General Brock

GIFT OF
JANE KoSATHER

THE MAKERS OF CANADA

EDITED BY

DUNCAN CAMPBELL SCOTT, F.R.S.C., and
PELHAM EDGAR, Ph.D.

GENERAL BROCK

This work is limited to One Hundred and
Twenty Sets for the United Kingdom,
Signed and Numbered,

Number ^ ^

THE MAKERS OF CANADA

GENERAL

BROCK

BY

LADY EDGAR

LONDON : T. C. & E. C. JACK

TORONTO : MORANG & CO., LIMITED

» -1 ». # /> , .

PREFACE

A MONG the men of action who are entitled to
-^-j^ be called makers of Canada, Sir Isaac Brock
may well take a prominent place. He came to
Canada in 1802, and gave ten years of his life to
the country in which he was called to serve. Both
in a civil and a military capacity he filled a post
requiring unique qualities of head and heart. That
the distinction he won was not ephemeral is proved
by the honour in which his name is still held,
although nearly a century has passed since he laid
down his hfe on Queenston Heights.

England has been served well by her soldiers in
many lands, and is not ungrateful to those who
have built up her empire. At critical times in her
history the right man has appeared on the scene
possessing the force of character needed for special
work. Such a man was Isaac Brock. He entered
the English army at the close of the eighteenth
century, when the service was at its lowest ebb.
Fortune placed him under the command of such
enlightened men as Sir Ralph Abercromby and
General Stewart, and the lessons he learned from
them he afterwards put to good use. When, in
1812, the long-smouldering enmity between the
United States and England burst into the flame of

270961

PREFACE

war, and Canada was the battleground, he entered
upon the defence of the country entrusted to his
charge with an indomitable spirit. With very ineffi-
cient means at his disposal, he used effectively what
came to his hand. He took the untrained militia of
Upper Canada and made of them a disciplined
soldiery. He taught the youth of the country a
lesson in courage and patriotism, and with infinite
patience, tact, and judgment, he led them through
their first days of trial. By his contemporaries Sir
Isaac Brock was looked upon as the saviour of
Canada, and time has not tarnished the lustre of
his fame.

CONTENTS

CHA PTER I Page

HIS BIRTHPLACE . . . . .1

CHAPTER II
SERVICE ABROAD— HOLLAND ... 13

CHAPTER III
SERVICE ABROAD— THE BALTIC . . .23

CHAPTER IV
IN CANADA ..... 33

CHAPTER V
UPPER AND LOWER CANADA— 1802 . .46

CHAPTER VI
MILITARY POSTS .... 63

CHAPTER VII
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR . . . .09

CONTENTS

CHAPTER nil P«g«

OLD QUEBEC

CHAPTER IX
AFFAIRS IN EUROPE, 1808 . . . .99

CHAPTER X
POLITICS IN QUEBEC .... 115

CHAPTER XI
QUEBEC AND NIAGARA . . .131

CHAPTER XII
1811 IN CANADA AND EUROPE ... €49

CHAPTER XIII
THE NEW GOVERNOR . . . .161

CHAPTER XI V
GATHERING CLOUDS .... 171

CHAPTER X V
CANADA'S DEFENCE .... 183

CHAPTER XVI
ON THE FRONTIER . .201

CONTENTS

CHAPTER XVII Page

A VIGOROUS COMMANDER ... 223

CHAPTER XVIII
BROWNSTOWN AND MAGUAGA . .236

CHAPTER XIX
DETROIT . . . .245

CHAPTER XX
THE ARMISTICE .... 261

CHAPTER XXI
CONSEQUENCES OF ARMISTICE . . .283

CHAPTER XXII
QUEENSTON HEIGHTS .... 295

INDEX ...... 317

MAP OF THE NIAGARA FRONTIER . . . Facing 201

MAP OF THE DETROIT FRONTIER . . . Facing 245

CHAPTER I

HIS BIRTHPLACE

"Thou Guernsey! bravely crowned
With roug-h embattled rocks . . . ."

— Drayton.

"Severe et douce." — Victor Hugo.

