "It was 
desirable that they should map out and formulate 
socialistic ideas which they should desire to see brought 
about when the so-called Individualism of the present 
day has broken down, as it inevitably would do. One of 
the first things that they as Socialists would have to do 
would be to depopulate the vast centres of their over- 
crowded cities. Their large towns had no longer any 
large agricultural population from which to recruit their 
ranks, and through bad and insufficient food, vitiated 
atmosphere, and other insanitary conditions, the 
physique of the masses of the cities was rapidly de- 
teriorating, both materially and physically." Precisely; 
but does not Mr. Hyndman see that in striving to become 
possessed of present wealth forms, he is laying siege to 
the wrong fortress? If the population of London, or a 
large part of the population of London, is to be trans- 
planted elsewhere, when some future event has happened, 
would it not be well to see if we cannot induce large 
numbers of these people to transplant themselves now, 
when the problem of London administration and of 
London reform would, as we shall shortly discover, pre- 
sent itself in a somewhat startling fashion? 

A similar inconsistency is to be noticed in a little 


book which has had an enormous and well-deserved sale, 
" Merrie England " (Clarion Offices, Fleet Street). The 
author, " Nunquam," remarks at the outset : " The 
problem we have to consider is : - — Given a country and a 
people, find how the people may make the best of the 
country and themselves." He then proceeds to 
vigorously condemn our cities, with their houses ugly and 
mean, their narrow streets, their want of gardens, and 
emphasises the advantages of out-door occupations. He 
condemns the factory system, and says : " I would set 
men to grow wheat and fruit, and rear cattle and poultry 
for our own use. Then I would develop the fisheries, and 
construct great fish-bi*eeding lakes and harbours. Then 
I would restrict our mines, furnaces, chemical works, and 
factories to the number actually needed for the supply 
of our own people. Then I would stop the smoke 
nuisance by developing water-power and electricity. In 
order to achieve these ends, I would malce all the lands, 
mills, mines, factories, works, shops, ships, and railways 
the property of the people." That is (the italics are my 
own), the people are to struggle hard to become possessed 
of factories, mills, works, and shops, at least half of which 
must be closed if Nunquam's desires are attained ; of 
ships which will become useless if our foreign trade is 
to be abandoned, (see " Merrie England," Chap, iv.) ; and 
of railways, which, with an entii'e redistribution of popu- 
lation such as Nunquam desires, must for the most part 
become dex*elict. And how long is this useless struggle 
to last ? Would it not — I ask Nunquam to consider this 
point carefully — be better to study a smaller problem 
first, and, to paraphrase his words, " Given, say, 6,000 
acres of land, let us endeavour to make the best use of 


it " ? For then, having dealt with this, we shall have 
educated ourselves to deal with a larger area. 

Let me state again in other terms this fugitiveness of 
wealth forms, and then suggest the conclusion to which 
that consideration should lead us. So marked are the 
changes which society exhibits — especially a society in a 
progressive state — that the outward and visible forms 
which our civilisation presents to-day, its public and 
private buildings, its means of communication, the 
appliances with which it works, its machinery, its docks, 
its artificial harbours, its instruments of war and its 
instruments of peace, have most of them undergone a 
complete change, and many of them several complete 
changes, within the last sixty years. I suppose not one 
person in twenty in this country is living in a house 
which is sixty years old ; not one sailor in a thousand is 
sailing a ship, not one artisan or labourer in a hundred 
is engaged in a workshop or handling tools or driving a 
cart which was in existence sixty years ago. It is now 
sixty years since the first railway was constructed from 
Birmingham to London, and our Railway Companies 
possess one thousand millions of invested capital, while 
our systems of water supply, of gas, of electric lighting, 
and of sewerage are, for the most part, of recent date. 
Those material relics of the past which were created more 
than sixty years ago, though some of them are of infinite 
value as mementos, examples, and heirlooms, are, for the 
most part, certainly not of a kind which we need wrangle 
over or fight about. The best of them are our univer- 
sities, schools, churches, and cathedrals, and these should 
certainly teach us a different lesson. 

But can any reasonable person, who reflects for a 


moment on the recent unexampled rate of progress and 
invention, doubt that the next sixty years will reveal 
changes fully as remarkable? Can any person suppose 
that these mushroom forms, which have sprung up as it 
were in a night, have any real permanence? Even apart 
from the solution of the labour problem, and the finding 
of work for the thousands of idle hands which are eager 
for it — a solution, the correctness of which I claim to 
have demonstrated — what possibilities are opened up by 
the bare contemplation of the discovery of new motive 
powers, new means of locomotion, perhaps, through the 
air, new methods of water supply, or a new distribution 
of population, which must of itself render many material 
forms altogether useless and effete ! Why, then, should 
we squabble and wrangle about what man has produced ? 
Why not rather seek to learn what man can produce ; 
when, aiming to do that, we may perhaps discover a 
grand opportunity for producing not only better forms of 
wealth, but how to produce them under far juster con- 
ditions? To quote the author of " Merrie England": 
" We should first of all ascertain what things are 
desirable for our health and happiness of body and mind, 
and then organise our people with the object of produc- 
ing those things in the best and easiest way." 

Wealth forms, then, in their very nature are 
fugitive, and they are besides liable to constant displace- 
ment by the better forms which in an advancing state of 
society are constantly arising. There is, however, one 
form of material wealth which is most permanent and 
abiding ; from the value and utility of which our most 
wonderful inventions can never detract one jot, but will 
serve only to make more clear, and to render more 


universal. The planet on which we live has lasted 
for millions of years, and the race is just emerging 
from its savagery. Those of us who believe that 
there is a grand purpose behind nature cannot believe 
that the career of this planet is likely to be speedily 
cut short now that better hopes are rising in the 
hearts of men, and that, having learned a few of its less 
obscure secrets, they are finding their way, through much 
toil and pain, to a more noble use of its infinite 
treasures. The earth for all practical purposes may be 
regarded as abiding for ever. 

Now, as every form of wealth must rest on the earth 
as its foundation, and must be built up out of the con- 
stituents found at or near its surface, it follows (because 
foundations are ever of primary importance) that the 
reformer should first consider how best the earth may be 
used in tbe service of man. But here again our friends, 
the Socialists, miss the essential point. Their professed 
ideal is to make society the owner of land and of all 
instruments of production ; but they have been so anxious 
to carry both points of their programme that they have 
been a little too slow to consider the special importance 
of the land question, and have thus missed the true path 
of reform. 

There is, however, a type of reformers who push the 
land question very much to the front, though, as it 
appears to me, in a manner little likely to commend their 
views to society. Mr. Henry George, in his well- 
known work, " Progress and Poverty," urges with much 
eloquence, if not with complete accuracy of reasoning, 
that our land laws are responsible for all the economic 
evils of society, and that as our landlords are little better 


than pirates and robbers, the sooner the State forcibly 
appropriates their rents the better, for when this is 
accomplished the problem of poverty will, he suggests, 
be entirely solved. But is not this attempt to throw the 
whole blame of and punishment for the present deplor- 
able condition of society on to a single class of men a very 
great mistake? In what way are landlords as a class less 
honest than the average citizen ? Give the average 
citizen the opportunity of becoming a landlord and of 
appropriating the land values created by his tenants, and 
he will embrace it to-morrow. If then, the average man 
is a potential landlord, to attack landlords as individuals 
is very like a nation drawing up an indictment against 
itself, and then making a scape-goat of a particular class. 1 
But to endeavour to change our land system is a very 
different matter from attacking those individuals who 
represent it. But how is this change to be effected ? I 
reply— By the force of example, that is, by setting up a 
better system, and by a little skill in the grouping of 
forces and manipulation of ideas. It is quite true that 
the average man is a potential landlord, and as ready to 
appropriate the unearned increment as to cry out against 
its appropriation. But the average man has very little 
chance of ever becoming a landlord and of appropriating 
rent-values created by others; and he is, therefore, the 
better able to consider, quite dispassionately, whether 
such a proceeding is really honest, and whether it may 
not be possible to gradually establish a new and more 
equitable system under which, without enjoying the 
privilege of appropriating rent-values created by others, 

1 1 hope it is not ungrateful in one who has derived much 
inspiration from " Progress and Poverty " to write thus. 


he may himself be secured against expropriation of the 
rent-values which he is now constantly cx*eating or main- 
taining. We have demonstrated how this may be done 
on a small scale ; we have next to consider how the 
experiment may be carried out on a much wider scale, 
and this we can best do in another chapter. 



" Human nature will not flourish, any more than a potato, if 
it be planted ana re-planted for too long a series of generations 
in the same worn-out soil. My children have had other birth- 
places, and, so far as their fortunes may be within my control, 
shall strike their roots into unaccustomed earth." — " The 
Scarlet Letter," .Nathaniel Hawthorne. 

