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A Collection of Unpublished Documents, forming 
an Appendix to ' England in the Age of Wycliffe. ' 

Edited by Edgar Powell and G. M. Trevelyan. 

8vo. 6s. net. 



From a whotofirapli, probably ten years later tlian tlic siesic of Rome 

Sec illustration, p. 117 below, for his dress during 184'J. 















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This year is the centenary of Garibaldi's birth, which took 
place on July 4, 1807. It is not on this account that 
the present volume has been written and published, but 
the coincidence may be an additional reason why some 
Englishmen should be curious to read about the man for 
whom their fathers entertained a passionate enthusiasm, 
pure of all taint of materialism and self-interest. On the 
occasion of his famous visit to our country in 1864, the 
ovation which he received was so universal and so over- 
whelming that there was nothing in the nineteenth century 
like it, except perhaps the Jubilee procession of the Queen 
herself. The feeling for Garibaldi had by no means become 
universal among the English in 1849, "the year with which 
this book is concerned, but even then Italian sympathies 
were stronger here than anywhere else in Europe. 

We English retain to this day the lion's share of Italy's 
gratitude. Nor is the reason far to seek. Though England 
was not the country which actually accomplished most for 
Italian freedom and unity, it was the country in Europe 
where the passion for that cause was, beyond all comparison, 
strongest and most disinterested, and where it will be for 
ever connected with such names as Byron and Shelley, 
Palmerston and Gladstone, Browning and Swinburne. 

The attachment of our fathers to Garibaldi grew out of 
their Itahan sympathies, but it grew also out of something 
in his personality peculiarly captivating to the English, 


who saw in him the rover of great spaces of land and sea, 
the fighter against desperate odds, the champion of the 
oppressed, the patriot, the humane and generous man, all 
in one. He touched a chord of poetry and romance still 
latent in the heart of our city populations, so far removed 
in their surroundings and opportunities from the scenes 
and actions of his life. Whether his memory will now 
appeal to the English of a generation yet further removed 
from nature, and said to be at once more sophisticated 
and less idealist than the Victorian, I do not know. But 
I doubt whether we have really changed so much. 

Certainly the help and encouragement in my task which 
I have received from English people leads me to suppose 
that the name of Garibaldi can still stir many hearts in 
this island. Foremost among them I must thank Lord 
Cariisle; then Mrs. Hamilton King; Mr. A. L. Smith, 
of Balliol ; Dr. Spence Watson ; Mr. Hubert Hall of the 
Record Office ; the editor of the ' Illustrated London 
News ; ' Mr. Brand, the Librarian of the Admiralty ; Dr. 
F. S. Arnold; Mr. J. A. Bruce; the Rev. F. W. Ragg ; 
Mr. Bolton King ; Mrs. Humphry Ward, and many others, 
some of whom are mentioned by name in the notes of this 
book. Three persons have read the proofs of the whole 
book at a cost of time to themselves from which I have 
greatly profited — Mr. Hilton Young, my companion on the 
last part of the ' Retreat ' ; my wife ; and Count Ugo 

Count Balzani, whose time has been lavished upon me 
with a kindness which I can never forget, not only aided me 
in a hundred ways himself, but introduced me to many of 
my now numerous Italian friends ; for their work on my 
behalf I am all the more grateful because it was largely 
inspired by an enthusiasm which we have in common. With- 
out trying to distinguish between the various services which 
they have each rendered me, I will merely name Signon 


Carlo Segre, G. Guerrazzi, and G. Stiavelli of Rome ; Sign. 
Pier Breschi and General Canzio himself of Genoa; Sign. 
Luigi Torre of Casale Monferrato ; Sign. Cantoni of the 
Museo Civico, Bologna ; Count Alessandro Guaccimanni of 
Ravenna ; Sign. Ermanno Loevinson (the author of Garibaldi 
e la sua Lcgione) and Cav. Ernesto Ovidi of the Archivio di 
Stato, Rome ; Sign. Mario Menghini of the Bib. Vitt, Em. ; 
Captain Carlo Paganelli of the Ufficio Storico ; Major 
Eugenio de' Rossi of the BersagHeri ; and Lt.-General 
Saletta, Chief of the Staff of the Italian army ; the family 
and friends of Nino Costa ; Count and Countess Pasolini 
and Count Pasolino Pasolini ; and the Signorina Dobelli of 

I do not know whether to thank my friend Mr. Nelson 
Gay more for putting his splendid Risorgimento library at my 
disposal, or for giving me so much of his valuable student's 
time, which he spends with such zeal on behalf of Italy. 

I am indebted to Mr. R. M. Johnston of Harvard for 
a correspondence which has been to me both pleasant and 

I heartily thank Commandant Weil of Paris for his 
friendly offices, and the French Ministry of War for a 
liberahty of which I am most sensible. I trust they will 
not think that I have abused their kindness ; no one is more 
aware than the author of this book of the courage, dis- 
cipline, and humanity of the French troops in 1849, ^^ ^^ 
the immense debt that Italy owes to the First Napoleon, and, 
in spite of Rome and Mentana, to the Third. 

G. M. Trevelyan. 

Chelsea : March 1907. 









III. Italy's failure in 1848 42 

IV. condition of the ROMAN STATES UNDER THE 


MOVEMENTS, 1846-48 5^ 








TRINA AND VELLETRI, MAY 1849 • • • • 135 


X. THE SIEGE OF ROME, JUNE 4-29 .... I94 






Front Werner, 



From Werner. 


JUNE 22-30 ,, 211 

From Andrese (q.v. p. 363, below}. 

THE VASCELLO IN I906 ,, 213 

From a Fkotograph by Miss Dorothy Ward. 


From a Photograph by Miss Dorothy Ward. 


JUNE 29-30 ,, 217 

From Werner. 


JUNE 30, 1849 M 223 

Fro?n Werner. 


From Werner. 



From a Photograph by Mr. Hilton Young. 


BOWER ,, 264 

From a Photograph by Mr. Hilton Young. 

ST. angelo in vado „ 269 

Fron a Photograph by Mr. Hilton Young. 


From a Photograph by Mr. Hilton Young. 

macerata feltria . . „ 272 

From a Photograph by Mr. Hilton Young. 

citadel of SAN MARINO, ON EDGE OF PRECIPICE . ,, 272 
From a Photograph by Mr. Hilton Young. 


From a Plwtograph by Mr. Hilton Young. 



GATE OF SAN MARINO facing 275 

From a Photograph by Mr. Hilton Young. 


From a Photograph by Mr. Hilton Y^oung. 


From a Photograph by Mr. Hilton Young. 



ITALY, SPRING 1848 AND AUTUMN 1849 • • facing 9 

For Chaps. I. and III. 


For Chaps. I. a7id II. 

ROME, 1849 . . . „ 125 

For Chaps. VI I. -XL 


For Chaps. VIII. and XII. 


OF SIEGE, JUNE 4-2I „ I72 

For Chaps. IX. and X. 

For Chaps. X. and XI. 

CENTRAL ITALY, 1848-9 . , . . . . „ 364 

For Chaps. IV.- VI. and XII.-XVII. 





Most of iis, when we visit Rome, go up on the morning 
after our arrival to the heights of the Janiculum, and, 
standing on the terrace in front of San Pietro in Montorio, 
look back across the Tiber at the city spread beneath our 
feet, in all its mellow tints of white, and red, and brown, 
broken here and there by masses of dark green pine and 
cypress, and by shining cupolas raised to the sun. There 
it all lies beneath us, the heart of Europe and the living 
chronicle of man's long march to civilisation ; for there, 
we know, are the well-proportioned piazzas with their 
ancient columns and their fountains splashing in shade 
and sun around the sculptured water-gods of the Renais- 
sance ; the Forum won back by the spade ; and the first 
monuments of the Christian Conquest. There rise the naked 
hulks of giant ruins stripped of their imperial grandeur long 
ago by hungry generations of Papal architects ; and there, on 
the outskirts of the town, is the Pyramid that keeps watch 
over the graves. As we look down we feel the presence of 
all the centuries of European history, a score of civilisations 
dead and lying in state one beside the other ; and in the 
midst of their eternal monuments mankind still swarms 
and labours, after all its strange and varied experience, 
still intent to live, still busily weaving the remote future 
out of the immemorial past. 


And then, raising our eyes to tlie far horizon, we see 
the well-known shapes of those hills of great name, shapes 
moulded by the chance spasms of volcanoes, as they sank 
namelessly to rest long ago, leaving against the sky ridges and 
peaks to which in after days Consuls, Emperors, and Popes 
of Rome looked every morning as on famihar faces. There, 
to the north, is the spine of Soracte, famous for no reason 
except that Horace saw it from Rome — and yet so famous ; 
to the east, grey, gaunt Lucretilis pointing at the blue sky 
and hiding the valley of his Digentian farm ; to the south, 
the Alban Mount itself, the shape of which, never long out 
of sight, is hke the presiding genius of the city — Alba 
haunting us still ' — as it haunted Romulus and those 
who left its wooded slopes to colonise the Tiber bank, and 
Garibaldi as he ordered the battle day by day for a summer 
month on this very Mount Janiculum. 

Across the fifteen miles that he between the roofs of the 
capital and this great semi-circle of sacred hills, rolls sea-like 
the Campagna in waves of bare, open country. Over it, from 
the day when the Consul Aulus led out his host to the 
Porcian height yonder, to the day when Italy entered Rome 
under Victor Emmanuel, the armies of many nations, in 
many ages, for many causes, have come and gone, and each 
could have been seen slowly crawling over the vast plain. 
In the solemn hush of the distance on which we gaze, 
through the clear morning air, it seems as if that semi-circle 
of mountains were the seats of a Greek theatre whereon 
some audience of patient gods were watching an endless 
play, as if Rome were the stage on which their looks were 
centred from the distant hills to north and east and south, 
while behind, in the west, meet sea and sky, a background 
before which the short-lived actors move. It was in this, 
the greatest theatre in the world, the Eternal City, ' 5m/ 
ieatro dclle maggiori grandezze del mondo, neW Urbe,^ as 
Garibaldi called it,- that the most significant and moving 
scene of the Risorgimento was played out. 

' See Clough's Amours tie Voyage, end of CuiUo I, written during the Siege, 
1849. * i^fem. 223. 


'■ And yet among the English visitors who go on from the 
platform of San Pietro in Montorio to view the colossal 
equestrian figure of Garibaldi which holds the Janiculan 
sky-line, not many are aware how very close to this statue 
raged some of the fiercest fights in which he ever took part. 
For his sake, or for Italy's, turn aside a few steps to the 
Porta San Pancrazio. Standing under its archway we 
look out of Rome westward, up a country road, which runs 
straight for two hundred yards, and then splits off to right 
and left. At the forking of the ways our view from the 
city gate is blocked by the entrance to a beautiful garden, 
the grounds of the PamfiH-Doria. Inside that garden we see 
a slope of grass, with a path running up it to an ornamental 
arch, which now stands where the Villa Corsini once stood. 
Between the Porta San Pancrazio and this other archway 
on the hill top, some four hundred paces away, Italy poured 
out her best blood. On that narrow white road, and up 
that green slope, and in the old battered Villa Vascello on 
the right of the roadway (still left like Hougoumont in 
honourable ruin) were mowed down the chosen youth of 
Italy, the men who would have been called to make her 
laws and lead her armies, and write her songs and history, 
when her day came, but that they judged it necessary 
to die here in order that her day should come. It 
was here that Italy bought Rome, at the price of their 
blood — here at the San Pancrazio Gate, in 1849, that 
her claim on Rome was staked out and paid for ; 
twenty-one years passed, and then, in 1870, the debt was 

That there should ever have been a time when Mazzini 
ruled Rome and Garibaldi defended her walls, sounds hke 
a poet's dream. In this book I wish to record the facts 
that gave shape to that dream, to tell the story of the 
Siege of Rome, than which there is no more moving incident 
in modern history ; and, in the last six chapters, to narrate 
the events that followed as an epilogue to the siege — the 
Retreat and Escape of Garibaldi, a story no less poetical 
and no less dear to Italy's heart, though more neglected 


by English writers, because of its smaller political im- 
portance. These later events are the march of Garibaldi 
across Italy, hunted by the French, Spanish and Neapolitan 
forces through Umbria and Tuscany, into a network of four 
armies of Austrians spread over northern Umbria and the 
Romagna ; the extraordinary feats of skill and energ}^ 
with which the greatest of guerilla chiefs again and again 
disentangled his little band of followers from surrounding 
hosts, and carried them across the Apennine watershed to 
the Adriatic sea-board ; the final hunting of them into 
the territories of the Republic of San Marino, by Austrians, 
close on their heels, cruel as the dragoons of Claverhouse, 
killing or torturing all those whom they caught. Then the 
disbanding of the bulk of the Roman forces on the friendly 
neutral territory of the hill Republic, and Garibaldi's 
rush to the coast, through the enemy's cordon, with the 
last two hundred, who would not, merely to save their 
lives, give up the sacred war so long as Venice held out ; 
their midnight embarkation in the fishing boats at Cesen- 
atico ; their fatal meeting, on the way to Venice, with the 
Austrian gun-boats ; the re-landing, among the lagoons 
north of Ravenna, of Garibaldi with his dying wife in his 
arms, and Ugo Bassi, Ciceruacchio and a dozen more 
comrades, all to perish within a few days, except (strangest 
fortune !) Garibaldi and one other. I shall tell how the 
man of destiny, wandering in the marshes and the pine- 
forest of Ravenna, among regiments of soldiers seeking for 
his hfe as for the prize of the war, was preserved by the 
strange working of chance, by the iron courage and en- 
durance of the worn Odysseus himself, and by the craft, 
energy, and devotion of the Romagnuols, who guarded him 
at peril of their lives, as the West countrymen after Wor- 
cester fight guarded a less precious treasure. 

All this, and his escape back across the breadth of 
Italy to the Western sea, and embarkation in the Tuscan 
Maremma for lands of refuge where he could await his 
great day, will, together with the siege of Rome, form the 
principal theme of the book. The first half-dozen chapters 


must serve to introduce the subject to those who are not 
familiar with the history of Italy and of Garibaldi. 

I have concealed nothing prosaic and nothing discredit- 
able — ^neither Garibaldi's mistakes during the siege, nor the 
misconduct of some of his associates, nor the hostility with 
which part of the rural population regarded the red-shirts. 

Hoping to make the story of the defence of Rome, 
of the retreat of the Garibaldians and the escape of their 
chief stand out in all its details of place and colouring, 
I have not only visited the scenes in the capital and near it, 
but have walked along the whole route traversed by 
Garibaldi's column from the gate of Rome to Cesenatico 
on the Adriatic, and have visited the scenes of his adventures 
near Comacchio and Ravenna. It would, perhaps, be 
impossible to find in all Europe a district more enchanting 
to the eye by its shapes, its colours, its atmosphere, or one 
more filled with famous towns, rivers and mountains, than the 
valleys of Tiber, Nar, Clanis, Metaurus and Rubicon, across 
which they marched. Through this land of old beauty 
I have followed on foot their track of pain and death, with 
such a knowledge of where they went, and how they fared 
each day, as is not often the fortune of pilgrims who trace 
the steps of heroes.' To come, in solitary places, upon the 
very wayside fountains at which, as the survivors have 
recorded, they slaked their raging thirst, and at other turns 
of the road upon springs where they found no water that 
terrible July ; to stand on the hill whence they last saw the 
dome of St. Peter's, and that other hill where the face of 
Garibaldi brightened at sight of the Adriatic ; to traverse 
the oak woods through which they marched under the stars ; 
or where they slept through the long Italian noonday ; 
to draw breath in the quiet monastery gardens, perched 
high over hills of olive and plains of vine, wherein they 
tasted brief hours of green coolness and repose ; to scale 
the bare mountains up which they dragged their little piece 
of cannon, and descend the gorge where at the last they 

' This extremely tletailed knowledge we owe, mainly, to two men, Hoffstetter 
and Belluzzi. (See Bibliography below.) 


let it lie when the x\ustrians were hard upon them ; to see 
the streets and piazzas in which the citizens held : last 
festivals of the tricolor in honour of their passage, and the 
villages where the rearguard fought, and where the laggards 
were killed by the pursuers ; to hear the waves breaking on 
the mole whence the last of the army put to sea in the 
midnight storm ; to stand on the lonely beach and sand- 
dunes where Garibaldi waded ashore with his Anita in his 
arms, and in the room of the farmhouse where he watched 
her die, while the Austrians might at any moment have 
been knocking at the door ; to see these places and to find 
that the stor}^ is very dear to rich and poor, learned and 
ignorant, in a progressive and a free country, conscious 
that it owes progress and freedom to these heroes, both 
those who perished and those who survived — this has taught 
me what cannot be clearly learnt from the pages of Ruskin 
or Symonds, or any other of Italy's melodious mourners, 
that she is not dead but risen, that she contains not only 
ruins but men, that she is not the home of ghosts, but the 
land which the living share with their immortal ancestors. 



And other spirits there are standing apart 

Upon the forehead of the age to come ; 
These, these will give the world another heart, 

And other pulses. Hear ye not the hum 
Of mighty workings ? — 

Listen awhile, ye nations, and be dumb. — Keats (1S17). 

In these words one who never Kved to see it prophesied 
the new world. It was two years after Waterloo, a time 
of disillusion and of fainting by the way, when Europe, 
bled white by the man who was to have been her saviour, 
was again prisoner to kings whom she no longer reverenced. 
But, in fact, as Keats' instinct told him truly, the fields 
were ready for sowing, and the sowers were there unseen. 
The long unyielding sod had been broken up by the Revolu- 
tionary ploughshare, and now that the all too efficient 
ploughman was at last under lock and key, ' great spirits ' 
already ' on earth ' were * sojourning,' each destined to 
cast seed of his own into the tumbled soil. If we think 
whom the young generation contained undistinguished 
in its ranks when Keats pubhshed these lines in 1817, 
we shall see that he was speaking more truly than even he, 
in his poet's ardour and optimism, could have dared to 
hope. In England alone, where SheUey's genius was on 
tip-toe for its flight, there were at that moment, unknown 
to the world, and unknown to themselves, Darwin, Carlyle, 
Mill, Newman, Gladstone, Macaulay, Cobden, Dickens, 
Tennyson and Browning. The work of all these men taken 
together was to give our English world ' another heart and 
other pulses.' 

Nor would it be hard to draw up such a list for Con- 


tinental Europe, headed by Heine, Victor Hugo and Wagner. 
But the strangest, if not the richest, handful of fate's 
hidden treasures was ripening beneath the ItaHan sky. 
In the year that Keats wrote there might have been seen 
in the harbour of Nice (then the Itahan city of Nizza) a 
sailor's boy of ten years old, playing amid the cordage of 
his father's vessel — by name Giuseppe Garibaldi. A hun- 
dred miles further along the Riviera, in a doctor's house, 
in one of those narrow, picturesque alleys that crowd the 
hillside above the busy port of Genoa, was another boy of 
twelve, Giuseppe Mazzini. These two Josephs, whom 
neither birth nor favour had placed above their brethren, 
were destined to place themselves among the great Four 
who liberated Italy. And it was these two sons of the 
people who were to make that liberation worthy of the 
Muse, raising the story of Italian freedom to a pinnacle 
of history far above common nationalist struggles, which 
after a few centuries are forgotten by all save students. 
The sailor's and the doctor's sons made the history of 
Italy's Resurrection a part of the imperishable and inter- 
national poetry of the European races. And, as regards 
their effect upon their own time, if they did not actually 
create, at least they ennobled and intensified, the liberal 
forces which it was given to one wiser and more cunning 
to wield. For there was already in the world, in 1817, 
another boy, a nobleman's son, by name Camillo Cavour. 
The fourth of the great liberators, the man whom these 
three were between them to make King of Italy, was not 
yet born. 

So Keats prophesied, and shortly after died in Rome. 
And still, over the plains and mountain roads of Italy, the 
Austrians in their white coats and shakos moved unceasingly, 
on their fruitless, mechanical task of repression ; stared 
at with a vague but growing antipathy by the common 
people, with horror by Shelley, and willi disgust by Byron ; ^ 

' Byron to John Murray, Ravenna, February i6, 1821. ' As for news, the 
Barbarians arc marching on Naples, and if they lose a single battle, all Italy will 
be up, . . . LetUrs opened I ~\.q be sure Ihcy are, and that's the reason why I 



Spring 1848 and Autumn 1849 


while the other army of invaders, the Enghsh ' milords,' 
swelhng with the pride of Waterloo, each with his carriage, 
family, footman and ' Quarterly Review ' complete, looked 
with an indifferent contempt on Austrians and Italians, 
priests and patriots, and with hostile inquisitiveness at the 
rebel poets of their own race and caste. In such a world, 
Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Cavour grew up, each among his 

Giuseppe Garibaldi was born at Nice, in a house by the sea 
shore, on July 4, 1807, as a subject of the great Emperor. 
On Napoleon's fall he became, as did Mazzini in Genoa, 
a subject of the restored royal house of Piedmont, which 
afterwards condemned him to death for treason in 1834, was 
obliged to hand over his native province to France in i860, 
and in the same year received Sicily and Naples at his hands. 
The inhabitants of Nice were in part French and in part 
Italian by race. But Garibaldi's family was pure Italian,' 
having come from Chiavari beyond Genoa, about thirty 
years before he was born. During his boyhood, Nice 
had not yet been completely captured by the invalids and 
the wealthy of all countries,^ but still belonged to the 
natives, and Giuseppe's father, Domenico, an honest and 
simple merchant captain, owning the little vessel in which 
he traded, was typical of the best sort of native, though 
himself an immigrant from Chiavari. Like Hans Luther, 
Domenico Garibaldi gave his son a better education than his 
slender means could well afford. But he was buying costly 
seed for a stony soil, and it was with dififtculty that Giuseppe's 
parents and masters managed, until he was fifteen, to 
keep him intermittently at his desk. For there were 
the mountains behind the town, where he roamed truant, 

always put in my opinion of the German and Austrian scoundrels : there is not 
an Italian who loathes them more than I do.' — (Byron, v. 245.) 

' If, as the name is held to indicate, one of his remote ancestors was sprung 
from the Teuton conquerors in the dark ages, he was none the less an Italian 
than a man of the name of Beauchamp is, for that, less an Englishman. For 
details about his family see Gucrzoni, i. S-io; Mario, Supp. 2-8. 

- Mem. 9. 


sometimes far afield, with a cousin, a borrowed gun and a 
game pouch ; there was the harbour with the ships and the 
sailors from far countries, whose presence there and daily 
business were to youth a standing recommendation of 
romance as the common and natural avocation of man ; 
and above all there was the sea, always before his eyes, 
always in his thoughts, calling its child to its bosom. 

Forty years on, a playmate of Garibaldi described his 
recollections of these old days : — 

' Though Peppino (Giuseppe) was a bright, brave lad who 
planned all sorts of adventures, played truant when he could 
get the loan of a gun or coax one of the fishermen to take him in 
their boat, went oyster-trawling, never missed the tunny festival 
at Villafranca, or the sardine hauls at Limpia, he was often 
thoughtful and silent, and when he had a book that interested 
him would lie under the olive trees for hours reading, and then 
it was no use to try to make him join any of our schemes for 
mischief. He had a beautiful voice, and knew all the songs 
of the sailors and peasants, and a good many French ones 
besides. Even as a boy we all looked up to him and chose 
him our umpire, while the little ones regarded him as their 
natural protector. He was the strongest and most enduring 
swimmer I ever knew, and a very fish in water.' ' 

And so the education of books, which came to an end 
in 1822, never amounted to very much, partly through 
the limitations of the father's purse, but still more through 
the boy's want of eagerness for learning. He was taught 
a little Latin, which he afterwards forgot.-' He neglected 
the opportunity to learn from one of his masters what 
he calls ' the beautiful tongue of Byron,' and picked up 
English only in later years when he became, as he says, 
' the Benjamin of the lords of the ocean.' ^ But he learnt 

' Mario, Siipp. 9-II, and Mario, cd. 1905, p. 3; Mario, Vita, cd. 18S2, 
p. 3. Sec aho his own Mcmorie, 7-9. Both Garibaldi (/!/<;;«.) and Mrs. Mario's 
informant state that the first of the sixteen occasions on which he saved human 
life from drowning was when he was eight years old and saved a washerwoman 
who had fallen into a deep ditch ! Guerzoni, ii. 639. 

- Mem. 13. 

' Metn. 8, 343. Kule Oj the Monk, i. 103, and passim. His love of the 
English became with him a romantic passion, answering to his hatred of priests. 


reading and writing, and a little mathematics/and conceived 
a devotion at least to the ' idea ' of the great Italian history 
and literature of the past. Since it did not require much 
application for a Nizzardo to read French almost as well as 
Italian, he was enabled to taste Voltaire and to commit 
some of his verses to memory. But he loved better those 
of Ugo Foscolo, the liberal poet of his own race and epoch, 
whose glorious lines were often on his lips from the be- 
ginning to the end of his career, and whose melody often 
soothed him in hours of pain. Garibaldi's companions in 
South America observed that ' music and poetry had a 
magical power over him.' ' He himself often expressed 
his own emotions in verse. In short he had acquired just 
enough book learning to feed his naturally freedom-loving, 
romantic and poetical disposition, but not enough to 
chasten it, or to train his mind to wide understanding 
and deep reflection. It was largely owing to this, that 
his * native hue of resolution ' was never, either for good 
or evil, ' sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought,' and 
that his ' enterprises of great pith and moment ' were 
never known to ' lose the name of action.' ^ 

Such was the boy whom his parents, fearful of the 
dangers of the sea, strove to bring up as a solid landsman. 
But they had entered on an unequal contest, for not only 
had they no moral case (the father being himself a sailor), 
but they had to contend against a character which, when 
roused, was the most obstinate in Europe, and a nature 
whereof every part was united in rebellion against the 

It is to be remembered that he was principally conversant with two classes of our 
countrymen, the sea-going population and the active sympathisers with Italy. 

As to his knowledge of English, it was a late growth. When he was first in 
North America, in 1850, he tells us he only 'knew a few words of English.' 
(Mem. 265.) Dr. Spence Watson says that when he was at Newcastle, a few years 
later, * he spoke English,' but it was still ' very imperfect.' Sir Charles Seely, his 
host in the Isle of Wight in 1864, writes that he then spoke English 'sufficiently 
well to be understood when conversing with one or two people quietly,' but that 
he often found it difficult to follow a general conversation in English ; ' I see him 
now with a puzzled expression on his face.' My father tells me that he fell 
readily into English, when he met Englishmen by chance in Italy in 1867. 

' Cuneo, 14; Vecchrs Catrera^ 121. -' Guerzoni, i. 13-19 ; Mem. 7-9. 


prospect of an unad venturous life. And there was yet a 
third party in the family disputes, the sea, always present, 
with voice and look encouraging the rebel. 

At the age of fifteen Garibaldi took the decisive step. 
Let him tell the story in his own most characteristic 
fashion : 

* Tired of school, and unable to endure a sedentary life, I 
propounded one day to some companions of my own age, to 
run away to Genoa, without any definite plan, but meaning in 
effect to seek our fortune. No sooner said than done, we seized 
a boat, embarked some provisions and fishing-tackle, and sailed 
eastward. We were already off Monaco, when a vessel sent 
by my good father overhauled us and brought us back deeply 
humiliated. An Abbe had revealed our flight. See what a 
coincidence ! An Abbe, the embryo of a priest, perhaps saved 
me, and I am so ungrateful as to persecute these poor priests ! 
All the same, a priest is an impostor, and I devote myself to 
the sacred cult of truth. 

' My comrades in the adventure, whom I recall, were Cesare 
Parodi, Raffaele Deandreis ; I have forgotten the others. 

' Here it gives me joy to bring to mind the young men of 
Nice : agile, strong, brave, splendid social and military material, 
but unfortunately led on the wrong path, first by the priests, 
then by depravity brought in from foreign parts, which has 
turned the beautiful Cimele of the Romans into the cosmopolitan 
seat of all that is corrupt.' ' 

But the foiled revolt had taken effect as a demonstra- 
tion, the paternal government surrendered, and Giuseppe 
was sent to sea with all proper constitutional formalities, 
apparently in the year 1822. The last voyage of Shelley 
was in the same year and on the same coast as the first of 

From the age of fifteen to the age of twenty-five he 
worked his way up from cabin-boy to captain in the 
merchant craft of Nice. He applied himself strenuously to 
all the learning that is useful to one who commands a ship 

' Mem. 9. I generally quote Werner's translation of the Memoyie, though 
not in this case. The references in the notes are always to the authorised Italian 
edition (i8SS). 


— mastering the necessary mathematics, geography, astro- 
nomy and commercial law. ' I set to work with books 
by myself, and all my practical knowledge I owe to my 
first captain, Pesante ; the rest came of itself.' ' 

And so the sea became the real school of Garibaldi ; 
it was there that his body and mind were drilled to endure 
every hardship, and his qualities as a man of action trained 
as only the sailor's life can train them. But while his 
powers were developed in a practical direction, his ideas 
became more than ever romantic. For on what manner 
of seas, in what ships was he sailing ? Not on the well- 
policed ocean of to-day, more orderly than a London 
street, but in the Levant during the Greek War of Independ- 
ence ; in the seas of old romance, of pirates, Turks and 
revengeful Giaours with long guns and knives, and fierce, 
dark faces ; among old historic tyrannies cruel as fate, 
and new-born hopes of liberty fresh and dear as the morning ; 
among the sunburnt isles and promontories that roused 
Byron's jaded passions to splendour, that were even at 
that moment witnessing his self-immolation and apotheosis ; 
in those waters young Garibaldi caught, not from books but 
from the words, gestures and stories of men in earnest, the 
only true gospel of Byron, the idea that was constructive 
of the coming epoch — the belief that it is better to die for 
freedom than to live a slave." 

Three times on these seas he was captured and robbed 
by pirates.^ It was a world of which Scott or Stevenson 
would love to tell enchanted tales. In outward appearance, 
too, the crews and the ships with which Garibaldi sailed had 
about them all the colour, poetry and grace of the old 
world. From his own loving recollections of the ship in 
which he made his first voyage, it would seem that she bore 
little resemblance to the famous paddle-steamers that long 
afterwards took him and his Thousand to Sicily : 

' How beautiful wert thou, O bark " Costanza," whereon 

' Mario, Supp. lo. * Cufuo, i6. ^ Denkwiirdigkeiten, i. 13. 


I was to plough the Mediterranean, and then the Black Sea, 
for the first time ! 

* Thy ample sides, thy lithe masts, thy large deck, and even 
thy broad-breasted female figure-head, will remain for ever 
engraved on my imagination. How gracefully thy San Remo 
sailors, true types of our brave Ligurians, swung themselves 
about. With what delight I sought the forecastle to hear their 
songs of the people, their harmonious choruses ! They sang 
of love, and softened or excited me with an emotion that I was 
then too young to understand. Ah ! that they had sung to me 
of our country — of Italy, of rebellion, of slavery. Alas ! none 
had taught them to be Italian patriots, champions of the dignity 
of mankind. Who was there to tell us young men that there 
was an Italy, a country to avenge, to redeem ? Who ? With 
the priests as our only instructors ! ' ' 

Garibaldi had not been brought up at home in the idea 
either of liberalism or of Italy. His father and mother 
were genuinely pious and indifferently conservative, and the 
Nizzard sailors had not been touched by Carbonarism. It 
was on his voyages in the Levant that he first came across 
men with the passion for liberty, and it was beyond the sea 
that he first met Italian patriots, exiles who instructed him 
that he had a country, and that she bled. He, too, like 
these Greeks, had a country for which to fight. What a 
thought ! Nay, what a passion ! It seized him in early 
youth, like first love — the revelation of life. Henceforth 
he was a man devoted, with an aim ahead that had in it 
nothing of self. Italy first, Italy last, and always Italy i 
Nor till the day of his death did his zeal and love once 
waver. He believed in Italy as the Saints believed in God. 

The second of his numerous voyages was a short one, 
coasting along Italy in his father's own little craft [tartana). 
They touched in the Papal States, and Domenico took his 
boy to see Rome. Little did the good man know what 
he was doing. The emotion with which the most poetically 

' Mem. 9, lo. The system of clerical education and espionage was one of 
the reasons why liberal ideas made so little headway in the territorii-s of Piedmont 
before Mazzini began the ' Voung Italy 'movement of 1831. 'Priests were 
almost the only schoolmasters and professors.' — AVm^'^, i. 47. 


minded of the world's fcomous warriors looked for the first 
time on the Coliseum, and the other ruins of his country's 
greatness, has been described by himself. That emotion 
was only intensified by memory and years of longing in 
exile ; it became inextricably associated with political 
ideas which were, one suspects, not quite so fully developed 
in the mind of the youth at eighteen as the man afterwards 

' The Rome/ he writes, ' that I beheld with the eyes of my 
youthful imagination was the Rome of the future — the Rome 
that, shipwrecked, dying, banished to the furthest depths of 
the American forests, I never despaired of ; the regenerating 
idea of a great nation, the dominant thought and inspiration 
of my whole life.' ^ 

He was, in fact, to spend his long and splendid man- 
hood in trying to fight his way back to Rome. The second 
time that he saw the city was more than twenty years later, 
when, in 1848-49, he came armed to defend her. Then another 
eighteen years went by, and he saw her once more, from afar, 
in the Mentana campaign, but could not enter. Finally, 
as an old man, he followed in, when Victor Emmanuel 
had opened the way. And now, from his pedestal on the 
Janiculum, he seems to take his fill of the sight, of which 
he dreamed all his life long. 

At the age of twenty-four (February 1832) he quaUfied 
officially as a merchant captain. But those were not 
times when such a man as Garibaldi had now become 
would long pursue a peaceful calling under a despotic 
Government. It was the era of the Enghsh Reform Bill ; 
of the Revolution that finally drove the Bourbons from 
France ; of the Carbonaro risings in Central Italy, associated 
in history with the name of the patriot Ciro Menotti. It 
was once again a moment such as 1789 had seemed to 
Wordsworth, when it was ' a joy to be alive ' — though there 

' Mem. II, 223. Cuneo, 15, shows that he had, before 1850, spoken to his 
friends of the profound impression made on him by this first visit to Rome, 
(See Rxde of the Monk, i. 12, 13, on the Coliseum.) 


were many Italian Liberals who did not experience that 
particular form of pleasure for long. The Austrians put 
down the momentarily successful revolutions in Central 
Italy, with the usual hecatomb of martyrs. Brave Menotti 
was hanged (1831). But on the ruins of the Carbonaro 
lodges the Association of ' Young Italy ' was at once formed 
by Mazzini, the student of Genoa. 

The back-wash of these great events and movements of 
Western Europe met Garibaldi far across the waters of the 
Levant. In 1832 the young captain fell in with a group of 
Saint-Simonians, exiled from France, who indoctrinated 
him with their gentle revolutionary mysticism. Next year, 
in a port of the Black Sea, he found a man whom he was 
better fitted to assist, a young Genoese named Cuneo, one 
of Mazzini's original group, who told him of ' Young Italy,' 
and that it was his duty to join the Association. ' Columbus,' 
he says, ' was not as happy at the discovery of America, 
as I at finding a man actually engaged in the redemption 
of our country.' Cuneo, snatched thus suddenly to Gari- 
baldi's heart, remained one of the best and closest friends 
of his early life, both in Europe and America, and in the 
year 1850 became his first biographer.^ 

On his return from this momentous voyage. Garibaldi 
hastened to Marseilles, where Mazzini was already living in 
exile after his first imprisonment. The two met here for 
the first time, and Garibaldi joined ' Young Italy,' assuming 
for the purposes of the Association the }iom dc guerre of 
' Borel.' - 

In the ' Manifesto of Young Italy,' issued by Mazzini 
in 1831,'' we read that Italy must be founded on ' the three 
inseparable bases of Independence, Unity, and Liberty ' — 
that is, the Austrian must go, the various small States must 
be united in one, and democratic government with liberty 
of opinion must be established. This dream has become 
solid fact, largely because of the zeal with which the mission- 
aries of ' Young Italy ' in the 'thirties and 'forties secretly 

' Mem. 14 ; Cutieo, 5, 6, 16; Guerzoiii, i. 31-35. 

- Deukwiirdigkeiten, i. I? ; Mazzini^ i. 96, note. ^ Mazzini, i. 67-9. 


pushed their prohibited writings throughout the length and 
breadth of the Peninsula. Men who had never learnt from 
the Carbonari anything more definite than a passion for 
Hberty, now heard of Italian unity, of democracy, of social 
reform. But the Mazzinian cult was more than a political 
programme, it was a religious and ethical movement, 
compelling men to a new life of self-sacrifice. It was as a 
pubUshing agency for its Chief that the ' Young Italy Asso- 
ciation ' did its great work. As a society for organising 
revolutions it was even more futile than the old Carbonari.^ 

One part of the new programme, which Mazzini con- 
sidered essential, was destined to failure. The form of 
democratic government, he said, must be republican. Now, 
in the 'thirties constitutional monarchy was impossible 
for Italy, because there was no constitutional monarch ; 
Cavour and Victor Emmanuel had not yet appeared, and 
indeed the first efforts of ' Young Italy ' were actually 
directed against the House of Savoy, in whose Kingdom of 
Piedmont the movement had its birth. Victor Emmanuel's 
father, King Charles Albert, though he hated the Austrian 
and had visions of the ghost of Italy, had also strong clerical 
leanings, and was in his political nature autocratic rather 
than constitutional ; at present he was fully in the league 
of Italian Governments, for the surveillance and suppression 
of Liberalism.- He continued the censorship in the clerical 
and reactionary interest, so that in his dominions men read 
the books and papers of Liberal France at their peril, and by 
stealth. It had long been considered an offence in Mazzini 
that ' he walked by himself at night absorbed in thought ' ; 
the Governor of Genoa had complained of it to his 
father, saying : ' We don't like young people thinking with- 
out knowing the subject of their thoughts.' ' In fact the 
Government was less odious than in other parts of the 
Peninsula, only because it was independent of the Austrian, 

' Farini (i. 86) says of * Young Italy,' to which he was hostile : * A portion 
of the youth ' (of the Roman States) ' learned its spirit and its formulas, and 
dopted its creed without enlisting in the sect.' 

E.g., Roman MSS., F.R., T, it. ^ King's Mazuni, i8. 



and because, ruling over a more conservative people, it 
had less often to resort to violence and espionage. But if 
ever Charles Albert was met by the spirit of revolt, he could 
show himself as cruel as a Bourbon, though, with character- 
istic uncertainty of purpose, the mystic allowed his con- 
science to brood over his cruelties even while he was 
committing them. And so, when in 1833 ' Young Italy ' 
began to conspire against him in earnest, a series of execu- 
tions and tortures by courts-martial, which seem to have 
left a permanent shade of melancholy over the life of the 
King who ordered them, shocked Europe, and goaded the 
Mazzinians to a desperate attempt.^ 

The main plot began to ripen soon after Garibaldi 
joined the headquarters of the exiles at Marseilles. There 
were hopes that the soldiers would join the rebelhon, for 
in the Piedmontese army, as in the French army of that 
date, there were liberal elements, originating in that 
contempt for the ancien regime and its representatives 
which victory under Napoleon's banners had taught to 
the Italian veterans. If in youth one has trampled on 
kings and monks, from Lisbon to Moscow, one does not 
crouch to them readily in later years. Besides, many to 
whom Napoleon had opened the career had been degraded 
in rank after the Restoration.- Relying on assistance 
from such malcontents, Mazzini, in February 1834, invaded 
Savoy from Swiss territory, with a cosmopohtan crowd of 
enthusiasts — Italians, Poles, Germans and French. Mean- 
while the seductive Nizzard captain, with the open coun- 
tenance and long curling locks of chestnut-gold, had 
been sent to Genoa to win over the fleet to revolution ; 
he dehberately entered the Royal Navy with the object of 
corrupting it from its allegiance. 

Although Garibaldi undertook his first venture against 
tyranny with the readiness that he so often showed 
when asked to run his head against a wall, this was 
not one of those walls that so miraculously fell before 
him. As no one rose, either in the sea-ports or on the 

' Delia Kocca, 30, 36. ■' Ibid. 1 2 


Swiss border, Mazzini in a few days was back in Switzerland ; 
while Garibaldi, disguised as a peasant, escaped from 
Genoa and stole across the mountains to Nice, and thence 
safely into France. The first time he ever read his name 
in print was when, on reaching Marseilles, he saw in the 
papers that the Piedmontese Government had condemned 
him to death, a proceeding which it is difficult to blame 
if we consider that he was known to the authorities only 
as a sailor who had entered the Royal service in order 
to betray it. When we think that if a few turns of the 
dice had gone differently, the father of Victor Emmanuel 
would have succeeded in snuffing out the lives of Mazzini 
and Garibaldi at this point, we may see that history is 
something far more wonderful than a process of evolution 
which science can estimate or predict. 

When, in 1864, Garibaldi came to our island to receive, 
as the redeemer of Italy and the chosen hero of England, 
an ovation so tremendous that it frightened Europe and 
even Palmerston himself, on one of those festal occasions 
he ' looked through all the roaring and the wreaths ' where 
sat a certain patient, neglected figure, come among the 
rest to honour him, and his heart went back thirty years 
to the days when, as a young merchant captain, he had first 
seen Mazzini at Marseilles. Since then bitter quarrels 
had divided them ; but the sight of his old friend over- 
whelmed all meaner thoughts of him. 

' I rise/ said Garibaldi to the assembled company, ' to 
make a declaration which I ought to have made long since. 
There is a man here amongst us who has rendered the greatest 
services to our country and to the cause of freedom. When I 
was a youth and had only aspirations towards good, I sought 
for one able to act as the guide and counsellor of my youthful 
years. I sought such a guide as one who is athirst seeks the 
water-spring. I found this man. He alone watched when 
all around slept, he alone kept and fed the sacred flame. . . . 
This man is Joseph Mazzini: he is my friend and teacher.' ^ 

' Mario, Supplement, 372. During the same visit of 1864, they met in 
the Isle of Wight. ' As soon as Garibaldi saw Mazzini he greeted him in the 


Having made the ports of Europe too hot to hold him, 
Garibaldi disappeared from the Old World for twelve years 
{1836-48), to reappear famous when next his country had 
need of him. Shortly after the fiasco at Genoa, he found 
it best to carry his fortunes to South America, whither, 
then, as now, Italians, discontented with their prospects 
at home, often betook themselves. The Pilgrim Fathers of 
that epoch, who showed modern Italy the way to her New 
World, were not numerous, but they were choice. Many 
were political exiles. As the friend and hero of these, 
Garibaldi there learned war and leadership : 

Having first within his ken 
What a man might do with men. 

Scarcely had he landed in South America (1836) when 
he formed one of the great friendships of his youth with 
the Genoese exile Rossetti. They became like David and 
Jonathan. Having set up together in Rio Janeiro as mer- 
chants, for nine months they traded in a little vessel along 
the eastern coasts of the Continent. But Garibaldi was 
already discontented with ' the inglorious arts of peace.' 
' We are destined for greater things,' he wrote to Cuneo, 
in December 1836.' At length, on the invitation of another 
Italian exile, he took service under the infant Republic 
of Rio Grande do Sul, which was then beginning a struggle 
for independence against the Brazilian Empire.- As the 
Republicans had not yet got a ship at sea, the appeal 
touched Garibaldi's sympathies to the quick, and so in his 
thirtieth year, for the first time in his life, he turned his 
hand to war, as a buccaneer with letters of marque from 
the rebel govermnent. He and his friend Rossetti armed a 

old patois of ihe lagoons of Genoa. It affected Mazzini, to whom it brought 
back scenes of their early career, when the inspiration of Italian freedom first 
began.' — Holyoakc, i. 239. GiU7-zoni, ii. 352, 360. 

' Cuncoy iS ; Episiolario, 3. 

' ' A strong Spanish element existed in that province (Rio Grande), and it 
was not disposed to settle down quietly under Portuguese Imperialism, when 
their co-patiiots a few miles farther south (in Uruguay) were enjoying Republican 
institutions.' — Winniitgton-Iii^iani, 93. Brazil conqucicd, after a long and 
exhaustin;" oUju^Ic. 


fishing boat, and therein set out with a dozen companions 
to wage war alone against the giant Empire of Brazil, ' the 
first to unfurl on those southern coasts the Republican 
banner of Rio Grande, a banner of freedom.' ^ Well was 
the little boat called Mazzini. But they soon changed it 
for a larger ship which they had captured, and continued 
the struggle with ever-increasing success. 

Gradually Garibaldi's warfare became amphibious, and 
before long, celebrated as he was for his exploits at sea, 
he was yet more celebrated as a guerilla chief, leading 
bodies of a few hundred, sometimes a few thousand men, 
across the vast upland plains and forests and river gorges 
of the Continent, that lay between the Atlantic and the 
Parana River. The cavalry, who were often the more 
numerous arm, were natives of the wilderness, horsemen 
bom and bred, and magnificently mounted ; hardy and 
resourceful as the Boers, they had more dash, and liked 
close quarters. Their favourite weapon was the lance ; 
though many used the sabre, together with the lasso or the 
bolas, hunting the enemy and casting at him, as they had 
learnt to do in pursuit of the swift-footed ostrich.^ Other- 
wise the warfare must in many respects have resembled 
the warfare on the veldt. It was necessary to traverse 
enormous distances across country, far from the haunts 
of man ; to need no food but the cattle which the troops 
drove with them and slaughtered at meal time, roasting 
the flesh Homerically on green spits ; ^ yet always to know 
the whereabouts and strength of the enemy, to fall on him 
when he was weaker, and when he was stronger to vanish 
into space over the prairie or hide in the dense tropical 
forests. Garibaldi, after he had faced the French and 
Austrian armies, declared that no civilised troops were 
such skilled horsemen, so Spartan in their endurance of a 

' Me7n. 16. 

* More properly called the Rhea Americana ; for an account of the bird and 
this method of hunting it, see The Naturalist in La Plata, W. H. Hudson, 
26, 27, See also note, p. 23 below, on ostrich hunting and the bolas. 

^ Garibaldi in 1849 declared that he had 'lived on flesh and water for five 
years ' in America. — Roman MSS. Bait, Univ. 


campaign, or so courageous in their onset, as the Gaucho 
and Matrero Spaniards and half-breeds, or the freed negro 
horse-breakers, whom he led to these nameless scuffles in 
the wilderness.' 

The ' bright breezy uplands ' of Southern Brazil and 
Uruguay are more fitted for guerilla achievements than 
the dead level of the Pampas proper, which stretches away 
south and west of the Plata River towards the Andes. For 
the provinces over which Garibaldi ranged and fought, for 
the most part consist of an undulating plateau, raised high 
on a barrier of precipices above the sea level, cut by deep 
river gorges filled with forests for refuge, and traversed 
by ridges whence a soldier's eye could scan vast tracts 
of country and locate enemies and friends.^ 

These new scenes and actions stirred Garibaldi's blood, 
touched his imagination, called out his latent qualities, 
and for awhile satisfied his exuberant being. In his old 
age, as he sat brooding, restless, discontented with the 
adoration of his countrymen whom he had freed, and the 
applause of the world whose heart he had made to throb, 
the old man looked back with fond regret on those days of 
youth and strength and speed, on the still virgin plains, 
among the noble wild animals, and the noble wild men who 
had followed him in war : 

'The vast undulating plains of Uruguay (he says) present 
a landscape entirely new to a European, and more particularly 
to an Italian, accustomed from childhood to a country where 
every inch of ground is covered with houses, hedges, or other 
labour of man's hands. . . . The plains are covered with short 
grass except along the course of the arroyos (streamlets), or in 
the canadas (dips in the ground) overgrown with maciega (a tall, 
reed-like grass). The banks of the rivers and the sides of the 
arroyos are covered with fine woods, often containing timber 
of a tolerable size. These lands, so favoured by nature, are 
inhabited chiefly by horses and cattle, antelopes and ostriches. 
Man, here a veritable centaur, rarely visits them. 

' Alem. passim, e.g. pt. i. chaps, xxv, xxxix. ; and pt. ii. chap. ix. p. 241. 
' R. C S. P., viii. 364, 5, and map; Hudson's A'ir/Mra//^/, 2-5. 


' What a handsome fellow is the stallion of the Pampas ! His 
lips have never winced at the iron bit, and his glossy back, 
never crossed by a rider, shines like a diamond in the sun. His 
flowing, uncombed mane floats over his flanks when, assembling 
in his pride the scattered mares, or flying from human pursuit, 
he outruns the wind. 

' Who can conceive the feelings awakened in the heart of a 
buccaneer of twenty-five ' by his first sight of that untamed 
nature ? To-day, December 20, 1871, bending with stiffened 
limbs over the fire, I recall with emotion those scenes of the 
past, when life seemed to smile on me, in the presence of the 
most magnificent spectacle I ever beheld. I for my part am 
old and worn. Where are those splendid horses ? Where are 
the bulls, the antelopes, the ostriches which beautified and 
enlivened those pleasant hills ? Their descendants no doubt 
will still roam over those fertile pastures, and will do so till 
steam and iron come to increase the riches of the soil, but destroy 
those marvellous scenes of nature.- ' 

Garibaldi had, perhaps, the most romantic life that 
history records, for it had all the trappings as well as the 
essence of romance. Though he lived in the nineteenth 

' He was really about thirty when he first visited these upland plateaus. 

2 Mem. 20-22. Here is an account of a typical hunt after the South American 
ostrich (rhea), Robertson'' s Paraguay, i. 238-240 : 

' With crest erect and angry eye, towering above all herbage, our game flew 
from us, by the combined aid of wings and limbs, at the rate of sixteen miles an 
hour. The chase lasted half of that time, when an Indian /£(?«, starting ahead of 
the close phalanx of his mounted competitors, whirled his bolas, with admirable 
grace and dexterity, around his head, and with deadly aim flung them over the 
half-running, half-flying, but now devoted ostrich. Irretrievably entangled, 
down came the giant bird, rolling, fluttering, panting, and, being in an instant 
despatched, the company of the field stripped him of his feathers and stuck them 
in their girdles.' Garibaldi must in his day have witnessed many such chases. 
He and his followers in Italy in 1848-49 wore ostrich feathers in their hats, 
perhaps in memory of their friend the rhea of South America. 

On p. 239, Robertson says : ' The bolas, next to the lasso, are the ga^icho's 
most formidable weapon. They consist of three round heavy stones, each about 
the size of a large orange, covered with hide, and attached to three plaited 
ihongs, which diverge from each other, and form a centre, every thong being 
about five feet in length. These, when thrown with unerring aim, as they 
almost invariably are, at the legs of an animal at full speed, twist and entangle 
themselves around them, and bring him with a terrible impulse to the ground.' 


centuty, it was yet his fortune never to take full part in 
the common prose life of civiHzed men, and so he never 
understood it, though he moved it profoundly, like a great 
wind blowing off an unknown shore. He never had educa- 
tion, either intellectual, diplomatic, or political ; even his 
mihtary training was that of the guerilla chief ; nor, till 
he was past learning, did he experience the ordinary life 
of the settled citizen. Though all must acknowledge 
that, by the secret ordering of the mysteries of birth, he 
had been created with more in him of the divine than any 
training can give, yet we cannot fail to perceive, in studying 
the slight records of the first forty years of his life, how 
much the natural tendencies of his genius, in their strength 
and in their weakness, were enhanced by circumstance. 

And so, when in 1848 he returned to fight for Italy, 
in the full strength of matured manhood — at the time 
of Hfe when Cromwell first drew sword — he had been 
sheltered, ever since he went to sea at fifteen, from every 
influence which might have turned him into an ordinary man 
or an ordinary soldier. 

He had had two schools — the seas of romance, and 
the plateaus of South America. He had lived on ship-board 
and in the saddle. The man who loved Italy as even she 
has seldom been loved, scarcely knew her. The soldier of 
modern enlightenment was himself but dimly enlightened. 
Rather, his mind was like a vast sea cave, filled with the 
murmur of dark waters at flow and the stirring of nature's 
greatest forces, lit here and there by streaks of glorious 
sunshine bursting in through crevices hewn at random 
in its rugged sides. He had all the distinctive qualities 
of the hero, in their highest possible degree, and in their 
very simplest form. Courage and endurance without 
hmit ; tenderness to man and to all living things, which 
was never blunted by a life-time of war in two hemispheres 
among combatants often but half civilized ; the power to 
fill men with ardour by his presence and to stir them by his 
voice to great deeds ; but above all the passion to be striking 
a blow for the oppressed, a passion which could not be 


quenched by failure, nor checked by reason, nor sated by 
success, old age, and the worship of the world. 

These qualities, perhaps, could not have existed in 
a degree so pre-eminent, in the person either of a sage or 
of a saint. Without, on the one hand, the child-like sim- 
plicity that often degenerated into folly, and on the other 
hand, the full store of common human passions that made 
him one with the multitude, he could never have been so 
ignorant of despair and doubt, so potent to overawe his 
enemies, to spread his own infectious daring among his 
followers and to carry men blindfold into enterprises 
which would have been madness under any other chief. 
The crowning work of his life was in i860, when he landed 
with a thousand ill-armed volunteers in the Island of Sicily, 
to overcome a garrison of 24,000 well-armed and well- 
discipHned men. Moltke could no more have conquered 
Sicily with such means, than Garibaldi could have planned 
the battle of Sedan. 

Such was the hero in victory. But this book is a study 
of the hero in defeat ; it is the story of Garibaldi in 1849, 
and before it can be told, it is necessary to introduce the 
heroine, his tender Amazon, Anita. 




Oh verdi, interminabili, deserte 
distese della Pampa ! oh pascolanti 
saure, del fren della sua mano esperte ! 

Ivi ella crebbe con 1' alte erbe ondanti, 
ivi Ei le apparve, biondo come il sole, 
e la guardo con gli occhi scincillanti . . . 

Marradi. — Rapsodia Garibaldi na. 

It was part of Italy's good luck in Garibaldi, that, thanks 
to his splendid physique and to his singular fortune in the 
thick of battle, he survived the perils of these dozen years 
of buccaneering and guerilla war, under conditions that 
would have killed a weaker man, even without the inter- 
vention of a bullet.' But her other children fell fast 
around him. Rossetti, and many exiles worthy of her love 
and gratitude, perished one after the other by shipwreck or 
by the sword, and their bones were lost in the ocean, or 
buried in the strange land. Garibaldi grieved deeply till 
the end of his life that their graves were unmarked, and 
their memories unknown to the country for whom they 
had given up all and gone to die so far away. They were, 
indeed, more truly her martyrs than martyrs of those Re- 
publics in whose service they fell. Their forgotten names 

' Feni N.A.y April 1889, 432. He survived the dangers, not only of ship- 
wreck and of battle, of starvation and of exposure in those vast unreclaimed 
lands, but even the tender mercies of his enemies ; once, early in his South 
American career, he endured two hours of torture, hung up by his wrists from 
the beams in the prison ceiling, while the jeering populace looked on through 
the doorway. 'Such agonies,' he says, 'cannot l)e described.' They could 
wring nothing from him, though he nearly died of his sufferings. Mem. 32 
Cuneo, 22. 


are not inscribed, like those of their successors, on the 
municipal tablets of famous Italian cities, for they lived in 
days when to love Italy was to burn with an unrequited 

Garibaldi had no fear of death, but he had a poetic 
horror of the oblivion that too soon overtakes the memory 
of the brave. Once, in the early years of his American 
buccaneering, when he himself, struck down on deck by a 
bullet, lay for several days at the point of death, he be- 
sought one of his friends to bury him on land, earnestly 
entreating, in the words of Ugo Foscolo, for 

' a stone 
To mark my bones from the unnumbered bones 
Which o'er the fields and waves are sown by death.' ' 

Not long after that, he was shipwrecked, and though his 
famous powers of swimming brought him safe to land, 
several of his dear Italian friends sank before his eyes, in 
spite of his efforts to save them. Thrown ashore, in the 
Brazilian Province of Santa Caterina, he and his amphi- 
bious following at once took part as soldiers in the capture 
of the important town of Laguna ; they were welcomed as 
liberators by the Republican inhabitants, and Garibaldi 
was sent on board the captured fleet of the Imperialists, 
where it rode in the lagoon that gives its name to the 
city. It was in the year 1839. ^^ paced up and down the 
deck of his newly acquired flagship, ' the top-sail schooner 
Itaparica, of seven guns,' but he was in no victor's mood. 
The recent loss of so many friends had struck him with 
melancholy, and he began to feel the loneliness of his Hfe. 
His heart turned to the natural remedy. The ladies of the 
Central States of South America, both in the towns and in 
the up-country ranches, combined many of the exquisite 
graces of old Spanish refinement and courtesy with the 

' Mem. 28 ; Cnneo, 20. 

' un sasso 
Che distingua le mie dalle infinite 
Ossa che in terra e in mar semina morte.' 

Dei Sefiokri, lines 1 3- 15. 


greater freedom and hardihood of a race of settlers in a new 
and spacious land ; nor was the love of letters and poetr}' 
by any means wanting among them. Since this favourable 
opinion was formed by staid English merchants, who travelled 
widely in these regions, and had intimate dealings with its 
inhabitants, it is not surprising to find that it was also the 
experience of the susceptible and romantic child of the 
Mediterranean/ In the course of his roving life he had 
been, several times, furiously, but briefly, in love. He felt 
that he must now win for himself an object on which he 
could fix his aifections. His own artless narrative is alone 
worthy to introduce Anita : 

• The loss of Luigi, Edoardo, and others of my countrymen, 
left me utterly isolated ; I felt quite alone in the world. . . . 
I needed a human heart to love me, one that I could keep always 
near me. I felt that unless I found one immediately, life would 
become intolerable. . . . By chance I cast my eyes towards 
the houses of the Barra, a tolerably high hill on the south side 
of the entrance to the lagoon, where a few simple and picturesque 
dwellings were visible. Outside one of these, by means of the 
telescope I usually carried with me when on deck, I espied a 
young woman, and forthwith gave orders for the boat to be 
got out, as I wished to go ashore.' 

The girl, whose dark features and hair, virile carriage 
and determined face he had examined to such good purpose 
through his telescope, may or may not have been watching 
the handsome figure on the deck. At least she knew 
well enough who Garibaldi was, and what deeds he had 
done ; for he was already to the rebels of Brazil what he 
afterwards became to his countrymen in Europe, and he 
had just taken part in the liberation of Anita's native town. 
Her name was Anita Riberas ; she was a maiden of eighteen 
years of age, and her father had betrothed, or, at any rate, 
promised her, to a suitor whom she could not love. 

Meanwhile Garibaldi was being rowed ashore : 

' I landed, and, making for the houses where I expected to 
find the object of my excursion, I had just given up hope of 
' Robertson's P., i. 105-7, 199-206; Me7H. 23-4. 


seeing her again, when I met an inhabitant of the place whose 
acquaintance I had made soon after our arrival. 

* He invited me to take coffee in his house ; we entered, and 
the first person who met my eyes was the damsel who had 
attracted me ashore. . . . We both remained enraptured and 
silent, gazing on one another like two people who meet not 
for the first time, and seek in each other's faces something 
which makes it easier to recall the forgotten past. At last I 
greeted her by saying, Tu devi esser mia, " Thou oughtest to be 
mine." I could speak but little Portuguese, and uttered the 
bold words in Italian. Yet my insolence was magnetic. I had 
formed a tie, pronounced a decree, which death alone could 

The story of so sudden a wooing is out of the common ; 
but he and she were both very far out of the common. Gari- 
baldi's rash pledging of himself for life to one whom he 
knew so little is consonant with his character, and has a 
close parallel in an action of his later life which chanced 
to be as unfortunate as this chanced to be happy. He read 
in Anita's face and bearing the clear imprint of all those 
Amazonian qualities of mind and body that made her, in 
fact, the only possible wife worthy, or able, to bear him 
company in flood and field, and mate his adventurous 
spirit at its own level. She, a woman most direct and 
valiant, highly strung, too, by the prospect of the forced 
marriage that awaited her, suddenly saw face to face the 
Hero of her time and country, with his hon-Uke head 
and flowing mane of gold, come as her deliverer, armed 
with the irresistible might of his will. Who, indeed, would 
have wished to resist, when love flashed from those * small 
piercing eyes,' ' full of smouldering fire,' and sounded in 
that voice, so ' calm and deliberate,' yet ' low and veiled, 
almost tremulous with inner emotion ' ? ^ 

That power of personal attraction and moral dominion 
over others, with which Garibaldi seems to have been 

' ' Probably a human face so like a lion, and still retaining the humanity 
nearest the image of its Maker, was never seen ' (Maytimn^o Cesarescd's ' Italy,' 
148). The description of his eyes and voice is from Hawcii's recollections of 
I boo. 


endowed beyond any man of modern times, was in great 
part due to something in his voice and to something in his 
eyes. Written and oral traditions ahke record the peculiar 
manner in which the light of those eyes changed when he 
was deeply moved. General Mitre, who knew him in his 
South American days, wrote of him thus : 

' His face was quiet and grave, and his smile appeared on it 
without altering that character. His blue eyes alone revealed 
his emotions, by taking on a dark colour like that of the sea, 
which while it remains quiet nurses the tempest which is brooding 
in its depths.' ' 

Under this spell, Anita in a moment gave away for 
ever her heart, her soul, and her life. 

There was no hope that her other suitor would forgo 
his claim, favoured as it was by her father, and since in those 
rough times and lands possession was nine points of the 
law, Garibaldi, a few nights later, came back and carried 
her off on board his ship, under the protection of his guns 
and mariners. The stoiy of that cutting-out expedition 
has never been told in any further detail, nor is it possible 
to say whether secrecy sufficed or whether force was 

Such was the beginning of a love story of nearly ten 
years of married life which none of the world's famous 
legends of love surpass in romance and beauty. But it 
closed in the tragedy among the marshes of Ravenna. The 
horrors of the hour when she died in his arms, a martyr to 
Italy and to him, for awhile darkened his spirit, so that he 
failed to see how splendid he had made her life, how bright 
was the place her life and death would take in his country's 
history. In this mood he bitterly reproached himself — 
but no one clearly knows for what : 

' I had come upon a forbidden treasure, but yet a treasure of 
great price. If guilt there was, it was mine alone. And there 
was guilt. Two hearts were joined in infinite love ; but an 
innocent existence was shattered. She is dead ; I am wretched ; 

' La Fatria, June 19, 1904. 


and he is avenged, yes, avenged ! On the day when, vainly 
hoping to bring her back to life, I clasped the hand of a corpse, 
with bitter tears of despair, then I knew the evil I had wrought. 
I sinned greatly, but I sinned alone.' ' 

The publication of these words for awhile led many to 
suppose that Garibaldi had gone off with another man's 
wife. But the evidence of his South American friends, the 
terms of his marriage certificate, and the traditions of the 
Garibaldi family, have made it clear that this was not the 
case. Anita Riberas was about to be married against her 
will to a man whom she did not love, so she was carried off 
by Garibaldi, and had a perfect right to go with him. But 
there is some mysterious event, hinted at by Garibaldi 
in these words, which he was never willing to talk of or to 
explain. - 

Anita and her lover were legally married as soon as they 
returned from the wilderness to civilisation, at Monte Video, 
after an enforced delay of more than two years.^ Their sudden 
resolve to cast in their lot together, though it was the rash 
inspiration of a moment, was approved by time. Neither 
of these remarkable persons could ever have married any 
one else on equal terms. The elopement with Anita was 
the Sicilian expedition of Garibaldi's private life ; and for 
Italy, too, he had won a heroine and a story. 

She was not by birth or nature an Italian, but had in 
her veins the fighting blood of the race that ruled on horse- 
back the deserts of Brazil. It had been the custom of her 
father to take her about with him on his fishing and hunting 
expeditions.* This Amazon was ' a Creole born, but with 
all the engaging manners of the se/loritas of old Spain. 

' A/ew. 56. 

^ I have had the honour of talking on this subject to General Canzio, Gari- 
baldi's son-in-law, the husband of Teresita, worthy, as one of the bravest of the 
Thousand, of that relationship. (See Gucrzoni, i. 94-95 ; Mario, Supplement, 
44-47 ; Girani, 8-I1 ; Anita N.A., Dec. 1905, p. 573, and note oi Dutnas to 
his version of this passage in the Mem.) 

^ The marriage certificate is dated Church of St. Francis of Assisi, Monte 
Video, March 26, 1S42 {Guer:,oni, i. 152, 377-378). 

* Anila N.A., cxx. 573 (Ricciotli Garibaldi's evidence). 

32 (.AKli;Al.l)rs Dl.l'I'.NCI' Ol ROME 

SIh* had l>r(om(\ from I he habits ol lici romifry, a splciulul 
h»»rsr WiMiian, and il was a si/^ht to he HMMcmhiMi'd,' wiolo 
.1 liiili'.li n.ixal dllKci. who saw her in i*S.j(). 'as sh(» lodr a 
( Mil \ rllinj,' annual l>y (he sid(" ol \\c\ hnshand.' ' l.ikr him, 
shr was l(MidtM as wt-ll as hra\(\ and her onh' nnronlroUcd 
passion was Ihal lo\(* loi wlui h slic iiskcil her \\\c so ollcn, 
.nid Io>l il .il MuMMid. She was an ("\(('ll(Mil niothtM , ("xcopl slir linall\' »-hosr lo dir ioi Ikm' husband lallici (hau (o 
h\t' loi hii (hdihcn. 

( 1,11 il)aKh's loinpauioiu- in ,iiins, ilw riiWi\'al(Hl ICuid- 
|>«Mus in llif Hahan canip.iif^n, no less than the lightnif; nuMi 
in Sontli .Xmciira. a(K>iril hci . when sht^ talki'il with thoin 
lonnd the cmip liics, when she nnisrd thcin in sicknoss, and 
wlicn sh(~ i,ilhi"il IhtMi bicikmi; r.inks on tlu- held ol battli'. 

So these two >,uiril .iwa\ , ,md spent their hom-yiHoon 
111 .iniplnbuuis w.iil.ue .don;; the eoasi ami m the la^Dons, 
tii;htmi; at close ipi.iiteis at;amst dc^spnate oiUls. In her 
Inst se\en> .letion .\mt,i was knoeked down on tlock by a 
e. union b,ill. on (he top ol three men. Her luisbaml 
tusluHJ to her suli\ but siie was aheaily on her leet, iiiul as 
aeti\<> as tlu>ni;h uotluuf; h,id h.i|ipiMied io (iiseonipose hvv." 
(>n .luothei oi-e,isioii. dniin:; liarib.iKirs .ibsenee on sluMV, 
she the soul ol the t K^ until his uM ui n 

iMMoie loni; the\-wei(> i.iuf^n^i; the lulls .li^.un, t.ii ml.ind, 
.it i\\c lie.ul ol the Ki'pubhe.ui .iiimes : 

' Aiiit.i \\\\ tie.isuie, .uui no less .'e.iloiis tli.ui uiysell 
loi the s.uied iMUse »>t ii.itiiMis. .uul Km .i lilt" ol adxeutmv. 
She looked ujxmi iMltles .\s .i ple.isiiie, and the liardships oi 
e.unp lite as .i p.istime; so, howt'ver thiiij;s niit;lit turn out, 
the lutiiu- siinled on u-.. ,iiid the wist Aiueiie.ui deserts whieh 
uiUiMled theiusehes luMou- oui i;.»/e setiued .ill the luoii- dehi;ht- 
lul and be.uitihil lor their wildnoss.' ' 

* DtMt»'u/>i4j;ht.'*M, ii. uS, \:n. Tlii.s book (iv.) is the only Ixmkof r.iti 11 
which h written by riaiilwldi. It t;ivc> inoic ilctail.s of Anitn's conduct than (lu- 
Mf^tf'if (y'.c, pp. s*). (K'>. chap. >i\. of TrtU l.V 


What spaces of earth and sky, what speed, what 
freedom, what glory of life and love were theirs, as they 
galloped side by side, and slept under the homely stars. 

In one of their earliest land battles, which went ill for 
the men of Rio Grande, she was captured by the Imperialists, 
and believed that her husband was among the slain. She 
obtained leave to search for him, and turned over one corpse 
after another, expecting in each dead face to see the features 
of Garibaldi. When she found that he had not been left 
on the field, she determined to effect her own escape and 
rejoin him at all hazards. Slipping away unnoticed from 
among her drunken guards, she plunged into the tropical 
forest on a high-spirited horse which she had obtained 
from a peasant, crossed sixty miles of the most dangerous 
deserts in America, alone, without food, swimming great 
rivers in flood by holding on to her horse, riding through 
hostile guards at the passes of the hills and the fords of the 
streams, who took the wild Amazon for an apparition and 
ran away in panic. After four days she reached Lages, 
where her husband soon joined her.^ 

Among such scenes their first child was born ; they 
called him Menotti, after the martyred leader of the Italian 
revolutions of 183 1. Between their elopement and his 
birth they had had no rest and no civilised life, but had 
been wandering over the sea and the wilderness. Anita had 
been present at several battles, and endured on horseback 
all the worst hardships of campaigning up to the time of 
her confinement (September 16, 1840). Next, she had to 
fly into the wilderness with her infant of twelve days upon 
the saddle-bow. She and Garibaldi spent the rainy season 
wandering, with dwindling forces, in a state little better 
than that of outlaws, in the depth of the primseval forest, 
where alone they were safe from the victorious armies of 
Brazil. Food ran short, for in the lorest the lasso was 
of no avail ; the rain fell on them unceasingly, whether 

' Denkwiirdigkeiten, ii. 138, 140 (Garibaldi's own narrative). He had told the 
same story in Anita's presence in July 1849 (see p. 247 below) ; and it was then 
recorded by Hoffstetter, who was in the audience. Hoff. 339, 340. 



they marched or camped ; the infant almost died of 

,; * Anita,' writes her husband, ' was in constant terror at the 
thought of losing our Menotti, and indeed it was a miracle 
that we saved him. In the steepest parts of the track, and when 
crossing the torrents, I carried him, then three months old, 
slung from my neck by a handkerchief, trying to keep him warm 
against my breast and with my breath.' ' 

This sort of Robin Hood life could not go on for ever, 
and Garibaldi perceived that he must choose between the 
service of Rio Grande and his duties to Anita and Menotti. 
Remembering that Rio Grande was not the land that had 
a lien on his life and family and everything that was his, 
he determined, at the beginning of 1842, to return to civi- 
lisation, and seek a peaceful home in Monte Video, the 
capital of the Republic of Uruguay, set at the point 
where the ocean-going ships enter the Rio de la Plata. 
He managed, on his way thither, to lose a fine herd of 
cattle, the wages of his six years' warfare, arrived at 
Monte Video with nothing in the world besides three 
hundred cattle hides, not a dear commodity in those 
regions, and was fain to earn a precarious livelihood for 
his family as shipbroker and teacher of mathematics. But, 
though diligent, he was not successful in the arts of peace, 
and he was glad, a few months later, to be again fighting 
in a new quarrel. 

Rosas, the celebrated ' tyrannos ' of the rival Republic 
of Argentina (Buenos Ayres), on the other side of the Rio 
de la Plata, threatened Uruguay (Monte Video), whose 
rulers appealed to the famous stranger within their gates. 
He helped to make them a navy, and taught it how to fight. 
But that was not all. Monte Video contained a large 
foreign population of French and Italians, and from the 
latter Garibaldi raised his ' Italian Legion,' to show the 
jeering Frenchmen what his compatriots could do in war. 

' Mem. 91 ; Dnikwurdigkeiten, ii. 141, 143. 




'Admiral Winnirif'ton-Ingrani's Hearts of Oiili. pp. 86, 87.) 


This Italian Legion of Monte Video was the origin of the 
Garibaldians proper. It was the first considerable body 
of his countrymen whom he ever commanded on land ; 
most of the men were political exiles ; it was they who 
first wore the famous ' red shirt ' ' ; and those of them who 
came back with him to Europe in 1848 imported the 
Garibaldian dress, tradition, and methods in war and 
pohtics. The idea with which they enlisted was to fight 
for the liberties of Monte Video in return for the shelter it 
had given them, refusing all rich rewards ; but the idea 
behind was to prepare for another struggle, which, as 
Garibaldi said, he had never forgotten even ' in the depths 
of the American forests.' They carried ' a black flag with 
a volcano in the midst — symbol of Italy mourning, with 
the sacred fire in her heart,' of which banner the glorious 
rags are preserved religiously to this day.'^ 

In the formation and training of this force, which started 
a ' radition afterwards so important in the history of Europe, 
Garibaldi was assisted by the veteran patriot Anzani, to 
whom he deferred more than to any other man in the course 
of his life. An exile from his country since 1821, Anzani 
had fought for liberty in Greece, Spain, Portugal, and 
Brazil, and it was Garibaldi's behef that if he had lived to 
fight for Italy he would have shown the world that he was 

' The reason why the red shirt was originally chosen for the Italian Legion 
of Monte Video is not known with certainty. But an extremely probable, 
because very prosaic, solution of the problem is as follows : 

' Its adoption,' writes Admiral IVinniiigion- Ingram (93), who was in Monte 
Video as a young man in 1846, *was caused by the necessity of clothing as 
economically as possible the newly raised Legion, and a liberal offer having Iseen 
made by a mercantile house in Monte Video to sell to the Government, at reduced 
prices, a stock of red woollen shirts that had been intended for the Buenos 
Ayres market, which was now closed by the blockade established there, it was 
thought too good a chance to be neglected, and the purchase was, therefore, 
effected. These goods had been intended to be worn by those employed in the 
" Saladeros," or great slaughtering and salting establishments for cattle at 
Ensenada, and other places in the Argentine provinces, as they made good 
winter clothing, and by their colour disguised in a measure the bloody work the 
men had in hand.' 

- Mario (ed. 1905) 60, for photograph ot the flag ; Mario, Supp. 52 ; La 
Patria, Jan. 9, 1905, as to the authenticity of the flag. 

D 2 


one of the very greatest of her sons.^ Another of his 
most trusted heutenants was a handsome young Milanese 
exile, of the name of Medici, who having served his appren- 
ticeship as a warrior of liberty in the Carlist wars, had been 
in England and become intimate with Mazzini, and had 
now come to South America to make his living as a merchant. 
But there he again took to fighting, attracted by the reputa- 
tion of Garibaldi, of whom he had heard as the rising 
hope of the Mazzinian circle in Europe. The chief at once 
reposed his confidence in the new-comer, and never had 
reason to withdraw it, throughout the wars and revolutions 
of many famous years. - 

The Italian Legion saved Monte Video. They took the 
leading part in the battles close round the capital, when, in 
1843 and again in 1846, the enemy pressed the siege hard.^ 
At other times they were pre-eminent as the heroes of the 
distant war along the banks of the Uruguay River, where 
unnumbered herds of cattle and horses wandered at liberty 
over the vast ranches of the gauchos, the magnificent but 
half-savage patriarchs of that rich wilderness.^ The left 
bank of the river was preserved for Monte Video in the early 
part of 1846, by a few hundred of the Italian infantry 
under Garibaldi, who defeated Rosas' linesmen, and formed 
an impregnable rock amid the swarms of wild gaucho 
horsemen, who, armed with spears, sabres, and lassos, 
carried on the war between the two Republics.'^ The 
most notable of these actions, fought against immensely 

' Guerzoni, i. 169 ; Mon. 190-I ; Mario, Stipp. 52, 53. 

- Pasini, 7-13 ; Oiioliniy 18, 19; Guerzoni, i. 203-5; ^I'^t, i- 30, 31 ; La 
Patria, June 19, 1904. 

" For the siege of 1846, ol which less is said by Italian autiiorities, see the 
long account by IVinnint^toji-IngraJit, especially pp. 91, 92, for Garibaldi's 
important part in it. 

' RobirtsoiCs P., i. 197-257 ; .S'. A., i. 252, 253. 

'■' Cuneo, 33-35. Me/>i. i. chap. xlv. xlvi. ; on p. 176 Garibaldi writes: 
' I have heard our lads (in Europe) cry " Cavalry, cavalry ! " and, I am ashamed 
to say, throw down their arms and fly, often at a false alarm. Cavalry ! Wliy, 
the Italians at Sant' Antonio and the Dayman (battles on the Uruguay) laughed 
at the first cavalry in the world, though in those days they had nothing but bad 
flint-lock guns.' 

■■> Robcrt:>Qn (P. i. 82) describes Rosas riding at the head of ' about 6,000 as 

(Admiral Winnint^ton-Ingram's Hants vf Oak, p. yo.) 


superior numbers, was the battle of Sant' Antonio, near 
Salto (February, 1846), the fame of which spread to Europe. 
During these wars of Monte Video, Anita stayed in the 
capital and minded her growing family. She proved as 
admirable a mother and housekeeper as she had been a 
warrior ; ^ it was a hard struggle against poverty, for her 
husband always shared what little he had with others, 
while at the same time he refused the rewards of land, 
rank and wealth, eagerly proffered by the state which he 
had saved. In 1843 one of the most respectable merchants 
of Monte Video called the attention of the Minister of War 
to the fact that 

' in the house of Garibaldi, the commander of the Italian Legion 
and of the national fleet, the man to whom Monte Video owed 
its life from day to day, no light was lit after sundown, because 
candles were not comprised in the soldier's ration, the only 
thing Garibaldi had to live on. The Minister thereupon sent, 
by his aide-de-camp, G. M. Torres, a hundred patacconi 
{500 francs) to Garibaldi, who, keeping half this sum, gave 
back the other half in order that it should be sent to the house 
of a widow, who, according to him, had more need of it. Fifty 
patacconi (250 francs) was the only money that Garibaldi had 
from the Republic. While he remained among us his family 
lived in poverty ; he was never dressed differently from the 
soldiers ; often his friends had to resort to subterfuges to make 
him change his worn-out clothes. He had all the inhabitants 
of Monte Video for his friends ; never was a man there more 
universally loved, and it was only natural.' - 

Of this period several stories are told, as humorous as 
they are touching : how the saviour of Monte Video came 
home one evening wrapped up to the chin, having given away 
his only shirt to an old legionary who had even more need of 
it than he ; how Anita was almost weeping, one day, to find 

good cavalry as could well take the field. It was a motley group as regards 
uniform ; but for men and horses it was beyond all doubt a most efficient corps.' 
' Rosas,' adds Robertson, ' had not 500 infantry to co-operate with his 6,000 
cavalry.' This was some years previous to his wars against Garibaldi. 

' Denkwiij-digkeiten, ii. 143. 

" Gtierzonif i. 209 — from * Pacheco y Obes, 1849. 


that the last three Uttle coins had vanished from the recess 
where she kept the family horde, till her warrior confessed that 
he had stolen them to buy their little girl a toy, and Teresita 
herself appeared in the doorway brandishing the trophy in 
exculpation of the offender ; how he appeared one day on 
parade with his golden locks close shorn, because the 
universal and passionate adoration of him by the ladies 
of Monte Video distressed Anita, and he had, for her relief, 
despoiled his beauty.' 

Towards the end of his residence in Monte Video he 
refused rewards of land from the Government, and per- 
suaded his Legionaries to endure this self-chosen poverty, - 
partly as an example of Republican virtue, much needed in 
those latitudes, and partly in order that they should always 
be morally free to throw up their engagements and return 
to Italy at the shortest possible notice. Garibaldi was 
getting ever more impatient to be gone. He always retained 
a warm feeling for the people of Uniguay as ' a very lovable 
people ' (be72 caro popolo), but he was beginning to see 
through their politicians. The sordid personal ambitions, 
never far below the surface in South American affairs, soon 
showed themselves in such a way that even Garibaldi, 
with all his idealisation of a Republic struggling for freedom, 
could no longer be blind to them.'' 

Ever since his landing in America, whenever he was 
not buried in the wilderness, Garibaldi had been in con- 
stant touch with ' Young Italy,' corresponding under his 
old association name of ' Borel.' And now, as the 'forties 
rolled by, the ?vIontevidenn exiles listened year by year 
ever more eagerly to the news sent by their friends in Italy 
and in London. In 1844 ^hey heard that the Italian tri- 
color had been raised in the Neapolitan kingdom b}'' the 
two Bandiera brothers, that the Enghsh Government had 
opened Mazzini's letters and betrayed the expedition to 
the Bourbons, and that the Bandieras and Ricciotti had been 

' Anita, N.A., 577, 584 ; Giierzoni, i. 379. 

* La Pdtfia, June 19, 1904, for details. " Mew. 168, 186. 



taken and shot.^ Garibaldi gave his younger son the name 
of Ricciotti. 

But then, in 1847, came other news. The liberal and 
national movement had swelled so high that it had pene- 
trated even palace walls. Under the name of Pio Nono, a 
reforming Pope had come to the throne ; Savoy and Tuscany 
were moving towards constitutionalism. It was hoped that 
the whole land, governors and governed ahke, would soon 
be arming for a national crusade against the Austrians in 
Milan ; and in December 1847 Garibaldi lived in the ex- 
pectation, which now seems strange indeed, that the Pope 
or the Grand Duke of Tuscany would employ him to expel 
the foreigner from the Lombard plain. ^ 

Already the names of Garibaldi and his Italian Legion 
were household words with patriots at home. The fame 
of Garibaldi's achievements had been diligently nursed by 
' Young Italy,' and, in these latter months of freedom, 
by the newly emancipated press of Tuscany, Rome, and 
Savoy. Thus, in May 1848, while Garibaldi was actually 
crossing the ocean, a Dutch artist, named Koelman, was 
sitting in a cafe in Rome, when he heard an ItaHan say, 
' Garibaldi is coming back from Monte Video ! ' ' Who is 
Garibaldi ? ' said the foreigner ; and forthwith supplied 
himself, for a few coppers, with a pamphlet, adorned by 
a portrait of the eagerly expected chief, recounting his 
adventures and wars in the western world. Incredulity 
was the first impression produced upon the artist by a story 
so sensational ; for he could not believe that heroes of 
romance still existed, or that, if they did, they could 
have any effect upon modern Europe. A year after- 
wards the unbeliever was constrained by love of this very 

' This incident, the last of its kind as regards England, did much to con- 
centrate and inform English sympathy with Mazzini and Italy. Carlyle, The 
Times, and the Liberals united to denounce this infamous piece of belated 
Toryism, worthy of Castlereagh and an age gone by. (See King, Appendix C ; 
Orsini, 270 ; Westminster Review, Sept. 1844, vol. xlii. pp. 225-251 ; and 
Times, June 17, 1844 (Leading Article), and June 19 (Carlyle's letter) ; see also 
p. 98, note I below, for Carlyle's letter.) 

- Elia, i. II ; Garibaldi's letter to Antonini, Dec. 27, 1847, 


Garibaldi to risk his life in defence of a countr}^ that was 
not his own, and he has left to posterity a book which 
contains a living portrait of the man whom he learnt to 
adore. ^ 

So the Garibaldian legend was already planted in Italy 
when Anita, with her children, landed at Genoa in the 
spring of the year of revolutions, welcomed to her new 
country by an enthusiastic crowd of citizens crying Vivas 
for Garibaldi and ' our Garibaldi's family.' ^ 

A few months later, after heart-breaking delays caused 
by the fears of the Montevidean Government and the 
English merchants about the defence of the State,-^ Gari- 
baldi himself followed in the ship Speranza, with the fighting 
men, somewhere between sixty and a hundred in number.' 
He had sent over his wife and children first to safe quarters, 
because, not knowing the course that Italian politics had 
taken in the first months of 1848, he was prepared to have 
to land his troops in the territories of hostile governments, 
and to meet, very possibly, the fate of the Bandieras. 

The Speranza set sail on April 15, 1848, four weeks 
after the population of Milan had risen and driven Radetzk}^ 
and his 20,000 Austrians out of the city, in five days of the 
hardest and most glorious street-fighting in the annals of 
revolution. But Garibaldi and his companions did not 
know of these actions, as their ship moved on, day by day 
and night after night, through the lonely Atlantic. They 
only knew that they were going ' towards the attainment of 
the passion and desire of their lives.' 

' That thought was the abundant reward for the perils, hard- 
ships, and sufferings incidental to a life of tribulation. Our 
hearts beat high with lofty enthusiasm. If the right hand, 
hardened in battles far away, had been strong in an alien cause, 
what will it not be for Italy ? ' ■' 

' Koehnan, i. 179, 180; Guerzoni, i. 190-192 ; Mario, Supp. 71-77. 

^ Anita's letter, Anita, 578 ; Mario, Supp. 71-72. The three children were 
Menotti, Ricciotti, and Teresita. Rosita had died in America, to the inexpres- 
sible grief of her parents. 

' Ciineo, 44. ^ Garibaldi says 63 ; Cuneo says 100. ^ Mem. 185. 


And so these men, joyfully self-devoted, sailed to their 
graves and glories in that ship. Since they were alone upon 
it, with no unbelievers there to mock their ceremonies, every 
time that the sun went down in ocean, they stood up in a 
circle on the deck, and ' sang for evening prayer a patriotic 
hymn.' Thus from the fulness of their pure hearts did those 
men, about to die, salute their mother. Her past and 
future sang in unison. Old Anzani, type of the proto- 
martyrs who had given their lives for no meed of fame or 
thanks in the bitter, stifled years gone by, himself sick to 
death, joined feebly in the chant with the young generation 
who were hastening as willing victims to a more conspicuous, 
but not a more noble, sacrifice. And with the other voices 
blended the low, rich voice of the deliverer to be — till the 
song, without an audience, died upon the waters' waste. 


Italy's failure in 1848^ 

' Wliat bloom of hope was there when Austria stood like an iron wall, and 
their own ones dashing against it were as little feeble waves that left a red mark 
and no more?' — George Meredith (J'itforia, chap. xvi.). 

When Garibaldi left Monte Video, in April 1848, he was still 
ignorant of the events which had revolutionised Italy in 
the opening months of the year. Fearing that the govern- 
ments in every State of the Peninsula might after all prove 
to be on the side of ' order,' he was prepared to run ashore 
somewhere south of Leghorn, on the wooded Tuscan coast, 
and raise the tricolor standard in the wilderness, unless he 
received further advices from Mazzini, with whom he had 
made arrangements to communicate on his arrival in 
European waters.'-' 

With such resolute purpose Garibaldi and his comrades 
had already sailed past the British sentinels into the 
Mediterranean, before news, which had for some time been 
stale in Europe, met them out at sea, changing the whole 
character of their expedition, and causing them to reshape 
their course for Piedmontese territory. The tidings, which 
they first gleaned from a passing vessel, was confirmed and 
amplified when they touched at a Httle port town on the 
east coast of Spain to procure fresh supplies, chiefly for 
the benefit of the dying Anzani. Garibaldi thus describes 
the scene : 

* Captain Gazzolo, commanding the Speranza, went ashore, 
and quickly returned on board with news to turn the heads 
of men far less enthusiastic than ourselves. Palermo, Milan, 
Venice, and a hundred sister cities, had brought about the 

' For this Chapter see map, [p. 9 above. -' Guerzotti, i. 203-205, 215. 


momentous revolution. The Piedmontese army was pursuing 
the scattered remnants of the Austrian ; and all Italy, replying 
as one man to the call to arms, was sending her contingents of 
brave men to the holy war. The effect produced on all of us 
by this news may be better imagined than described. There 
was a rushing on deck, embracing one another, raving, weeping 
for very joy. Anzani sprang to his feet, excitement over- 
powering his terrible state of weakness. Sacchi absolutely 
insisted on being taken from his berth and carried on deck. 
'' Make all sail ! " was the general cry. ... In a flash the anchor 
was weighed and the brigantine under sail.' 

And so, towards the end of June, they arrived at Nice, 
' no longer exiles, no longer forced to fight for the privilege 
of landing ' on their ' native shores.' The whole city raged 
with joy round the man who had stolen away fourteen 
years before, under sentence of death, and Garibaldi, who 
had little knowledge of the real state of the Peninsula, 
imagined that he was landing to take part in the campaign 
that should decide for ever the liberation of Italy. All was 
hope and happiness, for here, too, he found Anita and his 
children safely awaiting him, and his old mother whom he 
loved so well and had not seen for so long. Perhaps it was 
the last time in his life that he was altogether contented. 
' Certainly my position was an enviable one,' he writes of 
that day. ' I am deeply touched, remembering those 
sweet emotions which were to end so quickly and so pain- 
fully.' ' 

The first grief that clouded the Itahan sky for Garibaldi 
was the immediate death of Anzani, the only man in his 
company who was in some sense his equal, ' that truly 
great Italian, for whom all Italy should by rights have 
mourned. I never knew,' he wrote, ' a more capable and 
honourable man, or a soldier of loftier character.' 

The greatest of that first generation of Garibaldians who 
had shared their chief's early struggles in America, Anzani, 
on his death-bed at Genoa, spoke his famous word to Medici, 
the representative of the young men who lived to achieve 

' Mem., pt. ii. ch. i; Guerzom, i. 214-218. 


the glories of Sicily and Naples. Some dispute had already 
arisen : ' Do not,' said the dying patriot to Medici, ' do not 
be too hard on Garibaldi : he is a man of destiny ; a great 
part of the future of Italy depends on him, and it will be a 
grave error to abandon him.' 

Next day the old patriot was dead , ' his body was carried 
through Liguria and Lombardy to be buried in the grave 
of his fathers, at Alzate, his native place.' He had been 
an exile from Italy for twenty-seven years, but when he 
died at last upon her soil, he must have felt certain of her 
approaching liberation.^ 

The good news which had met Garibaldi on the coast 
of Spain, although it was true, or at least had been true 
at one moment, was not the whole truth. Nine-tenths of 
the soil of Italy was, indeed, in the power of national and 
constitutional governments, but, although each monarch 
had jaelded more or less to the call of his subjects 
for constitutionalism, neither Ferdinand of Naples nor 
Leopold of Tuscany, nor even Pio Nono — whose accession 
had given the first impulse to the movement — had the 
least intention of abdicating their thrones in favour of 
Italian unity. The instinct of self-preservation made them 
jealous of King Charles Albert of Piedmont, who had 
abandoned his reactionary policy in order to head the 
national crusade against his Austrian neighbour in the 
Lombard plain, and was already in a sense bidding for the 
crown of Italy, which his son was to forge and wear. The 
chants du depart of the students and workmen starting for 
the battle-fields of the north could not fail to sound omin- 
ously in the ears of the Pope, the Grand Duke, and the 
Neapolitan King, who employed the executive power in 
the States of the south and centre, not in organising the 
national crusade, but in damping its ardours, thwarting 
the departure of the volunteers, and preparing for reaction 
at home. Their attitude towards the national struggle 
against Austria recalled the listless inactivity of Louis XVI., 

' Guerzoni, i. 169, 224 ; Afe»i. 190, 1 91. 


or the open enmity displayed by his consort in the first 
great storm of revolutionary war ; but, whereas that policy 
was fatal to Louis, and not to France, the similar policy'of 
these monarchs proved immediately fatal to Italy, and only 
after a dozen years recoiled on themselves. 

And so, when Garibaldi disembarked, it was true in 
theory rather than in practice that a pan-Italian war was 
being waged against Austria on the Lombard plain. But 
at least the struggle in the North engrossed the thoughts of 
reactionaries and Liberals in every part of Italy, for all 
knew that their own fate was involved in the fate of Milan, 
the key by which alone Austria could lock, or Piedmont 
unlock, the whole Peninsula. Then, as in the time of 
RivoU and Marengo, as afterwards in the time of Magenta 
and Solferino, the battles lost or won at the foot of the 
Alpine passes, and in the vineyards of the great northern 
plain, decided what must be the approaching fate of Naples, 
Florence, and the Papal territories. 

If the Italians had then been united in purpose and 
in policy, as they were in 1859, they could, without 
aid from France or any other country, have hoisted the 
Austrians over the Brenner Pass in the early summer 
of 1848. For they were not at that moment fighting an 
Empire, but only an army. Austria-Hungary had gone to 
pieces, Hungarians and Bohemians had established their 
independence, and even the Viennese — for centuries the 
bulwark of loyalty to the Hapsburg — were expelling the 
Emperor from his capital. While the central fortress of 
Mettemich's European policy was being stormed by the 
mob, France and Germany were in the hands of revolu- 
tionists, and a flood, not like that of 1792, flowing eastward 
from France, but spontaneously rising in every quarter from 
a thousand wells, submerged the landmarks, palaces, and 
steeples of old Europe. 

Driven out of Milan by the heroism of its citizens, 
Radetzky had at the end of March fallen back into the 
famous ' Quadrilateral,' the four great fortresses of Verona, 
Mantua, Peschiera and Legnago, which guarded the mouth 


of the Brenner Pass, and formed Austria's tcte dc pont, 
whence she could debouch into Italy. Here, in the Quad- 
rilateral, the old order stood magnificently at bay. North 
of the Alps the Austrian Empire had ceased to exist, but 
it lived in the camp of Radetzky, where Hungarians, who 
in their own country were Kossuthites hostile to the Em- 
peror, were only eager to slay his enemies. The habits 
engendered by discipline, the fraternal bonds of esprit de 
corps, and above all that ignorant contempt for the Italians 
indigenous in the transalpine barbarian — a feeling old as 
Attila, old as Brennus — gave to Radetzky's troops a unity 
which was wanting to their assailants.' 

That want of unity was felt ever3Avhere and in every- 
thing. It was not merely that the governments of Tuscany, 
Rome, and Naples succeeded in making the volunteers 
from two-thirds of the Peninsula comparatively few and of 
no great service. The whole North was engaged in the war, 
but the North itself was divided by factions. It was split 
between the monarchical party, who wanted all the liberated 
provinces to vote at once for ' fusion ' with Piedmont, and 
the Repubhcans, who looked to achieve Italian unity 
through a federation of democratic States. There was 
local jealousy between the cities, who had not accepted, 
or at least had not assimilated, the new idea of national 
union ; and, worst of all, there was a widespread incapacity 
for organisation and war, inevitable in the first months of 
liberty among a people whose natural, native chiefs had so 
long been excluded from participation in government and 
forced to be idle slaves or secret conspirators. 

But, in Venice, Manin had already shown that Italy 
possessed at least one great man of action. By marvellous 
audacity and wisdom the inspired lawyer procured without 
bloodshed the withdrawal of the Austrians from the city. 
His next step, the proclamation of the Venetian RepubUc, 
though it did much to inspire emulation of former glories, 
did not make for unity of spirit. It drove Charles Albert 

' The patriotic part of the Italian conscripts had deserted from the Austrian 


into premature intrigues for the formal annexation to 
Piedmont of territories which were still the seat of a 
doubtful war with Austria, and this pohcy in turn irritated 
the strict Mazzinians, a small but important body who could 
not forget that this king had once sought to take their lives, 
and had succeeded in taking the lives of the dearest friends 
of their youth. Meanwhile the Provisional Government of 
Milan, distracted by these political intrigues, and wanting in 
practical ability, mismanaged the business of its war depart- 
ment, and wasted and wearied the fervour of the Lombard 
volunteers, out of sheer incapacity , while the Piedmontese 
mihtary authorities, suspicious of democratic enthusi- 
asm, and professionally contemptuous of irregular troops, 
thwarted the volunteer movement with deliberate intent. 

Charles Albert had indeed one instrument ready 
sharpened in his hand, the splendid regular army of Pied- 
mont, a match for the Austrians by the highest profes- 
sional standards. But even this he could never muster 
enough resolution to use in a straight home-thrust. In 
March he wasted the first precious days after the rising of 
Milan, while the retreating Austrians might have been cut 
to pieces before they reached the shelter of the Quadrilateral ; 
in May he ordered a retreat from the half-won battle of 
Santa Lucia, near Verona, and then continued, with that 
strange moral timidity in war which was so much in con- 
trast to his physical courage, to let one opportunity after 
another pass by. 

Such was the state of things when Garibaldi arrived at 
the royal headquarters at Roverbella (Julys, 4) and loyally 
offered his sword to Charles Albert. He was then, and 
remained all his life, a Repubhcan ; but then, as later, 
he was ready to fight for popular government under other 
forms preferred by the majority of his countrymen, rather 
than blast the hopes of the nation by creating divisions 
— a more truly democratic view, perhaps, than intransigent 
sectarianism.' If, in 1848, Victor Emmanuel had been in his 
father's place, he would have welcomed Garibaldi with open 

' Mem. 277. 


arms, and Cavour would have known how to exploit ' the 
hero of Monte Video ' for all he was worth, to rekindle through 
him the failing enthusiasm of the volunteers, and to reunite 
the Democratic parties to the throne. But Charles Albert 
thought it enough to show cold courtesy to the pardoned 
traitor of 1834, and his services were rejected by Piedmont. 
Garibaldi thereupon took a commission under the incom- 
petent Provisional Government of Milan, and was sent, 
with a few badly armed and ill-chosen men, to Bergamo, 
where he had neither time nor opportunity to create the 
least diversion before the disaster fell on the main army. 

On July 25 the royal forces were defeated at Custoza, 
in spite of their valour and good conduct, owing to bad 
generalship and the breakdown of the commissariat. The 
army was not destroyed, nor even routed ; but in the next 
ten days it was forced back from one point to another, in a 
series of ill-conducted and bravely contested engagements, 
until it was finally driven into Milan. There this most 
unhappy king had enough sympathy with the people to 
be exquisitely sensitive to the hatred which he had called 
down on himself by disappointing all the national hopes 
and handing back the gallant Milanese to the tyranny from 
which they had freed themselves in March without his aid. 
On the day that the enraged populace besieged him in the 
Greppi Palace, his friends could see how pure and deep 
were his sufferings. 

' He was on foot, deadly pale, and aged in face and figure 
(writes Delia Rocca). He held his sword tight under his arm, 
and, when he saw me, said, " Ah, mon cher La Rocca, quelle 
journee, quelle journee ! " I shall never forget the tone of his 
voice.' ' 

On August 5, he was compelled to surrender Milan to 
the Austrians, partly because the Provisional Government 
there had neglected to make any preparations for defence, 
or even for feeding their Piedmontese alUes. 