^ ' ~rN that corner of the old Norman land where
JL live the little people of the sea, in that island
of Guernsey, stern yet mild," Isaac Brock was born.
It was a rough cradle, yet not an unkind one.
Though for countless ages its shores have been
beaten about and broken by Its relentless enemy
the ocean, yet behind that bold and serried front
lie peaceful glens and valleys carpeted with heather
and gorse, and fair fields full of lovely ferns. Cruel
reefs lie around the island — the terror of sailors,
and out from the sea fog that hovers over them
loom giant rocks, strange and grotesque shapes,
into which the sea has hollowed many a cavern,
haunted, as old legends tell, by the evil spirits of
the deep.

Guarded by those granite cliffs, apart from the
world — for in the eighteenth century there was but
little communication with either England or France
— the simple folk of the island lived. The women
were famed for their beauty, blue-eyed and rosy-

1

GENERAL BROCK

cheeked, a combination of Saxon fairness and
Norman freshness; the men were hardy, bold and
daring, as became those who gained their hving in
such a precarious way as sailors and fishermen and
smugglers of the Channel Islands

In addition to the fishermen and the sailors there
were the country people who lived on and culti-
vated their own estates, the largest of which did
not exceed seventy-five Enghsh acres. Wheat was
the principal crop, and dairy products the chief
source of profit Beside the country people there
lived in or near St. Peter's Port, the capital, an-
other distinct set of inhabitants, who may be called
the upper or governing class. To this class the
family of Brock belonged.

Guernsey contains about twenty-five square miles.
Its shape is that of a right-angled triangle The
sides face the south, the east, and the north-west,
and are respectively about six and one-half, six, and
nine miles long. The only town of importance and
the seat of government is St, Peter's Port, situated
on the slope of a hill about the middle of the more
sheltered eastern coast South of the town rise the
cliffs crowned by a strong fortress. At the entrance
of the harbour is Castle Cornet, once a detached
island fort, dating from Plantaganet days, after-
wards the residence of the governors and also a
prison.^ The appearance of the town on approaching

1 Sir John de Lisle was appointed warden of Guernsey in 1405. He
writes in 1406 from Castle Cornet, and says the castle is on the point of

2

THE CHANNEL ISLANDS

it by sea is imposing, but the streets are narrow,
steep and crooked, and the houses, although sub-
stantial, are dusky looking and old. The harbour of
St. Peter's Port was begun by order of Edward I.,
and was in course of construction for two centuries.
St. Peter's Church, a fine building of the fourteenth
century, was consecrated in 1312. It was not until
the sixth century that Christianity was introduced
into the island by Sampson, Archbishop of St.
David's, whose memory the small town of St.
Sampson on the east coast still keeps green. Pre-
vious to this Druidism had been the religion, and
cromlechs and relics of that old system still remain.
The Channel Islands were once included in the
"Duchy of Normandie/' and are the only parts of
that duchy which remain to the English Crown.
Again and again Guernsey has been unsuccess-
fully attacked by the French, who, from the days
of Edward I. to those of Edward VI., strove to
subdue its Anglo-Norman inhabitants. Through
the centuries they retained their northern love of
independence, and Guernsey is still governed by its
own laws and ancient institutions. It is divided
into ten parishes, whose rectors, appointed by the
Crown, sit in the elective states. The chief court
of justice in the island is the royal court, whose

falling, and ruinous through default of the timber, and asks permission
to take the timber from a house called, ^'The Priory of the Vale," to
assist in repairing the castle, as he could procure no timber either from
Normandy or Brittany, or any other port, on account of the war.

8

GENERAL BROCK

power is very extensive and rather undefined. It
consists of the bailiff, appointed by the Crown, who
presides, and twelve jurats appointed by the islan-
ders through their delegates to the elective states.
There is an appeal in certain cases to the king in
council. The French language is used in the courts
and on public occasions. The dialect of the people
in the eighteenth century was still the pure Norman
of many centuries before. Each parish had a school,
but the principal one was Elizabeth College, origin-
ally a grammar school founded by Queen Elizabeth,
where Hebrew, Greek and Latin, French, German,
Spanish, Italian, drawing, music, fencing, and drill-
ing were taught for the modest sum of twelve
pounds a year.