The problem with which we have now to deal, shortly 
stated, is this : How to make our Garden City experi- 
ment the stepping-stone to a higher and better form of in- 
dustrial life generally throughout the country. Granted 
the success of the initial experiment, and there must 
inevitably arise a widespread demand for an extension of 
methods so healthy and so advantageous j and it will be 
well, therefore, to consider some of the chief problems 
which will have to be faced in the progress of such 

It will, I think, be well, in approaching this question, 
to consider the analogy presented by the early progress of 
railway enterprise. This will help us to see more clearly 
some of the broader features of the new development 
which is now so closely upon us if only we show our- 
selves energetic and imaginative. Railways were first 
made without any statutory powers. They were con- 


structed on a very small scale, and, being of very short 
lengths, the consent of only one or at the most a few 
landowners was necessary ; and what private agreement 
and arrangement could thus easily compass was scarcely 
a fit subject for an appeal to the Legislature of the 
country. But when the " Rocket " was built, and the 
supremacy of the locomotive was fully established, it then 
became necessary, if railway enterprise was to go forward, 
to obtain legislative powers. For it would have been 
impossible, or at least very difficult, to make equitable 
arrangements with all the landowners whose estates 
might lie between points many miles distant; because 
one obstinate landlord might take advantage of his posi- 
tion to demand an altogether exorbitant price for his 
land, and thus practically stifle such an enterprise. It 
was necessary, therefore, to obtain power to secure the 
land compulsoi'ily at its market value, or at a price not 
too extravagantly removed from such value; and, this 
being done, railway enterprise went forward at so rapid 
a rate that in one year no less than £132,600,000 was 
authorised by Parliament to be raised for the purpose of 
railway construction. 1 

Now, if Parliamentary powers were necessary for the 
extension of railway enterprise, such powers will certainly 
be also needed when the inherent practicability of 
building new, well-planned towns, and of the population 
moving into them from the old slum cities as naturally, 
and, in proportion to the power to be exercised, almost 
as easily as a family moves out of a rotten old tenement 
into a new and comfortable dwelling, is once fairly recog- 

1 Clifford's "History of Private Bill Legislation" (Butter- 
worth, 1885), Introduction, p. 88. 


nised by the people. To build such towns, large areas 
of land must be obtained. Here and there a suitable 
site may be secured by arrangement with one or more 
landowners, but if the movement is to be carried on in 
anything like a scientific fashion, stretches of land far 
larger than that occupied by our first experiment must 
be obtained. For, just as the first short railway, which 
was the germ of railway enterprise, would convey to few 
minds the conception of a net-work of railways extending 
over the whole country, so, perhaps, the idea of a well- 
planned town such as I have described will not have 
prepared the reader for the later development which 
must inevitably follow — the planning and building of 
town clusters — each town in the cluster being of different 
design from the others, and yet the whole forming part 
of one large and well-thought-out plan. 

Let me here introduce a very rough diagram, repre- 
senting, as I conceive, the true principle on which all 
towns should grow. Garden City has, we will suppose, 
grown until it has reached a population of 32,000. How 
shall it grow? How shall it provide for the needs of 
others who will be attracted by its numerous advantages? 
Shall it build on the zone of agricultural land which is 
around it, and thus for ever destroy its right to be called 
a " Garden City " ? Surely not. This disastrous result 
would indeed take place if the land around the town were, 
as is the land around our present cities, owned by private 
individuals anxious to make a profit out of it. For then, 
as the town filled up, the agricultural land would become 
" ripe " for building purposes, and the beauty and health- 
fulness of the town would be quickly destroyed. But 
the land ai'ound Garden City is, fortunately, not in the 







1 , 























W d 

SONV] »»»d 1S3M 


hands of private individuals : it is in the hands of the 
people : and is to be administered, not in the supposed 
interests of the few, but in the real interests of the whole 
community. Now, there are few objects which the 
people so jealously guard as their parks and open spaces; 
and we may, I think, feel confident that the people of 
Garden City will not for a moment permit the beauty of 
their city to be destroyed by the process of growth. But 
it may be urged — If this be true, will not the inhabitants 
of Garden City in this way be selfishly preventing the 
growth of their city, and thus preclude many from en- 
joying its advantages 1 Certainly not. There is a bright, 
but overlooked, alternative. The town will grow ; but it 
will grow in accordance with a principle which will 
result in this — that such growth shall not lessen or 
destroy, but ever add to its social opportunities, to its 
beauty, to its convenience. Consider for a moment the 
case of a city in Australia which in some measure illus- 
trates the principle for which I am contending. The 
city of Adelaide, as the accompanying sketch map shows, 
is surrounded by its " Park Lands." The city is built 
up. How does it grow 1 It grows by leaping over the 
" Park Lands " and establishing North Adelaide. And 
this is the principle which it is intended to follow, but 
improve upon, in Garden City. 

Our diagram may now be understood. Garden City 
is built up. Its population has reached 32,000. How 
will it grow? It will grow by establishing — under Par- 
liamentary powers probably — another city some little 
distance beyond its own zone of " country,'' so that the 
new town may have a zone of country of its own. I have 
said " by establishing another city," and, for administra- 


tive purposes there would be two cities; but the inhabit- 
ants of the one could reach the other in a very few 
minutes; for rapid transit would be specially provided 
for, and thus the people of the two towns would in 
reality represent one community. 

And this principle of growth — this principle of always 
preserving a belt of country round our cities would be 
ever kept in mind till, in course of time, we should have 
a cluster of cities, not of course arranged in the precise 
geometrical form of my diagram, but so grouped around 
a Central City that each inhabitant of the whole group, 
though in one sense living in a town of small size, would 
be in reality living in, and would enjoy all the advan- 
tages of, a great and most beautiful city ; and yet all the 
fresh delights of the country — field, hedgerow, and wood- 
land — not prim parks and gardens merely — would be 
within a very few minutes walk or ride. And because 
the people in their collective capacity own the land on 
which this beautiful group of cities is built, the public 
buildings, the churches, the schools and universities, the 
libraries, picture galleries, theatres, would be on a scale 
of magnificence which no city in the world whose land is 
in pawn to private individuals can afford. 

I have said that rapid railway transit would be 
realised by those who dwell in this beautiful city or group 
of cities. Reference to the diagram will show at a glance 
the main features of its railway system. There is, first, 
an inter-municipal railway connecting all the towns of the 
outer ring — 20 miles in circumference — so that to get 
from any town to its most distant neighbour requires 
one to cover a distance of only 10 miles, which could be 
accomplished in, say, 12 minutes. These trains would 


not stop between the towns — means of communication 
for this purpose being afforded by electric tramways 
which traverse the high-roads, of which, it will be seen, 
there are a number — each town being connected with 
every other town in the group by a direct route. 

There is also a system of railways by which each town 
is placed in direct communication with Central City. 
The distance from any town to the heart of Central City 
is only 3£ miles, and this could be readily covered in 5 

Those who have had experience of the difficulty of 
getting from one suburb of London to another will see 
in a moment what an enormous advantage those who 
dwell in such a group of cities as here shown would enjoy, 
because they would have a railway system and not a 
railway chaos to serve their ends. The difficulty 
felt in London is of course due to want of fore- 
thought and pre-arrangement. On this point, I may quote 
with advantage a passage from the Presidential ad- 
dress of Sir Benjamin Baker to the Institute of Civil 
Engineers, Nov. 12th, 1895: "We Londoners often com- 
plain of the want of system in the arrangement of the 
railways and their terminal stations in and around the 
Metropolis, which necessitates our performing long 
journeys in cabs to get from one railway system to 
another. That this difficulty exists, arises, I feel sure, 
chiefly from the want of forethought of no less able a 
statesman than Sir Robert Peel, for, in 1836, a motion 
was proposed in the House of Commons that all the 
Railway Bills seeking powers for terminals in London 
should be referred to a Special Committee, so that a 
complete scheme might be evolved out of the numerous 


projects before Parliament, and that property might not 
be unnecessarily sacrificed for rival schemes. Sir Robert 
Peel opposed the motion on the part of the Government, 
on the grounds that ' no railway project could come into 
operation till the majority of Parliament had declared 
that its principles and arrangements appeared to them 
satisfactory, and its investments profitable. It was a 
recognised principle in these cases that the probable 
profits of an undertaking should be shown to be suffi- 
cient to maintain it in a state of permanent utility before 
a Bill could be obtained, and landlords were perfectly 
justified in expecting and demanding such a warranty 
from Parliament.' In this instance, incalculable injury 
was unintentionally inflicted upon Londoners by not 
having a grand central station in the Metropolis, and 
events have shown how false was the assumption that 
the passing of an Act implied any warranty as to the 
financial prospects of a railway." 

But are the people of England to suffer for ever for 
the want of foresight of those who little dreamed of the 
future development of railways? Surely not. It was in 
the nature of things little likely that the first network 
of railways ever constructed should conform to> true 
principles ■ but now, seeing the enormous progress which 
has been made in the means of rapid communication, it 
is high time that we availed ourselves more fully of those 
means, and built our cities upon some such plan as that 
I have crudely shown. We should then be, for all pur- 
poses of quick communication, nearer to each other than 
we are in our crowded cities, while, at the same time, we 
should be surrounding ourselves with the most healthy 
and the most advantageous conditions. 


Some of ray friends have suggested that such a scheme 
of town clusters is well enough adapted to a new country, 
but that in an old-settled country, with its towns built, 
and its railway " system " for the most part constructed, 
it is quite a different matter. But surely to raise such a 
point is to contend, in other words, that the existing 
wealth forms of the country are permanent, and are for- 
ever to serve as hindrances to the introduction of better 
forms ; that crowded, ill-ventilated, unplanned, unwieldy, 
unhealthy cities — ulcers on the very face of our beautiful 
island — are to stand as barriers to the introduction of 
towns in which modern scientific methods and the aims of 
social reformers may have the fullest scope in which to 
express themselves. No, it cannot be ; at least, it cannot 
be for long. What Is may hinder What Might Be for 
a while, but cannot stay the tide of progress. These 
crowded cities have done their work ; they were the best 
which a society largely based on selfishness and rapacity 
could construct, but they are in the nature of things en- 
tirely unadapted for a society in which the social side of 
our nature is demanding a larger share of recognition — 
a society whei'e even the very love of self leads us to insist 
upon a greater regard for the well-being of our fellows. 
The large cities of to-day are scarcely better adapted for 
the expression of the fraternal spirit than would a work 
on astronomy which taught that the earth was the centre 
of the universe be capable of adaptation for use in our 
schools. Each generation should build to suit its own 
needs ; and it is no more in the nature of things that men 
should continue to live in old areas because their an- 
cestors lived in them, than it is that they should cherish 
the old beliefs which a wider faith and a more 


enlarged understanding have outgrown. The reader is, 
therefore, earnestly asked not to take it for granted that 
the large cities in which he may perhaps take a pardon- 
able pride are necessarily, in their present form, any 
more permanent than the stage-coach system which was 
the subject of so much admiration just at the very 
moment when it was about to be supplanted by the rail- 
ways. 1 The simple issue to be faced, and faced resolutely, 
is — Can better results be obtained by starting on a bold 
plan on comparatively virgin soil than by attempting to 
adapt our old cities to our newer and higher needs? 
Thus fairly faced, the question can only be answered in 
one way ; and when that simple fact is well grasped, the 
social revolution will speedily commence. 