' Delia Rocca, 88. 



• The army evacuated the city during the night. A few 
desperate men fired on the soldiers, as they sadly defiled through 
the streets. But disaster had broken down the misunder- 
standing ; more than half the population, it was estimated, 
fled with the army, indignant at Austrian rule ; and, tenderly 
assisted by the soldiers, the terror-stricken citizens thronged 
the roads to Piedmont.' ' 

By their heroic ' live days ' of street fighting, in March, 
the Milanese had won less than five months of liberty ; but 
they had registered a claim upon the future, and Austrian 
rule was henceforth too odious ever again to seem a legal 
and settled government. 

ItaUan unity had failed to materialise because Italians 
were not yet united in heart and mind, and the failure had 
been the more sure and rapid, because the man who alone 
could have saved the situation lacked aU the political and 
all the military qualities of a Pater Patrice. But if Charles 
Albert was not the father of his country, he was the father 
of Victor Emmanuel. 

When, four days after the evacuation of Milan, the 
famous Armistice was signed between Piedmont and 
Austria, it was scarcely unnatural, though it was unjust, 
in the Democrats to think that the king had betrayed the 
national cause by making peace, when his army was, as 
they believed, intact — when it certainly had not been 
destroyed. And least of all men could Garibaldi, and those 
who had come with him from Monte Video to sell their lives 
for Italy's freedom, be content to lay down their arms 
before they had seen a shot fired in anger. Kings had 
betrayed them ; let them appeal to the peoples. The king 
had made peace to save his crown ; let them proclaim a 
' people's war.' In this mood the Garibaldians carried on 
a RepubUcan campaign against Austria in the Alps. Mazzini 
for some days accompanied the troops as standard-bearer, 
carr3dng a flag inscribed with his own famous watchword 
' God and the People ' {Dio e Popolo), but he soon left for 

' Kinii, i. 260. 



S^vitzerland. In the short space of time since the landing 
at Nice, Garibaldi had managed to have his first quarrel 
with Mazzini. 

The little campaign, which was a personal and poUtical 
protest rather than a real war, was waged for two or three 
weeks in the mountain villages round the south of Lakes 
Maggiore and Varese. Next to their leader, his young 
lieutenant, Medici, distinguished himself and won the soldiers' 
confidence.^ By the end of August, Garibaldi was driven 
across the Swiss border, but not before he had displayed 
to his countrymen his genius in guerilla warfare, and so 
ensured for himself the enthusiastic attachment of the 
Democrats in every State of Italy. The affairs at Luino 
and Morazzone were his first exploits on Italian soil, and 
with them the last efforts to expel the foreigner in the 
year 1848 came to an end. The Austrian had recovered 
all his Lombard and Alpine territories, and was already 
preparing the long siege of Manin and his Venetians in their 
island city. 

' Pasin?, 24-79. 



' Pur nell' Ausonia ancor egra e acciecata 
Passeggian truci le adorate larve. 
Passeggian truci, e '1 diadema e il manto 
De' boreali Vandali ai nepoti 
Vestendo, al scettro sposano la croce ; 
Onde il Tevere e 1' Arno a te devoti, 
Liberia santa Dea, cercan la foce 
Sdegnosamente in suon quasi di pianto.' 

Ugo Foscolo — Ode, Bonaparte Liberat07-e, 1797. 

Thus the redemption of Italy, which could be effected only 
by the defeat of the Austrians in the North, was postponed, 
by the disunion of her children, for another decade. Al- 
though it was a grievous thing that ten more years of 
suffering in common were wanted to teach all Italians that 
they had but one cause, yet it was well, perhaps, that good 
generalship or French interference did not, in 1848, give 
them independence before they were ripe for union. For if 
independence had come to the different States of Italy 
without union, independence itself would have been less 
stable and of less value. As yet the Papacy, with its 
scarcely challenged claim to reign over the centre of the 
Peninsula, stood morally and geographically in the way of 
amalgamation ; even Liberals and Nationalists had not yet 
completely envisaged the obligation to destroy the temporal 
power, but dreamed, instead, that they would make it 
Liberal. But events were to take place in the twelve 
months that followed Custoza, which for ever divided the 
Papacy from the national cause, and prepared the minds 
of the Pope's subjects to throw off his allegiance, and to 
merge themselves in one great Kingdom of Italy. 



In order that the reader may understand how it came 
about that, a few months after the Austrians had driven 
Mazzini and Garibaldi over the passes into Switzerland, 
they were shining before Europe as the rival Dioscuri of 
a Roman Republic, it is necessary to give some prehminary 
account of the new scene and the new actors, of the Roman 
States, and the various regions, classes, and parties, which 
they embraced within their limits. 

The Roman States,^ as a glance at the map (at end of 
book) will show, stretched from sea to sea, including the 
Tiber and its confluents on the south-west of the Apennine 
watershed, and on the north-eastern side the great plain 
of the Romagna, in the angle formed by the Adriatic and 
the Po. This seaward plain of the Romagna, studded with 
famous cities like Bologna, Forh, Rimini, Ravenna, and 
tilled by a comparatively prosperous peasantry, was cut 
off by the highest range of the Apennine mountains, and 
distinguished by the nature of its soil and scenery and by 
the character of its people from the arid, backward and 
poverty-stricken Tiber regions, where lay the seat of the 
Pontifical Government. 

The origin of the unnatural subjection of the Adriatic 
seaboard to the rule of Rome lay remote in the history of 
the dark ages. Romagna and the Marches, answering re- 
spectively to the ' Exarchate of Ravenna ' and the ' Pen- 
tapolis,' had been the last pieces of Italian soil pre- 
served by the decaying Empire seated at Byzantium. 
When, in the eighth century, the Lombards snatched these 
territories from the feeble clutch of the successors of 

' With regard to the condition of the Papal States and the methods of 
government between 1815 and 1846, the best general accounts in English 
will be found in Johnston, chaps, i. and ii., and King, i. 72-85. The 
reader may also get a very good idea of the Temporal Power by studying for 
himself the State documents of the Cardinals and their agents, published at the 
end of Orsini, and the documents in Gualterio. (See also Farini and H Azeglio, 
for the evidence of well-informed and moderate contemporaries, who were opposed 
to the Democrats as well as to the Clericals ; and Cardinal IViseman and the 
Chevalier O^Clety for the Papal case.) Galeotti also contains information in a 
handy f<->rm. 


Augustus, the Pope called in the Prankish kings, who 
rescued the cities of the Exarchate and Pentapolis from the 
Lombards, and made them over to the only power that 
seemed any longer to represent the Roman Empire in Italy, 
namely, ' To the Roman RepubHc, to St. Peter and to his 
Vicars the Popes of Rome for ever.' ^ 

From that time forward the Romagna had been re- 
tained, in theory at least, by the Pope, and at the close of 
the Middle Ages it had fallen completely under his sway, 
by the chance of war and diplomacy. But it belonged, 
by what the French Jacobins called ' the law of nature,' 
either to North Italy or to itself alone. Napoleon, who 
in his youth had a keen eye for realities, especially in his 
ancestral land of Italy, recognised this fact, and as early 
as 1797 joined the Romagna to the States which he was 
creating in the Po valley. For nearly twenty years before 
Waterloo the Romagnuols had enjoyed, not indeed liberty, 
but enlightened government by Italian laymen trained on 
the French model, the best code of laws then in Europe, 
and a system of education that was modem instead of 
mediaeval, military and official instead of clerical.'^ It was 
during this French occupation that the seeds of religious 
scepticism were sown, and the scientific ideas of the En- 
cyclopaedists became familiar to the educated classes.'^ The 
Napoleonic flame was not a pure light, but in Italy it broke 
like the day on those who sat in great darkness.* 

But the French rule did at least one injury. It swept 
away the last remnants of municipal independence within 

' WodL^ixv's Italy and Her Invaders, \i\. 135-223. 

- C. iM. H. ix. 390-402 (H. A. L. Fisher). ^ Farini, i. 8. 

* Napoleonic rule was a revelation even to the more intelligent of the Italian 
nobles. For instance, it started the Liberal tradition of the Pasolini, one of the 
noble families of the Romagna ; we read that ' the frequent military displays at 
Milan, added to all the important discussions on civil government which he had 
heard, chiefly through his uncle, then in constant communication with the 
Emperor and his ministers, had great influence on the mind of Pietro Desiderio, 
and made him a Bonapartist in his opinions, so that he never ceased to regret 
and to praise the " Code Napoleon," and he was all his life a Liberal in politics.' 
Pasolini, 12, (See also Tivaroni, Fr. ii. 350-387, and Galeotti, 95-99, on the 
effects of Napoleon's rule. ) 


the old Papal dominions.' In mediaeval times, though the 
Pope's claims extended from sea to sea, yet in practice not 
only the cities of the Romagna, but the Umbrian hill towns 
of Perugia, Assisi, and at one time Orvieto, had to all 
intents been sovereign communities. In the days of their 
independence the towns of Central Italy flourished exceed- 
ingly ; they became famous for saintship, learning, and art, 
homes of St. Francis, of Sigismondo Malatesta's scholar 
court, of Perugino and Raphael. But they wasted their 
life blood in mutual wars and internal feuds till, in the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, one by one they fell, 
exhausted by their sins, under the long punishment of the 
Papal rule. That government, which soon afterwards 
became an embodiment of the principles of the Jesuits 
and the Inquisition, effectually extinguished the vigour 
and learning of the Renaissance, together with the political 
and civil liberties of laymen. But a few vestiges of local 
self-government lingered on until the French occupation, 
when Napoleon swept them away as relics of a system not 
his own. After Waterloo, when only what was bad in the 
ancien regime was restored, the loss of the old municipal 
independence was for the time felt as a great evil,- although 
the ground was thereby left aU the more clear for national 

Napoleon's rule had not been popular, but the memory 
of it soon caused the Papacy to be hated. The evils of the 
clerical government, perhaps never so real, were certainly 
never before so much felt as between 1815 and 1846, and 
they were felt most deeply and resented most effectually 
in the Romagna. The Romagnuol peasantry, a proud race 
of fine physique and noble bearing, were always among the 
first Italians to resent oppression, whether that of French 
Republicans,'^ Austrians, or priests. Their virile quahties 
had marked them out as the best soldiers in Napoleon's 
Italian regiments,' and Byron, when he lived at Ravenna, 

' Umbria, and Rome itself, were annexed to Ihe French Empire in 1S09. 
' Galeolti^ 99-110, on the institutions of the Restoration. ^ Pasolini, 3. 

« C. M. H. ix. 394 (II. A. L. Fisher). 


loved to take a canter ' among the peasantry, who are a 
savage, resolute race, always riding with guns in their 
hands.' ^ But the town population of the Romagna pre- 
sented, perhaps, a still finer type. Ravenna and Rimini — 
which had each in a different period of history been world- 
renowned as a centre of civilisation, art, and learning — and 
above all Bologna, with its University and its European 
fame as one of the chief cities of Italy, became, after the fall 
of Napoleon, strongholds of the most undoubted Liberalism 
in the Peninsula. 

Over this Romagnuol community, proud of its past 
traditions, and struggling towards modern progress, the 
palsied hand was now again stretched from beyond the 
Apennines ; again there was the ' clutch of dead men's fingers 
in live flesh.' The rule of the Pope was represented in 
the ' Legations ' of the Romagna by Cardinal Legates, who, 
resembling the Turkish Pashas in more respects than one, 
were not properly responsible to the central government, 
which they often flouted, and were not responsible at all to 
their subjects, whom they oppressed at pleasure, being able 
in time of revolt to call in the Austrian troops from across 
the border. ' The Turks would be better,' was a saying 
in which the Romagnuols summed up their opinion of the 

Although the scandal and anarchy were worst in the 
Romagna, because there the resistance was hottest, the 
principles on which the Cardinals governed the Legations 
were the principles on which the priestly government was 
carried on everywhere throughout the Papal States. Edu- 
cation, frowned on as a design of the Liberals to revolutionise 
the State, ^ was so successfully discouraged that, in 1837, it 
was calculated that two per cent, of the rural population could 
read, and not very much more of the dwellers in the towns.^ 
What education there was remained under the special 

' Byron, v. 19. 

- Fariniy i. 88 ; Kitig, i. 82, 83. (See Cualierio, chap, xviii. , on Romagna. ) 
^ D'Azeglio, 104, 105. He holds up to the clergy the superior example of 
Austria in this respect. 

^Johnston, 13, note 2 ; King, i. 80. 


surveillance of the priestly rulers, affording a subject of 
unedifying discussion between them and their police.^ In 
the Universities, where most of the teaching had to be 
given in Latin, there was no fear of its being too modern ; 
political economy was a forbidden subject, while Dante, 
modem literature, and the theorj^ that the earth moved 
round the sun, were all suspect, and sometimes prohibited.^ 
Anyone supposed to belong to the dangerous class of 
' thinkers ' was shadowed by the police, even if he had 
nothing to do with politics.^ The same vague distrust 
of everything not mediaeval led Gregory XVI. to prohibit 
the intrusion of railways and telegraphs into his dominions. 

The press was under a rigorous censorship, which ex- 
cluded most books and newspapers of any importance, 
whether Italian or foreign. So far was clerical vigilance 
carried, in 1845, that even the newspapers of the British 
Islands were divided into classes according to their degrees 
of impiety, and ' all the Protestant and so-called Tory 
papers ' were placed under the ban/ 

The life, freedom, and property of no one who was not 
a friend to Government had any real security in the Papal 
States. Long lists of suspects were handed about between 
the officers spiritual and temporal, whose functions over- 
lapped in the most amazing way. The houses of the 
suspects were perpetually being searched, and their daily 
goings out and in were watched and reported. If evidence 

Orsini, 254, 255. ^ J^i"gi '• ^o, 81 ; Fariiii, i. 1 16, 153. 

^ • If one may judge from appearances, he would appear strange to political 
intrigues. . . . Nevertheless, as some imagine that he may belong to the class 
called "Thinkers," I consider it my duty to acquaint your Eminence with it, in 
order that he may be prudently watched.' — Cardinal Legate of Bologna, to Cardinal 
Lambruschini, Orsini, 248. 

^ Orsini, 256-259. ' List of the foreign papers which may be read in coffee- 
houses, inns, and other public places : — 

English:— I. The Freeman ; *2. The Globe ; *3. The Courier; "-4. Galway 
Pairiol ; *5. The Observer ; *6. The Dublin Weekly ; *7. The Dublin Evening 
Post ; 8. GalignanCs Alessenger ; 9. The Catholic Herald. 

' Father Theiner has declared the English and German paj^ers should be 
limited to those not marked *.' 

History does not relate whether P'ather Theiner's view prevailed, or the larger 
latitude of the complete list. 


was lacking, cardinals did not stick at ordering trivial 
circumstances to be tortured into proof, ^ and presumably 
the lower officials had small scruple in obeying the spirit of 
their instructions. Strange commands were issued to 
the citizens of this Church-State, sometimes to individuals, 
or sometimes to thousands at a time ; as, for example, that 
they should keep within doors between sunset and sunrise, 
or not go out at night without a lantern ; that they should, 
under compulsion, ' perform their spiritual exercises for 
three days in a convent chosen by the bishop,' or confess 
once a month before an approved confessor. Cruel punish- 
ments were enacted for neglect. The situation of a 
' thinker,' driven into the confessional by the police, must 
have had piquancy. What did gentlemen in this interesting 
position confide to the holy fathers ? 

Heresy, so far as it existed, was no more tolerated than 
infidelity. Even the English, in the hey-day of their power 
and reputation on the Continent, were not allowed a church 
in Rome, but had to be content to worship in a building 
outside the Porta del Popolo. The cosmopolitan artist 
community, which afterwards took its part in defending 
Republican Rome against the Pope, loved in those earlier 
days to stroll on Sunday morning in the Piazza del Popolo, 
to see the English families marching out of the gate with 
firm tread and Bible under arm, to this humble shrine of 
their proud national worship. - 

Throughout the States fines were imposed, inns and 
cafes closed, civil rights withdrawn, at the whim of the 
officials. There was no pretence, as in England at the 
same period, that postal letters would not be opened, and 
their contents communicated to all Governments concerned. 
Worst of all, any man was liable — and liable almost in 
proportion to his public spirit and desire to improve the 
lot of his fellows — to see the inside of the secret cells of 
Pesaro, or of the fortress which rises on the grim rock of 
San Leo in the heart of the wildest Apennines. In times 

' Orsini, 207, 208. Instructions from Cardinal Bernetti, Secretary of State. 
•^ Koelman, i. 266. 


when the Government was specially alarmed, the forms of 
civiHsed justice were laid aside, as when, in 1821, many 
hundreds of men and women were imprisoned or banished, 
without trial and without accusation ; ^ as when, in 1824 and 
1844, Special Commissions were established, presided over 
by persons of the worst character, who judged with an 
indifference to all rules of law, and punished with a ferocity 
that shocked even the Europe of that day. Tied up by 
ropes to the walls of filthy prisons, or to the ' galleys ' of 
Civitavecchia, or more mercifully executed by gibbeting 
or ' shooting in the back,' the Pope's enemies perished and 
were forgotten.- 

Under such a regime, secret societies were the only 
means of promoting ideas of reform in the State, or even of 
freely studying literature and exchanging views on ordinary 
subjects. The Italian genius for this kind of subterranean 
life was not wanting to the occasion, and the Carbonari, 
the Freemasons, and, later, * Young Italy,' kept alive thought 
and politics, which took a revolutionary trend answering 
in violence to the degree of repression. 

To combat the Liberal secret societies the Papal Govern- 
ment had various agencies ; besides the regular police- 
officers, there were the Inquisition,^ the priesthood, the 
sbirri, and the centurioni. 

No one could say in the Papal States where the tem- 
poral power ended and the spiritual began. The spiritual 
courts kept a large proportion of ordinary judicial business 
in their hands, and in the secular courts the clergy occupied 
the highest places on the bench. Not only the ministry 
at Rome, but the bureaucracy throughout the States, was 

' Byron, v. 323-328 ; Farini, i. 15, 16. 

"^Johnston, 24, 25 ; King, i. 78 ; Farmi, i. 25,26, 128, 129; Orsitii, 27-44, 
280 (referring to the year 1844) ; D'Azeglio, 62, 68-76, 87, 88 ; Gnalterio, chaps, 
xviii., xix. 

' In 1S43 'he Inquisition issued an edict against the Jews in the Pontifical 
States, containing, among other insolent restrictions on their personal liberty, the 
provision that ' no Israelite shall entertain amicable relations with Christians ' ; 
those who violate this rule 'will incur the punishments of the Holy Inquisition.' 
GttalUrio, i. 438, 439, doc. cxxvii. The spirit satirised in Browning's //f/y Cioss 
Day was still very much alive among the Papal governors. 


filled with clergy, and these secular authorities (if they can 
be so called) were in the closest touch with the purely 
spiritual authorities, and were constantly supplied from 
that source with personal information about suspects. 

' While the police harried the people in their daily lives, the 
Inquisition collected the secrets of the confessional, and launched 
its spiritual thunders on the unconforming. An edict is extant 
by the Inquisition-General of Pesaro in 1841, commanding all 
people to inform against heretics, Jews, and sorcerers, those 
who have impeded the Holy Office, or made satires against the 
pope and clergy.' ' 

A bishop would receive from ' the Director of Police ' 
lists of those who were ' suspect ' in his diocese, accompanied 
by the request to send in reports of discoveries made about 
them through the spiritual channels at his command,^ and 
delation by a parish priest was enough to bring about the 
disappearance of a supposed Liberal. Under such a system 
it was believed then, and is in the highest degree probable, 
that political and religious reasons were sometimes only 
the cloak for the ruin of individuals who were the victims 
of personal jealousy, or stood in the way of sinister designs.' 

But there were also classes of lay helpers who assisted 
the ecclesiastics to perform these functions. The ' spies,' 
then familiar figures on the Continent of Europe, as they 
had been in England under the regime of Pitt, were the 
special curse of Italy. The sbirri made Hfe intolerable by 
their insolence, ubiquity, and treachery ; they sat with men 
at their meals, they whispered with them in the market- 
place ; they entered the lodges of the Carbonari and helped 
to hatch the plots which they afterwards betrayed. Indeed, 
the only way to carry on the secret societies at all was to 
limit the activity of the sbirri by putting the fear of death 

' A'in^, i. 79; Gua/ieno, i. 33 ; Galeotti, 145-150. 

'•^ Orsini, 218 : letter of Director of Police to Archbishop of Camerino. 

^ Orsini, 232 ; King, i. 78 ; Johnston, 24, 25. Byron, who knew persons and 
parties at Ravenna extremely well, and was regarded as ' the chief of the Liberals,' 
noticed that in the proscriptions (without trial) of 1821, in Ravenna alone ten 
persons suffered who were really supporters of the Government (Byron, v. 241). 


into their hearts. Under the Papacy, as under the Czardom, 
assassination was the only means of self-defence against a 
government which not only did not protect liberty, property, 
or life, but used every instrument of force and fraud to 
deprive men of the simplest rights of humanity. But, 
for all that, the Carbonari of the Romagna were greatly 
to blame for the regular system of assassination which they 
carried on — beginning a few years after Waterloo — not 
merely against spies, but against governors, soldiers, and 
poUce ; though in Italy more discriminating weapons were 
used than the bomb, that chooses its victims by chance. 
Byron, who was hand in glove with the Carbonari, and lived 
during the winter of 1820-1821 in daily hopes of a ' row,' 
eager to take his place in the fighting-line, was disgusted 
by the system of assassination which his allies employed, 
sometimes under his very windows. On one December 
night he caused his servants to carry into his own house the 
dying Commandant of Ravenna, with five slugs in his body, 
because no one else dared touch him, as he lay bleeding in 
the street, for fear of the assassins. A generation later, not 
only scrupulous Liberals like Farini, but Orsini himself — who 
afterwards attempted to murder Napoleon III. — regarded 
the assassinations in the Romagna as wicked and harmful, 
and helped effectually to suppress them.' 

The rulers, at any rate, did not regard assassination as 
wrong in itself, for they employed it as readily as their 
opponents, who at least had the excuse that they possessed 
no other weapon. The Papal assassins, organised in the 
Centurioni bands, an offshoot of the famous San-Fedist 
society, appeared openly, in Romagna and the Marches, 
assuming the name and uniform of Pontifical Volunteers,'^ 
while in the other parts of the Papal dominions they re- 
mained a secret society, answering to the Carbonari. The 
San-Fedists, who protected the Holy Faith sometimes by 
the dagger at midnight, sometimes by open ruffianism in 

' Farini, i. 73; ii. 334-7; Orsini, chap. viii. ; Byron, v. 133-140, 157- 
161 ; Gualterio, i. 39, and chap. iii. passim. 
■■* Gualterio, i. 416-420, docs, cxv.-cxvii. 


the broad day, were permitted by Government to ' beat or 
kill, at their pleasure, any man dubbed Liberal, Freemason, 
or Carbonaro,' until, to neglect attendance at mass, or even 
to grow one's beard, was enough to expose one to assault 
by these bravos/ Thus the tradition of the bloody feuds, 
which had made life intolerable in the Italy of the Middle 
Ages, was continued in the Romagna in the stabbing and 
shooting matches between the Carbonari and Centurioni. 
Yet it is only fair on both political parties to remember that 
the blood feud was custom of the country quite apart from 
politics : the peasantry, whom Byron loved to see riding 
armed, were not armed for mere show, but because at any 
turn of the road they might meet the wrong man.' In view 
of these facts, some may be surprised that the sporadic 
outbursts of terrorism that greatly marred the Democratic 
triumph in the Roman States in 1848-49 were not even 
worse than they actually were, and that it was found pos- 
sible to suppress them under Mazzini's regime of toleration 
and liberty. But that recipe, if combined with stem justice 
to murderers, is, in truth, the only sedative in such cases of 
chronic inflammation. 

If this abominable Government had only been the 
bayonet rule of the Austrian veterans themselves, it would 
have been less shameful to endure. But the system which 

' Pasolini, 30, 31 ; Orsini, 6 ; D'Azeglio, S9-6i ; Farini, i. IO-14, 71-73, 78, 
119, 120. The wearing of beards was the sign of advanced principles; it was 
prohibited in Sicily as late as the time of the Crimean War, when the Sardinian 
Consul at Trapani had to invoke his consular rights to save himself from being 
forcibly shaved by the police (De Cesare, La Fine di un Regiio, ii. 193). 

- E.g., Byron, v. 202 (February 14, 1821). 'Heard the particulars of the 
late fray at Russi, a town not far from this (Ravenna). It is exactly the fact of 
Romeo and Giuletta — not Romeo, as the Barbarian writes it. Two families of 
contadini (peasants) are at feud. At a ball the younger part of the families forget 
their quarrel, and dance together. An old man of one of them enters, and 
reproves the young men for dancing with the females of the opposite family. The 
male relatives of the latter resent this. Both parties rush home and arm them- 
selves. They meet directly, by moonlight, in the public way, and fight it out. 
Three are killed on the spot, and six wounded, most of them dangerously — pretty 
well for two families, methinks, and all fact, of the last week. Another assassi- 
nation has taken place at Cesena— in all about forty in Romagna within the last 
three months. These people retain much of the Middle Ages.' 


the Austrians were again and again called in to re-establish 
over the rebels of the Romagna was not militarism, or the 
rule of men with like passions to the governed, but the 
supremacy of that strange third sex which the Roman 
Church creates by training men up from boyhood in a 
world that is not the world of men. To live under the 
Austrians, after they themselves had suppressed rebellion 
in fair fight, to see the white-coats scourging the prisoners 
they had taken in fight and the women who were the prize 
of war, was the old pain of the world known to captured 
Troy and Carthage. But to be first knocked down by the 
Austrians and then put back to live under the direct control 
and daily espionage of priests, to be liable to imprisonment 
and ruin if one displeased the black skirt, was worse than 
pain. It was as though some indefinable horror, at once 
monstrous and despised, at once eerie and most material, 
were in one's house and lord of it. We English, living in 
a land and in a generation where these things are so far 
away, where the spiritual guides of an honourable religious 
minority claim the voluntary obedience to which they 
have a perfect right, since it is voluntarily given, we to-day 
are apt to be either angry or amused at the kind of physical 
horror which Garibaldi and his Roman followers felt for the 
priests of the reactionary party. But if we honestly try to 
put ourselves into their place and time, we may or may not 
think their expressions exaggerated ; we cannot think them 

Such was the government of the Roman States from 
Waterloo to 1846, culminating in the proverbial obscurant- 
ism of Gregory XVI., who, elected in time to suppress the 
movements of 183 1 with the utmost cruelty, misruled for 
fifteen years, flouting the protests of the French and English 
press, and putting off the representations of the Powers of 
Europe by wiles akin to those of the Turk.' 

Such, at least, was the Papal Power as it presented itself 
to the middle and artisan classes, and to the more intelligent 
and prosperous of the peasantry, especially in the Romagna. 

' Gualterio, i. 208 ; Farini, i. 58, 66, 67. 


But to the majority, perhaps, of the Pope's subjects his rule 
appeared in a different Hght, if it can be said to have ap- 
peared to them in any hght at all. The men and women 
of the Umbrian Apennines who, bent with toil and withered 
by starvation and poverty, tilled the hills of olive and the 
valleys thinly clad with vines, or staggered down under 
burdens of brushwood from the grey mountains above — or 
the malaria-stricken herdsmen of the deserts that surrounded 
Rome — what did they know of liberty, or what was it to 
them if Italy bled ? They did not suffer from spies, for 
they had no politics. The censorship was no grievance to 
them, for they could not read. The priest was lord of their 
lives, but he was their only visible friend. If the Catholic 
Church tends by its general influence to keep people poor 
and ignorant, it knows how to sweeten ignorance and 
poverty. Anyone who has strayed off the beaten tracks in 
Southern Europe, especially in mountain districts, knows 
the strange beauty and pathos, so far removed from any- 
thing English, of a whole community living a kind of life 
that seems as old as the hills around them — all of them poor, 
all struggUng unaided by modern science to wring the daily 
pittance from the unmastered forces of nature, while in 
their midst one poor priest and one poor church remain as 
the only help, the only symbol of the larger world outside, 
and of ages not absolutely pre-historic. Such isolated 
conditions are now rapidly disappearing, though a few 
valleys of the Italian Alps still touchingly show the type. 
But in the first half of the nineteenth century the Papal 
States were a preserve of such communities. The very 
regime which checked railways and prevented the develop- 
ment of science and manufactures, prolonged for many a 
parish priest the undisputed mastery of the hamlet. As a 
whole, the clergy of the Roman States were unfavourable 
specimens of their profession ; but no one can doubt that 
many of the village padres deserved the love, as certainly 
many enjoyed the obedience, of their fellow poor. 

These conditions were not found in the rich plains of 
the Romagna ; but on the west side of the Apennines, and 


especially in the neighbourhood of the capital, the poverty 
and superstition of the people and the power of the priest 
were very great indeed. In Rome itself, where the ignorance 
of the population was only sHghtly less than outside the 
walls,' devotion to the Pope was the predominant feeling 
until 1847, in spite of some vigorous seeds of Liberalism. 
The governors of Rome still knew how to supply the popu- 
lace of the capital with a modicum of pmiis and a consider- 
able quantity of cir censes. 

'The characteristic note of this period was struck by the 
feasts and holidays which were celebrated on every possible 
occasion. Amidst all this political tyranny, financial bank- 
ruptcy, and administrative disorder, the populace manifested 
a sceptical indifference in all matters. As long as they were 
able to enjoy the horse-races in Piazza Navona, varied by 
boating, for which purpose the Piazza used to be flooded with 
three feet of water, and the spectacle of fireworks and balloon 
ascensions, as long as the Pope authorised the Carnival orgies 
and Ottohrate (October beanfeasts) with their almost pagan 
rites, and as long as the subventions passed on by the convents 
and the houses of the Cardinals to the indigent classes were 
sufficiently substantial, they were satisfied.' - 

Napoleon's rule in the valley of the Tiber had been 
shorter (1809-1814) and more unpopular than in the Ro- 
magnuol Legations. His dramatic brutalities against the 
aged Pius VII. had done more to increase the sentimental 
loyalty of the Pope's Umbrian and Roman subjects than 
any benefits conferred by the brief French administration 
had done to shake it. But the execrable government of 
the thirty years after Waterloo forced the growth of dis- 
content and secret association in the towns and larger 
villages in every part of the Papal States. Such was the 
state of things when, in 1846, on the death of the detested 
Gregory XVI., Mastai Ferretti was elected to the chair of 
St. Peter, and took the name of Pio Nono (Pius IX.). 

' It was calculated that ten per cent, could read {A'ing, i. So). 
2 Cosla, 20. 


The good man, who was to illustrate in his own person 
the ineffectual tragedy of Liberal Catholicism, exclaimed, 
when he heard what had befallen him : ' My God, they want 
to make a Napoleon of me, who am only a poor country 
parson ! ' But the task of reconciling the mediaeval and the 
modern world, to which in the first months of his popedom 
he addressed himself amid the grateful applause of Europe, 
would have been far beyond the powers of Napoleon him- 
self. All that Pio Nono could contribute to the solution 
of the impossible problem was a stock of mild benevolence 
towards everybody, which was not completely exhausted 
until he had been some two years on the uneasy throne. 
He recalled the exiles ; he let the prisoners out of the secret 
cells and the galleys ; he gave partial freedom of speech and 
press. Then he looked round for gratitude, and it came in 
floods of ecstatic, demonstrative Italian humanity, torch- 
light processions and crowds kneeling at his feet. As 
though to add to his popularity, the Austrians, in August 
1847, occupied Ferrara as a protest against the Liberal 
movement in his territories. The cult of Pio Nono was for 
some months the religion of Italy, and of Liberals and exiles 
all over the world. Even Garibaldi, in Monte Video, and 
Mazzini, in London, shared the enthusiasm of the hour. 

But that was the high-water mark of the movement for 
reconciling the Papacy to Liberalism, for Pio Nono had not 
the least idea what to do with the situation which he had 
created. The prisoners whom he had released, the press 
and speakers whom he had set talking, the exiles returning 
with the bitterness that exile always breeds,^ quarrelled 
with his clerical ministry and wanted to put vigour and a 
democratic spirit into the approaching war so as to expel 
the foreigner from Italian soil, while the Pope only wished 
to defend his northern borders against the encroachments 
of the Austrian troops. The demonstrations of gratitude, 
which so much embarrassed him, did not abate, but they 
gradually changed their tone, becoming dictatorial, then 
threatening, and finally irresistible. Throughout 1847 the 

' Fariiii, iii. 52. 


agitation raged in every town of the Papal States, against 
the administration which was still unreformed, and the 
clerical bureaucracy which was still in power. Only the 
courage and effectiveness of the governing caste were gone, 
so that in many places anarchy succeeded to oppression, 
the blood-feud was worse than ever, and the sbirri and the 
San-Fedist Centurioni, being more exposed to the popular 
vengeance, were fain to re-establish their waning authority 
by spasmodic outbursts of terrorism. 

In Rome itself the conversion of the people, from sen- 
timental loyalty to the Papacy, to revolutionary Liberalism, 
was rapidly carried on under the particularly convenient 
form of the cult of a supposed Liberal Pope. The leader, 
one might say the creator, of the Roman democratic party 
was the good-natured and voluble dealer in horses and wine, 
Angelo Brunetti, better known by his pet name, Ciceruacchio, 
given him in his infancy by his mother and her gossips to 
denote his plumpness, for which throughout life he remained 
famous. ' A man of the people,' handsome and strong- 
half Cleon, half Rienzi — deservedly loved by his fellow- 
citizens long before he took to politics, he had all the 
characteristics of the famous Roman wine-carriers, who 
formed a democratic aristocracy or close caste among the 
picturesque mediaeval population of the Rome of that day. 
Ignorant, simple, enthusiastic, humorous, kind, and without 
guile or malice, Ciceruacchio spoke to the plebs in the 
natural eloquence of the Italian market-place ; at first his 
theme was the Pope's goodness (and Pio Nono had no more 
sincere friend), then, as the months went by, he spoke more 
of the evil counsellors at the good Pope's ear, and finally of 
Rome's ancient greatness, the Repubhcan virtues and 
victories that had been before ever the Pope was. His 
audience, whom this honest and really simple man led so 
subtly towards new ideals, consisted largely of the Tras- 
teverines, who were to Rome what the Lazzaroni were to 
Naples, its most characteristic and primitive inhabitants. 

' Ciicrucuchio, 73-82. Also Marliuciii^o Cesaresco, 21S. 


They dwelt in those famous Tiber-side slums, crushed in 
between the river and the Janiculan hill, where the early 
Christians had iirst spread the faith in what was then the 
poor Jewish quarter of the Imperial City. The modern 
dwellers in Trastevere, until Ciceruacchio emancipated 
them, were more proud of the presence of the Pope 
in Rome than impatient of his despotism. During the 
disturbances of 1831 feehng in the capital had been on the 
side of Government.' The bad reign of Gregory XVI. had 
done much to prepare men's minds for change, and in the 
early months of Pio Nono's mild regime Liberalism became 
prevalent among the people of Rome. 

All through 1847 the agitation continued, and the Pope, 
as his wisest friend Rossi remarked, squandered the treasures 
of his popularity. At last, when the news of the grant of 
Constitutions in Naples, Tuscany, and Piedmont, followed 
by the Revolution in Paris, had stirred the Roman mob 
to a frenzy of emulation, Pio Nono, in March 1848, was 
forced to concede a Fundamental Statute,^ which did not 
indeed surrender the power of the Pope and cardinals, 
but associated with them a council of elected deputies 
to aid them in their legislative functions. There was a 
strictly limited franchise, and it was confined to persons 
willing to profess the Catholic faith. At the same time 
that he granted this not very satisfactory charter, Pio 
Nono changed his clerical ministry for one in which more 
than half the portfolios were held by laymen. While the 
Pope was making these concessions, the Austrians were 
expelled from Milan and the Lombard war began. 

Two months later a more Liberal ministry was installed, 
in which Mamiani was the leading spirit. If he had been 
given a free hand, Mamiani would not only have put vigour 
into the war in Lombardy, but would have liberalised the 
domestic institutions of the Papal States, and thereby 
secured them from absorption in a united Italy. But this 
would have involved relegating the Pope as temporal ruler 

' Giovagnoli, 142, 143. - The text will l)e found in Faiini, i. 372-383. 

F 2 


to a status similar to that of the King of England — a monarch 
who reigns, but does not govern ; and under those conditions 
Clericalism would have had to come to terms with the 
people. Consent to such a policy would have marked out 
the Pope, in the eyes of the clergy and the cardinals, as the 
enemy of what they called religion. Such a position would 
have been impossible for the head of the Catholic Church, 
and w^ould not have lasted for long, even had Pio Nono 
desired to create it. But he had no such wish.' He was 
growing frightened at the course of events, angry with the 
Liberals, fearful of estranging the German Catholics, and 
irritated to find that he had been forced against his will 
into an offensive war against Austria. As some 12,000 of 
his subjects were taking the field in his name in Lombardy, 
he cut the ground from under their feet by the famous 
' Allocution,' of April 29, 1848, in which he declared that the 
idea of waging an offensive war on Austria was ' far from 
his thoughts.' From that day onwards he had forfeited 
the sympathy of all good Italians, and was compelled to 
rely more than ever on the support of the clericals and San- 

Then came Custoza. followed by the Austrian recovery 
of Milan, and the end of the Lombard war (August). Im- 
mediately the democratic movement broke out in Central 
Italy in wild agitation and alarm. The Moderates were 
discredited, having failed to carry with them the Pope and 
the Tuscan Grand Duke. The supposed betrayal of the 
national cause by Charles Albert at Milan made all forms 
of monarchy suspect. A crusade of national republican 
defence against Austria was preached by the extremists of 

' Mrs. Browninj^, in 1848, wrote in Casa Guidi: — 
' Bui only the ninth Tins after eight, 

When all's praised most. At best and hopefullest, 
lie's Pope — we want a man ! his heart beats warm, 

But like the Prince enchanted to the waist, 
lie sits in stone and hardens by a charm 
Into the marble of his throne hii^h-placed.' 
^ I'uiiiii, iii. 50, 61 ; Cadusn, i. 231-235 (for text of the ' Allocution ' and 


the clubs, who found ready listeners at that juncture in the 
average Liberal, both in Tuscany and the Papal States. 
Now, if ever, the Mazzinian ideals would control the real 
course of events. 

Such was the state of things in Central Italy when 
Garibaldi, in October 1848, appeared upon the scene. 



* Yet, Freedom ! yet thy banner torn, but flying, 
Streams like the thunderstorm against the wind.' 

Childe Harold, iv. 

In the autumn of 1848, Garibaldi, having returned from 
his brief campaign in the Alps to the Piedmontese Riviera, 
was looking round for some other scene to which he and 
his companions could carry the ' People's War.' His 
eye fell first upon Sicily, still in arms against its king. 
Ferdinand II., King of Naples and Sicily, having by force and 
fraud recovered his absolute power on the mainland, was 
attempting to reduce the rebelhous island by those methods 
of Turkish barbarism which won him the cognomen of 
Bojnba.'- The residuary of the name and traditions of 
the great house of Bourbon, Ferdinand stands in history 
as the type of what all tyranny must come to at the last ; 
from Louis XIV. to Boinba the step is not so long as it 
seems. In 1851, after he had re-established his power 
in every part of his dominions, he drew down on himself 
the terrible visitation of Gladstone, and was pilloried 
before Europe in the ' Letters to the Earl of Aberdeen.' 
But he died upon the throne, and it was his son who. in i860, 
was chased out of his kingdoms by Garibaldi. 

* For this Chapter see large map of Central Italy at end of book. 

- Bomba means ' a shell.' The actual occasion when he won the name was at 
the destruction of Messina by bombardment, accompanied by massacre of the 
inhabitants without respect to age or sex, September 1-7, 1848. This was why 
he was called Bomba, and not, as a Clerical writer of to-day tells us, ' en 
raison de son embonpoint' {BitiarJ ties Fortes, 140); Kitig, i. 316; Tivarotiiy 
Aust. iii. 335-350. 


Eleven years and seven months before the hour approved 
by fate, Garibaldi for the first time sailed from Genoa to 
hberate Sicily (October 1848). He had with him some 
seventy companions, of whom more than half had come 
with him from South America ; since most of them were 
officers, they were prepared to enlist and command a 
legion, but were not sufficiently numerous to take the 
field themselves before they had recruited a force to follow 
them.' On the way to Sicily they touched at Leghorn, 
where the populace so strongly urged Garibaldi to land with 
his men that he consented to come on shore, and thence- 
forth, for one eventful year, was involved in the war and 
politics of Central Italy.^ 

Garibaldi, in yielding to the prayers of the Democrats 
of Leghorn, had felt that Sicily was too far from the real 
scene of action, that the fate of the island could not affect 
the fate of the peninsula, but that Ferdinand's power 
might, on the other hand, be given its mortal wound by 
a march on Naples. He had not been disembarked many 
hours before he sent a characteristic telegram to the Grand 
Duke's Ministers at Florence, asking them whether they 
would put him at the head of the Tuscan forces to operate 
against the Neapolitan Bourbon — 'Yes or no ; Garibaldi.' ^ 

Another reason against proceeding to so remote a 
point as Sicily was that the war against Austria in the 
North might be renewed at any moment. Already Pied- 
mont, meditating a denunciation of the armistice and a 
rush on Milan, had begun to negotiate for the aid of Tuscany 
and Rome. But the ministers of the Pope and of the Grand 
Duke, representing for the moment the ]\Ioderate party, were 
more anxious to keep down the Democrats at home than 
to enter on a perilous crusade in Lombardy; it was, how- 

' Loez\ i. 37 ; ii. 22-27. ^^i this important respect the expedition differed 
from that of ' Tlie Thousand ' who sailed under Garibaldi from Genoa for Sicily 
in May i860. 

- Anita had sailed from Genoa with her husband, but returned to her children 
at Nice, from either Leghorn or Florence. Denkivurdi^keiten, ii. 144. Sforza, 
9-17. She joined him again at Rieti, in the following February or March. 

* Sforza, 13; Mem. 20S. 


ever, doubtful if they could resist the cry of the town 
populations for war. The position was the more strained 
because Austria was clearly unwilling to allow the existence 
in Central Italy of Governments even partially constitu- 
tional, and had already in August violated the Papal 
territory by attacking Bologna. There the invaders had 
been repulsed by the valour of the mob, and the Democrats 
pointed to the defence of Bologna as a sequel to the Five 
Days of Milan, another proof that the people always won 
when not burdened b}^ Royal leadership. Enraged with 
Austria, furious with their own rulers, the clubs in the 
Tuscan and the Papal cities were agitating fiercely for re- 
volution at home as a preliminary to a second Lombard 

The Moderates in their last struggle to retain power 
were nobly represented by Guerrazzi in Florence, and 
Pellegrino Rossi in Rome. Guerrazzi was at heart a 
Liberal and a Nationalist, whereas Rossi was an adminis- 
trative reformer only; but at this moment each of them, 
with little support from public opinion, and with no en- 
thusiastic party behind him, was opposed alike by the 
Democrats who strove for an immediate victory and by 
the Clericals who worked for the reaction by impartially 
hastening the downfall of every constitutional Government. 
Ministers, scarcely able to maintain their footing in such 
a whirlwind, were exasperated by the news that Garibaldi, 
who was no halcyon, had come to them from the sea. 
Their only thought was how to get rid of him again. 

Guerrazzi, for his part, readily agreed that the Gari- 
baldians should be passed through the Tuscan territory 
into Romagna. He hurried them through to Florence, 
where they had a grand reception from the people, and 
thence with all haste up the passes that lead over the 
Apennines towards Bologna. If tlie warm invitation to 
land given to Garibaldi by the inliabitants of Leghorn 
had raised in him hopes of recruiting large numbers for 
his Legion in Tuscany, he was disappointed. The some- 
what cosmopolitan sea-port where he had been pressed to 


disembark was more Democratic than the average Tuscan 
town,' and in the rural districts, the peasants, under the 
influence of the priests and nobles, were afraid of a strenuous 
anti- Austrian policy which would involve conscription, 
taxation, and war. The Tuscans were not like the hardy 
Piedmontese or the fierce Romagnuols.'- Their Grand 
Duke Leopold had been for many years the least unpopular 
monarch in Italy : all that Robert Browning, in his capacity 
as Republican of Florence, could find to say against him, 
was to call him a dotard. ' So, by the time that Garibaldi 
and his officers reached Fihgare, on the borders of the Tuscan 
and Papal territory, they and their Legion did not muster 
much more than a hundred men all told.^ 

Fa7-ini, ii. 356, 357. But even in Leghorn he got veiy few recruits. 
^ Mrs. Browning, who saw the whole course of revolution and reaction in 
Florence, in 1848-49, from Casa Guidi Windows, speaks, in Part ii., with scorn 
of the unwarlike character of the Tuscan Revolutionists, of whom she had expected 
greater things when she wrote Part I. : — 

' You say we failed in duty, we who wore 
Black velvet like Italian democrats, 

Who slashed our sleeves like patriots, nor forswore 
The true republic in the form of hats ? 

We chased the archbishop from the Duomo door, 
We chalked the walls with bloody caveats 
Against all tyrants. If we did not fight 
E.xactly, we fired muskets up the air 
To show that victoiy was ours of right. 

' We proved that Austria was dislodged, or would. 
Or should be, and that Tuscany in arms 

Should, would dislodge her, ending the old feud ; 
And yet, to leave our piazzas, shops, and farms. 

For the simple sake of fighting, was not good — 
We proved that also. ' 
It was this sort of thing that made Garibaldi sometimes feel and speak so 
bitterly of some of his countrymen, in spite of his devotion and gratitude to the 
heroes to whom he owed his successes. He came back from South America from 
among a sparse and turbulent population of rough-riders, always ready for the 
hardships of campaign and the dangers of battle, and, in contrast to them, he 
naturally found some of the Italians of Europe ' unwarlike.' Alem. 241. 
^ ' When the hour is ripe, and a certain dotard 
Is pitched, no parcel that needs invoicing, 
To the worst side of the Mont Saint Gothard, 
We shall begin by way of rejoicing.' 

Old Pictures of Florence. 
Sforza, 20, 23 ; Mem. 208 ; Loev. i. 23, 37, 3S ; ii. 22, 23. 


On entering the Roman States, Garibaldi found an 
opponent worthy to be measured against him. Pio Nono 
had now for some time broken with the Liberal ministry of 
Mamiani ; and in the middle of September he committed 
his affairs to the man who might have done much to save 
the Papal authority if he had been trusted twelve months 
before. Pellegrino Rossi,' an Italian by birth, but in 
training and ideas a Genevan and French publicist of the 
conservative school of Guizot, had recently been diplomatic 
agent for France at Rome, and had in that capacity won the 
personal confidence of the Pope. He was detested both by 
the Clericals and by the Democrats; for his object was to 
preserve the Temporal Power, with but a slight infusion 
of the principle of self-government, by reforming and 
modernising the clerical bureaucracy. He was confident 
that any State could be saved, any political problem solved, 
by enlightened administration. He represented a type 
commoner in the days of Napoleon I., or in more recent 
Imperialist times, than in his own day, when fervid 
Liberalism struggled with obscurantism for the possession 
of the world. He certainly knew what good administra- 
tion was, but he disbelieved in self-government, and he was 
unnecessaril}^ offensive and unsympathetic towards those 
whom he despised. It can easily be imagined that one who 
had discussed political theory with the grave oligarchs of 
Geneva and sat at the feet of Guizot, had not much respect 
for the men who at that moment led the Democratic party 
in the streets of Rome and in the Council of Deputies. 
He was not likely to admire the merits of Ciceruacchio, 
and he was certain to be disgusted b}^ his faults ; while 
such a man as Sterbini deserved all his contempt. 

Entering on office late in September 1848, Rossi at 
once took the State in hand. He inaugurated schemes for 
telegraphs and railways, began to reform the finances at 
the expense of the clergy, and attempted to clean out the 
corrupt civil service. These steps would have been enough 

' For Rossi see especially Giovagnoli, Fabrizi, Johnston, Farini, Bratti, 
Roman AfSS. Ris. 90 (his undelivered speech). See also King znd Bertoli7ii. 


to alienate the Ultramontane party, even if he had not 
been a notorious ' thinker ' with a Protestant wife. But 
with no less vigour he proceeded to alienate the Liberals. 
He was against Itahan unity ; he cultivated the friendship 
of King Ferdinand, driving Neapolitan refugees out of 
the Papal States ' ; he disliked Piedmont, and had no 
real intention of helping to win North Italy for Charles 
Albert,-' so that the Albertists soon realised that he 
was the most serious obstacle to the realisation of their 
hopes. With the Democrats he kept no terms even in 
appearance, but proceeded to put down the agitation in 
the Roman States by a strong coercive policy. Much 
of his work in this respect was salutary, consisting of the 
suppression of anarchy and violence ; and this part of it 
was taken up again six months later by Mazzini. But 
Rossi meant not only to suppress disorder, but to stop 
the agitation and to crush the Democrats. 

In pursuance of this policy, Rossi had first to turn his 
attention to Bologna, which he himself had the honour 
to represent in the Council of Deputies. The second city 
in the Papal States, it was even more unanimously Liberal 
than Ravenna and Rimini, and perhaps for that reason was 
less addicted to feuds and to political crime.'' But, unfor- 
tunately, after the splendid repulse of the Austrians by 
the Bolognese on August 8, their town fell for a short 
time under the domination of a set of bloodthirsty rascals, 
many of them the wreckage of the defeated armies drifting 
homewards from the Lombard campaign. Under a more 
or less sincere pretence of taking popular vengeance on the 
sbirri of the old regijne, the Terrorists hunted their enemies 
along the arcades that adorn the streets of Bologna, and 
massacred them in the open day. The terror was, indeed, 
suppressed, largely b}' the efforts of the Moderate Liberal 
Farini, and with the grateful assent of the populace ; ' 
but, when Rossi became minister at Rome, Bologna was still 

' Fabrizi, 1 8 ; Roman MSS. F. K. 7, 24. 

^ Bratti, 10 ; Giovagnoli, yib % Johnsto?i, 183, 184. ' Farini, ii. 129. 

* Farini, ii." 330-337. 


in the power of the more respectable part of the Democratic 
mob, under the leadership of Father Gavazzi. 

The allegiance of the Bolognese was at this time paid 
to two remarkable churchmen, both of the Barnabite order— 
Gavazzi and Ugo Bassi. Gavazzi was a native of the town, 
Bassi of the district, of Bologna. Both had been pro- 
foundly impressed by the wrongs of Italy, and by the sins 
of the Church to which they belonged. Both used their 
powers of eloquence, not only to call sinners to repentance, 
and Italians to patriotic sacrifice, but also to denounce the 
evils of Rome in a manner hearty enough to have satisfied 
her traditional enemies. But there was a difference between 
the two men, in character, if not in opinion, Ugo Bassi 
was a saint, and had been well known as such to the cholera- 
stricken population of Palermo long before his political 
career began ; he is well worthy to be the hero of the beauti- 
ful historical and religious poem of Mrs. Hamilton King.' 
But in Father Gavazzi, besides much that was strong and 
genuine, there was a certain strain of vulgarity ; after the 
extinction of Italian liberty, in 1849, he went on starring 
tours in the Anglo-Saxon world, and fed the British public 
on highly seasoned food, during the campaign against 
' Papal aggression ' which our grandfathers were then 
enjoying. However, it is only a question of taste, for 
Gavazzi was a true patriot and a genuine enthusiast. - 

' The Disciples. 

''■ See the three orations delivered to Scutch Protestant audiences in 1^51, 
printed at the end of Nicolini's Life of Gavazzi. Dr. Spence Watson, who 
recollects Father Gavazzi at Newcastle in the 'fifties, writes to me :-- 

' He was far too eloquent not to be verbose, and he certainly was violent. 
I rememljer little of what he said in his lectures. His description of the prisons 
of the Inquisition and of tlie immorality of the priesthood was exceedingly vivid ; 
but he struck me, after all, as being a genuine man, with the faults which one 
would expect to find in a clergyman who had certainly a strong love of his country 
and had gone through much for it, but who had become so used to stirring great 
audiences that that which was a means to excite interest in the matters in which 
he absolutely believed, in the first instance, had become in itself an end. He 
lectured in a long black gown, and the great action that he used, and the way in 
which he threw this gown about hiin and oft" again was very theatrical, but it had 
a certain efTectiveness.' 

Voung Mameli (see below pp. iS6, 187) had the strongest aversion to Father 



These two members of the Church militant and rebel- 
hous had estabhshed their hold over Bologna in the Easter 
of 1848, when they preached the crusade calling the youth 
to arms for the first Lombard war. It was a memorable 
scene, for the place, the audience, the occasion, and one at 
least of the two preachers, were not unworthy to rouse the 
best feelings of the historic Italian race which Savonarola 
had stirred to a like brief fury of moral and political 
enthusiasm. The Bolognese assembled in the Piazza 
of their town surrounded by the stately symbols of its 
past greatness — the mediseval Municipio on one side, and 
on another the broad fagade of San Petronio, left unfinished 
since the generation capable of such splendid scuplture 
had passed away. In that great open space (where to-day 
Victor Emmanuel rides in bronze, and the doves sit a score 
at a time on his saddle and his horse's mane, as though 
the Re Galantuomo were carrying them to market) the 
people of Bologna stood and listened in that first Easter 
of Italy's hope. From the steps of San Petronio Gavazzi 
and Ugo Bassi preached, stirring the crowd to paroxysms 
of emotion, of which much, no doubt, was passing and 
sensational, but much also profound and lasting. Men 
offered their lives, mothers their sons, and those who could 
not go to the war their wealth.' 

A sad half-year had now gone by, and the soldiers and 
the preachers of the crusade had come back defeated. 
But Gavazzi was still, in the autumn of 1848, the uncrowned 
king of Bologna, and Rossi had no sooner assumed power 
at Rome than he determined that the preacher should be 
crushed. He sent for his friend General Zucchi, an old 

Gavazzi, whose theatrical manners and eloquence he could not abide; Liiiio, 193. 
(See also other pamphlets mentioned under the title Gavazzi in the Bibliography.) 
' Zironi, 96-100. It was when Bassi preached at the Due Torri (not at San 
Petronio) that the most famous incident took place — viz. a girl who had nothing 
else to give to Italy's war cut off her long hair and handed it to Bassi. The scene 
of this incident is indicated in a contemporary picture in the Museo Civ/,o, 
Bologna, and oral tradition of those who were present asserts the same. For Bassi 
2iV\(i(3?i\2^zz\,sQQ sXzo J\Iai'liitengoCesare5co, 2 10-242; Veuosta; Gavazzi; /oknstoii, 
356 ; Facchini ; and Gavazzi, In Mcmoiiain. 


soldier of the First Napoleon, and commissioned him to go 
to Bologna and put down the Democrats. 

When, therefore, Garibaldi, coming from Florence in 
November 1848, descended on this city, he was touching the 
most sensitive spot in the body politic of the Roman States. 
It was not hkely that General Zucchi would welcome the 
cadre of a formidable Democratic army, bent on recruiting 
and agitation ; when, therefore, the Garibaldians arrived at 
Filigare (November 9) they found their descent into Papal 
territory blocked by some 400 Swiss mercenaries. Even 
if their chief had been willing to commence civil war, 
he had not the force to cut his way through. The plains 
of the Romagna, the recruiting ground at which he was 
aiming, lay in front of him like the promised land. But 
how could he reach it ? He was indeed in evil plight. 
His men, ill clothed and fed, were exposed on the mountains 
in snow a foot deep. Guerrazzi refused to let them return 
through Tuscany ; Zucchi barred their advance. Was it 
for this, Garibaldi bitterly exclaimed, that they had crossed 
the Atlantic, to be starved and betrayed by their country- 
men ? He had, indeed, as little cause to love the Moderate 
governments as they had to love him. 

At this critical juncture in his career, the populace 
of Bologna, led by Father Gavazzi, came to his rescue. 
Taking advantage of the momentary absence of General 
Zucchi at Ferrara, they rose in formidable numbers to protest 
against the exclusion of their hero, and cried out to the 
officer in command : ' Either our brothers come here, or 
you come down from that balcony.' So Garibaldi was 
allowed to enter Bologna alone, and was conducted in torch- 
light procession to the famous Hotel Brun. A few days 
later ho was permitted to fetch down his men from Filigare ; 
they did not enter the city itself, but turned off outside the 
gates along the road to Ravenna. During his stay in 
Bologna their chief had been in deep consultation on the 
subject of recruiting with the rich young radical, Angelo 
Masina — who was himself raising his gallant squadron 



of lancers — and with other leaders of the Democratic 
party whose local information and influence did much to 
enable Garibaldi to enlist in Romagna his legion of ' men 
who knew how to die.' ' 

The compromise to which General Zucchi had been forced 
by the Bolognese to consent, was that the Garibaldians 
should pass through the Romagna to Ravenna, and there 
take ship for Venice, which was holding out under Manin 
against the Austrians.'- Masina and his lancers were also to 
sail for Venice from Comacchio. In this way Rossi would 
be well rid of the fighters : with the talkers he would 
know how to deal. But Garibaldi and Masina, who were 
determined to stay near Ravenna at least until they had 
recruited formidable bodies of men, were not anxious to sail 
at all if any better opportunity offered, preferring, if pos- 
sible, to head an invasion of Austrian or Neapolitan territory 
rather than go to Venice merely to die there in the last 
ditch. Rossi and Zucchi were no less resolved that they 
should sail forthwith, and there is every reason to suppose 
that the dispute between characters so determined would 
have been settled in the streets of Ravenna by a battle 
in which the Garibaldians and the populace would have 
fought together against the Swiss regiments sent there 
to enforce the embarkation.'' Meanwhile, Father Gavazzi 
had been arrested by Zucchi, at Rossi's orders.^ But the 
civil strife imminent in the provinces was averted by a 
base crime in Rome. News reached Ravenna, on November 

' Loev. i. 6-15 ; Ovidi, 240, 241. 

- We learn from Zucchi, 147, 148, that Rossi had sent orders to this effect as 
early as November 6, received by Zucchi November g. And yet Zucchi would 
not have allowed Garibaldi to leave Filigare if he had not been compelled to do 
so by the Bolognese mob. I suppose that, as the man on the spot, he formed the 
opinion that if Garibaldi once got into the Romagna it would be more difticult to 
get him out again than Rossi supposed. Nor was he far wrong. 

^ I do not base this conjecture on the alleged letter of Zucchi to Rossi, promising 
to cut up the Garibaldians by grapeshot (Nicolini, 73), the authenticity of which 
is impugned hy Johnston, 1S7, note 2. I take my ground on the general situation, 
and on the hostility to the Garibaldians expressed in undoubtedly genuine parts 
of the Rossi-Zucchi correspondence. {Giovagnoli, 258, 259, 406.) See ■x\%oMein. 
and Loev. i. sub loc, Zucchi, 145-149 ; Bonnet, 5-II, and p. 289 below. 

* Zucchi, 147, 148 ; Loev. i. 16, 17, and note. 


i8, that, three days before, Pellegrino Rossi had been 

The last letter that Rossi ever wrote to General Zucchi, 
thanking him for his efforts against the Democrats in 
Romagna, breathed stern resolves of coercion : 

' It seems (he wrote) that the disaffected will attempt some 
folly at the opening of the chambers. So much the worse for 
them if they carry out their plans. The Government is deter- 
mined to imitate you. Farewell, dear friend.' ^ 

In this spirit Rossi introduced a strong force of loyal 
Carabinieri into Rome, and paraded them along the Corso, 
while his proclamations took a menacing tone. On the 
other side the Democratic press attacked him fiercely, and 
stirred up feeling on behalf of Garibaldi, whom they declared 
to be treated disgracefully.-' The revolutionary party, 
of which Ciceruacchio was the leading spirit, had won 
over many of the troops, both volunteers and regulars, 
and in the capital, as at Ravenna, street fighting seemed 
about to commence,'' when the dagger took the place of 
the sword. 

The history of the assassination plot against Rossi 
is hard to unravel ; but there is a concurrence of first- 
hand testimony as to the man who did the deed. The 
murderer was Luigi Brunetti, the elder son of Ciceruacchio, 
acting with or without his father's knowledge, as may be, 
but certainly at the instigation of the vile politician, Sterbini, 
and with the co-operation of some of the Rcduci volunteers. ' 

November 15 was the day fixed for the opening of the 
new session of the Council of Deputies, in the Palazzo della 
Cancelleria, when Rossi was to speak on behalf of the 

' Zucchi, 149. - Nitolini, 72, 73. ^ Giovagnoli, 325 ; Fabrizi, 9- 1 6. 

♦ R. I. 1898, iii. 109-115 (Caravacci's evidence), andiii. 356-358 ; Costa, 37- 
39 ; Gicmagnoli, 268-272, 327, 342, and chapter s\\. passim, and BiancaJeonc, i. 
6-10. Giovagnoli's work is based on the extensive documents of trials arising out 
of the murder. Sec particularly the evidence of Testa about Sterbini, Giovagnoli, 
367, 368. I am not certain of Ciceruacchio's innocence, but the only direct 
evidence there is absolves him of comi>licity before the fact (A'. /. iii. 112). 


Government. The first warning ^ of danger was the news 
brought him when he was about to start, that the crowd 
round the entrance was in a hostile and even dangerous 
mood, but it was late to make new arrangements, he was a 
brave man, and he determined not to keep Rome waiting. 
The Piazza in which he dismounted from his carriage was 
closely packed by a concourse of the mixed character usual 
on such an occasion,* but in the entrance lobby of the Palace 
and at the foot of the staircase, a group of blackguards 
were conspicuous in the uniforms of the Volunteers returned 
from the Lombard campaign, and known as the Redtici — 
a corps that contained better elements. As Rossi's tall 
figure drew near them, they raised a yell of execration, 
but he pushed his way through to the staircase, showing 
on his pale, intellectual features the scorn he felt for such 
enemies. He had his feet on the lowest steps, when a man 
struck him on the side, and as he turned his head Luigi 
Brunetti on the other side took advantage of this move- 
ment to stab him in the neck. No second blow was 

The Reduci were in possession of the place, and protest 
was d 'ngerous. But two young Democrats who had come 
on purpose to prevent the murder — Nino Costa, the artist 
afterwards so famous, and his friend Grandoni, who from his 
close connection with the Reduci had heard enough to fear 
that a crime was intended — raised loud cries of anger, and 
barely escaped from the throng with their lives.^ Even 
Costa never did a braver or better thing for Italy. 

It would have been well if the same spirit had been 
shown elsewhere. The Deputies in the Chamber above, 
who had not yet produced a Democratic chief capable of 
saving the State or even of leading a party with decency, 

' Gjovagnoli, 272, 273. He denies (271) the dramatic stories told by Pasoiini, 
(99-100), and others, of warnings conveyed to Rossi by priests, &c. 

^ Giovagnoli, 272-275. 

^ Giovagnoli, 277 ; Ko7nan MSS. Ris. 97. 

* Costa, 37-38; Gioz'agfjoli, 357, 358 ; A'. /. 1898, iii. 115. Grandoni was 
afterwards unjustly condemned for the murder, in May 1854, and died in prison 
June 30 of that year. Roman MSS. Ris. 97. 


dispersed in bewilderment and fear, without reprobating 
the murder done at their door or making any demonstration 
to discourage the assassins.^ During the rest of the day 
the authorities and the mass of the people — Democrats, 
Moderates, and Clericals alike — remained inactive : many 
were relieved that Rossi was gone, and nearly all were 
afraid of those who had despatched him. So little was done 
in the interests of order and common humanity that, at 
nightfall, a small crowd — rather more than a hundred in 
number — ventured to howl brutalities under the victim's 
house, so that his widow must have heard the odious 

incantation : 

' Benedetta quella mano 
Che il Rossi pugnal6.' - 

It was not a proud day for the Senate and people of Rome. 

To posterity few poHtical murders appear more execrable ; 
but, at the time, the democratic and the nationalist spirit, 
which Rossi had set himself to curb, ran so high that the feel- 
ing was that of relief, if not of joy. An analogy to the state 
of public sentiment can be found in the rejoicings throughout 
England at the murder of Buckingham. The political 
situations in the two cases were not wholly different, and in 
the matter of taking human Hfe Itahan civilisation was, 
perhaps, at very much the same stage of evolution in 1848 
as Enghsh civihsation had been two hundred and twenty 
years before, when the ' killing affray ' was only just in 
process of dying out.^ 

So general was the sense of relief throughout the Papal 
States that it affected persons who, if they had consulted 
their private conscience alone, would have been deeply 
indignant at the murder. Margaret Fuller, the friend of 
Emerson and Carlyle, the flower of Bostonian intellect in its 
great days,'' wrote to her mother, from Rome : 

' Farini, ii. 408; Giovagiioli, 281. 

* ' Blessed be the hand which slabbed Rossi,' Ciovagnoli, 288, 289 ; PasoHni, 

^ See p. 61, note 2 above (B3Tron). 

* There were, however, irreverent Bostonians capable of poking fun at her in 
their private correspondence. 5/^ry (Henry James), i. 105, 106. 


' For me, I never thought to have heard of a violent death 
with satisfaction ; but this act affected me as one of terrible 
justice.' ' 

But it is much more sad to have to record the words of 
Garibaldi's Memorie : 

' The ancient Metropolis of the world, worthy once more of 
her former glory, freed herself on that day from the most fo-rmid- 
able satellite of tyranny, and bathed the marble steps of the 
Capitol with his blood. A young Roman had recovered the 
steel of Marcus Brutus.' 

It is true that he also says : 

' As a follower of Beccaria, I am opposed to capital punish- 
ment, and therefore I blame the dagger of Brutus.' 

Nothing illustrates more clearly than this passage the 
intellectual confusion of Garibaldi's mind, and the mass of 
unassimilated theories and historical ideals that fermented 
there. His only reason for rejecting the classical examples 
of tyrannicide, which the youth of his age and country were 
brought up to admire as the model of ancient virtue, is, 
so he tells us, his objection to all capital punishment. 
Yet nothing was more characteristic of the discipline which 
he maintained in his Legion than the readiness with which he 
had his men shot for acts of theft or violence,^ a readiness 
which, being tempered with humanity, was useful and even 
indispensable. The restraint which he managed to impose 
upon the turbulent spirits under his command, among whom 
the element of ' Jacobinism ' was always latent, was largely 
due to his employment of this extreme rigour. OfBcers 
who accompanied his retreat from Rome in the following 
summer tell us that on that march ' he had two punish- 
ments : reprimand and death.' ^ How then could he dis- 
approve of political assassination on the ground that he 
objected to the death penalty ? 

On the other hand it would not be fair to deduce, from 
his foolish words about Rossi's murder, that he ever had 

' Fuller, iii. 186. « Hoff. 330, 365 ; Loev. ii. 182, 1S3. =< Hoff. 333. 

G 2 


anything to do with assassination plots, or that he was 
callous in taking the lives of his enemies. The very oppo- 
site is the established truth. It must be laid to the credit, 
not of his head, but of his heart, that the brutal school 
of South American warfare, the cruelties of Austrians, 
Papalists, and Neapolitans, the low standard of some 
of his own Italian followers, and the violent sentiments 
natural to the revolutionary party of which he became 
the leader, had no deteriorating effect on his action. His 
political passions never led him to commit a deed incon- 
sistent with the tenderness of his nature and his constant 
perception of the brotherhood of man. The priests, against 
whom he is perpetually inveighing in his Memorie, were 
safe in his hands. ^ He constantly spared disguised miUtary 
spies who, by the law and custom of war, had fairly forfeited 
their lives. ^ It was his special care to save the lives of his 
enemies in battle, and for the vanquished foe he was all 
tenderness and respect.^ In the long course of his many 
campaigns and dictatorships he kept himself singularly 
free from the unnecessary shedding of blood ; and foul 
murder, like that of Rossi, was as far from his methods of 
action as anything could be. The tenderest of the brave, 
he took thought not only for men and women, but for the 
joys and sufferings of animals ; ever since the day when, as 
a child, he had cried over the wounded grasshopper, he 
was brother to every living thing. He could not endure 
that a bird should be caged, nor allow an animal to be 
struck in his presence. It pained him even to see flowers 
plucked, or a bough wantonly broken, because ' the great 
Spirit of Eternal Life is in everything.' During his Dictator- 
ship in Naples, in i860, he spent, in trying to remedy the 
condition of the cab-horses, much time which others thought 
he should have given to tasks of government in time of 
crisis ; and in the following year, when he was the most 

' The negative evidence of this throughout his career is complete. He had 
already, at Forll, severely rebuked the mob for raising the cry ' morte ai preti.' 
Lazr.arini, 45. 

■' HoJ. 397, 400, 401 ; Belluzzi, 36. 

» Mem. 61, 175, 291, 438 ; Rttg. 37 ; Vecchi's Caprera, 54, 55. 


famous man in Europe, he thought it natural to go out at 
night in the rain to seek a strayed lamb among the rocks 
and brushwood of Caprera.' 

And yet, under the influence of passion and sentiment, 
he could write foohsh stuff about Rossi's murder. No 
wonder there were men who said that he had ' a heart of 
gold and the brains of an ox.' 

Though the method of Rossi's removal from power 
alienates much of our sympathy with his opponents, it 
should not blind us to the fact that the minister was trying 
to apply the juste milieu to a situation which was revolu- 
tionary in all its passions and in all its opportunities. He 
discouraged the forces making for vigorous initiative and 
national war against Austria, and tried to execute a domestic 
reform in the Papal States while putting down the reform- 
ing party.'-' Even his personal supporters, the enlightened 
men who led the small Moderate party, much as they 
disliked the Democrats, seem to have recognised his mis- 
take in refusing to join Piedmont in the attack on Austria. 
Pasolini and Minghetti, summoned to the Quirinal a few 
hours after Rossi had fallen, were consulted as to the 
formation of a new ministry. Though filled with the 
first grief and horror at the murder of their friend, they 
mastered their passionate resentment against the slayers 
enough to tell the Pope that no Government could be 
carried on ' which persisted in holding aloof from the war 
of national independence.' "' But if Pio Nono had been 
unwilling to fight for Italy before Rossi's murder, he was 
not likely to consent now, and the voice of such a man as 
Pasolini was never again to win credence in those counsels. 
The long reign of a more sinister influence had begun : for 
the shock which Rossi's death gave to Pio Nono hastened 
the last stages of a process, which from the moment of his 

' Mem. 7 ; Melena, 23, 24 ; King, ii. 174 ; Chambers, 100; Verc/ifs Caprera, 
8, 44, 66, 67, 75, 76 ; Gnerzoni^ ii. 65C3-3. 

2 Giovagnoli, 325, 326. 

•* Pasolini, loi ; Minghetti, ii. 125. Rossi himself had once said the same, 
but, in office, had acted in an opposite sense. (See Giovagnoli, 326.) 


accession had been sure and rapid- the supposed Liberal 
of two years back had become as other Popes, and had 
taken Cardinal Antonelli as his counsellor and guide. 

If anything more was lacking to fix the supremacy of 
Antonelh's will over the weak mind, it was supplied by 
the conduct of the Roman mob on the day after the murder. 
On November i6 they demonstrated against the Quirinal, 
fired at the Swiss Guard, and tried to coerce the Pope by 
the same methods of personal intimidation which the mob of 
Paris had employed on their famous visit to the Tuileries, 
in June 1792 ; but Pio Nono showed the same powers of 
passive resistance to outrage as Louis XVI. 

The situation was not one that could last long, and, 
on November 24, the Pope fled, disguised as a simple priest. 
The flight from the guarded Palace in the heart of the 
capital to the frontier of the State closely resembled the 
flight to Varennes, except that it was ably and successfully 
conducted. The French Ambassador, D'Harcourt, though 
a party to the plot, appeared to some extent as its dupe, 
for the carriage containing the fugitives drove, not towards 
Civitavecchia and France, but southwards along the 
Appian Way to Gaeta in Neapolitan territory.' The choice 
of route was significant of the fact that henceforth the 
Papacy stood for all that was most opposed to Italian 
aspirations, for all that was most retrograde in politics 
and in religion. Pio Nono had gone to become the guest 
of King Bomba ; to put himself, as a clerical writer of the 
day justly said, ' under the filial protection of a pious 
and ever celebrated monarch.' '"* 

The news that the Pope had gone was to many of the 
illiterate populace of Rome much what the news that the 
Ka'ba had disappeared would be to the people of Mecca. 
The consternation was great. Many of the Trasteverines, 
newly converted to the radicalism of Ciceruacchio, still 
regarded the Pope much as the African savage regards his 
idol ; they would beat their fetish if he refused to do what 
they wanted, but they still vaguely beheved in his thauma- 

' Spaiir, 18-23 ; Ma^uiic, 61-C6 ; ^ohnslon, 203. MoiUor, 80, 81. 




1 : 

/v\^l *^ 

^ ."f" 


turgic powers, and felt for him a kind of family affection 
growing out of an intimacy fourteen centuries old. Besides, 
from a commercial point of view, the Pope was to Rome 
what Diana was to Ephesus. In fact, it is thought that 
if Pio Nono had been ready to treat, he would have been 
welcomed back in a few months.' But from Gaeta he asked, 
not for terms, but for submission, and this policy put the 
game into the hands of the stronger spirits in Rome, 
whose Republican propaganda gained ground every day. 
Indignation with Antonelli and the NeapoHtan gang that now 
surrounded the Pope gave popularity to Mazzini's doctrine 
that Rome would not lose in ceasing to be the capital of 
the Catholic world, if she became instead the capital of 
the Republican world, and more particularly of the Italian 
Republic. The Mazzinian dream was presented in the 
glowing colours of oratory to that impressionable populace, 
which was capable, to a degree scarcely to be understood 
by the English mind, of sympathy with murder one month, 
and of exalted idealism the next. The word was passed 
round, and the Republican chiefs came flocking to Rome 
from all parts of Italy. 

These events at Rome had their effect on the growth 
and fortunes of the infant Legion in the Romagna. After 
Rossi's murder, the voyage to Venice could safely be 
postponed, since Garibaldi and his infantry at Ravenna, 
Masina and his lancers in the island city of Comacchio, 
could now be easily protected by the inhabitants from 
the discouraged soldiers of Zucchi. Indeed, they were 
soon strong enough to protect themselves, for Masina 
and Garibaldi became fast friends, and, on November 23, 
united their forces : the forty-two lancers, in their red 
fezzes and picturesque uniform, came to join the Legion- 
aries, and acted thenceforth as the Garibaldian cavalry. 
Meanwhile the work of enlistment proceeded so rapidly 
in the best of all possible recruiting grounds, that, at the 

' This very common impression is confirmed by the impartial nnd well-informed 
observer Admiral Key. {Key, 184.) 


end of November, the Legion left Ravenna more than 500 

This regiment, which was to play the principal part 
in the Garibaldian epic of 1849, was known as Garibaldi's 
or the First Italian Legion, in memory of the Italian 
Legion of Monte Video, from which it was descended. Among 
the officers, the majority were natives of Piedmont or 
the Austrian provinces of the north ; and as many as twenty- 
two were Italians who had come home with their chief from 
Monte Video, besides two of South American extraction.' 
Of the sergeants and men the predominating element at 
this early stage was Romagnuol, and, until the end, the 
region best represented was the Romagna. But there 
were also many from Austrian Lombardy and Venetia, 
and later on from Umbria and the Tiber Valley.^ 

There were few peasants in the Legion.^ The great 
majority belonged to the commercial and artisan classes, 
from whom were chosen out, by a process of voluntary 
natural selection, the most intelligent and enthusiastic 
partisans of Reform, together with the most adventurous 
spirits and the lovers of a roving life. There were a large 
number of ' students ' in the ranks. The young men 
of the Universities, who played so great a part in the wars 
and politics of the Risorgimento, were individually and 
collectively conscious of the many ways in which the retro- 
grade Italian Governments closed the various professional 
careers open to the educated middle class in France or 
England.'' Their studies, too, led them to believe that 

' Roman MSS. Ruoli Gen. 8i F. i, show that on November 22 there were 
512 Legionaries at Ravenna, and Ruoli Gen. 82 F.F. 10, 12, show that Masina's 
lancers were forty-two strong, counting officers. 

* Loev. ii. 26, 27, 226-274. Other members of the staff, who were not officers, 
also came from America, and wore the red shirt. The orderly pictured on 
plate opposite p. 100 is one of these. 

* Loev. i. 22-42 ; and ii. 22-27. 

* With regard to the classes from which the Legionaries were drawn, my 
evidence is Me7n. 219; and the list of 162 prisoners (taken at sea off Magna- 
vacca) giving the trade or profession of each one. Of these 162, many belonged to 
the Legion, and the rest were probably much the same class of person. {Bel. 
App. I.) 

* King, i. 104. 


Italy was the heir of great glory, and that freedom had 
been the watchword both of the classical Republics and 
of the mediaeval cities in their best days. Therefore, by 
interest and conviction alike, the students were partisans 
of the movement of emancipation, and not only supplied 
the prophets, theorists, and statesmen who redeemed Italy, 
but offered themselves by scores and hundreds as the common 
food for powder. 

One element in the Legion, which gave its enemies a 
right to blaspheme, consisted of a few convicts whom 
Garibaldi had admitted, under the characteristic delusion 
that to fight for Italy would cure all moral diseases — a 
point on which some of these gentlemen eventually un- 
deceived him.' 

But, on the whole, he was not far wrong when he called 
his Legionaries ' the cultivated classes of the towns.' ■^ 
And these shopkeepers, workmen, and students were quite 
equal, as the event proved, to pass the severest physical 
tests of war, which must indeed have tried the pluck of the 
numerous lads of fourteen to sixteen years of age, who were 
in this, as in subsequent campaigns, a familiar feature in 
the armies of Garibaldi. Sufferings were more readily borne 
because of the example set by a chief who, even in the midst 
of plenty, ate and drank most sparingly, and accepted the 
return of privation as the natural lot of man. His followers 
were ready to endure much at the request of a famous 
soldier, the more so since he, being himself a man of the 
people, and withal of a most tender and human heart, 
was able to speak with them on terms of equality about 
those whom they loved, to share their private griefs 
and hopes, especially when they were wounded, and to 
show a particular care and kindness for the younger 
volunteers who had run away from school to fight for 

' Loev. ii. 15-21. 

- The Dutch artist, Koelman, describes how, at a midnight watch at one of the 
old gate?; of Rome, in May 1849, he was thrilled by hearing the common 
sentry (of Garibaldi's Legion) sing to the stars a stanza of Tasso's Gerusakmme 
Liberata. Koelman, ii. 35-40. 


Italy, and to whom he stood in some sort in place of a 

From the first the Legionaries had much to endure, 
since their chief had as yet no war-chest, and no support 
from Government. When they left Ravenna they were 
ill-armed, ill-clad, and without uniform — except Hasina's 
handful of Bolognese lancers, equipped at their own 
expense and that of their wealthy Colonel, and the red- 
shirted staff officers and orderlies from South America, 
who alone represented the pomp and circumstance of war.^ 

And so this ragged regiment of fine fellows wandered 
about for the rest of the winter through Umbria and the 
Marches, spreading the democratic gospel, and creating for 
themselves a reputation of many colours. When they 
entered a town, the inhabitants, instructed by the fears 
of priests and of Moderates, looked anxiously from their 
windows at the entrance of the ' bandits,' though they 
often became friendly when they had seen and spoken to 
the young men, who were above the average of education 
and intelligence.^ But the decided and often unpleasing 
manner in which the Legionaries expressed their Repub- 
licanism gave offence to some ; others were alienated 
by the insults occasionally offered to monks, priests, and 
their relics, though Garibaldi punished such conduct most 
severely. By the discipline of the pillory {berlina), prison 
and capital punishment, he restrained the plundering 
propensities of his corps within closer limits than those 
usually observed by the soldiers of the period. But though 
his privates were not allowed to rob, the official requisitions 
which he was forced to make, as General, from the half-willing 
communes in order to feed and pay his men at all, and the 
uncertainty whether the Central Government would ever 
reimburse the localities, made it difficult to be enthusiastic 
for such expensive guests.' 

' LoeT/. ii. 201-204; Kcelman, ii. 109- 114, for 1849. Garibaldian literature 
passim, and private information from old Garibaldini, about later wars. 
* Loev. i. 43-51 s^r\(l passim ; Guerrazzi, 760. 
' Mem. 219 ; Foi^Uetli, 2. 
' Locv. i. and ii. passim, especially ii., chap. xiv. , where the whole question 


In the middle of December, Garibaldi, accompanied by 
Masina, left his men for a few days and paid a flying visit 
to Rome, which he had not seen since his memorable journey 
with his father twenty-three years before. He now once 
more went to gaze on the Capitol and the Coliseum, which 
to him were the symbols, not merely (as they are to us) of 
time at war with human splendour and permanence, but of 
the past and future of his own dear land, and of the cause 
which inspired his life. These ruins were to him the title- 
deeds of Italy. 

But he had the good sense to ^forbid the Clubs to 
conduct him in procession to the Capitol. Such triumphs, 
he said, had first to be won ; when Italy was freed, he 
would himself invite them to come with him. The 
rebuke was well timed, for it was his part to teach 
the Itahans, and the Romans not least, how much of the 
bitter bread of war and suffering was needed to justify the 
intolerable deal of sack represented by so many speeches, 
processions, and classical allusions. He made friends, how- 
ever, with Ciceruacchio and the other Republican leaders. 
The Provisional Government, not yet completely in touch 
with democratic sentiment, looked askance at him, and 
would do little to help his Legion, which was again suffering 
from want in the cold of the Apennine winter. So he 
returned, discontented, to his men at Foligno in Umbria.' 

But events were moving inevitably towards a Republic, 
to which form of government, since the Pope would not 
treat, there was no alternative. In February a Constituent 
Assembly was summoned, and Garibaldi again went to Rome, 
as representative of the City of Macerata,^ where his presence 
with the Legion had won him popularity. On February 8, 
1849, he took an enthusiastic part in the proclamation of 
the Roman Republic. 

of the discipline of the Legion is discussed in extenso and in great detail from very 
numerous documents. For the system of paying the Legion see Roman MSS 
Rtioli Cen. 80 F.F. I-3, and Loev. i. 42 ; ii. 77-81. 

' Loev. i. 66-75 ; Mejn. 218, 219. 

* In the Marches, south of Ancona ; not Macerata Feltria. (See Foglietti, 
tassim on his slay there. ) 


One of the first acts of the new State, carried by a 
unanimous vote of the Assembly, was to naturalise Mazzini, 
who at the beginning of March arrived in Rome, welcomed 
as its latest and greatest citizen. The sordid period of 
the Democratic revolution was over, and its period of 
idealism and heroism had begun. Mazzini speedily removed 
the elements of crime and coercion from the popular Govern- 
ment, and replaced them by a spirit of tolerance and liberty 
almost unexampled in time of national danger. Garibaldi 
gave to the warfare of the extreme Republicans something of 
the spirit of Thermopylae, so often mouthed by orators whose 
stock-in-trade was classical history, but at last brought by 
the red-shirts into the region of fact. Little as they liked 
one another, these two men between them turned a rather 
limp revolutionary movement, begun in murder and frothy 
talk of the Clubs, into one of the great scenes of history. 
The Roman Republic showed the faults, but it showed yet 
more abundantly the virtues, of its origin as the work 
of an extreme faction. Its history is full of that appeal 
to the ideal in man that often guides the life of individuals, 
but finds little direct representation in the government 
of the world, except in those rare, brief moments of crisis 
and of concentrated passion when some despised ' ideologue ' 
is lifted to the top of the plunging wave. 

' I entered the City one ev-ening (writes Mazzini) with a deep 
sense of awe, almost of worship. Rome wels to me as, in spite 
of her present degradation she still is, the Temple of humanity. 
From Rome will one day spring the religious transformation 
destined for the third time to bestow moral unity upon Europe. 
As I passed through the Porta del Popolo, I felt an electric thrill 
run through me — a spring of new life.' 



' We must act like men who have the enemy at their gates, and at the same 
time like men who are working for eternity.' — Mazzini, in the Assembly, Rome, 

One of the first things that Mazzini did after his entry into 
Rome was to visit the American lady whom he had met so 
often in England with the Carlyles and others of that 

' Last night,' wrote Margaret Fuller, on March 9, * I heard a 
ring; then somebody speak my name; the voice struck 
me at once. He looks more divine than ever, after all 
his new, strange sufferings. ... He stayed two hours, and 
we talked, though rapidly, of everything. He hopes to 
come often, but the crisis is tremendous and all will come on 
him ; since, if any one can save Italy from her foes, inward and 
outward, it will be he. But he is very doubtful whether this 
be possible ; the foes are too many, too strong, too subtle.' 

Six weeks later he again admitted to Arthur Clough the 
probability that the Roman Republic would fall.^ 

Mazzini's Government, the defence of the Janiculum, 
and the battles and marches of Garibaldi, could not 
save the new State. Yet these events hastened the gradual 

' Fuller, iii. 208 ; Clough^s P. R., 148. Here is another stranger's impres- 
sion of Mazzini at this period, by the American, William Wetmore Story, a 
disciple neither of Miss Fuller nor of Mazzini : ' Called on Mazzini, the 
Triumvir. . . . His practicality, I cannot but think, has been veneered over 
his mind by his English life. Essentially, like almost all Italians, he is a 
visionary. But he sees and understands the virtue of simple, direct action.' 
Story, i 157. 


approach of unity, by giving a new character to the local 
pride of the Romans, and marking out Rome to all the 
world as the capital of Italy and the only acceptable goal 
of the national aspirations. 

Desperation was the mood of the hour. The Kings and 
the Moderates, said the Republicans, have betrayed the 
People : let the People take their cause into their own 
hands — let us have no more half measures. ' Dare ! and 
dare ! and dare again ! ' So Danton had said when the 
Austrian armies threatened the life of the mother of modern 
Republics. And so now, in effect, said the Roman Demo- 
crats ; but theirs was the daring of men who, at bottom, 
have little hope of immediate success. The ardour for the 
Mazzinian Republic was less forcible and effective than 
the French fury of 1793, but it was purer in its moral 
conception. It was less effective, because it was strong 
only in the towns ; the peasant of the Apennines could not 
be roused to take arms, as Jacques Bonhomme had been 
roused, to form the battalions of national defence. But 
the Roman Republic was not cruel, and its advent was 
followed, not by the increase, but by the suppression of 
terrorism. In the first months of 1849 the new State fell 
under the influence of men much better than the Sterbinis 
and Carlo Bonapartes who had been prominent in Rome 
at the time of the murder of Rossi. The newly elected 
Constituent Assembly was a finer body, or, at any rate, 
had far better guidance, than the late Council of Deputies. 
Armellini, Muzzarelli, and Saffi, honourable and worthy 
politicians, led the Assembly in the early weeks of the Re- 
public, and at the end of March ungrudgingly yielded the 
real power to Mazzini, when the triumvirate was formed. 
Until then he was only a member of the Assembly, but from 
the moment of his first entry into Rome he was its leading 
citizen and its real political chief. 

It was the hope of Mazzini, with which he inspired the 
people of Rome, to unite the whole peninsula in one Republic. 
He dreamed that the work of liberation, starting from 
Rome, would spread from State to State, in an order of 


geographical expansion exactly the reverse of that by 
which Italian unity was in the end effected. 

Tuscany and Naples were the nearest neighbours. The 
Tuscan Republic had been proclaimed ten days after that 
of Rome, and Mazzini, on his way south, had stopped to take 
a leading part in the revolution, effected at a meeting held 
under Orcagna's loggia in Florence (February 18), though 
he failed to persuade the Tuscans to incorporate their 
Republic with that of Rome. It was clear that they 
would be of little help in the coming death struggle against 
the armies of old Europe, for the forces of reaction within 
Tuscany itself were enough to render the overthrow of the 
Democrats probable even without foreign interference. 

On the side of Naples, the foe was already in arms at 
the gate, for King Ferdinand, rejoicing in his new moral 
position as protector of the Pope, hoped to forestall Austria 
and France in the race to re-establish the Temporal Power. 
Had not his large, though not very efficient armies been 
already threatening the Roman border, the Republic would 
have sent Garibaldi to the assistance of King Charles 
Albert against the Austrians, in the fatal Novara campaign 
(March 14-23).' 

Charles Albert, who, in fighting and suffering with Italy 
in the Lombard war, had learnt too late to sympathise 
with the people, was a Liberal, perhaps for the first time in 
his life, during the six months that followed the surrender 
of Milan to the Austrians and the armistice of August 1848. 
Though he himself was safe in Turin, he could not forget 
those scenes of the retreat through Milan, and the cries of 
a people thrust back into slavery. He was a haunted 
man, and his naturally diseased imagination turned from 
religious to pohtical visions. He too ' ate Austria in his 
bread.' Radetzky's brutal punishment of those who had 
trusted him to save them stirred him like a personal insult, 
and at length he found that neither he nor his Piedmontese 
subjects could any longer endure to watch the agonies of 

' Loev. i. 1 28, 129. 


Lombardy. But when, on March 14, 1849, he denounced 
the armistice, and gathered his forces for a last rush on Milan, 
Radetzky was better prepared than he. Crossing into 
Piedmontese territory, the Austrians won the decisive victory 
of Novara (March 23), where, once more, brave fighting 
and bad generalship distinguished the Italian army. 

Charles Albert had vainly sought death in the battle. 
To obtain better terms for his country, he abdicated the 
throne and rode away disguised through the Austrian 
lines. Before that summer was ended, he had died in a 
Portuguese cloister, his heart broken for Italy. Much is 
forgiven him, because he loved her much. He had long 
imagined, in his religious and mystical melancholy, that 
God had set him apart to procure her liberation, on con- 
dition that he himself became a sacrifice,^ and that unselfish 
thought may well be repeated by history as her final 
judgment of his life. 

Young Victor Emmanuel, left to cope with triumphant 
enemies and mutinous subjects, inherited the allegiance of 
a still formidable army and the attachment of a small 
band of servants of the House of Savoy, as Liberal as the 
Whigs of the Reform Bill, but as loyal as any Swiss guard. 
He saved Piedmont from conquest, partly through the 
assistance of very serious threats made by France against 
Austria, partly by consenting to abandon for the time the 
Democratic parties in the rest of Italy. Austria insisted, 
as a matter of course, that he should leave Venice to its 
fate by the withdrawal of his fleet from the Adriatic — an 
act of necessity which the Republicans throughout the 
Peninsula factiously charged against him as a crime. But 
there was one thing which he would not surrender, and that 
was the Constitution granted by his father to Piedmont. 
All the tempting offers made by Radetzky to induce him to 
' modify ' the great charter, which was destined to become 
the law of the kingdom of united Italy, were met by his 
staunch refusal, now celebrated in Italian popular art, 
which loves to depict the young and spirited king turning 

' Delia Rocca, 28. 

From a P<»ti:iil by Madame Vcn/iiri about 1817 



away in indignation [rom the offers of the white-haired 
enemy of freedom. 

The news that Piedmont was once more laid low reached 
Rome at the end of March. Although it had been neces- 
sary to keep the Garibaldians on the Neapolitan border, 
a few Roman troops had been sent towards the seat of 
war, but had not arrived in time to share in the disaster. 
The first result of Novara was that the Roman Assembly 
proclaimed a dictatorship of Mazzini, Saffi, and Armellini, 
under the title of ' Triumvirs,' with full executive power. 
Mazzini, however, directed the policy of his two colleagues 
as absolutely as the First Consul Bonaparte had directed 
the policy of Sieyes and Ducos. But his was the domina- 
tion, not of supreme efficiency and egoism, but of an almost 
superhuman virtue, of an other-worldliness which long 
years of suffering and self-surrender had suffused through 
his being, so that those who looked on him and heard his 
voice were compelled to reverence the divine in man. 
While Garibaldi was being fashioned into a hero on the 
breezy uplands of Brazil, the more painful making of a 
saint had for eleven years been in process amid the squalid 
and fog-obscured surroundings of a London lodging-house. 
And now at last the finished product of so much pain and 
virtue shone before Europe in Italian sunlight, on the great 
stage of Rome. The saintliness which Carlyle had so fully 
acknowledged, though he would never yield to its persua- 
sion, now cast its spell over the Roman people. They 
carried out Mazzini's behests in letter and in spirit, under 
the pure constraint of his nobility, laying aside sloth and 
cowardice, and abjuring at his appeal even the passion 
of revenge. ' Here in Rome,' he told the Assembly, 
' we may not be moral m.ediocrities.' If Carlyle had 
had any eyes for the events of his own day, he would 
have seen in the friend whom he had so often made 
' very sad ' by vociferous scorn of schemes for the 
moral redemption ''"of Italy the grandest illustration of 



his o^vn theory that asserts the natural domination of Man 
over Men.^ 

In almost every town of the Peninsula, great or small, 
there was some group of young men who had been roused 
by Mazzini's appeal to devote their lives not to themselves, 
but to their country and their fellows. It was a process 
nothing short of conversion — for it was moral even more 
than intellectual. Garibaldi, before he went to America, 
had been one of the first thus awakened by the call of 
Mazzini ; but he was not altogether one of the ' disciples.' 
The form of reUgion on which Mazzini based his moral 
appeal to live for others was pure Deism, tempered by 
a loving respect for the Catholic form of Christianity 
from which he had separated ; he attached great import- 
ance to the bare belief in God. His watchword was 
Dio t Popolo, ' God and the People.' But Garibaldi, it 
is said, would sometimes call himself an Atheist,- when 

' On June 17, 1844, the 'J'imes had protested finely against the opening 01 
Mazzini's letters by our Government (see p. 38 above), but had rather ostenta- 
tiously declared its ignorance of Mazzini himself, saying that he ought not to be 
so treated, even if he was the most contemptible of mankind. Two days later 
a letter appeared in its columns signed ' Thomas Carlyle,' containing the follow- 
ing passage : ' It may tend to throw light on this matter if I now certify to you 
. . that Mr. Mazzini is not unknown to various competent persons in this 
country ; and that he is very far indeed from being contemptible, — none further, 
or very few living men. I have had the honour to know Mr. Mazzini for a 
series of years ; and whatever I may think of his practical insight and skill in 
worldly affairs, I can with great freedom testify to all men that he, if I have 
ever seen one such, is a man of genius and virtue, a man of sterling veracity, 
humanity, and nobleness of mind, one of those rare men, numer.ible unfortu- 
nately as units in this world, who aie worthy to be called martyr-souls ; who in 
silence piously, in their daily life, understand and practise what is meant by 
that.' On the other hand, Carlyle was most contemptuous of Mazzini's ideals and 
schemes. Margaret Fuller {iii. loo-ioi) records how, when the conversation 
one day turned on ' progress ' and ' ideals,' Carlyle was fluent in invectives on 
all our 'rose-water imbecilities.' 'We all felt distant from him, and Mazzini, 
after some vain efforts to remonstrate, became very sad. Mrs. Carlyle said to 
me, " These are but opinions to Carlyle : but to Mazzini, who has given his all, 
and helped to bring his friends to the scaffold in pursuit of such subjects, it is a 
matter of life and death." ' 

Bolton King's Mazzini is a very noble delineation of the man. ' The 
Chief in Mr. Meredith's Vittoria and the Dedication of Mr. Swinburne's 
Songs before Sunrise are the tribute of English literature. 

2 ' One night at a crowded Fulham party (1864) Mazzini was contending, as 


he was particularly incensed against the ordinary type of 
priest, who he declared ' taught the peasants to hate Italy.' 
But more usually he spoke of ' God, the Father of all nations ; ' 
of ' the mighty power of a hving God,' seen in nature ; or 
pantheistically of ' the soul of the Universe,' and of the great 
Spirit of eternal Life in everything.' He disliked ' miserable 
materialism.' He ' venerated the doctrine of Christ, because 
Christ came into the world to liberate the world from 
slavery.' ^ Christ was to him ' the virtuous man,' ' whom 
the priests had made God.' The general tone of his thought 
resembled that of Shelley, except that he was no philosopher, 
and had no consistent theories ; he had, instead, strong, 
primitive feelings, both positive and negative, that linked 
him to the Italian people and to human life. 

It was not in Garibaldi's nature either to learn or to 
teach. Men, he declared, are reformed ' by example more 
than by doctrine.' And so his doctrine was of one word — 
' A vanti ! ' But on his lips it had as much power to transform 
the minds and souls of men as the studied wisdom of the 
theorist or politician. The magical effect of his voice and 
presence was such that, although as yet he had won no 
great victories for Italy, the worship of Garibaldi already 
rivalled that of Mazzini. During the spring of 1849 his 
influence was potent to enlarge the moral tone of the 
Republic and to animate its defenders. 

F'rom the end of January to the middle of April the 
Garibaldians were stationed at the border town of Rieti, 
in face of the Neapolitan enemy. It was here that the 
Legion rose in numbers from 500 to about 1,000 men, and 
at length obtained discipline, organisation, and equip- 
ment.^ It was the favourite regiment with the people, 

was his wont, that an Atheist could noi. have a sense of duty. Garibaldi, who 
was present, at once asked, " What do you say of me ? I am an Atheist. Do 
I lack the sense of duty?" "Ah," said Mazzini, playfully, "you imbibed duty 
with your mother's milk " — which was not an answer, but a good-natured 
evasion. Garibaldi was not a philosophical Atheist, but he was a fierce senti- 
mental one, from resentment at the cruelties and tyrannies of priests who pro 
fessed to represent God.' — Holyoake, i. 220, 221. 