Although wealth and luxury were almost un-
known among them, the governing class in St.
Peter's Port formed an extremely aristocratic and
exclusive set, vying in dress, manners, and language
with society of the same rank in England. Their
children were frequently sent there to school, and
as their sons grew up, commissions in the English
army and navy were eagerly sought, and in many a
hard-fought battle on land and sea, the men of
Guernsey have won renown. It was not the gentler
born alone that were trained to arms. By the law of
the island, every male inhabitant between the age
of sixteen and thirty-three was bound to render
"man service to the Crown," and in the stormy
days of the latter half of the eighteenth century
4

THE BROCKS OF GUERNSEY

and the beginning of the nineteenth, they were
often called on to take their share in the king's wars.

For generations the Brocks had hved in St. Peter's
Port, and as Guernsey chronicles go back to leg-
endary times, the story that they were descended
from one Sir Hugh Brock who came there in
the fourteenth century is perhaps a true one.

It seems that in the reign of Edward III. an
English knight of that name was keeper of the
castle of Derval, in Brittany. When the French
overran that country this castle was besieged by
the Duke of Bourbon, the Earls of Alen9on and
Perche, and a gallant array of the chivalry of
France. Now Sir Hugh Brock's cousin. Sir Robert
KnoUes, who was governor of the duchy of Brit-
tany, was also at that time besieged in Brest by the
famous Bertrand du Guesclin. He succeeded in
driving off his assailants, and then marched to the
reUef of his cousin. Sir Hugh, who was on the point
of surrendering when the timely succour arrived.
The English were, however, soon after driven out
of France by the valiant du Guesclin, and as
Guernsey lies directly between the coast of Brittany
and England it is not improbable that this same Sir
Hugh or some of his family settled there.

Towards the close of the seventeenth century,
one William Brock, of St. Peter's Port, had three
sons and one daughter. The eldest son, William,
married Judith de Beau voir, also of an ancient
Guernsey family. The third son, Henry, married

5

GENERAL BROCK

Susan Saumarez, the sister of that valiant sailor,
afterwards the celebrated Admiral Lord de Sau-
marez. The second son, John, born on January
24th, 1729, married in 1758 Elizabeth de Lisle,^
daughter of the bailiff of the island, whose an-
cestor. Sir John de Lisle, had been governor of
Guernsey in the reign of Henry IV. By her he
had fourteen children, of whom ten lived to ma-
turity. Isaac was the eighth son, and was born on
October 6th, 1769,^ the year that also saw the birth
of Wellington and Napoleon Bonaparte. In 1777
the family was deprived of a father's care, for
Mr. John Brock, formerly a midshipman in His
Majesty's navy, died at Dinan in that year at the
early age of forty-eight. His two eldest sons had
already entered the army, John as an ensign in the
8th (King's), Ferdinand in the 60th, that famous
regiment once known as the Royal Americans,
which was raised in the colonies in the time of the
struggle with France, and which afterwards did
such good service in the American war. These were
strenuous times, and England was fighting in all
parts of the world.

In 1779, just two years after his father's death,

^ Her mother was Rebecca Carey.

2 The house where the family lived and in which Isaac was
probably born and certainly brought up, is a very fine granite one,
which still remains, in the centre of the town of St. Peter's Port. It
was bought by his father, John Brock, on July 29th, 1769, possession
to be had at the ensuing Michaelmas Day, which fell a week before
Isaac's birth. — From information given by Miss Henrietta Tupper.

6

THE YOUNG ENSIGN

Ferdinand, a youth of nineteen, was killed at the
defence of Baton Rouge, on the Mississippi. Isaac
was then ten years old, a strong and lusty youth.
At that age he was sent to school, for a short time
to Southampton, and afterwards under the care of a
French pastor in Rotterdam. While in Guernsey
he attended Queen Elizabeth's school, where the
Rev. C. Crispin was headmaster. But school life and
academical distinction were not to be his portion.
At the early age of fifteen he followed the example
of his brothers, and on March 2nd, 1785, he ob-
tained a commission, by purchase, in the 8th Regi-
ment, in which his eldest brother had just purchased
a captaincy, after ten years' service in America.
Though young in years he even then showed proofs
of that indomitable will which so distinguished him
in after life. Feeling the defects of his education he
determined to devote his leisure to study, and often
the young ensign would, in spite of jeers, turn from
his gay comrades to pass his time among his books,
with his door locked to prevent intrusion. Not that
he was by any means a prig, for, trained to athletic
sports from his earliest years, Isaac Brock had the
reputation of being the best boxer and the boldest
swimmer among his competitors at school and on
the island.