That there is ample land in this country on which 
such a cluster as I have here depicted could be con- 
structed with comparatively small disturbance of vested 
interests, and, therefox-e, with but little need for com- 
pensation, will be obvious to anyone ; and, when our 
first experiment has been brought to a successful issue, 
there will be no great difficulty in acquiring the necessary 
Parliamentary powers to purchase the land and carry out 
the necessary works step by step. County Councils are 
now seeking larger powers, and an overburdened Parlia- 
ment is becoming more and more anxious to devolve some 
of its duties upon them. Let such powers be given more 
and more freely. Let larger and yet larger measures of 
local self-government be granted, and then all that my 
diagram depicts — only on a far better plan, because the 

1 See, for instance, the opening chapter of " The Heart of 
Midlothian" (Sir Walter Scott). 


result of well-concerted and combined thought, — will be 
easily attainable. 

But it may be said, " Are you not, by thus frankly 
avowing the very great danger to the vested interests of 
this country which your scheme indirectly threatens, 
arming vested interests against yourself, and so making 
any change by legislation impossible?" I think not. 
And for three reasons. First, because those vested 
interests which are said to be ranged like a solid phalanx 
against progress, will, by the force of circumstances and 
the current of events, be for once divided into opposing 
camps. Secondly, because property owners, who are very 
reluctant to yield to threats, such as are sometimes 
made against them by Socialists of a certain type, will 
be far more ready to make concessions to the logic of 
events as revealing itself in an undoubted advance of 
society to a higher form ; and, thirdly, because the largest 
and most important, and, in the end, the most influential 
of all vested interests — I mean the vested interests of 
those who work for their living, whether by hand or 
brain — will be naturally in favour of the change when 
they understand its nature. 

Let me deal with these points separately. First, I 
say vested-property interests will be broken in twain, 
and will range themselves in opposite camps. This sort 
of cleavage has occurred before. Thus, in the early days 
of railway legislation, the vested interests in canals and 
stage coaches were alarmed, and did all in their power 
to thwart and hamper what threatened them. But other 
great vested interests brushed this opposition easily on 
one side. These interests were chiefly two — capital 
seeking investment, and land desiring to sell itself. (A 


third vested interest — namely, labour seeking employ- 
ment — had then scarcely begun to assert its claims.) 
And notice now how such a successful experiment as 
Garden City may easily become will drive into the 
very bed-rock of vested interests a great wedge, which 
will split them asunder with irresistible force, and 
permit the current of legislation to set strongly in a new 
direction. For what will such an experiment have proved 
up to the very hilt? Among other things too numerous 
to mention, it will have proved that far more healthy and 
economic conditions can be secured on raw uncultivated 
land (if only that land be held on just conditions) than 
can be secured on land which is at present of vastly higher 
market value; and in proving this it will open wide the 
doors of migration from the old crowded cities with their 
inflated and artificial rents, back to the land which can 
be now secured so cheaply. Two tendencies will then 
display themselves. The first will be a strong tendency 
for city ground values to fall, the other a less marked 
tendency for agricultural land to rise. 1 The holders of 
agricultural land, at least those who are willing to sell — 
and many of them are even now most anxious to do so — 
will welcome the extension of an experiment which pro- 
mises to place English agriculture once again in a posi- 
tion of prosperity : the holders of city lands will, so far 
as their merely selfish interests prevail, greatly fear it. 
In this way, landowners throughout the country will be 
divided into two opposing factions, and the path of land 
reform — the foundation on which all other reforms must 
be built — will be made comparatively easy. 

ir The chief reason for this is that agricultural land as com- 
pared with city land is of vastly larger quantity. 


Capital in the same way will be divided into opposite 
camps. Invested capital — that is, capital sunk in enter- 
prises which society will recognise as belonging to the old 
order — will take the alarm and fall in value enormously, 
while, on the other hand, capital seeking investment will 
welcome an outlet which has long been its sorest need. 
Invested capital will in its opposition be further 
weakened by another consideration. Holders of existing 
forms of capital will strive — even though it be at a great 
sacrifice — to sell part of their old time-honoured stocks, 
and invest them in new enterprises, on municipally-owned 
land, for they will not wish to " have all their eggs in 
one basket " ; and thus will the opposing influences of 
vested property neutralise each other. 

But vested-property interests will be, as I believe, 
affected yet more remarkably in another way. The man 
of wealth, when he is personally attacked and denounced 
as an enemy of society, is slow to believe in the perfect 
good faith of those who denounce him, and, when efforts 
are made to tax him out by the forcible hand of the 
State, he is apt to use every endeavour, lawful or 
unlawful, to oppose such efforts — and often with no 
small measure of success. But the average wealthy man 
is no more an unmixed compound of selfishness than the 
average poor man; and if he sees his houses or lands 
depreciated in value, not by force, but because those who 
lived in or upon them have learned how to erect far 
better homes of their own, and on land held on conditions 
more advantageous to them, and to surround their 
children with many advantages which cannot be enjoyed 
on his estate, he will philosophically bow to the inevit- 
able, and, in his better moments, even welcome a change 



which will involve him in far greater pecuniary loss 
than any change in the incidence of taxation is likely to 
inflict. In every man there is some measure of the 
reforming instinct; in every man there is some regard 
for his fellows ; and when these natural feelings run 
athwart his pecuniary interests, then the result is that 
the spirit of opposition is inevitably softened, in some 
degree in all men, while in others it is entirely replaced 
by a fervent desire for the country's good, even at the 
sacrifice of many cherished possessions. Thus it is that 
what will not be yielded to a force from without may 
readily be granted as the result of an impulse from 

And now let me deal for a moment with the 
greatest, the most valuable, and the most permanent of 
all vested interests — the vested interests of skill, labour, 
energy, talent, industry. How will these be affected? 
My answer is, The force which will divide in twain the 
vested interests of land and capital will unite and con- 
solidate the interests of those who live by work, and will 
lead them to unite their forces with the holders of agri- 
cultural land and of capital seeking investment, to urge 
upon the State the necessity for the prompt opening up 
of facilities for the reconstruction of society ; and, when 
the State is slow to act, then to employ voluntary collec- 
tive efforts similar to those adopted in the Garden City 
experiment, with such modifications as experience may 
show to be necessary. Such a task as the construction 
of a cluster of cities like that represented in our diagram 
may well inspire all workers with that enthusiasm which 
unites men, for it will call for the very highest talents of 
engineers of all kinds, of architects, artists, medical men, 


experts in sanitation, landscape gardeners, agricultural 
experts, surveyors, builders, manufacturers, merchants 
and financiers, organisers of trades unions, friendly and 
co-operative societies, as well as the very simplest forms 
of unskilled labour, together with all those forms of lesser 
skill and talent which lie between. For the vastness of 
the task which seems to frighten some of my friends, 
represents, in fact, the very measure of its value to the 
community, if that task be only undertaken in a worthy 
spirit and with worthy aims. Work in abundance is, as 
has been several times urged, one of the greatest needs of 
to-day, and no such field of employment has been opened 
up since civilisation began as would be represented by the 
task which is before us of reconstructing anew the entire 
external fabric of society, employing, as we build, all the 
skill and knowledge which the experience of centuries 
has taught us. It was " a large order " which was pre- 
sented in the early part of this century to construct iron 
highways throughout the length and breadth of this 
island, uniting in a vast network all its towns and cities. 
But railway enterprise, vast as has been its influence, 
touched the life of the people at but few points compared 
with the newer call to build home-towns for slum cities; 
to plant gardens for crowded courts ; to construct beauti- 
ful water-ways in flooded valleys; to establish a scientific 
system of distribution to take the place of a chaos, a just 
system of land tenure for one representing the selfishness 
which we hope is passing away ; to found pensions with 
liberty for our aged poor, now imprisoned in workhouses ; 
to banish despair and awaken hope in the breasts of 
those who have' fallen ; to silence the harsh voice of 
anger, and to awaken the soft notes of brotherliness and 


goodwill j to place in strong bands implements of peace 
and construction, so that implements of war and destruc- 
tion may drop uselessly down. Here is a task which may 
well unite a vast army of workers to utilise that power, 
the present waste of which is the source of half our 
poverty, disease, and suffering. 



It will now be interesting to consider some of the more 
striking effects; which will be produced on our now over- 
crowded cities by the opening-up in new districts of such 
a vast field of employment as the reader's mind will, it is 
hoped, be now able to realise with some degree of clear- 
ness. New towns and groups of towns are springing up 
in parts of our islands hitherto well-nigh deserted ; new 
means of communication, the most scientific the world 
has yet seen, are being constructed; new means of dis- 
tribution are bringing the producer and the consumer 
into closer relations, and thus (by reducing railway rates 
and charges, and the number of profits) are at once 
raising prices to the producer and diminishing them to 
the consumer; parks and gardens, orchards and woods, 
are being planted in the midst of the busy life of the 
people, so that they may be enjoyed in the fullest mea- 
sure ; homes are being erected for those who have long 
lived in slums ; work is found for the workless, Ian i 
for the landless, and opportunities for the expenditure of 
long pent-up energy are presenting themselves at every 
turn. A new sense of freedom and joy is pervading the 
hearts of the people as their individual faculties are 
awakened, and they discover, in a social life which 
permits alike of the completest concerted action and of 


the fullest individual liberty, the long-sought-for means 
of reconciliation between order and freedom — between 
the well-being of the individual and of society. 