' Jack la Bolina, 238 ; Vecchi's Cap., 76, 88 ; J/fw.255, 291 ; Guerzoni, ii. 653. 

- Loez'. i. 113-141, ii. passim. Roman MSS. Rttoli Gen. 81, F. 3, f. 7. 

H 2 


for it represented in a concrete form the national and 
democratic idea. ' Italy,' said Ugo Bassi, who was sent 
by Mazzini to act as Garibaldi's chaplain — ' Italy is here 
in our camp ; Italy is Garibaldi ; and so are we.' ' 

At Rieti a strong and beautiful friendship was formed 
between Ugo Bassi and Garibaldi, dating from their first 
sight of one another. Thenceforth, till the martyrdom of 
the friar, they were constantl}^ together, on the battlefield, 
the march, and the bivouac. Garibaldi persuaded Bassi 
to change his clerical dress for the red shirt ^ which dis- 
tinguished the other officers of the staff, and in that 
costume he continued his apostolate, much to the satis- 
faction of the Legionaries. 

The rank and file were not, till near the end of the siege 
of Rome, dressed in the red shirt, but they had now obtained 
a uniform consisting of a loose dark-blue tunic and green 
cape, and the tall ' Calabrian hat ' of operatic fame, with 
its turn-down brim, often adorned with black ostrich 
feathers. In that romantic and magnificent headgear, 
greatly preferable to the ugly httle kepi, they performed 
their deeds of arms in 'forty-nine. 

It was clear that the mihtary defenders of the new State 
would have no sinecure. Spain, Austria, and France were 
competing with Naples for the honour and advantage of 
restoring the Pope, although the Republic, whose destruction 
was regarded as the moral duty of the first Catholic power 
that could send enough troops to Rome, not only gave no 
diplomatic justification for interference, but set up within 
its own borders a standard of freedom and toleration 
entirely new in the history of Governments beset with 
foreign and domestic danger. Accusations of terrorism and 
confiscation were made against it by the reactionary parties, 
now recovering power all over Europe. Mazzini was 

' ' L' Italia e qui nel nostro campo, 1' Italia e Garibaldi ; e siamo noi ! ' 
Martinengo Cesaresco, 229. It seems to have been a favourite cry of the time, 
as Vecchi, ii. 299, records that on July 2 the people in the Piazza of St. Peter's 
cried out at Garibaldi and his men, ' Voi siete 1' Italia.' 

- See letter of Ugo Bassi printed in Bel. 11, 12. 



(Red blouse, Calabrian hat and ostrich feather.) 

These pictures are from the Illustrated London Xews of that date, by kind permission.) 


vexed ' that these misrepresentations were repeated loudly 
in the English ' Times,' which declared that the aims and 
methods of his Roman Republic were identical with those 
of the ' reds ' of Paris,-' although, in fact, his methods of 
preserving the State in time of danger were a strange con- 
trast to those of the old French Jacobins, and his individual- 
ist legislation on behalf of the poorer classes went on 
different principles from the French Socialism of the day. 
The theory and practice of the Government are accurately 
expressed in the following ' Programme,' published by the 
Triumvirate on April 5 : 

'No war of classes, no hostility to existing wealth, no wanton 
or unjust violation of the rights of property; but a constant 
disposition to ameliorate the material condition of the classes 
least favoured by fortune.' 

Regardless of the truth, the Clerical party proclaimed 
to Europe that their enemies were communists and sociahsts 
— names then as odious to the propertied classes as the name 
Jacobin had been fifty years before. ' Who does not 
know,' wrote the Pope in his Allocution of April 20, ' that 
the city of Rome, the principal seat of the Church, has now 
become, alas, a forest of roaring beasts, overflowing with 
men of every nation, apostates, or heretics, or leaders of 
communism and socialism ? ' " But the only proof with 
which the charge of ' communism and socialism ' could 
eventually be maintained by Papal pamphleteers after the 
fall of the Republic, was the irrelevant fact that the villas 
Corsini, Valentini, Spada, and Barberini had been destroyed 
in battle (half by the French and half by the Italian guns), 
and that a few other houses outside the walls had been 
removed by the Triumvirate to facilitate the military 
defence of the city.^ 

And, indeed, all property was safe, except the enormous 
estates of the Church, which the mildest reform could not 

' Clough, p. R. 147. 

* Times leading articles, e.g. March 30 and May 11. 
^ Allocuzione del sonimo Pontejicc. 

* Gli ultimi sessantanovc ^ionii, 165. 


have left untouched. In other countries, Cathohc and 
Protestant aUke, tlie wealth accumulated by the mediaeval 
Church had undergone large curtailment by a process of 
which the propertied class had been the chief beneficiaries. 
But it was not for squires, courtiers, or capitalists that 
^lazziiii laid his hand on ecclesiastical property. It was 
for tiie benefit of the poorer peasants that he decreed the 
employment of confiscated Church land, as small holdings 
leased to cultivators at nominal rents ; it was for the benefit 
of the poorer parish priests that he joined in the movement 
to equalise the emoluments of ecclesiastics.' If Mazzini had 
been permitted by Catholic Europe to carry out these edicts, 
he would have done much to relieve the poverty of the 
peasants, and something to rectif}' the distribution of salary 
among the clergy. Such changes, besides being good in 
themselves, would have made the Church both more 
efficient and less unpopular. 

No change in doctrine, no State interference in ecclesi- 
astical Government, above all, no persecution of cult, such 
as had marked the relations of the first French Republic 
to the Church, was dreamed of by the authorities at Rome. 
Mazzini was determined to give the necessary guarantees 
for the Pope's spiritual authority, and they were expressly 
granted in the admirable Constitution drawn up by the 
Assembly, which had not time to come into force before 
the Republic was murdered by France. '■ When, shortly 
after the establishment of the Triumvirate, there occurred 
several cases of robbery of churches, the Government for- 
bade the sale of any kind of clerical moveable property, 
arrested a Belgian landscape-painter in whose house such 
goods had been found, placed a guard in every church, and 
so effectually stopped the thefts."' The services of the Church 
were freely and honourably conducted, libels against the 
priests were suppressed, and their persons were protected 

' Mazzini, v. 371 -374, Official Acts of the R. P. King, i. 328, 329. Tiva- 
roni, Aust., ii. 381, 382. The offices of the Inquisition were converted into 
tenement dwellings for the poor fannilies of Rome. 

- Farini, iv. 216-223, for text of Constitution . 

^ Koel/nan, i. 251, 252. 


by Government. It was only after the unprovoked inter- 
ference of France on behalf of the Clericals, that one or two 
particularly atrocious murders occurred in Rome, of priests 
supposed to be aiding the foreigner.^ But the action of the 
authorities, the example and continual exhortation of Mazzini, 
put a stop to these crimes which might very easily have 
become contagious. Mazzini's own religion was unorthodox 
and mystical, but his sympathy with all religion and his 
belief in toleration were profound and sincere. 

He took for the watchword of his Government : ' Inex- 
orable as to principles, tolerant and impartial as to persons.' 
The enemies of the Republic, both clerical and lay, enjoyed 
the protection of Government for the hatching of plots 
against it within the walls of the capital. Mazzini knew 
what they were doing, and deliberately let them be. He 
ruled a State in time of foreign invasion and domestic 
crisis, ' without prisons, without trials, without violence.' ^ 
This was the ' bandit ' Government against which Bomba 
and the French CathoUcs were marching in the name of 
outraged morality. 

The mildness of Mazzini's rule had this disadvantage, 
that, where the moral appeal failed, he had no physical 
force on which to rely. He persuaded the people of Rome 
to behave admirably as a whole, but those who, like the 
murderer Zambianchi, would not listen to the voice of his 
charming, did too much of their own will. And in the more 
distant provinces, removed from the sphere of his personal 
influence, the ability of the Government to enforce order 
was not always on a level with its desire. In Romagna and 
the Marches, where the blood-feud was custom of the 
country, greatly enhanced by long years of Papal misrule, 
the Civil Service was full of adherents of the old order, 
and the lay administration, without which but httle could 
be done, had yet to be created. When we consider that the 

' I relate these events below, pp. 149, 150, in their proper chronological order. 

2 Tivaroni, Aus(. ii. /^2<) ; Johnston, 294-296; ICing, i. 329; Pisacanc, 9; 
Mazzini, i. 182; ii. 61, ()i. Note Aiitobiografiche, Letieraal Ministcro Francesc, 
and Atci della Rep. 


Republic was left to grapple with a population holding 
mediaeval ideas as to the sacredness of human life, by means 
of a mediaeval instrument of Government, we may well 
admire the rapid steps towards a better state of things which 
were made in the few months before the Austrian and French 
troops put an end to the new regime. At Ancona, the worst 
centre of anarchy, where the terrorists were committing 
assassinations at the rate of half-a-dozen every day, order 
was restored by the courage and severity of the Govern- 
ment agent Orsini, afterwards renowned for a darker deed.^ 

The worst side of the RepubHcan administration — apart 
from a general want of vigour in the members stultifying 
the good intentions at the head — was the hopeless welter 
in which finance remained. Here Rossi might have done 
something to extricate the State from a condition which 
the clerical Government had created, and with which the 
Repubhcans were quite unable to contend, save by the 
reckless issue of paper. Refusing the temptation to adopt 
the most odious of revolutionary expedients, they left the 
property of the emigre's to Gaeta untouched ; they also 
removed some of the more oppressive of the indirect taxes 
that fell heavily on the common people. But while they 
knew what taxes to avoid, they did not know so well what 
to impose, or how to save the State from financial disaster.-* 

On the whole, the Republic grew more popular with the 
various classes of the community as its intentions and 
character became more clear. At worst it stood for Italy, 
and where one man was a zealous Republican, ten were good 
Italians. Some friars and priests, in spite of the Pope's 
excommunication, rallied to the tolerant and national 
Government ; the middle classes and working men of the 
towns became daily more enthusiastic ; the peasants, except 
where the influence of reactionary priests was strong, grew 
friendly in some parts, and ceased in others to be actively 
hostile ; in the Romagna, they were staunch for the Republic. 

' Orsini, 79-80; Johnston, 36 1 -365 ; Monitoi-e Romano, April 30; AVwj,', 
'• 330. 331 ; Tivaroni, Aust. ii. 379, 380. 

5= Valcriani, 89, 90, 133-138 ; fohnslon, 245, 246; King, i. 32S. 


The Trasteverines and other inhabitants of Rome were 
growing every day more strongly opposed to the restora- 
tion of clerical rule. Even the upper-class leaders of the 
Moderate party, deeply as they had been alienated by the 
Democratic violence of the last winter, much as they still 
disapproved of the ideas upon which the Mazzinian State 
was founded, could not, with returning spring, view without 
admiration a stand so gallantly made for Italy against a 
European league of her oppressors.^ 

While the Republic was daily strengthening its authority 
and improving its moral position, the armies of Austria, 
Naples, Spain, and France were hastening by sea and land 
to its overthrow. The Austrians who, after Novara, sent 
large bodies of troops southwards, began slowly to occupy 
the Romagna. But the French were in a position to strike 
a blow at the heart. On April 25, some eight to ten thousand 
French troops under General Oudinot (son of Napoleon I.'s 
Marshal), landed at Civitavecchia, forty miles north-west 
of Rome. The orders given to Oudinot by his Govern- 
ment spoke of the Roman Republic as an unpopular usurp- 
ation, which would soon be removed. He was not to 
recognise the Triumvirate or the Assembly, but he was to 
treat their members with courtesy as individuals ; he was to 
effect the occupation of the capital as a friend, although, if 
the inhabitants were so absurd as to object to the entrance 
of a foreign army within their walls, he must employ the 
necessary amount of force.'- His own somewhat illogical 
proclamations, though deceptive in the assertion that the 
French would not coerce the Roman people, did not con- 
ceal the fact that they came to overturn the existing Govern- 
ment and restore the Papal authority in some form or 

The executive of the French Republic was more re- 
sponsible than the legislature for this novel development 

' King, i. 331, 332. Farini's attitude towards the Democrats becomes much 
more favourable during the last months of the Republic. (See Fariiti, ill. 422, 
423, and Dandolo, passim.) 

- Orders printed in Moniteur of May 8. 


of the nation's foreign policy, which diverted the channel 
of its interference in Italy from the Lombard plain to the 
Roman Campagna — from friendship with the Liberal cause 
to alliance with its worst enemies. The French Assembly, 
though it was finally brought to accept the action of the 
Government, contained strong elements of genuine Republi- 
canism ; the Ministers, on the other hand, were partisans of 
the clerical and military reaction which had first grown out 
of the anti-Sociahst panic, and was now fast drifting towards 
autocracy, under the influence of the President, Louis 
Napoleon. Men of all parties were agreed that an Austrian 
monopoly of the Italian peninsula must not be allowed, and, 
after Novara, France had flung her shield over Piedmont 
because she could not afford to have Austria master of all 
Italy up to the French border. The new President, heir to 
the traditions of Rivoli and Marengo, and never entirely for- 
getful of his own youthful adventures as a Carbonaro, had 
some genuine sympathy with Italy — in so far as the inhabi- 
tants wished to be freed from the Austrian yoke. But his role 
as ' saviour of society ' from Socialism made him in France 
the ally of reaction, dependent on Clerical support in the 
country ; nor was he yet in a position to cross the poUcy of 
the other members of the Government, who were more 
Clerical at heart than he. 

The Ministers saw in the situation at Rome, and in the 
appeals of the Pope for help, an opportunity of combining 
a check to Austria with an anti-Liberal policy which would 
ensure for them the Catholic vote in France — then a more 
considerable item in elections than it is to-day. If they 
could regain for France the religious hegemony of the 
Catholic powers, they would at once fulfil the desire of the 
Clericals and satisfy the pride of the nation. ' It was the 
beginning of the long chapter of fraud and insolence, for 
which the French CathoUcs are more responsible than 
Napoleon, which, beginning in a kind of perverted national 
pride, ended by sacrificing the nation to the Papacy, and 
had its pay at Sedan.' ' 

' At«i', i. 334. 


Pio Nono, by taking refuge with Ferdinand of Naples, 
had inflicted a severe diplomatic defeat on the French, but 
the lost ground would be handsomely recovered if they 
could open for him the gates of Rome, while his Neapohtan 
friends were still hesitating on the frontier, afraid to attack 
Garibaldi. Mihtary and naval preparations had been on 
foot even as early as the time of the Pope's flight to Gaeta, 
and some troops had actually sailed early in December, 
only to be driven back by storms.^ After that there had 
again been hesitation on the part of the Government, until 
the final departure of the French expedition was pre- 
cipitated by the news of Novara, which made it certain that 
the Austrians would soon start on the same race for Rome. 

There was still enough RepubHcan feeling in the As- 
sembly and in the streets of Paris to compel the Ministers 
to use the language of respect for those principles of popular 
government on which it was their intention to trample. 
For this reason they raised the cry that ' foreigners come 
from all parts of Italy' were oppressing the people of 
Rome, and French historians of the Clerical party •■' are not 
ashamed to repeat this astounding defence of the French 
interference. The ' foreign demagogues ' of this theory are, 
one discovers, Mazzini and Garibaldi. These historians, 
not recognising the right of Italy to be a nation, consider 
that soldiers from Paris were less aUen to Rome than the 
men of Genoa, Nice, and Milan. But even if we were to 
grant, as self-evident, the proposition that a native of Pied- 
mont has less rights in any Italian city than those which 
everywhere belong to a French soldier, there remains the 
fact that 193 members out of 200 in the freely elected 
Constituent Assembly, which established the Republic and 
the Triumvirate, were natives of the Roman States.^ 

But it is not necessary to take very seriously the 

' Paris MSS. 33^^ 206, 207 ; Precis Hist. 11, 12. 

'■* E.g., La Gorce, Secoiide Republique Fraitfaise, ii. 75, 80, 203. One would 
gather, alike from the text and the foot-notes, that in composing his book he had 
not consulted Italian authorities any more than M. Bittard des Fortes. 

^Johnston, 232-236. 


hypocritical arguments about ' liberating ' Rome from 
' foreigners,' and effecting a ' reconciliation ' between the 
Pope and his subjects, which were employed as a bhnd to 
the Italian and French Liberals. The ' reconciliation ' 
ended, as all had foreseen, in the restoration of the Papal 
autocracy, and all the worst evils of clerical rule ; nor could 
it have ended otherwise, for the Pope, though he was pre- 
pared to accept his restoration at the hands of France, 
was determined to abolish every vestige of constitutional 
freedom and lay government, however much the French 
might ask for some show of reform. Louis Napoleon, 
whatever he might pretend to himself or to others, was 
reviving, in his attitude towards the Papal States, the 
policy of the Holy Alliance, except that his position was 
more isolated than that of Alexander and Metternich, and 
his attitude less friendly to the other maintainers of ' order.* 
It was not so much a Holy Alliance as a Holy Competition 
for the advantage of policing Central Italy. 

The one thing that can be truly said in excuse for the 
expedition to Rome is that the French Government, when 
they despatched their troops, had persuaded themselves 
that they would be welcomed as liberators. But they had 
arrived at this conclusion by the simple process of believing 
what they wished, and even if they had expected resistance, 
they would not have acted differently, except in sending a 
larger force. For when they found out how complete was 
their mistake — how ready were the citizens of the Roman 
Republic to die for their independence — they did not hesitate 
to restore, over unwilling subjects, the most odious Govern- 
ment in Christian Europe, and to shed the blood of the 
inhabitants of a State over which they had no shadow of 
suzerainty, whose borders did not march with their own, 
whose policy it was to cultivate the friendship of France, 
and whose governors continued, even after the fighting had 
begun, to pray most earnestly for a renewal of kindly rela- 
tions. Such action would be in the highest degree repugnant 
to the conscience of the French Republic of our own day, as 
it was then repugnant to the conscience of many of the 


best citizens of France, who vainly protested in the Assembly 
and in the streets of Paris against the great clerical and 
military plot to suppress liberty abroad. The murder of 
the Roman Republic foreshadowed, not obscurely, the 
approaching doom of free institutions in France. 

In the last days of April, while Oudinot was traversing 
the forty miles between his port of disembarkation and the 
suburbs of Rome, the Triumvirs could look round and see 
that they were alone against the world. Already (April 11) 
the Democratic Government of Tuscany had ' gained what 
no Republic missed ' ; the Grand Duke had been recalled 
to his throne by the popular voice, in time to prevent a 
forcible restoration by the Austrians.^ Piedmont was 
wisely keeping friends with France, and retiring to leap 
better on some distant day. The long agony of the siege 
of Venice stiU dragged on, but the end was certain. Every 
other power actively interested in Italy was leagued against 
Mazzini. England, with a passive interest, was deHvering 
disregarded lectures to all parties. Palmerston, if not the 
Cabinet as a whole, was an academic friend to Piedmont 
and a foe to Austria, but even Palmerston did nothing 
to support the Roman Repubhc. Not reahsing the now 
intractable attitude of the Pope, he advised Mazzini to 
negotiate for Liberal institutions under a restored Papal 

But another large body of opinion in England was at 
this date altogether anti-Italian ; the ' Quarterly Review,' 
true to its an ti- Jacobin traditions, praised the fine old 
times of Gregory XVI., lauded Ferdinand of Naples, and 
compared Mazzini to Robespierre.- The ' Times ' was 
no less strongly on the side of Bomha, the Pope, and the 
Austrians against their respective subjects. It complained 

' The internal reaction in Tuscany was due partly to the Conservatism of the 
peasants, partly to the quarrels of the various Liberal parties in the towns and 
not a little to the hatred of the Florentines for the men of Leghorn, the overbearinff 
leaders of the revolution. King, i. 325, 326 ; Dupre, 176, 177. 

* Quarterly Review^ Ixxxv. 230, 238, 253. 


of the French expedition only in so far as it Hmited the action 
and invaded the privileges of Austria, and took Oudinot to 
task because he did not at once declare his real purpose, the 
restoration of the Papal despotism.' The ' Times ' had its 
correspondent within the French lines, whose thirst for 
blood could not be satisfied by Oudinot's tardy and 
comparatively humane operations.^ The sneers of the 
great newspaper at the ' degenerate remnant of the 
Roman people,' who ' will believe they are heroes,' re- 
vealed that remarkable form of pride in British institu- 
tions which used to consider it an insult to ourselves that 
any other race should aspire to progress and freedom.-^ 

But the better England was well represented on the 
right side of the walls. The artist of the leading illustrated 
paper of the day was sending home the quaint sketches of 
the Garibaldini which I have been most kindly allowed to 
reproduce in this book. These pictures and the sympathetic 
comment in the text of the ' Illustrated London News ' 
may be said to have laid the first foundations of the Gari- 
baldian cult in our country,^ a plant of slow but eventually 
of enormous growth. Arthur Clough was also in Rome, 
gathering the impressions which he dressed up in the 
' Amours de Voyage,' His proverbial hesitation did not 
extend to the field of Italian politics, and he watched the 
martyrdom of Liberty with the eye, not of a sceptic, but of a 
poet."' The Bostonian Margaret Fuller, as an old and dear 
friend of Mazzini in England, was even more whole-hearted 
in her devotion, and felt that the new Rome of the people 
was the visionary country of her heart. 

' Times leading articles, from January i8 onwards, e.g. April 17, April 19, 
May II. 

■^ Times^ June 6 and 12. He said the leaders in Rome, though not indeed 
Mazzini, desired ' to secure a well-filled purse ' : poor Garibaldi ! The Quarterly 
slated that most of the Roman soldiers were not Italians ! (Ixxxv. 237); there 
were really about 400 non-Italians out of some 17,000 or more. 

' Times, May 1 1 , June 30. 

* I know two Englishmen, afterwards great sympathisers with Italy, who 
severally recollect the lasting impression these pictures made on them as boys, 
when they knew nothing of Italian affairs. 

' His letters (Prose A'ewaifjs) show this even more strongly than the Amours 
de Voyage. 


Thus, with only the gods on their side, the Romans 
armed for the fight. Outside the city, friends and foes 
expected that thej^ would surrender : ' Italians do not 
fight,' was the word passed round in the French camp, and 
even those who knew the North Italians had never heard of 
Roman valour in the history of the modern world. But a 
great moral change had taken place. When, on the after- 
noon of April 27, Garibaldi, the long-expected, entered Rome 
at the head of his bronzed Legionaries from the northern 
provinces of the Republic, there was little doubt of the 
spirit of the citizens through whom they pushed their way. 
' He has come, he has come ! ' they cried all down the Corso. 
He had come, and the hour of Rome's resurrection had 

' The sculptor Gibson, who was then in Rome, describes the 
spectacle offered by these wild-looking warriors, as they rode 
in, as one of the strangest ever witnessed in the Eternal City. 
The men, sunburnt, with long unkempt hair, wearing conical- 
shaped hats with black, waving plumes ; their gaunt, dust- 
soiled faces framed with shaggy beards ; their legs bare ; crowd- 
ing round their chief, who rode a white horse, perfectly statuesque 
in virile beauty ; the whole group looking more like a company 
of brigands out of some picture of Salvator Rosa than a disci- 
plined military force.' "^ 

The combined effect of the presence of Mazzini and of 
Garibaldi in Rome was to exalt men's hearts and minds 
into a region where it seemed base to calculate nicely 
whether there was any hope of victory in the defensive war 
which they were undertaking. And in such magnificent 
carelessness lay true wisdom. There are times when it is 
wise to die for honour alone. If Rome had submitted 
again to Papal despotism without a blow she could never 
have become the capital of Italy, or only as the despised 
head of a noble family. Historians who blame the defence 
of Rome overlook this point, which surely is one of immense 

' Loev. i. 155, 156. 

* Costa, 43 ; Martinengo Cesaresco^s Italy, 148. Their ' bare legs ' are 
not mentioned by other authorities. They usually wore long trousers. 


importance. The end of the present war might be scarcely 
doubtful, but the end for which they were about to fight 
lay in the distant future. If it is asked why the Romans 
were urged to undertake the struggle, let Mazzini answer 
for himself : 

' With those who have said or written that the resistance 
of Rome to her French invaders was an error, it were useless to 

' To the many other causes which decided us to resist, there 
was in my mind added one intimately bound up with the aim 
of my whole life — the foundation of our national unity. Rome 
was the natural centre of that unity, and it was important to 
attract the eyes and the reverence of my countrymen towards 
her. The Italian people had almost lost their Religion of Rome ; 
they, too, had begun to look upon her as a sepulchre, and such 
she seemed. 

' As the seat of a form of faith now extinct, and only out- 
wardly sustained by hypocrisy and persecution, her middle- 
class living, in a great measure, upon the pomps of worship and 
the corruption of the higher clergy, and her people, although 
full of noble and manly pride, necessarily ignorant, and believed 
to be devoted to the Pope — Rome was regarded by some with 
aversion, by others with disdainful indifference. A fev/ indi- 
vidual exceptions apart, the Romans had never shared that 
ferment, that desire for liberty which had constantly agitated 
Romagna and the Marches. It was therefore essential to 
redeem Rome ; to place her once again at the summit, so that 
the Italians might again learn to regard her as the temple of 
their common country. It was necessary that all should learn 
how potent was the immortality stirring beneath those ruins of 
two epochs, two worlds. I did feel that power, did feel the 
pulsations of the immense eternal life of Rome through the arti- 
ficial crust with which priests and courtiers had covered the 
great sleeper, as with a shroud. I had faith in her. I remember 
that when the question as to whether we should resist or not 
first arose, the chief officers of the National Guard, when I 
assembled and interrogated them, told me sadly that the main 
body of the guard would not in any case co-operate in the defence. 
It seemed to me that I understood the Roman people far better 
than they, and I therefore gave orders that all the battalions 


should defile in front of the Palace of the Assembly on the 
following morning in order that the question might be put to 
the troops. The universal shout of Guerra that arose from 
the ranks drowned in an instant the timid doubts of their leaders. 
' The defence of the city was therefore decided upon : by the 
assembly and people of Rome from a noble impulse and from 
reverence for the honour of Italy ; by me as the logical conse- 
quence of a long-matured design. Strategically I was aware 
that the struggle ought to have been carried on out of Rome, 
by operating upon the flank of the enemy's line. But victory, 
unless we were to receive assistance from the other provinces 
of Itcdy, was equally impossible within and without the walls ; 
and since we were destined to fall, it was our duty, in view of 
the future, to proffer our morituri te salutant to Italy from 
Rome.' 1 

' iMazzini, v. 200 -202. (Italian Ed. i. 175, 176, Noic AiUobiogyafiilie.) 




' And the world passed by her, and said 
(We heard it say) she was dead ; 
And now, behold, she hath spoken, 

She that was dead, saying, " Rome." ' 

SwiNBURNK. — The Halt before Rome. 

But Mazzini alone could not have inspired the heroic 
defence. If Garibaldi had not, at the eleventh hour, been 
brought into Rome by the agency of his admirer Avezzana, 
the new Minister of War,- the resistance to Oudinot would 
have been very feeble. All Italian accounts of the siege 
make this abundantly clear, while French and Clerical 
writers regard his ill-omened arrival at the last moment 
as the reason why the Italians were ' terrorised ' into dying 
for their country. The truth is, that his presence during 
the two days of preparation, before the battle of April 30, 
exalted the fighting spirit of the troops and of the populace 
by the exercise of that personal magic felt equally by all 
classes. The workman, the student, the employer and the 
landowner were all brothers-in-arms in the ranks of the 
volunteer regiments. To this people, singularly free from 
what in our island we know only too well as ' snobbery,' 
it was all one whether Garibaldi was the son of a nobleman 
or of a poor sailor : he was an Italian — no one asked more. 

' In Italy (wrote one who saw the workings of this remarkable 
epoch in her history) the classes of society are far less distinct 
than elsewhere, so that, when once they are brought into 

' For this Chapter see map p. 125 below. 

■■* Garibaldi's own belief, right or wrong, was that Avezzana was the first real 
friend he had in high quarters at Rome. Mem. 224, and information given me 
by General Canzio. 


contact, or unite for the accomplishment of any object, they 
instantly find themselves less different, and less uncongenial 
than might be anticipated from their disparity of condition. 
Thus it was with the early volunteers of 1848.' ' 

And thus it was at Rome in 1849. 

Although Garibaldi was not commander-in-chief, ' who- 
ever heard the conversations of the people, or took a more 
or less active part in the fortification of the town, had 
occasion to notice at every moment that Garibaldi, and no 
other, was recognised as leader.' - Barricades were being 
thrown up in the streets with the same zeal of young and 
old, the same fraternity of rich and poor as the Parisians 
of 1790 had shown in digging out the theatre of the Champs 
de Mars for their revolutionary pageant. The patrician 
ladies of Rome, soon to distinguish themselves in the 
hospitals under the republican Princess Belgiojoso, were 
conspicuous in their elegant dresses, handling the spade ; 
and Garibaldi himself came round to visit the work and 
encourage the diggers. ' Hardly,' wrote a stranger who 
was present at one of these scenes, 

' hardly had the General, with his melodious penetrating voice, 
spoken a few words, when an uproarious cheering arose. . . . 
The General continued his way, again followed by hundreds of 
people, all of whom wished to catch, be it a single glance of the 
popular hero, or to hear a single word from his mouth. Among 
this multitude were men and women of all classes, youths and 
boys, nay, even mothers who held their children up to show 
them the man whose name was on all lips.' ^ 

But the political enthusiasm of the diggers at the bar- 
ricades did not always imply very hard work, according to 
Anglo-Saxon standards. In some places the American, 
William Story, saw ' the labourers leaning picturesquely on 
their spades, doing nothing,' or ' sometimes pitching a 
shovelful of gravel into a wheelbarrow ' ; his party ' voted 
the workmen too lazy to live.' '^ 

' Dandolo, 294 (Lctlcf Lo the Uanslator). - A'oc/iiiaii, ii. 5, 6. 

^ Koclman, ii. 5-8. ' i^ioiy^ i. 134, 153. 

\ 2 


The Dutch artist, Koelman, has recorded his own first 
impression of the Garibaldini and their chief, when, in these 
last days of April, he visited their quarters at the convent 
of San Silvestro in Capite. ' One of these afternoons,' he 
says that he and his artist friends 

' found the piazza before the convent of San Silvestro filled with 
a crowd eager for news. In the distance we saw lances and 
bayonets ghttering, and were thinking of a parade or review, 
when, on coming nearer, we noticed an entirely new uniform. 
We were accustomed to the variegated dress of the soldiers, 
the bear-skins, the ugly shakos, the braid and horse-tails, the 
red, yellow, white, gold and silver stripes and embroideries, 
and now we saw a troop in dark blue ' coats hanging on their 
bodies in wide folds and tied up with black belts. . . . On their 
heads they wore small black felt hats with broad turned-down 
brims.- Those of the officers were trimmed with black feathers. 
On their backs all of them carried black knapsacks. Part 
of these soldiers were armed with lances having long points,"' 
others with muskets, and in the belts of all, instead of a sabre 
or sword, stuck a heavy poniard. " What soldiers are these ? " 
we asked. " Garibaldini," was the answer. 

' It was the first Italian Legion founded by Garibaldi in South 

• Before the gate of the convent two carriages were standing. 
Four or five nuns were just coming out of the convent gate, 
their hands folded and eyes cast down. Praying, they were led 
into the carriages,' which were afterwards filled up with boxes 
and little chests, and the five sisters evacuated the vast build- 
ing which they had hitherto occupied, for the two thousand •■* 
hriganti, as the Clericals called them, under the command of 
Garibaldi. . . . 

' Only the principal officers, and the orderlies, chiefly those returned from 
South America, as yet wore the red blouse, in which the whole Legion was 
dressed at the end of June. The description (accurate for the month of April) ol 
the hli(e Lt-gionary uniform lends credit to Koelman's recollections. 

* The ' Calabrian ' hats. 

^ The ' lancicri a piedi.' (See Roman MSS. Rtioli Gen. 8iy F. 14). 

' They were being conveyed to Santa Pudenziana. The details given in 
Roman MSS. F.R. 67, 10, and Loev. i. 15S, bear out in a remarkable way the 
recolleciions of the Dutch artist. 

'■" Really under 1,500. 


This contemporary print does not u'we his features so well as the photograph of 
some ten years later (Frontispiece of this book) ; but it Hives his lont; hair and lonji 
red shirt as he wore them in 1849. To judfie by other pictures, the tilt of his hat is 


'The gate, formerly always closed, was now wide open, and 
on the piazza (of San Silvestro) people from all classes of 
society, anxious to see the Garibaldini, jostled each other. . . . 

* We entered the gate. " Is it allowed ? " we asked, to make 
sure, of the sentry who was sitting carelessly on one of the 
beautifully carved mediaeval seats in the vestibule. 

' " Sicuro," he answered — " of course." We saw, indeed, that 
others, just as ourselves, were taking this opportunity for view- 
ing the interior of the convent. . . . We had to go somewhat 
aside, which was not very easy, the floor being covered with 
Garibaldini, who had thrown themselves on bundles of straw 
to rest from the fatigues of the preceding day. . . . 

' Instinctively we looked round, and Garibaldi entered through 
the gate. It was the first time I saw the man whose name 
everyone in Rome knew and in whom many people had now 
already placed their hopes. Even now he is before my mind, 
as I saw him that first time. Of middle height, well made, 
broad-shouldered, his square chest, which gives a sense of 
power to his structure, well marked under the uniform — 
he stood there before us ; his blue eyes, ranging to violet, sur- 
veyed in one glance the whole group in the vestibule of the 
convent. Those eyes had something remarkable, as well by their 
colour as by the frankness — I know no better word for it — 
of their expression. They curiously contrasted with those 
dark, sparkling eyes of his Italian soldiers, no less than his light 
chestnut-brown hair, which fell loosely over his neck on to his 
shoulders, contrasted with their shining black curls. His face 
was burnt red, and covered with freckles through the influence 
of the sun. A heavy moustache and a light blonde beard 
ending in two points gave a martial expression to that open 
oval face. But most striking of all was the nose, with its ex- 
ceedingly broad root, which has caused Garibaldi to be given 
the name of Leone, and, indeed, made one think of a lion; 
a resemblance which, according to his soldiers, was still more 
conspicuous in the fight, when his eyes shot forth flames, and 
his fair hair waved as a mane above his temples. 

' He was dressed in a red tunic with short flaps ; on his head 
he wore a little black felt, sugar-loaf hat, with two black ostrich 
feathers. In his left hand he had a light plain horseman's 
sabre, and a cavalry cartridge-bag hung down by his left 


' It must not be supposed that the appearance of the General 
caused a sudden commotion. Far from that — even the sentry 
remained on his httle bench, half sitting, half lying, and none 
of the soldiers stirred. We alone took off our hats, and Garibaldi 
answered our greeting superficially. 

' For one moment he spoke to the officer and the vision was 
past, but the impression it made on us was ineffaceable. . . . 

* " Is that the usual thing with the Garibaldini, to take so 
little heed of their commander ? " I asked the officer. 

' " Caro tnio, the General demands discipline on the battle- 
field, not in the barracks," was the short answer he gave me, with 
a smile.' ^ , , 

Rome was then a rival to Paris as centre of the cosmo- 
politan artist world, both because it had some vogue as a 
school of art, and because before the photographic era there 
was a large demand by the English and other forestieri for 
copies of famous pictures, and for sketches of the sights 
which they had come to see, and of which they wanted some 
memento to take home." The artists, living together on the 
usual terms of free but close comradeship, worked aU the 
morning, but ' in the afternoon strolled about in the town 
or went to the cafe of the artists, where,' as Koelman says, 
' we then heard politics talked, read the resolutions taken 
by the new^ Government, or amused ourselves with the 
follies of Don Pirlone,^ the Democratic cartoon journal. 
Garibaldi carried the heart of this Bohemian world by storm. 
Enghsh, Dutch, Belgians, even one Frenchman, and the 
Italian artists almost to a man, enlisted during the days that 
followed his arrival, if they had not done so before, either 
in his own Legion, or in the Civic Guard, or in the special 
Students' Corps, which consisted of three hundred University 
men and artists. Taking life and death with a light heart, 
they fought splendidly for Rome, and after every day of 
battle the survivors met to congratulate each other at jolly 
suppers in the cajcs:^ 

' Koeb)ian, i. 310-314. {Cf. App. A. below. Dress and appearand^ of 
Garibaldi. ) 

- Lord Carlisle tells me this. 

' Koelman, passim, e.g. ii. 8, 9, 16. Mr. A. L. Smith, of Balliol, tells me 


One of the Italians in after years told the story of his 
conversion, to the Rev. H. R. Haweis. He had come out, 
he said, with his artist friends, to see what was going on, 
one day, when Garibaldi was recruiting in a pubhc place in 

' I had no idea (he told the English clorgyman) of enlisting. 
I was a young artist ; I only went out of curiosity — but oh ! 
I shall never forget that day when I saw him on his beautiful 
white horse in the market-place, with his noble aspect, his calm, 
kind face, his high, smooth forehead, his light hair and beard — 
every one said the same. He reminded us of nothing so much 
as of our Saviour's head in the galleries. I could not resist him. 
I left my studio. I went after him ; thousands did likewise. 
He only had to show himself. We all worshipped him ; we 
could not help it.' 

It was no passing emotion of youth, for eleven years after- 
wards the narrator was fighting for Garibaldi in Naples.^ 

On the morning of April 29, two days after the 
arrival of the Legion, there marched into the city the 
Lombard Bersaglieri, a regiment representing very different 
mihtary and political traditions from those of Gari- 
baldi's men, but not less devoted than they to the 
Italian cause, and destined to play a part no less memor- 
able than theirs in the defence of Rome. The commander 
of the Lombards, the gallant Luciano Manara,^ was a 
young aristocrat of Milan, who had distinguished him- 
self in the Five Days of street warfare that drove the 
Austrians out of his native town, and had been a leader of 
volunteers in the unhappy campaign that followed. After 
the recapture of Milan by the Austrians, and the armistice 
of August 1848, Manara formed the brigade, usually 

that his uncle, Arthur Strutt, a well-known English artist in Rome, who fought 
for Garibaldi during the siege, used to relate the same thing as regards the suppers 
after the battles. Their valour is established by much testimony other than their 

' Haweis, see Bibliography below. 

^ Luciano Romara, in George Meredith's Vitioria, 'was built on Manara.' 


known by his name, out of the pick of the Lombard exiles 
in Piedmont. They took the oath of mihtary allegiance to 
the House of Savoy ; but, after Novara, Victor Emmanuel 
was in no position to harbour them in his territory, and since 
they would not return to Lombardy to be flogged and shot 
by Radetzky, Manara found himself and his soldiers wander- 
ing about in ' the paradise of the Riviera, as if we were 
under the ban of God and men alike.' ' Under these 
circumstances he and six hundred others elected to sail for 
Rome, more because they had nowhere else to go than 
because they felt any enthusiasm for the Republic.^ The 
majority, according to one who accompanied them on the 
voyage, were gentlemen of Milan and Pavia.^ 

In the port of Civitavecchia the French not only refused 
to allow them to land, but made them prisoners, against 
all law and equity. ' You are Lombards,' said Oudinot, 
' what, then, have you to do with the affairs of Rome ? ' 
' And you,' replied Manara, ' do you not come from Paris, 
from Lyons, or from Bordeaux ? ' Finally they were per- 
mitted to proceed to Porto d'Anzio, sixty miles further 
south, and disembark there, on giving their word that they 
would remain neutral, and not enter Rome until May 4, by 
which date the French confidentl}' expected to be masters 
of the city. But when, on landing, the Lombards received 
orders from Avezzana to come at once to Rome, they obeyed 
him, and thereby broke the letter of the promise which the 
French had exacted only by a violation of international 
law ; but they kept the spirit of their engagement by 
refraining, much against their will, from taking any part 
in the fighting of April 30.' 

And so it came about that, on April 29, the eve of the 
battle, the Lombards entered the capital, wearing the dark 
uniform of the Piedmontese Bersaglieri, which, with its 
round broad-brimmed hat carrying the plume of black- 

' Manara MS., Letter of April la,. ■ Dandolo, 183-190; Hof. 15- 1 8 

^ Riisconi {Ferdiiiando). 25. 

' Mavniicci, 168-173 (169, Manara's protest); Tore, i. 246; Daiidolo, 
192, 193; Rii^coni {Ferdinando), 26, 27; Spada, iii. 437; Gaillard, 167, l6S ; 
Btttard des Paries, 37, 45, 54 ; Vecchi, ii. 194. 


green cock's feathers on the side, is to this day a symbol 
in the eyes of all Europe of the army of the Italian King. 
The presence of men thus royally attired, and with the 
Cross of Savoy on their belts,' side by side with the blouses 
and Calabrian hats of Garibaldi's Republicans, changed the 
defence of Rome from the act of a party to a national 
undertaking. Monarchists, devoted to the King of Pied- 
mont, from whom alone they looked for the deliverance 
of their native Lombardy, the ' Aristocratic Corps,' as it 
was called in Rome, came with no friendly prejudices in 
favour of the Mazzinian Republic. Nor did they come pre- 
pared to admire the military virtues of irregular troops. 
Lombard volunteers in origin, Manara's Bersaglieri had 
acquired the self-restraint, the discipline and the profes- 
sional traditions for which the Piedmontese regulars were 
famous ; most of the regiment, indeed, had been trained 
in former years as conscripts in the Austrian army.-' It is 
no wonder, therefore, that their first impression of the 
Republic and its motley soldiers was unpleasing, and the 
rapidity with which they came round to a favourable view, 
not of Republicanism, but of the Republicans, is a genuine 
and impartial testimony to the defenders of Rome. Emilio 
Dandolo, the warrior historian of the Brigade, has de- 
scribed the feelings of his companions-in-arms when they 
entered the city, on the eve of the first battle, in which they 
themselves felt bound, by their promise to Oudinot, to take 
no part : 

' To the varied and somewhat affectedly loud evvivas which 
saluted us on every side, our men, accustomed to maintain the 
reserve and self-command befitting soldiers, made no answer — 
a circumstance which somewhat cooled the ardour of a popula- 
tion who had hitherto seen that volunteers under arms embraced 
every opportunity of making a profession of their political 
creed. Previously to our being lodged in the quarters assigned 
to us, General Avezzana reviewed our battalion. He thought 

' See Illustration p. 223 below for their uniform. 

- Dandolo, 191 ; Hoffstetter, 17, who says the plumes on the men's hats were 
black horse-hair, and only the officers' hats had the green feathers. 
' Manara MS., Letter of April 19. 


proper to dismiss us with an oration ending with Viva la 
Repubblica ! The soldiers remained silent and motionless at 
the word. 

'"Present arms! Viva I'ltalia !" shouted Manara, per- 
ceiving the General's embarrassment. " Viva ! " was the unani- 
mous reply ; and the soldiers broke up their lines and retired to 

' The first impression which most of us experienced on entering 
Rome was that of indefinable melancholy. Our own sad 
experience had rendered us but too much alive to the first 
symptoms of dissolution in a government or in a city, and in 
Rome we recognised with grief the very same aspect which 
Milan had presented during the latter few months of its liberty. 
We seemed to observe the very same overweening regard to 
trivial matters, whilst those of vital importance were neglected. 
There was the same superabundance of standards, of cockades, 
of badges of party, the same clanking of swords along the 
public streets, and those various and varied uniforms of officers, 
not one matching with the other, but all seeming fitter for the 
embellishment of the stage than for military service ; those 
epaulettes thrown, as it were, by chance on the shoulders of 
individuals, whose very faces seemed to declare their unfitness 
to wear them ; whilst, in addition to these things, the applause 
of an un warlike population, echoing from the windows and 
from the coffee-houses, seemed to us to indicate but too clearly 
that we had arrived only in time to be present at the last scene 
of some absurd comedy. Accustomed for some time past to 
judge of these matters with the eye of regular troops, all this 
array of warriors in glittering helmets, with double-barrelled 
guns and with belts armed with daggers, reconciled us but 
little to the scanty numbers of real, well-drilled soldiers. 

' In the evening, when, fatigued by our long march, we gladly 
answered to our names, in hopes of taking some repose, the 
drums beat all of a sudden to arms, and the whole city was in 
movement to resist the approach of the French. Whoever 
could have had a glimpse of Rome that night would not have 
recognised the city which he had seen in the morning, and we 
rejoiced in having reason to change the opinion which had so 
depressed us on our first arrival. 

' In all the streets in the neighbourhood of Porta Angelica 
and Porta Cavalleggieri were bivouacked small but admirable 


regiments of the line, two magnificent battalions of carabineers, 
with four or five parks of field artillery ; two regiments of 
cavalry were stationed in Piazza Navona ; numerous bodies 
of volunteers kept watch on the walls ; and the whole of the 
National Guard were all in perfect order at their respective 
quarters. Then, as might be expected, the fantastic costumes 
were lost sight of, and every one who wore the national colours 
grasped in his hand the weapon which was to defend them. 
We passed the night in the great square of St. Peter's enchanted 
with the spectacle, and with finding ourselves in the midst of 
soldiers, and of a confiding and resolute population. We 
then saw that Rome was capable of offering a noble resistance, 
and we thanked Heaven that, in the midst of the shame and 
calamities of Italy, a field had been opened to us, in which w^e 
might show that our hard fate had been unmerited.' ' 

The forces, which even before the battle thus extorted 
the slow approval of their Lombard allies, amounted to 
about 7,000-9,000 men and were composed of four distinct 

First there were the regular Papal troops of the line, and 
the Carabinieri. They had joined the revolt against their 
employer, partly because they shared the sympathies 
natural to all laymen and to all Italians, and partly because, 
as soldiers, they had perpetually suffered neglect, being left 
by the Papal Government in rags and penury, while the 
Swiss regiments, always dearer than the natives to the heart 
of unpopular despots, had enjoyed higher pay and more 
handsome uniforms.' Of these regulars there were some 
2,500 now under arms in Rome. 

Secondly there was the Garibaldian or First Italian 
Legion, now numbering nearly 1,300 men, most of them, as 
we have seen, raised in the Papal provinces, particularly the 
Romagna, and all of them native ItaHans, except perhaps 
two score of officers and men. Since their arrival in Rome 
they had accepted some excellent recruits, especially artists, 

' Dandolo, 194- 197. - See App. B below. 

^ Farini, i. iii, 152; Carlett?, 197, 198. Two Swiss regiments had been 
raised by Gregory XVI. to keep down the Romagna. See Ravioli, passim, on 
the line regiments. 


among whom was Nino Costa. In the same category — 
volunteer regiments raised in the provinces of the Roman 
States who had not yet seen actual fighting — may be placed 
the three hundred Finanzieri, that is, Gagers (custom house 
officers) under Callimaco Zambianchi, a rascally officer 
who obtained for his men a bad name for violence against 

Thirdly, there were about 1,400 men of the volunteer 
regiments raised in the city and the provinces, who, after 
taking a gallant but unfortunate part in the Lombard 
campaign against Austria, had capitulated at Vicenza and 
returned to Rome. These were the Reduci (600) — of whom 
the mauvais sujets had disgraced their uniform by taking 
part in the murder of Rossi — and the Roman Legion, a fine 
regiment with no such stain upon its honour.^ 

The fourth element in the defence consisted of inhabi- 
tants of Rome who had had no previous experience of war, 
enrolled in various volunteer bodies — such as the 300 
students, the 1,000 National Guards, together with several 
hundreds of unbrigaded citizens who flocked to the walls, 
or were kept inside to guard the barricades, with whatever 
weapons they could find.'' The Trasteverines, their native 
fury now turned full against the priests and the French, 
were noticed on the morning of April 30, fierce figures with 
spears and shot-guns in their hands and knives in their 
teeth,'' pouring out from their riverside slums up the steep 
ascent that leads to the Janiculum. 

For it was against the Janiculan and Vatican hills, the 
defences on the right bank of the Tiber, that the attack of the 
French army, coming from Civitavecchia on the north- 
west by way of Palo, must necessarily be dehvered. The 
lesser Rome that stands upon this western bank is sur- 
rounded by a line of walls comparatively modern in date ; 
the existing fortifications of the Vatican and Borgo were 

' Carktti. 261-271 ; Costa, 29-33. 

- Torre, ii. 25, 26. ^affi., iii. 292, says many of the National Guard were 
kept at the barricades. So, much to his disgust, was lloffstetter, the Swiss 
volunteer just arrived. 

^ Beghelli, ii. 171 ; Saffi, iii. 291, 292. 



built in the latter part of Michael Angelo's lifetime, as the 
result of the scare caused by the sack of Rome by the Con- 
stable de Bourbon ; while the Janiculan walls from the Porta 
Cavalleggieri to the Porta Portese, though begun in the 
sixteenth century, were mainly the work of Urban VI IL, 
who erected them towards the close of the Thirty Years' War 
(circa 1642).' These walls had not hitherto been the scene 
of any famous defence, like the walls of the Emperor Aurelian 
upon the other bank, which, having served Belisarius' 
legions to repel the Goth, were still the only protection for 
the main part of the city. 

The Papal walls which were now to have their share in 
history, may be considered in three sections. First, the 
projecting circuit that runs from the Castle of Saint Angelo 
to the Porta Cavalleggieri, enclosing the basse-ville of the 
Borgo, together with St. Peter's and the high gardens of the 
Vatican. Secondly, the Janiculan Mount, the key to 
Rome, whence the whole city can be commanded by cannon, 
rising high above the Trastevere quarter, and defended 
by that part of the wall which runs up from the Porta 
Portese on the riverside as far as the Porta San Pancrazio 
on the height. Thirdly, there was the straight line of wall 
between these two positions, joining the Porta San Pan- 
crazio to the Porta Cavalleggieri ; over this central portion 
rises, to-day, the colossal statue of Garibaldi on horseback. 
The fortifications erected along these lines by Urban VIIL 
and his predecessors would have been considered formidable 
specimens of the defensive art by Oliver, if he had come with 
his Enghsh buff-coats, as Andrew Marvell prophesied, ' to 
Italy an Hannibal ' ; and, though out of date ever since the 
time of Vauban, they still offered a more serious obstacle 
to the siege guns of 1849 than the Aurelian walls on 

' The Vatican wall of the Popes of the 3i.\teenth century surrounded or re- 
placed the walls with which Leo IV. (847-855) had first defended the Borgo 
against the Saracens. But the ground lying between the Porta Cavalleggieri and 
the Porta Portese was enclosed for the first time by Urban VIII. (except for the 
much smaller enclosure of Aurelian). Gi'egorovius, iii. 97, 98. Matiic, iii. 
34, 35, note ; Quarciighi, chaps, xiv.-xviii. ; Lanciani, 81-84, 86, 87. Maps, 


the other bank of Tiber. Those walls, built a thousand 
years before the era of gunpowder, had galleries to carry 
infantry and catapults, raised on perpendicular curtains 
which could not resist, and small square towers where it 
was impossible to mount, the cannon of modern times. The 
Papal walls, on the other hand, which the French had now 
to attack, sloped backwards from the base as far as the 
stone lining of the rampart, and their bastions had broad 
platforms of earth, serving to give solidity to the brickwork 
of the face, and ample standing room for the batteries.^ 

But although the besieged might rejoice in the com- 
paratively solid and serviceable fortifications of Urban 
VIII. 's engineers, the position had one irremediable defect. 
The ground immediately outside was as high as the defences ; 
indeed the Villa Corsini was even higher than the Porta 
San Pancrazio; so that a besieger could erect batteries at 
a height equal to or greater than those of the besieged, 
at distances only a few hundred yards from the line of 

This defect, which was to prove fatal in June, was 
guarded against on April 30 by the energy of Garibaldi ; 
who, being entrusted with the defence of the Janiculum, 
saw that it must be conducted, not behind the walls, but 
on the high ground of the Corsini and Pamfili gardens 
outside the San Pancrazio gate. He had witli him his own 
legion, over 1,000 strong, the regiment of 250-300 students 
and artists of Rome, and 900 other volunteer troops of 
the Roman States, including the Reduci. Behind him 
Colonel Galletti was in reserve inside the city, with about 
1,800 men, partly regulars of the old Papal line and partly 
volunteers. The walls round the Vatican were held by 
Colonel Masi with some 1,700 of the Papal line and 1,000 of 
the National Guard." These dispositions had been made by 
Avezzana, the Minister of War, to whom Garibaldi, the 

' Quarcnghi, 204-206 ; La Gorce^ ii. 156 ; Vaillant, 23-27. (See p. 173 
below for a picture of one of these bastions. ) The Papal walls, like those of the 
Emperors, are made of thin bricLs. 

- Tom, ii. 25, 26; Vccchi, ii. 193, 194. See App. B below, Number of 
troopi engaged on April 30. 


hero of the day, attributed its successful issue. Garibaldi 
took up his station on the high terrace of the Villa Corsini, 
whence, looking across the valley of vineyards that lay 
between, he could watch the approach of the enemy and 
the delivery of their first attack upon the Porta Pertusa, 
at the projecting angle of the wall that crowns the Vatican 

Oudinot, having left a small body to guard his com- 
munications with the sea, was advancing on Rome with 
some six or seven thousand infantry, and a full comple- 
ment of field guns." He had been easily persuaded by his 
Clerical informants in Rome that his somewhat contra- 
dictory and deceptive proclamations, which, if they meant 
anything, meant that he would procure a Papal restoration 
with certain safeguards against the worst forms of reaction, 
had given the inhabitants the excuse for which they were 
waiting to open the gates to his troops. He therefore came 
without siege-guns, or even scaling ladders, and advanced 
in column to within grape-shot of the walls. There had 
not, indeed, been wanting signs, as the French drew near 
to Rome, that resistance was to be expected, for the roads 
and houses were empty of inhabitants, and were decorated 
with notices in large type, giving the text of the fifth article 
of the existing French Constitution,^ which ran as follows : 

' France respects foreign nationalities ; her might shall never 
be employed against the liberty of any people.' 

Whatever the private soldiers thought, the irony was wasted 
upon the officers, who for the most part were not Republicans 
at heart and wished nothing better than to see every article 
of the French Constitution sent to the devil." 

Although these wayside phenomena alarmed the more 
cautious, no order to reconnoitre or to deploy was given by 

' Mem. 225, 227. - See App. B below. ^ Vaillant^ 8. 

^ A young English Naval Comnaander, who saw a good deal of the French 
expeditionary force in the next two months, says : ' I have not found one repub- 
lican in the French army or navy. All are something else— they know not what, 
but tliey do not wish the (French) Republic to labt.' — Key, 206. 


those in command, who still expected that a whiff of grape- 
shot would be the utmost required to procure an entry. 
The advance-guard marched straight for the svunmit of the 
Vatican hill, crowned by an old round tower of the dark ages, 
which served as a sky sign to guide them to the attack.^ 
Immediately under this tower stood the Porta Pertusa, by 
which they were to enter Rome. The scouts, only a few 
yards ahead of the column, had just reached a turn in the 
road where the Porta Pertusa becomes suddenly visible at 
little more than a hundred paces distance, when a shower of 
grape from two cannon on the walls gave warning that 
Rome would resist. It was now almost the height of a 
sweltering Italian noon, and the troops, who had been 
suffering during the march under their heavy shakos, and 
gazing with envy at the shade offered by the strangely 
shaped ' umbrella pines ' of Italy ,'^ were glad of any change 
in the order of the day. A French battery was unlimbered 
on the spot, and a fire of musketry and cannon opened 
against the Vatican wall. But the assailants were in the 
open, the Roman cannon on the bastions were well served, 
and no progress could be made. 

The plan had been to enter by the Porta Pertusa, but, 
now that the time had come to blow in the gate, it was 
discovered that the gate did not exist. It had been walled 
up for many years peist, but the change did not appear on 
the charts of the Parisian geographers.'^ After one de- 
sperate rush at the impenetrable wall, the French took 
refuge behind neighbouring dykes and mounds, whence 
they continued to fire at the ramparts overhead.' 

The attack on the obsolete Porta Pertusa had perforce 

' It was a relic of the fortifications of Leo IV. to protect the Vatican from 
the Saracens. 

- Bittayd dis Fortes, 71, 72. 

^ Vaillaiit, 8-10 ; Bittard dcs Partes, 72, 75 ; Plan topographiquc dc 
Rome Moderne, by Letarouilly, Paris, 1S41. Il is not improbable that Oudinot 
possessed the latter, which has every appearance of being modern and accurate, 
but contains this fatal error. Paris MSS. JJ", 208, describes this first incident of 
the battle before the Porta Pertusa, and gives the time as 11.30 ; the Historiqiic 
of the 20"^ says the first shot was at 1 1.20. 

• Paris Al^S. jj , 209 ; Mira^lia, 177 ; Prt'cis Hist. 26. 


therefore to be changed into an attack on the Porta Caval- 
leggieri, a change of plan which involved passing down a 
steep hill across 1,000 yards of open vineyard country, 
under a hot flank fire from the regulars and National 
Guard thronging the wall, and from the Roman batteries 
on the bastions near St. Peter's.' The Porta Cavalleggieri 
proved indeed to be a 'gate in being,' but situated at 
the bottom of a deep valley, and in a retreating angle 
of the wall, so that its assailants were exposed to a 
double fire at close range from the battlements on either 
side of the approach to the gate.' 

Meanwhile, another column and battery had started 
from near the Porta Pertusa to go round outside the Vatican 
gardens in the other direction, with a view to obtaining an 
entry by the Porta Angelica, near the Castle of St. Angelo. 
The motive of this false military step was political, for 
Oudinot had been wrongly informed by his agents that the 
Clericals were in that quarter sufficiently strong to open 
the gate. The troops sent on this circuitous march, pro- 
longed by the steep descent and the bad roads, were exposed 
to a fire of terrible severity, from the hanging gardens on 
their right flank, because the only path by which their 
artillery could travel at all ran painfully close to the 
city walls. ^ The slaughter was such that a surgeon who 
had been through the African campaigns declared that he 
had never seen his countr3niien in so hot a corner before.* 
Under these conditions the attack on the defences of the 
Vatican, both to north and south, was doomed to failure. 
It was said that a desperate attempt to climb up by means 
of ' spike-nails ' ■' showed in what a pass want of preparation 
had left the gallant French army. 

By noon, or soon after it, the enemy had been foiled 

' Vaillatit, 10 ; Torre, ii. 29. 

- See an interesting picture of the attack on the Porta Cavalleggieri in the 
Illustrated London Neivs of May 19. 

^ Gaillard, 177 ; Bittarddes Partes, 79-83 ; Vaillant, 10, II ; Pr Jets Hist. 28. 

* Gazette Medicate de Paris, November 3, 1849. 

* Key, 197. For two gallant attacks on the gateless curtains see Pan's 
MSS. Historique jj', 209, and 20' (2" bataillon), 227. 



in their attempt to storm the city, but had not yet been 
driven off the ground. Garibaldi, who from the Corsini 
terrace had watched their first repulse at the Pertusa and 
Cavalleggieri gates, determined to assume the offensive 
from his yet un assailed position on the Janiculum, and to 
convert the check under the walls into a defeat in the open. 
To effect a debouchement from the Corsini and Pamfili 
gardens into the vineyards on the north, it was necessary 
for his troops to cross the deep, walled lane ^ which con- 
nected the Porta San Pancrazio with the main road to 
Civitavecchia. Up this lane were coming about i,ooo 
infantry of the 20'"" ligne, sent forward by Oudinot to 
protect the rear and flank of the main attack,"^ and there 
the first clash of arms in this quarter took place. Garibaldi's 
advance-guard, consisting of the two or three hundred 
Roman students and artists brigaded in a regiment of their 
own, were clambering down out of the Pamfili garden into 
the deep lane, when, under the arches of the Pauline 
Aqueduct, they stumbled upon the advancing French 
column. It was the young men's baptism of fire. Before 
the ardour of their attack the French at first recoiled, but 
discipline and numbers soon prevailed, and the students were 
driven back into the garden.'* The enemy followed in upon 
their heels, and the Garibaldian Legion was hurried up to 
the rescue. 

A confused fight at close quarters ensued, in which, 
before the onslaught of the veterans of the 20"'", the 
main body of Italians was pressed back, leaving behind 
them small groups holding on in occupation of various 
points near the Pamfili villa.' Among these Nino Costa, a 
youth of twenty-two, as yet unknown to fame as an 

' Now known as the Via Aurelia Anlica. Called DeeJ> Lane in map, p. 125 

* Paris MSS. 20', 224. Eight companies in all, of which we are told (p. 222) 
that five contained 700 men. 

3 Roman MSS. Batt. Univ. ; Carktii, 269. The crossing of the high wall 
into or out of the deep lane was difficult, and resulted, in the case of one of 
Koelman's friends, in a sprained ankle. Kochnan, ii. iS. 

< Carlctti^ 269, 270 ; Torre, ii. 30. 


artist, but already so well known for gallantry in the 
Lombard campaign that Garibaldi had specially invited 
him to join his staff, defended a house near the villa 
with a handful of legionaries, amid the victorious advance 
of the French.^ 

At last Garibaldi, seeing part of his Legion thus holding on 
in the PamfiH, and part of it driven back under the very walls 
of Rome, sent into the city to call up the reserves under 
Colonel Galletti ; that officer left the regulars of his division 
behind him within the gates, to guard against a surprise of 
the wall,^ and marched out of the Porta San Pancrazio at 
the head of the Roman Legion, consisting of 800 seasoned 
volunteers, burning to retrieve the misfortunes which they 
had suffered last year, through no lack of valour, in the 
Lombard campaign.^ 

The crisis of the battle was now at hand, and the flower 
of the Democratic volunteers were to prove whether they 
could dislodge regular troops posted behind villas and 
vineyard walls. Garibaldi, putting himself at the head of 
his own men, reinforced by the Roman Legion under Gal- 
letti, led the decisive charges by which it was hoped to 
recover the positions now held by the French on either side 
of the deep lane.' The first operation was to recapture the 
Corsini and Pamfili. 

Except at Tivoli and Frascati, there are few places 
within many miles of Rome with more of the charm of Italy 
than the northern edge of the Doria-Pamfili grounds^ 
where the heat of early summer is shaded off into a delicious 
atmosphere, redolent of repose and dreams, where birds 
sing under dark avenues of ever-green oaks, and no other 
sound is heard. The wall of the northern boundary, along 
the top of which runs a terrace walk, drops sheer for many 
feet into the dark lane below, and, parallel with it for some 

' Costa, 44. - Carletti, 270. ' Costa, 28-33. 

■■ See App. C below. Three days after the battle William Story was credibly 
informed that ' the Romans were a little timid at first, but grew hotter and fiercer 
as the battle continued, and at last were full of courage and confidence, even to 
heroism.' Story, i. 156. This would apply well to the troops on the Janiculuni, 
who first lost and then recovered the Pamfili. 


distance, stretches the old Acqua Paola. Across the lane 
and the arches of the aqueduct the eye can range over 
the neighbouring vineyards, the dome of St. Peter's, and 
the distant hill villages beyond the Campagna, till it 
rests at last on the shapes of Lucretilis and Soracte. 
Such a scene and such an atmosphere make it easy to 
understand why Italians are in some danger of spending 
their days in the too passive reception of impressions. But 
on this day there came Italians — artists and shopmen, 
workmen and aristocrats — who had been inspired by the 
moral resurrection of their country to ideals nobler than 
pleasure and receptiveness ; who were ready to give up the 
privilege of life, even of life in Italy, so that Italy might be 
free over their graves. 

Swarming over the Corsini hill, and across the little 
stream and valley that divide it from the Pamfili grounds, 
the Legionaries came crashing through the gro\'es. The 
Garibaldian officers, ' the tigers of Monte Video,' with long 
beards, and hair that curled over their shoulders, were 
singled out to the enemy's marksmen by red blouses, falling 
almost to the knees. This was the day that they had 
waited for so long in exile, this the place towards which they 
had sailed so far across the ocean. Behind them Italy came 
following on. And above the tide of shouting youths, drunk 
with their first hot draught of war, rose Garibaldi on his 
horse, majestic and calm — as he alwa3^s looked, but most 
of all in the fury of battle — the folds of his white American 
poncho floating off his shoulders for a flag of onset.' 

And so they stormed through the gardens, fighting with 
bayonets among the flowering rose-bushes in which next 
day the French dead were found, laid in heaps together.^ 
Costa and his company in the house, relieved in the nick of 
time, made captive some of their assailants, among others 
a gigantic drum-major whose fme proportions pleased the 

' Roman MSS. Batt. Univ. for eyewitnesses' account of Garibaldi during tliis 
charge. (See also Miraglia, i86, 258 ; coloured pictures of Garibaldi charging, 
and App. A. below). 

^ Koelman, ii. 16. 


artist's eye.' The enemy were thrust out of the Pamfili 
grounds back to the north of the Deep Lane, across which 
for some time the two sides fired at one another, until the 
ItaHans finally leapt down over the wall, clambered up the 
other side, and carried the northern arches of the aqueduct.^ 
Thence the Legionaries and students broke into the vine- 
yards beyond, and after fierce struggling, body to body, 
with guns, and hands, and bayonets, put the French to 

During this victorious advance they surrounded several 
hundred men of the 20'"^ Ligne who had not retreated in time 
from the Villa Valentini and the farmhouses north of the 
lane. Hasina's handful- of lancers were brought up to the 
Valentini, and when the French began to cut their way out, a 
charge of horse secured them as prisoners to the Garibaldian 
Legion, several of the officers giving up their swords to the 
gallant Masina.^ The Roman Legion made many other 
captures in the houses round about,* so that, in all, three or 
four hundred French surrendered to these two regiments. 

Garibaldi had received a bullet in the side, and the wound, 
though it did not incapacitate him, caused him much pain 
during the next two months of constant warfare. ' 

The afternoon was now well advanced, but the victory 
had been won. When a sortie was made from the Porta 
Cavalleggieri, Oudinot, whose retreat from before that gate 
was threatened by the Garibaldian advance, hastily drew 
off his men from between the two fires and made off by the 
road to Civitavecchia. The victorious Legionaries pressed 
the pursuit from the direction of the Pamfili, against the 
33'"^ Ligne and French artillery, who covered the retreat.*' 
By five o'clock, after nearly six hours' fighting,^ the whole 
French army had been driven off the field, with a loss of 
500 men killed and wounded, and 365 prisoners,"^ 

' Costa, 44. ^ Koelman, ii. iS. 

■■' App. C below, Capture of the French Prisoners, April ^o. See also App. D. 

* Carletti, 270. * Loev. ii. 198. '' Paris MSS. 33', 210. 

' Monilore, May I ; Rusconi, ii. 233-235 (Triumvirt>' report) ; Saffi, iii. 291, 

* Bitlard ties Partes, 94, 95. From the Historiqucs of the varioui regiments. 


That night the city was illuminated, the streets were 
filled with shouting and triumphant crowds, and there was 
scarcely a window in the poorest and narrowest alley of the 
mediaeval slums that did not show its candle. It was no 
vulgar conquest which they celebrated. After long cen- 
turies of disgrace, this people had recovered its self-respect, 
and from the highest to the lowest ranks men felt, ' We are 
again Romans.' ' On April 30, Garibaldi, being put to the 
test, had secured the position which had already been 
instinctively accorded him in the popular imagination of his 

' Hoff. ig ; Gabussi, iii. 357. (See Manara MS., Letter oj May I. The 
honour of Italy, Manara declares, has been saved. It is the first time since 
Novara that he expresses anything but shame and despair for his country. ) 



' Say by what name men call you, 
What city is your home ? 
And wherefore ride ye in such guise 
Before the ranks of Rome ? ' 

Macaulay, Lays of Ancient Rome. 

The first of a series of quarrels between Mazzini and 
Garibaldi, which marred the fraternity of the Roman 
Republic, arose on the question whether or not the victory 
of April 30 should be turned to full military advantage. 
Garibaldi, advising well as a soldier, wished to follow it 
up and drive the retreating French into the sea. But 
Mazzini, relying on those elements of genuine Republicanism 
in France of which he had some personal knowledge, though 
he did not know how fast their strength was ebbing away, 
hoped to propitiate the one country whose friendship 
might yet save the State, and preferred to turn the Roman 
armies from further pursuit of the French to the more 
congenial task of expelHng the Neapolitan and Austrian 
invaders. It is not necessary, in this matter, to find fault 
with either of the Chiefs, for although Mazzini's policy was 
tried and failed, Garibaldi's root-and-branch remedy would 
have made the French all the more determined to send 
another and larger expedition to retrieve their mihtary 
honour ; so that, whatever had been done, the Repubhc 
must sooner or later have fallen a victim to the combination 
of the Catholic powers.'^ 

Mazzini's magnanimity at least had the effect of putting 

' For this Chapter see map p. 141 below. 
■^ Saffi, iii. 294-297, 300-302. 


the French more than ever in the wrong, and afforded 
a pleasing occasion for a display of the gentleness and 
human sympathy which have so large a place in the Italian 
character. The French wounded were nursed with such 
' enlightened and devoted ' tenderness that Oudinot declared 
himself ' profoundly grateful ' ^ for it ; the prisoners were 
feted and set free to return unconditionally to their regi- 
ments. The treatment accorded to them was prompted 
by sentiment as well as policy, and, though initiated by 
the rulers, was carried into effect by the people of Rome. 
Captain Key, who had come up on a visit from Civita- 
vecchia to provide for British interests in the capital, wrote 
home that he had seen the French prisoners 

• brought out into the streets and received with every mark of 
good feeling by the people, who cheered them, gave them food, 
and showed them round St. Peter's and the monuments, the 
French in return saj'ing,' as no doubt the occasion demanded, 
' that they had been deceived ; having entered the Roman terri- 
tory with the idea that they were to join the Romans against 
the Austrians and Neapolitans.' ^ 

But the rest of the French army and the Home Govern- 
ment would not so easily relent, and Mazzini was to find 
that it is dangerous to play with coals of fire. 

For the present, however, it was not safe for Oudinot 
to show further hostility. In return for the several 
hundred men restored by the generosity of their friendly 
enemies, the French felt bound to set free a body of Bolognese 
volunteers under Colonel Pietramellara, whom they had made 
prisoners in Civitavecchia at the time of their disembarka- 
tion. ' They also released Ugo Bassi, who, unarmed, but in the 

' De Lcsseps, 120, Doc. No. 14. See App. D below. 

''■ Key, 198; Gabiissi, iii. 366, 367; Saffl, iii. 311-313, describes the scene, 
and adds that the French wounded, when visited by Mazzini and himself in the 
hospital, expressed the same sentiments in acknowledging their gratitude for so 
much kindness ; Vecchi, ii. 201. See also Prkis Hist. (Piece just. No. 6) for 
Picard's evidence to extraordinary kindness shown to them in Rome, which he 
calls attempts at seduction. 

3 Bittard dcs Fortes., 115. l^recis Hist. 38. There were 400 of them, as is 
proved by iMannitcci, 137, and many other sourccb. 


red blouse of the Legion, had been captured on April 30, while 
pursuing his spiritual oflice among the wounded, in the ebb 
and flow of the bayonet charges. After this exchange of 
courtesies, Oudinot settled down to wait for reinforcements. 
Until their arrival the Triumvirs could spare a part at 
least of the troops in the capital, now rapidly on the increase, 
to meet another foe who, if not actually at the gates, was 
now literally within sight. 

The Alban Hills, whence, in prehistoric times, the original 
settlers of Rome had come down to the plain and pushed 
on to the river-side, still seem to enjoy a p atria potestas 
over the city, by the place which they hold in any prospect 
from Roman streets or gardens ; when we catch a glimpse 
of the country outside, it is less often the low-lying Campagna 
than the more distant Alban Mount that heaves in view. 
Among those hills — where of old lay the chief strength 
of the cities of the Latin League, Rome's cousins and 
earliest enemies — rises the Porcian height, and there, too, 
is the high plateau on which once shone, a dangerous 

rival : 

the white streets of Tusculum, 
The proudest town of all. 

Its site is now swept bare, save for a few ruins, and Rome 
sees instead the harmless village of Frascati poured out 
over the hillside below. 

In Frascati, and in Albano by the lake, was encamped 
Ferdinand King of Naples, with an army of 10,000 men, eager 
not to assist, but to forestall the French, who for their part 
would not consent to any co-operation with the Neapolitans, 
regarding them, apart from diplomatic rivalry, with the 
utmost personal contempt.' The Pope, who was heart 
and soul with Ferdinand, distrusted, more than need 
was, the half-hearted words of Oudinot's proclamations, 
and thought the conquest of Rome by the Neapolitans the 
best security for that unlimited restoration of clerical 

' Torre, ii. 122, 123 ; D^Ambrosio, iS ; /ohnsioii, 277-281, 292; Roman 
AfSS. F. R. 36,/. 23. 


despotism which in the end he obtained from the French. 
Early in the year there had been some demonstrations 
in favour of Pio Nono on the southern frontier and in the 
Alban Hills, but the feeling at the back of this movement 
did not long survive the arrival of Bomba, who at once 
initiated a political proscription after his manner, and 
made the inhabitants long for delivery by the Republican 

To keep these invaders in check, Mazzini consented 
that Garibaldi should cross the Campagna, at the head of 
a small force which, in its numbers and in the half-civilian 
character and training of the men who composed it, some- 
what resembled the citizen armies which the earliest Roman 
Consuls had led over the same ground to battle with the 
Latin League. Not more than 2,300 troops ^ could safely 
be spared while Oudinot's attitude was still doubtful, and 
they consisted almost entirely of the volunteer regiments 
— Garibaldi's own Legion, the Students, the Gagers, the 
Emigrants and Manara's Lombard Bersaglieri — together 
with a few dragoons. Since it was impossible for Garibaldi 
to make a frontal attack on the Alban Hills, guarded by an 
army four times as numerous as his own, he determined 
to threaten the right flank of the Neapolitans and keep it 
sufficiently engaged to prevent them from advancing on 
Rome. His object, therefore, was to move on Palestrina, a 
suitable base for such a campaign. 

As a master of guerilla war, where the chief art is the 
concealment of movements and the deception of the enemy, 
he made it a custom frequently to march at night, and 
to go first in some direction other than that of the real 
point of attack ; hence, though destined for Palestrina, his 
column crossed the plain in the direction of Tivoli on the 
night of May 4-5, and next day encamped in the grounds 
of Hadrian's villa. Here, in the most beautifully situated 

' Key, 198, who visited Albano on April 8; Dandolo, 221; Johnston, 
278 ; Hoff. passim ; MS. Latiza, on the system of arrests. 

- Torre, ii. 370 (Doc. xcii. ). This document is a better authority on the 
numbers than Hoff. 20. In Miraglia, 306, an officer who was on the expe- 
dition says 2,500. 


of all the ruins of Imperial Rome, lying amid its groves 
of orange and fig/ like an oasis in the desert Campagna, 
but close beneath the olive-clad base of the steep Sabine 
Mountains, and only some two miles 

From the green steeps where Anio leaps 
In floods of snow-white foam, 

the Lombard Bersagheri had their first opportunity of 
observing the conduct in the field of their strange General, 
who soon brought them to love him, against all their pre- 
judices, and almost against their judgment. ' I am going 
with Garibaldi,' Manara had written on May 4 ; ' he is a 
devil, a panther.' His men are ' a troop of brigands,' and 
' I am going to support their mad onrush with my disci- 
plined, proud, silent, gentlemanly regiment.' - Exactly a 
month later Manara became Chief of the Staff to this ' devil 
and panther,' whom he had so quickly learnt to love. 

Emilio Dandolo has also recorded, in a vivid and im- 
partial sketch, the first impression made by the Garibaldians 
on the Lombard Bersagheri : 

' We encamped on the magnificent site of the villa of Hadrian, 
and the numerous fires which glistened among the ruins, and 
lighted up their subterraneous caverns, produced a strange and 
picturesque effect. The singular aspect of the camp seemed 
in unison with the wildness of the scene. Garibaldi and his 
staff were dressed in scarlet blouses, with hats of every possible 
form, without distinctions of any kind, or any pretension to 
military ornament. They rode on American saddles, and 
seemed to pride themselves on their contempt for all the observ- 
ances most strictly enjoined on regular troops. Followed by 
their orderlies (almost all of whom had come from America) 
they might be seen hurrying to and fro, now dispersing, then 
again collecting, active, rapid, and indefatigable in their move- 
ments. When the troop halted to encamp, or to take some 
repose, while the soldiers pUed their arms, we used to be sur- 
prised to see officers, the General himself included, leap down 
from their horses, and attend to the wants of their own steeds. 
When these operations were concluded, they opened their 
• Hoff. 26. 2 Manara, MS. Letter of May 4. 


saddles, which were made so as to be unrolled, and to form a 
small kind of tent, and their personal arrangements were then 
completed. If they failed in procuring provisions from the 
neighbouring villages, three or four colonels and majors threw 
themselves on the bare backs of their horses, and, armed with 
long lassoes, set off at full speed through the Campagna in 
search of sheep or oxen ; when they had collected a sufficient 
quantity they returned, driving their ill-gotten flocks before 
them ; • a certain portion was divided among each company, 
and then all, indiscriminately — officers and men— fell to, killing, 
cutting up, and roasting at enormous fires quarters of oxen, 
besides kids and young pigs, to say nothing of booty of a smaller 
sort, such as poultry and geese. 

' Garibaldi in the meanwhile, if the encampment was far 
from the scene of danger, lay stretched out under his tent. If, 
on the contrary, the enemy were at hand, he remained con- 
stantly on horseback, giving orders and visiting the outposts ; 
often, disguised as a peasant, he risked his own safety in daring 
reconnaissances, but most frequently, seated on some command- 
ing elevation, he passed whole hours examining the environs 
with the aid of a telescope. When the General's trumpet gave 
the signal to prepare for departure, the lassoes served to catch 
the horses which had been left to graze at liberty in the meadows. 
The order of march was always arranged on the preceding day, 
and the corps set out without any one ever knowing where they 
might arrive the day after. Owing to this patriarchal simplicity — 
pushed, perhaps, somewhat too far — Garibaldi appeared more 
like the chief of a tribe of Indians than a General ; but at the 
approach of danger, and in the heat of combat, his presence of 
mind and courage were admirable ; and then by the astonishing 
rapidity of his movements he made up, in a great measure, for 
his deficiency in those qualities which are generally supposed 
to be absolutely essential in a good General.' * 

A little incident of one of the first days of this campaign, 
narrated by one of the Students' battalion, is characteristic 
of Garibaldi's relations to his 3T)ung men. Some of the 
Students had turned into a house to get wine. Garibaldi 

' Garibaldi admits that lie had no hcbitaliun in commandeering tiic cattle of 
the Cardinalb' great estates in the region of Zagarolo. {A/cin. 231.) 
- Dandolo, 204-206. 



rode up to them : ' What ! ' he said, ' you are only a few 
hours out of the town, and ah-cady you must call for wine ? 
I lived five years on flesh and water' — on the plateaus of 
Rio Grande and Uruguay. When they answered with shouts 
of ' Evviva ! Garibaldi ! ' he stopped them at once. ' Silence ! 
it is no time for cheers. When we have defeated the enemy, 
then we will cheer.' ' 

Inseparable from the General rode the splendid negro 
Aguyar, his friend and bodyguard, who had followed the 
Chief he adored across the Atlantic. The black giant, with 
the lasso of the Pampas hanging from his saddle, himself 
wrapped in a dark-blue poncho, and mounted on a jet-black 
charger, contrasted picturesquely with Garibaldi and his 
golden hair, white poncho and white horse. The one was 
seldom seen without the other. ^ 

From Hadrian's villa the march was diverted to the 
south, towards the great road that leads from Rome to 
Naples by the valley of the Liris. On May 7, Garibaldi took 
up his quarters in Palestrina, that hangs amid the ruins of 
its antique grandeur on the edge of the Sabine Hills— a 
suitable base for annoying the right flank of the enemy 
among the Alban Hills opposite. During the next two days 
various bodies of thirty to sixty men each were sent out from 
Palestrina, to scour the undulating plain and the wooded 
mountains between Valmontone and Frascati. In this 
guerilla warfare the irregular troops displayed a vigour, craft, 
and courage, in which they were by no means inferior to 
the Lombards. One of these small bodies, with whom rode 
the indefatigable Ugo Bassi in his red shirt, had a severe 
engagement, near Monte Porzio, with a considerable body of 
Neapolitans, under General Winspeare, who were advancing 
on Palestrina ; the handful of Garibaldians were driven off 
the ground, but the enemy had had such a taste of them 

' Roman MSS. Bait. Univ. 

- Loev,, ii. 192, 226-228 ; Varenne, 353 ; Koehnan, ii. 72. His parents 
were freed negro slaves, and he had been a horsebreaker before he was a 


that they fell back on Frascati.^ On another of these 
encounters, Ugo Bassi rode up to the enemy, and, under a 
shower of bullets, addressed them on the wickedness of 
fighting against their country.- 

Meanwhile another and larger force of NeapoUtans, under 
General Lanza, were marching from Albano by way of Velletri 
and Valmontone, with orders to drive away the ' bandit,' 
who had become a thorn in the side of the royal aiTny, 
delaying the advance on Rome, and striking terror by his 
mere name into the superstitious and timid southerners, 
dragged from their homes to fight in a cause which was not 
theirs. Lanza had special orders to force Garibaldi to 
retreat towards Rome, and by no means towards Naples.' 
At Valmontone he found a Republican population and 
municipality, planting ' trees of liberty ' and fraternising 
with the Garibaldian scouts. Having cut down the trees 
and made the requisite number of arrests, according to 
orders, Lanza, about noonday on May 9, advanced on 
Palestrina in two columns, entrusting that on the right to 
Colonel Novi, and himself taking charge of the left. The 
approach of a superior force of such an enemy caused no 
alarm among the staff-officers, who climbed with their Chief 
to the top of the mountain behind Palestrina, and from the 
old fortress of Prcsneste (Castel San Pietro) so famous in 
the wars of Sulla, watched the columns winding towards 
them by two parallel roads about a mile apart.* 

Approaching by this double route, the Neapolitans 
in the plain below threatened the lowest side of the ancient 
walls of Palestrina at two points at once — at the Valmontone 
Gate to the south-east, and also at the Roman Gate to the 
south-west. The Garibaldians, however, did not wait to be 

' Loev. i. 175, 176 ; Dandolo, 209, 210 ; Roynan MSS. Batt. Univ. 
Miraglia, 306 ; D^ Ambrosia, 25, 26 ; Lanza AfS. 

- Roman MSS. , F. R. 6, /. 2. 

3 Latiza MS. ; UAmbrosio, 25. 

* The road on the left, followed by Lanza (Via Consolare), was a mere track, 
now mostly disappeared. Novi went by the main road. Lanza MS. ; Lloff. 35 ; 
Dandolo,\ 210; Loev. i. 177. Lanza reported his whole army as 3,000, but it 
was, and is usually, placed at 5,000. In either case, it was larger than Gariljaldi's 

w « 

o ^ 


attacked, but, rushing down the steep cobbled streets of 
the hill-town, sallied out to give battle under the walls. 
They had the advantage of the hill ; and the enemy's cavalry, 
where his chief superiority lay, could not charge with 
effect because the ground was so much enclosed. Manara 
in command of Garibaldi's left wing, took up his station 
at the beautiful Valmontone Gate, and sent down about 
150 of his Lombards, supported by some of the Legion, to 
meet Novi's men as they advanced across the ravines and 
up through the vineyards, hedges, and ruins of the broken 
ground below the town. The Neapolitans fled, ahnost at 
once, in disgraceful rout, and the fear of the ' round hats ' 
{cappelli tondi),^ as they called the Bersaglieri, was deeply 
impressed on them by this engagement. 

On Garibaldi's right wing, where the main attack of 
the Neapolitans was delivered under General Lanza him- 
self, the fighting was more severe, and some houses not far 
below the Roman Gate were occupied by the enemy, who had 
to be dislodged at the point of the bayonet. The Legionaries, 
aided by another company of Bersaglieri, who had been 
sent up after the success on the other wing was assured, 
drove back the infantry, repulsed a charge of horse on the 
road, attacked the houses, burst in the windows and doors 
while the enemy's fire singed the hair on their heads, and 
captured the garrisons. In this operation ' the fiery Bixio ' 
of Genoa, in after years one of the most famous of the 
Thousand who delivered Sicily, again attracted notice by 
the same impetuous daring as he had shown on April 30 ; 
and the good Swiss Hoffstetter, who had for several nights 
past been feeling duly sentimental about the nightingales 
and ruins of Italy, and taking notes of what he saw with a 
view to becoming the Xenophon of the Republican army, 
here put in the first of many hearty blows on behalf of the 
Italian cause. ^ 

' Hoff. 47 ; ' capelli ' is clearly a misprint of 'cappelli.' In the Italian 
edition it is * cappelli.' 

2 Hoff. 34-57 ; Dandoh^ 210-212 ; Loev. i. 177, 178 ; Vecchi, ii. 204 ; Bixio, 
83-89 ; D'Ambrosio, 25-28 ; Roman MSS. Bait. Univ. ; Mi?-aglia, 306, 307 
(Legionary officer's narrative), p. 186 (picture of the battle). 


The whole battle was over in about three hours, and 
the enemy, in full flight, cast away their muskets as they 
ran.' The right wing of their army, under Colonel Novi, 
abandoned not only Vahnontone, but Velletri, and did 
not stop till it had reached Genzano, where it was near 
enough to Bomha's headquarters on the Alban lake to 
feel in safety; while the left wing, under General Lanza, 
beat what he considered a dignified retreat to Colonna, 
and thence the next day to Frascati."^ When a score of 
prisoners were brought into Garibaldi's presence, trembling, 
and with clasped hands begging their lives from the ogre 
of whom their priests had told them such terrible tales, 
their knapsacks and clothes were found to be crammed with 
rehcs, amulets, and pictures of Saints, although they had 
so little of the spirit of crusaders that they cried out in 
their dialect ' Mannaggia Pio Nono ' (' A plague take Pio 
Nono')."' Such was Garibaldi's first experience of the 
Neapolitan troops. He was so deeply impressed by their 
incapacity that the recollection of Palestrina must have 
weighed in his mind eleven years later, when he came to 
his supreme decision to risk his country's fortunes, his own 
and his friends' lives, on the hazard of landing with a 
thousand red-shirts in the champs clos of the island of 
Sicily, occupied by 24,000 Neapohtan regulars.'* 

The victors remained another night and the whole of 
the next day at Palestrina, where the citizens, who had 
helped to barricade the streets against emergencies, now 
illuminated their little town in honour of the battle 
won.'^ They also took part in a scene of less innocent 
hilarity. The monks of the convent where Manara's 
Lombards were stationed, had locked them out on their 
first arrival, and had afterwards made their quarters 

' Miraglia, 307. - Lanza MS. 

' Dandolo, 212, 213; Torre, ii. 126; Vecchi, ii. 204. 

* The privates of Neapolitan army fought better in i860 than in 1849 ; but tlieir 
leaders behaved in a more incompetent and cowardly manner in Sicily than at 
Palestrina and Velletri. 

' Iloff. 39, 48 ; Loez'. i. 177, 17S ; Spada (iii. 471) is ignorant of all the 
circumstances of this battle, though on most subjects he is well, informed. 



as uncomfortable as possible ; but there had as yet been 
no reprisals. Unfortunately, however, when the victors 
returned after the battle, and found the doors again locked 
and the monks gone, the provocation was too much for 
the immaculate Bersaglieri, who got out of hand in the 
empty convent. Church, cellar, and library were saved, but 
the ordinary rooms were sacked ; and Manara's men made 
merry, lighting the tapers and stalking about in the monks' 

The Palestrina expedition had succeeded in its object 
of preventing the further advance of King Ferdinand 
against the capital." Garibaldi, recalled in haste by the 
Triumvirate, in view of Oudinot's doubtful attitude, made 
another of his famous marches on the night of May lo-ii, 
taking his wounded with him, skilfully avoiding contact 
with the Neapolitans, and reaching Rome in the morning, 
his men suffering horribly from thirst and exhaustion. 
But their return, though anxiously awaited, was rendered 
unnecessary by a change for the better in the attitude of 
the French. On May 15, De Lesseps arrived on a friendly 
mission from Paris, and on May 17 a suspension of hostilities 
was agreed upon, to give the French Envoy time to come 
to an accommodation with the Triumvirate and Assembly of 

Such, at least, was the ostensible object. But the 
real motive of the French Government in the matter of the 
armistice, and of the whole mission of De Lesseps," was to 
gain time : first, until reinforcements could be sent out to 
Oudinot ; and, secondly, until the Catholic party in France, 
at present sorely beset by the Republicans in the Assembly, 
could obtain a majority for reaction at the elections 
which were due to take place within a few weeks. The 
French Ministers neither expected nor desired the negotia- 
tions to succeed. On May 8, the very day on which the 

' Dandolo, 208, 209, 214. - Loco. i. 178. 

^ For which see MazUni, sub loc. ; Dc Lesseps, passim, for documents, and 
Johnston, 282-290, for ihe best analysis. 



Minister for Foreign Affairs charged De Lesseps with his 
mission/ the President wrote to Oudinot : ' Our mihtary 
honour is at stake, I will not suffer it to be compromised. 
You may rely on being reinforced ' - ; and suiting the action 
to the word, sent out the great Engineer General Vaillant, 
with orders to take Rome, and powers to supersede the less 
capable Oudinot if it should prove necessary.^ Louis 
Napoleon, personally a friend to Italian freedom, on behalf 
of which he had taken part in the Carbonaro movement of 
1 83 1, had not been so active as his Clerical Ministers in 
the first sending of the expedition ; but now that the honour 
of the army had been tarnished by April 30, his whole 
future as military dictator was jeopardised until that blot 
should be wiped out. It was necessary not only to con- 
ceal from the Romans and from the French Liberals the 
vengeance intended, but to conceal from the French nation 
the real nature of the defeat suffered, until it had been 
avenged. For this part of the game, Oudinot was emi- 
nently suited. His despatch, read to the French Assembly 
amid ' murmurs from the Left,' described the firing under 
the walls of the Vatican as a ' reconnaissance,' omitted to 
mention the battle outside the gates in which Garibaldi 
had driven the French oft" the field, and summed up with 
the declaration that ' this affair of April 30 is one of the 
most brilliant in which the French troops have taken part 
since our great wars.' ■* 

But it was even more important to conceal present 
intentions than past defeats. To make deceit effective 
it is best to employ honest instruments ; and such was De 
Lesseps, who took his part in the comedy au grand scrieux. 
Coming to Rome full of zeal to bring about an accommoda- 
tion, he was soon under the spell of Mazzini, and, we may 
add, under the spell of the kind-hearted populace of Rome, 

' 7Je Lesseps, 15. 

^ Printed in Monileuy ol May 10, p. 1734; Vaillant, 174, dates the letter 
May 5 ; but OUivicr, ii. 122, and Bitiard des Partes, 1 19, support the date given by 
Moniteur {viz. May 8). 

' Bittard dcs Partes, 146 * Moniteur iox 1 849, p. 1750. 


who throughout May treated him and all his countrymen 
within their gates with friendUness, and even with enthu- 
siasm. He was man enough to feel the intellectual and 
moral superiority of Mazzini, who soon lured him to make 
concessions larger than his powers warranted — far larger 
than the managers of the comedy had intended. 

The young Envoy found the ideals of Republicanism 
realised in all their impressive simplicity by the chief of 
the Triumvirs, 

' Lodged in the Quirinal, Mazzini hunted for a room " small 
enough to feel at home in." Here he sat unguarded and serene, 
" sadly aSopvtjiopo's (sic) for a rvpawo^" wrote Clough (for it was a 
country where political assassination was a tradition on both sides), 
as accessible to working men and women as to his own officials, 
with the same smile and warm hand-shake for all ; dining for 
two francs at a cheap restaurant ... his only luxury the flowers 
that an unknown hand sent every day, his one relaxation to sing 
to his guitar, when left alone at night. The Triumvir's slendei 
stipend of 32/. a month he spent entirely on others.' ^ 

De Lesseps was touched by what he saw of Mazzini 
and of Rome, and declared that the Republican leaders 
were misunderstood at Paris. After one quarrel, when the 
fiery Frenchman broke out in disgust at Roman unreason- 
ableness, and abused Mazzini in violent terms, the negotia- 
tions were resumed and proceeded rapidly towards an 

Meanwhile what was the attitude of the people, as 
distinct from the small body of convinced Republicans 
who led them ? It was summed up as follows by the 
acute and impartial Captain of H.M.S. Bulldog, who wrote, 
on May 12, after his visit to Rome : 

'The general feeling among the Roman people appears to 
be in favour of making terms with the French, as they show no 
objection to the return of the Pope, but great repugnance to an 
ecclesiastical government. The leaders keep up their deter- 
mination to resist . . . assuring the people that the return 

' King's Mazzini, 133; ClouglCs P.R. 154. - Farini, iv. 104, 120, 121. 

L 2 


of the Pope can only take place with the old system of a spiritual 
administration.' ' 

This would, perhaps, be an accurate analysis of the main 
current of opinion, if it were added that what the leaders 
said was quite true, and that the people believed them. 
All knew that the return of the Pope would only take place 
if clerical rule were restored, because he would consent 
to come back on no other terms. Whatever the French 
might wish, they had in fact no alternative between leaving 
the Republic alone, or restoring the hated rule of priests ; 
and the fixed determination of Pio Nono to recover the 
powers of Gregory XVI. would have rendered the mission 
of De Lesseps futile if it had ever been serious. It was 
absurd for the French to pretend to negotiate on behalf 
of a sovereign who refused to treat. 

Captain Ke}^ who passed freely between Rome and 
Civitavecchia, wTote again a few days later of the state 
of things round the French camp : 

' 1 cannot speak too highly of the conduct of the French 
soldiers towards the inhabitants of the country. Every article 
of food is strictly paid for, and their behaviour has engendered 
a very kindly feeling for them in the people with whom they 
have had intercourse.' - 

The absence of complaints by Italian writers against the 
French soldiery fully confirms this testimonial. But the 
French could not, by any amount of good behaviour, induce 
the inhabitants to give them any political encouragement 
or military assistance, and they w'ere grievously disappointed 
at the absence of any sign of Papal partisans in the country 
which they had come to ' deliver ' from the Republican 
tyranny ; even the few peasants, who came into their camps 
to sell them food, were gloomily silent on politics.^ 

The Republican Government, having successfully put 
down terrorism in the provinces, was faced in May by an 

' Key, 199. See also Bralti, 78, 79. - Key., 201. 

' Jourtuil 16', p. 8. A very explicit statement. 


outbreak of the Jacobin elements among its extreme sup- 
porters in the City of Rome itself, and this also it speedily 
overcame. On May 20 the mob raided two churches, 
dragged out the confessionals, symbols in the Pope's 
dominions not only of religion but of politics and police, 
and piled them in the Pia/za del Popolo for a bonfire. 
Mazzini gravely remonstrated, and the objects were restored 
to their proper places.^ 

A more serious affair was the attempt of a few wicked 
men to introduce the indiscriminate massacre of priests. 
Callimaco Zambianchi," a native of Forh in the Romagna, 
had been an exile from the Papal States between 1832 and 
1846, and while resident at Paris had picked up the tradi- 
tions of the original Terror from the small group of men 
who still cherished the memor3^ of Robespierre and Marat, 
and who taught him that no Republic was worth the name 
without its 'September.' Attracted back to Italy by the 
amnesty of the new Pope, he fought in the Lombard 
campaign, and having taken part in the reign of terror at 
Bologna, in August 1848, had been further embittered by 
a fresh imprisonment in the following month." After 
Rossi's murder he was liberated, and, shortly before the 
establishment of the Roman Republic, he had very wrongly 
been made commander of the regiment of Gagers, in 
which capacity he arrested and sent to Rome out of the 
provinces certain persons whom he accused of treason. 
When he heard, to his great indignation, that the Trium- 
virate had at once set them free, he vowed that in the 
future he would himself be judge and hangman ; being 
called back to Rome, and posted with his men on Monte 
Mario during the battle of April 30, he there and then 
caused his men to shoot a Dominican, whom he happened 
to meet on the road. During the same week, in the little 
church and convent of San Calisto, hidden away among the 

' Spada, iii. 555-558. 

" This Callimaco Zambianchi must not he confused with Antonio Zainhianchi, 
an honourable politician and servant of the Republic. 
3 At Civita Castellana. {Rotnan MSS. F. A'. 7, f. 3.) 


time-honoured slums of Trastevere, he and his men killed 
six persons in holy orders, whom he declared to have been 
preaching sedition and conspiring against the Repubhc. 
The Government stopped the massacre and did every- 
thing in its power to prevent another outbreak of terrorism. 
Its efforts of prevention were successful, but unfortunately 
the crimes already committed remained in this case un- 
punished, partly because the preoccupations of the siege of 
Rome in June delayed Zambianchi's trial till the Repubhc 
had fallen, and partly, perhaps, because the Gagers, who 
were a ruffianly crew, seemed inclined to protect their leader. 
So the chief criminal escaped, and two years later was turned 
away from the door of a poor London house at which he had 
the audacity to knock, by the indignant lodger, the ex- 
Triumvir Safft. It is painful to relate that Garibaldi allowed 
Zambianchi to follow him in the retreat from Rome, and ten 
years later to don the red shirt. The Papal Government 
in January 1854 justly executed three of his accomplices ; 
the scoundrels died game, refusing the offices of religion and 
crying, ' Viva ITtaha ! Viva la Repubbhca ! ' ' 

The immunity of Zambianchi is a blot on the Roman 
Government. But the contagion of violence was stayed ; 
and if we consider the unprovoked invasion of the State 
and the shooting down of the citizens who defended it by 
foreign troops in league with the priests, the Triumvirate 
deserves a good deal of credit, and the Roman populace a 
little, for stopping the Terror in a country where assassina- 
tion was indigenous. Arthur Clough wrote on May 31 to 
Arthur Stanley : 

' Whether Garibaldi could and should have given more assistance to Govern- 
ment to secure the arrest and trial of Zambianchi we have not evidence enough 
to decide. (See Saffi, iii. 323 note and 324, bottom of page. ) If the Finanzieti had 
been put under the direct command of Garibaldi, as Amadei proposed to the 
Government as early as March 11, these murders would certainly never have taken 
place. (See Loev. ii. 186.) For Garibaldi's hard but successful struggle with 
indiscipline and violence in his own Legion, see Loev. ii. 149-189. 