The effects produced on our over-crowded cities, 
whose forms are at once, by the light of a new contrast, 
seen to be old-fashioned and effete, will be so far-reaching 
in their character that, in order to study them effectively, 
it will be well to confine our attention to London, which, 
as the largest and most unwieldy of our cities, is likely to 
exhibit those effects in the most marked degree. 

There is, as I said at the outset, a well-nigh universal 
current of opinion that a remedy for the depopulation of 
our country districts and for the overcrowding of our large 
cities is urgently needed. But though every one recom- 
mends that a remedy should be diligently sought for, few 
appear to believe that such a remedy will ever be found, 
and the calculations of our statesmen and reformers 
proceed upon the assumption that not only will the tide 
of population never actually turn from the large cities 
countryward, but that it will continue to flow in its 
present direction at a scarcely diminished rate for a long 
time to come. 1 Now it can hardly be supposed that any 

1 It is scarcely necessary to give instances of what is 
meant; but one that occurs to my mind is that this assump- 
tion of the continued growth of London forms one of the funda- 
mental premises of the Report of the Royal Commission on 
Metropolitan Water Supply, 1893. On the contrary, it is 
satisfactory to note that Mr. H. G. Wells has recently entirely 
changed his views as to the future growth of London (see " Antici- 
pations," chap. ii. ). Read also ' : The Distribution of Industry," by P. 
W. Wilson, in " the Heart of the Empire " (Fisher Unwin), 
and Paper by Mr. W. L. Madgen, M.I.E.E., on "Industrial 
Redistribution," Society of Arts Journal, February, 1902. See 
also note on page 31. 


search made in the full Lelief that the remedy sought for 
will not be discovered is likely to be carried on with great 
zeal or thoroughness ; and, therefore, it is perhaps not 
surprising to find that though the late chairman of the 
London County Council (Lord Roscbery) declared that 
the growth of this huge city was fitly comparable to the 
growth of a tumour (see p. 11) — few venturing to deny the 
correctness of the analogy — yet the various members of 
that body, instead of bending their energies to reforming 
London by means of a reduction of its population, are 
boldly advocating a policy which involves the purchase 
of vast undertakings on behalf of the municipality, at 
prices which must prove far higher than they will be 
worth if only the long-sough t-f or remedy is found. 

Let us now assume (simply as an hypothesis, if the 
reader is still sceptical) that the remedy advocated in 
this work is effective ; that new garden-cities are spring- 
ing up all over the country on sites owned by the 
municipalities — the rate-rents of such corporate property 
forming a fund ample for the carrying on of municipal 
undertakings representing the highest skill of the modern 
engineer and the best aspirations of the enlightened re- 
former ; and that in these cities, healthier, wholesomer, 
cleaner and more just and sound economic conditions pre- 
vail. What, then, must in the nature of things be the 
more noticeable effects upon London and the population 
of London; upon its land values; upon its municipal 
debt, and its municipal assets ; upon London as a labour 
market; upon the homes of its people; upon its open 
spaces, and upon the great undertakings which our 
socialistic and municipal reformers are at the present 
moment so anxious to secure ? 


First, notice that ground values will fall enormously ! 
Of course, so long as the 121 square miles out of the 
58,000 square miles of England exercise a magnetic 
attraction so great as to draw to it one-fifth of the whole 
population, who compete fiercely with each other for the 
right to occupy the land within that small area, so long 
will that land have a monopoly price. But de-magnetise 
that people, convince large numbers of them that they 
can better their condition in every way by migrating 
elsewhere, and what becomes of that monopoly value? 
Its spell is broken, and the great bubble bursts. 

But the life and earnings of Londoners ai-e not only 
in pawn to the owners of its soil, who kindly permit them 
to live upon it at enormous rents — £16,000,000 per 
annum, representing the present ground value of 
London, which is yearly increasing ; but they are also in 
pawn to the extent of about £40,000,000, representing 
London's municipal debts. 

But notice this. A municipal debtor is quite 
different from an ordinary debtor in one most important 
respect, lie can escape payment by migration. He has 
but to move away from a given municipal area, and he at. 
once, ipso facto, shakes off not only all his obligations to 
his landlord, but also all his obligations to his municipal 
creditors. It is true, when he migrates he must assume 
the burden of a new municipal rent, and of a new 
municipal debt; but these in our new cities will 
represent an extremely small and diminishing fraction of 
the burden now borne, and the temptation to migrate 
will, for this and many other reasons, be extremely 

But now let us notice how each person in migrating 


from Loudon, while making the burden of ground- 
rents less heavy for those who remain, will (unless 
there be some change in the law), make the burden 
of rates on the ratepayers of London yet heavier. For, 
though each person in migrating will enable those who 
remain to make better and yet better terms with their 
landlords ; on the other hand, the municipal debt remain- 
ing the same, the interest on it will have to be borne 
by fewer and yet fewer people, and thus the relief to the 
working population which comes from reduced rent will 
be largely discounted by increased rates, and in this way 
the temptation to migrate will continue, and yet further 
population will remove, making the debt ever a larger 
and larger burden, till at length, though accompanied 
by a still further reduction of rent, it may become in- 
tolerable. Of course this huge debt need never have 
been incurred. Had London been built on municipally- 
owned land, its rents would not only have easily provided 
for all current expenditure, without any need for a levy 
of rates or for incurring loans for long periods, but it 
would have been enabled to own its own water-supply 
and many other useful and profit-bearing undertakings, 
instead of being in its present position with vast debts 
and small assets. But a vicious and immoral system is 
bound ultimately to snap, and when the breaking-point 
is reached, the owners of London's bonds will, like the 
owners of London's land, have to make terms with a 
people who can apply the simple remedy of migrating 
and building a better and brighter civilisation elsewhere, 
if they are not allowed to rebuild on a just and reason- 
able basis on the site of their ancient city. 

We may next notice, very briefly, the bearing of this 


migration of population upon two great problems — the 
problem of the housing of the people of London, and the 
problem of finding employment for those who remain. 
The rents now paid by the working population of 
London, for accommodation most miserable and in- 
sufficient, represents each year a larger and larger pro- 
portion of income, while the cost of moving to and from 
work, continually increasing, often represents in time 
and money a very considerable tax. But imagine the 
population of London falling, and falling rapidly; the 
migrating people establishing themselves where rents are 
extremely low, and where their work is within easy- 
walking distance of their homes ! Obviously, house- 
property in London will fall in rental value, and fall 
enormously. Slum property will sink to zero, and the 
whole working population will move into houses of a 
class quite above those which they can now afford to 
occupy. Families which are now compelled to huddle 
together in one room will be able to rent five or six, and 
thus will the housing problem temporarily solve itself by 
the simple process of a diminution in the numbers of 
the tenants. 

But what will become of this slum property? Its 
power to extort a large proportion of the hard earnings 
of the London poor gone for ever, will it yet remain an 
eye-sore and a blot, though no longer a danger to health 
and an outrage on decency ? No. These wretched slums 
will be pulled down, and their sites occupied by parks, 
recreation grounds, and allotment gardens. And this 
change, as well as many others, will be effected, not at 
the expense of the ratepayers, but almost entirely at the 
expense of the landlord class : in this sense, at least, that 


such ground rents as are still paid by the people of 
London in respect of those classes of property which 
retain some rental value will have to bear the burden of 
improving the city. Nor will, I think, the compulsion of 
any Act of Parliament be necessary to effect this result : 
it will probably be achieved by the voluntary action of 
the landowners, compelled, by a Nemesis from whom 
there is no escape, to make some restitution for the great 
injustice which they have so long committed. 

For observe what must inevitably happen. A vast 
field of employment being opened outside London, unless 
a corresponding field of employment is opened within it, 
London must die, — when the landowners will be in a sorry 
plight. Elsewhere new cities are being built : London 
then must be transformed. Elsewhere the town is invad- 
ing the country : here the country must invade the town. 
Elsewhere cities are being built on the terms of paying 
low prices for land, and of then vesting such land in the 
new municipalities : in London corresponding arrange- 
ments must be made or no one will consent to build. 
Elsewhere, owing to the fact that there are but few 
interests to buy out, improvements of all kinds can go 
forward rapidly and scientifically : in London similar 
improvements can only be carried out if vested interests 
recognise the inevitable and accept terms which may 
seem ridiculous, but are no more so than those which a 
manufacturer often finds himself compelled to submit to, 
who sells for a ridiculously low price the machine which 
has cost a very large sum, for the simple reason that 
there is a far better one in the market, and that it no 
longer pays, in the face of keen competition, to work the 
inferior machine. The displacement of capital will, no 


doubt, be enoi'mous, but the iraplacement of labour will 
be yet greater. A few may be made comparatively poor, 
but the many will be made comparatively rich — a very 
healthy change, the slight evils attending which society 
will be well able to mitigate. 