For the Zambianchi incident, zee Fotnau MSS. F. R., 7, 3, the most authentic 
evidence which I have found. Torre, i. 190, 330-333 ; Saffi, iii. 323-325 ; 

Veccki, ii. 275, 276; Farini, ii. 333, 334; iv. 153, 154; Spada, iii. 416; 

Cochrane, 1 16, 117; Tivaroni, Aiist. ii. 403 ; Guerzoni, ii. 50; Bel. 17, 75, 

112, 157. 

NO 'TERROR' 151 

' Priests, by the way, walk about in great comfort — arm in 
arm with a soldier, perhaps ; in cafes and legnos and all profane 
places they are seen circulating as freely at least as government 
paper. Confession is still administered openly with long sticks 
in St. Peter's and the Apostle's toe multitudinously kissed. 
The Bambino also drives about to see the sick in infinite state, 
and is knelt and capped to universally.^ Wandering about alone, 
and with the map, I have been twice hailed by civicas (National 
Guard) as a spione, but after some prattle affectionately dis- 

And again on June 21, in the final agony of the siege, 
ten days before the fall of Rome, when, if ever, anarchy 
might have been expected to lift its head, he writes to Francis 
Turner Palgrave : 

* Assure yourself that there is nothing to deserve the name 
of " Terror." . . . Since May 4 the worst thing I have witnessed 
has been a paper in manuscript put up in two places in the 
Corso, pointing out seven or eight men for popular resentment. 
This had been done by night ; before the next evening a pro- 
clamation was posted in all the streets, from (I am sure) Mazzini's 
pen, severely and scornfully castigating such proceedings. A 
young Frenchman in a cafe, hearing his country abused, struck 
an Italian ; he was of course surrounded, but escaped by the 
interference of the National Guard and of the British Consul. 
The soldiers, so far as I see, are extremely well behaved — far 
more seemly than our regulars ; they are about, of course, in 
the streets and cafes, but make no disorder.' - 

Garibaldi had for some time past noticed that the red 
shirt worn by himself and his staff officers had attained 
popularity as the symbol of the whole Legion and of the 
political ideas which it embodied. Fully sharing, in his 
emotional nature, that craving for symbolism which is at 
the root of so much in Italian rehgion and custom, he 
realised the advantages which might accrue from the red 
shirt as the outward and visible sign of the revolutionary 

' Koelman^ i. 258, describes such a scene in detail. 

2 Clo7igh, P. R. 153, 157. See also /. Z. N. July 14, 1849, p. 25, 'our 
correspondent. ' 


brotherhood of ItaHans, and, be it allowed, as the bond 
of the fellowship of Giuseppe Garibaldi. On his return from 
Palestrina, having wisely determined that no part in the 
democratic cult which he was founding should be denied 
to the laity, he ordered the manufacture of a red woollen 
blouse for every private in the regiment.^ The order was 
taken in hand, but the uniforms were not ready till near the 
end of June. 

In making this change Garibaldi did even better, 
perhaps, than he expected. For it turned out that in the 
camicia rossa the Italian Revolution found for itself a 
cheap pageantry, simple in gaudiness, unmistakable, 
satisfying the desire of youth to flaunt its principles in 
some visible form. For a few soldi the student or the 
workman could in a minute transform himself, in appear- 
ance at least, into the soldier of a redoubtable force, the 
semi-official missionary of a great cause. 

The moral effect of the red shirt, which acted like a 
charm, giving a sense of brotherhood with their chief 
to the httle band who so often fought in it against over- 
whelming odds, far out-balanced a slight military dis- 
advantage in the colour, which did not escape comment. 
Before coming to Europe the Italian Legion had fought in 
this attire through the wars of Montevideo, where small 
bodies of troops moved over the great open prairies, each 
side straining its eyes so as to be the first to see the enemy. 
Garibaldi, it is said, found that in those regions his troops 
were less easily detected in the distance when clothed in 
red than were the enemy in their darker uniforms. But in 
Italy, where much close fighting took place on a back- 

' Loev. ii. 125, 126. They were sometimes spoken of as ' tunics,' sometimes 
as ' shirts,' sometimes as ' blouses.' During the early years in South America, and 
in Italy in 1849, they were shaped like a French workman's blouse, falling over the 
hips, as in illustrations facing pp. 117, 118 above. In later years they were often 
tucked into the trousers like our English ' shirts,' as in the later photograph of 
Garibaldi in the frontispiece. Sometimes they were more like military tunics 
of the regular army, with big buttons, etc. See some specimens preserved in the 
Jl/useo Civico, Bologna. 

It was in the colour, not the shape, that the virtue lay. The one thing needful 
in the (amicia rossa was that it should he red. 


ground of white or grey houses and vineyard walls, the 
red shirt was easily seen and offered an admirable mark 
to NeapoHtans, Austrians, and French.^ 

Taking advantage of the improved relations with 
France, and of the rapid increase of the force under arms 
in Rome, the Triumvirs on the evening of May 16 sent out 
from ten to eleven thousand ^ of their best troops to drive 
the NeapoHtans out of the territory of the Repubhc. 
Garibaldi was put as a General of Division in command of 
part of the army, but he was asked to serve under the 
Commander-in-Chief Roselli, a worthy but not very able 
soldier, whose respectability was meant as a pledge to 
Italy and Europe of the regular character of the Roman 
troops and of the war in which they were engaged. In 
making this arrangement the Triumvirs fell between two 
stools, for neither were the methods and machinery of a 
regular force employed on the campaign, nor was it con- 
ducted with the energy of a guerilla war. The army moved 
with the uncomfortable and jerky motion of a man with an 
excitable dog in leash ; Garibaldi dashed about in front, 
locating and engaging the enemy, and then was forced to 
wait till Roselli came sulkily lumbering up with the bulk 
of the troops. On an expedition like this, such a general 
was about as fit to be put in command of Garibaldi as 
Parker was to be put in command of Nelson ; indeed, the 
case was much worse, for though himself a modest man, 
Roselli was surrounded by a staff of regular officers who 
urged him to assert himself, regarding the guerilla with 
a professional jealousy which none of the captains off 
Copenhagen felt against the victor of the Nile.^ 

Roselli, though commanding a force nearly five times as 
numerous as that led by Garibaldi a fortnight earlier, also 

' Lessona, 421 ; Cadolim, N.A. May 1902, 61 ; Loev. ii. 125, 129, 130. 
See p. 35 above, note, for the origin of the red shirt. 

- The most complete and trustworthy list of the regiments and their numbers 
is in Roselli, 50, 51. Torre, ii. 128, is in substantial agreement. Hof. 63, 64, 
is, therefore, probably wrong. See also Vecchi, ii. 235. 

* See Appendix E below. 


determined not to attack the Alban Hills in face, but to 
cross the Campagna towards Valmontone, and so take the 
Neapolitans in flank. The commissariat of the ' regular ' 
army was so ill managed that the troops would have starved 
in crossing the Campagna but for the energy and foresight 
of Garibaldi in his capacity of cow-boy, exercised at the 
expense of the Cardinals' estates ; ' and even after the 
desert plain had been crossed, the advance of the main 
body was delayed pending the late arrival of the train of 
waggons from Rome. But Garibaldi, as soon as he had 
reached Valmontone, galloped out on the morning of May 19 
along the Velletri road, under the foot of the wooded 
ridge of Algidus and Artemisio, to see what the enemy were 
about. He found, as he had expected, that they were in full 
retreat from the Alban Hills, which they had no thought of 
holding when their rear and flank were threatened by a force 
as large as their own. The only danger was that they 
would escape altogether, for they were already arriving from 
Albano at the low hill where the ancient Volscian city of 
Velletri rises above its vineyards, when Garibaldi and 
his staff reined up their horses on a knoll commanding a 
near view of their proceedings. Garibaldi determined to 
take, on his own responsibility, the measures necessary for 
cutting off Ferdinand's retreat — to hold him engaged 
with the advance guard, and to send to Roselli pTSLying 
that the arrival of the central division might be hastened. 
This involved a gross breach of discipline, since he himself 
was in command of the central division, and not of the 
advance guard, to whom he now issued orders for battle. 
But it was not likely that those orders, however irregular, 
would be disobeyed, for the officer rightfully in command 
was Marochetti, one of his old comrades of America, only 
too proud to be superseded by the Chief, and the best half 
of the troops consisted of his own Italian Legion. 

From the point of view of strategy and tactics he was 
as indisputably right as from the point of view of dis- 
cipline he was wrong. The strategical situation showed a 

' I/of. 62 ; A/et/i. 231 ; Roman MSS. F. R. 22, 69. 


demoralised enemy in full retreat, affording a splendid oppor- 
tunity to strike into the front flank of his column in such 
a way as to drive him off the high road away from his base. 
The tactical situation involved the ability of 2,000 seasoned 
guerilla troops to hold in play a despised foe who had fled 
before them ten days before, until the arrival of the main 
Roman army, which would certainly not be up in time to 
catch the retreating enemy unless he was attacked at once.' 
But whether the desire to seize the opportunity of the 
campaign can justify any man, even a Garibaldi, in break- 
ing the discipline of the camp is a question on which I have 
no wish to pronounce. 

Finding a body of troops close on their flank, the 
Neapolitans were forced to turn aside and drive it back. 
Garibaldi, whose scouting arrangements kept him far better 
acquainted than any contemporary general of regulars 
with the real intentions of the enemy, knew that this 
offensive movement was only designed to cover their 
retreat. But until Roselli should arrive, the Legionaries, 
posted about a mile outside Velletri, had before them the 
prospect of a stiff fight for an indefinite number of hours, 
holding their own against superior numbers of the enemy's 
infantry and cavalry in the vineyards and undulating ground 
on either side of the Valmontone road. The chief incident 
of the battle occurred on the road itself. Masina's forty 
lancers ^ had gone down it, driving the enemy in front of 
them, until they met the head of a long column of mounted 
men before whom they fled back at a gallop. The young 
Bolognese cavaliers, though noted for fearless gallantly, 
were not seasoned veterans ; their horses were young and 
untrained, and Masina himself was not among them this 
day, but was commanding the whole Legion." They came 
bolting back at a pace which so aroused the indignation 
of Garibaldi that, regardless of dynamics, he reined up 
athwart their path. Behind him sat his friend, the 
gigantic negro, on his jet-black horse. Like equestrian 

' Loev. i. 184 and note 2 ; Gabussi, iii. 404-407. 

* RoselHt 50, 74 ; Roman MSS. Ruoli Gen. 82, F. 10. ^ Loev. i. 186. 


statues of Europe and Africa they sat immovable. One 
moment the young lancers, vainly tugging at their frightened 
steeds, saw these two loom in front ; the next, down they 
all went together in a welter of beasts and men, with Gari- 
baldi at the bottom. The enemy's cavalry, who had some 
spirit, came dashing up, and it might have gone ill for Italy, 
had not a handful of Legionaries, lighting at a little distance 
to the right of the road, come running to save their leader. 
The rescue part}' were mostly boys of fourteen and upwards. 

' I believe (wrote Garibaldi) that my safety was chiefly due 
to those gallant boys, since, with men and horses passing over 
my body, I was so bruised that I could not move.' 

The Neapolitans, who had pushed forward too rashly into 
the heart of the Garibaldian position, were caught between 
two fires, ^ and severely repulsed, leaving thirty prisoners 
on the scene of the recent cascade. Thus the incident that 
had begun in picturesque disaster, led to a general advance 
of the Garibaldian infantry through the vineyards and 
down the road. 

'The charge of our men on the right — the dominant position, 
and therefore the key of the whole — led by Masina and Daverio, 
was made with such headlong impetus that our men almost 
entered Velletri, swept away among the flying enemy.' '•^ 

So httle, indeed, had Garibaldi imperilled the safety 
of the advance guard, as he was accused of having done 
on this occasion, that they not merely maintained their 
positions unaided, but assumed the offensive and drove 
the enemy up into the town and the Cappuccini on 
the neighbouring height, before the central division began 
to appear.^ It was well on in the afternoon when the first 
detachment, consisting of Manara's Lombards, came hurry- 
ing up with loud cheers for Garibaldi, and found his men 

' Mirag/ia, 200. 

'^ iJ/fw. 230, 231 ; Hoff'. 69, 70; Roselli, 74, 75, 147 ; Lazza^-ini, 221 -22S ; 
Vecchi, ii. 236 ; Ritucci, 8-I0 ; D'Ambrosio, 40. 

* Lo$v. i. 186, 187 ; UAmbrosio, 40-44; Ritucci, 10-13. 



o ' 

V. V ': 

^ .V 


firing at the town and convent, from which strong positions 
the enemy repUed with effect.^ Roselh had been tardy 
in sending forward the supports, and the rest of them 
arrived slowly and one by one on the scene.' Furious at 
hearing of Garibaldi's indiscipHne in beginning the battle 
without his leave, and perhaps not better pleased that 
the friar Ugo Bassi should have been employed to carry 
messages between them, the commander-in-chief rode up 
in the worst of tempers and positively refused to attack 
that evening, nor would he, at Garibaldi's suggestion, fore- 
stall the enemy's retreat by moving across onto the road to 
Terracina. Roselli's staff would not beheve the assurances 
of the insubordinate guerilla Chief that Bomba's generals 
were only thinking how to effect their escape, and that their 
men were utterly demoralised.'' 

The Neapolitan soldiers, all except the Swiss regiments, 
had, in fact, again been scared by the ' red devil,' whom 
they declared to be bullet-proof ; the giant black man 
behind him was Beelzebub, his father. In plaintive 
mutiny they cried out at their King : ' You are going to 
Naples, and we to the slaughter.' ^ Early in the night 
this poor-spirited army with some skill took advantage 
of Roselli's inaction, and stole away out of the southern 
gate of the town, leaving its wounded and prisoners, and 
fled down the road that leads across the Pontine Marshes 
to Terracina and Naples by way of the coast. Before the 
grey hours, some reconnoitring Lombards climbed over 
the gate into Velletri, and, to their surprise, found the 
streets silent and empty, until the townspeople began to 
come out of their houses, and joyfully fraternise with the 

' Manara MS. Letter of May 20 ; Dandolo, 218, 219; Iloff. 70, 7 1 ; Locv. 
i. 187. 

= Roman MSS. F. R. 62, S, pp. 112, 113. 

' Vecc/ii, ii. 237, 238; Loev. i. 187; Elia, i. 15S-158. Thai tlic enemy 
had no object but to escape to their frontier is confessed by D'Aiiibrosio, 37, 
45, 47 ; thus justifying Garibaldi's opinion. 

^ Locv. i. 187 and note ; fack la Bolina, 83. The Cieiical writer Ciaufaram 
minimises the demoralisation of the Neapolitans. 

* Daiidolo, 219. There were also many Clericals and indifferenlists in the 


Garibaldi was convinced that Ferdinand's throne would 
not survive an invasion of his kingdom, and pressed the 
Triumvirate to allow the army to advance. But Mazzini, 
even if he could regard the French as neutraUsed, had still 
to think of the Austrians, who had just taken Bologna 
after a gallant defence by its inhabitants, and were fast 
overrunning the Romagna and the Marches. Roselli and 
half the army were therefore recalled from Velletri, but 
Garibaldi was allowed to proceed with his own Legion, the 
Lombards, and some other troops, advancing by the great 
inland road that leads to Naples, by Valmontone, Frosinone, 
and the valley of the Liris. In the Roman States they 
were welcomed as deliverers. But when they crossed into 
Neapolitan territory a curious incident took place in the 
frontier town of Rocca d'Arce, related as follows by Emilio 
Dandolo : 

' All the inhabitants had fled and hidden themselves among 
the hills ; we found the houses shut up and deserted, and not a 
human being in the whole village. The soldiers were indignant 
at this want of confidence ; but, thanks to the warm admonitions 
of Garibaldi, who came up at the moment with his Legion, 
and to the advice of Padre Ugo Bassi (whose fervent charity 
and patriotism I then learnt to appreciate), no pillaging took 
place, and in that deserted village not a single door was forced. 
We sat down on the ground in the square ; and, when the terrified 
inhabitants observed from the surrounding heights this admir- 
able spirit of order and self-restraint, they hurried down to 
welcome us, threw open their houses and shops, and in a few 
minutes the whole village had regained its accustomed activity. 
They then related to us how many superstitious fables the 
Neapolitans had spread among them ; according to which we 
were so many ogres let loose by the devil, to devour children 
and burn down houses ; and the fantastic costumes of Garibaldi 
and his followers had contributed not a little to increase the 
ignorant fears of the natives.' ^ 

town. See Cian/ai-ant di.x\d General Lama (A/S.). The latter found Valmontone 
more Republican than Velletri, 
' Dattdolo, 222, 223. 


How far, under these conditions, Garibaldi would have 
succeeded in rousing the Kingdom to revolt was never put 
to the test ; for at this point he was recalled, much to his 
own chagrin, to save the Republic from Austrian invasion 
in the North. To the end of his Ufe he believed that the 
march which was stopped at Rocca d'Arce by Mazzini's 
orders, would have anticipated the results of that triumphal 
progress which he made eleven years later from the other 
end of the NeapoHtan kingdom. No doubt the royal army 
was demoralised by Palestrina and Velletri ; no doubt it 
was much smaller in 1849 than in i860. But, on the other 
hand, the general conditions of Italian politics were far 
less favourable, the tide was setting in the wrong direc- 
tion, and Italy was tired of revolution — facts which 
Garibaldi, who was never tired, could not properly reahse.' 
Nor, as is shown by the incident just related, was his own 
reputation the same, either in its nature or its magnitude, 
as on the day when he landed at Reggio — the world's 
acknowledged hero — with those miraculous Sicilian laurels 
fresh upon his brow. 

At the end of May, Garibaldi re-entered Rome in demo- 
cratic triumph, for the last time, until, as an old man, he 
entered the capital of Italy in peace, a third power with the 
King and the Pope.'- ' Now,' wrote Manara, ' we shall go 
to Ancona. I firmly hope we shall beat the Austrians 
as we have beaten the French and Neapolitans.' " Most 
of the tired troops who re-entered Rome between May 30 
and June 2, were hoping that before they started against 
the Austrians they would enjoy a little rest after their long 
month of forced marches and battles.^ But the rest pre- 
pared for them was the grave, save for those who lived 
to be mocked by the uneasy rest of exile. Even while 
they were re-entering Rome, the French threw off the mask 

' See p. 258 below, how he tried to rouse Tuscany even after the fall of Rome. 

- Pio Nono said, with reference to the arrival of Garibaldi in Rome shortly 
after Victor Emmanuel had taken up his quarters in the Quirinal : ' Lately we 
were two here ; now we are three ' {Martinengo Cesaresco's Italy, 414). 

* Manara MS, Letter of May 30. ' Dandolo, 224, 228; Iloff'. lof. 


and repudiated De Lesseps in the hour when he seemed 
to have brought things to a settlement. To die for Italy 
there was no need to go to Ancona. 

The turn of events on which Garibaldi had fixed 
his hopes — a long guerilla war over the mountains and 
valleys of half Italy — was not to be. Mazzini's dream 
was to be realised instead — the fiery martyrdom of the 
Republic in one supreme scene of defiance and death, in 
the sacred city where the memories and treasures of the 
western world were heaped together. The union of Italy 
was an idea which Mazzini had done more than any other 
man to spread, but the last effective contribution ever 
made by him to that cause, so soon to pass into other hands, 
was this great demonstration, which he had organised and 
inspired — the dying message of Italy slain once more, 
published to the world from Rome, In this siege of Rome, 
a drama of despair, a battle that was not for victory. Gari- 
baldi, though his genius was more suited to the open field, 
was to play the part of chief hero among many, and to lend 
it all the nobility of his presence and the grandeur of his 



• Villa Corsina, Casa dei Quattro Venti, 
fumida prua del Vascello protesa 
nella lempesta, aiti nomi per sempre 
solenni come Maratona Platea 
Cremera, luoghi gia d' ozii di piaceri 
di melodie e di magnificenze 
fuggitive, orti custoditi da cieche 
statue ed arrisi da fontane serene, 
trasfigurati subito in rossi infemi 

D'Annunzio— Z(Z Cantone di Garibaldi. 

(Villa Corsini, House of the Four Winds, 
Smoky prow of the Ship thrust forward 
Into the tempest, names for ever 
Grand — like Marathon, Platsea, 
Cremera — once ye were haunts of idleness, 
Pleasure and music and frail magnificence, 
Gardens guarded by blind stone statues, 
Watered by fountains — all changed suddenly 
Into a red infernal giddiness.) 

On May 31, the day when Garibaldi re-entered Rome, 
De Lesseps signed with the Triumvirs terms of agreement, 
according to which the French were to protect Rome and 
its environs against Austria and Naples and all the world, 
but were to take up their own quarters outside the city. 
Since nothing was said about the Pope's restoration on 
the one hand, or about the continued existence of the 
Repubhc on the other, the real questions at issue were 
postponed to the future ; but all the advantages of the 
present were to go to the Romans, and none to the French. 
In signing terms so entirely averse from the spirit and 

' For this Chapter use the maps pp. 125 above and 172 below. 



intentions of those whom he represented, De Lesseps had 
sense enough to append a clause which provided that the 
treaty needed ratification by the French Repubhc' But the 
home Government, to whom he thus appealed, had already 
thrown off the mask, and had despatched a message putting 
an end to his mission and bidding him return at once to 
France.^ For Oudinot's reinforcement had come to hand. 
The French army was again camped within a mile or 
two of Rome, within striking distance of the Italian 
outposts. Twent}^ thousand men were on the spot, 
together with six batteries of artillery, some siege guns, 
and a large number of excellent sappers and engineers 
prepared to carry out Vaillant's scientifically laid plans for 
the reduction of the city ; and 10,000 more, together with the 
rest of the siege train and engineers, would arrive at fixed 
dates during the month. ^ When, therefore, the man of 
peace brought his treaty to the camp, Oudinot no sooner 
read the clause assigning to his army quarters outside 
the walls of Rome than he broke out in a violent tirade 
against De Lesseps and told him to go about his business * ; 
next day (June i) he gave notice to the Romans that the 
truce was at an end. 

But the letter in which he informed Roselli of the 
denunciation of the armistice was of the most ambiguous 
character, for although he declared that hostilities could 
at once be resumed, he added that, in order to give the 
French residents time to leave Rome, he would not 
attack ' the place' until Monday, the 4th of June."^ His 
real intention was to surprise and capture the outposts 
(the Pamfih and Corsini) in the early hours of the 3rd. 
In employing the vague word place, which he privately 
interpreted to exclude these outposts, while the world in 
general supposed that he had given a guarantee to suspend 
all operations against Rome until the Monday, he at once 

' Ue Lessees, 61, 62, for text ol treaty. -' De Lesseps, 67. 

^ Bittard des Poi-tes, 160-163, 257, 262. I take the lowest estimate of the 
number of infantry from Vail/ant, 15, 155, 156. 

* De Lesseps, 63-66. ' See App. L below for text of letter. 


lulled the careless Italians into a fatal security, and satisfied 
his own conscience — for he was, as Captain Key found 
at this time, ' a strict Catholic and a very religious man.' ' 

Oudinot's announcement of war, so suddenly made on 
the day after the Treaty of Peace and AUiance had been 
signed, woke the Italians with a start from pleasant dreams 
of chasing the white-coats out of the Apennines, to the 
prospect of being cut to pieces in Rome by fellow-Republi- 
cans. On June 2, when the Triumvirate asked Garibaldi to 
give his confidential opinion on the crisis, he suggested 
a remedy on a level with the desperate nature of their 
affairs, declaring that he himself ought to be made Dictator. 
He gave the advice in the spirit in whiT:h it had been asked 
— in perfect good faith and in the public interest ; when it 
was rejected he let the matter drop, though there were many 
pseudo-politicians in Rome who were only too eager to 
agitate on his behalf, had he consented to lead them, and 
who proceeded some way in that direction without his con- 
sent. With the simple wisdom of the sailor and warrior, 
trained in no political school but that of the South American 
Republics,^ he believed that an honest dictatorship was 
the best means of carrying out the democratic will in times 
of supreme crisis. From the beginning to the end of his 
life, divided authority and government by Assemblies 
seemed to him out of place when the foreigner was in 
occupation of the soil, or a tyrant had still to be dethroned. 
These views were a practical qualification of his theoretic 

' The French Clerical historian, LaGorce, regards the trick by which Oudinol 
obtained such easy possession of the key to Rome either as requiring no explana- 
tion or as admitting of none ; for he does not record the fact. But the Italian 
Clerical historian, Spada, agrees with the common opinion that his action was not 
justified to others by the quibble with which he satisfied himself (Spada, iii. 584, 
585). In view of the recent attempt by M. Bittard dcs Partes to justify Oudinol 
in this matter, I have consulted high military authority on the meaning which 
military men would attach to his letter. (See App. L below.) 

- When South America was first released from Spanish rule, education and 
habits of self-government were so backward that the popular assemblies proved 
incapable of their task ; each assembly and each party attached itself to some 
military chief, and rose and fell with his fortunes. Roha icon's P. i. 16, 1 7, 64-68. 

M 2 


Republicanism, and prepared him to accept in later years the 
chieftainship of Victor Emmanuel, with that loyal self- 
effacement and devoted service to the King which proved 
one of the main factors in the creation of Italy.' But his 
proposal, on June 2, 1849, that he himself should be made 
Dictator, though it would have had military advantages, 
would have involved political dangers, because it would 
have meant the displacement of Mazzini in favour of his 
rival ; and, though it would have aroused much enthusiasm, 
would have caused also much offence and division. 

Although Garibaldi was not made Dictator, or even 
commander-in-chief in place of Roselli, the defence of the 
west bank was entrusted to him, and it was on that side 
that the attack was again made on Rome. But before 
Garibaldi took over the command in that quarter, Roselli, 
on Saturday evening (June 2), visited the very insufficient 
outpost of 400 men which he had placed in the grounds of 
the Villa Pamfili, to tell them that there was no need to be 
vigilant, since the French had promised not to attack until 
Monday morning.- In trusting the key of the capital, and 
therefore the very existence of the State, to the faith of a 
foe whose whole conduct since his first landing had been 
shifty and ambiguous, Roselli was guilty of an error of 
the first magnitude. If Oudinot's bad faith is condemned, 
no less severe a judgment must be passed on the folly of 
his antagonist. Even if the French General's letter had 
been perfectly explicit in its promise to postpone every 
kind of operation till Monday, this vital position ought to 
have been occupied day and night by several thousand 

Garibaldi understood better than the commander-in- 
chief tlie immense importance of a post, which, by reason 
of its height and propinquity, was the key to the Janiculum, 
and therefore the key to Rome. After his victory in the 
Pamfili grounds on April 30, he had proposed to fortify 
them, but had had no authority to carry this plan into 

' Mem. 320, 344. - Gainberini, 6 lo. 

^ See App. L bcl'jw. 


effect ; and Roselli, who had enjoyed the power, had not 
possessed the wisdom to do anything of the kind during 
the weeks gone by.^ If Garibaldi had not been too unwell 
on the night of Saturday, June 2, to take over at once his 
new command on the west bank, he would very probably 
have done something to strengthen the guard in the Pamfili ; 
but as he was confined indoors, recovering from his old 
wound of April 30, and the bruises and fatigues of the 
Velletri campaign, his command was temporarily vested 
in Galletti.^ All who turned to sleep that night in Rome 
had been given to understand by Government that Oudinot 
had promised not to attack till the Monday, and no one 
suspected that before morning the key to the city would 
be stolen away.'' 

The able Engineer-General Vaillant, who, like Oudinot, 
had served with distinction under the great Napoleon, was 
sent out by the new President to advise and, if necessary, 
supersede the commander-in-chief. No better selection 
could have been made, and the two old soldiers appear to 
have worked in perfect harmony. Although they had thrown 
a bridge across the lower Tiber, and occupied the BasiHca 
of St. Paul-without-the-walls, Oudinot and Vaillant had 
determined not to pass over the river in force, but to con- 
fine their main operations to the capture of the Janiculum. 
It would, indeed, have been easy for them, if they had 
crossed to the east bank, to blow a breach in the ancient 
Imperial walls ^ as did the Italians in 1870. But the French, 
in 1849, had to reckon with the hostilit}^ of the Roman 
populace. They knew that if they entered from the low- 
lying Campagna on the east their difficulties would only 
begin when they were inside the town, because the people 
would take to the barricades which they had prepared, 
and house-to-house fighting would continue for days. How 
much Italian burghers could do against regular troops in 

' Goppelli, 239; Loev. i. 210. - Carleft?, 273 ; Loev. i. 213. 

'■' See App. L below ; last paragraph. 

* See pp. 125-6 above, on the relative strength of the Imperial walls on the 
east bank and the Papal walls on the west bank. 


this sort of warfare had been sliown the year before, in 
the north at Milan, and in Sicily at Messina, and, even if 
victory in such a contest could be considered certain, the 
price might be the conflLigration of the Eternal City. The 
scandal of standing triumphant on the blood-stained ruins 
of Rome was such as the art-loving French could appreciate 
and dread.' The knowledge that their right of interference 
was questioned by all parties, liberal and reactionar}' alike, 
put them on their best behaviour, and, although they 
threw many shells into the streets, they showed a certain 
care not to do unnecessary harm to the monuments. 

Military and political considerations, therefore, com- 
bined to direct their efforts against the Janiculum, for 
although it would take a little time to breach the Papal 
walls upon the west bank, they could be sure that, when 
once they had fought their way to the terrace of San Pietro 
in Montorio, Rome would lie below them at the mercy 
of their batteries, and would have no alternative but to 
surrender without further resistance. Vaillant, therefore, 
determined to capture the curtains and bastions close 
to the Porta San Pancrazio. Wiser for the experience of 
April 30,- he knew that he must make a formal approach, 
drawing trenches and placing breach-batteries according to 
the methods of scientific siege craft, of which he was a 
master. But he saw that it was useless to order the first sod 
to be turned so long as the Romans occupied the high 
ground of the Villas Pamfili and Corsini — a point of vantage 
whence the Italian cannon could sweep the district round, 
and a place of arms where their infantry could safely muster 
for sorties into flank and rear of any trenches which the 
besiegers could make. On the other hand, if once the 
French were masters of the Villa Corsini, built on a knoll 
which commanded the Porta San Pancrazio, it would be 

' Vaillant, 27, 2'&. The 7'imes correspondent lioped for the street fighting, see 
Time';, June 6, 12. Moltke, who had been in Rome in 1845-46, examining 
the defences, wrote in June 1849, to Ilumb dt, ascribing reasons for Vaillant's 
choice of the Janiculum as his point of attack, closely similar to those given by 
Vaillant himself (Moltke, i. 190). 

» Vaillant, 28. 


impossible for troops to come out from Rome against the 
works, except under a deadly lire from batteries elevated 
and ensconced at about four hundred paces from the narrow 
debouchment of the gate. 

Since, therefore, it was of the first importance to the 
French plans to capture the Villas Pamfili and Corsini, the 
main struggle of the siege would, under normal conditions, 
have been a defence by the Romans of the high wall which 
surrounded the woods and gardens of these two villas in 
one vast enclosure. But owing to Oudinot's ambiguous 
letter, and Roselli's misplaced security, the besiegers acquired 
this stronghold almost without fighting, and the Roman 
defence was therefore turned into an attack, carried out, 
as we shall see, under conditions of great disadvantage. 

The capture of the vital positions was effected in the 
small hours of Sunday morning, June 3. One column, 
under General Molliere, came silently through the darkness 
onto the road known as the Vicolo della Nocetta, which 
skirts the south of the Pamfili enclosure, and began prepara- 
tions for blowing a breach in the boundary wall. At 
3 A.M. or shortly before,^ the noise of the sappers' picks 
was heard by some Italian sentries, who discharged their 
muskets. Without further delay the powder was put into the 
hole and exploded, the French infantry poured over the 
ruin, and as the morning twilight came on, spread in wave 
after wave of men through the silent pine-woods that occupied 
the southern part of the Pamfih grounds. Meanwhile another 
division, under a General named Levaillant, had already 
made its way in from the west side, where they actually 
found a gate of the Park left open.'- Indeed, the 400 
Italians bivouacked in these vast grounds — which required 
a garrison of several thousands — were sleeping with perfect 

» Vaillant, 31, says 2.30 ; but an Italian officer declared he heard the first 
shots at about 3.0 {Loez'. i. 216, note 4). Oudinot had ordered the attack to be 
commenced at 3.0 {Bittard des Partes, 208). 

^ See map p. 125 above. Vaillant, -^1,2,2. Vaillant, the Engineer-General 
and historian of the siege, is not the same as Levaillant, the officer who led this 
attack. Paris MSS. ?j% 213, and 9/' (16' Uger), 157, 159. 


confidence in Oudinot's promise not to attack till Monday, 
whereof Roselli himself had so rashly reminded them not 
twelve hours before. Here and there, indeed, sentinels 
were on the alert, and resistance was made at various points, 
particularly in the httle chapel of the Pamfih. In the villa 
itself, and in the surrounding gardens and groves of ever- 
green oak, where the tide of battle had been turned by 
Garibaldi on April 30, the 400 Italians were surrounded and 
overpowered by superior numbers. Half of them were cap- 
tured in the buildings.' But many leapt from the windows, 
and in all 200 escaped to the Convent of San Pancrazio and 
the Villa Corsini, which stood within the Pamfili enclosure, 
but five or six hundred yards nearer to Rome. 

The flying men were closely followed by one of Levaillant's 
battalions, but when the gallant Bolognese Colonel Pietra- 
mellara - organised a strong resistance in the Corsini, and 
when Galletti's troops began to pour up the road from the 
Porta San Pancrazio, the Italians, being in somewhat 
greater lorce, were able to hold on. When the dawn was 
growing grey, the French battalion which had pushed on 
unsupported to the Corsini fell back on the Pamfili, where 
it joined the rest of Levaillant's men and Molliere's 
brigade, which had now arrived at the front. Returning 
to the charge, the French regiments carried the Convent 
of San Pancrazio, and then, with the aid of artillery, 
stormed the Corsini after desperate fighting, and drove 
the Italians do\^Ti the hill to the Vascello.'' The Villa 
Corsini, the key to Rome, was in the hands of the enemy. 

Minutes were precious , but nearly two hours were 
wasted owing to the arrangements which Roselli and the 
civil authorities had made for the quartering of the soldiers. 
If the Garibaldians and the Lombards had been encamped 
on the Janiculum they could have rushed out by the 

' Vaillant, 32, says 150 Italians were captured in the ' batimcnts de la 
Villa.' Beqkelli, ii. 302, and Torre, ii. 177, 178, allow 200 captured. 
' See last paragraph of App. F i, below. 
* See App. F i, below. 


Porta San Pancrazio with Galletti's men, and very possibly 
have retaken not only the Corsini but the Pamhli, before 
the main force of the French had been brought into the 
grounds. But the principal defenders of Rome were lodged 
on the wrong side of the river, and at a great distance from 
the scene of action. Furthermore, the ofhcers had been 
quartered in private houses apart from their regiments. 
Garibaldi's Legion was in the Convent of San Silvestro ; 
several of their officers were some distance away ; but 
Garibaldi and Masina were staying not far off, in the narrow 
streets opening on the Piazza di Spagna. There, in a 
humble lodging. No. 59, Via della Carozze, the sick and 
wounded General was passing the night, attended by his 
friend Ripari, the surgeon of the red-shirts, who, for these 
doings, afterwards tasted half-a-dozen years of Papal dun- 
geons, and survived to be doctor to the Thousand in Sicily. 
Suddenly, at three in the morning, Daverio, the chief of Gari- 
baldi's staff, burst in, cr3dng out that Rome was attacked. 
As Garibaldi leapt from his bed the boom of distant cannon 
was heard. Ripari was sent to rouse Masina in the 
neighbouring Via Condotti, and in a few minutes the band 
of friends — the sick man who was to live, and the hale who 
were at the point of death — were hurrying to join their 
troops, while, in the stillness of the long, empty Roman 
streets the shadows faded out, and dawn whitened in their 
faces — the last time for Masina and Daverio.' 

Those two, being thirty-three and thirty-four years 
old, had seen many more days than the other conspicuous 
victims doomed for that day's sacrifice.'^ To pass thirty 
was to boast a ripe age among the leaders of the defence 
of Rome. Manara himself, the veteran leader of the 

' For details given in this paragraph see Mario, VHa, 88, 89 ; Guerrazzi, 755 ; 
Loev. i. 213-215 ; ii. 240, 241, 264 ; Mem. 3 {Prefazione). Garibaldi's horses were 
stabled at the Palazzo of Prince Torlonia, in the neighbouring Via Borgognona. 
Signore Marchetti (now of Halifax, England) tells me this fact ; he was a small boy 
living in the Palazzo Torlonia at the time, and remembers watching Garibaldi's 
horses being groomed in the yard below, and being given rides on them by the 
General's black man, Aguyar, who was by all accounts a dear fellow. 

* Loev. ii. 240. 243. 


Lombard Bersaglieri, bore the weight of four-and-twenty 
years ; the famous captain of one of his companies, Enrico 
Dandolo, was twenty-one ; the best influence in the noble 
comradeship of his regiment was that of Morosini, a youth of 
seventeen. So, too, in Garibaldi's Legion : Gaetano Bonnet 
of Comacchio was twenty-three, and the well-beloved Mameli 
of Genoa, poet of Italy's war-hymns, twenty-one.' All 
these, foreordained to the slaughter, were now buckUng 
on their swords in the dawn, and with them their more 
fortunate brothers and companions-in-arms, destined to 
live and to see Italy's day and to be her leaders in 
arms and art — Bixio, and Medici, and Nino Costa. Such, 
under Garibaldi, were the spirits who presided over that 
day of fire. Men of good family for the most part — all 
of high ability and moral power, bound together by ties 
of the closest personal affection, they were known already 
as leaders in that land where the man ripens fast out of the 
boy, in that year when every quality of youth was at a 
premium and crabbed caution at a discount.- 

' Dandolo, 241, 272, and passim; Loev. ii. 234, 254, 255; King's 
Maizini, 136. 

" See list, p. 323 below. The RepuMican idealism of these young patricians and 
sons of rich bourgeois, the heroic mould of their character, and the Homeric — that 
is, the personal — nature of this combat of June 3, in which so many of them lost 
their lives (a battle which sank deep in the Italian imagination) were partly due, 
I think, to the nature of the education which they had received. This point has 
been excellently stated in the account given of the education of one of the finest 
of them— Nino Costa — a Roman of the Romans, though it was much the same in 
the case of the Northerners, by whose side he fought : — ' In those days, especially 
in Rome, education was entirely in the hands of the clergy, and at the age of six 
Costa was entrusted to his earliest preceptor, a priest, Don Pasquale by name. 
. . . He was an idealist and a Republican, aflame with enthusiasm for the great 
deeds and heroes of classic antiquity, and he nurtured in his pupil the innate, 
idealistic tendencies. The education of the period was strictly classical, and 
Plutarch's " Lives," Livy's " Histor)'," and the Bible stories, formed the basis or 
Costa's early studies : and often, while reading of the heroic deeds of the mighty 
dead, master and pupil would be moved to tears. . . . The men of that age were 
steeped in classic lore ; the histories of Livy, of Tacitus, of Plutarch were to them 
the realities of life, the heroes of antiquity seemed to brood over them, moulding 
these moderns after their own image.' So, too, at his school at Montefiascone, 
Costa was taught, by analogy, ' the .same spirit of Republican enthusiasm which 
had characterised the early tuition imparted by Don Pasquale. In the clerical 
schools and seminaries of those years was educated the generation which, in 1848, 
was to strike the initial death-blow to the Papal temporal power, and proclaim the 


Garibaldi first assembled his troops on the great Piazza 
in front of St. Peter's and the Vatican ; riding thence 
to the Porta Cavalleggieri, he rapidly considered whether 
it would be possible to make a sortie from that gate, and so 
take the French in flank. But he realised that the Pamfili 
grounds were now occupied in force by the enemy's army, 
and presented a fortress wall to any attack from the north. 
Indeed, if he had wasted liis strength in trying to enter the 
Pamfili across the Deep Lane, the French would have been 
able to push on through the weakly guarded Porta San 
Pancrazio, or at least to capture the Vascello. He there- 
fore started at once for the Janiculum by the way of San 
Pietro in Montorio. 

And now the bells were clashing from every campanile 
in Rome, and the drummers, beating the broken motif oi the 
alarm, called men to doors and windows down each narrow 
street. The city was alive with orderlies and officers, 
dashing about on horse, on foot, and in legnos,^ to find 
their regiments, with companies of soldiers or hastily 
armed civilians pushing across the bridges through the 
cheering crowds, all, singly or in groups, making from 
all directions towards the foot of the Janiculum, from the 
summit of which sounded over the town the dull booming of 
the unseen strife, a magnet to the brave. There is a steep, 
shady lane, called the Via di Porta San Pancrazio, that leads 
the foot-passenger straight up to the gate from the low 
Trastevere, mounting the hill b}^ a precipitous path and 
steps, overshadowed on either side by old palaces and 
gardens hanging over mouldering walls. This was the 
quickest, and for the last few hundred yards under the 

triumph of free thought. In Costa's own words, the educ.ition given by the priests 
was of a dead age ; the pupils lived in the past, but death, the dead, are always 
dignified. A noble idealism, an ardent love of country, that patriotism which 
the ancients considered the greatest of all virtues, and above all an invincible 
belief in the destinies and greatness of Rome, and a longing to see her return to 
her pristine glory, were sown in the hearts and brains of the youth, which was to 
yield so rich a harvest of heroism in 184b and 1849,' Cos/a, 4, 5, 9. On minds 
thus prepared in boyhood, Mazzini's no less idealistic teaching of democracy and 
Italian unity was grafted in early youth. 

' -ffo^. (107, 108). Koehitan, ii. 61, 62. 


Villa Savorelli, the only way up to the gate. During the 
whole of June it was a main artery feeding the battle on 
the Janiculum, and on this first eventful Sunday was filled 
from dawn to dusk with soldiers and civilians hastening up 
to the fight, and wounded men dragging themselves down.' 
At about half-past five Garibaldi and his Legion arrived 
at the Porta San Pancrazio.'' As he rode through the 
gateway he saw, opposite him, the Villa Corsini on its 
hill top, some 400 paces distant, on the site where the 
memorial arch stands to-day. That house, he knew, must 
be retaken, or the fall of the city was only a matter of time. 
No price would be too dear for it — and the price was likely 
to be dear enough. A fortress, cunningly devised to resist 
attack from the side of Rome, could scarcely have had more 
points of advantage in structure, outworks, and situation, 
than this ornate country-house of the Corsini. Above the 
neighbouring vineyards and viUas, it rose high on the 
skyline, exposing its massive stone-work square to all 
the winds of heaven, whence it was often called the ' Casa 
dei Quattro Venti,' the ' House of the Four Winds.' It was 
four stories high, with an ornamental parapet on the top; 
the two lower stories had no windows on the side towards 
Rome, but were masked by a blank wall, and by an outside 
staircase leading to a balcony on the second floor, which must 
be ascended by any troops seeking to storm the house.'' 
The flanks of the villa, too, were well protected ; for not only 
was the neighbouring ground thickly covered with statues, 
trees, and bushes, but from the foot of the stairs ran in 
both directions a wall two feet high, on which stood a row 
of large pots containing orange trees, a complete cover 
for troops holding the line of the hill.^ This low wall of the 

' Koelman, ii. 63, and maps and pictures of Deciippis, Werner-, Andrese. The 
lane i.<; visible as a white streak leading up the hill in the illustration, p. 211 

^ His legion was at the Piazza San Pietio by 5.0, and at the Porta San 
Pancrazio by about 5.30 ; so he cannot be said to have wasted much time, con- 
sidering that the officers had to be collected from their quarters in various parts 
of the city. Loev. i. 214-216; Hoff. 106, 107, 115. 

' See App. F 2, below. 

' HojT. 119. The illustration p. 173 below shows the wall stretching on either 

Battle of Villa Corsini, June 3, and first part of siege, June 4-21 

_oZ = h 

"o . if- tj 

" i c -S 

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/ - 


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* ^ 



orange pots ended in both directions in the high boundary 
wall of the Pamfili-Corsini grounds, which, overlooking 
the deep lane and the Vicolo della Nocetta, amply pro- 
tected the rear of the villa on both its flanks.' 

In front of this aesthetic fortress the ground sloped 
down like a glacis towards Rome, and down the middle of the 
incline, from the foot of the stairs to the garden gate, 
ran a drive bordered on each side by a stiff box-hedge, six 
feet high.'- At the bottom of this box avenue, where, outside 
the gateway, all the roads met in front of the Vascello, 
the walls of the Pamfili-Corsini enclosure came to an end 
in an acute angle. Thus the ground in front of the Villa 
Corsini was a walled triangle, and exactly in its apex stood 
the one garden gate by which the storming parties from 
Rome had to pour in, if they were to get at the villa at 
all. The Italians had therefore to move to the attack 
like sand running through the narrows of an hour-glass. 
It was a death angle, on which could be concentrated the 
fire of all the defenders stationed in the house and along 
the wall of the orange pots. On the other hand, whenever 
the ItaHans took the villa, they had no such advantages 
for holding it, for the French, if momentarily driven out, 
had a wider firing line on the Pamfili side, where the breadth 
of the grounds increased instead of diminishing, as it did 
towards Rome. In those gardens and pine-woods behind, 
in a dip of the ground affording absolute security against 
the fire from the walls of Rome, their reserves were massed in 
thousands, ready to feed the defenders of the Corsini, or 
recapture it at need. 

side of Ihe Villa Corsini, and Ilotfstelter describes it and the orange pots upon 
it. (See Dandolo, 231, for the statues.) 

' The illustration opposite wrongly represents the low wall stretching on eitlier 
side of the villa as if it ended in nothing, whereas it ran into the high boundary 
walls on each side. The picture also does not show the continuation westward of 
the boundary walls, but only the angle where the two boundary walls met at the 
garden gate. 

2 Hoff. 113. See illustration p. 179 below. In illustration opposite the box- 
hedges look more like walls, but this is an error. The illustration opposite is 
good for the inside of the walls of Rome, less good for the more distant view, 
though the Corsini Villa itself is \s ell represented. 


The road, up which the ItaHans must advance from 
the Porta San Pancrazio before they reached the death 
angle, was completely exposed to the enemy's fire. It 
was bordered on the left by cornhelds and vineyards, 
not then enclosed by any wall ; on the right of it rose the 
Vascello, so called from its fancied resemblance to the 
shape of a ship. This, too, was an ornamental villa of the 
Roman aristocracy, a rival to the Corsini in magnificence, 
though, owing to its situation at the foot of the hill, it was 
not so prominent in the landscape. The only advantage 
which the Italians enjoyed in this unequal conflict was 
that the Vascello and its walled garden, and the two little 
houses on either side of the Vicolo della Nocetta, served 
to some extent as places of arms from which to attack the 
Corsini. But the advantage could not be turned to any 
very considerable use, because the garden of the Vascello 
was raked by the fire from the windows of the high Valentini 
Villa, already occupied by the French.^ The ItaUans had, 
in fact, to feed the battle from the Porta San Pancrazio by 
way of the exposed road, and most of the charges made 
against the Corsini started from the city walls. 

When Garibaldi arrived the French were secure in 
possession of the Corsini hill, and the ItaHans, under Galletti, 
insecure in possession of the Vascello at its foot.-^ On the 
bastion of the Casa Merluzzo^ to the left of the Porta San 
Pancrazio, a Roman battery was planted. Behind this 
bastion, sloping down as far as the Villa Spada, there was 
then, as there still is to-day (1906) a vast open space of 
unused ground, just within the walls of Rome, where the 
Italian regiments, as they came panting up from the town 
below, were mustered under cover, and whence they were 
sent out, in all too small detachments, to pass under the 
fatal archways of the Porta San Pancrazio, and rush up 
the road at the Corsini. The scene here, behind the forti- 
fications, was spirited and even gay, lit up by the bright sun 
of a morning which soon turned into a sweltering, cloud- 
less noon. Inquisitive and sympathetic onlookers were 

' HoJJ. 112. - bee p. 168 above, and Loev. i. 2i{b. 


grouped round the inside of the gate-house, cheering the 
various champions as they rode up from Rome and dis- 
appeared through the portal, and greeting the wounded 
as they were brought back by their comrades in htters and 
handbarrows, or slung in scarves.' In the bastion to the 
right of the gate the band was playing the * Marseillaise ' 
with all its lungs, so that the French might hear it through 
the cannon roar, and be withered with the irony. At the 
edge of the bastion of the Casa Merluzzo, whence the Roman 
battery was firing, was a Dutch artist, taking advantage 
of the incorrigible good-nature of the Italian soldier, to 
peer between the sandbags, at some risk from the whistling 
bullets, at the historic scene outside.^ 

Opposite to him, on the hill top, he saw the balcony 
of the Corsini crowded with French soldiers, their gun- 
barrels flashing in the sun whenever they raised them 
to fire, and the battery which they had planted among the 
trees beside the villa.^ Close beneath him, in the open 
road, sat Garibaldi on his white horse, amid his rapidly 
dwindling Staff, sending up one division after another of 
his Legion to dash at the garden gate of the Corsini, pour 
through its narrow entrance into the death angle, rush up 
the slope by the line of box-hedges, under a fire from every 
window of the facade and from the low wall of the orange- 
tree pots, till the survivors reached the foot of the steps. 
Then, if enough were left, they would storm up the double 
staircase, gain the balcony, bayonet the French in the 
drawing-room, and stand for a few minutes masters of the 
villa. Often the charge failed half-way up, from sheer 
want of numbers. But several times the Corsini was carried, 
and held for awhile, against the concentrated fire of a whole 
army in the woods of the Pamfih beyond. On one of these 
occasions the Garibaldians piled up their dead comrades 
in the open loggias on the west side of the villa and repulsed 

' Koelman, ii. 67-71, 74, 75 ; Dandolo, 241. 
Koelman, ii. 67-71. The scene is clearly represented in the foreground of 
illustration, p. 173 above. 
* Koelman, ii. 65-67. 


the French attacks from behind that barricade, tlie artist 
Costa being in the thick of the affair.' 

The French were in huge force, and Garibaldi as yet had 
scarcely 3,000 men with whom to line the wall of the city 
and to make the attacks. There were his own Legionaries, 
with a few other small bodies of volunteers, the Emigrants, 
the Students, the Gagers, the remainder of Pietramellara's 
men, and, after seven o'clock, Medici's regiment, together 
with a few troops of the line." But even such force as he 
had it was thought that he employed in too small detach- 
ments ; whether through his fault, or not,"' there were 
never enough men at hand to support the gallant bands 
who from time to time made themselves masters of the 
villa. At 7.30 he announced in a bulletin that the Corsini 
was in his hands ; but it was soon lost once more. 

In these early hours, when the Legion sustained the 
brunt of the fray, its best men and officers were swept 
off with frightful rapidity. Daverio was killed, the chief 
of Garibaldi's Staff, the friend who had roused him that 
morning, of whom he afterwards said, as the highest possible 
praise, that ' physically and morally he was the image 
of Anzani.' * Masina, too, before long received his first 
wound ; although bystanders noticed that blood was 
flowing freely from his left arm, he refused to retire within 
the walls to the field-hospital in the Church of San Pietro 
in Montorio, until Garibaldi had bidden him a second time : 
' But I am determined that you shall go, I order thee to go ' 
{Te lo comando) ; whereat Masina saluted and disappeared 
under the San Pancrazio Gate. An hour later he was 
loudly cheered as he returned on horseback with his arm 
bound up, indefatigable in the pursuit of death.' 

' Costa, 47. The picture of the west side oi the villa in Kandler bears out 
this account of the 'open loggias.' 

^ Loev. i. 218, 219, 226; Hoff. 115. Later in the day the Lombard 
Bersaglieri and the Unione regiment arrived. 

■' We have no detailed account of these early attacks before the arrival of the 
Bersaglieri, when Dandolo and Iloffstetter came on the scene. 

* Loev. ii. 240, 241 and notes. For Anzani, see pp. 35, 43, 44 above. 

* See App. II, part L below. 


In one of these ill-supported attacks on the Corsini, 
Nino Bixio, destined to play so great a part in the future 
history of his country and his chief, received an all but mortal 
wound. At the head of the Legionaries, he had galloped 
his horse up the outer staircase of the Corsini, charged 
through the drawing-room on the upper floor and emerged 
on the further balcony overlooking the Pamfili grounds, 
where horse and man at once fell under a shower of bullets. 
As he was borne back in a htter. Garibaldi asked him 
anxiously : ' Where are you hit, Captain ? ' 'A bullet 
in my left side ; but I think it will be all right,' he replied. 
Passing within the gate, the long procession of wounded met 
Manara's Lombard Bersagheri, arriving at the top of the 
Janiculum to the sound of their bugles, eager to restore the 
lost battle ; young Bixio, though pale as death, ' made 
friendly and glad reply to their cheers and greetings.' ' 

The Bersagheri, who had sprung to arms at the first alarm 
in Rome, had been standing drawn up in the Forum for two 
hours, chafing at the sound of distant battle, but held back 
by a most unfortunate order from Roselli, as commander- 
in-chief, which countermanded Garibaldi's divisional orders 
to Manara to come at once to his assistance.- If the 
Bersagheri and the Legionaries had come fresh on the scene 
together between five and six o'clock, they might have 
done great things, instead of suffering them. As it was, 
when the ' round hats ' arrived, about eight o'clock, the 
Corsini had just been lost once more, and the French were 
pressing down along the box-hedge to attack the Vascello, 
whose gardens and windows were raked by a fire, not only 
from the Corsini hill, but from the commanding upper 
stories of the Valentini."^ For some time past the French 
sharp-shooters, advancing through the cornfields against 

' Hoff. 108 ; Koehnan, ii. 78 ; Loev. i. 220, describes Bixio's charge, but 
wrongly places it after Masina's death, which really took place later, see App. H. 
Vecchi, ii. 260, 261, makes the same error. 

* Hoff. 106, 107 ; Dandolo, 228, 229. 

* Da»doio, 232, 236; Hoff. 112, 118, 119. 



the walls of Rome, had opened fire at close quarters on the 
bastion of the Casa Merluzzo, whence the Roman battery 
replied with volleys of grape that bent and swayed the 
corn-ears like the wind.' Thus pressed by the concen- 
trated fire of the French positions and the advance of large 
bodies of regular troops, the Legionaries, who had lost 
immensely, both in officers and men, were only held to 
their posts by the inspiration of Garibaldi's presence. 
The Bersaglieri officers, who came out of the Porta San 
Pancrazio to announce to him the arrival of their regiment, 
found him in the thick of the fire, his white mantle riddled 
with bullets, but himself miraculously untouched, spreading 
calm and courage wherever he appeared." 

Ventum erat ad triarios. It was now the turn of the 
Bersaglieri. The regiment was 900 strong,'' and formed 
the best disciplined, and, except, perhaps, the Legion, the 
bravest body of men at Garibaldi's disposal. When in- 
formed of their arrival, he at once sent for one of their 
companies to occupy the Casa Giacometti, a small, but high 
and strongly built house, from whose windows the troops 
could fire not only down the Vicolo della Nocetta, but 
over the wall into the Corsini gardens and the windows of 
the villa. Having thus checked the French advance and 
prepared a protection for the flank of the storming party, 
he ordered up more Bersaglieri from the Porta San Pan- 
crazio, and told Manara to capture the Corsini. It is 
probable that the way for this assault ought to have been 
prepared by another hour or more of cannonading from 
the bastion,* and of musketry fire from the houses at the 
bottom of the garden. But Garibaldi gave no directions 
to this effect, and Manara, in his eagerness to display the 
valour of his men, some of whom had been subject to a 

' Koelman, ii. 68, 69. 

'' Hoff. 109, 116, 117. 

" A second (weak) battalion of about 350 men had arrived from the north since 
the battle of Palestrina, where there had been only one battalion of 600. 

* The cannon on the MerluziO bastion had been forced to give their attention 
to the French infantry in the cornfields close under the wall, during the period 
preceding the arrival of the Bersaglieri. Koebnaii, ii. 68, 69. 


momentary panic under the eyes of the General, at once 
dashed two strong companies against tlie villa. ^ 

With loud cries of ' Avanti ! Avanti ! ' three or four 
hundred of the finest men of north Italy, led by Manara 
himself, Enrico Dandolo, and Swiss Hoffstetter, poured, 
under a storm of bullets, through the narrow gateway, 
where scarcely five could pass abreast, and spreading out 
to right and left of the box-hedges, rushed up the slope — 
their Bersaglieri plumes streaming behind. But the French, 
who were now massed in the villa and along the orange- 
tree wall, not being subjected to any considerable covering 
fire, mowed down the Italians so thickly that, at thirty 
paces from their goal, the assailants halted ; instead of 
retreating, they deliberately knelt down on the open slope 
and opened fire at the hidden Frenchmen, while the 
officers stood up behind the kneehng men and partook of 
the massacre. Among others, Enrico Dandolo was here 
shot dead, ' For ten minutes, as it seemed to Hoffstetter, 
Manara watched the slaughter of his men before he sounded 
the retreat, and until the bugle was heard not one had 
flinched. Then began the return down the slope, back into 
the death angle and through the gateway. 

' And now (says Hoffstetter) as these defenceless men poured 
out of the garden the deadly harvest began in earnest. At 
first I imagined that the numbers of men falling on their faces 
had merely stumbled in their haste over the roots of the vines. 
But their motionless bodies soon showed me the truth. Those 
hurrying past would try, under the old impulse, to drag away 
a fallen comrade, to pick up the bodies ; but the hand stretched 
out to render this last service would fly back to clutch at its 
owner's death-wound. Others, who had already reached the 
shelter of the house or of the garden-gate, would dash forward 

' Ifo^. 1 1 7- 1 19. (See App. G., below. GaribaldV s Use of the Bersaglieri 
on June 3.) 

^ Hoff. 119. An accusation of French treachery attending Enrico's death is 
made by his brother Emilio (Dandolo, 240), and is commonly repeated in 
Italian history. But Emilio was not an eye-witness, and the story does not appear 
to be very consistent with lioffstetter's account of the scene. French and Italians 
accused each other very freely of these ' white-flag incidents,' as we now call 

V 2 


again to help some yet living comrade lying near at hand ; a 
shudder, a spasmodic movement of the limbs, and they lie 
beside their friend. Here, indeed, they got their first hard 
knock — our jolly, brave, faithful and tireless Bersaglieri ! ' ^ 

The catastrophe was fatal to any feeble chance of 
victory which the Italians may have had that day, for the 
first strength of this fine regiment had been used up under 
conditions which had rendered success impossible. Now, 
indeed, Garibaldi caused the gunners on the walls of 
Rome to turn their full energies against the Corsini facade, 
from which large ruins ere long began to fall, while the 
Bersagheri whom he posted in the Casa Giacometti and 
the small house at the death-angle kept the Corsini windows 
under a constant fire. The result was, as we shall see, that 
before the end of the day the villa was once more taken, 
though it could not be held. Meanwhile, the arrival of the 
Bersagheri had at least permanently checked the enemy's 
advance, and made it possible strongly to occupy the 
Vascello and the other houses at the foot of the Corsini 

At this stage Garibaldi was guilty of a piece of madness, 
of which the glory redounds to another, and the blame 
lies with him. Riding back through the Porta San Pan- 
crazio, he found some of the reserve of the Bersaglieri 
left behind the walls under command of Emilio Dandolo, 
who, having parted there from his brother but an hour 
since, had just heard the rumour of his death. The story of 
what followed can best be told in Emilio's words : 

* It was the first time that the tremendous idea of such a death 
presented itself clearly and certainly to my horror-struck mind. 
A sort of careless fatalism had made us feel as if it were impossible 
for one of two beings so closely attached to be left without the 
other ; " either both or neither," had been the constant expres- 
sion of our vague and certainly unwarrantable hopes. But at 

' The foreground of the illustration p. 179 above was the scene of this cata- 
strophe. Hoff. 1 17-121. Manara MS. Letter of June il also describes ihisatt.ick. 
''■ Hoff'. 117, 121, (22; Dandolo, 232, 233. 


the:moment, the dreadful scene before my eyes ' (the long stream 
of wounded Bersaglieri being carried back from the assault) 
' and the knowledge of so many lives lost, seemed to disclose to 
me, for the first time, the real nature of cold-blooded war in 
all its horrible reality, and I shuddered at the idea of outliving 
all that constituted my happiness in the world. I thought to 
myself that my brother might be breathing his last within 
ten paces from me, and I could not even embrace him before 
he died ! My duty forbade me to leave my soldiers, already 
agitated by so many mournful sights. I paced up and down in 
front of my small band, who wondered at my unwonted emotion, 
and convulsively gnawing the barrel of a pistol in my struggles, 
I strove to keep down the boiling tears, which, had they been 
observed, might have increased the consternation of my devoted 
followers. At this moment of unspeakable suffering, Garibaldi 
came in our direction, and I heard him say : " I shall require 
twenty resolute men and an officer for a difficult undertaking." 
I rushed forward, desirous at least to liberate myself from a 
state of inaction, and to suffocate in the excitement of danger 
the anguish which threatened to turn my brain. " Go," said 
Garibaldi to me, " with twenty of your bravest men, and take 
Villa Corsini at the point of the bayonet." Involuntarily I 
remained transfixed with astonishment — with twenty men 
to hurry forward to attack a position which two of our com- 
panies and the whole of Garibaldi's Legion, after unheard-of 
exertions, had failed to carry. . . . 

' " Spare your ammunition, to the bayonet at once," said 
Garibaldi. " Do not fear. General," I replied, " they have perhaps 
killed my brother, and I shall do my best." This said, I hurried 
forwards. . . . The long deserted avenue which led straight 
up to the villa lay right before me ; whoever passed along 
would certainly furnish a mark for the enemy, who lay con- 
cealed in the garden, and was stationed behind the windows. 
We traversed it at full speed, but not without leaving several 
of our small number behind. The little band was thinned ; 
when we arrived at last under the vestibule I turned round to 
see how many of us were left. Twelve soldiers remained to me, 
intrepid, silent, ready for any effort ; I looked around me, we 
were there alone. Our own shot, from our own guns, sounded 
in our ears ; a shower of bullets fell fearfully round us from the 
half-closed windows. What would twelve men do against 


a place occupied by several hundreds of the enemy ? I had 
nothing left for me but to stoop to that which more numerous 
forces had already done, give the signal to iire, and then retreat. 

When we had got half-way down the road, S and I were 

both struck in the thigh by the same ball. We returned to the 
Vascello, six in number, in a deplorable condition, and with the 
conviction that the really extraordinary courage which had 
just been so conspicuously and recklessly displayed would have 
no effect, beyond that of showing the French that Italians were 
still capable of lighting with temerity, whatever the fortune of 
war might be.' 

Put out of action by the severe wound in his thigh, 
the hero of this extraordinary charge, who was nineteen 
years of age, dragged himself about for a great part of the 
afternoon looking for his elder brother among the dead 
and wounded. Many knew of Enrico's death, but none 
dared tell Emilio, till at last he entered the Casa Giacometti, 
now the most important of the Italian outposts except 
the Vascello. It still stands, an unnoticed memorial of that 
calamitous day, in an isolated position by the roadside, 
with a pleasant court behind opening on to the vineyards, 
where, under an arbour, carters take a glass of wine before 
they enter the walls of Rome ; several ancient stones and 
inscriptions are built into the fine old archway at the 
entrance.' At the moment when Emilio Dandolo reached 
this house, Manara and Hoffstetter were within its walls, 
and beside them lay the body of Enrico. The Swiss 
officer withdrew, deeply moved. The Colonel, left alone, 
took Emilio's hand and said : ' Do not seek your brother 
any more — it is now too late ; I will be a brother to you.' 
The young man, sick with wounds and grief, fell fainting 
against Manara, who carried him out of the room in his 

Throughout the long mid-day heat the battle settled 
down into a heavy cannonade and musketry-fire on both 

' Pr«;sent-day visitors to Rome (1906) can identify it by the word Scarpone 
written large on its walls. 

''■ Hoff. 125, 126 ; Dandolo, 245, 246. 


sides. The Italians held the Vascello and Casa Giacometti, 
supported from behind by their batteries on the wall, of 
which the one in the northern bastion on the right of the 
gate fired on the Valentini, while that on the left, directed 
by the French Republican and artist Laviron, kept bring- 
ing down blocks from the Corsini fagade. Laviron and his 
artist friends in this Merluzzo bastion, watching the effect 
of their lire through the telescope, could see the French 
soldiers hurled about the ruins of the villa at each discharge, 
or holding on by their hands as the floors beneath them 
gave way.' 

Well on in the afternoon the French fire slackened, 
while some retreat or change of troops took place in con- 
sequence of the terrific effect of the cannonade on the 
villa. Garibaldi seized the opportunity to launch another 
attack, headed by Hasina's forty lancers in the capacity 
of dragoons, armed with muskets. Led on by General 
Galletti and their own Colonel with his bandaged arm,^ the 
horsemen raced through the garden gate and up the slope, 
amid a gradually slackening fire from the hill-top, and then, 
amid frantic cheers from the Italians crowding the battle- 
ments of Rome, followed Masina in his last wild gallop up 
the steps of the Corsini.^ 

Meanwhile the infantry, pouring out of the Vascello 
and the neighbouring houses, were following close behind 
the horsemen, Manara and Garibaldi urging them on. At 
the point of the bayonet they cleared the Corsini hill of 
the last Frenchmen, and proceeded to occupy it in force, 
while some of the Lombards rushed on towards the right 
after Galletti and the gallant cavalry, who had already 
gone to make themselves masters of the houses near the 
Valentini and the Aqueduct.'' 

And now another wave of men came roUing up from the 

' Koelman, ii. 84-86 ; Paris MSS. 6&, pp. loi, 102 (quoted at end of App. 
H. below). 

* See p. 176 above. 

» Carktti, 274, and other authorities, discussed in App. li. below. 

♦ Caiiciti, 274 ; Ho/f. 127 ; Parii MSS. JJ% p. 214. 


gate of Rome.^ The spectacle of Masina charging up the 
steps, the capture of the Corsini, and the evident arrival 
of the final crisis of the day, had been too much for the 
discipline of the watchers on the walls. A maddening 
enthusiasm, akin to panic, although its opposite, seized 
the crowd of citizens, artists, gunners, and the infantry 
of the spent regiments ; flooding through the Porta San 
Pancrazio they swept along the road to the villa in a 
dense mass. Koelman, the Dutch artist, not so much 
running as borne through the air in the press, kept himself 
upright by struggling on arm-in-arm with an officer of the 
Civic Guard, whom he had never seen before, holding his 
gun high with the disengaged hand. As they passed 
over the bodies of the slain, through the garden gate, some 
riderless horses came dashing back down the slope ; terrified 
by the shrill cries of the crowd, the first two or three of the 
animals swerved sideways through the box-hedges and 
escaped, but those that followed threw themselves head- 
long on the head of the column, were transfixed by bayonets 
and trampled under foot. When at length the mob reached 
the esplanade of the ruined Corsini, which they found 
covered with bodies, arms, and charred debris, they joined 
in the hasty preparations for the defence. It was im- 
possible to find stations for sharp-shooters in the upper 
stories of the villa, for the building had been in flames, 
the floors had been demolished by the Italian cannon, 
and the French batteries were now raking it from the 
other side.' The principal defence had therefore to be 
made in the garden on either flank, and in the Convent of 
San Pancrazio, which was held as an advanced post.^ The 
unregimented men, who showed much goodwill and prompt- 
ness, were got into some kind of order, and made to lie 
down among the brushwood, awaiting the French attack 

' For details of this rush see Koelman, ii, 89-99. Both Hoff. 127, and 
CarUtti, 275, art- agreed as to the disordered characier of the supports, though 
both were too busily engaged in front to notice the details of the atfau' at the 
Porta San Pancrazio where Koelman was. 

' See illustration p. 186 below. Caileili, 274 ; Koeliiian, ii. 91. 

^ Parh Mas. ?j% p. 2 1 4. 


from the Pamfili. Oudinot's well-arrayed army, regiment 
behind regiment, could be seen coming forward through 
the pine trees, which were throwing long shadows in the 
evening light. As the Itahans lay there in rows, awaiting 
their fate, some of the students joked together, comparing 
themselves to bales of goods laid out to be sold by auction. 
The defence was well maintained for a short while, and 
the French lost severely in their advance ; but they pressed 
on with ever fresh men, recaptured the Convent, and finally 
reached the crown of the hill. The Italians fell back, 
still firing, from the Villa Corsini, which had proved, not 
impregnable, but untenable.^ 

The last to ride under the sheltering door of the Vascello 
was Garibaldi, whose face and bearing betrayed no emotion 
at the final destruction of his hopes. Behind him Manara 
closed the door.- 

In the confusion, Masina had been left behind. It is 
not certain at what spot on the steps or in the garden of the 
Corsini — at what moment of the advance or retreat — he 
fell ; eye-witnesses gave divergent accounts.^ But his body 
was left lying in the middle of the slope, sixty paces from 
the steps up which he had so gallantly charged. During 
the rest of June, the Italian bullets from the Vascello, 
and the French cannon-balls from the Corsini, sang day 
after day over his whitening bones, which only after 
Rome had fallen was it possible to seek and bury. The 
leader of the jeunesse doree of Bologna, he had died in the 
uniform of the Democratic volunteers. To future genera- 
tions of his countrymen he lives in memory as a splendid 
cavalier riding up a bullet-swept flight of marble steps ; 
but to Garibaldi, to the Bonnets of Comacchio, and many 
others, he was a friend not less dear than gallant. 

Dusk had already fallen, when Garibaldi directed a 

' Koelmati, ii. 91-99, gives the only detailed account of the French recapture 
of the Corsini on this occasion. It is, I suspect, a little overwritten, but clearly 
shows that the defence was organised, and effective to the extent which I have 
here slated. (See App. II. III., liclow.) 

-' Hoff. 12S. ■' See Ai'p. II. II., below : The Death of Manita. 


last vain attack against the now shapeless ruin on the hill 
top, leading on the Unione regiment (the ninth of the 
old Papal line), who had just arrived on the scene, and 
the unwearied survivors of his own Legion and of the 
BersagUeri.' In this period of the battle fell Mameh, 
the Genoese boy-poet, whose war-hymn was on the lips 
of these warriors ; - he was the son of the woman whom 
Mazzini had loved in boyhood. In after years Garibaldi 
wrote to Mameli's mother to tell her what he remembered : 

' It was towards evening, when Mameli, whom I had kept at 
my side the greater part of the day as my adjutant, besought 
me earnestly to let him go forward into the heat of the battle, 
as his position near me seemed to him inglorious. In a few 
minutes he was carried back past me, gravely wounded, but 
radiant, his face shining because he had shed his blood for his 
country. We did not exchange a word, but our eyes met with 
the love which had long bound us together. I remained behind. 
He went on, as though in triumph.' 

Wounded in the knee, Mameli lay for more than a month in 
hospital, where gangrene set in. Near him lay his dear 
friend and fellow-townsman of Genoa, Nino Bixio, shot 

• Mem. 236, 237 ; Loev. i. 223 ; Ravioli, 37-39. 

- Fratdli d^ Italia, written in November 1847 (see Ltizio, 172, 173), when 
the author was just turned twenty, caught the spirit of the hour and therefore 
became, and remained, the Marseillaise of the Italian Risorgimento, although, 
from a literary point of view, it is not so good a poem as some which Mameli 
himself wrote, and some which were written by others for Italy. One verse is 
specially interesting, as it proclaiins the Mazzinian notion of Italian unity, not 
then generally acccjilcd : 

Noi siamo da secoli 
Calpesti e derisi 
Perche non siam popolo, 
Perche siam divisi. 
Raccolgaci un' unica 
Bandiera, una speme : 
Di fonderci insieme 
Gia r ora suono. 

Stringiamci a coorte, 

Siam pronti alia morte, 

Italia chiamo. 

Marlineiigo Ccsaresco, 186-197; lUa/ueli (Scnlli) /ass iw ; Licio, ijz-ijd. 


through the body. Bixio Hved to command the attack on 
Rome from the side of San Pancrazio in 1870, at the vic- 
torious entry of the Itahans on the Twentieth of September. 
It was Mameh who died.' 

At nightfall the few Bersagheri who had held the 
Valentini Villa since it had last been taken, finding them- 
selves unsupported, at length retired. The French, there- 
fore, ended the day in possession of the Valentini and of 
the Corsini itself, while Garibaldi's men maintained them- 
selves in the Casa Giacometti and Vascello. As darkness 
closed in, the white mantle could still be seen moving 
like a great moth on the roadway, amid the last flashes 
of the dying battle.^ 

So ended the Third of June, which sealed the fate of 
Rome. On the same day, four miles to the north, a less 
important operation had taken place on the upper reaches 
of the Tiber, across which the French had secured a passage 
by capturing the Ponte Molle, in face of the Reduci and 
the Roman Legion. ' But far the greater part of Oudinot's 
army of 20,000 men — seven out of nine regiments — had 
been concentrated in or near the Pamfili grounds, ready 
to feed the battle at the Corsini.' It is doubtful whether 
more than 6,000 Itahans in all were under Garibaldi's 
orders, "^ and these had not been together in force, but had 
been coming up, one regiment after another, all through 
the day : the Italian Legion was more than half spent be- 
fore the Bersaglieri arrived, and the Bersagheri before the 
Regiment Unione came on the scene. If we remember how 
enormous was the force of French regulars inside the fortress 
of the Pamfili-Corsini grounds, protected by a high wall 
on both flanks, the complaint made by some critics that 

' Ef.isiolario, i. 250 ; Belgiojoso, 314, 315; f-oev. ii. 254, 255 ; Bixio, 91 : 
King's Mazzinj, 66, 67 ; Luzio, 179. 

- Dandolo, 238 ; Torre, ii. 181 ; Loev. i. 230. 

=• Carletti, 275 ; Vaillant, 34-37. 

* Bittard des Fortes, 213 ; 235, 236. 

^ Hoff. 133. The same conclusion will be reachtd by a study of the numbers 
of such of the regiments as arc known to have been engaged. 


Garibaldi did not attack the flank of the French position 
will appear of doubtful validity. Indeed, Dandolo has 
accused him of exactly the opposite fault, declaring that he 
wasted his slender forces by movements of his left flank, 
' skirmishing uselessly among the vineyards ' — an accusa- 
tion equally wide of the mark if it refers to the operations 
which resulted in the secure occupation of the Casa 
Giacometti, essential not only for the maintenance of the 
Vascello, but for the proper preparation and support of 
any attack on the Corsini. The unprepared frontal attack 
en masse by the Bersaglieri, which Dandolo beUeved would 
have been certainly successful, was in fact actually tried 
with a third part of the regiment in one charge, and would 
probably in so confined a space have had no better result 
with the whole.' Those who complained that Garibaldi 
should have ' entrenched ' himself in the positions the 
moment after their capture, forget that on the Corsini 
hill the Italians that day had neither respite, time, nor 
materials for digging.' The entrenchment ought to have 
been done by Roselli during the peaceful month of May. 

But Garibaldi's mistakes on this day are bad enough, 
when all unjust censure has been put aside. Once, at 
least, we know that he threw a body of twenty men, un- 
supported, at the villa, and he is accused in general terms 
of having committed the same kind of folly several times. '^ 
It is, however, clear that the principal attacks were made 
by large masses of men, and the proper criticism on the 
first attack by the Bersaglieri is not so much that the storm- 
ing party was too small, but that the way had not been 
prepared by a sufficiently prolonged cannonade and musketry 
fire, such as afterwards drove the French from the villa. 

' Dandolo, 236 ; Hojf. 120, 121. See App. G., below. 

* Gabiissi, iii. 431, has an excellent note on this point. 

^ Vecchi, ii. 261, 263, charges him with sending men to hold positions with in- 
sufiBcient supports, but adds, ' such was the disorder in our camp that neither the 
General nor his aides knew exactly where to find a body of men of sufficient 
number to feed the battle and attack the masses of the enemy.' And again, 
' Garibaldi, fatalist to excess, used small bodies against the mass of the enemy, 
meaning to support them, and failing to do so, either from forgetfulness or want of 


So, too, Hasina's Lancers — whose lives Garibaldi is some- 
times said to have thrown away in a wild-goose chase — 
took the villa by an attack admirably timed at the moment 
when the French defence was weak, and held it until the 
immediate arrival of the infantry. Unfortunately, at that 
late hour of the day, the disciphne, though not the courage, 
of the spent regiments was giving way, and the hill could 
not be held by a courageous mob against the ordered attack 
of superior forces. No doubt there was a want of system 
and combination both in Garibaldi's methods of attack, 
and in the support of the positions when captured. But 
it may be doubted whether the force which he had under 
him could, under any generalship in the world, have been 
sufficient, not only to capture (as it did several times in 
the day), but to hold the narrow Corsini line, against the 
concentrated fire and attack of the French army, drawn 
out in battle array in the broader Pamfili grounds. 

Both sides fought with heroic courage, and each recog- 
nised the qualities of the enemy. But they did not love 
each other the better for that, and the trickery by which 
the positions had first been won sank deep into the Italian 
mind. ' I find the wounded men in the hospital,' wrote 
Margaret Fuller, ' in a transport of indignation. The 
French soldiers fought so furiously, that they think them 
false as their General, and cannot endure the remembrance 
of their visits, during the armistice, and talk of brother- 
hood.' ' The anger of the Italians was more fierce than 
on April 30 ; some French prisoners were massacred on the 
scene of battle immediately after their surrender, and 
others were insulted on their way into Rome.^ 

The Italians estimated their killed and wounded some- 
times at 1,000, sometimes at 900, sometimes at 500 men and 
50 officers. ■ All fell in a space about 600 paces long by 

' Fuller, iii. 207. 

"^ Vecchi, ii. 262 ; Koelman, ii. loi. Vecchi saw the massacre, and took part 
in stopping it. 

^ Hoff. 129 ; Farini, iv. 180 ; Torre, ii. 184 ; Gabussi, iii. 433. Ravioli, 68, 
shows that 453 wounded were taken to the hospitals ; there were also the dead 
and those privately tended. (See App. K., below.) 


300 wide, outside the Porta San Pancrazio. The French 
of&cially announced their loss at 250 men and 14 officers, 
which is the lowest estimate.^ 

Of the killed and wounded, some 30 officers and 200 
men belonged to Garibaldi's own Italian Legion.- Hoff- 
stetter, who was attached to the Bersaglieri of Manara, 
and became an historian of their prowess on this day, 
admitted that the Italian Legion had won the honours. 
No one disputed the right of the Bersaglieri to the second 
place : Manara indeed claimed for them the first place, and 
declared that they also had lost 200 men that day.^ 

When once we have appreciated the true nature and 
extent of Garibaldi's failure in generalship on the third of 
June, which has often been exaggerated and as often 
unduly minimised, there is no propriety in offering excuses, 
such as that he was ill, or that his talent was for the open 
field. In the eyes of Rome, and of the survivors among 
the regiments which he had led to the slaughter, he 
needed no excuse. Manara, usually very crisp in his 
criticisms of men and events, describes the battle in a 
private letter without breathing a word against Garibaldi, 
and instead of calUng him ' a devil and a panther,' as he 
had done a month before when he did not know him, only 
says ' the poor General lost his best officers.' ^ Everyone 
knew that Garibaldi had commanded badly ; no one loved 
him the less, and no one was less eager to fight and die 
under his orders. His popularity during the month of 
siege that followed was greater than ever, and the reason 

' Vailla?it, 33 ; Bittard des Fortes, 234, 235. (App. K., below.) 

* Loev. i. 231-233; ii. 48-51. Il is impossible to deduce statistics from 
Roman MSS., Ruoli Gen. 80, F. 4 (hospital lists of the Legion). 

^ Hoff. 133, 134 : Manat-a MS. Letter of June ir. 

'• Manara MS. Letter of June l\. On June 4, Manara himself, out of friend 
$hip to Garibaldi, accepted the position of chief of his stafl' in place of Daverio, 
killed. This was to idi;ntify himself with the Guerilla, and to undertake the 
command of the irregular troops whom, in April, he had so much disliked before 
he knew them. (Hoff. 138.) His feeling towards Garibaldi in person had under- 
gone a great change and they were now fast friends. Gnen-azzi, 717, and Hoff- 
stetter, passim. 


is not far to seek. He had given his countrymen what the 
national instinct craved for at that moment more than for 
victory — honour. It was not tactics but heroism for which 
Italy was athirst in that year of despair crowned and 
glorified by faith. If, a decade later, he had lost battles 
in Sicily, if he had failed to maintain his hold on the terraces 
of Calatafimi, if he had been driven back out of the streets 
of Palermo, it would have been irretrievable disaster and 
uncompensated loss. But, in 1849, the present was but the 
seedling of the future. The heroism which he had inspired 
in the defenders of the Republic, culminating on this day 
of sacrifice, made Rome splendid as the capital of the 
Italy to be, and rendered the Temporal rule of the Pope 
henceforth impossible as an integral part of Italian life — 
possible only as a state of interregnum maintained by 
foreign bayonets. 

For in times when new nations and new principles of 
government are being formed, men are moved by appeals 
to the imagination — a fact too often forgotten in our modern 
analysis of the history of such periods. Imagination is 
the force that propels, though state-craft may guide. In 
such times statesmen, if they are as shrewd as Cavour, 
build their subtlest diplomatic structures on the firm base 
of an awakened national idealism, feeding itself on great 
memories and aspirations. But in order that men may 
aspire, it is necessary that they should have something to 
remember. And so the sacrifice made on the third of 
June, and in the month that followed, of so many of the 
best lives that Italy could give, had great pohtical, because 
it had great spiritual, significance. The noblest Itahans 
had recognised the eternal law of sacrifice, which Mazzini 
had first taught them to apply to their own politics. 
' Except a corn of wheat fall into the ground and die — it 
abideth alone ; but if it die, it bringeth forth much fruit.' 

Rome had to be won not merel}' from the grasp of 
Oudinot, but from the force of the great traditions of 
Catholicism which had made it worth the while of an 
opportunist like Louis Napoleon to send these good French 


peasants and workmen, dressed up in red trousers and blue 
coats, to shoot and bayonet their Itahan brothers. They 
had been shipped across the seas for an idea. It was the 
CathoHc idea, the CathoUc world, that had laid its protecting 
hand on the Pope's throne. Against the religious zeal 
which the Italians had defied, they must oppose a moral 
force, or be beaten in the end. In claiming Rome for 
themselves they had outraged the Irish, the Spaniards, 
the Austrians, half France, and many of their own country- 
men. Vast spiritual agencies were at work all over the 
world to keep Italy out of Rome. Peter and Paul, Augus- 
tine and Loyola were rising from their graves to withstand 
Mazzini — the pale, frail Genoese, whose face was scarred 
with the sorrows of his country ; and this shadowy host 
could call up armed men from the utmost ends of Europe 
to defend the Pope. It would never be overcome except 
by a more living tradition, another cycle of tales of chivalry, 
a new roll of martyrs ; therefore the roll that had been 
opened in the Papal prisons was filled up on the Janiculum, 
and the best went gladly to the sacrifice. Some patriots, 
indeed, regretted that the defence of Rome was ever made, 
since it was so spendthrift of Italy's treasure ; yet the 
treasure was profitably spent. Because men remembered 
and told with pride and anguish the story of the uncal- 
culating devotion of those young lives in this hopeless 
struggle, there grew up, as the years went by, an unconquer- 
able purpose in the whole nation to have their capital : 
there rose that wild cry of the heart — o Roma, o Morte ! — 
so magical even in years of discord and derision, that soon 
or late the Catholic world was bound to yield to it, as to 
a will stronger and more lasting even than its own. 

There was needed, too, a warrior hero of a new type, 
rival to the figures of Charlemagne and the crusaders, 
who should win the heart by firing the imagination of 
Europe. And he, too, had begun clearly to emerge, and 
was likely ere long to overshadow, more than was just, 
the fame of the Genoese who had begun it all. Garibaldi 
had now won Italy's devotion, and was helping to unite her 


divided children by their common pride in himself. Ere 
long he was to dazzle the imagination of Europe — even 
of his enemies ; and to make his greatest conquest in the 
heart of the least impressionable but not the least poetical 
of races, the northern lords of the ocean. 

But the chief glory of the Third of June does not belong 
to Garibaldi, but to the slain — the seed that had fallen 
into the ground and died, and was to bring forth fruit in 
its season. 



' Standing by sick-beds in the hospitals, 

Where thy young warriors stricken down are lying, 
Watching for thy slow shadow on the walls, 

And where for one more look of thee the dying 
Linger from hour to hour.' 
Sonnet to Garibaldi (Mrs. Hamilton King's Aspromonte and other poems). 

Tpie heroism shown by the Itahans on the third of June 
was no spasmodic outburst of rage on the part of a race 
incapable of sustained valour. For nearly a month to come 
the regiments which had been decimated in the attacks on 
the Villa remained at the front, under fire every day and 
during many nights, exhausted in nerve and muscle by the 
unrelieved strain of siege and bombardment, repeatedly 
engaged in the fiercest hand-to-hand fighting, losing, one by 
one, the remainder of their officers, but still maintaining 
positions which, according to the ordinary maxims of the 
military art, had been rendered untenable by the erection 
of French batteries in front of the Corsini. These regi- 
ments, made up of the best of the volunteers and a few of 
the old Papal line, not more than six or seven thousand men, 
all told, held the Vascello and the bastions of the Janiculan 
wall. The lower parts of the city, the Vatican and the east 
bank, threatened and occasionally bombarded, but not 
seriously attacked, were guarded by rather more numerous 
but less seasoned troops.^ The French army, rapidly 
increased to 25,000, and, towards the end of the month, to 
30,000 men,'' was supported by a train of siege guns, 

' For this Chapter see maps pp. 125, 172, and later p. 210. 
' See App. I : Numbers of Roman army during the siege. There were pro- 
bably more than 17,000 men under arms in Rome. 
» Vaillant, 155, 156. 


and a fine corps of engineers directed by Vaillant himself. 
The Italian artillery extorted the praise of their enemies 
by their astonishing courage and the accuracy of their fire ; ' 
but on the scientific side the defenders of Rome had 
' nothing but a few civil engineers and a battalion of 
wretchedly ignorant and poor-spirited sappers.' -' 

It is not possible to praise the population of Rome as 
highly as the corps d"" elite on the Janiculum, who, under 
Garibaldi, Medici and Manara, won renown for the city 
which they had taken under their protection. Many, 
indeed, of the inhabitants of Rome fought and fell in these 
ranks, ^ but the bulk of the populace, an unarmed and 
unregimented mob, was waiting till the enemy had forced 
an entrance, when it would be their part to defend the 
street barricades which they had erected with so much 
enthusiasm.* That intention was eventually frustrated by 
the capture of the Janiculan heights, which rendered such 
resistance impossible ; but the populace could have done 
something considerable for the cause, if, while the siege was 
stiU in progress, it had shown greater eagerness to labour 
in the trenches. Unfortunately, the soldiers were left to 
exhaust themselves, whenever they were not fighting, in 
operations with pick and shovel for which their numbers 
were altogether insufficient. Sometimes, indeed, the 
Garibaldini went down into Rome and drove up corve'es of 
citizens to the task."^ On the other hand, Ciceruacchio 
inspired a large body of workmen to go to the assistance of 
the Vascello, where many of them were shot down as they 
plied the spade in the most exposed part of the whole 
Roman line.*^ 

At least there was no want of political zeal, no relenting 
towards the Pope. As day after day shells flew over the 

' Vaillant, io8, 129, 157. 

- Dandolo, 252 ; Hoff. 301. Amadei was a military engineer, but he 
and Garibaldi quarrelled, and he was put under arrest on June 12. Loez>. i. 

» App. K, below. ' Reghilli, ii. 308. 

^ Loev. i. 248, 249 ; Gaillard, 253, 254. 

" Pasini, 122; from letter of Medici himself, 1872. 

O 2 


Janiculum and burst in the Trasteverine quarter below, 
killing the unfortunate inhabitants in their own homes, 
the popular hatred grew fierce against the ruler, once so 
much loved, who now seemed to dispute the title of Bomba 
with his friend the King of Naples.' The citizens, as they 
grew accustomed to the bombardment, greeted each pro- 
jectile with the cry : ' Ecco un Pio Nono ! ' — ' There goes 
another Pio Nono ! ' ' Women and children of the Tras- 
tevere were seen to pick up live shells and throw them into 
the Tiber. ^ 

' It is the Trasteverines in particular (wrote a correspondent 
on June 12), that part of the Roman populace, recently so 
Catholic, who now curse and blaspheme the Pope and Clergy, 
in whose names they see this carnage and these horrors com- 
mitted. . . . What imprudence for the Pope to have appealed to 
the Powers in order to get himself re-established on the throne 
which he had himself abandoned ! It was as much as to say 
" I am willing to wage against my people that war which last 
year I declared that I would not make against the Croats — 
against the Austrian oppressors of Italy." ' ' 

The writer goes on to declare that religion is in consequence 
decreasing. Whatever may have been the effects upon 
the religion of the Romans, there is no doubt what was the 
permanent result of the siege as regards their political 

The civil authorities, and especially Mazzini, were even 
more determined than the military chiefs on the Janiculum 
to resist to the last, so as to be able to say : ' We did not 
surrender ' ; but although this policy was quite independent 
of any chance of success and was aimed at the far future, 
they none the less cultivated the requisite spark of present 
hope in themselves, and still more in the populace, by 
beheving, and by spreading the behef, that the newly 

' See note, p. 70 above ; and App. J, below. 

- Hoff. 198 ; Bertani, i. 136. ■' Personal evidence of Costa. 

*■ Ventura's letter, Torre, ii. 392, 3. Pio Nono, in his ' Allocution ' of April 
1848 (see p. 68 above) had refused to go to war with Austria because he felt 
himself to be the ' Vicar of Him who is the author of Peace and lover of 

o _ 
2: 3 

W.:r>' "'■-C>?&: 




elected Assembly in France would reverse the President's 
foreign policy. But on June 19 it was known in Rome that 
the Assembly had shown itself hostile, and that the attempted 
rising in the streets of Paris had been suppressed. Even 
then Mazzini strove to create delusive expectations of 
further changes in France, though he himself had little hope 
of anything but that the Roman Republic would make a 
good end.^ 

The conduct of the Italian wounded in Rome revealed 
some admirable traits in the national character. When 
carried through the streets from the scene of conflict they 
seldom failed to greet the passers-by with cries of ' Viva 
Vltalia ! Viva la Repubblica I ' The hospitals to which 
many of them were taken had no proper materiel, and were 
staffed by devoted but untrained volunteer nurses . Half-way 
through the siege the famous doctor patriot, Bertani, did 
something to amend these conditions, but misery, disease, 
and death were all too rife, and were endured with a courage 
and gentleness which never failed. - 

* Since April 30 (wrote Margaret Fuller in the middle of June) 
I go daily to the hospitals, and, though I have suffered — for 
I had no idea before how terrible gunshot-wounds and wound- 
fever are — yet I have taken pleasure, and great pleasure, in 
being with the men. There is scarcely one who is not moved by 
a noble spirit. Many, especially among the Lombards, are the 
flower of the Italian youth. When they begin to get better 
I carry them books and flowers ; they read and we talk. The 
Palace of the Pope, on the Quirinal, is now used for convalescents. 
In those beautiful gardens I walk with them — one with his 
sling, another with his crutch. The gardener plays off all his 
water-works for the defenders of the country, and gathers 
flowers for me, their friend. A day or two since, we sat in the 
Pope's little pavilion, where he used to give private audience. 
The sun was going gloriously down over Monte Mario, where 
gleamed the white tents of the French light horse among the 
trees. The cannonade was heard at intervals. Two bright- 

' Lazzarini, 171, 188; Johnston, 305, 306; Dandolo, 256-260; Spada, iii. 
634 ; Saffi, iii. 339, 340. 

- Bertani, i. 137, 140-I43 ; Hoff. 134, 300; Lazzarini, 169. 


eyed boys sat at our feet, and gathered up eagerly every word 
said by the heroes of the day. It was a beautiful hour, stolen 
from the midst of ruin and sorrow ; and tales were told as full 
of grace and pathos as in the gardens of Boccaccio, only in a very 
different spirit — with noble hope for man, with reverence for 

Indeed, there was ' ruin and sorrow ' of every kind — death, 
wounds, penury, exile — overshadowing every home where 
high-minded men and women loved Italy ; and a year later 
Margaret Fuller herself was drowned at sea.^ 

In another hospital an equally notable woman, the 
revolutionary Princess Belgiojoso, the friend of Victor 
Hugo and Heine, who, as an exile from Austrian Lombardy, 
had long kept one of the most distinguished of Parisian 
salons, was working hard for her poor wounded countrymen, 
with untiring physical energy and great powers of organisa- 
tion.- When she was not wanted elsewhere, she sat long 
nights by the bed of the dying poet Mameli, seeking dis- 
traction from the tragedy around in reading Charles Dickens, 
by the light of a little oil -lamp.'' 

Although the bulk oi the French army was encamped 
against the Janiculum, Oudinot kept a strong force beyond 
the river at St. Paul's Without-the-Walls, and another above 
the town at the captured Ponte MoUe, employing them in 
demonstrations which occupied the attention of a large 
part of the troops defending Rome. These French detach- 
ments on the east bank made it difficult, though by no 
means impossible, to victual the city, and to keep up com- 
munications with the Republic of which Rome was still the 
capital. The French light cavalry, in their little kepis, 

' Fuller^ iii. 21 1, 212; Belgiojoso (Barbiera), 311, 312. 

''■ Whitehotise, 217-233; Story, i. 155. 

* Belgiojoso, 314, 315. Of this remarkable woman's life and character, the 
riddle has been best stated by Mr. Henry James in two pages of his life ol Story, 
i, 162, 163. Laura Piaveni in Vittoria, Mr. Meredith tells me, ' has only a por- 
tion of the character of the Princess Belgiojoso ; she was not framed on it entirely, 
not having in her the elements of ihe worldly woman, to be developed sub- 



which gave them a more rakish and modern appearance 
than that of the infantry, still burdened with the tall shakos 
recalling the Napoleonic wars, could be seen sweeping 
over the Campagna to the north and east, cutting off 
convoys from Rieti, blowing up the bridges over the Anio, 
and on one occasion pushing out as far as the cascades of 
Tivoli to destroy a powder-mill which was working there 
for the Triumvirate/ The provisioning of Rome was a 
work in which the native artist Costa was largely emploj^ed 
on account of his knowledge of the ground outside the city. 
In later years he used to describe the adventures which befell 
him as he slipped out and in between the French and 
Spaniards, for Spain also had, at the invitation of the 
Pope, landed a force of 6,000 crusaders, who were now 
occupying the banks of the lower Tiber, between Rome and 
Fiumincino, though taking no active part in the siege. 

' The spice of danger certainly did not make these expeditions 
less attractive to the spirited young man, and he was able to 
appreciate the picturesque side of these excursions into the 
desolate and solitary Campagna, whose vast spaces and sweep- 
ing lines of distant purple, and amethyst-coloured hills, were to 
become such a favourite note in his future artistic work. He 
always remembered with a sense of pleasure one particular 
occasion when, in the company of the mercante di campagna 
(merchant farmer), Luigi Silvestrelli, mounted on horseback, 
and armed with the goad, the characteristic pungolo of the 
Roman herdsman, he drove into the City three hundred head 
of wild cattle.' '^ 

But Costa also took his full share in the grim work of 
the Vascello. That villa, together with the Casa Giaco- 
metti and the httle house that stood between them at the 
foot of the Corsini garden, formed an advanced line which 
Garibaldi had, on the evening of June 3, entrusted to the 
charge of the Milanese Giacomo Medici, his young heutenant 
of Monte Video and the Alps, who had received from the 

' Bittard dcs Fortes, 278, 279, 353, 357 ; Balleydier, ii. 257, 258. 
- Costa, 48 ; Military Events^ 320, 321. 


dying Anzani the warning, ever afterwards so faithfully 
observ^ed, never to abandon the destined liberator.^ Medici 
had arrived in Rome from the North with a ' Medici 
Legion' some three hundred strong, recruited from the 
men who had followed him among the Alps the year 
before, and from other students and young men of wealthy 
Lombard families.- As his own early youth had been spent, 
not in the Itahan Universities, but in the Carlist campaigns, 
he was a brusque soldier, a rough and ready disciplinarian, 
and above all a hard fighter." With his own legion, aided 
from time to time by detachments from Manara's Bersaglieri, 
the Students, the Gagers and the Unione regiment, Medici 
held the Vascello and the two other houses, having estab- 
lished communication between them by means of trenches, 
as also with the San Pancrazio gate whence he drew his 
supphes. Day and night the French waged war on these 
Italian outposts, and the storm of lead and iron swept 
ceaselessly over Masina's body stretched on the neutral 
ground between. From the Valentini and Corsini the enemy 
fired down into the garden and windows of the VasceUo, 
while their trenches, filled with sharpshooters, were pushed 
ever nearer and nearer. Attacks were made by night at the 
point of the bayonet, and a battery, ensconced in front of 
the ruined fa9ade of the Corsini, pounded the Vascello walls 
to pieces at a range of about 200 yards. It was impossible 
for Medici to place cannon in the line which he held, although 
the battery in the Casa Merluzzo Bastion was able in the 
early days of the siege to direct its fire against his assailants. 
Under these conditions the Casa Giacometti held out for 
three weeks, and the Vascello (or rather what remained of 
its lowest story) was still untaken on June 30, when its 
heroic defenders retreated out of the ruins because the walls 
of Rome had been captured behind their backs.'' 