There are already visible symptoms of the coming 
change — rumblings which precede the earthquake. 
London at this very moment may be said to be on strike 
against its landowners. Long-desired London improve- 
ments are awaiting such a change in the law as will throw 
some of the cost of making them upon the landowners 
of London. Railways are projected, but in some cases 
are not built — for instance, The Epping Forest Railway 
— because the London County Council, most properly 
anxious to keep down the fares by workmen's trains, 
pi-ess for and secure, at the hands of a Parliamentary 
Committee, the imposition of terms upon the promoters 
which seem to them extremely onerous and unremunera- 
tive, but which would pay the company extremely well 
were it not for the prohibitive price asked for land and 
other property along the line of its projected route. 
These checks upon enterprise must affect the growth of 
London even now, and make it less rapid than it other- 
wise would be ; but when the untold treasures of our 
land are unlocked, and when the people now living in 
London discover how easily vested interests, without 
being attacked, may be circumvented, then the land- 
owners of London and those who represent other vested 
interests had better quickly make terms, or London, 
besides being what Mr. Grant Allen termed " a squalid 
village," will also become a deserted one. 

But better counsels, let us hope, will prevail, and a 


new city rise on the ashes of the old. The task will 
indeed be difficult. Easy, comparatively, is it to lay out 
on virgin soil the plan of a magnificent city, such as 
represented on our Diagram 5. Of far greater difficulty 
is the problem — even if all vested interests freely effaced 
themselves — of rebuilding a new city on an old site, and 
that site occupied by a huge population. But this, at 
least, is certain, that the present area of the London 
County Council ought not (if health and beauty, and 
that which is too frequently put in the front rank — 
rapid production of wealth forms — are to be considered) 
to contain more than, say, one-fifth of its present popula-- 
tion; and that new systems of railways, sewerage, 
drainage, lighting, parks, etc., must be constructed if 
London is to be saved, while the whole system of produc- 
tion and of distribution must undergo changes as com- 
plete and as remarkable as was the change from a system 
of barter to our present complicated commercial system. 

Proposals for the reconstruction of London have 
already been projected. In 1883 the late Mr. William 
Westgarth offered the Society of Arts the sum of £1,200 
to be awarded in prizes for essays on the best means of 
providing dwellings for the London poor, and on the re- 
construction of Central London — an offer which brought 
forward several schemes of some boldness. 1 More 
recently a book by Mr. Arthur Cawston, entitled " A 
Comprehensive Scheme for Street Improvements in 
London," was published by Stanford, which contains in 
its introduction the following striking passage: — "The 
literature relating to London, extensive as it is, contains 

1 See "Reconstruction of Central London" (George Bell and 


no work which aims at the solution of one problem of vast 
interest to Londoners. They are beginning to realise, 
partly by their more and more extensive travels, and 
partly through their American and foreign critics, that 
the gigantic growth of their capital, without the con- 
trolling guidance of a municipality, has resulted in not 
only the biggest, but in probably the most irregular, in- 
convenient, and unmethodical collection of houses in the 
world. A comprehensive plan for the transformation of 
Paris has been gradually developed since 1848 ; slums 
have disappeared from Berlin since 1870; eighty-eight 
acres in the centre of Glasgow have been remodelled ; 
Birmingham has transformed ninety-three acres of squalid 
slums into magnificent streets flanked by architectural 
buildings ; Vienna, having completed her stately outer 
ring, is about to remodel her inner city : and the aim of 
the writer is to show, by example and illustration, in 
what way the means successfully employed for improving 
these cities can be best adapted to the needs of London." 

The time for the complete reconstruction of London — 
which will eventually take place on a far more compre- 
hensive scale than that now exhibited in Paris, Berlin, 
Glasgow, Birmingham, or Vienna — has, however, not yet 
come. A simpler problem must first be solved. One 
small Garden City must be built as a working model, 
and then a group of cities such as that dealt with in the 
last chapter. These tasks done, and done well, the recon- 
struction of London must inevitably follow, and the 
power of vested interests to block the way will have been 
almost, if not entirely, removed. 

Let us, therefore, first bend all our energies to the 
smaller of these tasks, thinking only of the larger tasks 


which lie beyond as incentives to a determined line of 
immediate action, and as a means of realising the great 
value of little things if done in the right manner and in 
the right spirit. 



Act of Parliament for enforce- 
ment of rates unnecessary, 
66. (See Parliament.) 

Adelaide, 129 

Administration, Chapters vi. , 
vii., viii. ; effects of dissatis- 
faction -with, not greater 
than in any other muni- 
cipality. 99 

Agricultural Land, its low value 
compared with city land, 
28 ; its probable future rise 
in value, 13G 

Allen's, Mr. Grant, Description 
of London, 148 

Allotments, their favourable 
situations, 33 

Appropriation of wealth-forms 
advocated by Socialists, 117; 
a new creation of urged as 
a counter programme, 122 

Bakeries, 82 

Balfour, Right Hon. A. J., real 
question for working classes 
is one of production, not of 
division, 116 

Baker, Sir Benj., Sewerage of 
London, 32 ; London Bail- 
ways, 131 

Banks, Pennv, precursors of 
Post Office Banks, 88 ; Pro- 
Municipal, 88 

Barwise, Dr., Water famine in 
Derbyshire, 17 

Binnie, Sir Alexander, Sewerage 

of London, 32 
Birmingham, profits on gas, 67 
Blake's resolve, 20 
Boffin, Mr. and Mrs., 70 
Bruce, Lord, Liquor Traffic, 10 
Buckingham, J. S., his scheme 

combined with others, 110 
Building lots, number and size, 

39 ; estimated rents, 41 
— Societies, a field for, 89 
Burns, Mr. J., M.P., L.C.C., 89 

Cadbury, George, and temper- 
ance, 85 

Capital, How raised, 20, 43 ; 
security for, 63, 64. (See 
" Wealth Forms and Vested 

Cawston, Arthur, Scheme for 
London improvement, 149 

Central Council, Its Bights, 
powers, and duties, 71 ; 
delegation of its powers, 
72 ; how constituted, 74 

Chamberlain, Right Hon. 
Joseph, Limits of Muni- 
cipal activity, 68 

Charitable Institutions, 27, 65 

Chester, Bishop of, Temperance, 

Children and water famine, 17 ; 
nearness to schools, 48 

China, Alleged effects of opium, 

Churches, 24, 39 



Circle Railway, 25 ; cost of, 58, 

60 ; Railway and Canal 

Traffic Act (1894), GO 
Cities, Alarming growth of, 11 ; 

true mode of growth, 51, 

Clifford, on growth of railways, 

Cobbett, on London, 1 1 
Common ownership of land, 

how brought about, 21, 124 
Communism, Difficulties of. 95-6 
Compensation for improvements, 

Competition, Rents fixed by, 21 ; 

as test of systems, 26, 74 ; 

effect on prices, 80 
Consumers' League, 83 
Co-operative farms, 25 

— kitchens, 24 

— organisation and disorganisa- 

tion, 90 

— stores, 82 

— principle, ample scope for 

growth of, 27, 70, 84 
Country, depopulation of, 11 
Country life and town life con- 
trasted and combined, 15, 
County Councils, Larger powers 

for, 134 
Cow pastures, 25 
Cricket fields, 63 
Crystal Palace, 23, 77 

Daily Chronicle. Cost of re- 
housing, 53 

Daily News. Life in our villages, 

Debentures A, Rate of interest 
and how secured, 20, 21 

— B, Rate of interest and how 
secured, 43, 63 

Departments, The, 73 

Distribution, A more just, of 
wealth, combined with 
greater production, 117 


Electricity, profit on, in Man- 
chester, 67 
Electric light, 25, 31 
Estimates, 58 

Factories, 25 ; diagram, 3 ; esti- 
mated rents, 41 

Failures foundation of success, 
94 ; causes of former con- 
sidered, chap. ix. 

Fairman, Frank, Poor cannot be 
raised without depressing 
rich, 116 

Farquharson, Dr., on rings of 
middlemen, 32 

Farrar, Dean, Growth of cities, 

Fields, farms, and workshops, 
Krapotkin, 31 

Floods and water famine, 17 

Force without, compared with 
impulse within, 138 

Freedom, (^ee Liberty.) 


George, Henry, All blame on 

landlords, 124 
Gorst, Sir John, on growth of 

cities, 11, 19 
Grand Arcade. (See Crystal 

Palace and Local Option.) 
— Avenue, 24, 39, 40 
Green, J. R., on sudden changes, 

Ground rents Is. Id. per head, 

39 ; how applied, 40 


Hawthorne. Human nature, 
like a potato, requires 
transplanting, 126. 

Hobson. Physiology of indus- 
try, 91 

Hyndman, Mr., Views of, 119 



Increment of land value secured 

by migrants, 29 
Individual taste encouraged, 24 
individualism, an excellent 
principle, but should be 
associated with co-opera- 
tion, 9G ; thus carrying out 
principle advocated by Lord 
Rosebery, 117; society may 
become more Individual- 
istic and more Socialistic, 
Industry, Redistribution of, 142 
Inspection, 24 
Insurance against accident or 

sickness, 28 
Interest. (See Debentures.) 
Isolated efforts, necessity for, 95 
Issues, distinct, raised at elec- 
tion times, 75 

Jerusalem, Blake's Resolution, 


Kidd, Mr. Benj., on antagonism 
between interests of society 
and of individual, 117 

Krapotkin, Prince, Fields, 
farms, and workshops, 31 

Labour leaders, a programme 
for, 90 

— saving machinery, object 
lesson in, 55 

Land compared with other 
wealth forms, 118, 122 

Landlord, Average man a poten- 
tial, 124 ; landlords will 
become divided into two 
camps, 135, 136 ; their 
Nemesis, 147 

Landlord's rent, meaning of 
term, 35 ; insignificant 
amount in Garden City, 39 

Land system may be attacked 
without attacking indi- 
viduals, 28, 124, 135 

Large farms, 25 

Laundries, 82 

Lawn tennis courts, 63. 