' Pp- 43» 44 above. 

^ They had flocked to join him in Florence, where he had organised his 
Legion during the brief life of the Tuscan Republic, February to April 1849. 
Pasini, 82-87 5 Ottolitii, 59, 87-91 (list of names, nearly all from the north). 

^ Pasini, 7-io ; Forbes, 142. 

* Beghelli, ii. 387-392, Medici's own account; Hoff. 113, 146-148, 228, 


The unexpected resistance of these outposts delayed 
the fall of Rome by many days, because it prevented 
Vaillant from pushing his trenches forward against the 
face of the Porta San Pancrazio, and so capturing the Casa 
Merluzzo and Northern Bastions on either side of it by 
a direct attack. • But the occupation of the Corsini enabled 
him to reduce the Janiculum gradually from its south flank 
by opening trenches against the Centre Bastion and that of 
the Casa Barberini. 

Since, therefore, the first line of French approaches was 
drawn from the Convent of San Pancrazio to Monte Verde,' 
its extreme right was exposed to a distant and somewhat 
ineffective flank fire from a Roman battery down below on 
the further bank of Tiber, erected on the little eminence of 
Monte Testaccio.'' That strange mound, nothing more nor 
less than the rubbish heap where, in the days of the Caesars, 
the broken crockery of the world's capital used to be 
thrown away, stood in 1849 surrounded by a few shabby 
houses, in the middle of one of those romantic deserts then 
occupying so much of the vast circuit enclosed by the walls 
of Rome, which, twenty-seven years after Shelley's death, 
was still — 

. . . ' at once the paradise, 
The grave, the city, and the wilderness.' 

A battery was erected on Monte Verde to silence the 
Italian guns on Monte Testaccio, and, as the French 
shells flew over the mound, many of them passed on 
and burst unnoticed near a solitary and sacred spot.^ 
Under the cypresses that Trelawny had planted in the 
shadow of the wall and of the pyramid, in the remote 
burying-place of the heretics, that quiet brotherhood 

229, 255, 256, 273 ; Dandolo, 252 ; Costa, 48 ; Torre, ii. 226 ; Tivaroni, AuU. ii. 
435 ; Vecchi, ii. 284, 289 ; Pasini, 95-III. 

' Moltke, i. 191-193. See p. 212 below, note 4. - Vaillant, 41, 42. 

» There was also a Roman battery on the Aventine ( Vecchi, ii. 267), but it 
does not seem to have played an important part. 

* See map, p. 125, and illustration, p. 228, for the relation of the Protestant 
cemetery to the Monte Testaccio. There is also an interesting picture of the 
cemetery, as it was in 1849, in the Illustrated London News, July 7. 


slept on and did not hear the distant roar of the battle 
for Freedom ; nor could even the near bursting of the 
tyrants' bombs awaken him, who, of all men that ever lived, 
would have been most eager to hasten with long strides up 
the Janiculum, to stand enchanted amid the shots beside 
its Republican defenders, and to speak with Garibaldi and 
Ugo Bassi as with friends long dreamed of and sought in 

The high Villa Savorelli, towering above the Porta San 
Pancrazio, had been selected by Garibaldi as his head- 
quarters because, though exposed to the enemy's fire, it 
commanded a wider prospect of the Italian and French 
positions than any other house within the Roman walls. 
' We officers,' wrote Hoffstetter, one of the intimate circle 
of friends tried in battle who now made up the General's 

* we officers lay in the great salon of the Villa Savorelli. The 
General and Manara (the chief of his staff since June 4) had each 
a small side room. Night gave us little rest, because of the 
constant coming and going of messengers.' 

At daybreak the officers, having helped themselves to ' good 
black coffee and plenty of cigars,' which were ready for 
them at three every morning, 

' gathered round the General, who was always the first on the 
Pavilion ; ' there he was immediately greeted by the French 
sharpshooters, who gave him their particular attention all day 
long. But Garibaldi, after throwing a glance at the enemy, 
used to light his cigar, which was never extinguished till evening, 
heard the reports, gave orders, and only left the Pavilion late 
at night to seek a few hours' rest.' - 

When the French bombardment began, the Savorelli 
gradually crumbled beneath the cannon-balls ; it had been 
riddled through and through before the staff, on June 21, 
thought of moving elsewhere. After the breaching batteries 

' The watch-tower on the roof of the Villa Savorelli. 

^ Hoff. 162-164. The Pavilion at length fell in ruin, only five minutes after 
Garibaldi had stepped out of it, Btrtani, i. 138. 


had opened fire (June 13), Garibaldi did not spend the 
whole of each day upon the PaviHon, but constantly went 
the rounds, visiting the places where the fire was hottest, 
and restoring the enthusiasm of the defenders, now by a 
word of personal sympathy, now by standing like a statue 
above his prostrate companions while a shell was bursting 
in their midst.' He seemed to disregard death as a weak 
thing that he knew by old experience had no power to touch 
the man of destiny before his hour ; while Ugo Bassi, equally 
reckless, but in a different spirit, sought death as the 
friendly deliverer from slavery reimposed and from the ruin 
of hopes too dear to be outhved. Bassi gave Garibaldi 
' much anxiety,' Hoffstetter tells us : 

' " I cannot tell you how that man troubles me," said the 
General to me one day, " for he wants to die ! " One recognised 
the enthusiast in Bassi at the first glance ; his mild eyes and 
high forehead, the waving locks of his hair and beard, his 
unusual dress (the red blouse and broad-brimmed black hat), 
his inspired language and contempt for death struck us all 
with astonishment. No one's hand did me so much good 
to shake as his. He cherished a passionate devotion to the 
General. " Nothing would give me greater joy," Bassi said to 
me more than once, " than to die for Garibaldi." ' "^ 

That sentiment was now deeply implanted among all 
these men, some of whom, like Manara, had come to Rome 
with very different feelings. Their hearts beat high, but 
not with hope.^ 

' ^off. 199, 203, 205, 231, 270-271. * Hoff. 253. 

^ A young officer of one of the line regiments, named Count Ulisse Balzani, 
who took a gallant part in the defence, in after years described to his brother 
(Count Ugo, who told me the story) one of the deepest impressions of his life. 
He had been sleeping on the ramparts, where his men lay bivouacked, when at 
dawn he opened his eyes, dreamily half aware that a horse was stepping tenderly 
across his body. In that delicious state of returning consciousness, when the 
more prosaic aspects of daily life are still unremembered, and the objects that 
first meet the eyes are seen as ' in a world far from ours,' he had a vision of the 
rider's face looking down at him out of masses of curling golden hair. It was 
imprinted on his brain as one of the noblest things in art or nature which he had 
ever seen. 


During the first seventeen days and niglits of the siege 
(June 4-21), while the zig-zag of the French trenches was 
creeping nearer hour by hour, and the batteries erected 
under their protection were gradually crumbling the breaches 
in the Central and Casa Barberini Bastions, the defenders 
made many sorties, none \'ery effective and some not even 
creditable to their arms. The want of regular training 
among the volunteers was felt most in the conduct of night 
surprises, which the Romans always failed to effect and the 
French sometimes carried out to perfection. In one of 
these sorties even the men of the Italian Legion were seized 
with panic, and were told by Garibaldi next morning that 
they were not worthy to be his companions in arms, a 
reproof which, if needed, was effectual. On other occasions 
the greatest gallantry was shown by the sortie parties, as 
when a detachment of the Unione regiment continued to 
maintain the fight with stones after their ammunition was 
exhausted. The Poles, too, conspicuous for their long 
moustaches and their national cap, with its four-cornered 
crown of red cloth,' were foremost in seeking death ; home- 
less sons of the slain mother, they generously offered their 
blood on behalf of any nation that was at war with tyranny, 
whether on the Hungarian plain or before the walls of Rome. 
But nothing was done by the sortie parties that seriously 
impeded the evolution of the slow but well-laid plans of 
Vaillant's siege. - 

On the night of June 20-21, when after a furious bom- 
bardment the breaches in the bastions were almost ready 
for the stormers to mount, and an assault on those points 
was expected, an attack was made instead on the Casa 
Giacometti, outside the walls. Closely netted by the enemy's 
trenches and riddled by his fire, the little outpost was still 
unconquerable. The sentry, the only man awake in the 
house, heard the storming party rustle and stumble among 
the vines a few yards off ; he noiselessly roused his comrades, 

' /Coelman, ii. 152. 

'^ Hoff. and Vaillant^ passim ; Dandolo, 250, 251 ; Loev. i. 239-241. The 
Polish regiment numbered about 2CX). 


thirty-five men of the Unione regiment, who deUvered a 
sudden volley at close quarters, and after a fierce struggle, 
in which the bayonet was used on both sides, drove off the 
assailants. At dawn Medici was able to report from the 
Vascello that the very outposts of his advanced position 
were still intact.^ 

Garibaldi next day (June 21) celebrated the little victory 
in a letter to his Anita ; ' she had last been with him at 
Rieti, from some date in February or March until April 13, 
when she had returned to her children under his mother's 
roof at Nice.^ 

' My dear Anita (he wrote from the Savorelli), I know that 
thou hast been and maybe still art ill. I wish to see thy hand- 
writing and my mother's, and then I shall feel easy. 

'Cardinal Oudinot's Gallic-friars content themselves with 
cannonading us, and we are too much accustomed to it to care. 
Here the women and children run after the balls and shells and 
struggle for their possession. 

' We are lighting on the Janicuium and this people is worthy 
of its past greatness. Here they live, die, suffer amputation 
to the cry, "Viva la Repubblica!" One hour of our life in 
Rome is worth a century of common existence. 

' Last night thirty of our men, surprised in a house outside 
the wall (Casa Giacometti) by 150 of the Gallic- friars, used 
the bayonet, killed a captain and three soldiers, made four 
prisoners and a number of wounded. We had one sergeant 
killed and a soldier wounded. Our men belonged to the Uniotie 

' Get well, kiss Mama and the babies for me. Menotti has 
favoured me with a letter, for which I am grateful to him. Love 
me much, thy Garibaldi.' 

The letter was sent, but never reached Anita, who was 
already leaving Nice for Rome. When the news of the 
Third of June and the approaching fate of Rome had 

' -ffoj^. 224, 225, 228, 229; Vaillant, 97, 98; Torre, ii. 226; Bittard des 
Partes, 317, 318. 

2 The date of the letter is June 21, not June 12 as it is usually given. See 
Loev. ii. 214, 215, note. 

' Lofv. ii. 213, 214. 


awakened in her the apprehension that some desperate 
crisis in her husband's fate was hastening on, she had 
formed within the tribunal of her conscience a great decision, 
to be carried out with that quiet, inflexible will of hers, 
regardless even of Garibaldi's most earnest remonstrance. 
This mother, again pregnant, set out for the seat of war, 
determined to share the extreme perils of adherence to a 
faUing Repubhc with the man whom she regarded as unUke 
the husbands of other women, and of more value than any 
child could be. She left posterity no record of her 
motives, and no apology for her choice, but her silent, set, 
immutable purpose to remain at his side until the end — 
whatever that end might be — pleads for her with more 
eloquence than words. 

On June 21, while Garibaldi was writing his last letter 
to Anita, the Savorelli was falling to pieces about his ears. 
But the fire was hottest against the Central and Barberini 
Bastions, where a furious cannonade and musketry fire, 
maintained from the French trenches now within a few 
yards of the wall,^ only ceased at nightfall when the crumb- 
ling breaches presented an easy slope for the assailants to 
mount. The Italians made preparation against an assault 
that night ; piles of bulrushes were laid on the top of 
the ruined walls, ready to be ignited at the first alarm, 
so as to form a rampart of flame. Hoffstetter, who 
himself came from head-quarters to place the garrison in 
the bastions and in the houses that stood on the wall, gave 
the strictest orders to the sentries, and returned with the 
belief that at any rate the positions could not be captured 
by surprise, before the reserve had time to come up from 
the neighbourhood of the Savorelli.-' But the Unione 
regiment, to whom the breaches had been entrusted, was 
utterly tired out by the fatigues of the last fortnight, during 
which they had so often behaved with peculiar gallantry. 
On the Central Bastion they awoke to find a French column 
already among them, inside the line of bulrushes, and after 

' Beriani, i. 138; Ho^. 224-232. - Hof. 232-234. 


a single discharge ^ they fled in panic. On the top of the 
other breach, some resistance was made from the Casa 
Barberini, and two French officers were mortally wounded 
under its walls. But in a few minutes the doors were broken 
in and the house captured.- The enemy were masters of 
both bastions. 

The panic and confusion in the Italian lines was such 
that those who witnessed it feared that if the French pressed 
on at once in force they might carry the Savorelli and San 
Pietro in Montorio before daylight, and so finish the siege. ^ 
Garibaldi, with greater wisdom than many of his critics, 
saw the danger and refused to lead the discouraged troops 
to recapture the lost positions — an enterprise which would 
certainty have failed, and would probably have led to the 
loss of the inner line as well.^ Instead of attempting the 
impossible, he devoted so much energy to fortifying and 
manning a second line of defence along the old Imperial wall 
of AureHan, that when day dawned the new position was 
strongly occupied, and the fear of a capture of the Janiculum 
by a coup de main was at an end. 

With equal caution the French generals, refusing to be 
tempted by the flight of the Unione regiment to go a step 
beyond the captured bastions, had used the remainder of 
the night in throwing up trenches on their inner side, and 
in mounting batteries on the top of the ruined breaches, 
so that they should be ready as soon as possible to bombard 
Garibaldi's new position. 

As day dawned Rome learnt with consternation that 
the enemy had established themselves on the walls, ' a very 
fatal go,' as Arthur Clough called it in his letter home.^ 

' Vaillant, 105. The Italians thought that the French must have entered 
by getting themselves let in through the Italian mines, see Hof. 2.T,(i^ 237 ; 
Dandolo, 254, 255. But Vaillant, 105, 106, disposes of this hypothesis. Torre, 
ii. 230-233 ; Pricis Hist. 71-73 ; Cabusst, iii. 450, 451. 

2 Vaillant, 104; Bittard des Fortes, 330, 331 ; Pisacane, 7. ' Hoff. 235. 

* Gabussi, iii. 450-453, and note, containing Filopanti's letter, Hoff. 235, 236 ; 
Loev. i. 253, 254. Garibaldi sent some of his own Legion to reconnoitre the 
enemy's positions by an attack, to make sure whether or not the newly captured 
bastions were being strongly held. The operation cost the Legion twenty men. 

» ClougKs P. R. 1 58. Letter to Palgrave. 


Mazzini and Roselli, who knew little about the condition 
of affairs on the Janiculum, urged Garibaldi to recover the 
bastions at all costs. Mazzini, to whom it was an article 
of faith that the People could recapture the walls of their 
city, assembled the mob for this purpose, much to the 
annoyance of Garibaldi, who would not let them come up 
to cause confusion in his now circumscribed lines. 

Roselli, in his capacity as commander-in-chief, and 
Avezzana, the able minister of war, arrived early in the 
morning on the Janiculum, to compel the recalcitrant 
divisional commander to attack. But Avezzana, when he 
had examined affairs on the spot, was soon persuaded that 
such a course was impossible.^ Indeed, the officers of the 
fighting regiments, and above all Manara, had earnestly 
entreated Garibaldi not to send their men to another 
massacre more hopeless than that of June 3, since the elan 
which had inspired them on that day had now given way 
to a fatigue of body and an angry despair of soul ; and the 
bravest, with the passive courage characteristic of the last 
days of a siege, asked to be allowed to die in the positions 
which they still held.-' 

Garibaldi's refusal to attack, though supported by 
military opinion on the Janiculum, involved another 
unseemly quarrel with Mazzini and Roselli, of which the 
populace was not slow to get wind without understanding 
the real nature of the dispute. The state of unrest and 
friction in Rome on that unhappy day (June 22) was ag- 
gravated by the action of Sterbini, who, having justly 
forfeited his own prestige by the abuse of his opportunities 
in the past winter, now plotted to creep back to power by 
exploiting the name of Garibaldi. Raising the cry that the 
General should be made dictator, Sterbini rode through 
the streets of Rome to raise a tumult, when the enemy 
was already on the walls, although Garibaldi had that 
very morning positively forbidden him to act, and had 

' Hoff. 241. 

" Hoff. 240-242 ; Loev. i. 253, 254, and note ; Dandolo, 255 ; Torre, ii. 235, 
236 ; Veccki, ii. 282, 283 ; Pisacane, 7 ; Gahussi, iii. 450-453, and note. 


discouraged the whole movement. Fortunately it ended 
in fiasco when a patriotic sculptor named Bezzi seized the 
bridle of Sterbini's horse in the Piazza Colonna, and 
threatened the life of the cowardly leader of rebellion.' 

The second part of the siege of Rome — the nine days' 
defence of the Aurelian wall (June 22-30) — surprised the 
French and even the Italians themselves, who could scarcely 
believe their senses when they found each morning that the 
enemy had not yet stormed their untenable positions.^ 
During the first part of the siege, though they had often 
behaved with great courage, they had been subject to fits 
of panic, and it might have been expected, now that a suc- 
cessful issue to the defence was impossible, that like other 
armies they would abandon a contest, the prolongation of 
which some of their bravest officers regarded as a criminal 
waste of life.'^ And such, from a military point of view, it 
undoubtedly was. But the Italian character has in it 
something beyond the reasonable, and, when all was lost, 
the idea of perishing with the murdered Republic seemed 
to fortify the morale and brace the nerves of the tired men, 
whose conduct became now more uniformly heroic than 
it had been during the fortnight past, when it was still 
possible to indulge a shadowy hope. An English army 
might have held the bastions from which the Italians fled 
on the night of June 21-22, but an Enghsh army might well 
have capitulated if those bastions had been lost, seeing that 
there was no force in the wide world to come to their relief, 
and many to come to the help of the besiegers. The 
defenders of Londonderry, Gibraltar, Lucknow, and Lady- 
smith were inspired by the practical hope of succour. It was 
otherwise with the defenders of Rome. If the Englishman 
does not know when he is beaten, the Italian sometimes 
knows it and does not care. 

Though the troops were willing to continue the defence, 
the responsibility for giving the order to fight on rests with 

' Guerzoni, i. 322, 323 ; Locv. i. 255 ; Veahi, ii. 2S5 ; Fariiii, iv. 209, 210. 
- Daiidolo, 261. ' IM(l 260. 268. 



Mazzini, who was determined that the last message ' to 
Italy from Rome ' should be something worthier than the 
panic flight from the breaches. Garibaldi, no less opposed 
to asking terms of the foreigner, thought that the time had 
come to evacuate the capital and carry on the war in the 
mountains, but, as his advice was overruled, he continued 
to command the defence on the west bank. 

The scene of the last struggle was worthy of the actors 
and of the cause. On the high ground where the ruined 
Savorelli stood, Ser\-ius Tullius had built the Arx Janicu- 
lensis, which had served, as the Garibaldians recalled 
with delight, for the outlying fort of Republican Rome 
when Lars Porsena had tried to bring home the Papa-Re 
of that period.^ From this height down to the Trastevere 
ran the wall built by the Emperor Aurelian to keep off the 
trans-Alpine barbarians when Rome's grasp of the world 
was growing weak ^ ; behind what here remained of it lay 
Garibaldi's infantry. Their cannon were planted in the 
rear, to fire over their heads from the platform of San Pietro 
in Montorio, and the neighbouring Pino hill — so called 
because of the large pine-tree in the shadow of which the 
Roman gunners fought. Between the batteries on the 
height and the infantry below along the wall, was the Villa 
Spada, now Garibaldi's headquarters, a modest house 
standing by itself in its small garden, as it still stands to-day.^ 
The Casa Merluzzo Bastion on the wall of Urban VIII. was 
occupied as an advanced post, and a battery was mounted 
between it and the Porta San Pancrazio. 

This new position was bombarded from front and flank. 
The French guns erected on the captured breaches fired 

' Vecchi, ii. 278. Moltke, too, recalled the associations with Porsena in 
his contemporary letters to Humboldt. 

- On the east bank Aurelian's walls were still, in 1849, the only defences of 
Rome. On the west bank they were no longer meant for use, but stood un- 
repaired as an inner line behind the wall of Urban VIII., on which the French 
had now established themselves. 

^ The Villa Spada is called the Villa Nobilia in the inscription over the en- 
trance. It is but little changed in appearance since 1849 (see illustration, p. 223, 
below). I fear the same cannot be said of the new Savorelli that has risen 
on the ruins of the building destroyed during the siege. 

The batteries marked are the French batteries 
The principal Italian batteries were on the 
Pino hill and close to Porta S. Pancrazio. to 

south east of it. 

Second part of the Siege of Rome, June 22-30 

w -^ r; 


across the wide open space and valley that divides the 
Villas Barberini and Spada, while the batteries near the 
Corsini and Convent of San Pancrazio enfiladed the Itahan 
line from the west.' The enemy also drove his trenches 
and erected a breaching battery close up against the south 
angle of the Merluzzo Bastion ; this operation became pos- 
sible after the night of June 23-24, when the brave garrison 
of the Casa Giacometti were at length withdrawn to the 

For eight days the cannonade and musketry fire raged 
continuously. The accuracy of the Itahan gunners sur- 
prised the French and retarded their attack ; indeed, on the 
first day of the artillery duel (June 22) the defenders had 
the upper hand, and under cover of the fire a small body of 
Medici's Legion, who happened to be within the gate of Rome, 
burst into the Villa Barberini, and were only driven out 
after a severe tussle, carrying back fifteen men wounded 
with the bayonet.^ But soon the double fire of the French, 
from within and without the walls, began to prevail. The 
shells tore holes in the Spada, and exploded among the staff 
officers in its rooms. The roof of the church of San Pietro 
in Montorio collapsed. Nearly all the gunners on the Pino 
and by the San Pancrazio gate were killed or wounded ; 
their places were taken by infantry, and by artists and 
other volunteers from the city below."* The men of the 
Garibaldian Legion and of Manara's Bersagheri, with 
indefatigable zeal consented to remain at sentry work for 
seventy-two hours at a time, and, with utter disregard 
of death, laboured in the open to pile up again the frail 
defences as they crumbled beneath the fire. The wounded, 
as soon as they were well enough to drag themselves back 
to the front, returned with all haste to their posts.* 

> Hoff. 242, ^ Vaillant, 1 14. 

8 Vaillant, 108, 157 ; Torre, ii. 236 ; Begkelli, ii. 388, 389 (Medici's account 
of it); Pasini, 102-107. 

* Hoff. 248, 249, 252-265, 271, 274. With the gallant Italian gunners were 
a good many no less gallant Swiss. Vaillant, 129, 157; Dandolo, 264; 
Koehnan, ii. 195-202. 

* Dandolo, 264, 265. 

P 2 


On one of these days of fire (June 25) Laviron, the 
French Repubhcan and artist, one of Garibaldi's staff, 
loved by all his companions-in-arms, for the first time 
donned the red blouse, because, as he told his friends, he 
observed that whoever wore it enjoyed an uncommon share 
of popular favour. He had scarcely shown himself at the 
front in this costume when he was shot through the body, 
fell back into the arms of Ugo Bassi, kissed him and died.^ 
Death at the hands of his countrymen after the flesh had no 
horrors for one who was spiritually the citizen of that ideal 
RepubHc which had been dreamed of by the men of '48. 

On the following day, Anita Garibaldi suddenly appeared 
in the doorway of the shot-riddled Spada, and her hus- 
band, with a cry of surprise and joy, sprang into her arms. 
She had found her way from Nice into the beleaguered 
city before he even knew of her intention to start upon a 
journey which he would not have approved.'^ 

Outside the walls of Rome the storm beat with still 
greater fury on the Vascello. From the Corsini hill, a 
battery of half a dozen guns fired on it day and night, 
throwing into it 'not less than four hundred ' cannon-balls, 
' besides shells and grenades.' '' 

It was owing to the protracted resistance of the Vascello 
that Rome had not fallen many days before. The un- 
expectedly successful defence of this ' oddly shaped but 
very strong villa,' had, as Moltke wrote at the time, forced 
the French to make a lateral instead of a direct attack 
on the bastions next to the Porta San Pancrazio.'* At 

' Hoff. 252, 253 ; Locv. ii. 252, 253 ; Veahi, ii. 286 ; Guerrazzi, 788, 789. 
Hoffstetter's less sensational account of Laviron's death is more likely, I think, 
to be correct than Vecchi's or Guerrazzi's, especially as the story told by the 
latter about Laviron is told aljout a Polish officer by Dandolo and by Hoffstetter. 

* Guerzoni, i. 38 1, 382 ; Loev. ii. 214. The latter accurately fixes the date of 
her arrival, June 26. 

•' Beghelli, ii. 389 (Medici's account). 

^ ' Der wahre Angriff findet ohne Zweifel von Villa Corsini aus auf die 
Bastione zunachst Porta San Pancrazio statt.' ' Dass aber jener vortheilhaftere 
Angriff nicht gewahlt wurde hat sein Grund wohl nur darin, dass die Rbmer 
noch immer die seltsam gebaute aber sehr feste Villa Vascello behaupten.' 
Molthe, i. 191-193. Moltke had been in Rome, 1845, 1846, studying its defences. 

From the road between the Corsini and Porta San Pancrazio. 



length, the greater part of the vast building fell with a 
roar, amid a cloud of darkness, like a bursting volcano. A 
score of its defenders were buried under the ruins, but 
the rest, sheltered by portions of the ground-floor still left 
erect, came out covered with the subsiding dust, and were 
quickly reposted among the fallen masonry to resist attack. 
' I wish,' said Medici to Hoffstetter, ' that I had a daguer- 
reotype of these ruins.' At night the French, with fixed 
bayonets, fell upon them from every side. For three mid- 
night hours the battle raged over the rubbish heap of what 
had once been a magnificent villa. At dawn Medici was 
still in possession.^ Rome might be taken, but not the 
Vascello. When the war was over the fallen ruins were 
cleared away, but by good fortune the walls of the ground 
floor were left standing, and now that Rome is free will 
continue to stand as long as Italians have pride in their 
history. On the shot-dinted wall that borders the pubhc 
road some old dusty laurel wreaths are hung, and on the 
tablet which they adorn the stranger may read, in words 
that here are no idle boast, that ' he who is fighting for 
fatherland and freedom does not count the enemy.' 

Meanwhile, within the walls, the defenders of the 
Janiculum endured, day after day, the last terrible can- 
nonade, and the other parts of the city did not altogether 
escape. Not only were the inhabitants of the Trastevere 
driven in crowds from their ruined houses, but the bom- 
bardment did injury on the Capitol, and elsewhere in the 
very heart of Rome. The French field artillery on the east 
bank shelled the city, by way of creating a diversion from the 
main attack ; whenever a serious assault was intended on 
the Janiculan wall, diversions were made from San Paolo 
on the south and from Monte Parioli on the north ; Rome 
was bombarded from both these quarters, and shells were 
dropped into the Piazza di Spagna and all that neighbour- 
hood, doing considerable damage. As early as June 25, 

' Beghelli, ii. 387-392 (Medici) ; Dandolo, 262 ; Hoff. 255-257, 273 ; P'ecc/ii, 
il. 289 ; Pasini, 108, 109 ; Ottolini, 77, 78. 


Oiidinot had received a protest against the destruction of 
private property and works of art, and the death of peace- 
able citizens, signed by the consuls of the United States, 
Prussia, Denmark, Switzerland, and Sardinia, at the instiga- 
tion of Freeborn, the British Consular agent, whose name 
appeared at their head, and who was indeed too warm in his 
friendship for Italy to make allowance for the military 
needs of her enemies.^ 

While the city below was suffering more or less severely, 
the defences on the Janiculum were crumbling fast beneath 
a storm of missiles. It was clear that, in spite of the heroism 
of the defenders, the French would, in a few days at most, 
be able to storm the hne of the Aurelian wall. In face of 
this situation the quarrel between Garibaldi and Mazzini 
broke out afresh. The soldier again urged that the Govern- 
ment and army should migrate from the capital, and 
continue the national war to the last in the mountains of 
Central Italy or of the Neapohtan kingdom. He had seen 
the Republic of Rio Grande, in time of danger, migrate in 
this patriarchal fashion, and he did not understand why the 
Roman Republic should not do the same.' No doubt, if he 
had been allowed to have his wa}^ on June 27, instead of 
five days later after the final storming of the Janiculum, 
he might have carried into the wilderness a still formidable 
army, including perhaps Manara and his Lombards,^ in- 
stead of the three or four thousand broken-hearted men who 
left Rome with him on July 2 to share his historic ' retreat.' 
Mazzini, on the other hand, had perhaps a higher rationality 
on his side when he determined that the irrational defence 
of the walls of Rome should be continued to the very last. 
Garibaldi, finding his advice again rejected, on the evening 
of June 27 threw up his command, and, in an explosion of 
anger akin to the primitive, childish wrath of Achilles, 
carried off his myrmidons of the Legion from the Janiculum 
to the lower town. The officers of the remaining regiments 
were horror-struck at finding themselves deserted, and 

' See App. J below, Damage do7ie by Bombardment. - Mem. 239. 

' Ho^. 269, 307, 308. 


their anxiety was increased by the evident incompetence 
of Roselli, who, when he came in person to take over Gari- 
baldi's command on the west bank, would not even visit 
the lines, but remained poring over maps in the Spada.' 
Manara hastened down to find Garibaldi, expostulated with 
him on his misconduct and exposed to him the fatal con- 
sequences that must ensue. Garibaldi listened to his new 
friend, repented and returned to his post, amid the cheers 
of the populace, and to the intense joy of the defenders of 
the Janiculum.^ But for Manara's timely interference 
— the last but not the least service which he rendered to Italy 
— the siege of Rome would have ended in discord and 
disgrace, and Garibaldi would have carried through Hfe the 
stigma of an ungenerous action, to which anger alone had 
prompted him, but which many of his countrymen would 
readily have regarded as betrayal. 

When, at daybreak of June 28, the Garibaldian Legion- 
aries returned to the Janiculum with their chief to share 
the last slaughter, the welcome they received was all the 
more enthusiastic because their rank and file on this occasion 
appeared for the first time in the famous red shirt, which 
had hitherto distinguished the General's staff. Indeed, 
many people, ignorant of the crisis that had been averted, 
supposed that the Legion had gone down to the town only 
to change the old for the new uniform.^ 

Those who donned the red shirt in the last days of the 
siege of Rome, and faithfully wore it during the next month, 
deliberately chose a dress which, from one end of the 
Peninsula to the other, exposed the wearer to be hunted like 
a wolf and shot at sight. In less than twenty years, times 
had so far changed, and so famous had that garb of heroes 
become, that poltroons sometimes chose it as the cloak of 
self-seeking and noisy patriotism that could not stand the 
stress of battle. But if, in the old age of its founder, the 
brotherhood of the red shirt partook of the decline of his 

' Hoff. 270, 271. " Loev. i. 257-259; Hoff. 266-271 : Daiuiolo, 263. 

=• Hoff. 270; Locv. ii. 126. See p. 152, above, for the order given by 
Garibaldi in May for the manufacture of the shirts, only now completed. 


powers, before he died its warfare was accomplished, and 
Italy was free.^ 

' One red-shirt expedition took place after Garibaldi's death. His son, 
Ricciotti, led several hundred volunteers in the Greek war of 1897. The 
Italians, whose generosity in going to risk their lives for the freedom of others 
was worthy of their dead master, behaved with courage, and deserved more war- 
like allies. Some account of the expedition will be found in Elia, ii. 424-442. 
I have consulted well-known English war correspondents on that campaign, who 
bear impartial testimony to the valour of the Garibaldians. 



' Astur hath stormed Janiculum, 
And the stout guards are slain.' 

Macaulay, Lays of Andcnl Rome. 

The end was now at hand. The French artillery were 
victors in the duel which both sides had waged so gallantly 
for more than a week past. The Roman batteries wjerc 
' almost choked up by the tempest of hostile projectiles,' 
the breastworks along the line of the Aurelian wall were 
mere disorderly heaps of earth, and on the city wall proper 
the breach in the Bastion sloped gently down from the 
ruins of the Casa Merluzzo to th^ road outside, where the 
assailants were entrenched not many yards away.'- 

The night of June 29-30, the Feast of St. Peter and 
St. Paul, was selected by Oudinot for the final assault. 
During the earlier part of the night the jesta was celebrated 
in the town in right Roman fashion, with lighting of candles 
in the windows, and sending up of rockets in the streets — 
functions which that mercurial people would not forgo 
even under the shadow of impending doom. The Trium- 
virate gave official countenance to these mild ctrcenses, and 
the dome of St. Peter's blazed with every extravagance of 
colour. The French officers, as they stood in front of their 
dark columns, waiting for the signal to mount the breach, 
saw below them the holy city glowing ' like a great furnace, 
half-extinct, but still surrounded by an atmosphere of 
lire.' Suddenly the heavens were opened in wrath, and a 

' For this chapter sec maps, pp. 125, 210, above. 
- //b^. 271 ; Dando^o, 264. 


deluge of rain fell on the disobedient children of the Pope, 
extinguishing their last poor little fires of joy. When the 
torrential storm had passed away, one light alone, from 
the top of the great dome of St. Peter's, still shone through 
the thick darkness, beckoning the crusaders to the assault.^ 
But the Italians watching on the Janiculum were in no 
humour for the child's play that amused their compatriots 
below. Scarcely more than four thousand now remained 
of the men under Garibaldi's command. Their reserve was 
posted on the central height of the Pino and San Pietro in 
Montorio ; from that point to the Porta Portese the 
Trastevere quarter was lined with troops ; the Villa Spada, 
which, though half in ruins, was still the headquarters, was 
strongly occupied by Manara and a part of his Bersaglieri ; 
the battery near the Porta San Pancrazio was entrusted 
to the Garibaldian Legion, and to the remnant of Masina's 
cavalry, dismounted and armed with their lances for hand- 
to-hand fighting.- Finally, a detachment of the Ber- 
saglieri were marched off, under a blinding storm of rain 
and shells, into the Casa Merluzzo bastion, to defend the 
house and the open breach below it. ' The poor riflemen, 
buried to their knees in mud, struck down by the frequent 
and fatal descent of the bombs, took the perilous places 
assigned to them in silent discouragement.' •' Their leader 
was the boy-officer Morosini, perhaps the best-loved of all 
the Lombard youths who served in that regiment : 

* Not yet eighteen years of age (wrote the sad survivor of 
that band of friends) his attractive, his angelic goodness had 
rendered him the model and the wonder of the whole battalion. 
Though he was the youngest of us all, we almost looked on him 
as our mentor, and were used to call him our guardian angel, 
so great was the unsullied purity of his conduct, and the un- 
swerving rectitude of his principles, which he sought to instil 
and maintain uncontaminated in those who were his friends.' * 

' Bittard des Fortes, 364 ; Vecchi, ii. 293, 294 ; Journal 16', 27 ; Koebiian, 
ii. 212 ; Torre, ii. 262, 263. 

-' Hoff. 279-281 ; Locv. i. 261 ; Torre, ii. 262. 

' Daudolo, 268. ' Ibid. 272. 


To both sides the long delay in the attack caused by 
the storm seemed an unbearable suspense. At length, 
more than two hours after midnight, the French columns 
were let loose. The rain had stopped, but the night was 
dark as the grave. With the impetuous but ordered valour 
that had marked their conduct throughout the siege, the 
French rushed up the breach under a heavy fire from the 
Bersagheri, stormed the Casa Merluzzo, and after a severe 
struggle overpowered the defenders of the bastion. Moro- 
sini, gravely wounded, was carried off in the darkness by 
four of his men, who hastened with him towards the Spada.' 

Meanwhile a second column of French, starting from 
the Central Bastion captured ten days before, passed along 
the inside of the walls of Rome, leaving the Casa Merluzzo 
on their left, till they came to the line of the Aurehan 
wall, which they stormed at the point of the bayonet. - 
Once within the lines of defence, this second French column 
obeyed admirably, in spite of the darkness and confusion, 
the elaborate orders which it had received. One part 
wheeled to the right, turning the flank of the trenches 
along the Aurelian wall, and rushed towards the Spada ; 
while another part went forward to the left to capture 
the battery beside the Porta San Pancrazio, the guns of 
which commanded the Casa Merluzzo. just captured by the 
first French column.^ 

The orders of the second column, which had thus pene- 
trated the Roman line, were to give no quarter, and the 
orders were rigidly obeyed.'' The four Bersaglieri who 
were carrying Morosini to the Spada, fell in with these 
new enemies, who disregarded their attempts to surrender. ** 

" Vaillant, 137 ( 1 34- 1 36 for Oudinot's orders of attack; also printed in 
Bittard des Partes, 359-361); Dandoh, 270; Bittard des Fortes, 367, 368; 
Hoff. 281-287. 

* See map, p. 210, above. 

* Vaillant, 134-136 (Oudinofs orders); Bittard des Fortes, 360, 369-371 : 
Hof. 285. 

< Vaillant, 134-136 ; Bittard des Fortes, 360, 369-371- 
■■' Probably rather because of the orders to give no quarter, than because, as 
Dandolo surmised, 'they suspected some ruse.' Dandoh does not seem to have 


' Finding themselves again surrounded and their lives 
threatened, rendered ferocious by the combat, they laid down 
the litter, and attempted to cut their way through the ranks 
of their opponents ; then, strange to say, the poor lad was seen 
to rise, and stand erect on his bloody couch, grasping the sword 
which had lain at his side. He continued to defend his already 
ebbing life, until, struck a second time in the body, he fell once 
more. Moved by the sight of so much courage, and such mis- 
fortune, the French conveyed him to their hospital in the 
trenches.' ' 

There he lingered for a day, and died, moving his captors 
in the hospital to tears, and impressing them, as he 
always impressed those who saw him, with that rare 
quaht}^ of saintliness which in every age is the natural 
inheritance of some among the countrymen of St. Francis. 
Oudinot himself was moved to write a letter recounting 
these things to Morosini's mother, to whom and to his 
sisters the boy had been wholly devoted. When urged not 
to let him go to the war, she had answered : ' I give my 
country the best I have, my only and dearly-loved son.' ^ 
She had not bargained for his return. ' In such mothers 
Italy revived.' 

The detachment, which had given Morosini his final 
wound, charged along the inside of the trenches, driving 
before them all the Italians they found there, until pur- 
suers and pursued dashed up against the garden gate of 
the Spada, which Manara and his Bersaglieri turned out to 
defend. Not being able in the darkness to tell friend from 
foe, they reserved their volley until Hoffstetter could dis- 
tinguish at a few yards the epaulettes which marked the 
French uniform ; then the Bersaglieri fired with terrible 
effect, and the French attack recoiled.' 

Garibaldi himself was no longer in the Spada. Starting 

known of iheir special orders to kill everyone, which I derive from ?>ench 
sources only. 

' Dandolo, 270-271 ; 7'orre, ii. 268. 

- Ho(f. 298. 299; Dandolo, 271, 280-284. 

' Vaillant, 138, 139: Ho/}. 282 284. 


up at the first alarm, he had sprung out, sabre in hand, 
crying: Orsii ! Questa t- /' ultima prova ('Come on! This 
is the last fight '')} There was need of him outside, 
for the first onslaught of the French columns had put 
to flight many of the Italians, who were rushing about 
through the darkness in wild panic, while others were still 
desperately holding their own in small groups near the 
Merluzzo bastion and in front of the Savorelli.'- At this 
crisis, when a disgraceful catastrophe was only too pro- 
bable, Garibaldi and a few gallant men behind him flung 
themselves headlong on the victorious French, and checked 
their career. Inspired by the presence of their chief, the 
runaways turned back, and ' the last fight ' was worthy of 
the siege of Rome. ' I saw Garibaldi,' wrote Emiho Dan- 
dolo, ' spring forward, with his drawn sword, shouting a 
popular hymn.' In the thick of the melee he sang and 
struck about him with his heavy cavalry sabre, which next 
day was seen to be covered with blood. Behind him the 
red-shirts pressed into battle. Along the road in front of the 
Savorelli, and in the battery near the Porta San Pancrazio, 
Italians and French fought hand-to-hand, with primaeval 
rage. In the last hour of darkness before dawn the whole 
space between the Pino and the city gate was a swaying mass 
of men kilUng each other with butt and bayonet, lance and 
knife, to the cries of ' Viva V Italia ! ' ' Vive la France ! ' 
The cavahers of Bologna, who had been Masina's com- 
rades, and were for a short while his survivors, fought on 
foot among the guns of the battery until nearly all had 
perished. Next day the French Generals saw, with admira- 
tion and pity, the ground covered with the red pennons 
of the lances still grasped in the hands of the slain.'' 

On such a scene came up the golden dawn, and there in 
the fresh morning were Soracte, and Lucretilis, and the 
Alban Mount, again as of old. 

' Vecchi, ii. 294 ; Hof. 284. -' Vaillant, 139. 

^ Vaillant, 138-140, 145; Dandolo, 269, 270; Hoff. 284, 288; Loez<. i. 
261, 262; Vecchi, ii. 294: Torre, ii. 263, 264. 


With the first light the Italians re-occupied the line of the 
Aurelian wall and the road in front of the Savorelli ; ^ but 
the French, with their admirable promptitude as engineers, 
were already fortifying themselves round the Casa Mer- 
luzzo. At these close quarters a furious cannonade and 
musketry fire, varied by spasmodic charges of infantry,^ 
continued throughout the early morning. The French 
batteries on the Barberini and Central Bastions and the 
Corsini hill renewed their bombardment of the Spada and 
Savorelli, while the fire of the infantry from the newly 
captured bastion raked the Italian lines. The defenders' 
cannon, all except a few guns on the Pino, were now silent. 
Most of them were lying overturned, among the corpses, 
with their wheels broken, and the battery near the Porta 
San Pancrazio was in the hands of the French.-^ Seeing 
that the city gate might be taken at any moment. Garibaldi 
at last recalled Medici and his gallant comrades from the 
ruins of the Vascello, which the army of France had failed 
to take by assault. Medici and his men retired into Rome 
unmolested, and in perfect order. So little was their spirit 
broken that they took the chief part in a successful defence 
of the Savorelli and of the northern bastion behind it, 
which the enemy had breached but now assaulted in vain.' 

The principal efforts of the French on the morning of 
June 30 were, however, directed to make the Spada un- 
tenable ; and within its walls the tragedy of Manara and 
his Lombard regiment was fulfilled. The last scene in 
the little villa must always be described in the words of 
Emilio Dandolo, who, though not yet recovered from his 
severe wound of June 3,' was taking his part in the de- 
fence : 

' Villa Spada was surrounded ; we shut ourselves into the 
house, barricading the doors, and defending ourselves from the 

' Vaillant, 140, 141 ; Precis Hist. 80, 11., 2-6 ; Dandolo, 273. 
^ E.g. Hoff. 289-290. ' Vaillant, 144; Hoff. 288; Dandolo, 273. 

' BegheUi, ii. 391, 392 (Medici's own narrative); Torre, \\. zdd ; Vaillant, 
144, 147; Pasini, 112, 122. 
^ Bertani, i. 147. 


windows. The cannon-balls fell thickly, spreading devasta- 
tion and death, the balls of the Vincennes chasseurs hissed with 
unerring aim through the shattered windows. It is maddening 
to fight within the limits of a house, when a cannon-ball may 
rebound from every wall, and where, if not thus struck, you 
may be crushed under the shattered masonry ; where the air, 
impregnated with smoke and gunpowder, brings the groans 
of the wounded more distinctly on the ear, and where the feet 
slip along the bloody pavement, while the whole fabric reels 
and totters under the redoubling shocks of the cannonade. 
The defence had already lasted two hours. Manara passed 
continually from one room to another, seeking to reanimate the 
combatants by his presence and words. I followed him, dis- 
tracted by anxiety, having had no news from Morosini ; a ball, 
rebounding from the wall, wounded my right arm. " Perdio! " 
exclaimed Manara, who was standing at my side, " Are you always 
the one to be struck ? Am I to take nothing away from Rome ? " 
' A few minutes afterwards he was standing at an open window, 
looking through his telescope at some of the enemy who were 
in the act of planting a cannon, when a shot from a carabine 
passed through his body. " I am a dead man," he said, falling ; 
" I commend my children to you." The surgeon hastened to 
his assistance. I looked inquiringly into his countenance, and, 
seeing him turn pale, lost all hope. He was laid on a hand- 
barrow, and, taking advantage of a momentary pause in the 
firing, we passed through a broken-down window into the open 
country.' ' 

Still, after their chief had been carried off to die, the 
Bersaglieri continued the defence of the villa, till almost 
everyone inside its walls, as well as Hoffstetter and Dan- 
dolo, had been wounded. ' 

Finally, when the ammunition was running low, Gari- 
baldi headed a last desperate charge of his own Legionaries 
and some of Pasi's line regiment against the French posi- 
tions. Again, as on the night before, it was cold steel, 
and again Garibaldi fought in the front, dealing death 
with his sword, reckless of his life, and against all the 
chances remaining unscathed.' The French could not 

' Dandolo, 273-275. = Hoff. 293-296. 

' Dandolo, 278 ; Vecchi, ii. 295. Vecchi fought by Garibaldi's side in tliis 


be dislodged ; gradually the tiring slackened. A truce 
was arranged at mid-day for the gathering of the dead 
and wounded, and Garibaldi was summoned to the Capitol, 
where the Assembly was discussing the question of sur- 
render. Although the ruins of the Spada had not been 
stormed, all knew that Rome had fallen.' 

Meanwhile Dandolo and his men had carried Manara to 
the rear. 

' After many windings and turnings we reached the ambu- 
lance of Sa. Maria della Scala, where a hundred of the most 
severely wounded had been already placed, it being impossible 
to have them conveyed to a greater distance. The moment 
we arrived, Manara desired me to send for his Milanese friend, 
Dr. Agostino Bertani.' - 

When the patriot doctor, who had done so much during 
the last fortnight to mitigate the wretched condition of the 
wounded in Rome, arrived by the death-bed of his friend, 
Manara exclaimed : ' Oh, Bertani, let me die quickly ! I 
suffer too much.' No other complaint escaped his hps 
during the long hours of agony.'' 

' After having partaken of the Sacrament, he did not speak 
for a considerable time. His first words were to commend his 
sons again to my care. " Bring them up," he said, " in the love 
of religion, and of their country." He begged me to carry his 
remains into Lombardy, together with those of my brother. 
Perceiving that I wept, he said, " Does it indeed pain you so 
much that I die ? " And, seeing that my suffocating sobs pre- 
vented my replying, he added, in an undertone, but with the 
holiest expression of resignation : " It grieves me also." . . . 

' A short time before he died he took off a ring, which he 

last action ; so his evidence as to Garibaldi's personal conduct is not mere 

' Vaillanl, 145 ; Torre, ii. 266, for the truce at noon-day. ffoffstetter, 
Dandolo, Vecchi, and Paris MSS. 2d', p. 235, give rather different accounts as 
to the time of day when the last stray gun was fired, but clearly there was no 
real fighting after noon-day. 

- Dandolo, 275. •' Rertaiii, 147 : DaiiloJo, 277. 


valued greatly, placed it himself on my finger, and then drawing 
me close to him, said " I will embrace your brotlier for you. 
Salutcrb tuo fratello per te, ti' i: vero ?" ' ' 

So Emilio Dandolo was left desolate in the world, like 
many another noble Italian that year. He had lost in one 
month the three men whom he loved — his brotlier Enrico, 
Morosini, and Manara. And he had lost his country. 
Vl^ith a broken heart he wrote for posterity the story of 
his regiment, and dedicated it to the memory of his three 
friends. Then he endured, distracting himself as best he 
might, for ten years, till his country again began to stir 
for her next great effort, this time with the gallant French 
army on her side. In February 1859, when, in the captive 
cities of Italy, men with secret elation sniffed the breath 
of coming war, welcome as the scents of spring after a 
northern winter, Emilio Dandolo died. Pro solitd humaniiatc 
sua, death came when at length he was unwelcome. The 
great demonstration at Dandolo's funeral in Milan, in the 
face of the Austrians, who dared not interfere, was no un- 
worthy national tribute to the last of the band of friends 
who had led the Lombard Bersaglieri to Rome. 

But among the rank and file of that regiment were 
some whom, I think, we should pity yet more than 
Dandolo, if only we knew their story. After they had 
buried their chief, over whose grave the trumpets 
wailed, and Ugo Bassi, himself about to perish, spoke the 
funeral oration,- the regiment was in a few days' time 
disbanded. But the Lombards had no home to which to 
return ; the Austrian ruled again in their native province, 
and as yet Victor Emmanuel dared not harbour many of 
them in Piedmont. So ' these unhappy exiles, driven out 

' Dandolo, 276, 277. It is to be observed thai thcac ufticers of tlie Lombard 
Bersaglieri were not prevented by their religion (thougli it was orthodox and not 
iVIazzinian) from fighting against the Pope as Temporal ruler. In Garibaldi".s 
Legion many of the men, like their chief, were free-thinkers, though they loved 
their chaplain, Ugo Bassi. Manara and Garibaldi represented the two sides of 
the Risorgimento, not only in politics but in religion. It wa.s the union of these 
elements that made the cause national, and ultimately irresistible. 

- Hoff. 30S, 309 ; Dandolo, 283. 


of Rome, condemned to beg their bread in the streets of 
Civitavecchia, were driven by despair either to enrol 
themselves in an African (French) regiment, or to give 
themselves up to the Austrians,' who were certain to flog, 
imprison, or shoot them as rebels and deserters.^ 

' Such then (says Dandolo) was the fate of the Lombard 
rifle brigade — a corps which was a model of discipline and of 
courageous endurance in misfortune. . . . Thus was it left, 
after so many perils and hardships, in such infamous neglect 
that the survivors were often heard to envy those who, by an 
honourable death on the battle-field, had escaped the still more 
cruel alternative of being scattered as miserable wanderers 
over the lace of the earth.' '' 

To starve in the slums of foreign cities, or serve far off 
under a hated flag, while the country for which a man's 
best friends have died has fallen back into servitude, perhaps 
for ever, may appear a romantic fate in the retrospect, 
after Italy has been redeemed, but to the actual sufferers 
it was bitter as the lot of Andromache. 

' Exile, what of the night ? 

The tides and the hours run out. 
The season of death and of doubt, 
The night watches bitter and sore.' 

About mid-day on June 30, while Manara was dying in 
the hospital, Garibaldi was galloping across the Tiber to 
the Capitol, whither the Assembly of the Roman Republic 
had summoned him to attend its fateful session.'* He rode 
in haste, for though the fighting had died away, he would 
not consent to be absent from his post longer than one 
hour. He had missed death in the battle, and his heart 
was bitter within him. To add to his misery, news had 

» Dajidolo, 183-185, 288, 289. 

''■ Dandolo, 289. Some of the officers managed to reach Lugano in Switzer- 
land, where Iloffstetter found them a few months later, ffofi'. 308. 

" Vecchi went with him. lie is far the best authority on Garibaldi's words 
and actions during this day. 


just been brought that his faithful negro friend, Aguyar, 
who had so often guarded his hfe in the perils of war, 
had been killed by a shell whilst walking across a street 
in the Trastevere. Garibaldi, who was far above base 
racial pride, and regarded all men as brothers to be valued 
each according to his deserts, had given his love freely to 
the noble Othello, who in body and soul alike far surpassed 
the common type of white man.' Sore at heart, and 
pre-occupied by bitter thoughts, he galloped up to the 
Capitol, dismounted, and entered the Assembly as he was, 
his red shirt covered with dust and blood, his face still moist 
with the sweat of battle, his sword so bent that it stuck half- 
way out of the scabbard. The members, deeply moved, rose 
to their feet and cheered, as he walked slowly to the tribune 
and mounted the steps. 

They had sent to ask his advice on the three plans, 
between which, as Mazzini had told them in his speech 
that morning, they were now reduced to choose. They 
could surrender ; they could die fighting in the streets ; or, 
lastly, they could make their exodus into the mountains, 
taking with them the Government and army. This third 
plan was that which Garibaldi had for many days ])ast 
been urging on the Triumvirate, and he now pressed the 
Assembly to adopt it, in a brief and vigorous speech. 

He brushed aside the idea of continuing the defence of 
Rome. It could no longer, he told them, be carried on 
even by street fighting, since the enemy could in a few 
hours occupy the height of San Pietro in Montorio, whence 
his cannon could reduce the capital of the world to ashes. 
As to surrender, he does not seem to have discussed it. 
There remained the third plan — to carry the Government 
and army into the wilderness. This he approved. ' Doviin- 
quc saremo, cold sani Roma ' (' \Vhere\'er we go, tliere will 
be Rome '), he said. This was the part he had chosen 
for himself and for everyone who would come with him. 

' Vecchi, ii. 295, 296 ; Loev. ii. 226, 227. Aguyar, like the traditional 
Othello of the stage, was called a Moor, but was a Negro. On Garibaldi's 
feeling as regards negroes in general, see Vecchi's Caprcra, 65, 66. 



But he wished to have only volunteers, and to take no 
one on false pretences. He declared that he could promise 
nothing, and very honestly drew for the senators a picture 
of the life of danger and hardship to which he invited 

Altogether it was a wise and noble speech, for it put 
an end to all thought of bringing further ruin on the buildings 
of Rome, and at the same time offered a path of glory 
and sacrifice to those who, like himself, were determined 
never to treat with the foreigner on Italian soil. Having 
spoken, he left the hall and galloped back to the Janiculum.^ 

In the discussion that followed, Mazzini supported the 
proposal of Garibaldi. But to go out and perish was the 
part only of the few, and the Assembly did right when it 
refrained from adopting the exodus as an official pro- 
gramme. It passed the following resolution : 

' In tlie name of God and the People : — 
' The Constituent Assembly of Rome ceases from a defence 
that has become impossible and remains at its post.' 

Mazzini protested against the decision, refused to par- 
ticipate in the surrender, and resigned, together with his 
two fellow triumvirs.- 

One of the last acts of the Republican Assembly was 
to confer on Roselli and Garibaldi, jointly and separately, 
plenary power in the territories of the Roman Republic. 
Garibaldi always considered this decree to be in force 
during the next twenty years of papal usurpation. In i860, 

' Vccchi, ii. 296 ; Koclinan^ ii. 233, 234 ; Locv. i. 263- 267 ; Galncssi, iii. 
467, 468. Gabussi, who saw and heard all at close fjuarlers, and look notes 
of Garibaldi's speech, denies that Garibaldi declared that if he himself had been 
Dictator things would have y;one better with the Republic. According to 
Gabusbi, Garibaldi only said, ' errors have been committed, but it is not a time 
for recrimination.' Even that might well have been left unsaid. 

-' Mazzini, v. 209-214. I see nothing inconsistent in Mazzini's refusal to 
go out with Garibaldi, after the Assembly had refused to adopt the plan of a 
general exodus of the Government. If Mazzini had gone with Garibaldi merely 
as a private individual, there would have been little advantage as a matter of 
principle, and the strained relations with Garibaldi would have been a constant 
source of irritation to both men, and to the army also. 


1862, and 1867, in the expeditions that ended at Naples, 
at Aspromonte, and at Mentana, he still regarded himself 
as a Roman general-in-chief, by a vote never superseded 
until the people chose Victor Emmanuel as their king. He 
was, therefore, always ready to act on occasion, as one 
having authority in any part of the Roman Republic still 
unredeemed by Italy. ^ As the years went by, and old age 
drew on, the office which he still held was ever present to 
his mind, at once as a legal formula binding him over to 
break the peace, and as a mystical summons to deliver 

The French troops were to make their entry on July 1. 
Garibaldi had little left to do on the ist and 2nd, except 
to hurry on his own departure. Every man was sup- 
posed to have free choice to go with the General or to stay. 
but the officers of most of the old papal regiments used 
pressure to keep back those under their command, and 
many soldiers, including some of Garibaldi's own Legion, 
were, against the wishes of their chief, forcibly detained 
in the castle of St. Angelo.^ There were searchings of heart 
in Rome ; mothers, wives, and sweethearts strove to keep 
their men from going on an expedition which would reach 
no point of safety by advancing, and had no base on which 
to retreat. The motives were very various which induced 
some 4,000 Italians to start on the wildest and most 
romantic of all Garibaldi's marches. Many went to avoid 
the papal dungeons, some few hoped for opportunity to 
plunder, and some merely sought escort and company upon 
their way back towards their homes in the provinces. 
Others went out of anger at their country's wrongs, sharing 
the determination of their chief never to lay down arms 
to foreigners on Italian ground ; others nourished a delusive 
hope that something might yet be done ; and more still were 

' I.oei). i. 267 ; Rjig. g. /'or/ies, 24, proclamation of April 30, i860, sitjncii 
' G. Garibaldi, General of the Romans, appointed by a (jovernment elecicd 
bj' universal siififrage ' — (viz. in 1849). Guerzoni, ii. 550, ^Tem. 426 for 1S67. 

- Rug. 10 ; Loev. i. 272 ; Bel. 8. 


ready to follow Garibaldi blindly to the world's end, asking 
not for victory, but to be allowed to be with him in life 
and death. 

It was for love of Garibaldi that Swiss Hoffstetter yet 
awhile denied himself the happiness of returning to his 
free and peaceful Alps, and risked his life again for a country 
not his own, in a venture which he considered hopeless.^ 
On the night of July i, the eve of the departure, he dined 
with the General and his wife. Anita had by now made 
it clear that, in spite of her husband's earnest prayers 
and remonstrances,- she was coming with him on the 

* She was a woman of about twenty-eight (Hoffstetter 
observed) with a very dark complexion, interesting features, 
and a slight delicate figure. But at the first glance one recog- 
nised the Amazon. At the evening meal to which the General 
had invited me, I could see with what tenderness and attention 
he treated his wife.' ^ 

Next day Garibaldi met by appointment the soldiers 
who had volunteered to come with him. The scene fixed 
for the meeting was the Piazza of St. Peter's, the greatest 
of the open spaces in the city, lying in the shadow of the 
most famous church and palace in the world. It was filled 
by thousands upon thousands * of the inhabitants of Rome, 
come to say good-bye to their heroes. The whole space 
enclosed by Bernini's semicircular colonnade of gigantic 
pillars seemed paved with human faces. The crowd stood 
packed up to the very doors of the Vatican. In the middle 

' //# 307. 

- Mem. 240. ' T.a mia buona Anita, ad onla dclle mie raccomandazioni per 
farla rimanere, aveva deciso d' accompagnaimi. L' osservazione che io avrei da 
aflrontare una vita tremenda di disai;i, di privazioni e di peiicoli framczzo a 
lanli nemici, era stata piuttosto di stimolo alia coraggiosa donna cd invano feci 
osservare ad essa il trovarsi in istatodi gravidanza.' See also De?tk7vii7digl:etteit, 
ii. 144, 145- 

' Hoff. 309. 

* Bel. 6, 7, gives the estimate often to twelve thousand. It is very difficult 
to count large crowds, but to judge from the description of the scene by Koelman, 
there could scarcely have been fewer and may well have been more. 


were the troops, scarcely able to keep their footing, and 
quite unable to keep their order, in that tossing ocean of 
men and women gesticulating in wild excitement to ex- 
press every form of conflicting emotion. Garibaldi had 
not yet come, and all attention was centred on the volun- 
teers who had undertaken to share his march. Mothers 
were trying to pull their sons away ; youths of seventeen 
and eighteen were breaking by force from their families 
and trying to hide themselves in the ranks.' Suddenly a 
roar of cheering was heard from the Borgo. All eyes 
were turned towards the mouth of the narrow street 
where the waving of hats and handkerchiefs showed that 
it was he. 

' In the midst of the swaying crowd which discharged itself 
from the Via del Borgo on to the Piazza, we saw appear (says 
Koelrnan) the black feathers of Garibaldi ; he was surrounded, 
not by his staff officers (for they were seen scattered here and 
there making efforts to reunite), but by citizens and women 
who stormed him from all sides. He only managed slowly and 
with difficulty to reach the Egyptian obelisk, that stands in the 
middle of the Piazza. Here he stopped and turned his horse, 
and when his staff had joined him, he gave a sign with his hand 
to stop the cheers. After they had been repeated with double 
force, there was a dead calm on the square.' 

In that stillness after the tempest, the sonorous, thrilling 
voice was heard almost to the outskirts of the vast crowd : -' 

' Fortune, who betrays us to-day, will smile on us to-morrow. 
I am going out from Rome. Let those who wish to continue 
the war against the stranger, come with me. I offer neither 
pay, nor quarters, nor provisions ; I offer hunger, thirst, forced 
marches, battles and death. Let him who loves his country 
in his heart and not with his lips only, follow me,' 

' Fame, sete, marcic forzate, battaglic c morte,'' such was 
the offer, and no more. Having so spoken and appointed 

' Koelrnan, ii. 237, 238. He was present at the scene, and gives far the 
best account of it. 

- A'oelnian, ii. 238, 239. 


the Lateran tor the rendezvous of departure that evening, 
he rode away again, as he had come, slowly through the 
frantic and sobbing crowd. Above the upturned faces of 
those broken-hearted men and women rose the calm, set 
features of Garibaldi, resembling a perfect type of ancient 
Greek beauty, and lit up with that serene and simple regard 
of fortitude and faith which gave him power to lead the 
feeble multitudes of mortal men, as though he were the sole 
descendant of some fabled, god-like race of old.' 

About six in the afternoon '^ another assembly, smaller, 
sterner, and more business-like, was being held within the 
Lateran gate. Garibaldi and his troops had found their 
way thither across the Ponte Sant' Angelo, and past the 
adored ruins of the Forum and Coliseum, which few of 
them ever saw again. The open space round the Lateran, 
where they now held the muster-roll, hard by the gate in 
the ancient wall of the emperors, in full sight of the Cam- 
pagna and the Alban Hills beyond, was the part of Rome 
specially dedicated by its associations to the antiquity, 
power, and terror of the mediaeval Popes, whose manes 
were once more driving out to chastisement and death 
these children of a rebellious generation. There rose the 
Lateran Palace, the residence of the Popes from the time 
of Constantine till the migration to Avignon, during the 
ten centuries of their greatest power, the spot from which 
they had given law to the kings of Europe, and cast out 
their shoe over remotest England and Germany. And 
there rose that strange monument, tlie Triclinium of 
Leo III., displaying in mosaic work, before the eyes of the 
Garibaldian democrats, the forms of popes and emperors 
kneeling together to receive from the divine powers the 
insignia of their right to rule the world — the thousand 
year old theory of mediaeval Christendom which even in 

' There are, of course, innumerable variants as to tlie precise form of words 
(as, for instance, so/e and freddo iax fame and sele). But the sense is essentially 
the same. See Guerzoni, i. 331 ; Be/. 7, 8. It is from Bolotpia A/SS. Bonnet 
that I draw the first sentence, wliich Belliiz-.i :A?>o accepted. 

- Ilof. 315. 


its decline was still too strong for these rebels.' There, 
too, was the basihca church of San Giovanni in Laterano, 
' omnium urbis et orbis ecclesiarum mater et caput,'' on the 
top of whose fa9ade towered that row of colossal statues, 
still one of the most imposing of the sky-signs of Rome, 
gigantic bishops and doctors of the ancient Church leaning 
forward to curse all heretics — figures not of love, but of 
terror, holding out threatening arms to tell man that he 
shall not be free. 

Thus, in the enchanted grounds of their enemies, the 
little army formed itself and waited during the last hours 
of daylight for the word to march. Ciceruacchio was 
there, kind and jolly as ever, in plain clothes, riding beside 
his younger son, a boy of thirteen.^ And there was friar 
Ugo Bassi, with his red shirt and crucifix ; the manuscript of 
a religious poem that he was writing was hung in a leather 
box round his waist, his long hair fell to his shoulders, 
and he was mounted on a spirited English horse which 
Garibaldi had given him so that he should be ever by his 
side.^ Anita came, escorted to the spot by Vecchi.' 
She was mounted and dressed like a man, in the garb of 
the Legion, for her last campaign. In all there were some 
four thousand ready to start, mostly men of the volunteer 
regiments/' Conspicuous among the rest were the red 
Legionaries, of whom far the greater part were there, and 
a hundred or more of the Lombard Bersaglieri.*^ A few 
units of Hasina's lancers who had survived June 30, and 
several hundred papal dragoons, some of whom had broken 
out from the stables where their officers had locked them 

' See Eryce, Ho/y Roman Empire, chap. vii. 115 (cd. 1904). 

2 Bel. 10; Bologna MSS. Piva.. His elder son, Luigi, aged twenty, wholiad 
murdered Rossi, was also in the expedition, dressed in a red sliirt. Bel. 72, 
R. I. 1898, iii. 356-358. 

■■' Dwight, 235; Bel. 10, n, 71 ; Bologna A/SS. P/t'o. The poem, called 
La Croce Vincitrice, related the martyrdom of the Christians under the heathen 
empire. Venosta, 25, 26. 

* Vecchi, ii. 299. Vecchi himself did not go on the expedition. 

* For various estimates of the numbers, ranging from 2.900 to 4,800, see 
Hoff'. 319; R^ig- II ; Varenue, 376; Bel. 9. 

" ^^'S- 55- 


in,^ formed a small but, as it proved, a very efficient scouting 
force of cavalry. 

Here, too, a large crowd of friends had come to see them 
off. Men were standing on carriages, and climbing on to 
each other's shoulders to get a glimpse of the sad review. 
At last, not before eight o'clock, the word to march was 
given, and the troops began to pass out gradually and in order 
under the ancient gatewa}^ while the addio of those who were 
left behind sounded after them down the darkening road.- 

When the rear of the column had vanished, and the 
last cries had died away in the night, many a man who had 
come to see the departure of the Garibaldians turned home 
with the sick feeling that they had chosen the happier lot. 
They were free, and they would soon be dead. But in 
Rome the priest, the spy, and the foreigner were the masters 
before whom all must tremble for long years to come. 
Even before the re-establishment of the papal authorities, 
the comparatively indifferent French caretakers, whose 
troops made their unwelcome entry into Rome on July 3, 
took steps towards the old system of delation and arrest, 
though at first with but little result. General Rostolan, 
named military governor of the conquered town, 

instituted a search (as we learn from his modern compatriot 
M. Bittard des Portes) for the most deeply compromised of the 
revolutionaries. The greater part escaped, thanks to the 
complicity of the Consular agents of England and the United 
States, who had always been our enemies, and who, under 
cover of their passports, enabled the principal chiefs of the 
Revolution to pass through the French lines and avoid the 
Conseil de Guerre.-^ 

The anger still shared by the clerical historians of 
to-day was loudly expressed at the time against the British 
Consular agent, Freeborn, who had, indeed, by a very wide 

' Koehnan, ii. 237. - Koehnaii, ii. 242; Hoff. 315-317 ; J^ttg- 10. 

^ Bittard des Portes, 423. The French tried to search the house of the 
American Consul, Brown, for political refugees, but he met them on the stairs 
with a sword in one hand and the Stars and Stripes in the other. Nelson Gay, 
N. A. Feb. 16, 1907, pp. 661-662. Z' Italia c gli Stat i Uuiti. 


interpretation of his diplomatic privileges, issued several 
hundred of these passes. Even Lord Palmerston felt obliged 
to rebuke him for his noble fault.' But the fact that in 
Italy's darkest hour many of her best sons were saved 
from the dungeon or the scaffold by the representative of 
England, in a manner however little authorised, was one 
of the first links in the long chain of events that now began 
to bind together the two countries. Nor, in spite of clerical 
writers, does the France of our own day any longer regard 
England as an enemy because of her friendship to Italy 
and to freedom. 

Mazzini for some days walked about the streets of Rome, 
as a private citizen, challenging the vengeance of a people 
over whom, according to his enemies, he had exercised so 
hateful a tyranny.' The French, knowing how much he 
was loved, dared not arrest him, though they were hunting 
in vain for the other leaders. After about a week he, too, 
fled, and found his way back to England, where he re- 
mained for the greater part of his long, sad life. ' Italy is 
my country,' he said, ' but England is my real home, if 
I have any.' Before the end he had grown actually to love 
the fogs and the hazy London atmosphere, in which the 
prophet seems to have found the sorrows and shortcomings 
of mankind more softened and bearable, than amid the 
hard, clear outlines revealed beneath the Italian sky.'' 

The restored Papacy, under the guidance of Antonelli, 
was no longer the half-liberal policy of Pio Nono's first 
years, but the old clerical regime of former Popes. Every 
vestige of representative government, every trace of institu- 
tions securing person and property against absolute power, 
was swept away ; the Liberal press was again silenced ; 
the spies, lay and clerical, were again let loose on the people ; 
the prisons and galleys were filled with those who had 
consented to serve the Republic. Some of the victims of 

' Joh7iston, 314. The American Ambassador, Mr. Cass, had offered a pass 
to Garibaldi among others. He refused it, but recorded the fact gratefully in 
his Memorie, 239. 

- Mazzini, v. 214. ^ King's Mazzini, 138- 141. 


the restoration had, Uke Ripari, been guilty of doctoring the 
wounded ; others belonged to the Moderate party, on whose 
behalf the French had pretended to interfere.' The rulers 
soon turned against themselves those classes which had 
been hitherto comparatively loyal to the old order : 

The inferior clergy were neither friendly to the Government 
nor its accomplices ; the population of the rural districts were 
discontented with the taxes, discontented with the foreigners 
who disarmed them, discontented with the police which gave 
them up as a prey to thieves. - 

Farini, who, as a staunch Moderate, had been bitterly 
hostile to the Mazzinian Republic, wrote as follows to 
Mr. Gladstone in December 1852 : 

The Government is, as formerly, purely clerical, for the 
Cardinal Secretary of State is the only real Minister ; Cardinals 
and Prelates prevail, if not in number, at any rate in authority, 
in the Council of State and in the Consulta of Finance ; Cardinals 
and Prelates govern the Provinces ; the clergy alone have the 
administration of all that relates to instruction, charity, diplo- 
macy, justice, censorship, and the police. The finances are 
ruined ; commerce and traffic at the very lowest ebb ; smuggling 
has sprung to life again ; all the immunities, all the jurisdiction 
of the clergy are restored. Taxes and rates are imposed in 
abundance, without rule or measure. There is neither public 
nor private safety ; no moral authority, no real army, no rail- 
roads, no telegraphs. Studies are neglected ; there is not 
a breath of liberty, not a hope of tranquil life ; two foreign 
armies ; a permanent state of siege, atrocious acts of revenge, 
factions raging, universal discontent ; such is the Papal Govern- 
ment at the present day.^ 

This regime differed in no essential point from that of 
Gregory XVI., except that it was maintained by foreign 
bayonets not only in the distant provinces, but in Rome 
itself, and that it stood no longer as a venerable though 
decayed relic of the nation's past, but as a tyranny re- 
imposed by force on the ruins of a free Government and 
of a people's hopes. 

' Faiiiii, iv. 322-324 ; Afazzini, v. 236 ; J.oez: ii. 264. 

- Faiifii, iv. 317-31S. ^ IbiJ. iv. 32i>. 



' As Gazibaldi oitanalely marched oat oi Rome to tie South at the head of 
his ax th«tsai>d paxtisass, who are hotly pmsoed hy the First EHviaon of the 
Freodi) the woist enemies of the caantry will probably be anniHIaled. ' 

7V/«£j (Leadii^ Artide), July lo. 

' There is a Mrs. Garibaldi ; site went oat widi him to the Abrazd. I hope 
the French won't cut them to pieces, hat vic€ versa,' 

Arthce Clough (Letter from Rome), July 6. 

The column of about four thousand - men who, with a 
train of waggons and one Httle cannon, set out at night- 
fall of July 2, from under the Porta San Giovanni, had need 
to be across the low ground before daylight. Next morning 
must see them twenty- miles away in some defensible post 
on a spur of the Sabine hills, no longer exposed in the open 
Campagna to the attack of the foreign soldiers who had so 
kindly made it their business to ' annihilate the worst 
enemies of the countr}'.' 

Every precaution had been taken by a chief who was 
a master of the art of night marches. He sent out the 
cavalry to scout through the darkness for the French 
columns, in front, rear, and flank, round the walls of Rome 
and along the numerous roads diverging in all directions 
over the plain. The infantrs? marched in silence at the 
top of their speed ; the oflScers whispered their orders ; 
the consolations of the cigar (that friend so treacherous in 
the darkness) were forbidden to the fugitives.^ Now and 

' For t>iii;; Chapter see niap p. 141 abo\'e, and map at end oi book. 
- Compare IToj. 319; Xuj. 11 ; B^. 9. (Figures given by Vareime, 376, 
apparenuv refer 10 period after junction with Forbes. ) 

» BcJ. siS. 


again a tomb of some ancient Roman, or a line of ruined 
aqueduct, hov^e dimly in sight, and vanished like a ghost. 
Hour after hour went by, and still they plodded on through 
the veiled, silent Campagna. The least melancholy, per- 
haps, were those who were dreaming of home, hoping that 
the column would pass by their native town, wondering 
liow easy it would be to slip out of the ranks, how the 
family would receive the returned hero or prodigal, and 
how much the priest would ask and suspect. Others 
questioned death, whether it would seem bitter to them, 
wounded and alone, high on the barren mountains. To 
some who would gladly face the firing party, the prospect 
of the Austrian rods, the Papal dungeons, had terrors. 
But many, besides Bassi and Anita, had no thought save for 
Italy, or for the safety of their chief. Garibaldi himself 
revolved the vision of Venice, of brave Manin still at bay 
among its lagoons, of the perilous road that led thither 
by land and sea. And all had Rome to remember, what 
men and things they had seen there. The Pole Miiller 
and the Brazilian Bueno — courageous mercenaries trusted 
by the Chief — as they galloped to and fro among the cavalry 
that night, were each, it is to be feared, already asking 
himself how much longer it was worth while to serve a 
fallen cause, a hunted outlaw, and how much gold the 
enemy would give for betrayal. And so, each man searching 
in the depth of his own heart, that strange army moved 
in silence towards the hills. 

Along a line stretching for several miles southward 
from Tivoli, the Sabine mountains rise steeply out of the 
Campagna, and the barrier which they here present to the 
plain is clothed in a great forest of olives, tliat glittered 
in the rising sun as the tired Garibaldians straggled up 
the ascent. They reached Tivoli at seven in the morning 
of July 3.' Of all the ancient and beautiful cities set upon 

' The route followed from Rome to Tivoli is not certain, but probably it was 
by Zagarolo. The evidence to that effect given by Bel. 210 is insufficient ; but, as 
Major do Rossi writes to me, ' Militarily considered, the march to Zagarolo was 
the only one which could ha\ e really deceived Garibaldi's enemies ' inl(j liiinking 


hills, under the walls of which they camped during the 
next four weeks, none is more beautiful and few are more 
ancient than Tivoli, the Tihur chosen by Horace for the 
seat of his old age, shining above many groves and waters. 
For here the riotous Anio makes one leap of it from the moun- 
tain to the plain, and the trees and gardens hanging on the 
precipice beneath the Temple of the Sibyl are kept green 
by the spray and resonant with the thunder of the eternal 
fall. It is one of the few places in the Apennines where there 
is a sense of abundance of water, and where the lush verdure 
of a moist bank is added to all the native beauties of Italy. 
Above it perches the old town with its towers set to watch 
distant Rome. After their long night march, Garibaldi 
granted his men a day of sleep and recuperation among the 
olive-groves, terraces and gardens outside the southern 
gate of Tivoli,' where they could sleep in the shade, or 
gaze out over the Campagna fading indistinguishably into 
sea and sky beyond, with the dome of St. Peter's clearly 
visible, afloat above the misty distance. Looking back 
over this great expanse, they could see that they had given 
the enemy the slip, and that no army was moving after them 
from Rome. During this first bivouac, made sweeter by 
the enthusiastic and inquisitive friendship of the towns- 
people, and by scenes of loveliness and repose so strangely 
contrasted with their real situation, their Chief took stock 
of his position and decided on his course. 

In the strange campaign which Garibaldi had now 
undertaken, immortalised in Italian history under the title 
of ' the Retreat from Rome,' he was guided by one principle, 
in accordance with which he pursued two mihtary objects. 
The principle was never to capitulate to the foreigner on 
Italian soil. Of his objects, the first was to rouse the 
populations of Central Italy to war ; the second was to 

that he had gone to the Alban Hills. And such was their belief next day in Rome. 
(See p. 242 below.) 

' It was just outside the Porta Santa Croce, where the tramway from Rome 
now ends. ^Hoff. 318 ; BeL 15 ; Bologna Jl/SS., Coccanari.) 


get into Venice and join Manin, before the famous siege, 
already nine months old, should be brought to its inevitable 
close. Circumstances would decide for him which of these 
plans he could pursue with any chance of success. On 
July 3, when he still required to be taught by experience 
the utter impossibility of the first plan, he determined 
to move northward from Tivoli, into Umbria, Tuscany, and 
the Romagna, because, although the Austrian armies were 
in occupation of those districts, the inhabitants were, in his 
opinion, more likely to rise than those of Naples or the 
Abruzzi.' And such a course was at least not taking him 
away from Venice. 

In whatever direction he had turned he would have 
been met and pursued by hosts of enemies. All the hunters 
were out to catch the lion. In Tuscany and the Papal 
States alone there were some 30,000 French, 12,000 Neapoli- 
tans, 6,000 Spaniards, 15,000 Austrians, and 2,000 Tuscans, 
who had no other enemy to contend with, and no other 
operation on hand but the chase of Garibaldi. At Tivoli, 
on July 3, he was fairly in the middle of all these armies. 
To the North, the bulk of the Austrians were concentrated 
at Florence, with their faces turned in his direction ; a 
powerful body lay at Perugia ; another at Ancona on the 
Adriatic, and smaller garrisons of white-coats occupied 
all the coast towns whence he might have embarked his 
army for Venice. To the East, besides this seaboard 
watch, there were Austrians at Ascoli and at Macerata in 
the Marches, and Neapolitans close at hand at Aquila. 
To the South, there was the main body of Neapolitans 
at Frosinone ; while the Spaniards, whose equipment 
and quality had surprised and pleased the reactionary 
courts at Gaeta, were already moving from Velletri to 
Valmontone to cut him off if he turned to Naples or the 
Abruzzi.-' To the West were the French in Rome, sending 

' Mem. 241. ' Mossomi da Tivoli verso traniontana, per gettarmi tra 
populazione energichc c suscitarne il patriottismo . . .' 

- ?cc DWiiidrosio, Kricgsbcgebcnhcitcn, Miitheilungeii, and Dc /\!oss/, 
10, II. 


out expeditions against him, though fortunately in wrong 

To penetrate through so many armies, flushed with 
conquest and confident in numbers, Garibaldi had 4,000 
men, of whom a good half were seeking home and safety 
rather than those fresh battles which their leader and 
the stalwarts had come out to seek. Every night there 
were desertions by the score, at first even by the hundred ; 
and of those who remained together, it may be doubted 
whether as many as 2,000 had any real heart left for 
giving and taking blows, after the fight to a finish in which 
they had just taken part in Rome. This army, if it can 
so be called, was badly equipped, badly armed, and pos- 
sessed eighty rounds of ammunition per man.^ Far the 
greater part of Garibaldi's best officers had been killed or 
wounded, or had declined to come on the hopeless expe- 
dition.'^ As to the rank and file, his force was made up of 
handfuls of men from different bodies, whom he brigaded 
together in two provisional regiments at Tivoli. He could 
not therefore wish to fight a pitched battle with any large 
body of French or Austrians, since disaster would be the not 
improbable result, and even in case of success the hunted 
army would be obliged to leave its wounded behind. •' 

Under such conditions it is doubtful whether any other 
leader in the world could have penetrated right through 
the immense hosts of the enemy, and reached the Romagna 
and the Adriatic coast. Such a feat was rendered possible 
only by the peculiar arts of war which Garibaldi had learnt 
and developed for himself in South America, and by the 
vigour and mobility with which he managed to endow his 
motley force. After a few days he changed the waggons 
for beasts of burden, so that he could, when necessary, leave 
the roads and range the bare Apennines in any direction 
at will. From the first he adopted his South American 
custom of making the food of the army walk, in the shape 
of driven cattle. Marches of irregular length, by day and 
by night ; the camp broken up at uncertain and unexpected 

Hoff. 319. See list, pp. 323, 324 below. =* Hoff. 402. 



hours, often at sunset ; the feint, when in the presence of the 
enemy or of the public, shortly followed by some unseen 
turn in another direction ; the elaborate means by which 
he set afoot rumours exaggerating his numbers, and the 
genuine fear that his red-shirts still inspired by their reputa- 
tion for hard fighting ; above all, his use of cavalry — the 
perfect system of scouting which kept him informed of 
what the enemy was doing scores of miles away, and the 
moving screen of horsemen with which he bewildered the 
minds of the opposing Generals as to his own position and 
movements — these were the means by which he carried 
his army through from Rome to San Marino. 

In such a system, the cavalry were the most active arm. 
They were always on the move in numerous detachments, 
often ten, twenty or thirty miles away from the column. 
The ex-Papal dragoons were, in fact, taught by Garibaldi, 
and by the officers of his school, to play the part of 
the American gauchos, and became, for all scouting and 
masking purposes, vastly superior to the regular European 
cavalry of that decade. Ill-equipped, they were fortu- 
nately well mounted, and though they would scarcely have 
withstood the shock of a French or Austrian charge of 
horse, as scouts they completely deceived, outrode and 
outwitted their slow-moving enemies.' 

In the night march from Rome, Garibaldi had so covered 
up the traces of his flight to Tivoli that Oudinot, believing 
him to have gone to the Alban Hills, next day ordered 
General MoUieres to take a division after him in that direc- 
tion. Mollieres started on the morning of the 4th, still 
under the impression that he would find, near Albano,^ 
the man who had never gone there at all, and who was at 

' De Rossi, no, z.w<l passim, on this, the moit imporlanl niihtary aspect of 
the retreat. No one should pronounce judgment on Garibaldi as a soldier until 
he has read De Rossi. General Sahtta fully endorses his opinions. See also 
Rttg., Bel., Hoff 319 and passim, Cadoliui, N.A. (1902), 319. De Rossi 
regrets thai the methods of employing cavalry were so much more antiquated in 
the regular Italian army in 1S66 than those of Garilialdi in 1849. 

- Paris AISS. 20', 236; 33', 217 ; Bittard des Fortes, 408-410. 


that moment on the other side of the Campagna, racing 
away from TivoH over the lower slopes of Lncretilis towards 
Monte Rotondo and the Tiber.' For the great north road up 
the Tiber valley, left open to the guerilla chief by the inaction 
of the French Generals whom he had duped, would set him 
on his way to Terni, the town best situated for the maturing 
of his plans, where, moreover, he could join hands with the 
last detachment of the Republic's provincial army, lying 
there under the Englishman Forbes. He had therefore to 
strike westward from Tivoli onto the Terni road through 
Monte Rotondo, and he must effect this movement while 
persuading his enemies that he had started eastward into 
Neapolitan territory. The operation of carrying his army 
from Tivoli to Monte Rotondo so swiftly and secretly that 
no one in Rome found out for several days what had 
happened, was the more difficult because the spurs of 
Lucretilis which he had to cross were exceedingly moun- 
tainous, and the direction of the march ran athwart that 
of the principal roads, all of which led to Rome. It was 
an operation of the most dangerous kind, for if the French 
had got wind of his return westward they could have 
poured out from Rome along any of those roads with 
great rapidity, and so taken his column in flank. 

For this reason, Garibaldi began his march to Monte 
Rotondo with a feint in the opposite direction. The friendly 
inhabitants of Tivoli, and the clerical spies among them, 
saw the Garibaldians march off before sunset on the 3rd, 
by the main road leading to Vicovaro, in the direction 
of Neapolitan territory. At nightfall they encamped 
somewhere off this road, but not far from Tivoli.^ The 
report, therefore, spread far and wide, and was believed 
by the French, Spanish, and Neapolitan Generals, that 
Garibaldi had started for the Abruzzi. But before daylight 
next morning (July 4) his column secretly turned back to 
the west and crossed by a mule-track over a high spur of 

' It is essential that the reader should follow the map, p. 141, above. 
^ Hoff. 326, ' nahe hei Tivoli,' not near Montecelio, ns Bel. 22 suggests. 

R 2 


Lucretilis, through the mountain village of San Polo dei 
Cavalieri, which 

' Like an eagle's nest, hangs on the crest 
Of purple Apennine.' 

A more extraordinary march can hardly be imagined for 
an army burdened, as they still were, with waggons. The 
peasants told them that no wheeled carriage could pass that 
way at all, and such is the first impression left on anyone 
who walks over the route. But Garibaldi, who, after his 
custom, had visited San Polo the day before, while his men 
were resting at Tivoli, had decided that it could be done, 
and so, with much cursing and shoving, the waggons were 
hoisted to the top of the mountain and down again on to 
the Campagna.' After that the worst difficulties were 
over. But there was still no good road leading westward 
to Monte Rotondo, and the mass of Lucretilis towered grey 
above the heads of the infantry, as they struggled along 
over the broken ground at its feet through the vineyards 
and olives that surround the hill-villages of Montecelio and 
S. Angelo, and afterwards on to Mentana across an open 
stretch of desert ground. Meanwhile the cavalry scouted 
over the lower Campagna, nearer to Rome, whence, if 
Gudinot got wind of what they were doing, the supreme 
danger would come.'^ At last, towards noon, the infantry 
passed through the long street of Mentana, which then 
meant no more to Italy and to Garibaldi than any other 
poverty-stricken village within twenty miles of Rome. 

• De Rossi, 12-14 5 i^of- 328. The loule followed from Tivoli to Monte- 
celio is not exactly described by IToffsletter or by an)- authority except Gaetano 
Sacchi (commander of one of the two divisions formed at Tivoli). Sacchi's notes 
are now in the possession of Maggiore de Rossi, and are the basis of much or 
thai officer's narrative. The description given Ijy Hoff. 328 of the difficulties 
encountered on the morning of July 4, and the incredulity of the peasants as to 
the practicability of the route, bears out Sacchi's authoritative statement that they 
went by Casale Ottati and San Polo. [De Rossi, 12-14.) We have, besides, 
to account for the strong and universal impression of Garibaldi's enemies that he 
had marched from Tivoli into the Abruzzi. If he had not started out of Tivoli 
up the Anio he could not have set this rumour afloat ; and if he started that way 
he could only have reached Montecelio by San Polo, 

- De Rossi, 14. 



Leaving there his rear-guard, he himself camped with the 
front division at the fine old hill-town of Monte Rotondo, 
which dominates the Tiber valley. Here he spent the 
evening of his forty-second birthday. From the grounds 
of the monastery, where he took up his quarters just 
outside the town walls, he could see Rome, and the dome 
of St. Peter's shining in the sunset, and there Hoffstetter 
watched him as he stood gazing at it in motionless, 
speechless sorrow and longing, while, from a neighbouring 
vineyard, a boy was singing * one of those yearning melodies 
peculiar to Italy.' ' Garibaldi may well have thought 
that it would be his last view of Rome, for though he 
never despaired of the ultimate liberation of Italy, he 
could scarcely have felt confident on that summer evening 
that he himself, ringed round as he was by enemies, would 
live to see the vintage. 

Next morning (July 5) the army marched off, passing 
beside the old gate of Monte Rotondo, which long after- 
wards Garibaldi burst open when he stormed the town 
eight days before the battle of Mentana. As the cavalry 
had by now reported that there were no French coming out 
from Rome, and that the way to Terni was open, the column 
boldly entered the great road, and proceeded by it north- 
wards, up the left bank of the Tiber. 

None of Garibaldi's enemies had learnt of his march to 
Monte Rotondo — so effective had been his feint in the 
wrong direction when he left Tivoli on the evening of the 
3rd. The Spaniards, having heard that he had gone from 
Tivoli up the Anio into the Abruzzi, had started from 
Valmontone on the previous morning over the steep Sabine 
ridges, and, after a magnificent day's march, in which 
their hemp sandals must have assisted these hardy moun- 
taineers, dropped down into the valley of Subiaco on the 
evening of the 4th, at an hour when Garibaldi, who had gone 
that day in a direction so unexpected, was gazing at Rome 
from Monte Rotondo. On the morning of the 5th, again 
deceived as to the road taken by the heretics, the indefatig- 

Hoff. 329. 


able crusaders set off from Subiaco northwards for Rocca 
Sinibalda, \vith a rapidity of movement in difficult ground 
which far surpassed that of the French and Austrians in 
this campaign. On July 5-6, while Garibaldi was march- 
ing to Poggio Mirteto on the road to Temi, the Spaniards 
pushed as far as Rieti, unwittingly travelling by a line 
parallel to his route and rather in advance of his column. 
Thus it was entirely owing to his ruse dc guerre at the 
moment of leaving Tivoli, that they were not now falling on 
him in the Tiber vaUe}^ but were trudging along, some 
fifteen miles away on his right flank, on the other side 
of the mountain range. The Spaniards for three days 
(July 4-6) marched as well as the Garibaldians themselves, 
but as their scouting was inferior, they failed to use the 
chances which their energy secured to them.^ 

Deceived by the same stratagem of the feigned march 
into the Abruzzi, Oudinot passed July 5 and 6 in complete 
ignorance that Garibaldi had come back to the Tiber Valley. 
When he discovered his mistake, it was only to faU into 
another — namely, to suppose that Garibaldi had marched 
from Monte Rotondo across the Tiber towards the west 
coast. This deception had also been carefully arranged by 
his antagonist, who had sent Miiller and fifty horsemen from 
Monte Rotondo to make a demonstration in the direction 
of Viterbo ; they swam the Tiber and rode through all the 
region round the Lago Bracciano, to spread the false news 
that Garibaldi was coming that way.^ These rumours, 
which even asserted that he was threatening Civitavecchia, 
so far deceived Oudinot that, instead of sending men up the 
Tiber, he sent General Morris, on July 7, to find Garibaldi 
in the region west of Lago Bracciano. The French marched 
first by the sea-coast as far as Corneto, and only then 
turned inland.-' 

' De J^ossi, 15, 16, 18 ; Military Events, 321 ; D'Ainhrosio, 67. 

- Hoff. 329 ; De Rossi, 14. 

' Bittard des Partes, 412. P~rom the His tori ques ; I do not think this 
deviation to Corneto, due to (laribaldi's skill in disseminating false reports of his 
movements, has been noticed \>y Italian writers. 


Having thus thrown his pursuers off the scent, by a 
strategic feat comparable in design and execution to the 
great march by which, at the supreme crisis of his life, 
he effected his entry into Palermo in i860. Garibaldi moved 
northwards, unmolested, from Monte Rotondo to Terni. 
On the 5th he followed the main road, first along the flat 
Tiber bank, and then over desert hills towards Poggio 
Mirteto, with Mount Soracte close in view all day across 
the river. Since he had determined to march through the 
following night, the troops were halted at noon for a siesta 
of seven hours, in a cool, wooded valley, beside a 'great 
stone bridge.' ' Here the soldiers bathed in the river, 
and here they slaughtered eight of the twenty oxen which 
they were driving with them; the flesh was roasted 
HomericaUy on green spits plucked from the trees around, 
with culinary results which delighted Hoffstetter, new to 
these South American customs. Meanwhile Anita sat under 
a rock, smiHng and talking cheerfully with Garibaldi, 
Ugo Bassi, Ciceruacchio and the staff. On these occasions 
she worked at a tent which she was making for herself, 
while Garibaldi spoke with hope and courage of better 
times to come, and told stories of their adventures in South 
America. The stirring tale of Anita's escape from her 
captors, and lonely ride through the Brazilian forest to 
rejoin her husband, he repeated in her presence to this 
circle of friends, made more dear to each other by the recent 
loss of so many comrades in Rome, and by the shadow of 
their own approaching doom.^ 

During the night of the 5th to 6th they marched up into 

' The account of the place in Hoff. 331 does not exactly suit either Passo 
Corese or the Ponte Sfondato over the Farfa, a tributary of the Tiber ; yet it must 
be one of these two places. From observations on the spot I incline to think that 
it was the latter, and this idea also occurred to Bdluzzi (see his Note-book) when 
he visited the places. The Ponte Sfondato is in a wild, narrow, rocky, and 
wooded valley, and Hoffstetter might well call it a ' great stone bridge,' for it is 
the living rock through which the Farfa torrent has burrowed its way, hastening 
down to the Tiber. They certainly passed over it, whether they camped there or 

'' tloff. 327, 331, 332, 337, 339, 340; Bel. 23, 24. For the story see p. y:, 
above. AVc^'-. 13. 


the vine-covered hills as far as the remote town of Poggio 
Mirteto, near which they encamped among a friendly 
population.' On the 7th, a day of great heat, they started 
in the morning twilight and made a long march, first over 
hills of vine and olive, then across an empty river-bed and 
past a dried-up fountain at Vacone, up a long pass, by a 
road skirtmg the bottom of the wild evergreen forests that 
variegate the grey mountains above. Those who have 
walked along these roads from fountain to fountain will 
realise what the army must have suffered when half the 
usual springs were dry. At last, after a day of unquenched 
thirst, the fortunate vanguard came to the roadside fountain 
below Conline, whose waters are caught in a series of long 
troughs, where men and horses drank together in crowds — 
so long that evil effects were expected. But they slept 
all the better for that draught on the top of the pass among 
the scattered oak-copses, below the hamlet of Confine, 
and next day dropped into the broad vineyard-clad plain 
of the Nar, and entered Terni amid the rejoicings of the 
population. The Spaniards, who ought to have attacked 
them there, remained inactive near Rieti, in close touch with 
the division of Neapolitans coming up from Aquila, and 
utterly deceived as to Garibaldi's movements by the Italian 
cavalry outposts who were set to watch and bewilder them.- 

Having reached Terni, and there effected his union with 
the 900 men under Colonel Forbes, Garibaldi had done all 
that was possible. And yet he was bitterly disappointed. 
It grieved him sorely, though it did not surprise others, 
that even in the friendly towns no recruits would join the 
forlorn hope, and that desertions were constant. He 
found European soldiers wanting in hardihood, for he 
judged them by comparison with the half-civilised gauchos 
and horse-breakers of Rio Grande and Uruguay : — 

' In my own heart ' (he wrote of these first days of the retreat) 
' I often recalled the steadfast endurance and self-abnegation 

' AfS. Pogi^io Mirteto . Henceforward consult map at end of book. 
^ De Nossi, i6, 109 ; BcL 25, 26 ; ITAiitbrosio, 67, 68. 


of those Americans among whom I had lived, who, deprived of 
every comfort of Hfe, content with any kind of food, and often 
with none at all, kept up a war of extermination for many years 
in deserts and forests, rather than bow the knee to a tyrant or 
a foreign invader.' ' 

The child of the Ocean and the Pampas now for the 
first time realised the physical limitations of the ordinary 
inhabitant of Europe, the idealist was reading hard fact, 
and the sanguine patriot was discovering that all Italians 
were not of the same temper as the best, and that his 
countrymen were not the race of impossible warrior-heroes 
of whom he had dreamed for a dozen years in the American 
wilderness. But he showed no outward sign of dishearten- 
ment or of rage ; to his followers he was all dignity, kind- 
ness and courage, and as they watched him riding ' grave 
and quiet ' past the monuments of antiquity along the 
deserted roads of the Roman States, many felt the great- 
ness of the time, the country and the man, nor would they 
have changed, for a more commonplace and hopeful expedi- 
tion, their armed pilgrimage through Italy under this strange 
leader to some unknown fate beyond the mountains. - 

Though half his army served him splendidly on the 
retreat, he had much to embitter him. Most of those who 
stole away at night left their muskets behind and went 
innocently back to their homes ^; but some were thieves, 
who took with them their horses and arms, and went about 
in small bands requisitioning and robbing in the name of the 
chief whom they had deserted, and the cause which their 
conduct disgraced.^ 

It may be well here to inquire what was Garibaldi's own 
system of treating the various classes of inhabitants on his 
passage, and what was his method of provisioning the 
troops who remained under him during the July of 1849. 
It was a difficult problem, for he had no base and no 

' Mem. 241. - Hoff. 348, 349. 

* Kug. 16 ; Mem. 241. 

' Rug. 17; Bel. 50-52; Military Eicuts, 328, 329; Mem. 244; Farim, 
iv. 233. 


supplies, and his war-chest only contained the now value- 
less paper-money of the slain Republic, He solved it by 
taking loans and requisitions of food from almost every 
town or large village near which he camped, acting in 
his right as General of the Republic with plenary powers. 
The municipal bodies and the townsmen gladly gave their 
wealth for the use of the men, who, as they felt, were acting 
as their proxies in patriotism ; if they were sparing of their 
own blood, they were not niggardly of their money for the 
national cause, even now when all was lost. Sometimes, 
indeed, the municipality registered a touching claim for 
repayment in years to come, when Italy should be free. 
The monasteries, on the other hand, paid their shares most 
unwillingly, being on the other side in politics, and ex- 
pecting anything rather than reimbursement under future 
Liberal governments.' 