Leases contain favourable cove- 
nants, 40 

Liberty, Principles of, fully ob- 
served, 26, 87, 96, 112, 141 

Library Public, 22 ; diagram 3 ; 
cost, 58, 62 

Lighting, 25, 26, 66 

Local option and shopping, 77 ; 
its effects on prices, quality, 
and wages, SO ; it diminishes 
risks, 80 ; reduces working 
expenses, 82 ; checks sweat- 
ing, 83 ; application to 
liqaor traffic, 84 

Local Self-government, Problem 
of, solved, 72 

London, Growth of, Lord Rose- 
bery on, 1 1 ; high rents, 28, 
144 ; their impending fall, 
144; sewerage system "un- 
alterably settled," 33 ; area 
too small for its population, 
38 ; growth chaotic, 52 ; 
Garden City contrasted 
with, 51 ; cost of its school 
sites and buildings com- 
pared with Garden City, 
48 ; cost of dwellings con- 
trasted, 53, 54 ; excessive 
number of shops, 81 ; want 
of railroad system, 131 ; 
contrast with Garden City's 
system, 130 ; its future, 
chap. xiii. ; its continued 
growth generally antici- 
pated, 142 ; this leads to 
mistaken policy of London 
County Council, 143 ; its 
large debt and small assets, 
144, 145 ; simultaneous fall 
of ground values and rise 
of rates as the withdrawal 

1 5 6 


of population makes debt 
per head larger, 145 ; cost 
of moving to and from work 
ever increasing, 146 ; com- 
parison with Garden City 
in this respect ; slum pro- 
perty falls to zero, 146 ; 
transformation of London, 
147 ; London on strike 
against its landlords, 148 ; 
the "squalid village," un- 
less entirely reconstructed, 
will become deserted, 148 ; 
proposals for reconstruction 
of, 149 


Machinery, 55 

Madgen, Mr. W. L., on Indus- 
trial Redistribution, 142 

Magnets, The Three, 16 

Management expenses, 62 

Manchester, profit on electricity, 

Mann, Tom, on the depopulation 
of the country, 13 

Manufacturers, choice of work- 
men, 77 

Markets, 76 ; town forms a 
natural market for farmers, 
22, 26 

Marshall, Professor, on London 
overcrowding, 38 ; on organ- 
ised migration, 104 

Marshall, A. and M. P., on ex- 
cessive number of shops in 
London, 81 

Master-Key, 13 

" Merrie England," inconsist- 
ency of its proposals, 120 

Mexico experiment, 98 

Middlemen, their number re- 
duced, 32 

Migration, organised, secures, 
(a) combined advantages of 
town and country, chapters 
i., ii., iii., etc. ; (b) full in- 

crement of land values for 
migrants, 29 ; (c) saving of 
compensation in respect of 
business disturbance, 47, 53 ; 
(d) large reduction in rail- 
way rates, 32, 51 ; (e) the 
advantages and economies 
of a well-planned city, 51 ; 
(/) a splendid system of 
water supply within its own 
territory ; (y) proximity of 
workers to work, 54 ; {h) a 
greater extent of local self- 
government, 72 ; (*) plenty 
of space and avoids over- 
crowding, 88 ; (j) oppor- 
tunities for economic use 
of money, 92 ; (k) a way of 
escape from present muni- 
cipal obligations, 144 ; (I) 
a field of work for unem- 
ployed, 93 ; is advocated 
by Wakefield, 102 ; by 
Professor Marshall, 104 

Milk, saving effected in the case 
of, 32 

Mill, J. S., his endorsement of 
Wakefield, 104 ; on the 
ephemeral nature of wealth, 

Misgovernment, check upon, 71 

Money not consumed by being 
spent, 91 ; importance of 
dispensing with its unneces- 
sary use, 92 ; set free from 
its enchantment, 93 

Monopoly, no rigid, 27 ; evils of 
may be avoided in the case 
of shops, and advantages of 
competition secured, 79 

Morley, Right Hon. J., on 
Temperance, 10 ; on the 
gradual adoption of new 
ideas, 86 

Mummery and Hobson, "Phy- 
siology of Industry," 91 

Municipal enterprise, growth of, 
how determined, 27, 70 ; its 
limits, 69, 70 ; at present 
small range compared with 
private, 99 




Nationalisation must be pre- 
ceded by humbler tasks, 89 

Neale, Mr. V., on excessive 
number of shops in London, 

Need, An urgent, 114 

Nunquam. (See Merrie Eng- 

Old age pensions. (See Pensions. ) 
Order and freedom, reconcilia- 
tion of, 141, 142 
Over-crowding prevented, 88 
Owen, A. K., Experiment of, 98 

Parks and gardens, 22, 24, 39 ; 
cost of, 62 

Parliamentary powers unneces- 
sary in the early stages of 
railway enterprise, but re- 
quisite later ; so in relation 
to the reform initiated by 
proposed experiment, 126, 134 

Pensions, 28, 65 

Petavel, Capt. , 61 

Philanthropic institutions, 27, 

Plan, importance of in building 
cities, 51 

Playgrounds. (See Parks.) 

Police, 66 

Poor law administration, 66 

Power, 25 

Prices raised to producer, dimin- 
ished to consumer, 32, 141 

Private and public enterprise. 
[See Municipal.) 

Production, Right Hon. A. J. 
Balfour on necessity of in- 
creased production, 116; in- 
creased production secured 
and distribution rendered 
more just, 116 

Pro-Municipal enterprise, chap, 

Public-houses. (See Temper- 
ance. ) 

Public-houses, Trust, 85 


Railways, their rapid growth, 
127 ; a carefully planned 
system of, 130 ; chaos in 
London, 131 ; construction 
of railway system was "a 
large order ; " a larger one 
remains to be executed, 139, 

Railway rates, reduction in, 32, 
51, 60, 141 

" Rate rent," meaning of term, 
34, 35 ; revenue raised en- 
tirely by rate-rents, which 
are fixed by competition, 
21, 26, 28, 73 ; tenants in 
occupation have some pre- 
ference, 34 ; assessed by a 
committee, 73 ; estimate of, 
from agricultural estate, 
chap. ii. ; from town estate, 
chap. iii. ; what these suffice 
to do, chap. iv. and v. 

Rates levied by outside bodies, 
provision for, 58, 65 

Recreation, boating, bathing, 
etc. (See Parks.) 

Rents, computation of, in Eng- 
land and Wales, 30 

"Revolution, The Coming," 31 

Revolution, Social, at hand, 134 

Rhodes, Dr., on growth of cities, 

Risk of shopkeepers, 80 

Roads, cost of maintenance 
small, 25 ; estimated cost, 

Rosebery, Lord, compares 
London to a tumour, 11 ; 
on borrowing from Indi- 
vidualism and Socialism, 

Ruskin, Mr. J., 20 




Sanitation, 24 

St. James Gazette on dangerous 
growth of cities, 12 

Schools, sites for, 24; comparison 
with London, 47 ; estimated 
cost of buildings and main- 
tenance, 58, 61 

Semi-municipal industry, mean- 
ing of term, 76 

Sewage, 25 ; cost of system, 58 ; 
difficulties in London, 32 

Shaw-Lefevre, Right Hon. G. J., 
on chaotic growth of Lon- 
don, 52 

Shops, factories, etc., estimated 
rents from, 41 ; excess of 
in London, 81 ; multiplica- 
tion of prevented, 78 ; risk 
of shop-keepers reduced, 
80. (See Local Option and 
Crystal Palace.) 

Sinking fund for land, 21, 28, 
34, 42 ; for works, £8, 65 

Slum property declines to zero, 
146 ; is destroyed and sites 
converted into parks, 146 

Small holdings, 25 

Smoke, absence of, 25 

Social cities, chap. xii. 

Socialism, does not represent a 
basis on which an experi- 
ment can safely proceed, 97; 
inconsistency of Socialistic 
writers, 118; their neglect 
of the land question, 123 ; 
their threats little heeded, 
135 ; and their efforts meet 
with little success, 137 

Spence, scheme of common land 
administered by parish, 106; 
the difference between this 
and my own chiefly one of 
method, 107 

Spencer, Herbert, advocated 
common land administered 
by State, 107 ; his reasons 
for withdrawing his pro- 
posals, (a) evils attending 

State control, 108 ; (but my 
scheme, like Spence's, free 
from these evils, 109) ; (b) 
difficulty of acquiring land 
on equitabla terms, and of 
yet making it remunerative 
to purchasers, 108 ; (this 
difficulty completely over- 
come in my proposals, 109); 
the " dictum of absolute 
ethics" that all men are 
equally entitled to the use 
of the earth practically 
realised under my scheme, 
110 ; his objection on prin- 
ciple to State control re- 
buked out of his own mouth, 

Star, The, on depopulation of 
country, 12 

Strand to Holborn, new street, 

Strikes, the true and the false, 
90 ; of London against land- 
lordism, 148 

Subways, growing need for, 54 ; 
their economy, 59 

Sweating, opportunity for public 
conscience to express itself, 
against, 83 

Temperance, Right Hon. John 
M or ley on, 10; Lord Bruce 
on, 10 ; experiment may lead 
to temperance reform, 84 
The limes on sudden changes, 9 
— Three Magnets, Diagram 1, 16 
Tillett, Mr. Ben, on depopula- 
tion of country, 12 
Topolobampo experiment, 98 
Town life and country life con- 
trasted and combined, 16-19 
Tramways, 66, 131 
Trees, 23, 39, 63 


"Unearned increment" a mis- 
nomer, 29 



Variety in architecture, 24 ; in 
cultivation of soil, 25 ; in 
employments, 111 

Vested Interests, indirectly 
threatened,become divided, 
135 ; the same thing has 
occurred before, 135 ; vested 
interests of skill, labour, 
energy, talent, and industry, 
the most important of all 
vested interests consoli- 
dated by the same force 
which divides the vested 
interests of land and capi- 
tal in twain, 138 