By means of these loans the Garibaldians were able to 
pay the peasantry for everything which they took on the 
road, and the General enforced this rule by the only effective 
means : ' The soldiers feared, as well as loved him, for they 
knew that he would order them to be shot without taking 
his cigar out of his mouth.' - The oxen which they drove 
with them, having been bought from contadini, had been 
paid for, cash down." And so, in effect, Garibaldi made the 
towns and the monasteries pay the tillers of the soil for 
what he needed to take. It was a just distribution of the 
burden, because the poorest suffered the least, and his con- 
duct in this respect is the more to be commended, since the 
contadini in the outlying districts, unlike the townspeople, 
were hostile to the national cause, and sometimes turned 
out under the leadership of priests and Sanfedists to cut 
off the stragglers.' But Garibaldi would not rob the poor, 
merely because they were misled. 

The only criticism that could be made of this system of 

' Hoff. 323, and passim; Bel. 35, 73, 74, 96, 97, a.n^ passim ; Bolsi; 
Bologna AIS. Ceiona. 

- Hoff. 333 ; Bel. 27-29. 

=> Hoff. 331 ; Bel. 63, 125. ' Rus. 29. 


maintaining the war was its heavy incidence on the reh- 
gious communities. In that respect he showed himself, not 
the bandit, but the Revolutionary soldier. His men, says 
one who witnessed the retreat, ' were excellent towards 
private individuals, and scrupulously paid for whatever 
they took from the peasants, but were in like degree 
hostile and fatal to the monasteries.' ^ This was true, at 
least in the sense that while the lay townsmen paid their 
quotas willingly, the religious corporations had often to 
be forced to reveal their hidden wealth. But these in- 
quisitions were not roughly conducted, and were sometimes 
made palatable by kindly chaff ; in a dispute over the 
alleged resources of a monastery at Castel Fiorentino, a 
bottle of Vino Santo, judiciously fetched up from the cellar, 
induced the Garibaldian officer to take his pen and write 
150 scudi for 200, and crack a good-natured joke, which the 
monk recorded in his diary.^ 

The other grievance of the religious was that Garibaldi 
generally quartered his men in their grounds, because he 
preferred, for the better discipline of his troops, to camp 
outside the walls of the friendly towns, on some neigh- 
bouring eminence, either in an olive grove, or, by preference, 
among the cypresses and laurels of the garden of the local 
San Francesco, of which also the cool cells and cloisters 
were in much request at mid-day halts. The behaviour of 
the troops in the monasteries was not bad upon the whole. 
Only in one place was there looting of convents on the 
retreat, and nowhere any personal violence.' Indeed, the 
relations, though strained, were courteous,' except on 
occasions when the men of religion fired from their windows 
or loosed the mastiffs on their unwelcome guests, or when 

' Bologna jl/S., Manfredini. 

- See the monk's own story, in Bohi. The officer, pocketing the 150, said 
with a laugh : ' Ah frate ! cinquania scudi hat, ma gli hai specolati con una 
bottiglia di Vino Santo.'' 'II Padre Ugo Bassi,' 'dressed like an officer,' then 
confessed himself to one of the fraternity. A scudo = 5 lire (Bel. 220). 

^ For conduct at Citerna see Alagherini, 27 ; Bel. 123. 

^ The statements in this paragraph are deduced from scores of individual 
incidents recorded in Bel. (e.g. 39, 61), Hoff., and the Bologna A/SS. 
(See also J\!ug. and Bolsi.) 


the lean red-shirts seasoned their repast in the refectory 
by lecturing the brothers on their Hfe of ease and want of 

While the French had been accomplishing the reduction 
of the capital, the Austrians had destroyed the provincial 
armies of the Republic, of which the last remnant, under 
Colonel Hugh Forbes, was stationed at Terni, on July 8, 
when Garibaldi entered the town. The Forbes family were 
British citizens, resident in Tuscany ; Mrs. Forbes was left 
in Siena, while her husband, a spare, grizzled man of forty, 
and their son, who was half that age, took the field together 
on behalf of Italian freedom. The father had served Venice 
in the war of '48, and now he and his boy were in Terni, 
quarrelling with its citizens, who found the Colonel too 
arbitrary. Hugh Forbes was italianissimo but not 
simpatico — at any rate, not to the people of Terni. 
Garibaldi's arrival restored concord, and the soldiers of 
both armies fraternised with each other and with the 
citizens in a grand festa of the Italian tricolor. Forbes 
and his men now became part of the column of retreat, 
and Garibaldi soon learnt to admire, as a ' most courageous 
and honourable soldier,' ' the eccentric Briton,' who cared 
so little about the garniture of war, that, in spite of the 
title of Colonel conferred on him by the Republic, he went 
through the campaign in the summer suit and white chimney- 
pot hat of his class and country.- 

But the 900 men, who had only in the last few weeks 
been committed to the charge of Forbes, were not all of 
the same kidney as their officer. When the rest of the 
Republican regiment, of which they had formed a part, 
disbanded on the news of the fall of Rome, these soldiers, 
who were chiefly Swiss and other ex- Papal troops and 
employees, remained in arms, but not entirely out of 

' Rug. 17-19, notes ; monasteries some miles north and west of Todi. 

■^ Hoff. 342, 414; MS. F.O. Papers; Bel. 30-34, 230; Veccfii, ii. 315; 
Chjidi, 127 ; Bologna MS. Piva ; Mem. 241 ; De Rossi, 7, note. Neither 
Ilujjh P'orVjcs nor his son is identical with Capt. C. S. Forbes, R.N., author 
(jf the Caiiifiaign of (Jariliaidi, ibGi. 


patriotic enthusiasm, for they were subsequently dis- 
tinguished on the retreat for the rapidity witli which 
many of them deserted, in order to pillage the country in 
the name of Garibaldi. Since a large number of the men 
whom he had led from Rome to Terni remained behind in 
the town, he cannot be said to have quitted it with his 
strength seriously increased.' 

More than twenty-four hours were spent at Terni, while 
the troops were rested and reorganised, and while the arms 
abandoned by the deserters were disposed of to local patriots 
who could be trusted to secrete them, be it for months 
or for years, until another wave of revolution should sweep 
over the Papal States. Before leaving the town, Garibaldi 
had, moreover, to determine once for all the direction in 
which he was going to break away. For Terni was the 
central point on which his enemies were converging from 
three sides. The Austrians at Perugia were sending out 
forces towards Foligno and Spoleto ; the Spaniards still 
occupied Rieti, backed by the Neapolitans at Citta Ducale ; 
the French, under Morris, were at last turning inland from 
Corneto towards Civita Castellana and Viterbo. But since 
Garibaldi's energetic cavalry so imposed on the Spaniards 
and on the Austrians as to check their advance, and at the 
same time kept their chief informed of the movements of the 
French, he was at leisure to decide on his direction, and 
determined to go north-west into Tuscany before the 
French should block his route thither by seizing Orvieto. 
His troops, therefore, left Terni by the northern road.- 

The march out of the plain of the Nar to the upper 
valley of the Tiber was made under comparatively easy 
conditions, though Forbes' men were astonished to find 
that not even the General slept under a roof, and that 
everyone had to do without supper. Garibaldi, Ciceruac- 
chio, and the staff gave to the soldiers the little water which 
was procured for themselves on the way, and Anita made a 

' Pianciani, lo, II ; Farini, iv. 233; Rug. 16. 

- Hoff. 344, 345 ; De Rossi, 19, 20 ; 105-107 ; Mem. 241 ; Bitlard des 
Fortes, 412 ; Bel. 34 ; Rug. 14, 15, 22 ; nAmbrosio, 67. 


like sacrifice, though she was in far greater need of comforts,^ 
On the morning of July ii, they reached Todi, which rises 
far-seen above a gorge of the curving Tiber. A few hundred 
yards outside the gate they were welcomed by the citizens 
with the inevitable band of music, and lodged in the garden 
of a pretty little white-walled and red-roofed convent on a 
hill by the roadside, where, amid the Franciscan laurels, 
cypresses and fruit trees, the soldiers built for Anita a bower 
in which she received the visits of the ladies of Todi." From 
the garden there was a broad view up the Tiber VaUey, 
which opens out to the north, so that she could see the hill 
of Perugia where the Austrians lay in force twenty-five miles 
away, and even the dim outline of the crater of Lake Trasi- 

Leaving his troops outside, in the convents, to make 
friends with the friars, as they very soon managed to do. 
Garibaldi, with his staff, entered Todi. The red-shirted 
horsemen clattered up the narrow street which pierces three 
concentric circles of ancient fortification in its way up to the 
centre of the town. So steep and straight is the ascent 
that no wheeled carriage can mount to the mediaeval 
piazza, which, with its fine Cathedral, Town Hall, and 
Government House, resembles that of Perugia in style 
and beauty, though not in spaciousness. Here, where his 
statue stands to-day, Garibaldi transacted business with the 
patriotic municipality, and obtained from it freely both 
money and provisions. The column of retreat was so 
badly armed that it was considered advantageous to ex- 
change 200 of their firearms for those of the Civic Guard of 

The march westward into Tuscany was now to be carried 
out. The cavalry were sent great distances in all directions, 
to find and bewilder the various hostile armies, and had 
orders to rejoin the column near Cetona in five or six days' 
time.'* The infantry started for Orvieto, where they had 
need to arrive before the French, if they did not wish to 

' Rug. 19- ■-' JM- 359. 360 ; Bel. 37-39. 

' Bel. 37-39. ^ i^ug. 22, 23 ; De Rossi, 109. 


be caught in a trap.^ The difficulties of the way thither 
were great : it was necessary to cross the Tiber by the Todi 
bridge and scale the mountains to Prodo ; but the good road 
that now runs that way did not exist in 1849. A roughly 
paved bridle-path then climbed steeply through the thin 
oak copses of the mountain, and enough of it still remains 
for the modern pedestrian to experience for himself parts of 
the route by which the half-starved and thirsty men made 
their way, driving and dragging ninety heavily laden beasts 
of burden, and in the worst places walking in single file 
and bearing on their shoulders the beloved piece of cannon 
they had brought from Rome. The waggons and Forbes' 
two pieces of artillery were wisely left behind at Todi.'^ 

The night of July 13-14 was spent in a crevice of the 
naked mountain, above the thick forests that slope down 
into the Tiber gorge below. Here, in this ' gash of the 
wind-grieved Apennine,' below the old castellated hamlet 
of Prodo, that seems to shiver with the fear and poverty 
of centuries, Anita slept in the tent which she had made. 
Near by splashed a little fountain, and around lay the 
tired soldiers. Her husband, alert at daybreak, rode off to 
reconnoitre, and, seeing a shepherd, approached to question 
him as to the route. The half -savage fellow in his sheep- 
skin shuffled off for the woods in panic. Hoffstetter would 
have threatened him, but Garibaldi forbade all show of 
force, and riding up to him soon won his friendship. ' What 
do you fear ? Do we speak Tedesco ? We are fighting for 
you. We are your countrymen.' New words these, full 
of difficult matter for the poor thick head ; he and his 
ancestors, toiling here among the mountains for unnumbered 
centuries, have heard of a God and of a Lady who care for 

' At Todi, Garibaldi learnt from his cavalry that the French were en route for 
Viterbo, and probably, therefore, for Orvieto. (De Rossi, 109, iii.) 

- Hoff. 362 ; Bel. 46-55. Besides Iloffstetter's account of the path, see 
Murray s Central Italy, 1 850, which calls it a 'bad mountainous bridle road.' 
See also all contemporary maps, and especially the large-scale map in the 
Municipio of Narni, for the absence of any great road from Todi to Orvieto. The 
' great road ' down the Tiber gorge spoken of in Hoff. 361, 362, as purposely 
avoided by them for fear of the French, only began after Prodo ; it is not possible 
to go along the bottom of the gorge of the Tiber running south-west from Todi. 


their sorrows, but never before of a country that was theirs, 
of a cause that was the people's, of soldiers who were not 
the natural enemies of the poor. But this armed horse- 
man is kind, and has a voice that is not like other voices, 
so the sad, frightened face of toil melts into a smile, and the 
poor man answers gladly in his uncouth dialect, and even 
offers to lead the way. Whereat, other shepherds, who have 
been watching from behind cover, come up, their Italian 
inquisitiveness conquering fear, and in a few minutes the 
stranger has won all their hearts, and each is clamouring 
to be his guide. ^ 

After Prodo the track was no better than before, save 
that it began soon to turn down-hill, and that the march 
was cheered by the sight of old Etruscan Orvieto rising on 
its acropolis of tufa rock above the junction of the Paglia, 
the Clanis, and the Tiber, while behind lay green vistas of 
Tuscany and of Monte Amiata stretching into the western 
distance. The race had been won, and the French had not 
yet arrived from the south. In Orvieto, famous since the 
twelfth century for its internal feuds, there were two 
parties among the citizens ; but the Democrats got the 
upper hand, invited Garibaldi and his staff to come up 
on to the rock, illuminated the city in his honour, and gave 
supplies and money for his army encamped in the valley 

But the French were close at hand ; so close, indeed, 
that the food consumed by Garibaldi's soldiers had been 
prepared by order for those of General Morris. But before 
their arrival the retreat was resumed, on July 15, by the 
road that leads over the mountains to Ficulle. Garibaldi 
hoped to pass through Citta della Pieve, but it was found by 
the cavalry to be closed and garrisoned by Tuscan troops, 
and large Austrian forces might be expected to arrive there 
from Perugia. He, therefore, turned west at Santa Maria, 

' Hoff. 362-365. Even in this wilderness, where there was none to bear 
witness if they wronged any one, a soldier was shot for stealing a hen. {Hoff 


'' Bel. 55-57 ; Hoff. 369. 


and on the night of July 16-17 crossed the canalised plain 
of the Clanis (Chiana) towards Salci. The night was pitch 
black, the rain fell in torrents, the mules floundered into 
the ditches, the men lost their way on the miry tracks and 
bridges of the canals, and the inhabitants roused at mid- 
night were hostile and unhelpful. But at last the night 
came to an end, and the column reunited on terra firma, at 
the fortified village of Salci — a curious relic of mediaeval 
life consisting of a score of peasants' houses, built in a square, 
with the gates and defences of a walled city.' 

That morning (July 17), as they crossed the border into 
Tuscany, everything smiled on them. The morning was 
warm, sunny, and fresh after the tempestuous night, the 
Tuscans were friendly, and their wine was good ; the land- 
scape, bounded on the west by the ridge of Monte Cetona, 
and on the east by the distant hills round Lake Trasimene, 
was rich with fruit, and wine, and oil. 

By the terrible march of the last night, Garibaldi had 
finally thrown off the French, whom he did not again see 
for ten years, and then as his allies for the deliverance of 
Italy. In crossing the Tuscan border he left behind all the 
armies of the Latin races ; but there remained ahead of him 
a foe more formidable than the Spaniards and Neapolitans, 
more cruel than the French — the Tedeschi, waging their war 
of extermination on Italian rebels. The network of Austrian 
armies, stretched across Italy through Florence, Siena, 
Perugia, and Ancona, had yet to be passed before he could 
reach the Adriatic, and stand by Manin in Venice. 

De Rossi, 114, 115; Ho^. 377-3<So ; Bet. 56-66. - Hoff. 380, 381. 



Fuga di cauto leone inseguito 
che si rimbosca, cupido di strage, 
contenendo nel gran petto 11 ruggito, 
e sbarrando nel buio occhi di brage. 

Marradi. — Rapsodia Garibalditta. 

Garibaldi, when he turned westward to cross the Tuscan 
border, hoped to rouse another revolution against the 
Grand Duke Leopold, and another war against the foreigner, 
in a State whose inhabitants had failed to do very much 
for Italy, even when times were far more propitious. He 
was quickly undeceived. When, at Montepulciano, on 
July 19, he issued a manifesto calling Tuscany to arms 
against the Austrian invaders, it met with no response. 
For all knew that, after Novara and the fall of Rome, a 
popular rising in Central Italy had no chance of success, 
in the face of the whole power of Austria and of France. 
Moreover, in spite of the unwelcome entry into Florence 
of the Austrian troops,' as the protectors, or rather now as 
the task-masters, of the restored Grand Duke, that pliable 
and kindly old man was not actively disliked by his sub- 
jects ; indeed, Leopold still hoped to make his rule popular, 
in contrast to the Papal tyranny in the neighbouring 
State, of which he spoke with disapproval to the British 

' For ihe entrance of the Austrian troops into Florence, sec Mrs. Browning's 
Casa Guidi WJ7idows, Ft. II. 

* F.O. Papers, MS. Letter of Sir G. Hamilton to Lord Palmerston, 
August 19, 1849. The Grand Duke was, however, in the liabit of saying one 
thing to one man and another to another. 


And so the leader of revolution marched through 
eastern Tuscany, generously aided with money and pro- 
visions by the municipalities, and loudly welcomed by the 
populace, sometimes with the strange cry Viva Garibaldi, 
Re d' Italia, yet all the while bitterly disappointed at 
the absence of recruits. But the young men to whom he 
appealed vowed themselves to the service of their country 
in future years, and as he passed on he left the inhabitants 
of each little town devoted to the legendary hero who had 
ridden through their streets, drunk at their fountain, and 
spoken to the mothers and children thronging round him 
of the time to come when the motherland would need 
those young lives/ Stories of what he had said and done, 
passing from mouth to mouth, worked in secret for ten 
years, and prepared the season when Italy was indeed 
created by the irresistible impulse of all her populations. 
Although as a military operation the retreat was fore- 
doomed to failure, it served as a mission of political pro- 
paganda in the highest sense of the word. 

In this way they marched on through Cetona "' and 
Sarteano, through Montepulciano, famous for its wine and 
its view of Lake Trasimene, through Torrita, with its pretty 
towers of red brick, through Bettolle and Fojano, right 
across the central plain of Italy, tramping to the monotonous 
chorus of frogs from the half-dried ditches that distribute 
the canalised waters of the Clanis among the vineyards — 
on towards the north-eastern mountain wall on which 
hangs Cortona. The Tuscan regular troops, who might 
have resisted their passage of the plain, shrank away and 
let them pass, merely skirmishing with their scouts at 
Clusium. So, on July 21, they reached the edge of the 
mountains and entered Castiglione Fiorentino. 

Now that his extravagant hope of rousing Tuscany to 

' -A'w^- 30. 35» 38 ; ^^''- 63, 77, 90. 91 ; Magherini, 13, 14. 

- See map at end of book for this chapter. At Cetona the Garibaldians were 
quartered in houses, for the first time since Rome. They were hospitably received, 
and some, I hope, partook of a certain brand of the white wine of the district. 
Here, too, Anita changed her man's dress for a woman's. 

S 2 


war had been dissipated, Garibaldi determined to strike 
across the highest ridges of the Apennines, descend 
on some Adriatic port, and there embark for Venice. 
Four armies of Austrians (under the supreme command 
of General D'Aspre), amounting to 15,000 men or more,' 
occupied the whole ground over which he would have 
to manoeuvre. Two of these armies — that of Archduke 
Ernest at Ancona, and that of Hahne at Bologna — 
lay on the other side of the massif of the Apennines, 
ready to catch him as he descended on the Adriatic, if 
ever he were to reach the top of the passes. The other 
two were on either flank of him, where he now was ; 
for Paumgarten lay at Perugia, and D'Aspre himself at 
Florence, each sending out strong expeditions to catch the 
gueriUa, and each prepared to follow with the rest of the 
troops if once he were located.*' On July 13, D'Aspre 
had written a shrewd letter to Oudinot, saying that the 
threatened irruption of Garibaldi into Tuscany must be 
a ruse de guerre, and that he would probably turn back 
to the Adriatic ; ^ but a week later D'Aspre's lieutenant, 
Stadion, commanding the portion of the forces despatched 
from Florence to deal with the ' Bandits,' was deceived 
on that very point by Miiller and his active cavalry, whom 
Garibaldi had sent out for this purpose from Sarteano. 
Fully persuaded that the Italian army was coming into 
the valley of the Umbro in order to reach the west coast, 
Stadion lingered near Siena and Buonconvento during the 
critical days when the Garibaldians were traversing the 
open plain of the Clanis.^ Meanwhile, on their right flank, 
Paumgarten, scarcely less bewildered than Stadion as to 
their movements and intentions, kept part of his men at 

' De A'osst, 10. There were 10,000 Austrians in the Papal Stales alone by 
the end of April {Mitthciltingen, 233, 234). 

'•^ Mittheiliingen, 283 and passim ; Kriegsbegebeiiheil en and Dc Rossi, passim. 

^ Torre^ ii. 398 (letter from Florence). 

* De Rossi, 116-I19 ; Ki-ieiishegcbeiiheiten , 19, 20. After this last service the 
Pole, Miiller, betrayed the cause and chief whom he had served so well, and sold 
himself to Stadion. Vecchi, ii. 317, 321 ; Rtig. 32 ; and Farini, iv. 233, dispose 
of the doubts o[ Bel. 184, note. 


Pemgia and sent out otliers in ill-directed or belated expedi- 
tions to Citta della Pieve, Clusium and elsewhere.' 

Garibaldi, having thus freed himself from all immediate 
pressure at the moment of entering CastigUone Fiorentino 
on the 2ist, marched along the foot of the mountains to 
Arezzo. His desire was, before beginning the passage of the 
higher Apennines, to recruit his tired troops in the chief 
city of the district. He also hoped, by this move on Arezzo, 
to deceive Paumgarten's men once more, and draw them 
westward, for he feared lest they should march from Pe- 
rugia up the Tiber valley, and cut off his retreat at San 
Sepolcro, near which point he would have to pass on his 
way to the Adriatic.- 

Arrived in front of the walls of Arezzo, the tired patriots 
underwent a cruel disappointment. The gates were closed 
in their faces by the officials of the Moderate party, backed 
by quiet citizens afraid of Austrian vengeance. The 
energetic Gonfaloniere of Arezzo, the poet Guadagnoli, 
manned the walls with a few Tuscan regulars, and ninety 
invalided Austrian soldiers, while he improvised and armed 
a Civic Guard of 260 men, partly consisting of peasants 
called in from outside to keep down the city Democrats. 
The latter, normally the strongest party in Arezzo, which 
had sent many volunteers to Lombardy in '48, were indig- 
nant at an act of inhospitality degrading to the reputation 
of their town in the annals of patriotism. They attempted 
a revolt, but were suppressed, and many suffered long terms 
of imprisonment. Meanwhile, during the greater part of 
July 23, Garibaldi lay encamped in front of the walls, on the 
hill of Santa Maria, parleying in vain for an entry. His angry 
troops clamoured to be led to the assault, which could not 
have failed, but their chief dreaded the scandal of a vic- 
tory over Italians, especially as it might have been followed 
by looting on the part of the undesirables in his army ; 
he also told Hoffstetter that he did not wish to leave behind 
a number of wounded to be shot by the Austrians, and 
that he feared to be caught in a trap inside the town by 

' De Rossi, 119. ^ Ibid. 1 20- 1 22. 


the arrival of Paiimgarten and Stadion. Indeed, at night- 
fall of the 23rd, Paumgarten's troops were already drawing 
so near, that he was forced to hasten on his way up the 
road leading to the Scopettone pass. The failure to enter 
Arezzo had a demoralising effect on his men, who now felt 
too clearly that they were no more than fugitives.' 

This impression was enhanced by the horrors of the 
night retreat, when the rearguard went astray and became 
engaged with the Austrians under the walls of Arezzo ; when 
all over the hills and up to the pass, deserters, strag- 
glers, and wounded were hunted down by bands of peasants 
under the leadership of friars and priests, dispatching 
their countrymen or handing them over to the Austrian 
butchers. So strong was the reactionary sentiment among 
some of the contadini in the mountains behind Arezzo, 
that during the same week a traveller saw cottages illumi- 
nated, and heard rude voices chanting festal hymns in 
honour of the Austrian Emperor, who was not even legally 
their lord. The hills resounded with 

' Evviva la corona 
Del nostro Imperator,' 

till the astonished gentleman could believe himself in 
Tyrol rather than Tuscany. Such, in its effect, was the 
political teaching of the Church in the era of Italy's resur- 

Meanwhile the main body of Garibaldians, having slept 
at midnight on the top of the Scopettone Pass, descended, 
next day, the long gorge beside the clear Cerfone torrent, 
the rays of the July sun falling pitilessly on their heads, until, 
on the afternoon of the 24th, they crossed out of Tuscany 
into the Papal States, and emerged into the valley of the 
Upper Tiber." This reach of the great river, where it first 
leaves its mountain cradle, has a pecuhar effect on the 

' Salaris, 9-25 ; Bel. 99-106 ; Rug. 39-44, 56 ; De Rossi, 245 ; Hoff. 
402, 403 ; Gueizoni, i. 342. Torre, ii. 400 (D'Aspre's letter). 

• Corsi, i. 186, 187; Rng. 29, 44 ; Hoff. 403-407; Bel. 108, 122, 123. 
Hoff. 407, 408. 


imagination, for the valley, several miles broad, through 
which it flows, combines the freshness of an Alp with the 
wealth and spaciousness of a populous country-side. It is 
studded with small towns, of which San Sepolcro is the 
chief ; and through the thick web of vines that nets the plain 
runs the line of a poplar wood shading the course of the 
Tiber — not here a yellow flood, but a clear stream of blue 
and silver eddies. The whole valley is shut in on the 
south-west by the mountains, covered with oak forest, out 
of which Garibaldi emerged ; and on the other side by the 
central ridge of the Apennines — the Monte Luna, and the 
precipitous ascent to the Trabaria pass, by which alone 
his hunted army could now hope to escape to the Adriatic. 
The spirals by which this road winds up the mountain, 
and the whole panorama of the valley below, were clearly 
visible from the old walled village of Citema, whose ruined 
keep crowns an olive-clad hill, enclosed on three sides by 
tributaries of the Tiber.' In this position, dominating the 
plain, and too strong to be stormed except by overwhelming 
numbers. Garibaldi remained for more than forty-eight 
hours, to reorganise and rest his exhausted troops, and 
prepare for the passage of the water-shed of Italy. From 
Citema hill, on the second day of the bivouac, he watched 
the Austrian divisions, numbering many thousand men, 
pour one after the other into the valley below. Some came 
on his traces from Arezzo ; others, as he had feared, up 
the Tiber from Perugia ; and finall}^ Stadion's men began 
to enter from the opposite direction, behind Anghiari.^ 
He could observe the white columns crawhng in different 
directions over the green plain, each ignorant of the other's 
movements, but all as clear to him as pieces set out on a 
war map ; he could see the road cHmbing up the mountain 
wall on the further side of Tiber — a ladder to the foot of 
which he must attain by passing between these various 
hostile bodies ; and he was thus enabled to lay his plans 

' See illustration, p. 269, below. 

'^ Kriegshegehenheiten, 21, 22 ; De Rossi, 247-249 ; Be/. 114, 115 ; Ma<^ketim , 
2 3, 24 ; Rzig. 45, 46. 


according to what he saw himself, as well as by the reports 
of his outposts, who were watching and skirmishing all 
along the valley.^ 

Until the word to move was given, the hours of repose 
were passed in pleasant quarters. Most of the troops 
were bivouacked inside the waUed grounds of two small 
monasteries, situated upon the ridge of which Citerna 
crowns the summit. The Cappuccini, a pretty little white 
building, is set in a large garden that slopes half-way down 

the hill, where 

' all the flowers and trees do close 
To weave the garlands of repose.' 

In July the flowers of spring were gone, but cypresses 
and stone pines, figs and fruit trees, besides oak, brush- 
wood and exotic plants, gave that look of dark coolness 
in the midst of lucent heat which is the most prized of the 
beauties of Italy. Here Anita slept under a bower of 
evergreens.'^ And here Garibaldi interviewed the patriots 
of the Tiber valley, w^ho came up the hill to offer him their 
services at no small risk to themselves. ' This time things 
have gone badly,' he told a deputation from Citta di Castello, 
' but the blood shed at Rome will be productive, and I 
hope that in ten years at most Italy will be free.' ' It 
was, in fact, not till September i860, that the Bersaglieri of 
Victor Emmanuel, set in motion by the victories of the red- 
shirts in Sicily, marched gail}^ down this way to Perugia, 
amid the wild rejoicings of the liberated people, who had 
never forgotten, and whose descendants will never forget. 
Garibaldi's passage across their valley in July 1849.'' 

During the long encampment on Citerna hill, some of 
the men looted in the rooms of the monasteries — almost 
the only case of such misconduct that occurred during 

' This is evident to anyone who has stood on Citerna hill. 

* The ed{Te of Anita's bower of evergreens, together with the monastery itself, 
can be seen in illustration opposite. (.Hoff. 408, 409 ; Bel. 109.) 

' He repented this strangely correct prophecy two or three days later at 
Mercatello {Maghertm, 14; Bel. 112, 113, 131), and again at Gatteo [Modoiti, 
86, 87). Salvagnoli made the same prophecy of ' ten years.' Tabarrini, 9. 

* Delia Rocca, 1S0-1S4 ; Magherini, tassitn ; Bel. 124, 125. 

c ^ 
z o 


the Retreat. Ugo Bassi's bonhomie was not altogether 
unsuccessful in consoling the victims, who received much 
sympathy from the officers when the fault was discovered.^ 

About a mile distant from Citema lies Monterchi, 
another little town on a lower hill to the south. Here 
the Austrians lay in force, and Garibaldi, watching from 
the garden of the Cappuccini their preparations to attack 
or surround the Citema hill, and their guns planted against 
him, determined that it was time for him to be gone. 
Indeed, his escape northwards across the valley might be 
closed at any moment by the troops from Citta di Castello 
and Anghiari, some of whom were already in the neigh- 
bourhood of San Sepolcro. The forces of the Austrians 
within a few miles of Citerna were three or four times as 
numerous as his own, and their generals believed them- 
selves to have blocked every road by which he could 
escape out of the Tiber valley ; this error arose from the 
dependence of their Staff on a map which did not show 
the great road up to the Bocca Trabaria, though it was in 
full sight of Garibaldi at Citerna."^ At its foot lies San 
Giustino, and he determined to reach that town by a 
secret march on the night of July 26-27." 

To effect this he had first to escape from the Austrians 
in Monterchi, and then to pass through their other armies 
on the line of the Tiber. The attention of the former 
was engaged by a false attack on Monterchi during the after- 
noon of the 26th, and by a screen of men left on Citema 
hill, while the main column secretly descended its steep 
northern slope and began to cross the plain in the faUing 
dusk. Through the night they made a forced march to 
San Giustino, one division going round by the road and 
bridge of San Sepolcro, and the rest moving in a straight 
line across the sandy fords of the Tiber.'' In the poplar 

' Magherini, 27 ; Vecchi, ii. 319 ; Bologna MS. Manfredini. 
^ Co7-si, i. 189; Rug. 46; De Rossi, 247-249. 

* The date, about which an erroneous statement is made in Bel. no, is 
correctly given in Bel. 119; and is proved by Bologna MS. San Giustino. 
{Magherini, 27, 28 ; De Rossi, 249, 250 ; Rug. 46, 47.) 

* Bologna AfS. Pii'a', Magherini, 31, 37; Hoff. 410, 411 ; Rug. 46: 


grove on its banks there was a struggle with the fat friars 
of Citerna, who complained bitterly at the necessity of 
wading up to their knees ; it had been thought prudent 
to take them along, because if left in Citerna they would 
have found means to warn the Austrians in Monterchi of 
the escape of their common enemies.' 

Marching through the darkness, often in single file, 
by the narrow tracks of the vineyards and the rough fords 
of the streams, the army left behind — besides many baggage 
animals and much of their scanty stock of ammunition — 
a number of men who lost their way in the darkness, and 
were picked up in the following days b^^ the Austrians. 
Many, when asked to what corps the}^ belonged, although 
they knew that death or torture was awarded to all who 
followed Garibaldi, confessed him to the drum-head court- 
martials as their ' chief and father.' Some were shot, and 
others flogged with that revolting cruelty which did so 
much to turn against Austria the sympathies of our country, 
happily forgetful that, fifty years before, she had been 
guilty of the same form of wickedness in Ireland.'' 

At dawn of the 27th the column of retreat reached San 
Giustino, but, too fatigued by the night march to begin 
at once the scaling of the great mountain, they remained 
during the greater part of the day at the foot of the pass, 
while the Austrians, only a few miles away, on three sides, 
left them strangely unmolested. This inactivity surprised 
the Italians then, and has surprised their historians since. 
The truth is that Garibaldi's enemies, all through July, 
were unduly afraid of him, being deceived by his devices 
into supposing him stronger than he was ; and at this 
moment their troops were utterly exhausted by the forced 
marches that had brought them from Perugia, Arezzo and 
Siena. But when all is said, the Austrian generals were 
very stupid, and the best excuse for their inaction at this 

Vtcchi, ii. 320; Btl. no, and Bel/uzzPs Note-book, Bologna MS. ; De Rossi, 

' Magherhii, 28; Bel. III. 

'' Riig. 47, 48; Magherini. 29. (See also .^f/. 114.) 


crisis — namely, that they thought 'the bandit' could not 
escape because they did not know of the important road 
over the Bocca Trabaria — in itself shows by how much they 
were inferior to their antagonist in personal activity and 
observation, as well as in the use of scouts. The Austrian 
officers were well aware that he was more than a match 
for their chiefs ; as day by day they urged their tired men 
over fresh mountains, they cursed and admired the man 
who led them such a dance. ' This devil,' they said, to an 
Italian gentleman, ' will lead us to Africa at least.' ^ 

On July 27, after a long halt at San Giustino," about 
2,000 men who still followed the desperate fortunes of 
Garibaldi began to move up the road to the Bocca Trabaria 
by ' gigantic spirals,' like those which join valley to valley 
in Hoffstetter's fatherland. The Switzer, riding in front with 
the Staff, looked back to watch the army winding up from 
below, 'like along beautiful snake,' through the scattered 
oak copses, corn-fields and farms sprinkled over the steep 
mountain side. In the front Garibaldi rode beside Anita 
— his white poncho streaming out on the mountain breeze. 
Then came the few remaining lancers of Masina's devoted 
squadron ; then the baggage-mules, now reduced to forty, 
and then, moving with deliberate steps, a majestic herd of 
white bulls with long, curved horns, destined to be the 
provisions of the army on the foodless mountains. Below, 
the red shirts of the Garibaldian Legion, and still further 
down, the light summer suits of Forbes and his boy were 
visible among the darker uniforms of their companions.^ 
At the bottom of all lay the broad, green valley, the scene 
of their night march, across which the last patrols and 
rearguard were hastening to the foot of the pass, and the 
white Austrian columns were still aimlessly in motion. The 
size and nature of the hunted army, the driven cattle, the 
wild scenery into which the war was being carried, the near 

' Corsi, i. 193, 194 ; Rug. 46, 47 ; Bel. 35, 36, 104 ; Torre, ii. 398. 

* Bologna MS. San Ghistmo and Be/. 126, say they started at 6 P.M. ; while 
ffoj^. 412, and De Rossi, 250, say it was in the morning. But all agree they 
rested some time just outside San Giustino. (See also Rug. 48, 49.) 

3 Hoff: 413, 414. 


prospect of death, were the same for Anita and Garibaldi, 
this day, as when, nine years before, they had ridden thus 
side by side in the Brazihan mountains, near the time of 
Menotti's birth. Nothing was changed, except that love, 
which then was young, was now rich in memory. 

After this first climb they traversed several miles of 
flat road along a high barren ridge, and night had fallen 
before they reached another spiral ascent. When they 
had mounted it they were on the top of the water-shed 
of Italy. Here, on the Bocca Trabaria, they slept at mid- 
night, though many watched from thirst and sorrow. 
The carpet of primroses, crocuses, and blue squills, which 
beautify this remote place in spring time, had vanished with 
the summer heats ; there was no sign of vegetation or of 
any living thing, but a hungry wind was moaning among 
the rocks. All were glad when the dawn sprang up over 
the grey mountain-tops below them, and lighted their 
way down towards the Adriatic. At first their road ran by 
a wooded gorge of one of the head-springs of the Metaurus, 
till after many miles the river opened into a broad valley, 
in the middle of which lay Sant' Angelo in Vado, Entering 
its streets on the evening of July 28, they found, to their 
dismay, blocking their further descent a short distance below 
the town, another Austrian army under Archduke Ernest, 
whom D' Aspre had ordered up from Ancona, through Urbino, 
to cut off Garibaldi if by chance he should succeed in 
crossing the water-shed. The Italians, who had been greatly 
elated at the skill with which their leader had extricated 
them from the Tiber valley, saw themselves once more 

Retreat was impossible, for the enemy were following 
them from behind, while on both sides the mountains shut 
them in, and in front lay the new foe. But once more 
Garibaldi found a way overlooked by the slow Austrian 
generals, where, three minutes walk below vSant' Angelo in 
Vado, a rough road diverges to the left, leading over the 
hills into the FogHa valley. Since the enemy, who would 

Rug. 47-51 ; De Rossi, 247 ; A'riegsbegebenheiten, 21. 


Action of July 29. 

Halt of July 24-26. 


have had time to occupy the foot of this important pass, if 
they had known of its existence, had drawn themselves up 
a mile or so lower down the Metaurus, Garibaldi on the 
morning of the 29th made a false attack on their position, 
as if he intended to force their line, and under cover of this 
feint took the strategic turn to the left, and carried his 
column over the hills to Plan di Meleto.' 

Again the Italians had escaped, but not quite unscathed. 
A rearguard of cavalry, left in Sant' Angelo in Vado after 
the main column had started, were surprised by Hungarian 
hussars, following from the Tiber valley, who galloped 
in under the unguarded western gateway, sabred the 
Republicans in the street, and dragged them out of the 
houses. It was a general massacre, no quarter being given.-' 
Indeed, the murder of prisoners, if they belonged to Gari- 
baldi's band, was the rule approved at the head-quarters in 
Florence by D'Aspre himself.^ A man-hunt was instituted in 
Sant' Angelo and the surrounding hills, in which the peasants 
were forced to assist by threats of burning their houses 
and crops. In the town itself some of the soldiers were 
hidden, and afterwards smuggled away in disguise by 
patriotic citizens, who risked their own lives by these acts 
of mercy. In all Sant' Angelo there was only one man, 
a shoemaker, who turned false ; the poor fellow whom he 
denounced was taken and shot ; but the traitor, unable to 
endure the hatred of his fellow- townsmen, went mad, and 
shortly died.^ 

Meanwhile Garibaldi was struggling over into the 
Fogha valley ; the road winds along a high ridge, whence 
the northern landscape in the direction of Monte Carpegna 
and San Marino becomes clearly visible. It is one of the 
strangest regions of Italy : the higher mountains, naked 

' Illustration opposite is a view of S. Angelo in Vado, taken from this road 
by which Garibaldi escaped. liuq: 51-53 ; Hoff'. 415-421 ; De Rossi, 254-256. 

' ^"S- 53. 54 ; ^el. 134-139 ; De Rossi, 255, 256 ; ffoff. 421, 422. 

•' Torre, ii. 400, 401. Letter of D'Aspre, July 31, to Oudinot, recounts 
that ' an officer and several men of Garibaldi's band were taken and immediately 
shot,' in ' the mountains of Borgo S. Sepolcro.' 
' Bel. 138-142. 


peaks and tables, rear themselves on the sky-hne in fan- 
tastic fortress shapes, hard to distinguish, except by their size, 
from the works of man — the old robber castles perched on 
their summits. The aspect of the lesser hills, skeleton ridges, 
washed bare of soil and corrugated by the rain-torrents, baked 
by the sun into a hard white grey, with patches of brown 
or of sparse verdure, is well known in the backgrounds of 
Piero della Francesca and other painters of the Umbrian 
school. The broad valley bottoms are white as snow-drifts, 
being filled from side to side with the polished stones of the 
dried-up river courses. The olive is no longer seen ; thin 
vineyards and corn are the only cultivation. Such was the 
country through which the Tyrolese sharpshooters followed 
on the heels of the Garibaldians from Sant' Angelo in Vado 
to San Marino, killing all whom they caught, and sometimes 
treating even the wounded with revolting brutality. They 
were kept off from the main column by a handful of Manara's 
old Bersagheri, commanded by Hugh Forbes in his top-hat, 
with a courage which won the admiration of his brother 

After passing Pian di Meleto, with its beautifully machi- 
colated castle, the army descended the Fogha for some 
miles ; the fatigues of the way were great, for the road was 
not, as it is now, supplied with bridges over the numerous 
torrent-beds that cross it. Towards evening on the 29th, 
Garibaldi turned to the left out of the Foglia valley, marched 
up the gorge of the Apsa, and reached Macerata Feltria, 
which rises on the edge of the dried-up torrent. - 

The troops could scarcely drag themselves along for 
weariness, but the enemy were too close to allow of any 
halt at Macerata, except to eat the food provided by the 
friendly inhabitants. Affairs were indeed getting desperate. 
Bueno, the commander of the cavalry. Garibaldi's South 
American comrade of the longest standing — a countryman 

' ^«g- 55 ; ^oS^- 423 i^ei- 151. 152, 156. 

^ See illustration, p. 272, below, in which the bed of the Apsa consists of 
white stones, not water. The photograph was taken in April, so, a fortiori, the 
torrent must have been dry in July. 


and old friend of Anita — had sold himself to the pursuing 
Austrians, and passed over to the Emperor's service : 
unlike Miiller, who had deserted a week before, he was of 
no military value except for his courage in a charge ; but 
Anita and Garibaldi felt that a link with their romantic 
past had been most cruelly cut.^ Next, some of the Italian 
officers fled from the doomed army and took refuge in the 
territory of San Marino.- The morale of the 1,500 men 
who still held together was seriously undermined, and a 
general dispersion was not unlikely. Archduke Ernest 
was close on them to south and east, Stadion's men were 
pouring over the hills to the west behind Monte Carpegna, 
and Hahne, from Bologna, was hastening down the Via 
/Emilia, and towards San Leo to cut them off from the 
north. ^ With his disheartened and exhausted troops. 
Garibaldi saw that he could no longer hope to capture a 
large port on the Adriatic and embark with 1,500 men for 
Venice. He therefore determined, from information received 
at Macerata, to make for the neutral territory of the 
Republic of San Marino.' 

And so again, without a rest, they staggered on through 
the midnight from Macerata up the head-waters of the 
Apsa to the Convent of Pietra Rubbia, standing at the foot 
of the naked mass of the Carpegna mountain that blocks 
the head of the valley.'^ Hence, on the 30th, utterly ex- 
hausted by the extraordinary exertions of the day before, 
they turned north and crossed a high moor covered with 
thin grass and white stones, not unlike the tops of some of 
the Yorkshire fells, and so reached the hills surrounding 
the upper waters of the Conca. In front of them rose 
the fantastic rock fastness of Monte Copiolo, shadowing the 
large village of Villagrande, built 2,700 feet above the sea. 
Here they turned north-westwards towards San Marino by 

' Ifo^. 424; Be/. 139-141, 144, 147-149 ; De Rossi, 255; Rug. 56, 57. 
2 Rug. 55 ; Brizi, 8. 

' De Rossi, 257-259 ; Mittheilungen, 283 ; Kriegsbegebenheiten, 23. 
* Bel. 148 ; De Rossi, 256, 257. 

^ They did not go to Carpegna village, as is wrongly stated by Hoff'. 430. 
(See Bel. 1^4; De Rossi, 259.) 


the grass tracks that lead along the wooded ridge of the 
Serra Bruciata. In this remote and sylvan solitude night 
again overtook the straggling column : the difficulties of 
finding the roadless way were great, and only Garibaldi's 
extraordinary personal exertions saved the rear from being 
lost in the darkness. At length the moon shed her light 
among the dwarf oak-trees of the mountain, and the tired 
soldiers flung themselves down and slept. But their chief 
never closed his eyes. 

When they awoke they could see, five miles away across 
the chasms and cleft ridges of the hills, the City of Refuge, 
the Republican towers and precipices of San Marino, reared 
high in heaven against the morning sun.' 

' See illustration p. 264, above, and illustration opposite, for San Marino. 
Bel. 155-157 ; Rtig. 61 ; Hoff. 431. Belluzzi is right ; there are only oaks, no 
beeches, on the Serra Bruciata. 


Passed through, niiiht of July 29. 

Reached July 31. 



' And many a warrior-peopled citadel, 
Like rocks which fire lifts out of the flat deep, 
Arose in sacred Italy, 
Frowning o'er the tempestuous sea 
Of kings, and priests, and slaves, in tower-crowned majesty.' 

SnELLEV : Ode to Liberty. 

The Republic of San Marino, when Garibaldi drew near its 
borders, was, as it is to-day, the sole survivor of the innu- 
merable sovereign cities which nursed the free and vigorous 
life of Mediaeval Italy ; it had outlived a hundred more 
splendid sister cities, partly because the peasants who tilled 
the rugged sides of the Monte Titano had never accumulated 
the wealth that tempts the invader, and still more because 
the market town, which serves as capital to this rural com- 
munity, is enclosed by the walls of a virgin fortress of immense 
natural strength.' The last serious attempt on its inde- 
pendence had been made, in 1739, by the famous Cardinal 
Alberoni, then Papal Legate in the Romagna. It was the 
only Italian State which Napoleon spared and befriended." 
On the edge of the precipice facing the Adriatic, 2,437 
feet above the sea-level, stand the highest towers of San 
Marino, and from their base the cliff falls sheer away for 700 
feet.^ Down below, the twelve miles of undulating, fertile 
country that descend to Rimini on the coast ; the stony 
bed of the Marecchia river, a straight, broad, white band 
through the vineyards ; the ships at sea, and the towns 
along the shore, are all visible, as in a bird's-eye view, from 
the rock of the freemen. On the land side, the Monte 

' See illustration, p. 272, above. 

^ He characteristically offered to send a present of our cannon or the rock, 
and forgot his promise {Modoni, 5-8). ^ See illustration, p. 264, above. 



Titano falls away only less steeply than to seaward, and 
the western view ranges far over gnarled mountains and 
torn ra\anes, among which rises the frowning fortress of 
San Leo, the Papal dungeon where the arch-quack 
CagUostro breathed his last, and where many a Car- 
bonaro has languished for Italy and freedom, and 
left neither name nor memory. Through this wild 
region, on July 30, 1849, Garibaldi was coming from the 
south, with the Archduke Ernest at his heels ; Holzer was 
approaching from the south-west,' and Hahne, unknown 
to Garibaldi, from the north. Distant glimpses of all these 
hosts might have been caught from time to time from the 
piazza of San Marino, where the fathers of the city were 
anxiously on the watch, divided between desire to befriend 
the Roman Republicans and anxiety to preserve their 
own State from the vengeance of the reactionary powers, 
to whom it had for many years been notorious as the place 
of refuge for the persecuted Liberals of the Romagna.' 

The arrival of mounted Garibaldian deserters had first 
warned the little community that danger was in the 
air.^ Then, early on July 30, a messenger from Garibaldi 
rode up the winding ascent of the Titano, and announced 
that his Chief intended to pass through the neutral terri- 
tory; to which the Captain- Regent, Belzoppi, rephed that 
if he did so he would violate his principles by endangering 
the existence of a Republic, and would not help himself, 
because the San Marinesi could see from the rock that their 
dominions were already surrounded on all sides by Austrians.^ 

The next ambassador was Ugo Bassi himself, who 
arrived late on the night of the 30th. ^ Having received 
the same reply from the Regency, coupled with a friendly 
offer to feed the troops at the boundaries of the Republic, 
the red-shirted friar began to wander disconsolately about 
the streets of the frightened town, looking out for some- 
where to sleep, until at last ' a true Republican,' Lorenzo 

' Holzer commandL-d a part of Stadion's army {De Rossi, 24S, 258, 260). 
'■' Franciosi, 3-6 ; D'AzegUo^ 74-7^ ; Simoncim, 6 9. ^ Btizi, 8. 

' Bel. 162-164; Bfizi, 8, 29; Fraiiciosi, Mi '5- * Brizi, 8. 

d ^1 

Z c >, 

Z i: ■{: 

< ^.2 

o - h 

z -5 

— o 

Z O 


Simoncini, drew him into his cafe. This house, which 
became the scene of memorable events during the next 
thirty hours, stands close to the western gate, and overlooks 
the outer wall of the city,^ in which convenient position 
it had often served its generous owner to entertain and 
expedite fugitive Liberals and Carbonari of the enslaved 
provinces below.' After a much-needed supper, Ugo 
Bassi went to the window and looked out at the moonlit 
mountains. Suddenly he started back in horror, for he 
had seen the watch-fires of Hahne's men stretched along 
the hillside below San Leo. ' My God,' he cried, ' the 
General is caught between two fires : he is lost. But 
we must save him.' Sitting down at once he wrote to 
Garibaldi warning him that he was headed off by yet another 
army from the northward, and the good Simoncini, with 
the unofficial aid of the Secretary of State, found an enthu- 
siastic and capable messenger, named Balda, who in the 
darkness of the night picked out the rugged and difficult 
way across the slopes of Monte Tassona to Garibaldi's 
presence, and gave him Ugo Bassi's letter. Warned thus 
before daybreak that he could no longer pass along outside 
the western boundary of the Republic unless he wished to 
fall into the midst of Hahne's troops. Garibaldi, if he still 
entertained any doubt, saw that he had no alternative but 
to enter uninvited the territory of San Marino and throw 
himself on the mercy of its citizens.^ 

Therefore, at earliest daylight of July 31, his troops re- 
sumed their march along the ridge of the Serra Bruciata, and 
then turning north over the slopes of Monte Tassona, made 
straight for the towers of San Marino. Garibaldi rode on in 
front to explain his action to the authorities, and arrived 
on the piazza of the town about eight o'clock. In the 
Hall of Audience he was publicly received by Belzoppi and 
his colleagues. 

' Simoncini's cafJ is the house to the left of the town gate in the illustration 
on the opposite page. 

* Situoficini, 8, 9. 

' Simoncini, 10-12 ; 25-29; Bel. 166. It is impossible to say for certain 
whether the letter did more than confirm Garibaldi in a previous resolution. 

T 2 


' Citizen -Regent,' said the General, ' my troops, pursued by 
superior numbers of Austrians, and exhausted by the privations 
they have endured among the mountains and precipices, are no 
longer in a condition to fight ; it therefore became necessary 
to cross your border to obtain bread and a few hours' repose. 
They shall lay down their arms in your Republic, where the 
Roman war for the independence of Italy now comes to an end. 
I come among you as a refugee ; receive me as such.' 

' Welcome to the refugee,' answered Belzoppi. ' General, 
this hospitable land receives you.' 

It was then and there agreed that the Government of 
San Marino should mediate with the Austrian commanders, 
to secure the safety of all who laid down their arms.^ 

While this interview was taking place, Garibaldi's column, 
still several miles away, crossed the bare slopes of Monte 
Tassona by stony lanes, passed through the village of 
Castello, and at length reached, at the foot of Monte Titano, 
the ravine which divides the territories of Pope and Republic. 
Here, on the steep slopes, the little cannon got into difficulties, 
and since the men were un willing to leave their favourite be- 
hind, and Garibaldi was absent in San Marino, a long delay 
took place, during which the advanced guard of Hahne's 
men fell upon their flank. A large part of the demoralised 
soldiers fairly fled up the Monte Titano ; but Anita, as soon 
as she heard the first shots, rode to the point of danger, 
looking for her husband, and crying, ' Where is Peppino ? ' - 
With the help of Forbes, she rallied a strong rearguard and 
checked the Austrian pursuit, until the white mantle was 
seen floating along the hillside above, and Garibaldi came 
galloping back down the spirals of the road, meeting and 
rallying the fugitives as he came. When he had restored 
such order as was possible, the remnants of the army, some 
1,500 men in all, proceeded together up to the city of refuge. 
But the little cannon, which they had dragged with such 
pains and pride over so many mountain paths and river 

' Brizi, 10, II ; Franciosi, 16, 17 ; Bel. 166, 167. 

' A common abbreviation for Giuseppe. Bologna MS. Piva gives this 


beds, the whole way from Rome, was left, fallen, at the 
bottom of the last ravine.^ 

And so, about mid-day, they reached the summit of the 
Titano, a band of veritable refugees. The confusion of 
their ranks and the variety of their uniforms, the ponchos, 
the red shirts, the cocks' feathers, the top-hats, formed 
a strange medley. There were cavalrymen limping along 
on foot, infantry and wounded on horseback ; pale-faced 
boys who had thrown away their arms in the last skirmish, 
strong men fainting with every kind of anguish and ex- 
haustion. The citizens, moved to deep compassion, vied 
with each other in supplying the wants of the army. It was 
quartered in the Cappuccini convent on the road outside 
the walls, where all, especially the wounded, were treated 
with the utmost kindness by the non-political friars of San 
Marino. On the steps of this convent - Garibaldi sat down 
and wrote the last Order of the Day : — 

' Republic of San Marino. 

Order of the Day, July 31, 1849, 2 p-M. 

' Soldiers, — We have reached the land of refuge, and we 
owe the best behaviour to our generous hosts. We, too, have 
earned the consideration due to persecuted misfortune. 

' From this moment forward I release my companions from 
all obligation, and leave you free to return to private life. But 
remember that Italy must not continue in shame, and that it is 
better to die than to live as slaves of the foreigner. 

' Garibaldi.' ^^ 

That afternoon and evening the authorities of San 
Marino busily negotiated with Archduke Ernest for the 
safety of their guests, and, after some bargaining, obtained 
the offer of terms which would not have been unreasonable 

' Me??t. 244; Rug. 62-65; ^^ Rossi, 260 ; Bologna MS. Pit a; Bel. 15S, 
159; Hoff. 431-434- 

^ See illustration, p. 275, above. It is only a few hundred yards from the 
gate in the companion picture. 

^ Brizi, II, 12; Rug. 66; Bel. 168, 169; Mem. 245; Hoff. 434-436. 
There are slight variants as to the wording of the Order of the Day, but not as to 
the sense of the words. 


if there had been any security for their fulfilment. The 
Italians were to surrender their arms to the San Marinesi, 
who were to hand these over to the Austrians, and the dis- 
armed men were to be allowed to return safely to their 
homes. Garibaldi and his wife were to take ship for America. 
But these conditions were not to hold good unless they were 
ratified by Gorzkowsky, Governor-General of the Cavalry 
resident at Bologna, to whom the whole question was 
referred. This delay, which left all to the mercy of a cruel 
man, was eagerly seized on by Garibaldi and his Staff as 
a sufficient reason for breaking off negotiations, upon which 
they had entered most unwillingly and only for the sake of 
their followers. That same night, at a Council of War held 
in Simoncini's cafe, the faces of those present lit up with joy 
when it was decided to refuse the terms, for Garibaldi was 
thus set free to seek Venice with a small body of volunteers, 
leaving the bulk of his disbanded army to the good offices 
of the friendly Republic. But the decision was not at once 
made known. Since the faithful few would have to steal 
through the Austrian lines on the Marecchia before day- 
light, secrecy was essential ; it would have been fatal to 
arouse the main body of the troops, who were sleeping on 
the road between the Cappuccini and the town gate, and 
equally fatal to warn the authorities of San Marino, who were 
bound to prohibit the setting forth of an armed force from 
their dominions. It was, therefore, not till the birds were 
flown that the Regency received the following note, hastily 
written in pencil : — 

' Citizen Representatives of the Republic. — The conditions 
imposed by the Austrians are unacceptable ; and therefore we 
will evacuate your territory. — Yours, G. Garibaldi.' • 

This laconic statement of facts, scribbled in the hurry 
of preparation for the dangerous sortie, was somewhat 
brusque, but Garibaldi was deeply grateful to the San 
Marinesi, and always spoke in warm terms of his debt to 

' Hiig. 67, 68; Brizi, 15, 16, 22; Fravciosi, 1 9-22 ; Hoff. 437-439; Bei. 


' those excellent Republicans ' and ' generous hosts.' 
Whether his departure with the other notorious Republican 
chiefs, such as Bassi and Ciceruacchio, whose lives neither 
Austria nor the Papacy would wilhngly spare, made it 
more likely, or less, that the remainder of the troops would 
be well treated, it is difficult to decide. Probably, in leav- 
ing the army, which he had already disbanded, to obtain 
what terms it could for itself, he by no means betrayed its 
interest. But one thing is beyond all doubt : it was no 
coup de theatre, but an act of heroism requiring iron nerves 
and fortitude of mind, for the man who had been in com- 
mand night and day during the whole siege and retreat, 
and who during the last forty-eight hours had not closed 
his eyes, to start out once more from a haven of present 
rest and at least of possible salvation, and face again a sea of 
immediate hardship and danger, in the hope of penetrating 
into Venice so as to share in its last, hopeless defence. 

Late at night (July 31) the preparations for depar- 
ture were made by the band of friends who were in the 
secret, gathered in the cafe Simoncini, and round the city 
gate. Garibaldi supped with Ciceruacchio, LTgo Bassi, and 
Anita, who was showing grave signs of illness. He implored 
her to remain among the kindly Repubhcans, in a house 
whose inhabitants were already treating her with tender- 
ness and affection. ' In vain ; that resolute and noble 
heart, indignant at all my remonstrances on this subject, 
silenced me at last witli the words : " You want to leave 
me." ' ' 

It was close on midnight. Garibaldi was sitting on 
a stone outside the cafe, reading his map by the light of 
a lantern, and from time to time questioning three peasants 
of the Monte Titano, who stood reverently before him. He 
was smoking a cigar, and listening with his usual quiet 
manner to their replies as to the exact position of the 
Austrian forces that surrounded the borders of the Republic. 
His officers were standing round him. Suddenly he rose 

' Mem. 246; Denkiuilrdigkeiteji , ii. 145, 146. 


up, ' Whoever wishes to follow me,' he cried, ' I offer him 
fresh battles, sufferings and exile : treaties with the foreigner, 
never ' — patti con lo stvaniero, non mat. So saying, he leapt 
on his horse, and rode out under the gateway of San Marino, 
which ought by rights to have been closed by the porter, 
had he not been in collusion with Garibaldi. In the next 
minute everyone present had to determine whether to go 
or stay. More than 200 devoted men, and one all too 
devoted woman, followed after him, and in silence they 
began to descend the great mountain, northwards, through 
the night. 

It was done so suddenly that even Ugo Bassi would 
have been left behind, had not Garibaldi remembered to ask 
for him at the gate. One of the officers went back to fetch 
the friar from the cafe, where, in the hurry of departure, 
he forgot to take his collar and his writing materials ; they 
were found l3ang on his bed and preserved in San Marino 
with great veneration, after his martyrdom.' 

When, early next morning, the remainder of the army 
awoke to find their leader gone, they picked up their 
weapons, and rushed after him down the road almost to the 
borders of the Republic. Their next instinct was to return 
and occupy the citadel, and die defending it against the 
Austrians ; but, finally, their remaining officers and the civic 
authorities brought them to reason, and induced them to sur- 
render their arms. The negotiations with the Austrians were 
then resumed, and dragged on during the whole autumn, the 
victors securing the surrender of the arms, but giving only 
equivocal and ill-observed promises as to the treatment of 
the interned army. The good San Marinesi spared neither 
efforts nor expense to help the poor fellows, gave them each 
a sum of money, and sent them off in civilian clothes to their 
homes. Some went in large bodies, others in small groups, 
others alone. Some were seized, flogged almost to death, 
and shut up for long terms in horrible prisons. Others 

' The gate by which they went out is that in the illustration, p. 275, above. 
Siiiiomini, 1 5-1 7 ; Modoni, 76-80, 82 (Zani's narrative); Hoff. 440; Bel. 
178, 179. 


were allowed to pass, and yet more got away by avoiding 
the enemy, as the cordon of troops round the Republic was 
gradually relaxed.' 

Meanwhile, between midnight and dawn, Garibaldi 
and his column, which consisted chiefly of mounted men, 
had escaped through the Austrian blockade. Just outside 
the north-west comer of the territory of San Marino, the 
bed of the Marecchia, almost dry in summer, but broad 
as the London Thames, lay athwart their course, and the 
moment of greatest danger was while they were stumbling 
in the darkness across this quarter of a mile of white stones, 
pools, and sandbanks, between two bodies of Austrians, at 
Pietracuta above, and Verucchio below, the point of their 
passage. But again the enemy came up too late — only in 
time for his cavalry to skirmish with the rearguard under 
Forbes, Hoffstetter and Ugo Bassi.' 

Once across the Marecchia, the Garibaldians had little 
cause to fear being overtaken that night. Climbing the 
high mountains on the further bank by mule tracks, they 
stumbled on till dawn, up and down the sides of terrific 
ravines such as that of the Uso, by stony, breakneck paths 
of the nature of dried watercourses, difficult in the day- 
time, and impossible at night to ordinary soldiers. At 
Garibaldi's side, constantly pointing out the invisible 
direction, rode Zani, a workman of San Marino, who used 
sometimes to act as professional guide, and who had volun- 
teered for love to show the way over the northern mountains 
as far as the plain of the Romagna. Under these conditions 
not a few lost the column, and set off alone to find their 
homes ; Hoffstetter, left behind in a cleft of the Uso valley, 
sold his horse, changed his clothes, and made off, eager at 

' Rug. 73, 74, 84-86; Fraiiciosi, 27-36; Brhi, 16, 17; Farini, iv. 237; 
Modoni, 93. 

- Modoni, 82-84 (Zani's evidence) ; Hoff. 440-443 ; Bel. 185, 1S6. The 
Garibaldians descended Monte Titano by the Acquaviva road, and crossed the 
Marecchia near the point where the San Marino river enters it. The bridge over 
that tributary must be the fine modern bridge referred to by Zani {Modoni, 83). 
If the Austrians blockading the Republican territory had kept a body of men at the 
place where the San Marino road and river debouch together into the Marecchia 
valley, Garibaldi could not have crossed their line without giving battle. 



length to quit the parched Apennines for the echoing tor- 
rents of the Alps, and to become, in the leisure and freedom 
of his native Zurich, the Xenophon of the Retreat from 

By the time the column touched a road once more, near 
the high-perched village of San Giovanni in Galilea, the 
men were utterly exhausted ; but they were soon cheered 
by the rising sun, and revived by the fresh bread, wine, 
and water-melons sent out to them by the friendly towns- 
people of Sogliano.- All that day (August i) they raced 
on, sometimes by roads along high narrow ridges, 
sometimes by mule tracks across ravines, traversing 
hills that gradually became less rugged, re-entering the 
region of olives, and crossing the deep valley of the Rubicon 
(Fiumicino) ■'' through corn and vines and fruit-trees. In 
the scattered hamlet of Musano they halted from one o'clock 
till three near the pretty little parish church, which the 
authorities afterwards ordered to be ' re-blessed,' because 
Garibaldi and Anita had entered it.^ Anita, who was rapidly 
growing worse, called all day most piteously for water. 

After Musano they regained the high road, and passed 
close by the town of Longiano, staggering along, stupid 
with fatigue ; Garibaldi himself had not slept for three 
nights and days."* At about four in the afternoon they 
found themselves standing at cross-roads, on the very 
edge of the weary hills, at a spot where the traveller sud- 
denly sees spread before him the plain in which Caesar 
crossed the Rubicon, and beyond it, only eight miles away, 
the blue Adriatic dancing in the sun. As they stood there 
gazing on the sea, the face of Garibaldi the sailor lit up as 
though he had arisen fresh from sleep, and his dark eyes 
kindled in their strange fashion.'' 

' Hoff. 444, 445 ; Modoiti, 75 S6 (Zani's evidence) ; Bel. 182-187. 
■•' Bel. 187. 

^ It is not quite certain whether the Uso or the Fiurnicino is the ancient 
Rubicon. In either case, they cro::sed it in the march from San Marino. 

* The parish priest himself befriended rhem (/h/. 187, l8S). Modoni, 86. 

'- Bel. 182, 188 ; Bologna A/S. Romofrcddo. Modoni, 86. 

" A memorial pillar and little grove now mark the spot. It is within half a 

ySo chaase ia characier ci szn 

let cr boa-s since 1S49J 

A : -.?. -.o: .TT' : "Tv.'KKN '^H~:-:NATi'-"o town am 


:; AT TKi 



An hour more, and they were in the full plain of the 
Roraagna, crossing at right angles the great highway of 
the Via Aemiha. When, late in the afternoon, they reached 
the village of Gatteo, Zani's task was done ; he had led them 
safely off the hills. Garibaldi took his hand and said : 
' Good-bye, dear Zani ; 1 thank you for your work. In 
ten years I hope to see you again, with better fortune.' 
The faithful guide went back to his shop on the summit of 
the Titano, and, in precisely ten years' time, came down into 
the liberated Romagna to be welcomed by the hero of the 
age, as one of those who had saved him in the hour of need.' 

From Gatteo they hurried on, in growing weariness 
and e.xcitement, through the darkening vineyards, past Sala, 
towards the sea. The goal of their extraordinary march of 
twenty-two hours from San ]\Iarino, was to be Cesenatico, 
where Garibaldi heard that there were many fishing boats 
and few Austrians. The neighbouring municipahties were 
patriotic and active, as became Romagnuols. The Governor 
of Savignano sent false reports that Garibaldi was spending 
the night at Longiano, and so prevented the Austrians, who 
were thick along the Via Aemilia, from following to Cesenatico 
until it was too late. The savage Gorzkowsky, come from 
Bologna to Savignano to catch Garibaldi, was unable to find 
and shoot this splendidly l3^ng governor, who had decamped, 
and so had to be content with kicking the secretary,- 

It was past ten at night, in the little town of Cesenatico. 
The fishing fleet had come home and thirteen of the bragozzi 
(or baragozzi) by which the inhabitants made their liveli- 
hood, were lying in the canal that runs down the middle of 
the main street.^ ' The bragozzi are the most picturesque 
boats that traffic on the lagoons,' writes Mr. Horatio Brown, 
who can make such a statement with authority. ' It is 
the bragozzi alone that carry upon their bows those wonder- 
mile of Longiano, and quite close to the high, squarely built Villa Pasolini, which 
is the most prominent landmark on the edge of the hills. Be/. 188-190. 

' Afodom, S6, S7 (Zani's evidence;. 

- Bolog)ia MS. Savignano : Bel. 194. 195. ^ See illustration opposite. 


ful flying figures of fame blowing a trumpet in a swirl of 
drapery. Nothing can be prettier than to see them lying, 
bow by painted bow, in a long row.' ' Even so they lay 
in Cesenatico that night. Their dyed sails, which had 
shone in the daylight, sheets of scarlet and saffron, orange, 
brown and white in curious patterns, were furled and 
muffled in darkness. The tired owners were fast asleep 
in the houses on both sides of the canal ; half a dozen 
white-coats were dozing or pla5nng cards with guttural 
exclamations in their guard- house, and as many Papal 
Carabineers were similarly off the watch in another barrack. 
The street and the httle square, and the masts of the sleeping 
ships in the midst, were wrapped in peace and darkness, 
when suddenly the silence was broken by a clatter of horse- 
men, the voice of a leader, men dismounting and hammering 
at doors and scattering in all directions on their errands. 
The guards were dragged, dazed and half-awake, out of their 
quarters into the square (where Garibaldi's statue stands 
to-day) ; some of the desperate band were for shooting the 
officer of Carabineers — a man named Sereni — lest he should 
give information after they had gone ; but since Ugo Bassi 
pleaded for his Hfe, and Garibaldi would not hear of imitating 
Austrian methods of warfare, it was decided to take the 
prisoners on the voyage." 

And now the serious work of embarkation began. The 
fishermen of Cesenatico were hauled out of bed, sulky and 
sleepy, to take an unenthusiastic part in the commandeering 
of their own boats ; the municipal authorities were brought 
into action, and the town was ransacked for ropes and provi- 
sions. The thirteen hragozzi were towed down the half mile of 
canal that joins the town to the shore,' as far as the harbour 
entrance, which consists of two piers, built of wood-piles 
and stones, carrying the canal out into the sea. So far 
all had gone well; but here, as Garibaldi writes in his 

' Life on the Lagoons, 151, 152. 

* Mem. 246, 247 ; Bel. 196, 197, 201 ; Guerzoui, i. 257, 258, note ; Bologna 
MS. Cese7tatHo, PivcHs comymmicaiion to the Corriere del Polesine, November 15, 

' Sec ihc lower of ibe two illuslralions, p. 283, above. 


Memoric, fortune ceased any longer to favour him that 

' There had been a violent squall from the sea, and the 
breakers were so heavy in the mouth of the port that it was 
almost impossible for vessels to put out. 

' Here I found the advantage of my seamanship. It was 
absolutely necessary that we should leave the port ; day was 
at hand, so were the Austrians, and no retreat was open to us 
except by sea. 

' I went on board each of the bragozzi, had ropes fastened 
to two kedge-anchors lashed together, and tried to get out 
of the harbour in a small boat, in order to drop the anchors 
and warp the bragozzi out. Our first attempts were fruitless. 
In vain we sprang into the sea, to push the boat by force of 
arm through the breakers ; in vain we encouraged the rowers 
with cheering words and many promises. Only after repeated 
and laborious attempts did we succeed in carrying the anchors 
to the proper distance and sinking them. As, having let down 
the anchors, we returned to the harbour, gradually letting out 
the ropes as we went, the last one, being thin and made of 
inferior hemp, parted, and we had to do the whole of the work 
over again. Such mishaps were enough to drive a man crazy. 
At last I was obliged to return to the fishing-boats, and get 
fresh ropes and fresh anchors ; and all this with a sleepy and 
unwilling crew, who could be made to move at all — not to speak 
of doing the necessary work — only by means of blows with the 
fiat of our swords. At last we tried once more, and this time 
succeeded in taking out the anchors as far as was needful.' 

In these prolonged operations of ' warping out,' Gari- 
baldi took the most arduous part upon himself, plunging 
through the breakers to shove out the little boat with the 
kedge-anchors on board, and diving into the sea to fasten 
them. While he was engaged in this latter operation, 
his companion, unable to keep the boat still, dropped 
away from him, but saw him, when he had fastened the 
anchors, swim back with ease through the stormy water 
and, as dawn was breaking, leap into the boat, ' like a sea- 
god,' ' shaking out his long locks with a vigorous motion 


of the neck.' ' He was in his own element once more, 
and the vigil and journeying, and strain of so many days 
and nights seemed to have had no effect upon his iron 

For seven hours Anita sat by the shore, faint and in 
great pain, but propped up so as to watch her husband at 
his work. ' Half a mile away, at the inland entrance of the 
town, Hugh Forbes had thrown up a street barricade 
against the Austrians, who were expected at every moment 
throughout the long agony of delay. There he stood, with 
the rearguard, until all the rest were aboard.'' He and his 
white top-hat deserve a place in the Garibaldian epic. The 
forerunner of Peard, Dunne, and others of our countrymen 
who won names for themselves under the great Italian in 
less calamitous times, Forbes professed the faith ten years 
too soon for prudence and respectability, and so earned 
nothing but detraction, besides an excellent chance of being 
set up against a wall and shot.'* 

At last, but not before six in the morning, the bragozzi 
with the men on board had been ' warped out ' into the open 
sea, and all was ready for departure. Garibaldi, not without 
emotion, kissed the forehead of the horse that had earned 
him so far and so well, and gave him to a patriot of Cesena- 
tico with the words : ' Do what you will with him, but never 
let him pass into the hands of the Austrians.' ^ 

And so they set sail for Venice. 

' The day was already somewhat advanced when we left 
Cesenatico ; the weather had turned fine, and the wind was 
favourable. If I had not been so distressed by the situation of 
my Anita, who was in a deplorable state of suffering, I might 
have said that our condition — having overcome so many diffi- 
culties, and being on the way to safety — could be called fortunate. 
But my dear wife's sufferings were too great ; and greater still 
was the misery caused by my own inability to relieve them. 

' Bologna MS. Cesetiatiro, Piva's commjtnjtatiofi to the Coniere del Poksine ; 
Mtm. 247. 

-' De^ikwiirdi gkeiten , ii. 146. ' Mem. 248. 

* P.O. Papers, Tuscany. Jatiitary to December 1849, 14 1. ' Bel. 200. 


' What with the stress of weather, and the difficulties en- 
countered in getting out of Cesenatico, I had not been able to 
turn my attention to the provisioning of the boats. I had 
entrusted it to an officer, who had collected all he could ; but at 
night, in a strange village, where we had taken the inhabitants 
by surprise, he had procured but a small quantity of su})plies, 
which were distributed among the different boats. 

* The chief thing wanting was water, and my poor suffering 
wife was tormented by a feverish thirst — no doubt one of the 
symptoms of her illness. I too was thirsty, worn out as I was 
by the night's work ; and we had very little drinking-water. 
All the rest of that day (August 2) we coasted along the 
Italian side of the Adriatic, at a certain distance off shore, with a 
favourable wind. The night, when it came, was most beautiful. 
The moon was full,' and it was with a terrible misgiving that I 
watched the rising of the mariner's companion, contemplated 
by me so often with the reverence of a worshipper. Lovelier 
than I had ever seen her before, but for us, unhappily, too 
lovely — the moon was fatal to us that night. East of the point 
of Goro lay the Austrian squadron.' 

' Me?n. 248, 249. Full moon was on August 4 (see Almanacs of 1849). 



' I cannot count the years, 

That you will drink, like me, 
The cup of blood and tears. 
Ere she to you appears :-- 

Italia, Italia sliall be fr&e ! 

' You dedicate your lives 

To her, and you will be 
The food on which she thrives, 
Till her great day arrives : - 
Italia, Italia sliall he free ! 

' She asks you but for faith ! 

Your faith in her takes she 
As draughts of heaven's breath, 
Amid defeat and death : — 

Italia, Italia shall be free I ' 

George Meredith ( Vittoria, chap, xxi.) 

In that extreme north-eastern angle of the Romagna formed 
by the Adriatic and the Po, Kes the lagoon district of 
Comacchio, a southern counterpart to the more famous 
region round Venice to the north of the great river. Although 
its islands, marshes, and strips of sandy soil are seldom 
visited by tourists from Ravenna, owing to some difficulty 
of access, it has, for all who reach it, a fascination and 
beauty of its own. Comacchio, like a diminutive Venice, 
rears its beautiful red towers out of the middle of the 
inland sea, upon which it seems to float, a princess of the 
waters. Canals run through some of the principal streets, 
and the island city is joined by a narrow causeway road, 
across the lagoon,' to Ferrara and the western mainland on 

' In the map at the end of the book, which must be used for this Chapter, 
the breadth of the causeway carrying the mad has been inevitably exaggerated. 


one side, and to the little port town of Magnavacca on the 
other. The district which included Comacchio and the neigh- 
bouring city of Ravenna was noted as a nursery of brave 
men, and its peasants, boatmen and fishermen, fine fellows 
as any in the Romagna, were good patriots and Liberals, 
ahke when Byron dwelt in their midst, and when Garibaldi 
entrusted his life to their keeping. 

The leading citizen of Comacchio, in 1848-49, was Nino ^ 
Bonnet, the owner of a good deal of land round the lagoon, 
and a man of great influence with all classes, except 
with the Papal Governors of the country. In November 
1848,- he had taken a leading part in rousing Comacchio 
to defend Masina and his lancers against the Government 
troops sent from Ferrara by Rossi and Zucchi, had gone 
the length of erecting a barricade and a battery on the 
causeway over the lagoon, and had even fired the cannon 
to warn off the advancing column. In the following 
week, at Ravenna, he had seen Garibaldi and been taken 
into his counsels while the Legion was forming, and had, 
as he tells us, been won to a lifelong devotion by ' the 
air of nobility and heroism which radiated from that manly 
countenance.' ' Since then eight months had gone by, 
during which two of Bonnet's younger brothers had fought, 
and one of them had died, under Garibaldi at Rome ; while 
a third, named Celeste, was with Nino in Comacchio during 
the eventful first days of August 1849.^ 

Nino Bonnet, secretly informed by his Liberal con- 
federates of Garibaldi's march through San Marino to 
take ship for Venice, was strolling along the seashore near 
Magnavacca on the evening of August 2, with an anxious eye 
on the eastern horizon, when he descried, by the last light 
of day, the red and orange sails of a fleet of bragozzi in 
the offing, running before a favourable wind for Venice. 
He knew at once who must be on board, and he knew also, 

' Short for Gioacchino (Joachim), a common name, especially in patriotic 
Italian families at this period^ in honour of Joachim Murat. 

2 See p. 79, above. ' Bonnet, 5, 6; Gtterzoni, i. 361, 362. 

* Bonnet, 20, 25, 41 ; Loev. ii. 234. See list, p. 324, below. 



from his friends in Venetia, that an Austrian squadron 
was cruising off the mouths of the Po. With sombre 
forebodings he stood and gazed, until darkness rose out of 
the sea to blot the view ; then, returning to his house in 
Comacchio, he flung himself down in his clothes, not to sleep, 
but to He nervously listening for what he most dreaded to 
hear. Shortly before midnight the distant boom of cannon 
from the sea sent him leaping from his bed, and in a few 
minutes he was driving Hke a madman, back along the 
causeway to Magnavacca, in his little hiroccino} Arrived 
at the mouth of the harbour, which, like that of Cesenatico, 
consists of two piers carrying the canal out into the surf, he 
found the population of Magnavacca and 150 Austrian and 
Papal soldiers crowded on the mole, straining their eyes 
over the disturbed but moonlit surface of the sea. But 
nothing could be made out beyond the breakers except an 
occasional flash, always followed by the sullen roar of a can- 
non. As the night grew grey, more and more troops poured 
down to the beach, and the excitement became intense, 
as the people and their foreign oppressors watched together, 
but with such different feelings, the veiled spectacle of the 
tragedy that was enacting on the waters. 

At sunrise, experienced mariners in the crowd by the 
pier could distinguish that most of the bragozzi had been 
captured, but that three of them were running for shore 
some miles north of Magnavacca, pursued by pinnaces and 
long-boats. If Bonnet had now remained inactive, or if 
the Austrian commandant had at once marched a part 
of his men northwards to cut off the fugitives as 'they landed, 
as he certainly ought to have done, it is not hkely that 
one of the men on board the three bragozzi would have 
survived to dehver Italy in years to come. But while 
the officer kept his soldiers drawn up on the pier of Magna- 
vacca — perhaps because he did not clearly perceive what was 
going on at sea — Bonnet, informed by an old salt of the real 
state of the game, drove his biroccuio along the track that 

' A light one-horse gifj Ijetween two high wheels, much used on the sandy 
tracks of the Ravenna and Cumacchio district. 


runs northward, a little inland, but parallel to the shore. 
After travelling thus for two or three miles, till he was 
out of reach of the Austrians, he sent on his confidential 
servant with the vehicle to await him at Cavallina farm, 
and himself, leaving the track, made his way down to the 
beach. As he emerged from among the sand-dunes on to 
the open shore, the first things that met his eyes were the 
three bragozzi, safely aground, half a mile further to the 
north, and a group of men disembarking from them and 
rapidly disappearing into the covert of the dunes, in 
various directions. As he ran towards them along the hard 
sands by the water's edge, he saw the last two men of 
the party wading through the surf from the fishing boats, 
one of them carrying a woman in his arms. ' It is he, 
it is he,' the runner whispered to himself, straining every 
muscle to reach them before they should follow the others 
and disappear among the dunes. ^ 

Among the dozen or more men whom Bonnet had seen 
making off inland were Ugo Bassi and Ciceruacchio, to 
whom their Chief bade a hasty but tender farewell with 
the sure foreboding that he would never see them again. 
At that moment his own chance of life was even less 
than theirs, for the Austrians were more eager to catch 
and kill him than all the rest of his band put together, 
and he could move away from them no faster than he could 
carry Anita. To one other man, who could himself move 
but slowly, he accorded the privilege of remaining with 
him : this was his devoted friend Captain Culiolo, commonly 
called Leggiero, who, wounded in the leg during the siege of 
Rome, had not been able to leave the city till July 14, but 
had succeeded, with the aid of good horses, in overtaking 
the column of retreat.^ 

The other ten bragozzi, with 162 Garibaldians on board, 
had been captured out at sea. The fishermen of Cesenatico, 

' Bonnet, i2-l6. The place of Garibaldi's disembarkation is about four 
miles north of Magnavacca, not at the memorial pillar near the port. 

2 Mem_^ 250, 251 ; Loev. i. 271, 272 ; Bel. 157 ; Bologna MS. Verith. 

u 2 


less than half-hearted in performing the corv(^e imposed 
on them by the red-shirts, and scared by the Austrian 
cannonade, had shown so little activity in obeying the orders 
shouted by Garibaldi, that the greater part of his com- 
mandeered fleet had been easily overhauled. The Austrians, 
as they leapt on board, spat in the faces of the ItaHans, 
but refrained from massacre, and took them to the fortress 
of Pola on the Illyrian coast. There, although the female 
population of the town received the enemies of their Kaiser 
with the same charming courtesy with which they had been 
first greeted by their captors at sea, their lives were spared 
on the ground that they had been taken, not as rebels against 
the Pope, but as prisoners of war in Venetian waters ; and 
after some months of severe imprisonment, they were 
released under an amnesty. If they had been caught in 
Papal territory, or if, as might have been expected, they had 
been landed there immediately after their capture, they 
would certainly have been shot, as were all Garibaldi's 
companions hunted down on land during the first days of 

Hugh Forbes was released in October, rather before 
his fellow-prisoners of Pola, owing to the representa- 
tions of the British ministers, and the entreaties of his 
wife. Throughout August and September, this poor lady, 
hourly fearing to hear that her husband had been handed 
over to the Papal authorities and shot, must also have had 
grave fears for her son, who had been left behind by his 
father, probably at San Marino, and whom the reactionary 
Governments were making special efforts to arrest. What 
finally happened to young Forbes I do not know ; but his 
father lived to take part under Garibaldi in the more 
fortunate Sicilian campaign.^ 

But, when Garibaldi waded through the surf, on the 

' Bologna MSS. Cesenatico, Piva ; /'". 0. Papas, Tuscany and Rome, Aug.- 
Sept. 1849, 3, 139, No. 147, and 7'uscatiy, Jan. -Dec. 1849, 141 ; Guerzoni, 
i. 359 ; Bel. App. I. ; Rtig. 87-90 ; Vecchi, ii. 323 ; Forbes, 109. I should 
welcome any further informalion, from any quarter, about Hugh Forbes or his 
family before or after 1849. 


morning of August 3, there was little prospect that he 
would live to win future victories. Set ashore on a strip 
of land three miles wide by six long/ which was already 
beginning to be searched by hundreds of soldiers incited to 
kill him by the promise of rich rewards, himself bound, by ties 
dearer than life, to a dying woman clinging to his breast, and 
accompanied only by a friend halting on a wounded leg, he 
could not move a mile or find fresh water for Anita's parched 
lips but by the help of the peasants, who had the fear of the 
Austrian murderers heavy upon them. Gorzkowski, moved 
to brutal rage by the news of the escape from San Marino, 
and knowing that he himself would be held responsible if 
Garibaldi escaped alive, had proclaimed death to all who 
should give bread, water, or the shelter of the hearth, to 
any of the band, and had, with the generosity pecuhar to 
the hunter after blood, announced that the leader might 
be identified at sight by the companionship of a woman 
far gone with child. ^ 

While Garibaldi heavily mounted the nearest of the 
sand-hills with his precious burden, and descended towards 
the marsh water beyond it,^ if he did not then think his 
last day had dawned, it was because he was sustained by 
a strong faith in his destiny. If he had such faith, it 
was answered, as it were by miracle. Suddenly, in that 
desert place, a panting but well-dressed young gentleman 
stood at his side, holding out his hand, with a look of earnest 
determination and intelligence on his face."* ' Bonnet ! ' 
cried Garibaldi, in a rapture of surprise, seeing, when he 
least expected him, the one man who might procure for 
the fugitives some means of escape through the farms on 
his land, and the intricate waterways of his native 

' This strip of land was cut off by the sea to the east, by the lagoon to the 
west, by the Magnavacca canal to the south, and by one of the mouths of the Po 
to the north. 

' ^ug- 72 ; Boggio, 17 ; Scampo, 9; Guerzoni, i. 358 ; Bonnet, 64, 65. 

' This he must have done, as personal observation of the scene will show. 

* See picture of Bonnet, frontispiece Bonnet^ ed. 1887. 

* Bonnet, 16 ; Mem. 251. 


Scarcely had they exchanged greetings, when they 
became aware of a man hovering near them, whom Bonnet 
recognised as a character well known on the countryside 
under the name of Baramoro, a beach-comber, one of the 
poorest of the very poor, but none so poor as to sell his 
countrymen to the foreigner. ' Baramoro,^ cried Bonnet, 
pointing inland across the marsh to a straw-roofed hut on 
the edge of the cultivated ground, ' do you see that little 
cottage ? ' ' Yes, I see it.' ' Well, take my friends there, 
while I am off after some other business. The lady is ill, 
and needs to be carried.' While Baramoro and Garibaldi 
conveyed Anita to the hut, and Leggiero hobbled along 
behind, Bonnet ran down to the three hragozzi to fetch 
out some papers and clothes needed by the fugitives. But 
the Austrian long-boats, arriving in belated pursuit, opened 
fire, and drove off Bonnet before he had time to effect his 

Returning inland, he reached the hut, to find Garibaldi 
already dressed as a peasant. With infinite difficulty and 
danger — for the whole countryside was now swarming 
with white-coats, whose one thought was to kill ' Gari- 
palda ' — they proceeded to carry the agonising woman across 
two miles of country to Cavallina farm, where they arrived 
well after midday. Here Bonnet's servant and biroccino 
were waiting, and here Anita was laid on a bed and given 
such nourishment as she could take. Here, too. Bonnet had 
time to take the chief aside and expose to him at length 
the utter impossibility of crossing the Po and reaching 
Venice, and the need, if he wished to save his own life for 
his country, of parting from Anita as soon as she had been 
placed in safety and comfort. At last Garibaldi consented to 
leave her, provided that he could himself bear her company 
as far as the house designed by his friend for her accom- 
modation — the large Zanetto farm. He agreed that after 
that he would try to escape, with Leggiero, through the 

' Bonnet, 16-19 5 Gironi, 39. Gironi's book represents local tradition ; but 
where it differs from Bonnet, as regards scenes at which he was present, Bonnet is 
the more likely to be right. 


Romagna and Tuscany into Piedmont, by such means as 
the Liberals of Ravenna should provide/ 

In the middle of the afternoon (August 3) Garibaldi and 
Leggier started on again, taking Anita in a cart, towards 
the Zanetto farm on the borders of the great lagoon, where, 
at Bonnet's request, every comfort was being prepared, 
and where her husband might with a good conscience 
leave her behind. Meanwhile Bonnet himself hastened 
back to Comacchio to engage and dispatch the boat which, 
according to the plan as now agreed upon, was to fetch 
Garibaldi away from his wife. Entering his native town 
at imminent risk of being arrested, he found Ugo Bassi in 
bed at the Luna inn, under surveillance as a suspect, having 
deliberately come to Comacchio in the hope that as he was a 
non-combatant his life would be spared. Bonnet, who knew 
better, urged him and his companion Livraghi to instant 
flight ; they hurried on their clothes and would have escaped 
forthwith, had not the Austrian soldiers burst in while they 
were in the act of escaping by the window, and arrested them 
under Bonnet's eyes. They had been denounced to the Croat 
commander by Sereni, the Papal Brigadier, the very man 
who had been spared at the friar's own intercession at 
Cesenatico, and carried off on the voyage ; rather than take 
his life in cold blood, Garibaldi had set the potential in- 
former free that morning, when they had dispersed from 
the bragozzi on the beach. "^ 

Leaving Bassi to his now inevitable fate, Bonnet, with 
the help of his brother Celeste, despatched the boatmen to 
Zanetto farm, but without informing them of the character 
of the party whom they were transporting, and himself stole 
back thither, avoiding numerous parties of white-coats. At 
the farm he found that a new difficulty had arisen. Anita, 
growing hourly worse, and no longer well able to understand 
what was going on around her, was in agony at the idea of 
being separated from Garibaldi. ' Bonnet,' he said at last, 
* you cannot imagine all that this woman has done for me, 

' Bonnet, 19-24, 35 ; Gironi, 39-41 ; Itinerary. 

* Bonnet, 24, 25 ; Bel. 196; Venosta, 136- 139; Facchini, 126, 1 27. 


nor how tenderly she loves me. I owe her an immense debt 
of gratitude and love. Let her come with me.' After again 
making clear, but to no purpose, the great danger which 
the two men would incur by this change of plan, their 
friend bowed to the ruhng of love, and granted that death 
alone should part the wife from her husband. And so, 
when the boat arrived from Comacchio, they laid her 
beside him, among the cushions in the stern, and at the 
moment when the Ave Maria was sounding over the 
broad, still surface of the lagoon, Bonnet watched Anita, 
Garibaldi and Leggiero float from the shore and recede into 
the gathering gloom.' 

Anita, in her last hours, still held by the undogmatic 
religion of her husband — to which, perhaps, she had ad- 
hered more consistently than he. It had been noticed at 
Rieti, on Good Friday of that year, that, while Garibaldi 
pleased the population by dismounting and taking off his 
hat to a procession, Anita, who was at his side, remained 
in the saddle.-^ The minute daily records of those who 
watched her during the Retreat from Rome, and during 
her long death agony throughout the first four days of 
August, mention no sign of craving on her part for those 
miraculous consolations which she had rejected in her days 
of health and strength. Dying on the breast of Garibaldi, 
she needed no priest. 

The land-locked sea over which Anita was taken for 
her last voyage, called the Valli di Comacchio, is cut into 
two unequal parts by the highroad causeway that joins 
the island city to the mainland and to the seashore — 
the part of the lagoon north of Comacchio, known as the 
ValH Isola and Ponti, being smaller than the portion 
lying to the south. The lagoons are again subdivided, 
though in less marked fashion, by long strings of narrow 
islands, some of bare earth and some covered with rough 
grass, never more than two feet above the water, and not 

' Bonnet, 25-29 ; Mem. 252. 

* Loev. i. 131 ; see also Bel. 86, 11. 13-16, for another incident indicating 
her opinions. 


many feet wide, but extending often for miles in length. 
Except the towers of Comacchio, the low black lines of these 
argini, as they are called, alone break the monotony of the 
lake ; and a few huts rising upon them, at intervals of many 
miles, serve as the only landmarks within the wide boundaries 
of the green, encircling shores. Under a spring sky, with 
larks singing above the causeway, and white cloud masses 
rolling along the horizon over the distant Apennines, and 
Comacchio near at hand rising red out of the blue waters, 
there is neither terror nor gloom in all the tranquil scene. 
But on that hot August night, danger lurked in the still 
lagoon, and death was companion in the boat. 

They rowed safely across the northern Valli Isola and 
Ponti, and then, carrying Anita and their little vessel 
across the highroad causeway, at midnight and unobserved, 
they embarked upon the larger southern lake. But during 
the portage over the causeway something aroused the suspi- 
cions of the crew, the identity of Garibaldi was disclosed to 
them, and, in terror of their lives, they abandoned him, at 
about three in the morning of August 4, alone with his wife and 
Leggiero, in a hut upon one of the desert islands to the north 
of the argine Agosta. The sun, rising from behind Comacchio 
on the desolate scene, brought neither comfort nor hope ; 
she, it was now too clear, would in any case be dead before 
nightfall, and the Austrians would in all likelihood be the 
next visitors to the oozy isle on which they were marooned.^ 

But the boatmen had not returned to Comacchio in order 
to betray, and the fact that they had declined to prosecute 
further a task imposed on them under false pretences 
reached the ears of their employers and not of the Austrians.^ 
At an early hour, Nino Bonnet was roused from bed by his 
brother Celeste's wife, who rushed into his room with the 
calamitous news. A few minutes later he was battering at 
the house of a patriotic boatman named Michele Guidi, 
whom he soon roused from sleep. It was neither possible 

' Gironi, 43 ; Bonnet, 29, 30 ; Itinerary. 

■ There are two different accounts as to how the Celeste Bonnets were in- 
formed of the marooning of Garibaldi. (Gironi, 43 ; Bonnet, 29, 30.) 


nor necessary to conceal from this man the real nature of 
the case, and he agreed to fetch away Garibaldi and his 
party to a certain dairy-farm near Mandriole, whither Nino 
Bonnet hastened to prepare the inhabitants for their arrival.^ 

And so at eight in the morning, after five hours of 
terrible suspense, they were taken off the lonely island 
by Michele Guidi and his brother, who rowed them across 
the lagoon to the Chiavica di Mezzo (or Pedone), their 
chosen landing-place on the southern shore. They arrived 
here about one in the afternoon (August 4), but only to 
encounter fresh delays and difficulties before they could 
transfer the dying woman to the dairy-farm at Mandriole. 
It was necessary first to carry the boat across the bank 
which divides the lagoon from the Po di Primaro ; after that, 
a cart and horse had to be fetched from the farm by Michele 
Guidi. He and his brother worked with indefatigable zeal, 
for Bonnet was now absent at Ravenna, making arrange- 
ments for the further escape of the fugitives ; and the scared 
peasants, though friendly, and not altogether unhelpful, 
were afraid of doing too much, since it was easy to guess the 
character of such strange travellers. Not till half-past 
seven in the evening (August 4) did the little procession 
reach the Guiccioli dairy-farm, near the scattered hamlet of 
Mandriole. "^ It is a finely built, spacious house, standing 
among vineyards ; but the reeds and waste land of the 
southern marsh come almost to its doors, and from its upper 
chambers the tall trees of the famous pine forest of Ravenna 
are seen, the nearest of them scarcely a mile away. It was 
here that the tragedy of Garibaldi's life took place. 

The last words that he had heard Anita say to him 
concerned the children whom she left to his care. Then, for 
long hours, her speech had failed. All day she was losing 
her hold on life, and Garibaldi could but clasp her closer in 
his arms, as their boat ghded over the smooth surface of 
the lagoon. No longer conscious of anything save that he 
was there, the dying woman may have fancied that they 

' Bonnet, 29-33. 

"^ Bonnet^ 52 (Guidi's narralive) ; Gironi, 47 ; Itinerary. 


were escaping once more over the well-known waters of 
another lagoon now all too far away ; or that they were 
riding together to war, in the first glory of youth and love, 
over rolling, infinite spaces. 

When they drew near the door of the farm in the long 
shadows of evening, she was lying in the cart, on the 
mattress in which they had Hfted her from the boat. The 
good doctor, Nannini, who had been fetched from Sant' 
Alberto, arrived almost at the same moment. ' Try and 
save this woman,' said Garibaldi to him as they met. ' Then 
we must make a shift to get her to bed,' he repUed. * The 
four of us then each took a comer of the mattress,' writes 
her husband, ' and carried her into the house, to a room 
at the head of the stairs. In laying her down on the bed, 
I thought I saw the death-look in her face.' 

It was too true. She had passed away as they bore 
her into that quiet chamber. Then the noble outward 
calm of Garibaldi, which had been proof against the thousand 
dangers, disappointments, and sorrows of the past months, 
and had inspired his fainting followers with courage, all in an 
instant gave way, and he burst into a flood of prolonged and 
bitter weeping.^ 

' Mem. 251. 252; Bonnet, 53 (Guidi's narrative); Gironi, 47-49 




' That second time they hunted me 
From hill to plain, from shore to sea, 
And Austria, hounding far and wide 
Her blood-hounds thro' the country side, 
Breathed hot and instant on my trace, — 

' At first sight of her eyes, I said, 
"I am the man upon whose head 
They fix the price, because I hate 
The Austrians over us : the State 
Will give you gold — oh, gold so much ! — 
If you betray me to their clutch. 
And be your death, for aught I know. 
If once they find you saved their foe ! " ' 

Robert Browning, The Italian in England. 

Stunned by the first blow of the irreparable loss, and for 
awhile, as it seemed to those who were in the room, deprived 
of his reason, Garibaldi no longer concealed his identity, 
and in a few minutes the crowd of peasants who had gathered 
outside the door of the house were whispering the name 
of joy and fear.^ But there was not found among them 
one who would sell Italy for gold. In Romagna, the 
patriotism of the contadini was as staunch as that of the 
townspeople in Umbria, and from this moment forward 
Garibaldi's life was handed on with religious devotion from 
one poor man to another, until, after many days, they had 
safely transferred him out of the region where the hunt 
was hottest. 

It was impossible to permit him to linger in the house 
of death, close to the high road, for the Austrian searchers 

' See map at end of book for this chapter. 
* Bonnet, 43-5. ( Ravaglia's evidence. ) 


might arrive at any moment, and the corpse would betray 
them all. ' I directed the good people,' he writes, ' to bury the 
body, and left, yielding to the entreaties of the inhabitants 
of the house, whom my farther stay compromised.' Then he 
' staggered along, scarcely able to walk,' accompanied by 
Leggiero and a guide, who led him by devious ways and under 
cover of night, to the little village of Sant' Alberto, and 
lodged him there in the cottage of a poor handicraftsman, 
where he was received with a generosity that sank deep 
into his heart. He himself belonged to the poor, by origin, 
and by the simple habits of his early life which he never 
abandoned ; the heroism and kindness of his hosts on this 
dreadful night pierced the armour of his grief, and he deter- 
mined to live for a country whose humblest children were 
ready to die for him. Another feeling, less tender but no less 
wholesome as an antidote to sorrow during the crisis of his 
soul's malady, was roused as he looked out from the window 
and saw the white-coats swaggering down the village street, 
with their insolent airs of mastery towards the defenceless 
natives. Wrath choked him at the sight, and he hungered 
for new battles.^ 

Very early on the next morning (August 5), Leggiero 
and he, accompanied by a certain Nason of Sant' Alberto, 
rowed down the Po di Primaro with the help of one regular 
oar and of a big stake, picked out of the water by Garibaldi, 
and shaped for use with the large knives which were now 
the only arms borne by the two fugitives. When they had 
in this way approached the northern end of the pine forest 

' A/em. 252-4. Bonnet, 45-6. Garibaldi calls his host of Sant' Alberto a 
tailor, but Marie von Schwartz, who accompanied him in his pilgrimage to these 
scenes in the autumn of 1859, records that ' our return journey to Ravenna led 
us through the hamlet of Sant' Alberto, where, during his adventurous retreat 
from Rome in 1849, Garibaldi sought refuge and found shelter at the hands of a 
poor cobbler. This very cobbler now lay at the point of death. He had already 
received extreme unction. But when the shouts of the people announced 
Garibaldi's triumphal procession through the village, the poor man tried to leave 
his sick bed to welcome the hero of Varese and Como. The General was informed 
of this, and at once paid a visit to his former benefactor, who, as I learnt after- 
wards, was so strongly affected with joy by the visit that he recovered from his 
illness.' Melena, "jz. 


of Ravenna, they left the boat and, partly on foot and partly 
by cart, stole out of the fevered marshland into the covert 
of that luxuriant and health-giving jungle that grows be- 
neath the tall pine sterns.^ 

The pine forest of Ravenna has been so perfectly de- 
scribed by John Addington Symonds, that no inferior hand 
need attempt the task: 

' As early as the sixth century,' he writes, ' the sea had 
already retreated to such a distance from Ravenna that orchards 
and gardens were cultivated on the spot where once the galleys 
of the Caesars rode at anchor. Groves of pines sprang up along 
the shore, and in their lofty tops the music of the wind moved 
like the ghost of waves and breakers plunging upon distant 
sands. This Pinetum stretches along the shore of the Adriatic 
for about forty miles, forming a belt of variable width between 
the great marsh and the tumbling sea. From a distance the 
bare stems and velvet crowns of the pine-trees stand up like 
palms that cover an oasis on Arabian sands ; but at a nearer 
view the trunks detach themselves from an inferior forest- 
growth of juniper and thorn and ash and oak, the tall roofs 
of the stately firs shooting their breadth of sheltering greenery 
above the lower and less sturdy brushwood. . . . 