Villages, Depopulation of. (See 
Country. ) 


Wages, Effect of competition 

upon, 81 
Wakefield, Art of Colonisation, 

102 ; J. S. Mill's view of it, 

War, implements of, drop down, 

Ward, Mrs. Humphrey, all 

changes preceded by spor- 
adic efforts, 94 

Wards, town divided into by 
boulevards, 22 ; each ward 
in a sense a complete town, 
45 ; work on one practically 
complete before commenc- 
ing on another, 45 

Waste products, utilisation of, 

Water, scarcity of in country, 

Water-supply usually a source 
of revenue, 66 

Wealth -forms for the most part 
extremely ephemeral, 118 ; 
J. S. Mill on, 118 

Wells, Mr. H. G. 3 on future 
growth of London, 142 

Westgarth, Mr. William, prizes 
for essays on reconstruction 
of London, 149 

Wilson, P. W., on the distribu- 
tion of industry, 142 

Winter Garden. (See Crystal 
Palace. ) 

Women may fill all offices in 
municipality, 75 

Work, plenty of, 55, 88, 122, 
130, 147 

Workmen's trains, 148 


" To-Morrow," of which this book is substantially a 
reproduction, having been published towards the end of 
1898, the reader who has followed rr>e thus far will be 
interested to learn what has been done, and what is pro- 
posed to be done to realise the project which was there 
set forth. I will endeavour to answer these questions. 

At the outset, I perceived that the first thing was to 
make the project widely known — that the city which was 
pictured so vividly in my own mind must be pictured 
more or less vividly by many, and that a strong and 
widespread desire for its up-rearing must be created 
before a single step could be wisely taken to put the 
project in a concrete form. For the task before me was, 
T was fully conscious, a most difficult one, and demanded 
the hearty co-operation of men and of women 1 ex- 
perienced in very numerous departments of human 
activity; and many of these had to be reached and 
enlisted. City building, as a deliberately thought-out 
enterprise, is indeed a lost art, in this country at least, 
and this art has not only to be revived, but has to be 
carried to finer issues than those who have before 
practised it ever dreamt of. Autocrats like Alexander 
the Great and Philip II. could build cities according to 

1 Woman's influence is too often ignored. When Garden 
City is built, as it shortly will be, woman's share in the work 
will be found to have been a large one. Women are among 
our most active missionaries. 


well-thought out and carefully-matured plans, because 
they could impose their will by force; but a city which 
is to be the outward expression of a strong desire to 
secure the best interests of all its inhabitants can, among 
a self-governing people, only arise as the outcome of 
much patient and well-sustained effort. Moreover, the 
building of the first of such cities necessarily involves 
co-operation on new lines— in untried ways ; and, as it is 
essential that the freedom of the individual as well as 
the interests of the community should be preserved, very 
much work must needs be done to prepare the way for 
the successful launching of such an experiment. 

My task — hardly a self-imposed one, for, when I com- 
menced my investigations many years ago, I little 
dreamed where they would lead me — was rendered 
especially difficult by the nature of my professional 
work, which it was impossible for me to give up ; and I 
could, therefore, only give odds and ends of time and 
energies largely exhausted to the work. But, for- 
tunately, I was not left without help. First the press 
came to my aid. " To-Morrow " was very widely noticed. 
Many books have been more fully reviewed, but few have 
been noticed, and favourably noticed, in such a variety 
of types of journals as " To-Morrow " has been. Besides 
the daily and weekly papers of London and the pro- 
vinces, the project has been favourably commented upon 
in journals representing widely different points of view. 
I may mention, merely as illustrations of this — 
" Commerce," " Country Gentleman," " Spectator," 
" Leisure Hour," " Court Circular," " Clarion," 
" Builder's Journal," " Commonwealth," " Young Man," 
" Councillor and Guardian," " Ladies' Pictorial," 


'' Public Health Engineer," " Municipal Journal," 
" Argus, ' " Vegetarian," " Journal of Gas Lighting," 
" Labour Copartnership," " Hospital," " Brotherhood," 
" Municipal Reformer." 

Nor was the reason of this widespread interest 
difficult to discover. The project, indeed, touches life at 
every point, and when once carried out will be an object- 
lesson which must have far-reaching and beneficial 

But, although approval of my aims was general, 
doubts were often, especially at first, expressed as to 
their readability. Thus, the " Times " said : " The 
details of administration, taxation, etc., work out to 
perfection. The only difficulty is to create the city, but 
that is a small matter to Utopians." If this be so, then, 
by the " Times' " own showing, I am no Utopian, for to 
me the building of the city is what I have long set my 
mind upon, and it is with me no " small matter." A few 
months after this, however, the " Journal of Gas Light- 
ing " put my case very forcibly thus : " Why should the 
creation of a town be an insuperable difficulty. It is 
nothing of the kind. Materials for a tentative realisa- 
tion of Mr Howard's ideal city exist in abundance in 
London at the present moment. Time and again it is 
anounced that some London firm have transferred their 
factory to Rugby, or Dunstable, or High Wycombe for 
business reasons. It ought not to be impossible to 
systematise this movement and give the old country 
some new towns in which intelligent design shall direct 
the social workings of economic forces." 

In my spare time I lectured on the Garden City, 
the first lecture after publication being given in Decern- 


ber, 1898, at the Rectory Road Congregational Church, 
Stoke Newington, N. In the chair was Mr. T. E. Young, 
past President, Institute of Actuaries, and I was sup- 
ported also by Dr. Forman, A.L.C.C. ; Rev. C. Fleming 
Williams, A.L.C.C. ; Mr. James Branch, L.C.C. ; and Mr. 
Lampard, L.C.C. The lecture was well reported in a 
local journal, and I speedily found that, by means of 
lectures, interest in the project could be widened, 
because the subject made " good copy." I, therefore, as 
far as possible, have always given lectures when re- 
quested, and have spoken in London, Glasgow, Man- 
chester, and many provincial towns. Friends, too, began 
to help, the Rev. J. Bruce Wallace, M.A., of Brother- 
hood Church being among the first to lecture upon the 
project ; nor shall I ever forget the pleasure I felt at 
hearing his simple and forcible exposition of it. 

Soon after the publication of " To-Morrow," I began 
to receive many letters, and these often from business 
men. One of the first of these was from Mr. W. R. Boot- 
land, of Daisy Bank Mills, Newchurch, near Warring- 
ton, who wrote heartily commending the project as 
" sound business," and yet as likely to confer great public 

After a few months of such fitful work as I could 
undertake, I consulted a friend, Mr F. W. Flear, and 
we decided it would be well to form an Association 
with a view to securing supporters in a more systematic 
manner, and of formulating the scheme more completelv, 
so that, at as early a date as possible, a suitable organisa- 
tion might be created for carrying it out. Accordingly, 
on the 10th June, 1899, a few friends met at the offices 
of Mr. Alexander W. Payne, Chartered Accountant, 70 


Finsbury Pavement, E.C., Mr Fred. Bishop, of Tun- 
bridge Wells, in the chair, and the Garden City Associa- 
tion was formed — Mr. Payne being its first Hon. 
Treasurer, and Mr. F. W. Steere, a barrister, who had 
written a very useful summary of " To-Morrow " in 
Uses, its first Hon. Secretary. On the 21st of the 
same month, a public meeting was held at the Memorial 
Hall, Farringdon Street, E.G., which was presided over 
by Sir John Leng, M.P., who, at a very short notice, gave 
an interesting outline of the project, and urged those 
present to support me in my very difficult task. At this 
meeting a Council was formed, and at the first sittings 
of that body Mr. T. H. W. Idris, J.P., L.C.C., was elected 
chairman, a post which he resigned at a later stage on 
account of ill-health, though remaining as firmly con- 
vinced as ever of the soundness of the Garden City idea. 

Lecturers now began to come forward in different 
parts of the country, and additional interest was afforded 
by lantern slides and diagrams. The Association 
steadily grew, and three months after its formation I was 
able to write to the "Citizen": — "The Association 
numbers amongst its members, Manufacturers, Co- 
operators, Architects, Artists, Medical Men, Financial 
Experts, Lawyers, Merchants, Ministers of Religion, 
Members of the L.C.C., Moderate and Progressive; 
Socialists and Individuals, Radicals and Conservatives." 

Our subscriptions, however, were very small. We 
had put the minimum at the democratic shilling, so that 
none should be shut out, but, unfortunately, some who 
could afford much more were content to subscribe that 
sum, and, from the formation of the Association until 
August 13, 1901 — a little more than two years— the total 


subscriptions to the general funds of the Association only 
reached £241 13s. 9d. 

A change suddenly came over the Association. I 
learned early in 1901 that Mr. Ralph Neville, K.C., had 
written in "Labour Copartnership" expressing his full 
approval of the essential principles of the Garden City 
project, and when I called upon him he at once consented 
to join our Council, and, shortly afterwards, was unani- 
mously elected its chairman. At about the same time, 
though our financial position hardly justified such a 
step, we took an office of our own, and engaged a paid 
secretary, who agreed to devote his whole time to the 

And here the Garden City Association was very 
fortunate. It secured the services of Mr. Thomas 
Adams, a young Scotchman, who has proved active, 
energetic, and resourceful — to whose suggestion was due 
the Conference held last September at Mr. Cadbury's 
beautiful village of Bournville, which has done more 
than anything else to make the Garden City Association 
and its project known to the great public, and to give 
to our members ocular proof of the feasibility — indeed, 
the wonderful success — of a scheme in so many respects 
like our own.* 

Since our Annual Meeting in December our member- 
ship has increased — thanks mainly to a special effort of 
members — from 530 to 1,300; and, as many of our 
friends, anxious to put the project to the test of experi- 
ment at an early date, are offering to subscribe very con- 
siderable sums, a Joint Stock Company, to be called the 

* Through the kindness of Messrs. Lever Brothers, a conference is 
being arranged for July this year at Port Sunlight, a most 
admirably planned industrial village in Cheshire. 