' As may be imagined, the spaces of this great forest form the 
haunt of innumerable living creatures. Lizards run about by 
myriads in the grass. Doves coo among the branches of the 
pines, and nightingales pour their full-throated music aU day 
and night from thickets of whitethorn and acacia. The air is 
sweet with aromatic scents ; the resin of the pine and juniper, 
the may-flowers and acacia-blossoms, the violets that spring by 
thousands in the moss, the wild roses and faint honeysuckles 
which throw fragrant arms from bough to bough of ash or maple, 
join to make one most delicious perfume. And though the 
air upon the neighbouring marsh is poisonous, here it is dry, 
and spreads a genial health. The sea-wind murmuring through 

' Itinerary. Bologna MS., BelhizzPs Note-book, from personal information 
given by Nason. The part of the pine forest north of Ravenna {Pineta San 
Vitale), where Garibaldi hid on August 5-6, still exists, though the larger southern 
forest has been mostly destroyed by a fire. The thick underwood of the pineta 
of Ravenna distinguishes it from the corresponding pineta on the Tuscan coast, 
Shelley's Pisan haunt. 


these thickets at nightfall or misty sunrise conveys no fever 
to the peasants stretched among their flowers. . . . 

' You may ride or drive for miles along green aisles between 
the pines in perfect solitude : and yet the creatures of the wood, 
the sunlight and the birds, the flowers and tall majestic columns 
at your side, prevent all sense of loneliness or fear. Huge oxen 
haunt the wilderness — grey creatures, with mild eyes and spread- 
ing horns and stealthy tread. . . . 

' Then there is a sullen canal, which flows through the forest 
from the marshes to the sea, it is alive with frogs and newts 
and snakes. You may see these serpents basking on the surface 
among thickets of the flowering rush, or coiled about the lily 
leaves and flowers — lithe monsters, slippery and speckled, the 
tyrants of the fen. 

' It is said that when Dante was living at Ravenna he would 
spend whole days alone among the forest glades, thinking of 
Florence and her civil wars, and meditating cantos of his poem.' • 

And here, in a later age, Byron had taken his daily ride, 
meditating a less divine comedy, and finding strange com- 
panions under the greenwood tree. In his diary of 182 1 
we read : 

' Met a company of the sect (a kind of Liberal club) called 
the Americani in the forest, all armed, and singing, with all their 
might, in Romagnuole, " Sem tutti soldaf per la libertd " (" we are 
all soldiers for hberty "). They cheered me as I passed.' 

And again : 

' The Americani give a dinner in the Forest in a few days, and 
have invited me, as one of the Carbonari. It is to be in the Forest 
of Boccaccio's and Dryden's " Huntsman's Ghost " ; and, even 
if I had not the same political feelings (to say nothing of my old 
convivial turn which every now and then revives), I would go as 
a poet, or, at least, as a lover of poetry ' 2 

And now Garibaldi, conducted by the sons of Byron's 
Americani through the same enchanted thickets, lay con- 
cealed for more than twenty-four hours amid these scenes 

' J. A. Symonds. Sketches in Italy. Ravenna. 
2 Bvron, v. 192, 206, Jivnuary 29 and February 20, 1 82 1. 


of untamed nature, the sight of which was a talisman more 
sure to touch and heal his heart, than formerly to dispel 
the emmi of the English lord. 

The beauty of the forest, the long hours of repose in its 
salubrious air, varied by the occasional excitement of dodging 
the Austrian searchers, had a recuperative effect upon 
Garibaldi's body and mind. 

' The Austrians,' he writes with a certain gusto, ' had divided 
a battalion into sections, which marched in every direction 
through the pine forest. ... On one of these occasions it hap- 
pened that, while I lay stretched out beside my comrade Leggiero, 
on one side of a clump of bushes, they passed on the other — their 
voices, anything but welcome, somewhat disturbing the quiet 
of the forest and our peaceful reflections. They passed very 
near us, and we probably formed the subject of their rather 
animated conversation.' 

' Several people,' he tells us, ' were in the secret of the con- 
cealment which saved me from the researches not only of the 
Austrians, but of the Papalini, who were worse still. These 
courageous Romagnuols — most of them young men — were 
untiring in their care for my safety. When they thought me in 
danger in one place, I used to see them coming up at night with 
a cart, to remove me to a safer situation, many miles distant. . . . 

' My young protectors had arranged their night-signals 
with admirable skill, so as to transfer me from one point to 
another, and to give the alarm in case of danger. When all 
was known to be safe, a fire was lit in an appointed place, and we 
passed on ; if, on the contrary, no fire was seen, we turned back 
or took another direction. Sometimes, fearing some mistake, 
the driver stopped the cart, got down, and himself went on to 
reconnoitre — or else, without getting down, found some one to 
give him directions at once. 

* These arrangements were made with admirable precision. 
Be it noted that, if anything had transpired — if my persecutors 
had had the slightest hint of what was happening — they would 
have shot even the very children of the people who showed 
me such devotion, without trial and without mercy.' ^ 

' Afem. 253-4. Within a few miles and a few days of this hunt for Garibaldi 
in the forest, they shot Ciceruacchio's younger son, a boy of about thirteen, guilty 
only of following his father on the retreat from Rome. See p. 306 below. 


On the evening of August 6 he was conducted out of the 
pine-wood to a httle thatched hut standing in a position 
of extraordinary lonehness in the middle of the strip of 
marsh between the forest and the sea. ' Garibaldi's 
hut,' now a small museum in the wilderness, can only be 
reached by boat, for it stands amid a network of canals — 
a situation which had commended it to the peasants as a 
place of safety for their guest. The spot where Garibaldi 
and Leggiero landed at its door is marked by a stone. All 
around, the dark, flat, unprofitable marsh stretches away 
for miles, bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other 
by the beautiful curving sweep of the pine forest. Here 
they remained for twenty-four hours, until the secret 
preparations undertaken by Bonnet's Liberal friends in 
Ravenna were in a state of readiness. Then, just before 
nightfall of August 7, they re-embarked, and were smuggled 
into a house outside the southern walls of Ravenna, near 
the San Rocco suburb, whence they were conducted during 
the ten following days, by way of Savio, Forli, and Terra 
del Sole, back across the plain of the Romagna to the 
Apennines and the frontiers of Tuscany.^ 

While Garibaldi and his sole companion were thus 
escaping from the toils, the other patriots who had dis- 
embarked with them on the shore and whom Garibaldi had 
ordered to shift for themselves, perished, without, so far 
as is known, a single exception. 

Ciceruacchio and his two sons, with half a dozen other 
Italians, made northwards for Venice, and with immense 
difhculty succeeded in crossing several of the mouths of 
the Po, and entering Austrian territory ; but there, about 
the middle of August, they were betrayed by a fellow- 
countryman covetous of the blood-money, condemned by 
a drum-head court-martial, and shot in the market square 
of San Nicolo in the district of Ariano, close to the central 

' Itinerary. Mem. 254-5. Bologna MS. Verita. Sloccki, 668-672, 690, 
and notes. Did they really go to Meldola ? It seems far out of the way and is 
not mentioned by the first-hand authorities. But there was time to go there 
between August 10 (Forli) and August 20-21 (Mudigliana). 



mouth of the great river. The elder of Ciceruacchio's 
sons, Luigi Brunetti, who had stabbed Rossi with his own 
hand, deserved his fate, though he was sentenced under an 
alias, and by men who, even if they had known his real 
name, would have been totally ignorant that he had com- 
mitted any worse crime than that of following Garibaldi. 
The secret of his guilt, confined to private individuals for 
many years after his death, has only in recent times been 
revealed, to a generation which can look without blind 
partiality on Rossi and his assassins/ Luigi's brother, some- 
where between ten and fifteen years of age, stood at his 
father's side to face the levelled muskets, with the innocence 
and courage of boyhood.- The public execution of such a 
lad among a band of ' Liberal thieves,' was not, in those 
months, a thing that aroused surprise or comment. 

So fell Ciceruacchio, the man who first won the populace 
of Rome to a tardy but enduring sense of their place in the 
national movement. He was himself a loveable, hearty, 
simple-minded man, who had earned, not merely the 
applause of the market-place, but the admiration and 
friendship of Garibaldi and Ugo Bassi, and even of so 
respectable a person as the Whig grandee, Lord Minto, 
during his residence in Rome in the winter of 1846-7. The 
crime of Ciceruacchio's elder son overshadows the father's 
name in history with a doubt ; -^ if he was implicated, he 
paid the penalty with his blood and that of his children ; 
if he was guiltless, he was one of the chief of Italy's mart5'^rs, 
should there be any order of precedence among those who 
died for her cause. 

No shadow of any sinister suspicion rests on the pure 
fame of Ugo Bassi. After the soldiers had seized him and 
Livraghi in the bedroom of the Comacchio inn, the two 
friends were carried off, bound, in an open cart, to Bologna. 

' See pp. 80-81 above. Pasini, 127-130 (Braga's letter). Bel. 193 and 
Mem. 250 convince me (in spite of Oriore and Carcani in the R.I. 1898, iii. 
356-558) that the absence of Luigi Brunetti's name from the lists of the party 
executed, does not prove an alibi, but only that he gave an alias, 

■ I\. I. 1898, iii. 356-358. Puiini, 128-129. Bel. 10. 

" See p. 80 above, note 4. 


As the tragic procession passed, priests by the roadside 
mocked the outcast of Church and State with shouts of 
' Preach your war against Austria now.' At the end of 
their journey, Gorzkowski sent them together to be shot. 
On August 8, 1849, Ugo Bassi was dragged to execution, 
like Browning's Patriot, through the streets of the city 
where his noblest triumphs of fame and popular success 
had been won ; ^ after praying aloud to God for the libera- 
tion of Italy, he fell pierced by the Austrian bullets. The 
people regarded him as a saint and martyr ; visions of him 
descending from the clouds in an aureole of light were 
accredited by the pious and simple ; and his tomb outside 
the gate became a place of pilgrimage, until the Papal 
authorities thought it wise to dig up the body and hide it 
away. But that did not cause Bologna to forget him.^ 

The memory of Ugo Bassi smells sweet from his bloody 
grave. The heroism of the saint who fought the cholera in 
the streets of Palermo, and of the patriot who rode un- 
armed in the thick of so many battles, the fiery eloquence 
of the prophet and reformer, were softened by a pure 
gentleness of soul and manner, which Garibaldi compared 
to that of a maiden tenderly nurtured far from such dreadful 
scenes as those in which this true Christian moved unstained. ' 

The news of these murders, overtaking Garibaldi during 
his secret peregrinations not many miles to the south, 
moved him to intense pity and anger. In the years to 
come, he always thought and spoke of the Austrians as 
' the men who shot Ugo Bassi and Ciceruacchio.' ^ But 
time takes its revenges, sometimes with a kindly smile. 
The youth in whose Im.perial name these and many like 
cruelties were committed in that summer nearly sixty years 
ago, is now, wary old expert that he has long since become 
in constitutional ways and means, urging the populations 

' See pp. 76-77 above. 

"^ Venosta, I ^g~i^y. Zi><?;«", 119-124. VeccJii,n. 323 325. Facckini, 132- 

=* Letter of Garibaldi to Mrs. Hamilton King, Feb. 4, 1873 — shown me by 
the poetess. 

♦ Menu 250-251, 305. 

X 2 


who still remain under his facile rule, to adopt the principle 
of manhood suffrage. 

Garibaldi's own escape from the region of the lagoons 
was visited upon Gorzkowski by his removal. This event, 
which has its humorous side if we consider how little the 
General's failure was due to want of zeal, incidentally saved 
the life of Nino Bonnet, who had been arrested on just 
suspicion, and, after some delay, ' taken to be shot at 
Bologna,' as the newspapers put it. Gorzkowski had 
specially sent for the person whose activities had so seriously 
injured his reputation as a man-catcher, and had no inten- 
tion of foregoing his revenge. Bonnet was lodged in the 
cell occupied a few days before by Ugo Bassi, and would 
certainly have left it for the same destination, had not 
Gorzkowski's disgrace occurred in the nick of time. His 
successor gave Garibaldi's saviour both life and freedom, 
in circumstances from which we may conclude that the 
hero's marvellous escape, while it stimulated the brutality 
of some of the Austrian generals, awakened the chivalrous 
sympathy of others.^ 

As Garibaldi re-entered the valleys of the Apennines 
and approached the Tuscan border, he was eagerly awaited 
by Don Giovanni Verita, the parish priest of Modigliana, 
a pretty Httle mountain town built at a meeting-place of 
three valleys. This good man, as Garibaldi writes, 

' had saved, by hundreds, the proscribed Romagnuols, who, 
condemned by the inexorable rage of the clergy, had sought 
refuge in Tuscany — a country whose government, though not 
good, was at least less atrocious than that of the priests. Pro- 
scriptions were frequent among the unfortunate and courageous 
people, and whenever, in my wanderings, I met with banished 
Romagnuols, I always heard them bless the name of this truly 
pious priest.' ^ 

Verita, who lived long to tell his stories of these strange 
times, relates that, having received instructions to expect 

' Bonnet, 54-65 ; Guerzoni, i. 362, note. * lifein. 255-256. 


Garibaldi, he waited up for him night after night on the 
Faenza road, until at last, when that route proved to be too 
strictly watched, he was told that his guest would come by 
way of Terra del Sole. And so, on the night of August 20-21, 
the good priest was waiting by the cross at Monte Trebbio 
in a torrent of rain, when Garibaldi at length arrived, 
walking beside a cart on which he had placed Leggier 0. 
Veriti had been led to expect the hero alone, and the need 
of providing for his lame companion added greatly to the 
difficulties of finding a passage across the Apennine summits. 
To this task, however, he gladly addressed himself, as he 
had done on behalf of many less celebrated refugees. After 
hiding the two in his house for more than twenty-four 
hours, ^ he started with them over the mountains, solving 
the problem of Leggiero sometimes by the aid of a cart, 
sometimes by the help of certain Liberal muleteers and 
horse-owners, accustomed to act as his secret service on 
these occasions.- 

In this way, riding, driving, or walking beside a cart, 
the three friends traversed the Apennine ridges by winding 
and rocky paths, crossing almost at right angles the in- 
numerable rivers that flow down into the Romagna plain,^ 
until on the night of August 23-4 they found themselves 
standing on the great road between Florence and Bologna. 
They had struck it at a point a few miles south of Filigare, the 
village wherein Garibaldi had spent some anxious days with 
his infant legion, in the snows of the previous November ; ^ 
it was therefore a district where he was only too well known 
by sight. Here Verita left his friends, protected by the 
darkness, while he went down towards Filigare to find a 
rich merchant farmer named Francia, whom he could trust 
to guide and help them. But Francia was not at home, 
and it was hours before the priest could find him and return, 

' Un far di giomi, says Garibaldi, Alem. 256. Verita's statement that they 
remained a week or more is an error, as the known dates of the escape prove. 

- Bologna MSS. Veritcl and Oriaiti ; Bellitzzi's note-book ; Stocchi, 688-691. 

•' Bologna MSS., BeUuzzi's Note-book, and Verith. See map at end of book 
for places passed. 

^ See p. 78 above. 


Meanwhile day had dawned, and its light exposed the two 
fugitives lingering on the high road patrolled by Austrian and 
Tuscan troops.^ No longer daring to wait about for their 
kind benefactor, they chartered a tumble-down country 
cart and the sorry jade that drew it, and drove southwards 
up the pass, meeting numerous Austrian columns on the 

In this adventurous manner they traversed a dozen 
miles of hard white road between the wooded sides of the 
mountains, and recrossing the watershed of Italy began to 
descend towards Florence. Just below the top of the pass 
stands the wayside inn of Santa Lucia, then kept by the 
patriotic family of Baldini, and here the fugitives, cut off 
by their recent misadventure from all friends and helpers, 
presented themselves at the door and called for coffee. 
The mother happened to be ill in bed, and the house was in 
charge of her daughter Teresa, then a beautiful girl of 
twenty, who survived to a great and honoured old age, 
to teU a generation of free Italians the story of what befell 
in the inn on August 24, 1849.^ 

The elder of the two strangers began to chat with the 
girl as she waited on them, and to ask the news of the 
country. ' Oh,' said Teresa, ' the Tuscan and Austrian 
troops are out looking for you.' 

' What ! You know me ? ' 

' You are Garibaldi.' 

' Where have you seen me ? ' 

' Don't you remember that you passed here last Novem- 
ber with your volunteers, on the day of Galliano fair ? ' * 

' Basta, basta.^ 

' There is a tradition that an officer of Tuscan cavalry, during a halt near 
Filigare, recognised Garibaldi, but made no sign of the discovery, and at once 
gave the order to mount and ride on. Ricciardi, 7. 

''^ Mem. 256. Stocchi, 673-678. Bologna MS. Ven'td. 

^ See her narrative, Slocchi, 678-683. Mem. 256-257 tells the same story. 
Where there are differences of detail, Teresa Baldini's recollections are to be pre- 
ferred to those of Garibaldi, as it was the great event of her life, the memory of 
which she cherished, while to him it was only one adventure out of a thousand. 
The same principle applies in comparing the Meni. to Botmet, Sequi, etc. 

* Galliano, or Gagliano, is a few miles to the south. 


An understanding was soon arrived at, after which 
Garibaldi, sleepy from his night upon the hills, sat leaning 
over the table, and letting his face fall forward on his arms, 
dropped off into a doze. Roused by a touch from Leggier 0, 
he looked up to see a party of whitecoats sitting down with 
them to the board. Signing Teresa to keep them in con- 
versation, he drew a cigar from his pocket and lit it at the 
lantern, which he replaced in such a position as to leave 
his face in shadow ; the poor room had no windows, and the 
light from the door was by itself too feeble to betray him. 
There he sat and smoked in silence, while the Austrian 
sergeant, who found Teresa most engaging, informed her and 
her guests in broken Italian that the army to which he 
belonged was coming up from Barberino in Mugello, 3,000 
strong, to catch ' the infamous Garifalda.' At length the 
Tedeschi got up and left the room, intent upon the chase. ^ 

That night the fugitives slept in a hut at Plan del Monte, 
just on the other side of the road, but on ground con- 
siderably above its level, where next day (25th) they sat 
under a chestnut-tree and watched through a telescope more 
Austrians passing the inn. Some of them handled Teresa 
roughly, calhng her ' Garibaldi's wife,' and threatening to 
shoot her ; they treated many other women along the road 
in the same manner. Garibaldi and Leggiero were then 
supplied with guides by their new friends in Santa Lucia, and 
were conducted westward out of the dangerous valley, by 
mountain paths south of Mangona, over the slopes of Monte- 
cuccoli. Travelling all night, on the following morning they 
dismissed their guides and descended off the mountain side 
into Cerbaja in the Val di Bisenzio, where they arrived, friend- 
less once more, but once more destined to find deliverers.^ 

' The evidence as to whether Garibaldi had shaved his beard is contradictory. 
Guerzoni, i. 386. JAS". Verita. Stocchi, 679 and note. Teresa's recollection 
was that he wore ' only his moustache ' during this dangerous interview. 

2 Stocchi, 678-688. Mem. 256-257. Guelfi, 40. Sequi, 5, 9-10. Sequi 
states, and Guelfi and Stocchi prove by sufficient arguments that Garibaldi arrived 
at Cerbaja on the morning of the 26th, and not as the Memorie and Ricciatdi say, 
on the former evening. Of the places mentioned by Sequi, 9-I0, Montepiano = 
Pian del Monte, at S. Lucia ; and Calvana is a continuation of Montecuccoli. 


While the fugitives were coming down from Monte- 
cuccoh in the early morning of August 26, a young man 
named Enrico Sequi set out with his dog and gun from 
Vajano a few miles down the valley, in pursuit of game — 
but of what size and species, history, fearful perhaps of 
alienating English sympathy, has providentially left un- 
recorded. About eight o'clock the sportsman took refuge 
from the rain in the mill of Cerbaja, which was also kept as 
a rustic inn by the host and miller, a jolly fellow, but no 
politician and above all no Liberal. Here Sequi was joined 
by the two travellers, and they ate and smoked together, 
charmed with one another's company. Being himself an 
active Liberal, the young Tuscan, as he took stock of his 
new acquaintances, at once had the thought of refugees, 
an idea naturally uppermost in the minds of all members 
of his party in those months. Partly in order to test their 
politics, he drew a Val d' Amo newspaper from his pocket 
and handed it across the table. Seeing the elder of the two 
laugh and show his companion the advertisement about 
Garibaldi and Leggiero, he could not refrain from ex- 
claiming, ' And where is our Garibaldi now ? ' ' Friend,' 
said the stranger, rising suddenly and advancing to embrace 
the young man, ' Garibaldi is in your arms.' ^ 

When Sequi, having recovered from his first delight and 
surprise, heard that their intention was to cross the moun- 
tains towards Spezia in the hope of reaching the territory 
of Piedmont, he declared the venture too hazardous, 
because the whole frontier region was thickly occupied by 
the troops of the reactionary powers, on the watch for the 
passage of such fugitives ; he himself undertook to provide 
them with better means of escape. Leaving Garibaldi and 
Leggiero at Cerbaja, he took horse and rode in haste to 
Prato, the pretty httle town at the northern edge of the 
Val d' Amo plain, where the cathedral, with its Renaissance 
bas-reliefs and its balcony of Donatello's dancing boys, looks 
out over the square to tell the traveller that he is in the 
enchanted neighbourhood of Florence. 

' Segui, 5-8. Gueiyi, l-io. Mem. 257. 


Here Sequi made one of his friends take him at once 
to Antonio Martini, the chief of the Liberal party in Prato, 
whom they found at his midday meal. It was arranged 
then and there that the two fugitives should be carried 
southwards in a closed carriage across the Val d' Arno, and 
over the hills near Volterra to a solitary point on the 
Maremma of Tuscany, where there were good patriots who 
would ship them off to Piedmont. This scheme, actually 
accomplished during the ensuing week, speaks much for 
the energy and faithfulness of these Tuscan Liberals, for 
it was a plot in which, before all was over, a score of 
persons took an active share, and of which many more were 
cognisant. Nets of conspiracy, when they are as widely 
spread as that, usually become tangled or break at some 
one point. 

Meanwhile, in the mill of Cerbaja, taking his meals with 
the jolly miller and his family, who seem to have suspected 
nothing. Garibaldi confidently awaited the return of the 
stranger, whom he had trusted to the death on no other 
security than that of his honest face and bearing. And 
surely after sunset the young man came back — without the 
police — and drove Garibaldi and Leggiero down the river 
towards the Val d' Arno, to the rendezvous with his friends. 
In the dead of night the various parties to the plot met in 
the Prato railway station on the outskirts of the town, under 
the nose of an Austrian sentry. There the last plans were 
made, the greetings and farewells were exchanged, and the 
two wanderers, having been transferred into an excellent 
four-wheeled carriage, were driven off along the out- 
side of the city walls. Going round by the flattest road, 
they crossed the Arno at Empoli about dawn, and 
ascending the Elsa valley reached Poggibonsi at eight in 
the morning of the 27th, having accompUshed in six hours 
a drive of nearly forty miles from Prato. ^ 

After a short rest, they started on again at midday with 
a new carriage, and travelled for eleven anxious hours, 
with coachmen who were not in the secret. At the first 

' Sequi, 10-14. Guel/i, 11-27, 40- Ricciardi, 6-8. Mem. 257-258. 


short stage, Colle d' Elsa, they sat through a bad quarter 
of an hour, suffering much from the inquisitive habits of 
their countrymen, who happened to be collected there in 
great numbers for 2^fesia. 

' Our journey from Prate to the Maremma was indeed 
singular. We passed over a great extent of country in a closed 
carriage, stopping every now and then to change horses. Our 
halts in some places were rather longer than was absolutely 
necessary, some of our drivers being much less careful of us 
than others. In this way time was given to the curious to 
surround the carriage ; sometimes, too, we were obliged to leave 
it for meals, instead of having them brought to us, to conceal 
in some degree our exceptional situation. In small towns, 
our vehicle was, of course, turned into a species of pillory by 
the idlers of the place, who offered aloud a thousand conjectures 
as to who we were, and were naturally disposed to gossip about 
people whom they did not know, and who, therefore, in those 
difficult and terrible times of reaction, seemed doubtful or even 
dangerous characters. At Colle, in particular, nowadays quite 
a patriotic and advanced place, we were surrounded by a crowd, 
from whom our faces, certainly not those of peaceful and indif- 
ferent travellers, drew manifest tokens of suspicion and dislike. 
However, nothing took place beyond a few abusive epithets, 
which, as was to be expected under the circumstances, we pre- 
tended not to hear.' ' 

From Colle they left the valley of the Elsa and travelled 
westward, until their carriage had by three in the afternoon 
climbed onto the far-seen table mountain of 

' lordly Volaterrae, 
Where scowls the far-famed hold 
Piled by the hands of giants 
For godlike kings of old.' 

Passing under the colossal masonry of its Etruscan gate 
and walls, they dared not look out at the town — nor even at 
the view which would have been to them more thrilling, of 
the distant western sea — but sat well back in the carriage 
with their hats pulled over their eyes, until they felt them- 
selves rattling down the mountain on its southern side.^ 

' Mem. 258-259. Gutlfit 34. " Mem. 259. Ricciardi, 8. Gtul^y 36. 


On hearing that the village of Saline was full of soldiers, 
they crossed the Cecina river a little further down, making 
a detour which clearly showed the coachman that they were 
not the innocent merchant farmers they pretended to be. 
From the valley bottom they again mounted the hills by 
the high road that leads through Pomarance, straight south- 
wards for the Maremma. An hour before midnight 
(August 27) they entered the local health resort of Bagno al 
Morbo, and drew up at the door of Girolamo Martini, a 
sturdy old Liberal, who looked hard at their letters of 
introduction from his namesake and relation of Prato, 
mysteriously recommending the two nameless travellers 
to his good offices. At last one of them said, ' I am General 
Garibaldi and this is my companion, Leggiero.^ ' Courage, 
General,' answered the old man, ' all will come right again.' ^ 

Girolamo Martini now took matters in hand. Several 
days would be required to communicate with the Liberals 
of the Maremma, who were to make all ready for a speedy 
embarkation in the neighbourhood of Follonica. Mean- 
while, the fugitives, who could not safely be left to the 
tender mercies of the gossips and invalids of Bagno, now 
at the height of its season, were transferred off the high 
road to the remote and high-lying village of San Dalmazio, 
and lodged in the house of one Serafini, specially chosen 
for its facilities of escape into the mountain. Here Garibaldi 
remained more than four days, enjoying his first holiday 
since the siege of Rome began, while a dozen devoted 
adherents were guarding his neighbourhood, or at work 
down in the Maremma procuring a fishing boat with a 
faithful crew, who should carry him to the ports of Piedmont. 

On the evening of September i, all was ready for the 
last rush to the sea. At nine o'clock they left their moun- 
tain fastness, armed to the teeth for whatever might befall, 
walked over a few hundred yards of broken ground to their 
horses, rode by stony paths back to the high road at Castel- 
nuovo, mounted a carriage that was waiting for them a 

' Ricciardi, 8-9. Giielji, 37-44. For incidents at Bagno di Morbo and 
S. Dalmazio, Ricciardi is the primary authority. 


little farther to the south, and were driven, during the 
darkest hours of night, at a smart pace down towards the 
coast. After diverging a short while from the road, in order 
to avoid passing through the town of Massa Marittima, 
they entered the plain of the Maremma, and, at two in 
the morning of September 2, drew up at the door of the 
Casa Guelfi, a large and solitary farmhouse prepared as 
their headquarters, whence the final venture was to be 

' Ricciardi, lO 20. Guelfi^ 51-117. 



' Push hard across the sand, 

For the salt wind gathers breath ; 
Shoulder and wrist and hand, 
Push hard as the push of death. 

' Out to the sea with her there, 
Out with her over the sand ; 
Let the kings keep the earth for their share ! 
We have done with the sharers of land. 

' They have tied the world in a tether. 
They have bought over God with a fee ; 
While three men hold together, 
The kingdoms are less by three. 

' All the world has its burdens to bear, 
From Cayenne to the Austrian whips ; 
Forth, with the rain in our hair 
And the salt sweet foam in our lips. 

• In the teeth of the hard, glad weather, 
In the blown wet face of the sea ; 
While three men hold together. 
The kingdoms are less by three.' 

Swinburne, A Song in Time of Order. 

The Casa Guelfi, a square house of three stories, rising 
high by the side of the road that leads from Pisa to 
Grosseto, is far seen as a landmark in the partly reclaimed 
marshlands that stretch between the port town of Follonica 
and the wooded hills of Scarlino. In 1849 the upper stories 
of the Casa Guelfi were inhabited by the inmates of the 
farm, while the ground floor, then as now, was used for 

* For this chapter see inset in large map at end of book. 

My authority for the incidents recorded in the remainder of the book is 
Guelfi, 1 17-147. See also Guerzoni, i. 386-3S7 (Azzarini's narrative), and 
Mem. 259-260. I have visited all the scenes. 


cattle and stores ; the house took its name from the pro- 
prietor, who was one of the chiefs of the plot. When 
Garibaldi alighted at its door two hours after midnight, 
greeting his hosts with a cheery ' Good-morning, friends,' 
he and Leggiero were at once conducted upstairs, refreshed 
with food and coffee, and sent to lie down for the last two 
hours of darkness, while their protectors kept guard below. 
The great expedition was to start at first glint of dawn. 

At four o'clock Pina, one of the most active of these 
young Liberals of the Maremma, knocked at Garibaldi's 
door ; never was Alpine climber waked in the early hours 
by the low tapping of his guide, for a more thrilling, a more 
long-expected day. ' In a few hours,' the wanderer must 
have thought as he looked from the window, ' I shall, if all 
goes well, be sniffing the sea-breeze from deck, bound for my 
own Ligurian coast.' 

Half an hour later, while they were all assembling and 
arming for immediate departure, a strange figure at the 
door alarmed the conspirators. It turned out to be a 
Hungarian, a deserter on patriotic principles from the 
conscript Austrian army, who, having heard of Garibaldi's 
presence at the Casa Guelfi (no one knows how, but the 
web of the plot was wide), had come with the request 
to be taken with him across the sea. The general nature 
of his petition was clear, but in trying to tell his whole 
story he had no medium of communication except 
his native Magyar, an unknown tongue to the impatient 
Italians ; he obtained, however, one eager listener, for the 
name of his great countryman, Kossuth, kept occurring at 
intervals in his obscure discourse. ' This man,' said the 
generous Garibaldi, ' must come with us.' ' No, he shall not,' 
said Pina, who protested, not without reason, that he and 
his friends were risking their lives for a great national object, 
and would not jeopardise its success for the sake of an un- 
known foreign wayfarer. A heated dispute arose, only 
ended by Pina's declaration that the boat which they had 
engaged could hold but two travellers, besides the crew.^ 

' This was quite true, as we gather from /\zzarini's narrative, Guerzoni, i. 


The Hungarian was given a rendezvous for a later hour, 
and sent away, content with the assurance that his case 
would be attended to when once Garibaldi was safely 

And so, at five o'clock, six Italians, one of them still 
halting a little in his gait, all attired as sportsmen, accom- 
panied by large dogs, and each carrying a double-barrelled 
shot gun — charged that morning for big game — set out on 
foot from the back door of Casa Guelfi, and made across the 
low, damp farmlands towards the hills south of Scarlino.^ 
Striking the great Allacciante canal which drains the fen, they 
marched in Indian file along the top of its western dyke for 
some distance. On every side of Garibaldi, as he strode along, 
Italy was looking her best in the morning light. Behind 
him lay the sombre mountains out of which he had escaped ; 
far off to the right stood the hill-promontory of ' seagirt 
Populonia ' ; in front of him, the pointed peaks of Elba 
rose in a bunch out of the shining sea ; close at hand to his 
left were the forest-clad hills above Scarlino, itself standing 
high on a slope of glittering olives. Its morning bells 
sounded sweetly over the marsh. ' What town is that ? ' 
said Garibaldi, who was in high spirits. ' It is Scarlino, 
our native town,' was the answer, ' and if you order it. General, 
it will change the tune,' meaning that its young men were 
all Liberals and would gladly sound the tocsin of revolt. 

Turning to the left, they crossed the canal by a rustic 
bridge, ascended off the level of the marsh, crossed a country 
road, and entering the forests of the hills, began to traverse 
them in a south-westerly direction, towards Cala Martina, 
the bay where their boat was in waiting. At first they 
walked by easy paths through glades of oak, but gradually 
the nature of the vegetation changed to a thickly matted 
jungle of dark evergreens, more impenetrable than any 
kind of woodland known to us in Britain, The paths, too, 
became narrow almost to vanishing-point, and the men 
began to struggle like explorers in a tropical forest. Here 

' See their approximate route marked in red in the inset of the large map at 
end of book. 


the question was raised whether they ought not to go 
round by way of the Portighone coastguard station, where 
they could strike into the coastguard path through the 
jungle, and so reach Cala Martina by way of the shore. 
This would be a quicker and less fatiguing route, but on 
the other hand it would be more dangerous, because there 
were six coastguards in the station. It was argued, how- 
ever, that the garrison of Portiglione were well known for 
cowards, and that even if they showed any fight they could 
easily be overcome. But Garibaldi, knowing that any 
encounter would expose his saviours to vengeance after 
he had gone, decided for the safer and more wearisome 
route. ' Not for us two,' he said, ' but for the sake of those 
who remain on land we must use prudence.' 

And so they plunged on once again through the depth of 
the forest, tearing their way through the dark-green boughs, 
which shut from them all view of the silver sea they were 
approaching. After a couple of hours or more of hard 
work, they leapt out into the coastguard path, a broad 
ride cut through the jungle. Crossing it, they dashed 
through the last few yards of forest, down a steep slope, 
and stood on the sand and rocks of the little bay. 

The Cala Martina ^ was an ideal spot for the conduct 
of a secret embarkation. A few yards from the water's 
edge lay the safe shelter of the jungle, stretching up over 
the high hills for miles and miles, in solitude uninvaded 
save by a few herds of swine and white oxen pushing about 
in it for pannage and fodder, and by the herdsmen whose 
horns at evening alone break the silence of that brooding, 
lonely coast. The bay was out of sight alike of the guard 
station at Portiglione and of another station perched on the 
top of the Punta Martina, where another small garrison, 
though close at hand, was far removed from all view of 
what was happening on the shore below. Soon after the 

' I accept the decision of Gticljl, X40, that the bay where the embarkation 
took place was the one to the north of the Punta Martina, though the one to the 
south of the point is, I find, often called the Cala Martina by the herdsmen of 
the shore. But in either case my description and story will hold good without 
needing alteration on that score. 


new-comers emerged on to the beach, the fishing boat hove 
in sight, and at the given signal moved towards them, 
manned by four chosen mariners. While they awaited its 
approach, Garibaldi's companions observed him stand, 
flushed with life and joy by the presence of the sea, 
bathing his naked feet in its ripples with the pleasure of 
a child, and looking out towards Elba where they were 
first to touch, in an ecstasy of desire to cleave the waves 
once more. 

It was ten o'clock on the morning of September 2 when 
the boat reached the shore and the rapid embarkation took 
place. The last words of farewell have been recorded by 
the actors themselves : 

Garibaldi. — * Nothing could be a recompense for what you 
have done for me. But I hope to find you again in happier 

Pina. — ' A piece of your handkerchief is reward enough 
for each of us : we shall leave it as an heirloom to our children. 
Our object was to save you in order to preserve you for Italy. 
We will willingly go with you to Genoa, if you will let us.' 

Garibaldi. — ' No. On the sea I fear no one. We shall meet 

Then they embraced. Garibaldi stepped on board with 
Leggiero, and the boat was pushed from shore. When a few 
yards of water separated him from the land he loved, and 
from the men who had saved him and who now stood 
silently watching his receding form, the chief, standing in 
the stern of the boat, cried out in tones that vibrated for 
ever in their memory, ' Viva 1' Italia ! ' 



I cannot here relate all that befell Garibaldi after his 
embarkation. Suffice it that he was now in relative safety, 
that after touching at Elba he reached the ports of Pied- 
mont, saw his motherless children for a few hours at Nice, and 
was then hurried out of the country by Victor Emmanuel's 
government, not yet in a position to harbour him for long. 
Expelled once more, he passed six months at Tangier, 
enjoying the hospitahty of the Piedmontese and British 
Consuls, until in 1850, feeling that he ought no longer to 
depend on the charity of others, he passed by way of 
Liverpool to the United States. He was never more noble 
than during the obscurity of the years that followed. He 
acquired none of the faults and habits characteristic of the 
exile, but cheerfully set about the task of earning his bread, 
first as a journeyman candle-maker, then as a merchant 
captain, and finally as a farrrier, until the time came round 
for him to deal in the manufacture of kingdoms, and to be 
hailed by his countrymen as ' Captain of the People.' 


Roselli . 



(Names of those who went on the Retreat in Italics.) 

. The Minister of War. 

. The Commander-in-Chief, 

. General of Division, commanding on west bank 
of river. 

(Giacomo), commanding a ' Legion ' of his own 
during the siege, though a Garibaldian red-shirt 
both before and after, in South America, the 
Alps, and Sicily. Defended the Vascello. A 
Genoese, set. 32. 
Pietramellara (Colonel Pietro, Marquis), commanding a regiment 
of his own, mortally wounded, June 5, and died 
in Rome early in July. A Bolognese noble. 

Manara's Lombard Bersaglieri 

*Manara . (Luciano), commanding the regiment, set. 24 ; 

killed in Villa Spada, June 30. 
Dandolo . (Enrico). Captain of a company, aet. 21 ; killed 

June 3, at the Corsini. 
Dandolo . (Emilio). Brother of Enrico. Wounded June 3 

and 30 ; aet. ig. Died in 1859. 
Morosini . (Emilio), set. 17. Killed June 30. The favourite 

of the regiment. 

In Garibaldi's Legion or on his Staff 

Daverio . (Francesco). Chief of Garibaldi's staff ; at. 34. 

Killed June 3 at the Corsini. 
*Manara . (Luciano), see above, commander of Lombard 

Bersaglieri, but became Chief of Garibaldi's 

staff, June 4. Killed June 30. 
Vecchi . . (Candido Augusto), Joined Garibaldi Jan. 1849, 

at Ascoli, and was at his side on June 30, 1849. 



Masina . 
Sacchi . 
Bixio . 






Afterwards became his intimate friend, and 
WTote of him at Caprera, etc. ; aet. 35, 

(Angelo). A rich young man of Bologna, where 
he raised his lancers, attached to Garibaldi's 
Legion; aet. 33. Killed at the Corsini, June 3. 

(Gaetano). Old Garibaldian of South American 
days ; aet. 44. Commanded one of the two 
divisions on the Retreat. 

(Nino). A Genoese. (He and Medici were after- 
wards two of Garibaldi's chief lieutenants in 
Sicily and Naples, i860.) Wounded, June 3, 
at the Corsini ; aet. 27. 

(Goffredo) . Poet ; friend and fellow- townsman of 
Bixio ; aet. 21. Mortally wounded June 3 at 
the Corsini. 

(Giuseppe). Old Garibaldian of American days. 
Wounded in siege, but accompanied the Re- 
treat as Chief of the Stafi ; aet. 45. 

(Gustav). A Swiss. Attached sometimes to 
Manara's Lombards, sometimes to Garibaldi's 
staff. Wrote long and valuable account of 
Siege and Retreat. 

(Gabriel). French citizen and artist. Captain 
of the Ordnance; aet. 35. Killed June 25. 

Giovanni Battista Culiolo, commonly called 
Leggiero. Wounded at end of siege, so only 
left Rome July 14 ; but caught up the column 
of Retreat, and alone accompanied Garibaldi 
in his adventures and escape in August and 
September ; aet. 35. 

(Gaetano) of Comacchio, set. 23. Killed at the 
Corsini, June 3. 

(Raimondo). Twin-brother of the above, went 
through siege, and accompanied Retreat as 
far as San Marino. 

N.B. — The eldest brother, Nino Bonnet, who 
was at home, saved Garibaldi's life, Aug, 3, 
and subsequent days, when Garibaldi arrived 
as fugitive in district of Comacchio. In this he 
was assisted by a fourth brother, Celeste Bonnet. 

(Ugo). Chaplain to Legion, aet. 47. Arrested in 
Comacchio, Aug. 3, and shot by the Austrians 
at Bologna, Aug. 8. 




Garibaldi's appearance four days after the battle of April 30 
is thus described by Hoffstetter (p. 20) : 

' He sits on his horse quiet and firm, as though born in the 
saddle. His dark-brown {tiefhraune) hair clusters thickly from 
under the narrow-brimmed pointed hat with the full black 
ostrich feather. His reddish beard covers about half his face. 
Over the red blouse floats lightly the short white American 
cloak ' {poncho) . 

This implies that his hair was dark, but this was only as it 
appeared to Hoffstetter in contrast to his beard, for other people 
caUed it light. Cuneo (p. 14), who knew him well, writing in 
1849, speaks of ' fulva intonsa barba,' and ' lunghi e biondi 
capelli.' In the interesting coloured picture in Miraglia, p. 175 
(anno 1850), his beard and hair are both a golden brown. So 
they are in a miniature of about this date or a few years later, 
which I have seen in the Vittorio Emanuele Library. 

The descriptions which I give in this book of the dress and 
appearance of Garibaldi in 1849 are drawn from at least a score 
of different sources — e.g. Bologna MSS. Piva and Savini. See 
also the excellent description in Koelman, i. 314, quoted on 
p. 117, above. Garibaldi sometimes wore a cap (possibly some- 
times a kepi), but his most common headgear at this time was 
his peaked hat, which was not, however, as tall as the Calabrian 
hats of most of his followers. This hat was decorated by a black 
ostrich feather. He is wearing this in a picture of the Illustrated 
London News (where he appears mounted on his white horse, 
and followed by his Moor on a black horse, as they are de- 
scribed in Koelman, ii. 72), and also in the interesting pictures 


in Miraglia, i86, 198, 258 (anno 1850). His poncho, or 
South American mantle, is sometimes called white, sometimes 
grey. In Miraglia's coloured pictures it is quite white. 

The illustration, p. 117, above, shows the shape and length 
of his red blouse in 1849 to have been the same as it is repre- 
sented in the picture of Garibaldi at Monte Video in 1846, 
which may be found in Winnington-Ingram's Hearts of Oak. 
They are, unfortunately, both bad portraits of his face. 

His natural beauty was much enhanced by the unusual 
feature of a nose and forehead in line, after the model of ancient 
Greek sculpture. For his eyes and voice, see pp. 29, 30, 



The troops under arms for the defence of Rome on April 30 
are given as follows by Torre (ii. 25, 26) : 

Tst Brigade. — Under Garibaldi. Italian Legion (Garibaldini), 
1,300 ; students, 300 ; emigranti, 300 ; redicci, 600 ; finanzieri 
mobili (Gagers), 250 (these latter were stationed on Monte 
Mario) ; total, 2,750. 

2nd Brigade. — Under Masi. Papal troops of the line, 1,700 ; 
National Guard, 1,000 ; total, 2,700. 

^rd Brigade. — Under Savini. Dragoons, 304 ; total, 304. 

j^th Brigade. — Under Galletti. ist Regiment of line, 600 ; 
2nd ditto, 400 ; Roman Legion, 810 ; total, 1,810. 

Additional. — (Bersaglieri Lombardi, 600, under pledge not 
to fight till May 4.) Carabinieri (foot and horse), 511 ; Engineers, 
etc., 450 ; Artillery, 505 ; total of available troops, 1,466. 

This would give a grand total of 9,030 regimented troops, 
besides some hundreds of unenrolled citizens. But not all these 
were actually engaged, as many — e.g. the line regiments under 
Galletti — were used to guard parts of the wall not actually 
attacked, and many of the unenrolled volunteers and National 
Guard were kept inside the city to guard the barricades in 
the Trastevere {Saffi, iii. 288-292 ; Hoff. 9-1 1). Also the 
Roman authorities give these totals as the nominal strength, 
putting the real strength 2,000 lower (see Tivaroni, Aust., 
ii. 400). Farini, iv. 18, gives the total at 9,000 or 10,000, 
while Vecchi, ii. 194, estimates it at 8,700. 


The number of the French actually engaged in the attack 
on Rome on April 30 was set down in the French official report 
{Vaillant, 7) at 5,800 men ; but the Liberal Italian authorities 
reckoned it higher — at 7,000 at least. Spada, iii. 436 (Italian 
Clerical), calls it 6,000 and twelve guns, which hardly differs 
from the French official statement, and is very probably correct. 

I do not, therefore, think it possible to decide absolutely 
the number of troops engaged on each side on April 30. But 
the Romans, it is certain, had rather more in numbers, which 
compensated for the irregular and untrained character of most 
of those who fought on their side. 



Hoffstetter became intimate with the Garibaldian Legion im- 
mediately after the battle (in which he was not himself engaged), 
and he was constantly in their company for the next three 
months. He must have heard endless talk about April 30 from 
the Legionaries. It is he who twice (pp. 12-13, 413) declares 
that Masina's lancers charged and captured a body of French 
infantry on April 30. It was, he says, while the French were 
trying to escape from the Valentini. Confirmation is not 
wanting, since Garibaldi {Mem. 228) mentions Masina as 
having distinguished himself on April 30 ; and Vecchi (ii. 198) 
relates how Masina, on April 30, himself received the sabres of 
several French officers and a drum-major's silver-knobbed staff, 
which he showed to several persons in triumph. 

Some of the surrenders, on April 30, appear to have been 
hastened by the absence of Commandant Picard from the men 
under his command. Picard himself {Moniteur, May 30, 
p. 1923) declared that he had been lured away, and Torre 
accepted part of the story (see Gaillard, 178-179; Vaillant, 
11-12, note; and Torre, ii. 34-35). But Bixio told Guerzoni 
{Bixio, 85-88 ; Guerzoni, i. 269) that he, Bixio, had collared 
Picard, and had dragged him out of the ranks as prisoner. 

Picard's statement that he left his troops and entered Rome 
because he was told by the Italians that Rome was captured by 
the French {Moniteur, p. 1923) is, in any case, quite fantastic. 
If he accompanied Bixio at his own free will it must have been 
with a view to arrangements for surrender, as the French were 
losing all along the line. 


Long before Guerzoni's publication of the statements made 
by Bixio, Vecchi (ii. 197) had told the following story : 

' Nino Bixio, slanciatosi con una mano di armati verso il loco 
occupato dallo inimico . . . era per sforzare la porta, quando 
questa si apri e mostrossi il maggiore Picard ; il quale, parve, 
accennasse ad una discussione sulle sue sorti. Lo animoso 
giovane dissegii in fretta, si arrendesse ; non aver scampo ; 
r oste francese battere in ritirata ; . . . E nell' atto che il francese 
borbottava parole confuse, e i suoi soldati se gli facevano in- 
torno, il Bixio lo strappava di la, mentre il Franchi, di Brescia, 
ghermiva il sottotenente Termelet ; ed ambedue disarmati e 
bendati erano condotti presso il Generale Garibaldi, questi gl' 
inviava al ministro Avezzana. Gli altri undici ufficiali co' 
300 soldati ancor validi — scoraggiati com' erano — si arresero.' 

Gahussi (iii. 356) and Carletti 270 say that Picard was the 
first to request a parley, showing the white flag from the house 
in which he was shut up. 

The question may perhaps be raised whether Bixio should 
have laid forcible hands on an officer with whom he was treating 
for surrender. But Bixio, a man of violent passions and of 
great physical force and violence, as incidents in his later 
career showed, was quite likely to do it. On the other hand, 
he was quite incapable of luring Picard away by falsehoods 
about the French having entered Rome. To entertain such a 
notion for a moment shows an entire ignorance of the character 
of the ' fiery Bixio.' ^ 

The alleged treachery of Bixio and of 1,200 of Garibaldi's men, 
repeated in Precis Hist. 30, and now by M. Bittard des Partes, 
86-89, is based on the vague implications of Picard as to what 
happened to his division after (by his own account) he had left it 
— in a statement which was printed in the Moniteur for the benefit 
of the French public. This story, which tells how the Italians 
having got close up to 300 of Picard's men by crying ' Pace,' and 
by declaring that Rome was occupied by the French army, then, 
apparently, hustled and disarmed them, is so ridiculous that I 
would not have thought it worth while to confute it had not 
M. Bittard des Portes resuscitated it. Is that how prisoners are 
made in the heat of hand-to-hand fighting ? It is, besides, denied 
implicitly by the quite contrary accounts of the Italian writers. 

I have in my narrative of the battles and of the siege of Rome 

' Needless to say, the eminent and scholarly Italian historian, Signer Luzio 
(231), has no hesitation in taking, on this matter, the word of Bixio, 'la Icalta 
fktla persona.' 


refused to record (except on one occasion to impugn, p. 179, 
note 2, above) any of the numerous declarations made by 
Italians who took part in the fighting, to the effect that the 
French soldiers, while charging, cried amici, and so prevented 
the Italians from firing on them until the French were upon 
them with the bayonet. Battles are not lost or won by ' white- 
flag incidents.' And I think it absurd of M. Bittard des Fortes 
to believe that 300 French soldiers allowed themselves to be 
surrounded and disarmed in battle, on such a tale as that their 
comrades had entered Rome, and that peace was established ! 

Whatever Bixio did or did not do, one thing is certain — that 
the capture of three or four hundred French infantry took place 
during the recapture of the PamfiU and Valentini grounds in fair 
fight, and as a result of their comrades having been driven off 
the field. Picard's omission of the all-important fact of Gari- 
baldi's successful charge {Moniteur, May 30, p. 1923) is quite 
inexcusable, and the repetition of his error by modern clerical 
historians is due to the fact that they do not study the Italian 
authorities. M. Bittard des Portes' account of the action in 
the Pamfili is therefore highly misleading. He commits a grave 
error, and one, moreover, that he could easily have avoided, 
when he implies (as he does on pp. 86-89 of his work) that the 
surrender took place as a result of deliberate fraud on the part of 
the Italians, while the French were still in victorious occupation 
of the Pamfili after their first successful advance. He omits 
altogether to state that the Italians drove the French out of 
the Pamfili, and off the Aqueduct and across the Deep Lane, 
in fair fight, and that that was why there was any question of 
Picard's surrender. The recovery of those places by a series 
of charges is established by all Italian authorities, including 
numerous persons who took part in the affair — e.g. Torre, 
ii. 30, 31 ; Loev. i. 163 ; Costa, 44 ; Koelman, ii. 16-19 ; 
Carletti, 269, 270 ; HoJ-'. 12, 13 ; Vecchi, ii. 197 ; Mem. 227, 
228 ; Roman MSS. Batt. Univ. ; Triumvirs' Report (reprinted 
Spada, iii. 440). These and, so far as I know, every other Italian 
authority, make it perfectly certain that the Italians advanced 
again and recaptured the Corsini, and Pamfili, and Valentini 
in fair fight. The most detailed and interesting account of the 
action is given by Carletti, 269, 270, Fatto d' armi del 30 Aprile, 
in connection with the charge of the Roman Legion. But 
there is no evidence in M. Bittard des Portes' work that he has 
studied any Italian book on the subject of the siege of Rome, 


except Loevinson (whom he deserts whenever he wishes, as in 
this case). 

Altogether M. Bittard des Fortes' account of April 30 is 
worthy of his statement about Bomba (p. 140) : ' Le roi Bomba, 
comme on I'appelait en raison de son embonpoint.' His igno- 
rance of Italian history and of the authorities for it is very great, 
and is on a par with his dislike of modern France and modern 
Italy, indicated in the introduction to his work. The real value 
of his book is that he has studied the MS. Historiques of the 
French regiments. I have, by the kind permission of the French 
War Office, studied those of the principal regiments, but find 
no evidence of the truth of Picard's story, beyond a repetition of 
it in the Historique of his own regiment (Paris MS. 20 ', pp. 225, 
226), written about the year 1892. 

The gallantry of the French army on April 30, and during the 
siege of Rome in June 1849, was worthy of a better cause — was, 
in fact, worthy of the nation and the army that delivered Italy 
in 1796, in 1800, in 1859. May that French army always re- 
main, as it is to-day, the friend of England, and of the Italy 
which owes so much to French valour. That valour, which no 
historian of 1849 can possibly deny, does not require to be 
defended by the belated resuscitation of impossible tales that 
have long ago died a natural death. 



The accusations of ill-usage of the French prisoners by the 
Italian soldiery and mob on April 30 appear to me to be very 
doubtful, though M. Bittard des Partes (pp. 89, 90) makes great 
play with them. His authorities are : (i) Balleydier ; (2) Rap- 
port du commandant Picard (in the Moniteur) ; and (3) Raffet's 

1. Balleydier is a second-hand partisan authority, whose 
book the impartial Mr. Johnston (p. 319) justly calls ' full of 
exaggerations and inaccuracies.' 

2. Picard is responsible for palming off on the Parisian 
public such very remarkable statements about April 30 (see 
Appendix C, above) that all his evidence is, in relation to these 
events, extremely questionable. It was noted in Rome that 
while the other French prisoners were friendly he remained 
sulky {Koelman, ii. 22). Unfortunately his story, published in 


the Moniteur to account to the French nation for the defeat of 
April 30, became the basis of subsequent French narratives. 
But be his evidence worth much or Httle, it does not bear out 
M. Bittard des Portes' accusation. For Picard does not say 
that his men were ill-treated or massacred, but only that he 
himself was insulted and assaulted by the mob as he was being 
brought into Rome a solitary prisoner. He is quite vague as to 
what happened to his men after he had left them, except only 
that he allows somehow or other they were killed, wounded or 
made prisoner. The Paris MS. 2.0" Historique, p. 226, evidently 
based on Picard's account, repeats his complaint as regards his 
own entry into Rome, adding that his men, on the other hand, 
were taken into Rome under a ' good escort ' (p. 226), and 
were ' well treated during their short captivity ' (p. 228). And 
so says Vaillant, 11-12 note. 

3. The imaginary and sensational picture drawn by Raffet 
is solemnly quoted by M. Bittard des Portes (p. 90, note i) as 
an authority. It is only necessary to look at it (either in the 
original or in the reproduction in Bittard des Portes, 90), to 
see its documentary value. It is, however, worth mentioning 
that Nino Costa, as Lord Carlisle tells me, was always parti- 
cularly angry at this picture — which represents priests saving 
French prisoners from massacre on April 30 — because, said Costa, 
so far from trying to massacre them, ' we gave them cigars.' 

In the Roman MSS. Batt. Univ., Andreocci Luigi says : ' La 
legione meno prigionero il 20 linea passando davanti a noi. 
Furono rispettati da tutti e non si grido se non Viva I' Italia, 
Viva V indipendenza Italiana.' 

Finally, it is to be observed that Oudinot acknowledged in 
the most grateful terms the extraordinary kindness of the 
Romans to the French wounded of April 30 {De Lesseps, 120, 
Doc. No. 14), and never complained either of the method in which 
the prisoners had been captured or of any ill-treatment that 
they had suffered. This is not without significance. Still more 
significant is the fact that the French prisoners themselves 
made friends with their Italian captors. (This is proved not 
only by the evidence of numerous Italian writers, but by the 
impartial and neutral observer, Captain Key, of H.M.S. Bull- 
dog, on his visit to Rome.) Is it reasonable to suppose that 
the soldiers of a high-spirited army like the French would, in 
a few days' time, have made friends with their captors, and 
have been effusively grateful for the treatment they had re- 
ceived, if they had, in the first instance, been captured by 


treachery at the moment of their own victory, and then sub- 
jected to massacre and insult after their surrender ? 

On June 3 feehng had become much more embittered, and 
some French prisoners were on that day massacred by those 
to whom they had surrendered, and others insulted and assaulted 
by the mob, as I record on p. 189, above. But on April 30 I 
do not believe that this occurred. 



For the pros and cons, of the question, see Ho_ff. 61 (a 
prejudiced though well-informed witness), and Roselli -passim 
on his own behalf. See also Loev. i. 189-191 ; Roman MSS., 
F.R. 62. 8, pp. 111-119 ; Koelman, ii. 5-7 ; Mario, Supplement, 
91-95, 100 ; Pisacane, 15, 16. 

No doubt Europe would have made it yet another charge 
against the friendless Republic if she had entrusted the supreme 
command to ' the bandit,' and possibly some of the troops in 
some of the line regiments would have been mutinous if asked 
to serve under him, though I doubt it. But nothing that the 
Republicans could have done would have placated Europe ; 
and, as the bulk of the troops were volunteers, and the nature 
of the operations in the Alban Hills would therefore be a war of 
guerillas led straight to the attack of an ineflicient regular army 
(like the campaign that won Sicily and Naples in i860), it is 
probable that the Romans would have gained more, under the 
auspices of Garibaldi, in enthusiasm, dash, and good leadership, 
than they would have lost in other respects. And if, indeed, 
it was undesirable for diplomatic and political reasons to make 
Garibaldi nominal commander-in-chief of the forces of the State, 
it would at least have been wiser to send him out with a free 
hand for this expedition, in command of all such regiments as 
were eager to follow him. Of these he would certainly have 
found enough to enable him to knock King Ferdinand's army 
to pieces, for it must be remembered that even the Lombard 
Bersaglieri, who best represented the regular and conservative 
elements in the army, had serv^ed under his sole command at 
Palestrina, and that their commanding officer, the aristocratic 
Manara, was proud to become, on June 4, the chief of Garibaldi's 



BEFORE garibaldi's ARRIVAL 

The best authorities for the conflicts in the Pamfili and 
Corsini grounds before the arrival of Garibaldi are : Paris 
MSS. 33* and 91'' (16'' leger) ; Gamberini (one of Pietramellara's 
officers on that day) ; Torre, ii. 177, 178 ; Vecchi, ii. 259 ; Hof., 
114 ; Gahussi, iii. 430 ; Bittard des Fortes, 213-223. The in- 
accurate statement of the latter that there were 2,000 Italians 
defending the grounds of the Villa Pamfili is based on the re- 
port of General Oudinot to the Minister of War on June 4 
{Precis Hist, pike just.. No. 12). Oudinot, when he wrote, had no 
means of guessing the numbers — the villa having been captured 
in the darkness. He had every reason for exaggerating, and he 
was much given to exaggeration. For example, in the same 
despatch he states that the Italians had some 24,000 regular 
troops in Rome, and used them nearly all on June 3 in en- 
deavouring to recover the Corsini. The truth is that they used 
about 6,000, most of them volunteers (see p. 187, above). 

Gamberini, who was with Pietramellara on the morning of 
the 3rd, gives the number of Italians in the Pamfili at 400 ; 
and this is borne out by Torre, ii. 177, and Vecchi, ii. 259. There 
is, therefore, no doubt that there were only 400 defenders in the 
Pamfili grounds at the time when the Villa was captured at 
three in the morning. 

On the other hand, Galletti's whole force was much more than 
400 ; some were in the Vascello {Gamberini, 14) , and, according 
to the French accounts, some of Galletti's men came out of the 
Porta San Pancrazio, as dawn was growing grey, after the capture 
of the Pamfili, to the rescue of the Corsini and Valentini, which 
they temporarily secured, only to lose them again when the French 
came back in greater numbers. This is the account of the matter 
given in the French Historiques (33- and 91*^). On p. 158 of the 
Historique of the 91^ (16^ l^g^^), part of the force under LevaU- 
lant, we read : ' Le 2- bataHlon etait encore en arriere, retarde 
par r obstacle de la barricade, le jour commencait a poindre, et 
permettait d'apercevoir des troupes ennemies qui debouchaient de 
la parte St. Pancrace (clearly Galletti's men) ; d' autre part on 
n'avait aucune nouveile de la brigade Molliere, qui devait 
executer I'attaque principale ; cette situation determina le 
Colonel de faire retrograder V avant-garde jttsqu'd la villa Pamfili, 


ou le 2° bataillon vint se joindre au premier.' Immediately 
afterwards (pp. 158, 159) we read of a fierce struggle by part of 
this regiment for the possession of the Valentini, and on p. 159 
we read : ' L'arrivee de la brigade Morliere (MoUiere) opera une 
heureuse diversion.' (See also Journal 16% pp. 12-18.) Gam- 
berini's recollections (1884) are somewhat different. 

The famous patriot Colonel, Marquis Pietro PietrameUara 
(sometimes called Mellara), was not mortally wounded and cap- 
tured on this day, as is sometimes said. That fate befell Captain 
Ludovico PietrameUara {Loev. i. 216, note), but the Colonel 
organised the first resistance in the Corsini after the loss of the 
Pamfili. He was mortally wounded two days later, was taken 
into Rome, and died there early in July. See the evidence of the 
eye-witness, Gamherini (14, 19, and ^assm), confirmed by Gabussi, 
iii. 434 ; Ravioli, 45, 57 ; Bertolini's PietrameUara, 25-28, 33. 



I have called the Corsini a house of four stories, and I speak 
of the balcony at the top of the outside staircase as the second 
floor from the ground, because that was the case as regards 
the side facing Rome. Hoffstetter and other writers, indeed, 
caU the villa a three-storied building, with the balcony on the 
first floor, and it was so, as regards the west side. But, as 
regards the eastern facade looking towards Rome, Werner 
represents two stories below the balcony, as well as two above 
(see illustration, p. 186, above). In this it is borne out by the 
picture in Decuppis {q.v. at end of Bibliography, p. 363, below), 
and in the picture Miraglia, 258. In these pictures of Werner, 
Decuppis, and Miraglia, taken immediately after the siege, 
the staircase and facade are represented as completely blown 
away by the Italian cannon, so that the internal economy of 
the house is revealed, and four stories are thus rendered visible. 
Judging from the picture of the west (Pamfih) side of the villa 
as given in Kandler, there were only three stories {viz. only one 
below the balcony) on that side. 

As to my statement that the storming parties could only 
get into the upper part of the villa from the Roman side by 
climbing the outer staircase, it is implied by all the detailed 
accounts of any of the attacks on June 3, especially by Hof., 


121, lines 21-24. The illustration, p. 173, above (/. L. N.), 
shows, indeed, a portal on the ground floor between the two 
stairways, but apparently it did not connect with the upper 
stories, merely leading as a gangway through the lower parts 
of the house into the Pamfili gardens. This is also the im- 
pression left by the picture of the west (Pamfili) side of the 
Corsini, in the panoramic engraving by Kandler. 


garibaldi's use of the BERSAGLIERI on JUNE 3 

The Lombard Bersaglieri, when they fought at Palestrina 
at the beginning of May, consisted of one battalion of about 
600 men. On their return to Rome, between the battles of 
Palestrina and Velletri, another weak battalion, about 350 strong, 
succeeded in joining them, having embarked secretly from 

The first (the original) battalion, 600 strong, consisted of 
four companies — the ist under Ferrari, the 2nd under Enrico 
Dandolo, the 3rd under Massi, the 4th under Rozzat.- On 
June 3 these four companies of the first battalion together com- 
prised 600 men, minus their small losses in the Palestrina and 
Velletri campaigns. 

As regards the first attack made by this battalion on the 
Corsini, there is a discrepancy between the accounts given by 
Hoffstetter and Emilio Dandolo. Dandolo, 237, states that 
the ist company was sent by itself to charge the Corsini, and 
that after it had been repulsed the 2nd company (Enrico 
Dandolo's) was sent alone on a second charge (pp. 239, 240). 
But Hoffstetter (who was then present, while Emilio Dandolo 
was still behind the walls) makes it perfectly clear that the 
ist company, to which he himself was at the moment attached, 
and the 2nd (Enrico Dandolo's) company, were together in the 
first charge, headed by Manara; this was the charge in which 
Enrico Dandolo was killed [Hoff. 117-121) . Hoffstetter also states 
that Rozzat's company was with them, but this is more doubtful. 
Rozzat, indeed, was there, but certainly without all, perhaps 
without any, of his company (the 4th) ; for Emilio Dandolo (242) 
states that Rozzat went forward alone without his company, 

» Dandolo, 2i6 ; Hoff. 52. - HofT. 38, 118. 


and Emilio Dandolo himself, who was in Rozzat's company, 
was undoubtedly left behind during the first charge. 

To sum up, the first attack by the Bersaglieri on the Corsini 
was made by a considerable body — the ist, 2nd, and possibly 
part of the 4th company of the First Battalion. That is to 
say, this charge was made by some three hundred men together, 
and not in small handfuls, as Emilio Dandolo says (pp. 236, 237). 
But the attack was premature, as the villa had not been sub- 
jected to a sufficiently prolonged fire of cannon and musketry. 
Hoff., 118, puts on Manara the responsibility for the too early 
beginning of the attack, but it is not possible entirely to excul- 
pate Garibaldi, who was on the spot. 

Hoffstetter and Dandolo between them give us an admirable 
account of the operations of the Bersaglieri on June 3. We 
have, unfortunately, no such record of the equally heroic charges 
of the Garibaldian Legion. Where Dandolo and Hoffstetter 
differ, we must rely on the testimony of that one of them who 
took part in the event in question. They were apart from 
each other during the day, except during the tragic scene in the 
Casa Giacometti, when Manara gave Emilio Dandolo definite 
news of his brother's death. The correspondence between 
Hoffstetter's and Dandolo's account of the place and circum- 
stances of that scene, at which they were both present, increases 
the credit of each as a witness to the details of what he alone 

There are two mistakes in detail in the long account given 
by Hoffstetter of the day's battle. The Bersaglieri arrived on 
the scene not ' shortly after four o'clock ' (p. 108), but some 
four hours later ; indeed, Hoffstetter's own statement that they 
had been kept waiting two hours under arms in the Forum 
makes it likely that this is a misprint. Secondly, the casual 
mention of Emilio Dandolo as among the wounded in the first 
charge (p. 119) is an error. He was then inside the walls, and 
was wounded in the charge described by himself [Dandolo, 
p. 245). 

Possibly Hoffstetter gives himself too much credit for seeing 
on the spot all that ought to have been done and was left un- 
done by Garibaldi and Manara ; but otherwise he seems to me an 
admirable witness, and I think his narrative has not always 
been treated with sufficient consideration by historians. 




I. The first wound received by Masina on June 3 was in the 
morning, as described p. 176, above. His retirement to the 
field hospital in San Pietro in Montorio, at Garibaldi's orders, 
is described by Koelman, ii. 77, 85, an eye and ear witness. 
Torre, ii. 185 ; Elia, i. 168 ; and Bertolini's Masina, 23, also 
mention that Masina was wounded in one of the early attacks, 
and retired for an hour. Roman MSS. Roncalli, i. 156, adds, 
* torna in Roma, corre al primo ospedale,' which can only mean 
San Pietro in Montorio; so Koelman is well borne out. For 
Masina, see R. S. del R. i. 102-106. 

II . The accounts of the later charge in which Masina met 
his death are somewhat contradictory ; but I think that a careful 
perusal of the leading statements by Torre, Roncalli, Carletti, 
Hoff., Koelman, the Paris MSS. 33*" and 66% and the docu- 
ment printed in the R. S. del R., will bring out certain facts, 
not generally recognised, which I epitomise as follows : 

(i) Masina's death was in the afternoon, during this con- 
fused rush of all the regiments, cavalry and infantry [Hoff., 
127 ; Koelman, ii. 88-92), and not in the ' first encounter,' when 
he was only wounded, and retired to have his arm bound up. 

(2) It is certain that in this later charge Masina rode up the 
steps of the villa on horseback in the sight' of the crowd on 
the waUs of Rome ; but it is not certain that he received his 
death wound while so doing. 

It is possible that he was killed, as Torre states (ii. 185), 
' neir uscir del Casino,' in coming out from the Villa Corsini. 
For his skeleton was undoubtedly found, on July 5, lying in the 
garden below, seventy paces from the villa, having lain there 
during the siege, between the French and Italian lines {R. S. 
del R. i. no). One witness at the inquest (Lorenzo Bressan) 
deposed that he had seen Masina fall on the spot where his body 
was found. Koelman (ii. 91) follows the ordinary story, and 
speaks of him as kUled on the steps, though he does not say that 
he saw him fall there. The explanation offered on p. 109 11. 
23, 24 of R. S. del R. i. is not good. If he was not killed on 
the steps, it must have been during the retreat, ' nell' uscir del 
Casino,' as Torre, ii. 85, says. 



III. So much (or little) can be said about Hasina's own 
death. As regards the military aspects of the charge, during 
some part of which his death occurred, there is also consider- 
able difficulty. But I think the following statements can be 
made : 

(i) The cavalry charge ordered by Garibaldi was not — like 
the expedition of Emilio Dandolo and his twenty men — made 
against the full force of the French safely ensconced in the 
villa, but at a propitious moment when the Italian fire had 
caused a momentary retreat or confusion {TAoff. 126 ; Koel- 
man, ii. 86-88). Consequently the viUa was taken with little 
loss (' dopo pochi colpi si ritirano i Francesi,' Carletti, 274). 
The French accounts quoted below are in keeping with this. 

(2) The cavalry were supported by a rush of many hundreds 
of men. According to Carletti, 274, the cavalry took the 
Corsini before this rush ; according to Hoffstetter, 126-127, they 
were themselves only a part of the general rush. 

(3) This rush consisted partly of the infantry in and about 
the Vascello {Hoff. ^126-127), and partly of spent regiments, 
gunners, and civilians from behind the Porta San Pancrazio, 
who started without orders or leadership, in a state of great 
excitement, after they had seen the infantry in the Vascello 
charge up the slope [Koelman, ii. 88-90). 

It is very difficult to make out what Garibaldi did or did not 
do in this affair. It is clear that, as Carletti says, he ordered 
the cavalry to charge the Corsini, and Hoffstetter and Koelman 
show that he did so because the enemy were momentarily 
losing hold of the Villa by reason of the Italian bombardment. 
But Carletti and Hoffstetter say that the infantry rush from 
the Vascello was not ordered, but was the result of a voluntary 
clan on the part of the men ; only when it had begun, Hoffstetter 
says that Garibaldi sent in every man he could find. Hoff- 
stetter also says that Garibaldi remained at the garden gate of 
the Corsmi. 

On the other hand, Koelman says that he saw Garibaldi 
leading on the infantry from the Vascello, and himself fight- 
ing in the Corsini ground, before the rush of the mob began 
from the Porta San Pancrazio. He also says that he saw 
Garibaldi on the Corsini Hill, when he (Koelman) had arrived 
there in the mob. Koelman is a first-hand but not a quite first- 
rate authority, as he wrote so long after the events. 

All this evidence is very contradictory, and probably none 
of the eye-witnesses who took part in the charge had much time 



to see what Garibaldi, or anyone else, was doing. But in judging 
his conduct in the light of such uncertain data, it is at least clear 
that the cavalry took the Villa because their charge was ordered 
at a propitious moment when the foe were yielding before the 
bombardment. At what distance the infantry followed, whether 
they were led by Garibaldi in person, whether he ordered their 
advance, or whether they started from the Vascello before he 
had time to organise their advance properly, are points on 
which authorities differ. It is equally impossible to say whether 
he is to be blamed for not providing against the rush of the mob 
from the Porta San Pancrazio, and whether that mob did more 
harm by adding to the confusion or more good by adding to 
the numbers of the defenders of the Corsini Hill. 

The French historiqiies are rather vague about the fighting 
on June 3 after the arrival of Garibaldi, as the names of the 
places, where the fighting described took place, are not often 
given. But there are passages which clearly refer to this late 
afternoon attack, and one of them is most valuable as showing 
that during that attack the convent of San Pancrazio (as well 
as the Corsini) was momentarily taken by the Italians. The 
passage is in the Historique 33* {Paris MSS.), p. 214 : 

' A 4 heures (p.m., as context shows) le 3'' bataillon re^ut 
I'ordre d'aller reprendre les positions que le 66'^ avait laisse 
retomber aux mains de I'ennemi. A I'arrivee du bataillon les 
Romains etaient descendus pres du reservoir de I'aqueduc, 
mais, comme le matin, le 3*^ bataillon les eut bientot chasses, 
leur tuant beaucoup de monde. Le 3*^ bataillon sous les ordres 
du Colonel Bonat avait regu I'ordre de s'emparer de I'Eglise 
de San Pancrazio occupee par les Romains : cet ordre, malgre 
la resistance, fut promptement execute et I'ennemi refoule dans 
la place.' 

The Historique of the 66^ (MSS., pp. 101-102) merely says 
the troops were ' exposees a etre englouties sous les decombres 
des maisons qui s'ecroulent sous le feu de I'ennemi/ and speaks 
of ' une sortie en masse appuyee par du canon.' 



The force under arms in Rome in June was considerably 
greater than it had been on April 30. 

z 2 



But there is much greater uncertainty as to the numbers 
of men under arms in Rome than as to the numbers of the 
French, The French consisted of so many regiments of a 
regular army, whose numbers it was quite possible to ascertain, 
and difficult to conceal. Vaillant's statement that there were 
30,000 by the end of the siege may be accepted as approximately 
correct. The defenders of Rome, on the other hand, chiefly 
consisted of bodies of men of very lax organisation, whose 
numbers were either fluid or unascertainable, seeing that they 
are stated differently in every list. Compare, for instance, the 
three lists given by Hoffstetter (at the end of his volume), Car- 
letti, 259-260, and Vaillant, 185. They are agreed as to the 
numbers of scarcely any one regiment. For example : 





Manara's Lombards .... 







Roman Legion 




Medici's Legion 

f Not 
t mentioned 



First Line Regiment .... 




Second Line Regiment 




Third Line Regiment .... 








In the end, Vaillant gives, as a total of all arms, 21,760 + 
12,000 National Guard whom he says were chiefly used for policing 
the town. Hoffstetter gives 14,790, and mentions that the 
National Guard were 8,000 or 10,000, but he does not count them 
in the list ; they had fought on April 30, and now in June patrolled 
the streets and guarded some parts of the wall. Carletti gives 
a total of 17,580, including the National Guard (Civica Mobiliz- 
zata), whom he reckons at only 1,200, a tenth of Vaillant's 

Hoffstetter, who, next to Garibaldi and Manara, was in a 
])osition to know the facts, and was deep in the counsels at 
head-quarters in the Savorelli and Spada villas, gives a most 
interesting list of the regiments on the Janiculum on June 29, 
with the remaining strength of each {Hoff. 280-2S1). The total 
amounts to 4,170 infantry, plus some fifty lancers. I know 
no reason to think this .an under-estimate, if we allow for the 
several thousands who, he says, had already been killed and 
wounded (p. 300). This estimate of 4,000 and odd men left on 
the Janiculum on June 29 is confirmed by Torre, ii. 262, and 
accepted by Loevinson, i. 261. 



There is no doubt that the bulk of the Roman forces never 
ascended the Janiculum in June, to judge by the comparatively 
small number of regiments mentioned in the defence of the 
Vascello and the walls. The presence of the French outside 
the Porta del Popolo, the Porta San Paolo, and the Vatican 
wall, their continual demonstrations against Rome in those 
quarters, and the need for policing the city, would account for 
the large numbers kept down below. 



The protest of the foreign Consuls to Oudinot can be read 
in Bittard des Fortes, 343-344, and Balleydier, ii. 251-253. It 
offered ' les remontrances les plus energiques contre ce mode 
d'attaque qui non seulement met en danger les vies et les pro- 
prietes des habitants neutres et pacifiques, mais aussi celles des 
femmes et des enfants innocents. Nous nous permettons. 
Monsieur le General, de porter a votre connaissance que ce 
bombardement a deja coute la vie a plusieurs personnes inno- 
centes et a porte la destruction sur des chefs-d'oeuvre de beaux 
arts qui ne pourront jamais etre remplaces.' The last phrase 
is exaggerated, unless the buildings on the Janiculum itself are 
referred to. But the personal injury to the inhabitants is not 
exaggerated at all, especially as regards the Trastevere. 

On this subject see the French defence. Commission Mixte 
(Yellow Book, 1850). Its statements show the limit of the 
injury done to works of art, but also they show how general 
was the bombardment, how wide the range of the French 
missiles all over Rome. To take one example out of many, the 
Rospigliosi Palace, close under the Quirinal, was hard hit, 
though its famous ceiling-fresco, Guido Reni's 'Aurora,' was not 
injured, as was stated by the Liberal press {Com. Mixte, 57-58). 
The actual injury done to the Palace is described in Murray's 
Guides of the years following — an authority hostile to the 
defenders of Rome of 1849. 

See also, for the bombardment in general, and in particular 
the terrible suffering inevitably caused in the Trastevere : 
Luzio, 237 (Borchetta's narrative) ; Vecchi, ii. 268-269, 273, 
284, 294 ; Koelman, ii. passim, e.g. 137 ; Pisacane, 6 ; Gabussi, 


iii. 458-459 ; Lazzarini, passim, e.g. 197 ; Torre, ii, 231, 263 
Dandolo, 263. 

And see Bittard des Pories, 325-326, 365. 



I have indicated (p. 189, above), in reference to June 3, 
that it is extremely difficult to calculate the numbers of Roman 
killed and wounded, because : 

1. So many wounded may have been taken to private houses, 
and not to the public hospitals, as noticed by Torre, ii. 274. 

2. As the numbers of the regiments were fluctuating or 
unknown (see Appendix I, above), no certain calculations of 
losses could have been made by counting the survivors. 

Hoff., 300, calculates the Italian killed and severely wounded 
at 4,000 men and 300 officers. Medici {Beghelli, ii. 392) says that 
in the defence of the Vascello alone he lost 300 killed and a 
much greater number of wounded. The proportion of killed in 
such an operation would be large, because often only the head was 
exposed (see Hoff. 290). These estimates may be exaggerated, 
but Hoffstetter and Medici were, at any rate, the people best 
in a position to know the losses on the whole Janiculum, and at 
the Vascello respectively. 

Torre, ii. 174, calculates the killed and wounded for April 30, 
the Neapolitan expeditions, and the siege of Rome at about 
3,000, basing his estimate on the figures of the hospitals given 
him by his friend Bertani. This is considered by Johnston, 
p. 310, as the most probable estimate. But Torre makes no 
pretensions to certainty. Vecchi, ii. 298, also calculates the 
number at 3,000, though with like hesitation. The lists of those 
who passed through the hospitals (not including the dead on 
the field of battle or the wounded who were tended in their own 
homes) give a total of 2,095, from April 30 to the end of the 
siege {Ravioli, 68). Loev., ii. 51, accepts Bertani's very similar 
calculation (2,063) of the hospital returns. 

As regards the provenance of the active defenders of Rome, 
an interesting list of some of the wounded in the hospitals 
between May i and June 30 was published by the restored 
clerical government in the Giornale di Roma on September 15, 
very similar to the more complete list given by Bertani {Loev. 
ii. 51) : 


Giornale di Roma (Sept. 15) 

Inhabitants of Rome . 
Inhabitants of Roman States 
Inhabitants of other Italian States 
Inhabitants of foreign countries 
Of origin unascertained 







Bertani's List {Loev. ii. 51) 

City of Rome 249 

Roman States 954 

Other Itahan States 547 

France 10 

Other foreigners 46 

Unknown 257 


These hsts are probably trustworthy, though we should 
remember that citizens of Rome would be more likely to be 
taken to their own houses instead of to the hospitals. But there 
is no doubt the Ligurians, Lombards, and Romagnuols (the latter 
citizens of the Roman Republic) were the soul of the defence. 

As to the French, we have no certain calculation of their 
losses. We read in the Historiques of the various regiments 
that they lost, in all, 500 men killed and wounded on April 30, 
and 250 on June 3. These figures, which do not include prisoners, 
are admitted by M. Bittard des Partes (pp. 95, 235), and repre- 
sent the lowest probable estimate.^ If we accept this lowest 
estimate of the losses on April 30 and June 3, it is difficult 
to believe that the French lost only 1,024 "i^n in killed and 
wounded in the whole expedition, as stated by Vaillant, p. 159. 
For it is difficult to see how the losses from June 4 to 30 inclusive 
could have been under 300 men — e.g. M. Bittard des Fortes 
(p. 262) admits eighty- three wounded on June 4 and 5 alone. 
Indeed, there was general incredulity as to the accuracy of the 
number given by Vaillant (see Torre, ii. 275). Vecchi (ii, 298) 
guessed that the French had lost 2,000 killed and wounded. 

' Cabussi, iii. 433, shows there was much doubt entertained as to whether the 
French lost only 250 on June 3. 


oudinot's good faith 
(See pp. 164, 165 above) 

General Oudinot's much-disputed letter ran as follows : 
' G]6ni':raLj — Les ordres de mon gouvernement sont positifs^ 
ils me prescrivent d'entrer dans Rome le plus tot possible. J'ai 
d6nonce aux autorit^s romaines 1' armistice verbal que, sur les 
instances de M. de Lesseps, j 'avals consenti a accorder momen- 
tan^ment. J'ai fait pr^venir vos avant-postes que I'une et 
r autre arm^e avaient le droit de recommencer les hostilit6s. 
Seulement, pour donner le temps a ceux de nos nationaux 
[French residents] qui voudraient quitter Rome et, sur la de- 
mande de M. le chancelier de I'ambassade de France, la pos- 
sibilite de le faire avec facility, je differe I'attaque de la place 
jusqu'a lundi matin. 

' Recevez, etc., 

' Le g6neral-en-chef, 


' Le !'■ Juin, a 5 heures du soir.' 

M. Bittard des Portes does not doubt the good faith of 
this letter, in spite of the attack made on the Pamfili on Sunday, 
June 3, because he says that the word ' place ' could mean nothing 
except fortifications of the city built for military purposes, and 
the ground inclosed by them. Thus, on p. 210, note, he says : 

' Cette question semble si peu discutable au point de vue 
militaire que, dans nos reglements — et on pent aj outer dans 
tous les reglements des armees europeennes sur le service des 
places — " la denomination de place de guerre s' applique aux villes 
fortiiic'es par une simple enceinte ou par une enceinte avec forts 
detaches ou par un ensemble de forts detaches." Or il ne s'agissait 
pas de forts, mais de simples villas.' 

In view of this plea, I have consulted high military authority 
as to the natural interpretation of Oudinot's letter. I have 
received the following reply : 

' The letter of General Oudinot is very ambiguous. He says 
the outposts have been warned they have the right to recom- 
mence operations at once, but he guarantees that the " place " 
shall not be attacked before a fixed time. Technically " place " 
may be construed to mean the fortress of Rome bounded by 
its enceinte, and not to include any houses or enclosures outside 
it, and the French commander would then be within his rights 



in ordering the attack on the Villas Pamfili and Orsini in its 

' But " place," taken in combination with " attaque," has 
a wider meaning. The attack on a fortress invariably com- 
mences at some distance from it ; it is usual for the garrison to 
hold certain localities as advanced posts. Oudinot's letter was 
calculated to deceive and did deceive the Romans ; but they 
cannot be held blameless, and should have replied that they 
construed his letter to mean that he would not advance beyond 
a certain line (between the outposts), and have taken precautions 
to ensure his not doing so without effectual opposition. . . . 

' Good faith is the essence of pacific communications between 
belligerents in war. . . . The verdict on the case must be that 
General Oudinot did take mischievous advantages of the wording 
of his letter, and violated the good faith and spirit of the armis- 
tice, and that General Roselli did not take reasonable precautions 
to ensure the safety of the fortress in his charge.' 

And, again, from another high military authority, I have 
the following opinion : 

' General Oudinot wilfully deceived the Romans, as the 
attack on a fortress may well be held to include attack upon 
points of vantage outside the actual enceinte. On the other 
hand, General Roselli certainly deserved to be deceived. The 
agreement was only verbal, and the possibility of the loss of 
what was really the key to the situation, by an evasion of it, 
ought to have been foreseen and guarded against by an astute 
and wide-awake commander.' 

For the grave fault of Roselli in this matter, see Loev. i. 211 ; 
Pisacane, Guena, 282 ; Gamherini, 6-10 ; and Gabussi, iii. 

The complete security of the Romans as to the interpretation 
of the letter is shown by a proclamation of the Triumvirs issued 
on June 2, describing the exchange of letters, and stating that : 

' II Generale Oudinot . . . dichiar5 che non solamente con- 
siderava rotta ogni tregua e libero il corso alle ostUita, ma che 
avrebbe assalito la citta, non perb prima di Lunedi ' {Roman 
MSS. Roncalli 37, /. 30). 

It never occurred to anyone in Rome to suppose that ' la 
citta ' or ' la piazza ' would be held to exclude the Pamfili 
positions. In their next proclamation, issued after the French 
attack had been begun, the Triumvirs speak of ' tradimento,' 
and the violation of the ' promessa scritta ch' e in nostre mani 
di non assalire prima di lunedi ' (ditto, f. 145). 



Abbreviations ift the ?wtes explained. 

[The mark * means that matter concerning the retreat or the escape of 
Garibaldi will be found in the book or document so indicated. Works not so 
marked either concern the general history or relate only to events ending with 
the surrender of Rome.] 


AUocuzione del Sovimo Pontefue — Alloctizione del SoniDio Ponte/ice Pio Papa IX. 
da Gaeta, 20 Aprile 1 849. 

*■ Anita — Nuova Aniologia, Dec. 1905. Pp. 570-602. Article signed Sfinge 
( = Signorina Codronchi) on Anita Garibaldi. Contains private (family) 
information, and the genuine portrait by the Italian Gallini taken in 1848. 

Bailey die7-- Balleydier (Alphonse). Histoire de la Rholittion de Ro?>ie. 1851. 
(Partisan French. Often inaccurate. ) 

Bassi — Agritaliani. Canto Popol are. Ugo Bassi. (Bologna, apparently 1849. ) 

i5£f^£//z = BeghelH (Giuseppe). La Repubblica Romana del 1849. 1S74. 

(Not of high rank as an authority. Partisan Liberal, and not so fair as 
Torre. The most valuable document in it is Medici's own account of his 
defence of the Yascello— ii. 387-392). 

^«/^?'o;'(£7i'(7=Barbiera (Raffaello). La Principessa Belgiojoso. Milano. 1902. 
(Valuable. ) 

*^(j/. = Belluzzi (Raffaele). La Rilirata di Garibaldi da Roma nel 1849. 
Biblioteca storica del Risorgimento Italiano. Serie i, n. 10. Societa 
editrice Dante Alighieri. Roma. 1899. 

(Signore Belluzzi, the late lamented head of the Risorgimento depart- 
ment of the Museo Civico, Bologna, made with great pains, in days when it 
was not yet altogether too late, a collection of local traditions and personal 
recollections along the whole route of the retreat, as well as of all 
relevant printed matter and MSS. Out of this material he composed his 
Ritirata di Garibaldi, the authoritative book on the subject, and left the 
whole body of papers to the Museo Civico, Bologna. There, according to 
the liberal custom of the municipality, I have Ijeen kindly allowed access to 
them, and have thus been able to examine at the source the statements 
which Belluzzi makes in this book, and have had matter by which to check, 
confirm, and add to Hoffstetter, Ruggeri, and the other original authorities 
on the retreat.) 


Bertani = Mario (J, W.). Agostino Bertani e i suoi tempi. 1 888. (Valuable,) 
BerioH7ti-'&erio\\m(¥.). Pellegrino Rossi. Bologna. 1885. 
Bertolinf s Masina -'^GXioXxm {^' .). Angela Masini. Bologna. 1889. 
Bertolijits Pielroiiienara^VjcnoWni (F. ). Pietro Pietramellara. Bolo<Tna. 

*BHtard des Poiies ■='B\\.{htA des Fortes. Expedition Francaise de Rome. 1849. 

2nd ed. 1905. 

(Valuable for its study of the historiqiies of the various French regiments 

engaged in the siege. For its limitations see my remarks, end of Ap- 
pendix C, pp. 329, 330, above. ) 
ZvVjr/o = Guerzoni (G.). La Vita di Nino Bixio. 1875. 
*/>V^V = Boggio (P. C). Da Montevideo a Palermo, J^ita di Giziseppe 

Garibaldi. Torino, i S60. 

(For 1849 it is largely a reprint of Vecchi, q.v. ) 
"Bolsi -'^o\%\ (Dottore Domingo). Una 7nemoria inedita siil passaggio di 

Giuseppe Garibaldi per Castiglione-Fiorentino nel Liiglio del 1849. I'oggi^- 


(Good stories about the monks and Garibaldians, reprinted from con- 
temporary MS. of the monk Galassi.) 
*^o«;;^^ = Bonnet (Colonnello Gioacchino). Lo Sbarco di Garibaldi a Magna- 

vacca. Bologna. 1887. 

(Very valuable. First-hand account by the principal actor of the means 

by which Garibaldi was saved on landing near Magnavacca. Detailed, and 

there is every reason to think, accurate. ) 
Brancaleone = hxiXi. i. No. I. Oct. 20, 1906. Roma, Casa ed. Enrico Voghera. 

Article by Giovagrtoli (q.v.) on the murder of Rossi. (Further evidence that 

Luigi Brunetti did it.) 
Bratti ^Bia-tti (Dr. Daniele Ricciotti). / moti Romani iS^S-^, from the letters 

of Dr. Giovanni Castellani, representative of Venice in Rome, to his 

Government. {Doaimenti Manin.) 
*Brizi=Buzi (Oreste). Le bands gai'ibaldiane (sic) a San Marino. Arezzo. 


(Brizi was an official of San Marino, of the party unfavourable to 

Garibaldi. Contains much valuable information.) 
Byron, F. = Lord Byron. The Works of . Murray. 1901. Vol. v. 

(Letters from Ravenna in the old Carbonaro days.) 
*Caa(?/z"«2 = Cadolini (Giovanni). Garibaldi e /' arte della gnerra. Two articles 

in Nuova Antologia. May 1902. 
Carfi?«f« = Carducci (Giosu^). Per la morte di Garibaldi. 1882. 

(A fine expression of the central current of Italian feeling about 

Car/e//e = Charles Gouraud. U Italia. Sue ultime Rivolnzioni. Versione con 

annotazioni criticke e documenti di Alario Carletti. Firenze. 1852. 

(Carletti's notes and documents are, some of them, most valuable for th 

siege of Rome, especially that on the Roman Legion. ) 
*Carra«(7 = Carrano (Francesco). Cacciatori delle Alpi. i860. 

(First part of book is a life of Garibaldi, with much detail about the 

retreat, but nearly all taken from Hoffstetter. ) 
Cianfarani ^dsiViizxsJVi (N.). Memorie sttl fatto d' arme avvenuto in Velletri. 
(Inhabitant of Velletri, clerical). 1900. 


Ciceritacc/iie =Gio\'a.gno\i(R&ffaQ\lo), Cueriiacchio e Do7i Pirlo7ie. 1894. i vol. 
only published. 

(By the author of PeUegrino Rossi. Most minute study of Ciceruacchio's 
life, but unfinished.) 
Clonglvs P. R.^C\o\\^\{Kxi\mx). Pi ose Remains. 1S88. Pp. 144-169. 

(Letters from Rome during Republic and siege. Recounts the experi- 
ences which inspired the political setting of Amours de Voyage, which 
should also be read. ) 
C. M. H. - Cambridge Modern History, vol. ix. chap. xiv. The French Depend- 
encies, H. A. L. Fisher. 

(For general effects of Napoleonic regime in Romagna and in the Papal 
C"(?r/irfl«f = Alexander Cochrane, M.P. Young Italy. Pp. 53-129, on the 
Roman Republic and siege. 

(English reactionary. Inaccurate, but useful as a list of the charges, 
some true and some false, brought at the time against the Roman Revolu- 
tionaries. ) 
Com. mixte = Rapport de la commission viixte vistituee a Rome pour constater les 
deg&ts occasionnis aitx ?iionztments pendant le siege. 1850. 
(French Yellow Book on the subject.) 
*Corsi =Cox%\ (Carlo). Venticinqiie anni in Italia. Firenze. 1870. Vol. i. 
188-194 contains a valuable first-hand account of enforced journey with 
Austrian troops in upper Tiber Valley in pursuit of Garibaldi, July 1849. 
Costa = Olivia Rossetti Agresti. Giovanni Costa, his life, %vork and t lines. 1904. 
(Chap. iii. for siege of Rome in which he took part. Contains also 
important first-hand evidence about Rossi's murder.) 
Cuneo = Q\xr\&Q (G. B.). Biografia di Giuseppe Garibaldi. Genova. 1876 (?) 
(Reprint of the Biography of 1850, with Introduction. First-hand 
authority for Garibaldi's early years. Its value lies in this, that it is prior to 
and independent of the Mcmorie, which it confirms on many points.) 
*Z)' Ambrosio—Xy Ambrosio (Gaetano, Capo dello Stato Maggiore Napolitano). 
Relaziojie delta campagna jtiilitare fatta dal co7po Napolitano, 1849- 1 85 1. 
3rd Ed. 1852. 

(My references are to the third edition. Valuable official narrative, 
though it suffers from having to make the best of a very poor business. ) 
/?flw (/(?/<? = Dandolo (Emilio). The Italian Vohmteers and Lo7nbard Rifle 
Brigade. Longmans, 1 85 1. English translation of / Volontarii ed i 
Bersaglieri Lombardi. Torino. 1 849. 

(Very important. First-hand account of siege of Rome by one of its 
bravest defenders ; gives the point of view of the Lombard Monarchists and 
their attitude to the Republic and to Garibaldi and his men.) 
Dandolo, Vita - Carcano (Giulio). Emilio Dandolo. I Contemporanei Italiani. 
No. 12. 1 86 1. 

(Biographical sketch, two years after his death.) 
Z)' Azeglio = D' Azeglio (Massimo). Degli ultimi casi di Romagna and Capponi's 
Suite Alt uali Condizio7ii delta Romagna. Lugano. 1846. 

(For the state of the Romagna under Papal rule. Politics of the 
Moderate party.) 
*De Rossi=De Rossi (Eugenio, then Capitano, now Maggiore, 7° reg. Ber- 
saglieri). La Marcia di Garibaldi da Ro7na a S. Mari7io. Rivista di 
Cavalleria. Jan., Feb., March, 1902. Casa ed. Italiana, Roma. 


(Best account and estimate of the strategic aspects of Garibaldi's retreat, 
and fullest details of the use of his cavalry. Very valuable, especially to 
those who wish to judge of Garibaldi's merits as a soldier, who should read 
also Gandolji and Nicolosi. It contains many details, especially as to the 
time and place of the marches, scouting expeditions, etc. not found else- 
where, derived from notes by Gaetano Sacchi in the possession of Major Ue 
Rossi. Sacchi commanded one of the two divisions on the retreat.) 
Delia /?£76ra = General Delia Rocca. Autobiografia di un veierano. 1897-S. 
References above are to the English translation, 1S99. 
(For personal history of Charles Albert.) 
*Denkwurdigkeilen=Ga!-ibaldi's Denkwilrdigkeiten. (Elpis Helena.) 1 861. 

(Part I consists of an early (German) edition of Garibaldi's Memoric up 
to 1848, with a few facts not mentioned in the Itahan edition. Part II is not 
by Garibaldi at all, but is compiled from various authors ; it generally follows 
Hoffstetter as to statistics. Book 4 of Part II is, however, of great value, 
as it is written by Garibaldi ; it is a sketch of Anita, chiefly of her conduct 
in battle in the Rio Grande days.) 
Diario — Diario della rivoluzlone di Roma. 1862. 

(Clerical history of the revolution compiled from party sources. De- 
tailed, but often inaccurate. ) 
ZJ^?;? /'2V/(7«g = Comic Republican cartoon journal, Sept. i, i84S-July 2, 1849. 

(The original drawings for these famous cartoons are in the possession of 
Mr. A. L. Smith of Balliol, Oxford ; by his kindness I have been able to 
reproduce a few speciiiiens in this book.) 
Z'«/;Y=Dupre (Giovanni). Ricordi Autobiogyafici. 1879. 
*Z?zcz]f/i/ = Dwight (Theodore). The Life of General Garibaldi by himself. 
1859. New York. 

(First edition of the Meniorle. ) 
Elia - Elia (A.). Ricordi di un Garibaldino dal 1847-48 at igoo. Ed. 1904. 
Ej>is!!olarto = Ximeniis (E. E.). Epistolario di Giuseppe Garibaldi. 2 vols. 

Milano. 1885. 
/'Vr^r/seriFabrizi (Alfredo). Una Pagina della rivoluzione Italiana. V Uccisioitc 

di P. Rossi. 1898. 
*Facchiui=Y2iCc]\\m (016.3.00). Biograjiadi Ugo Bassi. 2nd ed. Bologna. 1890. 
P'arini^Ys.xvcA (Luigi Carlo). The Roinaii State from jS/J to iSjo. Trans- 
lated from the Italian by the Rt. lion. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. for the 
University of Oxford. 1852, 

(The writer, a moderate Liberal politician of note in these transactions, 
is hostile both to the Clericals and to the Republicans. Though with a 
definite point of view which makes him sometimes unfair, he was peculiarly 
well-informed, and he has a love of true facts.) 
* Fen-ario = ¥ QxxdiXio (G.). II Generale Garibaldi. Vita ed avventurc. 1S61. 
(Popular brochure, of no real value, though sometimes mentioned as an 
authority on the Retreat. ) 
Feryi=YQXX\{Ya.). Nuova Antologia. April 1889. • Garibaldi irelle sue Memorie. 
Foglietti =Yog\\c\.\.i (Raffaele). Garibaldi in Macerata. 1888. 

(From MSS. in the Municipio of Macerata in the Marches, referring to 
Garibaldi's stay there, Dec. 1848-Jan. 1849.) 
Forbes = Yox\ie.% (Commander C. S., R.N.). The Caiupaign of Garibaldi in the 
Two Sicilies. 1861. 

(No relation to the Colonel Hugh Forbes of this book.) 


*Franciosi =Yx3.r\ciosi (Pietro). Garibaldi e la Reiiibblica di San Marino. 

Bologna. 1891. 
Fuller = Ma.vg3.ret Fuller Ossoli, Memoirs, vol. iii. 

(Contains letters during the siege of Rome. Much the same interest 
as those of Arthur Clough and diary of W. Story. ) 
Gabussi = Ga.h\xssi (Giuseppe). Memorie per servire alia Storia della rivoluzione 
degli Stall Romani. Genova. 1852. 3 vols. 

(An important work, and contains much first-hand knowledge of Rome 
and its principal defenders during the siege.) 
Ca/Z/aroT^Gaillard (Leopold de). U Expedition de Rome en i84g. Paris. 

(French account : second-hand, but with documents.) 
Ca/fio/Zi = Galeotti (Leopoldo). Della Sovranitd e del Goi'erno Tcmporale dei 
Papi. 1847. 

(Liberal pamphlet.) 
Gainberini = Gd.mhQxmi (Cesare). Schiarimenti sui fatti accadiUi a Roma nel 
Gingno, 1849. Bologna, 1884. 

(Account of the part played by Pielramellara's bersaglieri, by one of his 
officers on June 3.) 
*Gandolfi-G2indio\^ {A..). Garibaldi Generate. Nuova Antologla. June, 1SS3. 

(Excellent on Garibaldi as a soldier.) 
Gavazzi=.'tiico\mi (G. B. ). The Life of Father A. Gavazzi, with three of his 

(Little value historically, except for the orations, as types of his thought 
and style. There is also a slightly fuller biography of Gavazzi by the same 
hand, but without the orations.) 

For examples of his oratory in the original Italian, see // Genetliaco di Pio 
Nono, 1847, and // Vale Cristiano, 1848, Parole del P. Gavazzi, Ba?-nabita, a 
San Franeesco di Paola, 1847 (Tre Apostoli). 
Gavazzi, In Memoriain - Collection of laudatory and biographical notices from 
newspapers — English, American, German and Italian — on the death of 
Gavazzi. 1889. 

(Often inaccurate in detail, but gives an idea of his position in the 
Italian and Evangelical worlds.) 
Ga:efte Medicate de Paris = x\x annee, serie 3, tome 4. 

(Number 44, Nov. 3, 1849, contains an interesting first-hand account of 
a surgeon's experiences under the Vatican walls on April 30.) 
Gazzetta di /v'tf?«rt' = Official Paper, 1848. 
Ciornale di Roma = Official paper after the Restoration. 

Giovagnoli =-G'io\a.gVio\i (Rafilaello). Pclleqrino Rossi e la rivoluzione Ro/nana. 
1898. One vol. only published. 

(Fullest monograph on Rossi and on the problem of his murder, with the 
only detailed examination of the evidence contained in the extensive docu- 
ments relating to the trials of those accused. See also Brancaleone.) 
*Gironi =.G\xon\ (Primo). Anita Garibaldi. Ravenna. 1896. 

(Short life of Anita, and detailed history of movements of the fugitives 
between the landing near Magnavacca and her death. ) 
Gli ultinti sessantanove giorni — Gli nltimi sessanlanorjc giorni della Rcpuhlica (sic) 
in Roma. 1849. tip. Paterno in British Museum. There are various other 

(Clerical tract.) 



Goppe Hi = Z&\xs\ Goppclli (Zolli). La Cornpagnia Medici e la difesa del Vasrcl/o. 

^Griiti =Gx'\t\\ (Dott. Luigi, Capitano Conim.). La Marcia a San Mayino 

Servizi logislici. Rivista di Cavalleria. April 1902. 
CMaZ/^r/o = Gualterio (Di Y. A.). Gli itlti/ni rivolgiinevti f/aliani. 1S52. 

(Useful for the condition of the Roman States before the revolution : 

important documents.) 
*Guclfi = GVie[ii (Doltore Guelfo). Dal Molino di Cerbaja a Cala iMartina. 

Firenze. 1885-86. 2nd Ed. 1889 is the edition I have used. 

(A critical summing-up o^ Seqni and Ricciardi (q.v.) and local traditions, 

as to the last stages of Garibaldi's escape and final embarkation. Very good. ) 
G'«^;7'flS3z = Guerrazzi (F. D. ). Asscdio di Roma. 1864. 

(Famous, but often inaccurate.) 
*G'«£;'2^Kz = Guerzoni (Giuseppe). Gai-ibaldi. Firenze. 1882. 2 vols. 

(Standard life of Garibaldi.) 
Z^aweji = Newspaper cutting (anno 1888, name of paper not given), by Rev. 

H. R. Haweis, giving personal reminiscences of Garibaldi and Garibaldians. 
(In possession of Mr. L. Haweis.) 
*Hoff. =HofFstetter (Gustav von). Tagebuchatis Ltaliett iS^g. Ziirich. ist ¥A. 

1851 ; 2nd Ed. i860. There is also an Italian translation called Docitmcnli 

della guerra santa (T Italia. Torino. 1 851. 

(The fullest first-hand authority both for the siege and for the retreat as 

far as San Marino. Of very great value, as he was on the staff and had 

every means of filling up his diary accurately. My page references are to tlie 

German editions, which are fuller as well as more reliable than the Italian, and 

contain the next best maps of the siege of Rome, after those in Vaillant.) 
//(?/j'^fl/{'i; = Holyoake (George Jacob). Bygones Worth Remembering. 1905. 
/. L. N. = Illustrated London News for iS^g. 

(The paper had a good artist in Rome during the siege, who took what 

are perhaps the best sketches of the garb and appearance of the Garibaldians. 

By the permission and help of the present editor, I have been able to 

reproduce some of these. ) 
* Itinerary = 1jaxgQ. sheet giving times and places of Garibaldi's embarkation and 

escape in neighbourhood of Comacchio and Ravenna, Local, and rare; 

though I believe the Countess Pasolini is having it reprinted. 
*fack La Bolina = Yecc\\i (Vittorio = Jack la Bolina). La Vita e le Gesta di 

Gitiseppe Garibaldi. 1882. 

(Not very valuable or this period, but represents the Garibaldian 

tradition. The author was the son of Augusto Vecchi, and the personal 

accounts of Garibaldi and his sayings in the later part of the book have 

therefore some authority.) 
^fohnston = Johnston ( R. M. ). The Roman Theocracy and the Republic, 1846-49. 

Macmillan. 1901. 

(By the author of the Napoleonic Empire in Southern Italy. 1904. 

This earlier work of Mr. Johnston is more detailed on the political than on 

the military history of the Republic. Adheres to the views of the Moderate 

party against Clericals and Democrats.) 
Journal i& = Journal Historique du 16'' regiment d'injanterie Icgcre pendant k 

siSge dc Rome en iS^c). (Viterhe, 1S50. ) 

(Not quite the same as the Paris MSS. Historique, but based on same 

knowledge. ) 


/£'(y/ = Vice- Admiral Colomb. Memoirs of Sir Astley Cooper Key. 1898. 
Commanded H.M.S. Bulldog 2tX Civita Vecchia, 1849. 

A7;;^' = Bolton King. A History of Italian Unity, 1814-1871. 1898. 2 vols. 
(Standard general history for the English reader, and perhaps the best 
book of its size on the subject in any language.) 

King's Mazzini =-'Qo\ton\\.mg. Mazzini. Dent. 1902. 
(A good biography, especially on the personal side.) 

A'^i?/wa« = Koehnan (Johan Philip). In Rome, 1S46-J1. 1869. te Arnhem 
bij D. A. Thieme. 

A Dutch artist, resident in Rome, who fought on June 3 and remained 
in Rome during the siege, and saw much of the Garibaldians. His important 
work appears hitherto to have escaped the notice of Italian and English 
writers. Some passages appear to me to have been ' written up' somewhat, 
but the essential truth of most of the personal narrative is beyond question. 
I have detected errors here and there, as in all other long personal records of 
the siege, but I have also verified a great many small details which he could 
not have got out of books published in the 'sixties, and I believe his 
memory was in general remarkably accurate. Most of his second-hand 
narrative, and the words of some of the speeches which he represents 
himself as having heard, are taken from Vecchi. 

He himself and his book were both very well known and highly respected 
in the best literary and artistic circles in Holland, whither he returned in 
1857 after a thirteen years' stay in Rome. His reminiscences were first 
published in the Nederlandsche Spectator in 1863. The lapse of fourteen 
years after the events, before he wrote the book, prevents his narrative from 
being a first-rate authority, though it is first-hand. For details about 
Koelman and his book see Onze hedendaagsche schilders. C. Vosmaer, The 
Hague, 1 88 1 -85, and Levensberichters van de I^Iaatschappij der Nederlandsche 
Letterkitnde, 1893, pp. 109-124. Johan Gram. 

^ Kriegsbegebenheiten — Kriegsbegebenheiten bci det Kaiserlich bsterreichischen 
Armee in Mittel-Ita und in der Romagna imjahre i84g. Wien, 1850. 
Part oi Der Feldzug der bsterreichischen Artnee in Italien imjahrc j84g. 
(For the movements of Austrians during Garibaldi's Retreat.) 

La Gorce = 'L,z. Gorce (Pierre de). Histoire de la Seconde Rcptibliqite Franfaise, 
vol. i. 18S7. 

(His account of the Roman expedition is drawn almost entirely from the 
French authorities, and there is no evidence that he has read the Italian 
authorities. It is an ex parte French statement all through.) 

Lanciani= Lanciani (Professor). Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome. 
1897. (For history of the walls.) 

La ratria = La Patria degli Italiani, newspaper of the Italians in the Plata 
States, June 19, 1904, and Jan. 9, 1905, containing interesting details of 
Garibaldi and of Anita in South America. 

Lazzarini — Diario epistolare di G. Lazzarini, ministro nella Rep, Romana. 1 899. 
(Diary of the siege. ) 

De Zej5^/5 = Ferdinand de Lesseps. Ma Mission a Rome. 1849. 

(An account of his negotiations with Mazzini, May 1S49, with 

Zejjtf«a = Lessona (Michele). Volerc c Potere. 1869. 2nd Ed. 


Loev. 1 — Loevinson (Ermanno). Giuseppe Garibaldi e la sua legione nello staio 
Romano, i84.S-4g. Parte Prima. Bibl. Slorica del Risorgimento Laliano, 
Serie III. n. 4, 5. Societa ed. Dante Alighieri, Roma. 1902. 

(Best scholarly account of movements of Garibaldi before the siege of 
Rome, and perhaps best modern commentary on military events of the 
siege. For Garibaldi's part in the siege of Rome Loevinson is as indispens- 
able a guide as Belluzzi is for his retreat. Signore Loevinson has the 
qualities of a great scholar.) 
Loev. IL. = Loevinson (Ermanno). Parte Seconda. Serie IV, No. 6. 1904. 

(Best scholarly investigation into composition, equipment, administration, 
etc., of the Italian Legion, but referring principally to the period before the 
siege rather than to the retreat.) 

(Third part just appearing, bibliography, index, etc.) 
Zmj-A/m^/ow = Lushington (Henry). The Ltalian War, 1848- 4g. 1859. 

(View of an English sympathiser with Italy, of the Moderate party, who 
visited Rome soon after the siege.) 
Zm2zo = Luzio (Alessandro). Frojili Biografici. Milano. 1906. 

Contains biographical essays on Mameli (pp. 171-194), and Bixio 
(pp. 303-316) ; a criticism of d' Annunzio's poem of the siege of Rome 
(pp. 361-392) ; and a criticism oi Bittard des Fortes (pp. 229-241), contain- 
ing a narrative by Borchetta (G.), hitherto unprinted. 
*7I/a^y^«'/«« = Magherini (G. Graziani). Aneddotti e mernorie stil passaggio di 
Giuseppe Garibaldi per P alia valle del Tevere Jtel luglio del 1849. Citta di 
Castello. 1896. 
Maguire =- Maguire (J. F., M.P.). Potitificate of Pius the Ninth. 1870. 

iI/a»«/« = Barrili (A. G.). Scritti editi e inediti di Goffredo Ma7neli. 1902. 
(And see article on Mameli nella Vita e nelP arte, by Barrili, in A^. A. 
June, 1902). 
yJ/a«««rf ? = Mannucci (Michele). II Mio Governo in Civitavecchia. 1850. 

(See also his Schiarimenti, 1849, on the same subject.) 
Marchese = M.a.xchese{G.S.). Garibaldi. T Contemporanei Italiani. No. 3. 1861. 

(Not authoritative, but typical of Italian feeling.) 
yl/ar?o= Mario (Jessie White). Garibaldi e i suoi te»ipi. Milano. Ed. 18S4. 

(Not documented, but she knew the chief actors well. The cheap 
' niiova edizione popolare^ 1905, with Matania's 100 illustrations, is a 
fascinating memento of Garibaldi's career. ) 
Mario, Vita = Mario (Jessie White). Vita di Giuseppe Garibaldi. Milano. 

Ed. 1S82. 
Mario, Supp. ^ Mario (Jessie White). Supplement to English translation op 
Garibaldi's Memoirs. 

(Contains stray pieces of information not found elsewhere.) 
Martinengo Cesaresco -yiz.x'Cwxtngo Cesaresco (Contessa). Patriotti Italiani. 
Milano. 1890. 

(Contains good biographical essays on Mameli and Ugo Bassi.) 
Martinengo Cesaresco' s Italy = Martinengo Cesaresco (Contessa). The Liberation 
of Italy, j8is-i8yo. 1895. 

(Excellent brief history, perhaps the best introduction for English people 
to the story of modern Italy. Inspired by personal knowledge of several of 
the principal actors. Not documented.) 

A A 


Mazzini K=Mazzini (Giuseppe). Life and Writings, vol. v. Smith and 

Elder. 1891. 
Mazzini I, Il^Scritti di G. Mazzini, vol. primo, secondo. Milano. Soc. ed. 

Sonzogno. 1898. 
*iT/(f/^/a= Melena (Elpis), i.e. Marie von Schwartz. Garibaldi, Recollections of 
his public and private I'fe. English translation. 1887. 

(Chapter IV. contains a first-hand account of his visit in autumn of 1859 
to the scenes of his escape near Ravenna.) 
*iT/(f/w. - Garibaldi (Giuseppe). Memorie autobiografiche. Firenze. 1902. 
nth Ed. 

(Dumas' French version contains much information not found in Italian 
editions of the Memorie, and General Canzio tells me that much of it is 
genuine. But as there is no ostensible means of distinguishing Garibaldi's 
statements from Dumas' romantic inventions, it is impossible for an his- 
torian to use Dumas' boo: as evidence at all. 

There is also an English translation of the Italian version, by A. Werner, 
which contains the Sttpplement by Jessie White Alario (q.v.) in vol. iii. 
Walter Smith and Innes, 1888. First edition in any language was Dwight 
(q.v.). See also DenkwUrdigkeiten. 

The genuine Memorie, not being a book by a literary man, let out a great 
deal of truth, and reveal both the strength and weakness of Garibaldi. If 
the boo^ often displays his want of judgment and of i-no\vledge, it shows 
also the simplicity and unconscious beauty of his character, his poet's 
outlook on life, and his unfailing idealism. Without knowing that he 
is making 'confessions,' he gives himself away as much as Augustine or 
RoussL-au, but the gift is pleasant. 

Historically the book is valuable, chiefly as showing his own 
thoughts, intentions and emotions. But it is not so valueless as to external 
facts as is sometimes said ; e.£., his account of his adventures and escape in 
August 1849 is borne out in some detail (though not, certainly, in all small 
particular^) by the independent evidence of his various saviours. For his 
South American adventures the Memorie are much the most important 
* Military Events- Military Events in Italy, 1848-4^, translated from the German 
by Lotd EUesmere. 1851. 

(By a Swiss mercenary in Austrian service. Shows the contemporary 
attitude of the other side towards the Garibaldians and th«ir retreat.) 
il/?;;^/4e//z^ Minghetti (Marco). Miei Ricordi. 1889. 

(Valuable for politics of Moderate party, especially at time of Rossi's 
Miraglia - Miraglia (Biagio). Storia della rivoluzione Romana. Genova. 

(Contains interesting contemporary coloured pictures, and pp. 305-308 an 
account of the b. ttle of Palestrina by a captain of Garibaldi's Legion. ) 
*Mitihtilitngen = Mittheilttngen des K. und K. Kriegs-Archivs. Dritte Folge. 
I Band. Wien. 1902. 

( Pp. 153- 286 = Ereignissein den Legationen und Marken in Italienin den 
Jahrcn 1848 und 1849; good for the occupation of Tuscany, Romagna 
and the Marches April to June. The Krie.gsbegebenheiten (q.v.) is more 
detailed for Garibaldi's Retreat.) 


*Modoni=Mo(\o\n (Antonio). Sul Tiiano. Imola. 1879. 

(Contains valuable report of Zani's evidence : Zani was Garibaldi's gui e 
from San Marino to Gatteo. ) 
MoUkc = '^\o\'iV&. Gesammelte Schriftcn. 1892. Vol. I. 

(Most interesting criticism by the great soldier of the operations of the 
siege of Rome, in letters to Humboldt, written while the siege was in 
progress. He had been in Rome studying the defences, 1845-46.) 
Moniteur = Le Mo7titeur, 1849. Journal officiel de la Rcpubliqiie Franfaise. 

(For Oudinot's despatches, which are detailed and fairly accurate as 
regards regular siege operations, but not accurate in descriptions of battles of 
April 30 and June 3.) 
Monitore Romano — Official paper of the Republic. 
iJ/(7»/or = Artaud de Montor. La Papatite et les emeitfes Romaines, iS^g. 

(French clerical author : example of attitude of contemporary pietism. ) 
^oj/o = Mosto (Andrea da). Nozze Loevinson-Bueiow. 1906. 

(A study in the little river war conducted on the Tiber during the siege, 
from documents in the Archivio di Stato. Dedicated to Sign. Loevinson on 
the occasion of his marriage. ) 
N.A. =. Ntiova Antologia. Vid. Anita, Gandolfi, Ferri, Mameli, Cadolmi, Nelson- 
Nelson Gay, N.A. ■= Article by Mr. Nelson Gay in Nuova Antologia, Feb. 16, 

1907, on Z' Italia e gli Stati Uniti. 
Nicolini =^ 'NicoMni (G. B.). History of the Pontificate of Pius IX. 1851. 

(Small value historically, but gives tlie ultra-revolutionary point of view, 
especially as to the Rossi and Zucchi affairs. ) 
A^w^ie = Nicolosi (C). I- Arte niilitare Garibaldina, Rivista di Fanteria, 1903, 
pp. 468-508. 

(This article, with De Rossi and Gandolfi, should be read by those 
wishing to judge Garibaldi's peculiar place as a soldier.) 
CC/^rj/ = 0'Clery (The Chevalier, M.P.). History of the Italian Rtvolution, 
jyg6-i84<p. 1875. 
Ollivier = OWiviGX CEmxlt). V Empire Libiral. 1897. 

O«V« = 0rsini (Felice). Memoirs, written by himself. 1857. English trans- 

(Describes his suppression of anarchy and assassination in Ancona, on 
behalf of the Triumvirate. Valuable documents from Papal archives 
printed at the end.) 
*Cr/or£ = Ortore (Bernardo). Ciceruacchio, oi volontari delta Morte. Adria. 1879. 

(Account of Ciceruacchio's capture and death. ) 
Ottolini = Qtto\\n\ (Vittore). Cronaca delta compagnia Medici. 1884. 

(With incomplete list of the regiment. Text approved by Medici. ) 
Ovidi-Ovi^x (Ernesto). Roma e i Romani, 1848-49. 1903. 

(A most scholarly work : collection of data relative to anrolmeot and 
organisation of forces in service of Roman Republic.) 
/"a/Za^e = Roman Newspaper. 1848-49. 

/'aj?'«2 = Pasini (Giovanni). Vita del Generate Giacomo Medici. 1882. 
Pasolini— Gitiseppe Pasolini, 181^-1876, memorie raccolte da suo figlio. Page 
references in notes above are to the English translation by the Dowagei 
Countess of Dalhousie. Longmans. 18S5. 

(Valuable on early history of Liberal and Sanfedist movements in 

A A 2 


Romagna, and on the attitude of Moderate Liberal nobility towards Pio IX, 
Rossi and his assassins, and the Republican movement.) 
/i;/« = General Pepe. Narrative of scenes and events in Italy. 1850. 

(Vol. ii. chap. xii. contains an account by the Roman Deputy Buffoni of 
the revolution and siege. Not valuable.) 
*Pianciani~La Colonna Pianciani. Bologna. 1852. 

(Some details as to the composition and previous history of the men 
commanded by Col. Forbes at Terni.) 
Pisacane = V\s,z.C2.x\& (Carlo). Aimenimenfi di Koina dalla salita della breccia at 

j_S Luglio. Losanna. 1849. 
Pisacane, Gucrra = Y\'i2.z2CCi^ {Qz-xXo). Cuerra del 1848-49. Geneva. 185 1. 
Precis Hist. = Precis Historiq^ie et Militaire de P Expedition Francaise en Italie, 
Marseilles. 1849. 

(Par un officier d'Etat Major : L. Feraud.) 
^Mar^«f/»" = ()uarenghi (Cesare). I.e Mnra di Roma. 1880. 

(Historical and military description of the walls of Rome. ) 
A'fl«a//z = Ranalli (Ferdinando). Storia degli a-ri' eminent i «" Italia dopo P esal- 
tazione di Pio IX. 1848. 

(A book of the period of 1846-48. Mucli information, and reflects the 
character of that joyous epoch.) 
Ravioli =^2.\\o\i (C). Notizie dei Corpi Militari Regolari che co7nf>a!te7-ono a 
Bolcgna, Ancona, Roma, 1849. 1884. 
(Valuable information.) 
R. G. S. P.— Royal Geographical Society, Proceedings, vol. viii., 1S86, pp. 354- 

371. The Physical Geography of Brazil. ]. W. Wells, F.R.G.S. 
R. I. = Rivista d^ Italia. 

(1898, iii. 107-115, 356-358 on Rossi's murder and Ciceruacchio's sons.) 
*.^?Vriar^i = Ricciardi (Dottore Ricciardo). Da Prato a Porto Ventre. Grosseto. 


(For the last days of Garibaldi's escape after leaving Prato, but see also 
Guelfi, who is more accurate, as he writes with knowledge of Sequi's evi- 
dence, not known to Ricciardi. The real value of Ricciardi is for events at 
S. Dalmazio and Bagno al Morbo. ) 

^zV«frz = Ritucci (Giosue). Attacco di Velletri. 

(Neapolitan narrative of the battle, in some detail.) 

Robertson^ s /". =(J. Parish and W. Parish Robertson). Letters on Paraguay. 
1838. 3 vols. 

(The best book, in English at any rate, on South America and its 
inhabitants in the early years of the nineteenth century. It is not confined 
to Paraguay. As a history of events it was sharply and not unjustly 
criticised by Carlyle in his famous essay on Dr. Francia, but it is most 
valuable as an account of the men, women and manners among whom 
Garibaldi soon afterwards found himself, both in the great towns on the Rio 
de la Plata and up country among the Gauchos. ) 

Rvhertson^ s S. A. -^ (J. Parish and W. Parish Robertson). Letters on South 
America. 1843. 3 ^o^s. 

(Less good than the Letters on Paraguay, but much the same sort of book 
in its scope, merits and defects. The brothers Robertson had lived the best 
part of their lives not only among but with the natives of South America, 
and had not kept themselves apart, as did most Englishmen, especially 
those of the next generation, see vol. iii. pp. 114. 115.) 


^oj«//« = Roi>elli (Generale Pietro). Spediziont di Velklri. Torino. 1B53. 

(His own statement of his case against Garibaldi.) 
R. S. del R. = Rivista Storica del Risorgimenio. 

(Vol. I. ; article on Masina's death.) 
*A'?4f. = Ruggeri (E. ). Narrazione della Ritirata di Garibaldi da Roma. 
Genova. 1850. 

(The only other account of the retreat of any length, besides Hoffstetter, 
written by one who took part in it. Not so detailed as Hoffstetter. Ruggeri 
took notes in pencil during the retreat. It is of prime importance.) 
Rule of the Monk-Qs&w&xsX Garibaldi. Rtile of the Monk, or Rome in the Nine- 
teenth Century. 

(English translation of Garibaldi's melodramatic novel about Clericals 
and Liberals of Rome. It does more to illustrate the naivete of the author's 
disposition and intellect, his hatred of priests, love of the English, etc. , than 
to throw light on history in any other respect. ) 
A'«jf^«? = Rusconi (C.). La Repubblica Roinana, i84g-^o. 

Rusco7ii {Ferdinando) — Rnsconi (Ferdinando). 79 anni di vita di tin Gari- 
baldino. 1870. 

(Personal narrative uf author's arrival in Rome and the battle of April 30, 
in which he took part near the Corsini. The description of the general 
course of the battle is taken from Torre.) 
5'a^ = Saffi (Aurelio). Ricordi e Scritti. 1898. 

(One of the Triumvirs. His letters to his mother during the siege, as well 
as other letters and official documents, very valuable and interesting. ) 
•''5'a/aw = Salaris (Ten. E. ). La Difesa d' Arezzo nel 184^. Firenze. 1896. 
* Scampo — Anon. Scatnpo del Generale Garibaldi. Ravenna. 1868. (Local 

traditions of his escape in the Comacchio and Ravenna district. ) 
*5e^?«'=Sequi (Enrico). In Valdi Bisenzio. Episodio del 26 Agosto. Firenze. 

(First-hand evidence by Sequi himself of the means by which Gari- 
baldi was put into touch with the patriots of Prato, owing to his chance 
meeting with Sequi at the mill of Cerbaja. A better authority than 
Ricciardi (q.v.) for events prior to the arrival of Garibaldi at Prato.) 
i/t^^-iia^Sforza (Giovanni). Garibaldi in Toscana nel 1848. 1890. 

(A scholarly work.) 
*.S'w«<?«ci«j = Simoncini (Lorenzo). Giuseppe Garibaldi e Ugo Bassi in San 
Marino. Rimini. 1 894. 

(Valuable. The author was the host of Ugo Bassi and the Garibaldis in 
San Marino, and perhaps their most active friend in the little Republic.) 
ii)5afl'a=Spada (Giuseppe). Sloria della rivoliizione di Roma. Firenze. 1869. 
3 vols. 

(Valuable as the best reactionary account of events which are more 
usually told by the other side ; not firsthand, but with a tendency to be fair.) 
.S/a«r = Countess Spaur. Relazione del Viaggio di Pio TX. a Gaeta. 1851. 

(Authentic narrative of the Pope's flight. ) 
* Stocchi —'Sitocf^x (G.). Un paragiafo inedito della vita di G. Garibaldi. In La 
Rassegtm Nazionale, June 1S92. 

(Excellent, and only serious historical study of Garibaldi's route and 
adventures between Modigliana and Cerbaja, August 1849. Contains Teresa 
Baldini's evidence.) 


5/or^ = James (Henry). IVilliam I Veimore Story and his Friends. 1903. 

(Interesting diary during first French attack on Rome, comparable to 
Clough's Diary.) 
7a^(zr7-zV«'= Balzani (Count Ugo). Marco Tabarrini. Firenze. 1901. 
*7(f>^<7j«=Terrosi (Pietro). Garibaldi a Cetona. Firenze. 1S59. 

(Brochure sold for ' the million rifles ' fund. No important information.) 
7',^fly<rr = Thayer (W. R. ). The Da'diui of Italian Independence. Boston. 1893. 
2 vols. 

(General history, 1814-49.) 
Times = Times newspaper, 1 849. ( Reactionary. ) 

Tivaroni Fr. =Tivaroni (Carlo). Z' Italia durante il dominio Francesc. 
I'ivaroni Aust. —T\va.xom(C'3iX\o). V Italia durante il dominio austriaco. Rome. 

(General history.) 
* Torre = 'YoxiQ. (Federico). H/entorie storiche stilP intcrvento Francese in Roma 
nel 1849. Torino. 1851-52. 2 vols. 

(Vol. ii. contains one of the best first-hand detailed histories of the siege, 
with good maps ; also correspondence of D'Aspre and Oudinot about 
Garibaldi's retreat. Torre is partisan Liberal, but is creditably accurate as to 
facts, and often admits facts not pleasing to his own side, wherein he differs 
both from Beghelli and other Liberal writers, and from the French autho- 
rities to which his book was meant as a reply. ) 
*UcceUini=.\Jcc^\\x\\ (Primo). Mcmorie di un Tccchio Carhonaro KaTcgnano. 

Faj7/fl«/ = Vaillant (General). Le siige de Rovie en i84g. Paris. 1851. 

(French official history, of very great value, with the most detailed 
account of the sapping and battery operations. Best maps of the siege, 
showing date when each parallel was drawn. A very high authority on the 
successful siege operations of the French. But it omits to describe properly 
the operations in which the French were repulsed, e.g. the recapture of the 
Pamfili by Garil)aldi on April 30 is omitted, and very little is said of the 
great efforts of the French to capture the Vascello, the failure of which, 
in the opinion of Moltke, protracted the siege so long. ) 
Ka/grz'flw/ = Valeriani. Storia delta Repuhblica Roman a. 2 vols. Rome. 1850. 
(An incisive arraignment of the Republican Government on its vulnerable 
points. ) 
* Varenne - Varenne (Louis de la). Les Chasseurs des Alpes. i860. 

(Pp. 353-383 contain some details of, and remarks on, the siege and the 
retreat of 1849.) 
"'f'«f<:Ar = Vecchi (C. Augusto). La Italia. .Storiadi due antii 1848-49. Torino. 
1856. 2 vols. 

(Vol. ii. contains a most valuable account of the siege, during which the 
writer was in a high position on Garibaldi's staff. Vecchi's account of June 30, 
when he closely attended Garibaldi, is particularly important. His narra- 
tive of the retreat is not first-hand; it is chiefly drawn from Rttg. (q.v. ) ; 
details of the retreat not found in Ruggeri may be presumed to have been 
related to Vecchi by other Garibaldini, with whom, as with their chief, he 
was on most intimate terms. For Vecchi, V., see/ach la Bolina, above.) 
Vecchfs Caprera = 'Vecch\ (C Augusto). Garibaldi at Caprera. 1862. 

(The home life and intimate talk of Garibaldi in 1S61, by one of his 


oldest and closest friends. My references are to the English translatic.n, but 
I have studied the Italian Garibaldi r, Caprera, which is more complete.) 
* J^«OJ-/(Z = Venosta (Felice). Ugo Bassi. 1867. 

(Life I'f Ugo Bassi, with account of the retreat.) 
* Verith =-V ^x\\.h. (Don Giovanni). Bratio della narrazione di Don Giovanni 
Verita estratto dal giornale 'II 7'imone.^ In the Museo Civico, Bologna, 
Sala del Risorgimento, among the MSS., Serie B, Trafngamejito di 

(First-hand account by Uon Giovanni himself of incidents in the escape, 
recorded also by Garibaldi in the Memorie. But for the complete story as 
told by Verity, see MS. Verita. ) 
JfA?V«^o«j£ = Whitehouse (H. R. ). A Revolutionary Princess. 1906. 

(A Life of the Princess Belgiojoso.) 
Winnington- Ingram -\<i\wx\\w^\.ovi-lx\^xdsr\. (Rear- Admiral H. F. ). Hearts of 
Oak. 1889. 

(Memoirs of his life ; chapter vii. about the wars of Montevideo in 1846, 
with valuable sketches and reminiscences of Garibaldi and the Italian 
Legion. I have been kindly allowed to reproduce some of the former.) 
Wiseman = Wiseman (Cardinal). Recollections of the last four Popes. 

(Pius VII. to Gregory XVI.) 
*Zironi — 2\xQm (Enrico). Vita del Padre Ugo Bassi, 

(Popular tract, representative of the Bologna tradition.) 
Z«irf/4t"= Zucchi (Gen. Carlo). Memorie. 1861. 

(Valuable for affairs of Bologna and Rossi, Nov. 1848.) 



The following is a list of the MSS. which I have consulted in the Sala del 
Risorgimento, of the Museo Civico of Bologna, in 'he collection made priiicipailv 
by Belluzzi. I thank his successor, Signore Cantoni, and the other officials of the 
Museo for their personal kindness to me, and the Municipio of Bologna for leave 
to study the MSS. in its possession.] 

*BelluzzVs Note-book = T\ie No/e-book in which Belluzzi jotted down his observa- 
tions made in travelling over the scenes of the retreat and escape. It is 
valuable as showing the train of reasoning, or the local information which 
induced him to make certain statements as to small details in his book on 
the Riiirata, for which the evidence is not apparent there. To one who 
has been (geographically) over the same ground, it is interestine 10 see how 
the various problems presented by the landscape struck his mind. 

With regard to the later events, after the relanding near Magnavacca, 
the Note-book is even more important, as foreshadowing the results 
which he would have given to the world if he had lived to complete 
his promised Trafttgamento di Garibaldi da Magnavacca a Porto Venere. 
But these later jottings do not represent final opinions, and it is evident from 
the earlier part of the Note-book that he sometimes changed his mind on 
opinioi.s expressed in the Note-book (e.g. about Poggio Mirteto). 
"MS. Bofinet = Boxmet (Cap. Raimondo). Lettera a Belluzzi, C. 177, no. 375. 
(Describing some details of the retreat, in which he took part.) 


*MS. CesettaHco = Municipio di CeseHatico. Serie B. Rit. di Garibaldi. 

(Contains a copy of Piva's communication to the Carriers del Polesine, 

first-hand account of the embarkation and capture at sea.) 

*MS. C«/(?«a = Corticelli (Carlo). Copia di documenti ecc, dalP archivio municipalt 

di Cetona relativo al passagi^io di Garibaldi. Serie B. Rit. di Gar. Cetona. 

*MS. Coccanari ^ Coccanari(Luigi). Ricordi personali sul passaggio di Garibaldi 

per Tivoli. Serie B. Rit. di Gar. Tivoli. 
*MS. i'^ra«(-/j2 = Franchi (Annibale). Racconto del padre sua Giovanni trascritlo 
a 7iiemoria. C. I74j no. 372. 

(Evidence as to impressment of a few unwilling troops into the 
Garibaldian column, and their desertion.) 
'^MS. Af an/?-edini ='Man(ied'm\ (Francesco). Racconto della ritirata di Garibaldi. 
C. 176, no. 374. 

(Author was in the retreat.) 
*MS. Moniepulciano = Torse\\im (Dottor Dante). Notizie trascritte relative al 
passaggio di Gar. per Alontepulciano. Serie B. Rit. di Gar. Montepuiciano. 
^MS. Oriani — Estratto daW opera di Alfredo Oriani ' Fino a Dogali.' Serie B. 
Trafugamento di Garibaldi. 

(Chiefly interesting for (he story told by the muleteer nicknamed ' Pio 
None ' of his adventure with Garibaldi and Don Giovanni Verita. ' Pio 
Nono ' told the story to Oriani twenty years after the event. Are we to 
believe it? 3e\\\izz\ [ste Note-book) refused to believe the other story told 
by Oriani, of Verity carrying Garibaldi over the ford. ) 
*MS. /Wa^Piva (Generale Domenico). Ricordi personali relativi alia ritirata 
di cuifaceva parte. Serie B. Rit. di Gar., no. 12. 

(Particularly interesting on the dress, personal appearance, etc., of the 
principal persons.) 

For General Piva's supplement to the Corriere del Polesine see above (sub 
MS. Cesenatico). 
*MS. Poggio ylZ/r/e/t? = Bernabino (L.). Letter of, March 9, 1897. 

(Proves where Garibaldians encamped at Poggio Mirtelo, and disposes of 
the idea that they took the road to the left at the Colonna la Memoria, see 
Belluzzi's Note-book.) 
*MS. Roncofreddo = Alunicipio di Roncofreddo, documents of; August 2, 1849. 
Serie B. Rit. di Garibaldi. 

(Proves that only a few scouts, and not the whole column, passed through 
*MS. San Giustino = Letter a del sindaco di San Giustino a Belluzzi. Serie B. 

Rit. di Gar, 
*MS. San Marino =-Sa.\m\ (Dottor Savino). Appunti da lui presi. Serie B. 

Rit. di Gar. San Marino. 
*MS. Savigiiano — Carteggio del Sindaco di Savignano. Serie B. Rit. Garibaldi. 
MS. Savini- Savini (Dottor Savino). Serie B. Rit. di Garibaldi. 

(Observations made by author at San Marino during visit of the Gari- 
baldians. ) 
^MS. Verita = Racco7ito di do?i Giovanni Verita del trafugamento di Garibaldi 
da Modigliana. Serie B. Trafugamento di Garibaldi. 

(Report of the story told by Verita on June 12, 1882, and written down 
the same morning by the hearer. It can be collated with Verita's contribution 
to ' II Timonc,' see Verita, above, and with Garibaldi's Mctnoric, pp. 255, 


2. MSS. ROME. 

(a) BiBLiOTECA Nazionale, Vittorio Emanuele. F. R. = Fondo Risorgi- 
Bait Univ. = Andreocci Luigi. Fa^it d' arme del Battaglione Universitario 
nella difesa di Roma. F. R. 6, 3. 

(By an eye-witness who took part in the action of the Students' 
battalion, on April 30, and the Palestrina expedition.) 
F. R. by, 10. = Account of state of things in Monastery of San Silvestro at 
time of departure of the nuns, agreeing well with the story told by 
Koelman, i. 310-314, some of which is quoted p. 117 above. 
RoncaUi= Roncalli, Cronaca di Roma, documenli stampati. 

(Vol. 37 of this famous Cronaca ; a very adequate collection of the 

proclamations during the siege made by the Government. An important 

document about Masina on June 3 is No. 156 of this collection, Prodezze 

de' soldati nelle gloriose giornaie del 3, 4, j giugno. ) 

F. R. 7, 24. Letter of Rossi, when minister, ordering the Gazzella di Roma 

not to give more than half a column to the news from Sicily. 
F. R. 7, J. Condemnation and execution (1S52-53) of the authors of the 
assassinations in S. Calisto, of May 1849. 

(The best evidence on the subject of these murders.) 
F. R. 7, 77. Communications between Sardinian and Papal Governments, 
December 1830, as to the repression of Liberalism in the Neapolitan 
and Roman States. 
F. R. 6, 2 = Account of Ugo Bassi's conduct during a skirmish near Palestrina, 

May 1849. 
F. R. 22, 69= Report of march to Zagarolo, by Colonel L. Calandrelli, com- 
mandant of the artillery, dated May 18, 1849. 
F. R. 62, 8 = Me7?iorie aiitobiografiche del Coloniiello Caucci Molara, 1S2S-60. 
(Contains information of the Velletri expedition and comments on the 
siege, Roselli, Garibaldi, etc., pp. I11-119.) 
F. R. 36, ^j= Report of the Tuscan Minister at Rome to his government. 

May 26, 1849. 
MSS. Ris. 90 = (Catalogo Risorgimento, MSS. 90.) Speech prepared by 
Rossi to be delivered at opening of Chambers on the day he was killed. 
(A good resumS of his general political attitude and financial ex- 
MSS. Ris. g'j — Roncalli. Breve racconto dell' uccisione del Conte Pellegrino 
Rossi. V ^ unita, nell' originate stampato, la sentenza della Consulta 
contro i creduti autori del fatto. (May 17, 1854.) 

(The sentence enumerates the reasons for the condemnation of Gran- 
doni (who was really innocent, see p. 81 above), and states that he died 
in prison, June 30, 1S54.) 

(b) Archivio di Stato. 

R-Holi Gen. — Ministero dell" Armi. Volontari delle carapagne di guerra 1848-49. 
I' Legione Italiana Ruoli General!. 80, Si, 82. 
80. Fasc. 1-3 = Chiefly lists of payments made to Legionaries in the 

So. Fasc. 4= List of wounded and sick in hospitals of Rome, November 
1848 — December 1849. 


So. Fasc. 5 = Dilto, hospitals in provinces. 

81. Lists from which the number of the Legion and particular sections of it, 

at various dates, can be made out. 

82. Further lists (F. 10-13) about Masina's lancers, and (16) the list of 

Garibaldians captured at sea, also printed at end of Belluzzi. 
Accounts, etc. 


(These Historiques of the French regiments, in the Ministere de la Guerre, Paris, 
compiled by officers in recent times, contain valuable information about 
April 30 and June 3, but are not to be relied on in all particulars of those 
affairs. ) 
Paris MSS. gi' {16') = Historique du 91' Regiment d'Infanterie (ancien 16° leger). 
Re5U (au Ministere de la Guerre) 11 decembre 1889. 

(Valuable for action of Levaillant's division in capturing Pamfili, early 
hours of June 3.) 
Paris MSS. 33' ~ Historique du 33^ Regiment d'Infanterie. Re^u le loavril 1891. 

(Valuable for April 30 and for June 3. ) 
Paris AfSS. ^o- = Historique du 20° Regiment d'Infanterie. Re9u le 1" juin 

(Repeats Picard's story about April 30.) 
Paris MSS. 66' = Histoi-iqtie du 66' Regiment cT Itifanterie. Re5U le 18 juin 1875. 
(Describes April 30 as a French victory, but gives no details. Some 
account of June 3.) 

4. MS. LANZA. 

MS. Lanza= i. Giornale di Marcia ed operazioni militari della colonna agli or- 
dini del General Lanza mossa dal quartiere generale di Albano il 7 di maggio 
1849. (Signed Lanza.) 

2. Comando dei corpi di fanteria dell' esercito di sedizione nello state 
Pontificio. (Signed Lanza.) 
(These most important reports of General Lanza to his superiors, describing 
and excusing his defeat by Garibaldi at Palestrina on May 9, were copied 
from the original MSS. in the Archivio di Stato, Naples, by Captain Paga- 
nelli, of the Ufficio Storico, Comando del Corpo di Stato Maggiore at Rome, 
who invited me to make use of his copy, and to whom I am deeply obliged. ) 


MS. Manara-Vr'wdXe. letters of Luciano Manara, 1848-49; the last are from 

(I have taken my notes of these most interesting documents, not from the 
originals in Milan, but from a copy in the possession of Captain Paganelli, 
which also he most kindly showed me. ) 


Letters that I have received from various informants in Italy and Englaftd are 

mentioned in their place in the notes or text, and are not noted in this 


(I have also to thank Tenente Generale Saletta, Head of the General Staff of 

the Italian army, for his great kindness in presenting me with a precis of his 


lectures on the military aspects of Garibaldi's retreat. This document, 
together with Major de Rossi's articles in the Ri7'ista di Cavalleria, 1902, 
with which it is in substantial agreement, I have regarded as the best guides 
to a just opinion on the value of Garibaldi's strategy and method of leadership 
on this occasion. It is clear that the latest professional opinion regards his 
generalship during the retreat, and particularly his use of cavalry, as reaching 
that high degree of excellence which amounts to genius.) 


F.O. Papers = English. Foreign Office Papers, Record Office. 

(I thank the Foreign Oflice for leave given me to examine the papers for 
information about Colonel Hugh Forbes.) 


1. i?«fM//w = Atlante generale dell' Assedio di Roma . . . Due carte Militari ed 

una collezione completa di vedute rappresentanti le rovine degli edifizi piii 
rimarchevoli, etc. Cav. Prof. Decuppis. Roma, 1849. Presso 1' editore 
Giuseppe Ferrini. 

(Lithographs. Views of the ruins sketched immediately after the end of 
the siege.) 

2. Werner = Similar, but much better and more perfectly reproduced pictures 

(engravings) of the various ruins, taken at the same period by Carlo Werner. 
Several of these have been reproduced in this volume. 

3. Aa«rt'/er = Panoramic view of the siege of Rome ' dessine d'apres nature et 

grav^ en eau forte par Guillaume Kandler.' 1849. Taken from the French 
position in Pamfili grounds. 

4. Andrese = Panorama of the siege of Rome, very carefully done, called ' Vue de 

Rome, prise du Palais Cafarelli {sic) au haut du mont Capitolin dans le mois 
de juin en 1849 pendant son siege dessinee d'apres nature par C. Andrese.' 
(Published by Spithover, Place d'Espagne. Engraved by Pulini.) 

(These four sets of pictures, the best topographical evidence, were given 
to me by Lord Carlisle, bound in one volume.) 

5. Paffet— Souvenirs d'ltalie. Expedition de Po/nc. (Gihaut, edileur. ) 

(The pictures are signed Raffet, with the dates ranging from 1851 to 1859 . 
They are not quite so contemporary and authoritative as the works of 
Werner, etc., mentioned above, but they are most of them more valuable 
than the famous picture of the priests saving the prisoners on April 30, which 
is a work of M. Rafifet's fine artistic imagination. ) 

6. Miraglia — Coloured pictures of Garibaldi and his Legionaries, and various 

persons and actions of this period in Miraglia's Storia della Rivoluzione 
Roviana. 1 850. 
For Illustrated London News and Don Pirloite see in list of books above. 


The best military maps for the siege of Rome are those attached to Vaillant, 

Torre, Hoffs tetter, Decuppis, and Andrese. 
Rocchi. For old maps of Rome, showing date of the walls, etc., see E. Rocchi, 


Le Pianti Icnografiche e prospettiche di Roma nel Secoio XVI., reproduced 
from the originals. And many maps of seventeenth and eighteenth century. 

(Mr. Ashby, of the British School, Rome, kindly showed me his 
collection. ) 
Pianta del Censo, 1829, is the most detailed map of Rome before the siege. 

(For the retreat and escape of Garibaldi, see the Ordnance Maps of the 
htitiito geografico inilitare for the ground as it is at the present day. Of the 
older maps, I have mentioned one or two in the footnotes above, sub loc. 
Most of my geographical knowledge is first-hand, and gathered on each spot 
through which Garibaldi passed on his retreat from Rome to Cesenatico. 
I have also visited Palostrina, Velletri, Comacchio, Mandriole, the scenes 
near Magnavacca and Ravenna, the scenes of his embarkation in the Tuscan 
Maremma, and a few of the places passed through in his escape August 7- 
September i.) 


The story told in this book is a subject more suited to poetical treatment than 
almost any incident of modern history — even of modern Italian history. The 
retreat appears to have as much attraction for poets as the siege itself. 

La Notte di Caprera, XVI. -XIX. Gabriele D' Annunzio. 
The Disciples. Ugo Bassi. Mrs. Hamilton King. 
Rapsodia Caribaldina, I. Giovanni Marradi. 
The Defence of Rotne. Ernest Myers. (1880. Macmillan.) 

(The siege and the retreat are also the subject-matter of Pascarella's still 
unpublished but already famous sonnets.) 

P.S. — While these last sheets were passing through the press I have had the 
opportunity to read the first volume of De Cesare's newly published and impor- 
tant work, Roma e lo Stato del Papa (1S50-1870, 2 vols.), 1907. The reader 
will find in it much material from which to form his own judgment of the restored 
Papal rule. 

EineryWalker »e- 


(to illustrate Chapters IV-VI, VIII, XII-XVI) 

Scale, u,.i«o.oo« 



Aguyar (' Garibaldi's Negro'), 141, 
155-157, 169 note I, 227 note, 
325 ; death of, 227 
Alban Hills, 137-138, 154. 242 
Albano, 137, 154, 242 
AUacciante canal, 319 
Amadei, 195 note 2 
Ancona, terrorism at, 104 
Antonelli, Cardinal, influence of, 
on Pius IX., 85-86 ; regime of, 
Anzani, 35, 41-44, 200 
Arezzo closed against patriot army, 

Armellini, 94, 97 
Assassination, 60-61 
Austria-Hungary — 

French attitude towards, 96, 106 
Pius IX.'s attitude towards (Ap. 

1848), 196 note 4 
Revolution in (1848), 45 
Austrians — 

Bologna attacked by (1848), 72 ; 

captured (1849), 158 
Brutalities of, 266, 270, 280 
Ciceruacchio and his sons shot 

by, 304 note, 305-306 
Education under, 55 note 3 
Florence entered by, 258 and 
^ note I 
Garibaldi pursued by, 253, 257, 
260 and note i, 276 ; numbers 
engaged in the pursuit, 240 ; 
stupidity of generals, 226-228 ; 
281 note 2 ; terms arranged for 
surrendered Garibaldians, 277- 
Garibaldi and Leggiero pursued 

by, 304, 311 
Italian attitude towards, 8 ; 

revolution {1831), 16 
Lombard war (1848), 40, 42-47, 
67-68 ; Santa Lucia, 47 ; Cus- 
toza, 48 
Novara campaign, 95-96 
Romagna occupied by (1849), 
105, 158 


Authorities consulted, 346-364 
Avezzana, Gen. (Minister of War), 

1 14 and note 2, 120-122, 126, 20.S, 


Bagno al Morbo, 315 

Balda (San Marinese), 275 

Baldini, Teresa, 3 10-3 11 ; cited, 
310 and note 3 

Balleydier as an authority, 330 

Balzani, Count Ugo, cited, 203 note 3 

Bandiera brothers, 38 

Bassi, Ugo, Father, at Bologna, jj 
and note ; Garibaldi's chap- 
lain, 100 ; released by Gudinot, 
136; with the troops, 137, 141- 
142, 158 ; desirous of death, 
Laviron dies in the arms of, 
beloved by the Legion, 
225 note I ; on the march, • 247, 
265, 281 ; as envoy to ^ San 
Marino, 274-275 ; leaves San 
Marino with Garibaldi, 279-280 ; 
pleads for Sereni's life, 284 ; 
bidden farewell by Garibaldi, 
291 ; denounced by Sereni and 
arrested, 295 ; shot, 307 ; in- 
fluence of, J J, 158 ; estimate of, 
76, 307 ; poem by, 233 and note 3 ; 
otherwise mentioned, 157, 225, 
251 note 2, 324 

Belgiojoso, Princess, 115, 198 and 
note 3 

Belluzzi, 5 note, 346 ; note-book of, 

Belzoppi (Captain-Regent of San 

Marino), 274-276 
Bersaglieri (Lombard brigade under 
Manara) — 

Ages of officers of, 170, 323 

Bearing of, 1 21-122 

Corsini attacked by (June 3), 
178-183, 188, 190, 335-336 

Dress of, 1 20-1 21 and note i 

Formation of, 11 9- 120 

Indefatigable zeal of, 211 



Bersaglieri (Lombard brigade under 
Manara) — cont. 
List of officers of, 323 
Miseries of, on disbandment, 

Palestrina campaign, in, 138- 

139, 143-145. 335 
Retreat from Rome, in, 233 
Spada defended by (June 30), 

218, 220, 222-223 
Strength of (June 3rd), 178 and 

note 3 
Vascello defended by, 200 
Velletri, at, 156 
Bertani, Dr. Agostino, 197, 224 ; 

cited, 342-343 
Bettolle, 259 
Bezzi (sculptor), 209 
Bittard des Portes, M., unrelia- 
bility of, 107 note 2, 328-331, 
333 ; cited, 163 note i, 234, 
343 ; quoted on Oudinot's letter, 

Bixio, Nino, conduct of, on April 
30th, 327-329 ; at Palestrina 
(May), 143 ; wounded at the 
Corsini (June 3), 177 and 
note I, 186-187 ; otherwise men- 
tioned, 170, 324 
Bocca Trabaria, see Trebaria Pass 
Bologna — 

Austrian attack on, 72 ; their 

capture of (1849), 158 
Bassi and Gavazzi in, 76-77 ; 

Bassi executed at, 307 
Garibaldi in, 78 
Political influence of, 55 
Terrorism in, 75 

Volunteers from, at Civitavecchia, 
136 and note 3 ; at Rome, 68 
Bomba, see Ferdinand II. 
Bonat, Col., 339 
Bonnet, Celeste, 289, 295, 324 
Bonnet, Gaetano, 170, 185, 324 
Bonnet, Nino, action in 1848, 
289 ; at Comacchio awaiting 
Garibaldi, 289-291 ; meeting with 
him, 293 ; assists him, 294-298 ; 
imprisoned and released, 308 ; 
mentioned, 324 
Bonnet, Raimondo, 324 
Borel, 16, 38 
Bressan, Lorenzo, 337 
Brown, Consul, 234 note 3 
Brown, Horatio, quoted, 283-284 
Browning, E. B., quoted, 7$ note 2 
Browning, Robert, quoted, 73 and 

note 3 
Brunetti, Angelo, see Ciceruacchio 
Brunetti, Luigi, murders Rossi, 

1 the retreat, 
by Austrians, 


80 ; joins i] 

note 2 ; shot 

and note i 
Bueno (Brazilian), 238, 270 
Byron, Lord, 13 ; quoted, 8 note, 

54-55. 303 ; cited, 60 

Cagliostro, 274 

Cala Martina, 319-320 and note 

Calvana, 311 note 2 

Campagna, 2, 137 140, 199, 237- 

239. 243-244 

Canzio, Gen. (son-in-law of Gari- 
baldi), cited, 31 note 2 

Carbonari, 15, 17, 58-61 ; Louis 
Napoleon enrolled among, 106, 

Carletti cited, 329, 338, 340 

Carlisle, Lord, cited, iiSnote2, 331 

Carlyle, Thos., quoted on Mazzini, 
97, 98 note I 

Casale Ottati, 244 note 1 

Cass, Mr. (American Ambassador), 
235 note I 

Castel Fiorentino, 251 and note 2 

Castello, 276 

Castiglione Fiorentino, 259, 261 

Catholic idea, 191-192 

Cavour, Camillo, 8, 48 

Cecina river, 315 

Centurioni, 58, 60-61, 66 

Cerbaja, 31 1-3 13 

Cerfone torrent, 262 

Cesenatico, 283-286 

Cetona, 259 and note 2 

Charles Albert, King of Piedmont, 
government of, 17-18 ; in Lom- 
bard War (1848), 44, 46-49, 68 ; 
popular rage against, 48 ; in 
earnest against Austria, 95-96 ; 
death of, 96 

Ciceruacchio (Angelo Brunetti), 
influence of, in Rome, 66-67, 80 ; 
vdth Garibaldi in evacuation of 
Rome, 233 ; on the march, 247, 
253 ; leaves San Marino with 
Garibaldi, 279 ; bidden farewell 
by him, 291 ; shot with his sons, 
304 note, 305-306 ; estimate of, 
66, 306 ; otherwise mentioned, 
74, 80 note 4, 195 

Citerna, 251 note 3, 263-265 ; 
friars of, 266 

Citta della Pieve, 256, 261 

Civitavecchia, 86, 105, 120, 246 

Clericalism — 

Education, effect on, 14 and note, 

55 and note 3, 170 note 2, 236 
Political teaching of, 262 



Clough, Arthur, cited, 93, 1 10 note 5, 
207 ; quoted, 147, 151, 237 

Colle d' Elsa, 314 

Comacchio, 288-289, 295-297 

Confine, fountain at, 248 

Corsini, Villa, see under Rome — 

Gasta, Nino, education of, 170 
note 2 ; resists murderers of Rossi, 
81 ; in defence of Rome (April 
30), 124, 130-132 ; in attacks on 
the Corsini (June 3), 176 ; work 
of provisioning and defence 
done by, 199 ; cited, 331 

Culiolo, see Leggiero 

Cuneo, 16 

Custoza, 48 

D'Ambrosio, cited, 157 note 3 

Dandolo, Emilio, attack on the 
Corsini by, with twenty men, 
180-182 ; death of, 225 ; quoted 
— on the Garibaldians, 139-140 ; 
on Corsini attack, 180-182 ; on 
defence of the Spada and death 
of Manara, 220-225 ; otherwise 
quoted, 121-123, 158, 221, 226; 
cited, on Corsini attack, 335-336 ; 
cited, 179 note 2, 188, 219 note 5 
et passim ; mentioned, 323 

Dandolo, Enrico, 323, 335 ; age of, 
170 ; death of, 179, 180, 335 

Danton, cited, 94 

D'Aspre, Gen., 260, 268, 269 and 
note 3 

Daverio, Francesco, 156, 169, 176, 

D'Azeglio, cited, 52 note 
De Lesseps, 145-148, 160-162 
De Rossi, Maggiore, quoted, 238 

note ; cited, 242 note i, 244 note l, 

348-349, 363 
Decuppis, cited, 334 
Delia Rocca, quoted, 48 

Education, clerical control of, 

14 and note, 55 and note 3, 170 
note 2, 236 
England — 

Austrians, attitude towards, 266 
Garibaldi's sentiment regarding, 

10 note 3 
Italy, attitude towards, 109-110, 

Mazzini's letters opened by Gov- 
ernment of, 38, 39 note I, 
98 note I ; his residence in, 93, 
97. 235 

England — cont. 

' Papal aggression ' controversy, 

Spy system in under Pitt, 59 
EngUsh in Rome, 57, iio-iii 
Ernest, Archduke, 260, 268, 271, 

274, 277 

Faenza, 309 

Farfa torrent, 247 note 1 

Farini, quoted, 17 note i, 236; 
cited, 52 note, 60, 67 note 2, 105 
note I, et passim 

Ferdinand II., King of Naples and 
Sicily (Bomba), nickname of, 70 
and note 2, 330 ; anti-national 
policy of, 44 ; barbarities of, 70 
and note 2 ; Pius IX. under pro- 
tection of, 86, 95, 107 ; in Fras- 
cati, 137-138 ; retreat from Alban 
Hills, 154-155. 157 

Ferrari, 335 

Filigare, 73, 7^, 309 

Finanzieri, see Gagers 

Fiumicino, River, 282 and note 3 

Foglia Valley, 268-270 

Fojano, 259 

Forbes, Charles Stuart, Captain 
R.N., 252 note 

Forbes, Col. Hugh, at Terni, 243 ; 
Garibaldi joins forces with, 
248 ; on the march, 267, 281 ; 
rallies rearguard against Aus- 
trian pursuit, 276 ; imprison- 
ment and release of, 292 ; 
estimate of, 252 ; contem- 
porary detraction of, 286 
His son, 252, 267, 292 

Forbes, Mrs. Hugh, 252, 292 

Forli, 52, 305 

Foscolo, Ugo, 1 1 ; quoted, 27 note 

France (see also French) — 

Foreign nationalities, theoretical 

attitude towards, 127 
Parties in (1849), 106, 145 

Franz Josef, Emperor, 307 

Frascati, 137 

Fratelli d' Italia quoted, 186 note 2 

Freeborn (British Consular agent), 

Freemasons, 58 
French [see also France) — 

Hostilities against Roman Repub- 
lic (1849) — 
April 30, 127-133 ; numbers 
engaged, 327 ; Roman mag- 
nanimity and treatment of 
prisoners, 135-136, 330-332 ; 
Oudinot's despatch, 146 



h — cont. 

Circumstances of, 105-109 

. e Lesseps, mission of, 145- 
148 ; his settlement repudi- 
ated, 160-162 

Exemplary conduct of troops 
during May, 148 

June 3, 167-187 ; ' white flag ' 
incidents, 179 note 2, 329 ; 
massacring of French pri- 
soners, 189 and note 2, 332 ; 
French losses, 190 

June 4-30, 199-202, 204-207, 
210-214, 217 ; strength of 
French troops, 194 ; damage 
done by bombardment, 213- 
214, 341 ; attempts to avoid 
needless damage, 166 ; final 
assault, 217, 219-223 ; no 
quarter given by storming 
party, 219 and note 5 

July 3, entry into Rome, 234 

Killed and wounded, numbers 

of' 343 , „., 

Pursuit by, of Garibaldi s army 
in retreat, 242, 246, 253, 255 
note I — 257 
Fuller, Margaret, no; death of, 
198 ; cited, 82-83 ; quoted, 93, 
189, 197-198 

Gabussi cited, 228 note 1, 328, 
343 note 

Gagers {Finanzieri), 124, 149, 150 
and note, 200 

Galeotti cited, 52 note 

GaUetti, Gen., 126, 131, 165, 168, 
174, 183, 326, 333 

GalUano (Gagliano), 310 and 
note 4 

Gamberini cited, 333-334 

Garibaldi, Anita (wife of Garibaldi), 
race of, 31 ; appearance of, 28, 
230 ; courtship by Garibaldi, 
29-30 ; escape and marriage, 3 1 
and note 3 ; in hardships of war, 
32-34 ; birth of first child, 33 ; 
straits of poverty, 37 ; arrival in 
Italy, 40 ; movements in 1848- 
49, 71 note 2 ; Garibaldi's letter 
to,' 205 ; starts to join him, 206 ; 
arrives at the Villa Spada, 212 
and note 2 ; determined to accom- 
pany her husband, 230 and note 2 ; 
starts on the retreat, 233 ; on 
the march, 247, 255, 267, 268 ; 
unselfishness of, 253-254; at 
Todi, 254 ; at Citerna, 264 and 
note '2 ; rallies rearguard against 

Austrian pursuit, 276 ; illness 
and determination to continue 
the retreat, 279 ; growing worse, 
282, 286-287, 294-295 ; cannot 
be parted from her husband, 
296 ; fortitude of, 296 ; death of, 
298-299 ; estimate of, 31-32 ; 
otherwise mentioned, 237, 259 
note 2, 271 
Garibaldi, Domenico (father of 

Garibaldi), 9, 14 
Garibaldi, Giuseppe — 

Appearance of, 18, 30, 117, 325- 

Career, chronological sequence 
of — birth, boyhood, and edu- 
cation, 9-1 1 ; goes to sea, 12 ; 
early voyages, 13-14; first 
sight of Rome, 14-15 and note ; 
quahfies as merchant captain, 
15 ; meets Cuneo and Mazzini 
and joins Young Italy Asso- 
ciation, 16 ; attempts to se- 
duce Piedmontese navy, 18 ; 
safe in France, 19 ; condemned 
to death, 19 ; goes to South 
America, 20 ; guerilla warfare, 
20-22 ; suffers torture, 26 
note ; courtship and marriage, 
29-31 and note 3 ; more guerilla 
warfare, 32-37 ; in Monte 
Video, 34; raises Itahan Legion, 
34-35 ; wars in Uruguay, 36 and 
notes 3, 5 ; straits of poverty, 
37-38 ; correspondence with 
Young Italy, 38 ; returns to 
Italy, 39-43 ; offer to Charles 
Albert rejected, 47-48 ; Alpine 
Campaign — Luino and Moraz- 
zone, 49-50 ; sails for Sicily, 
71 ; lands at Leghorn, 71, 73 
note I ; en route for Bologna, 
72-73 ; enters Bologna, 78 ; on 
murder of Rossi, 83, 85; First 
ItaUan Legion, 87-90 ; visits 
Rome, 91 ; at proclamation of 
Roman Republic, 91 ; at Rieti, 
71 note 2, 99, 296 ; arrival in 
Rome (April 27, 1849), in, 
114; successes of April 30, 126- 
127, 130-133 ; wounded, 133 ; 
quarrels with Mazzini, 135 ; 
Palestrina campaign, 138-145 ; 
in Velletri campaign under 
RoselU, 153-157. 332; pro- 
ceeds to Neapolitan territory, 
158; recalled, 159; suggests 
liimself as dictator, 163 ; en- 
trusted with defence of west 
bank, 164 ; ill. 165 ; roused on 



June 3, 169 ; arrival at Porta 
San Pancrazio, 171-172, 174 ; 
the action, 175-1S1, 183, 1S5- 
191. 33<^- 33^-339 ; liead- 
quarters at the Savorelli, 202 ; 
zealous and indefatigable, 202- 
203 ; letter to Anita, 205 ; 
fortifies Aurelian wall, 207 ; 
quarrel with Mazzini over cap- 
tured bastions, 20S ; advises 
evacuating Rome, 210, 214, 
227 ; headquarters at the 
Spada, 210; throws up com- 
mand but is persuaded to 
resume it, 214-215 ; in the 
final assault, 221, 223 ; recalls 
Medici, 222 ; the Assembly on 
the Capitol, 226-228 and note 1 ; 
plenary power conferred on, 
228-229 and )iote I ; the meet- 
ing in the Piazza of St. Peter's, 
230-232 ; evacuation of Rome, 
232 ; followed by Zambiauchi, 
1 50 ; the march to Tuscany, 
237-257 ; from Tuscany to 
San Marino, 258-272, 274-277 ; 
Order of the Day releasing 
followers from obhgation, 277 
and note 3 ; prophesies free- 
dom of Italy within ten years, 
264 and note 3 ; refuses Austrian 
terms, 278 ; leaves San Marino, 
279-280 ; from San Marino to 
Cesenatico, 280-2S3 ; the em- 
barkation, 2S4-287 ; pursued 
by Austrians' boats, 290 ; 
lands north of Magnavacca, 
290-291, 293; meeting with 
Bonnet, 293 ; assisted by him, 
294-298 ; will not leave Anita, 
295-296 ; voyage with her 
across the lagoon, 296-297 ; 
marooned, 297 ; rescued, 298 ; 
death of Anita, 299 ; grief and 
frenzy, 299-300 ; at Sant' 
Alberto, 301 ; in pine wood of 
Ravenna, 302-304 ; befriended 
by Verita. 308-309 ; escapes 
to Santa Lucia, 310; to Cer- 
baja, 311; befriended by Sequi, 
31--313 ; journeys to Poggi- 
bonsi and Baguo al ]\Iorbo, 
313-315 ; at San Dalmazio, 
315 ; reaches Casa Guelfi, 316 ; 
interview with Hungarian de- 
serter, 318 ; route to Cala 
Martina, 319-320; embarks 
for Elba, 321 ; subsequent 
movements, 322 ; speech on 
Mazzini in England (1864), 19 

Garibaldi, Giuseppe — conf. 
Characteristics of — 

Calmness in battle, 132, 178, 

185, 203 
Chivalry, 24-25 
Considerateness, 253, 320 
Courage and endurance, 24, 

221, 223, 247, 249 
Devotion to his wife, 230, 295- 

Dignity, 232, 249 
Disciplinary rigour, 83, 90, i;,o 

note, 250, 256 note 1 
Educational lack, lo-ii, 24 
Energy, 159, 202-203 
EngUsh, love of the, 10 note 3 
FrugaHty, 37, 141 
Intellectual naivete, 25, 81-83, 

Military genius, 241, 242 and 
note 1, 243-247, 265-267, 
I\Iusical and poetical suscep- 
tibility, 1 1 
Obstinacy, 1 1 

Patriotism, 14, 24, 239, 277 
Personal magnetism, 24, 29- 

30, 99, 114, 249, 256 
Simphcity, 25 
Tenderness, 24, 84, 230 
Dress of, 325-326 
First estimate of — by Manara, 

139 ; by Dandolo, 140 < 
Family of, 8, 9 and )iote 
Loyalty inspired by, 266 
Manara contrasted with, 225 

note I 
Negro attendant of, see Aguyar 
Popularity of, 191-193 
Rehgious views of, 98-99 and 

note, 225 note i, 296 
Statues of — ^in Rome, 3, 125 ; 
at Todi, 254 ; at Cesenatico, 

otherwise mentioned, 65, 160, 
195, 199, 204. 245, 323 
Garibaldi, Menotti (eldest sou of 

Garibaldi), 33-34 
Garibaldi, Ricciotti (second son of 

Garibaldi), 39, 210 note 
Garibaldi, Rosita (daughter of 

Garibaldi), 40 note 2 
Garibaldi, Teresita (daughter of 

Garibaldi), 31 note 3, ^S 
Garibaldini, see Itahan Legion 
Gatteo, 264 note 3, 283 
Gavazzi, Father, 76 and note 2, 77, 

Gazzolo, Capt., 42 
Genzano, 144 

B B 



Gibson (sculptor), cited, 1 1 1 

Girani cited, 294 note 

Gladstone, W. E., 70 ; Faiiui's 

letter to (1852), 236 
Gorzkowsky, Gov.-Gen., 278, 283, 

■^93. 307. 30S 
Grandoni, 81 and note 4 
Greek War of Independence, 13 
Greek war (1897), Garibaldians in, 

216 note 
Gregory XVI., Pope, 56. 64, 67, 

109, 123 note 3, 148, 236 
Guadagnoli (poet), 261 
Gualterio cited, 52 note 
Guelfi, Casa, and its proprietor, 

Guerrazzi, 72, 78 
Guerzoui cited, 327-328 
Guidi, Michele, 297-298 

Hahne (Austrian General), 260, 
271, 274-376 

Hamilton, Sir G., cited, 258 
note 2 

Haweis, Rev. H. R., cited, 119 

Hoffstetter, Gustav, at Palestrina, 
143 ; in attack on the Corsini, 
179; in the final assault, 220; 
joins Garibaldi in evacuation of 
Rome, 230 ; on the retreat, 245, 
247, 255, 281 ; loses the column 
and starts for Switzerland, 281- 
282 ; as an authority, 336 ; 
quoted — on Corsini aHiair, 179- 
180 ; on position at the Savorelli. 
202 ; on Garibaldi's dress and 
appearance, 325 ; cited — on 
Corsini affair, 190, 335-336, 33^ > 
on death of Laviron, 212 note i ; 
on numbers of Roman army, 
340 ; on numbers of killed and 
wounded, 342 ; otherwise cited, 
5 note, 33 note, 173 notes, 206, 
226 note 2, 244 note i, 245, 255 
note 2, 267, 334, et passim ; other- 
wise mentioned, 171 note i, 182, 
261, 324 

liolyoake quoted, 20 note 

Holzer (Austrian officer), 274 and 
note I 

Hungarians in 1848, 45-46 

Illustrated London News, Italian 
sympathies of, no and note 4 

Inquisition, the, 58 and note 3, 59, 
76 note 2 ; offices of, under 
Roman Republic, 102 note i 

Italian army of the retreat, see 

Italian Legion in Italy — 

Ages of officers of, 170, 323, 

Appearance of, in, 116 
Boys in, 89, 156 
Camping and foraging methods 

of, 139-140 
Constituents of, 88-89 and notes 
Freethought among, 225 note i 
Growth of, 87-88 
Indefatigable zeal of, 211 
Neapolitan territory, in, 158 
Officers in, list of, 323-324 
Red shirts of, 152-153 and notes ; 

first donned by rank and file, 

Rome, in — 

April 30, 126, 130-133 

Arrival of, in 

June 3, 172, 174-177- 190 

June 30, the final assault, 21S 

Panic in, 204 

Popularity of, 99-100 

Quarters of, 169 

Strength of, 123-124, 126 
Velletri, at, 155-156 
Wanderings of, in Umbria and 

the Marches, 90 
Italian Legion in JMonte Video, 
34-36, 38 

James, Henry, cited, 190 note 3 
Johnston, Mr. R. M., cited, 52 note, 
79 note 3, 330, 342 

Kandler cited, 176 note i, 334-335 
Keats cited, 7 

Key, Admiral, cited, 87 note, 331 ; 
quoted, 127 note 4, 136, 147-148, 

King, Bolton, cited, 52 note 
King, Mrs. Hamilton, cited, 76 and 

note I, 307 note 3 
Koelman, J. P., relations of, with 
Garibaldi, 39-40 ; on Casa ]\ler- 
luzzo bastion, 175 ; at the Corsini 
(June 3), 184; quoted, 116 and 
notes 1-4 — 118, 231 ; cited, 185 
note I, 337, 338, 352 

La Gorge cited, 107 note 2, 163 

note I 
Lanza, Gen., 142 and note 4, 143 
Laviron, Gabriel, 183, 212 and 

note I, 324 



Leggiero (Capt. Giovanni Battista 
Culiolo), 291, 294-297, 305, 309- 
315, 318-321 

Leopold, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 
recalled to his throne, 109 and 
note I ; position of, after restora- 
tion, 258 and note 2 ; otherwise 
mentioned, 39, 44, 68, 71, 73 and 
note 3 

Levaillant, Gen., 167 and note 2, 
id8, 333 

Livraghi, 295, 306-307 

Loevinson, Ermanno, cited, 330, 
340, 342 

Lombard brigade under Manara, 
see Bersaglieri 

Lombard War (1848), 40, 42-47, 
67-68 ; Santa Lucia, 47 ; Custoza, 

Lombard War (1849) — Novara 
Campaign, 95-96 

Longiano, 282 and note 6 

Louis XVI., King, 44, 86 

Louis Napoleon (Napoleon IIL), 
partial sympathy of, with Italy, 
106, 146 ; decides to support 
Oudinot, 146 ; mentioned, 191 

Lucretilis (Gennaro), 2, 243, 244 

Luigi, Andreocci, quoted, 331 

Luna, Monte, 263 

Luzio, Signor, quoted, 328 note 

Macerata, city of, 91 and note 2 

Macerata Feltria, 270 

Mameli, Goffredo (poet), age of, 
170 ; dying, 198 ; death of, 186, 
187 ; poems of, 186 note 2 ; 
mentioned, 76 note 2, 324 

Mamiani, 74 

Manara, Luciano, age of, 170 ; 
forms Lombard brigade, 119- 
120 ; relations with Oudinot, 120 ; 
arrives in Rome, 120 ; friendship 
with Garibaldi, 139, 190 and 
note 4, 332; at Palestrina, 143; 
attacks on the Corsini, 17S-179, 
183, 335-336 ; tells Dandolo of 
his brother's death, 182 ; per- 
suades Garibaldi to continue in 
command, 215 ; in the final 
assault, 218, 220, 222-223 ; 
death of, 222-225 ; cited, 134 
note, 139 ; otherwise mentioned, 
122, 185, 195, 203, 208, 323 

Mandriole, 298 

Manin, 46, 50, 79, 238 

Marchetti, Mr., of Halifax, 169 note 1 

Marocchetti, Giuseppe, 154, 324 

Martini, Antonio, 313 

Martini, Girolamo, 315 

Masi, Col., 126 

Masina, Col. Angelo, friendship of, 
with Garibaldi, 87 ; exploits on 
April 30, 327 ; roused on June 3, 
169 ; in action, 176 ; in attack 
on the Corsini, 183-184; death 
of, 177 note I, 185, 337-33^: 
mentioned, 324 

Masina, lancers of — 
April 30, 133 
Equipment of, 90 
June 30, 218, 221 
Recruiting of, 78-79 
Retreat, on the, 233, 267 
Strength of, 87, 88 note i 
Velletri, at, 155-156 

Massi, 335 

Mazzini, Giuseppe — 

Career, chronological sequence 
of — ' Young Italy ' movement, 
14 note, 16 ; first meeting 
with Garibaldi, 16 ; suspect, 

17 ; invades Savoy (1834), 

18 ; retires to Switzerland, 19 ; 
in London, 65, 97, 235 ; letters 
of, opened by British Govern- 
ment, 38, 39 note I, 98 note i ; 
quarrel with Garibaldi, 50 ; 
rule of, in the Roman Republic, 
92, 93 ; as triumvir, 94, 97, 
147 ; toleration and liberty 
under, 61, 100-103 ; quarrels 
with Garibaldi, 135 ; policy of 
conciliation towards French, 
135-136 ; captivates De Les- 
seps, 146-147 ; checks dis- 
order, 149 ; recalls Roselli, 
158; recalls Garibaldi, 159; 
determined to resist to the 
last, 196-197, 210, 214 ; quar- 
rel with Garibaldi over cap- 
tured bastions, 208 ; renewed 
quarrel, 214 ; refuses to join 
him in leaving Rome, 228 
and note 2 ; after French entry 
into Rome, 235 ; escapes to 
London, 235 ; Garibaldi's 
speech on (1864), 19 ; meeting 
in Isle of Wight, 19 note 

Estimate of, 97 ; Carlyle's esti- 
mate of, 98 note I 

Family of, 8 

Garibaldi contrasted with, 225 
note I 

Margaret Fuller on, 93 

Religion of, 98 

Republican aspirations of, 94 

Roman Republic, on defence of, 



Mazzini, Giuseppe — cont. 

United Italy, dream of, i6o, 171 

note, 186 note 2 
Watchword of, 49, 98 

otherwise mentioned, 36, 42, 
87, 186, 191, 192, 227 

Medici, Giacomo, in South America, 
36 ; Anzani's advice to, 43, 199- 
200 ; during siege of Rome, 195, 
199-200, 205, 211 ; at bayonet 
charge on tlie Vascello by the 
French, 213, 342 ; recalled by 
Garibaldi, 222 ; otherwise men- 
tioned, 170, 176, 323 

Meldola, 305 note 

Menotti, Giro, 15, 16 

Mentana, 244-245 

Meredith, Geo., 1 19 note 2, 198 note 3 

Milan — 

Radetzky driven from, 40, 45 
Surrender of, to Austrians (Aug. 
1848), 48 

Minghetti, 85 

Minto, Lord, 306 

MoUiere, Gen., 167, "168, 242, m- 

Moltke cited, 166 note i, 210 note \ 

quoted, 212 and note 4 , 
Monte Porzio, 141 
Monte Rotondo, 243, 245 
Monte Trebbio, 309 
Monte Video, 34, 36-38 
Montecelio, 244 and note i 
Montecuccoli, 3 1 1 and note 2 ; 
Montepiano, 311 note 2 
Montepuiciano, 258-259 
Monterchi, 265 

Morosini, Emilio, 170, 218-220, 2>~2> 
Morris, Gen., 246, 253, 256 
Miiller (Pole), 238, 246, 260 ; turns 

traitor, 260 note 4, 271 
Musano, 282 
Muzzarelli, 94 

Nannini, Dr., 299 

Napoleon Buonaparte, Italian 
attitude towards, 18 ; policy in 
the Romagna, 53 and note 4 ; 
rule in Umbria, 64 ; San Marino 
spared by, 273 and note i 

Napoleon III., see Louis Napoleon 

Nason, 301, 302 note 

National sentiment in Italy, 104 

NeapoUtan troops — 

Garibaldi pursued by, on the 

retreat, 240, 248, 253 
Palestrina, at, 143-144 
Sicily, in (i860), 144 note 4 
Velletri, at, 155-157 and note 4 

Nice, 9, 12 ; Garibaldi's children 

at, 71 note 2, 205, 322 
Novara campaign, 95-96 
Novi, Col., 142 and note 4, 144 

O'Clery, Chevalier, cited, 52 note 

Orcagna, 95 

Orsini, Felice, restores order at 
Ancona, 104 ; cited, 52 note, 60 

Orvieto, 54, 253-254, 256 

Ostrich-hunting, 21 note 2, 23 note 2 

Oudinot, Gen., lands at Civita- 
vecchia, 105 ; proclamations of, 
105, 127, 137 ; attitude to 
Manara, 120 ; attack of Ap. 30, 
127-133 ; gratitude for Roman 
treatment of wounded, 136, 331 ; 
releases prisoners, 1 36 ; despatch 
on operations of April 30, 146 ; 
reinforced, 162 ; alleged bad 
faith of, 162-164, 167, 344- 
345 ; text of letter, 344-345 : 
plan of attack (June 3), 165 ; 
siege dispositions, 198 ; the final 
assault, 217 ; writes to mother 
of Morosini, 220 ; baffled by 
Garibaldi, 242, 246 ; D'Aspre's 
letters to, 260, 269 note 3 

Palestrina, Garibaldi's Nea- 
politan campaign at, 138-145, 

Palmerston, Visct., 19,235 ; Roman 

Republic unsupported by, 109 
Pamfiili-Doria, see under Rome — 

Papacy, French subservience to, 

Papal idea, 192 
Papal States — 

Agitation in, under Pius IX., 

Antonelli's regime in, 235-236 
Austrian attack on (1848), 73 
Authorities on, 52 note 
Extent and position of, 52 
Fundamental Statute of (1848), 67 
Mamiani's policy in, 67 
Misrule and tyranny in, 54-62 
Prisons in, 169, 192 
Secret societies in, 58 
Troops of, in revolt against the 
Pope, 123 ; forcibly kept in 
Rome, 229, 233 ; dragoons 
with the army in retreat, 
242 and 7iote i, 253, 254, 260 ; 
Unione Regiment, see that title 
Pasolini, 85 ; the family, 53 note 4 



Pasquale, Don, 170 note 2 

Passo Corese, 247 note i 

Paumgarten (Austrian General), 
260, 262 

Perugia, 54, 240, 253-254, 260, 263 

Pesante, Captain, 13 

Pian del Monte, 311 note 2 

Pian di Meleto, 269, 270 

Picard, commandant, 327-331 

Piedmont {see Charles Albert )^ — 
Bersaglieri, see that title 
French encouragement to, 96, 106 
Lombard war {1848), 40, 42-47 ; 

Santa Lucia, 47 ; Custoza, 48 
Novara campaign (1849), 95-96 
Roman Republic unsupported by, 

Pietramellara, Capt. Ludovico, 334 

Pietramellara, Col., volunteers of, 
136 and note 3, 176, 323, 334 

Pina, 318, 321 

Pius VIL, Pope, 64 

Pius IX., Pope, accession of, 39, 44, 
64-65 ; liberalism and popularity 
of, 65 ; concedes Fundamental 
Statute, 67 and note 2 ; Allocution 
of (April 1848), 196 note 4 ; dis- 
courages Lombard war, 68 ; 
takes Cardinal Antonelli as coun- 
sellor, 85-86 ; anti-national 
policy, 44 ; flies to Gaeta, 86, 107; 
demands submission, 87, 148 ; 
appeals to France for help, 106 ; 
distrusts French, 137 ; Neapo- 
litan attitude towards, 144 ; 
Roman attitude towards, during 
the siege, 196 ; quoted on Gari- 
baldi's later position, 159 note 2 

Poggibonsi, 313 " 

Poggio Mirteto, 246, 248 

Poles among defenders of Rome, 
204 ; on the retreat, 238 

PonteMoUe, French capture of, 187 

Ponte Sfondato, 247 note i 

Portiglione, 320 

Prato, 313 

Press, Papal censorship of, 56 and 
note 4 

Prodo, 255 and )wte 2 

Quadrilateral, the, 45-46 
Quarterly Review, pro-tyranny atti- 
tude of, 109-110 note 2 

Radetzky, driven from Milan, 
40, 45 ; in the Quadrilateral, 45- 
46 ; Novara campaign, 96 ; 
brutalities of, 95 

Raffet as an authority, 331 
Ravenna, 55, 79-80, 302-305 
Red shirts — 

Adoption of, for Italian Legion, 
i5i~iS3 ^^^ notes, 215 and 
note 3 
Greek war (1897), Ricciotti Gari- 
baldi's expedition in, 216 
Origin of, as Garibaldian uniform, 
35 and note 
Reduci, 80-81, 124, 126 
Republicanism of Mazzini, 17 
Retreat from Rome — 
Brigading at Tivoli, 241 
Cannon lost below San Marino, 

Cavalry of, 234, 242 and note i, 

253, 254, 260 
Desertions from, 241, 248, 249, 


Enemies encompassing, strength 
of, 240 

Equipment of the army, 242, 254 

Forbes' contingent united with 
Garibaldi's, 252-253 

Hardships of, 248, 253 

Hostility of Arezzo peasantry, 

Looting at Citerna, 251 and note 3, 
264-265 ; pillaging by de- 
serters, 249, 253 

March to Tuscany, 237-257 ; to 
Arezzo, 258-261 ; to San 
Marino, 262-272, 274-277 ; 
from San Marino to Cesenatico. 
280-283 ; the embarkation, 
2S4-287 ; disaster from Aus- 
trian squadron, 290, 292 

Methods of the army, 241 

Officers, list of, 323-324 

Propagandist work of, 259 

Provisioning of the army, 241, 
249-251 ; monasteries and 
municipalities requisitioned, 
250-251 and notes 

Pursuit, by Spaniards, 240, 245- 
246, 253 ; by French, 242, 246, 
253, 255 note I, 257 ; by Aus- 
trians, see under Austrians 

Temper of the army, 238 ; con- 
duct towards peasantry, 251 
Riberas, Anita, see Garibaldi 
Ricciotti, 38-39 

Anita at, 71 note 2, 296 

Garibaldi at, 71 note 2, 99, 296 

Spaniards' arrival at, in pursuit 
of Garibaldi, 246, 248, 253 
Rimini, '55, 273 



Rio Grande do Sul, 20-23, 33. 34- 

214, 248 
Ripari (surgeon), 169, 236 
Robertson quoted, 36 note 5 
Romagna — 

Austrian occupation of (1849), 

105, 158 
Cities of, before 15 th century, 54 
Garibaldi's arrival at, on the 

retreat, 283 
Napoleonic regime in, 53 and 

note 4 
Papal acquisition of, 53 ; mis- 
rule, 54-62 
Patriotism of, 52, 54-55. Z^o. 

Roman Legion, 124 
Roman States, see Papal States 
Rome — 

Bombardment of, by the French 

(1849), damage done by, 213- 

214. 341 

Consuls in — letter from, on 
French destruction of private 
property, 214; revolutionaries 
befriended by, 234 and note 3, 
235 note I 

Corsini, Villa, see tinder sub- 
heading Defence 

Cosmopolitan community in, 118 

De Lesseps' mission, 145-148 ; 
his settlement repudiated, 160- 

Defence of (April 30-June 30, 

April 30, 126-133 
Artillery practice, 195, 211 
Barberini bastion, 201, 204 

206-207, 222 
Barberini, Villa, Italian storm 

ing of, 211 
Bastions captured by French 

206-207 and note i 
Convent of San Pancrazio, 1 84 

Corsini, Villa — 

French batteries posted be 
fore, 194, 200, 211, 212 

Importance of, as key to 
Rome, 126-127, 166-167 

June 3 affair — French occu- 
pation, 168, 174, 175 ; 
Italian Legion's recap- 
tures and losses of, 175- 
177 ; Bersaglieri's attack 
on, 178-180, 188, 335- 
336 ; assault with twenty- 
one men, 180 - 182 ; 
Masina's attack on, 183- 

j Rome, Defence of : Corsini, Villa — 

I cont. 

184, 189, 337-339 ; French 
I recapture of, 185 

Situation and structure of, 

i 172-173, 334-335 

1 otherwise mentioned, 3, 

i 130 

I Forces engaged in — 

Constituents of, 123-124 
I Numbers of, 194 and note 2, 

i 326-327, 340-341 

j Officers, list of, 333-334 

! Spirit of, in last dajJ'S of the 

siege, 209 
I French troops engaged, see 

under French 
! Giacometti, Casa, 178, 180, 

182 and note i, T87, 199, 200, 
i 204, 205, 21 1 

j Illumination of the city (April 

30), 134 ; (June 29), 217-218 

June 3, 167-187 ; numbers 

I engaged, 187 ; massacring 

of French prisoners, 1 89 and 
j note 2, 332 ; results of the 

j day, 191-193 ; Oudinot's 

[ report on, 333 

I Killed and wounded, numbers 

I of, 342-343 

I Merluzzo, Casa, 217, 218, 222 

Merluzzo bastion, 174-175, 178 

and note 4, 183, 200-201, 

210, 211, 218 ; stormed by 

the French, 219 
Monte Testaccio, battery and 

cemetery on, 201 and note 4 
Pamfili, Villa- 
April 30 affair, 126, 130-133 ; 
misleading account of, 

Garrison misled by Roselli, 

164, 168 
Importance of, as key to 

Rome, 126, 164-167 
June 3 affair, 1 67-1 68, 171, 

173. 333 
Situation of, 3, 131 

Pino hill, Roman artillery on, 
210, 211, 218 

Populace and residence en- 
gaged in, 115, 118, 195 

Porta Angelica, 129 

Porta Cavalleggieri, 129 and 
note 2, 133 

Porta Pertusa, 127-128 

Porta San Pancrazio, 3, 166, 
174, 184, 200, 218, 219; 
captured by the French, 222 

Provisioning of the city, 199 



Rome : Defence of — cont. 

Reason for defending the Re- 
public, 1 1 i-i 13 

Savorelli, 172, 202 and notes, 
203, 206, 210 note 3, 222 

Spada, 210 and note 3, 21 t, 
218, 220 ; last assault on, 

Trasteverines, 66-67, 86, 105, 
124, 196, 213, 341 

Valentini, Villa, French occu- 
pation of, 174, 177 ; Italian 
fire on, 183 ; occupation of, 
187, 329. 333-334 ; French 
re-occupation, 187 ; fire 
from, 200 

Vascello, the — 

June 3 affair, 168, 173, 174, 
177, 180, 187 ; rush from, 
on the Corsini, 183, 338- 

June 4-29, 194-195, 199- 
201, 205, 212, 342I; 
bayonet charge against, 
213 ; Medici recalled from, 
Walls, nature of, 124-126 and 
note I, 165 and note 4 ; 
Aurelian, 207, 210 and note 
2 ; stormed by French, 219 
'White flag' incidents, 179 

note 2, 329 
Wounded, conduct of, 197, 211 
Evacuation of, advised by Gari- 
baldi, 210, 214, 227 ; finally 
effected, 232-234 {see also 
French annexation of (1809), 

54 note I 
French hostilities against Roman 
Republic (1S49), see under 
Garibaldi's first sight of, 14-15 
and note ; second visit (1848), 
91 ; third visit (1849), 91 ; re- 
turn to, after Velletri, 159 
Jacobin outbreak in (May, 1849), 

Liberalising of, 66-67 
Monuments of, 232-233 
Pamfili-Doria, see under subhead- 
ing Defence 
Pius IX.'s flight from, 86-87 
Populace of, 64 ; during the siege, 

115, 118, 195 
Republic — 

Constituent Assembly, mem- 
bers of, 107 
Defence of, reason for, iii- 


Rome : Republic — cont. 
Enemies of, 105 
Enthusiasm for, ignored 

France, 108 
Financial confusion of, 104 
Popular atlitu'le towards, 104- 

105, 108 
Proclamatioji of (1849), 91 
Soldiers of, nationality of, no 

note 2 
Toleration and freedom under, 

61, 100-103 
Triumvirate of Mazzini and 
others, 94-95, 97, loi, 102 
Retreat of patriot army from, see 

San Giovanni in Laterano, 233 
Savorelli, Villa, and Villa Spada, 

sec under subheading Defence. 
Trasteverines, see under sub- 
heading Defence 
Triclinium of Leo III., 232 
Valentini and Vascello, see 

under subheading Defence 
Via Aurelia Antica, 130 and 

note -133 
Via di Porta San Pancrazio, 171 
Vicolo della Nocetta, 173, 174, 

Walls of, see under subheading 
Rosas, 34, 36 and note 5 
Roselli, commander-in-chief, in 
Velletri campaign, 153-155, 157, 
158 ; inaction during May, 188 ; 
informed of termination of 
armistice, 162 ; inaction of, 164, 
345 ; misleads Pamfili garrison, 
164, 168 ; faulty arrangements of, 
168-169 ; BersagUeri hindered 
^Y' '^77 '< quarrel with Garibaldi, 
208 ; incompetence of, 215 ; 
plenary power conferred on, 228 ; 
mentioned, 323 
Rossetti, 20, 26 

Rossi, Pellegrino, policy of, 74-75, 
77 > 79. 85 ; assassination of, 80- 
81 ; public attitude towards the 
deed, 82-83, 85 ; estimate of, 74 ; 
mentioned, 67 
Rostolan, Gen., 234 
Rozzat, 335-336 

Sacchi, Gaetano, 43, 324; cited, 
244 note I 

Saffi, 94, 97, 
Sala, 283 
Salci, 257 
Saletta. Gen. 

cited, 242 note i, 362 



Salvagnoli cited, 246 note 3 
San Dalmazio, 315 
San-Fedists, 60, 66, 68, 250 
San Giustino, 265-267 and note 2 
San Leo, 274 
San Marino — 

Deserters to. from Garibaldi's 
army, 271, 274 

Garibaldi's arrival at, 275 

Situation of, 273 

Terms with Austrians for sur- 
rendered Garibaldians arranged 
by, 277-278 
San Polo dei Cavalieri, 244 and 

note I 
San Remo, 14 
San Sepolcro, 261, 265 
Sant' Alberto, 301 and note 
S. Angelo, 244 

Sant' Angelo in Vado, 268-269 
Santa Caterina, 27 
Santa Lucia, inn of, 310-31 1 and 

note 2 
Santa Maria, 256 
Sarteano, 259 

Savignano, Governor of, 283 
Savoy, Mazzini's invasion of (1834), 

Sbirri, 58-59, 66 
Scarlino, 319 
Schwartz, Marie von, quoted, 301 

Scopettone Pass, 262 
Secret societies, 58 
Seely, Sir Charles, quoted, 11 note 
Sequi, Enrico, 312-313 
Serafini, 315 

Sereni (Papal Brigadier), 284, 295 
Shelley, 8. 12, 201 ; quoted, 273 
Silvestrelli, Luigi, 199 
Simoncini, Lorenzo, 274-275 and 

note I 
Smith, A. L., cited, 119 note 3, 349 
Sogliano, 282 
Spada cited, 163 note i 
Spain, Roman Republic threatened 

by, 105 
Spaniards in pursuit of Garibaldi — 

Bafflement of, 245-246, 248, 253 

Quality and achievements of, 
240, 245-246 

Strength of, 240 
Stadion (Austrian officer), 260 

and note 4, 263, 271, 274 note i 
Sterbini, 74, 80 and note 4, 208- 

Story, Wm. Wetmore, quoted, 

93 note, 115 ; cited, 131 7iote 4 
Students in the Risorgimento, 88- 

Swiss — 

Papal troops, 123 and note 3, 352 
Roman defence, in, 211 note 4 

Symonds, J. A., quoted, 302-303 

Terni, 248, 253 

Theiner, Father, 56 note 4 

Tiber, Upper, valley of, 262-263 ; 
patriotism in, 264 
1 Times — 

1 Opening of Mazzini's letters 
I condemned by, 98 note i 

i Pro-tyranny attitude of, 109- 
I 1 10 and notes, 237 

I Tivoli — reached in the retreat, 
! 238-239, 241 ; feint on departure 
I from, 243, 245 
i Todi, 254, 255 note i 
i Torre, Federico, quoted, 337 ; 
I cited, 342 et passim 
I Torrita, 259 

! Trabaria Pass, 263, 265, 267, 269 
I Tuscany — 

j Garibaldi in, 71-73 ; on the 
i retreat, 257 ; his army helped 

i in, but no recruits, 258-259 

: Leopold recalled to, 109 and note i 
Medici's legion from, 200 and 

note 2, see also Medici 
Populace of, '/2> ^^'^ ^ote 2 

Umbria — 

French annexation of (1809), 
54 note I 

Napoleonic rt^gim^ in, 64 

Populace of, 63 
Unione regiment, 176 note 2, 186, 

200, 204, 205-207 
Urban VIIL, Pope, 125 
Uruguay, 22, 34, 36, 38, 248 
Uso river, 282 note 3 

Vaillant, Gen., sent to Rome by 
French Government, 146 ; ar- 
rives, 162 ; plan of campaign. 
165-166; siege operations, 195, 
201 ; cited, 340, 343 

Valli Isola and Ponti, 296-297 

Valmontone, 142-144, 158 

Vecchi, Candido Augusto, 189 
note 2, 233 and note 4, 323 ; 
quoted, 188 note 3, 328 ; cited, 
223 note 3, 226 note 3, 342, 343 
ct passim 


Campaign and battle at, 153- 
157. 332 



Velletri — cont. 

Neapolitan abandonment of, 144 
Venice — 

Republic proclaimed (1848), 46 
'' Siege of, by Austrians, 50, 79, 
> 109, 238, 279 
Ventura, quoted, 196 and yiole 4 
Verita, Don Giovanni, 308-309 

and note i 
Victor Emmanuel, King, accession 

of, 96; entry into Rome, 159 

and note 2 ; statue of, 77 ; 

otherwise mentioned, 47, 120, 

225, 264, 322 
Viterbo, 246 
Volaterrae, 314 

Watson, Dr. Spence, 
1 1 note, 76 note 2 


Werner, cited, 334 
Winnington Ingram, Admiral, 
quoted, 20 note 2 ; cited, 36 note 3 
Winspeare, Gen., 141 
Wiseman, Card., cited, 52 note 

Young Italy ' Association — 
Manifesto of (1831), 16 
Mazzini's starting of, 14 note, 16 
Work of, 17, 58 

Zagarolo, 238 note 
Zambianchi, Antonio, 149 note 2 
Zambianchi, Callimaco, 103, 124, 

149 and note 2, 150 and note 
Zani (guide), 281, 283 

Zucchi, Gen., 77-80 




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