Garden City Pioneer Company, Limited, with a small 
capital of about £20,000, is being formed for the purpose 
of securing the option of a site, and of preparing and 
presenting to the public a complete scheme adapted to 
the development of the site thus selected — a scheme 
which will be in accordance with the general principles 
set forth in this book, but differing, of course, in many 
details. Subscribers to this preliminary Company will, 
of course, run considerable risk ; and, as the profits, even 
in the event of the most complete success, will only be 
nominal, the appeal will be addressed only to those who 
take an interest in the project as public-spirited citizens. 
The Secretary of the Garden City Association will give 
the latest information on this subject, and will also 
gladly enrol members. 

No one can possibly be under a greater obligation 
than he who has an idea which he earnestly wishes to see 
carried out and who finds others helping him to make 
visible that which exists only as a thought. Under this 
greatest of debts am I. By writing; by speaking; by 
organising public meetings and drawing-room meetings ; 
by suggestion, encouragement, and advice ; by secretarial 
and other work ; by making the project known among 
their friends; by subscribing funds for propaganda 
work ; and, now, by offering to subscribe considerable 
sums for practical steps, many have helped and are 
helping me to do that which, without their aid, must 
have been quite impossible. They have thus multiplied 
my strength a thousandfold ; and from the very bottom 
of my heart I thank them for the assurance of speedy 
success which their efforts have thus given me. Ere 
long, I trust we shall meet in Garden City. 



The Countess of Warwick. 

The Earl of Carrington, G.C.M.G., 

The Earl of Meath, L.C.C. 
The Bishop of London. 
The Bishop of Hereford. 
The Bishop of Rochester. 
Percy Alden, II. A. 
Dr. Tempest Anderson (York). 
Yarborough Anderson. 
L. A. Atherley-Jones, K.C., M.P. 
William Baker. 

R. A. Barrett(Ashton-under-Lyne). 
J. Williams Benn, J.P., L.C.C. 
Sir M. M. Bhownaggree, K.C.I.E., 

W. R. Bootlaud (Manchester). 
Rev. Stopford Brooke, M.A. 
The Right Hon. James Bryce, M.P. 
W. P. Byles, J.P. (Bradford). 
George Cadbury. J.P. (Bournville). 
W. S. Caine, M.P. 
Robert Cameron, M.P. 
Professor Chapman (Manchester). 
Rev. Thomas Child. 
Dr. John Clifford, M.A. 
Miss Marie Corelli. 
AValter Crane. 

Alderman W. H. Dickinson, L.C.C. 
Canon Moore Ede (Sunderland). 
Samuel Edwards, J.P. (Birmingham). 
The Master of Elibank, M.P. 
Alfred Emmott, M.P. 

F. J. Farquharson, J.P 
Mrs. Anna Farquharson. 
Michael Fliirscheim. 
Lady Forsyth. 

Sir Walter Foster, M.P. 

Madame Sarah Grand. 

Corrie Grant, M.P. 

W. Winslow Hall, M.D., M.R.C.S. 

G. A. Hardy, L.C.C. 
Cecil Harmsworth. 

R. Leicester Harmsworth, M.P. 
Henry B. Harris. 
Anthony Hope Hawkins. 
The Hon. Claude G. Hay, M.P. 
Sir Robert Head, Bart. 
C. E. Hobhouse, M.P. 
Henry Holiday. 
Canon Scott Holland. 

12 . 

George Jacob Holyoake. 

Rev. Alfred Hood. 

T. H. W. Idris, J.P. 

Ben. Jones (Chairman C.W.S. Lon- 

Mrs. Ashton Jonson. 

Dean Kitchin (Durham). 

George Lampard, L.C.C. 

A. L. Leon, L.C.C. 

Sir John Leng, M.P. 

W. H. Lever (Port Sunlight). 

J. W. Logan, M.P. 

Dr. T. J. Macnamara, M.P. 

Walter T. Macnamara. 

Mrs. Magrath. 

R. Biddulph Martin, M.P. 

Professor Alfred Marshall fCam- 

Rev. F. B. Meyer 

Edward R. P. Moon, M.P. 

Mrs. Morgan-Browne. 

llarington Morgan. 

The Hon Dadabhai Xaoroji. 

Mrs. Overy. 

Gilbert Parker, M.P. 

F. Platt-Higgins, M.P. 

Sir Robert Pullar (Perth). 

Joseph Rowntree (York). 

C. E. Schwann, M.P. 

Arthur Sherwell. 

Albert Spicer, J.P. 

Henry C. Stephens, J.P. 

Miss Julie Sutter. 

A. C. Swiuton. 

Ivor H. Tuckett (Cambridge). 

J. Elliott Viney. 

Professor A. R. Wallace, D.C.L., 

J. Bruce Wallace, M.A. 

H. G. Wells. 

Richard Whiteing. 

J. H. Whitley, M.P. 

Aneurin Williams. 

Alderman Rev. Fleming Williams, 

Robert Williams, F.R.I.B.A., L.C.C. 

Henry J. Wilson, M.P. 

Wm. Woodward, A.R.I.B.A. 

Robert Yerburgh, M.P. 

T. E. Young, B.A., F.R.A.S. 

J. H. Yoxall, M.P. 


Chairman— Ralph Neville, K.C. Hon. Treasurer— A. W. Payne, F.I '.A 
A. S. E. Ackerraan. A.M. Inst. C.E. ' .Tames P. Hurst. 

H. C. Lander, A.R.I.B.A. i *ft- 

Fred. W. Lawrence, M.A. 

H. D. Peaisall, M.Inst.C.E. 

T. P. Ritzema, J. P. (Blackburn). 

Edward Rose. 

Hon. Rollo Russell. 

W. H. Gurney Salter. 

Sydney Schiff (Chester). 

W. S. Sherrington, M.A., L.L.M. 

Edward T. Sturdy. 

Alderman \V. Thompson. 

Herbert Warren, B.A. 

Aneurin Williams. 

C. M. Bailhache, LL.B 

G. M. Bishop. 

Arthur Blott. 

Miss Edith Bradley (Lady Warwick 

James Branch, J. P., L.C.C. 
William Carter. 
J. Cleghorn. 
G. Croscer. 
F. W. Flear. 
J. C. Gray (Secretary, Coop. Union 

Ebenezer Howard. 
Mrs. Ebenezer Howard. 

(The fall Council will consist of 30 Members.) 

Honorary Provincial Secretaries. 

Manchester District — R. Morrell, Moston Lane, New Moston, Manchester. 
Liverpool and Cheshire District— J. Norton, 1 Morningside Road, Boo tie, near 

K.E.— F. W. Bricknell, Guyscliffe, Hessle, East Yorks. 
M idlands— Rev. J. B. Higham, 25 Copthorne Road, Wolverhampton. 
<>/./>«/» 7 /Robert MacLaurin, 39 Caldercuilt Road, Maryhill, Glasgow. 
zcouana— j Jameg A llport, 15 Montpelier, Edinburgh. 

General Secretary— 
THOMAS ADAMS, 77 Chancery Lane, London r W.C. 


To promote the discussion of the project suggested by 
Mr. Ebenezer Howard in " To-morrow " *, and ultimately 
to formulate a practical scheme on the lines of that project, 
with such modifications as may appear desirable. 

Payment of an Annual Subscription of not less than Is. 
confers Membership. A Subscription of 2s. 6d., or more, 
entitles the Subscriber to all literature published by the 
Association. More funds are required for the immediate 
purpose of bringing our proposals prominently before the 
public, and an average subscription of 5s. per member is 
necessary to meet current expenditure. The income for 

* Now published by Swan Sonnenschein & Co. (London), under the title 
" Garden Cities of To-morrow." 


the first half year 1901-02 was ten times that of the same 
period of the previous year. The Membership is over 
1,300, being an increase of 700 since January 1st, 1902. 
It is hoped that all who are desirous of improving, by 
constitutional means, the present physical, social, and in- 
dustrial conditions of life in town and country, will help to 
immediately increase this number. 

Sectional Committees. 

Committees have been or are being appointed to con- 
sider questions of detail, such as Land Tenure, Manufac- 
tures and Trade, Co-operative Societies, Labour, Housing 
and Public Health, Liquor Traffic, Education, Smoke 
Abatement, Art, etc. Members desirous of taking part in 
the work of any section are requested to communicate with 
the General Secretary. 


The Association publishes a number of tracts which are 
forwarded to members on joining. A list of publications 
and some explanatory literature will be sent free on appli- 
cation. A few reports of the Bournville Conference may 
still be had, price 6d., post free. These reports consist of 
80 pages, and contain reports of speeches by- Earl Grey, 
Mr. Ralph Neville, K.C. ; Mr. George Cadbury, Mr. 
Aneurin Wililams, the Mayor of Camberwell, Sir M. M. 
Bhownaggree, M.P. ; Mr. R. B. Martin, M.P. ; Mr. 
Ebenezer Howard, Dr. Mansfield Robinson, and others. 

All communications should be addressed to the Secre- 
tary, Garden City Association, 77 Chancery Lane, London, 
W.C. Cheques and postal orders should be crossed London 
City and Midland Bank, Fore Street. 

Printed at the Rosemount Press; 
London Office: W Fleet Street, E.C.