When he entered the army it was at a time of
peace, when England was recovering from her long
and disastrous American war, and the French Re-
volution with all its horrors had not yet convulsed

7

GENERAL BROCK

Europe. It was well for the young soldier that
peaceful garrison duty at home was his lot for a
few years. There was plenty of work in store for
him abroad. In 1790 he purchased his lieutenancy
and for a time was quartered in Guernsey and the
neighbouring island of Jersey.

At the same time, though not in the same regi-
ment, there was quartered with him Mr. Francis
Gore, exactly of his own age, who had entered the
army about the same time, and who was destined
in after years to be associated with him in Canada.

In 1791, having raised an independent company,
Isaac Brock was gazetted as captain and exchanged
into the 49th, then ordered on foreign service in
the West Indies. He was now no longer a stripUng
but a man of twenty-two, of commanding stature,
very erect, of a strong athletic build, with a frank
open countenance and very winning manners.
Though of a very gentle disposition he yet pos-
sessed that quickness of decision and firmness in
peril which on many trying occasions during his
military career proved most useful qualities. From
1791 to 1793 he was quartered in Barbadoes and
Jamaica.

During those years, though still at peace, Eng-
land had spent three millions in increasing her
navy, and was, therefore, well prepared to hold her
supremacy on the sea.

In 1793 the war that the great minister, Pitt,
had vainly tried to avert, broke out, and from that
8

SERVICE IN WEST INDIES

time until the peace of Amiens in 1801, England
was engaged in a desperate struggle with her heredit-
ary foe led by the consummate genius of Napoleon.^
On December 1st, 1793, the French Convention
declared war on Great Britain and Holland. Pitt
thought that the war would be brief, but he had
miscalculated the power and resources of the enemy,
and for more than seven years it raged without
intermission.

Service in the West Indies had proved disastrous
to Brock, for he fell ill of a fever there which nearly
cost him his life, and to which his young cousin suc-
cumbed. Through this illness Brock was most ten-
derly and skilfully nursed by his servant Dobson,
who followed his fortunes and was his faithful friend
throughout his life. On his recovery, Captain Brock
was ordered home on sick leave, and the healing
salt breezes of his native island soon restored him
to health. In September, 1794, it was the intention
of the royal court of Guernsey to raise a local regi-
ment for the defence of the island and the majority
in it was offered to Captain Brock, then on leave.
He accepted conditionally, but the appointment
which would have changed his whole career fell

^ It is reported in the " New Annual Register " of 1794 that Sheri-
dan complained in the House of Conunons of the manipulation in Eng-
land of forged assignats, evidently done with the connivance of the
government in order to embarrass the Directory, which had issued
assignats to an enormous amount. These notes were sent to Guernsey,
and forwarded gradually to Normandy and Brittany, where they were
strewed on the shore and picked up as treasure trove by the peasantry.

9

GENERAL BROCK

through, as the intention of the government was
not carried out.

He was then employed in the recruiting service
in England, and on June 24th, 1795, he purchased
a majority in his own regiment That year his
mother died. Two years later, at the early age of
twenty-eight, he became senior lieutenant-colonel
of the 49th. His predecessor had been obUged to
sell out on account of some mismanagement, and
had left the regiment in a most disorganized state
requiring a firm hand to bring it under control.

The year 1797 was one of the most disastrous
that England had ever experienced. Although in
1795 the Cape of Good Hope and Ceylon had been
added to the English Crown, the powers of Europe
were now combining against her. Prussia, Sweden,
and Spain had come to terms with the republic of
France. Bonaparte had overrun the north of Italy,
and in October, 1796, Spain had been forced to
declare war against England. The Dutch, French
and Spanish fleets formed a powerful armada for
the invasion of England, while in Ireland the black
flag of rebellion had been raised. There was dearth
and famine and discontent at home, while generals
and armies were uniformly unsuccessful abroad.

Once again, though, as of old, the wooden walls
of England proved her salvation By a brilliant vic-
tory off Cape St. Vincent on February 14th, 1797,
Jervis and Nelson crushed the Spanish fleet and
put a stop to the meditated invasion. Worse than
10

MUTINY IN THE NAVY

attacks from the enemy abroad was the discontent
that had crept into both the army and navy of
England, and which broke out into open mutiny
during this year. There were grievances, no doubt,
for soldiers and sailors at that time were treated
with the greatest severity. Recruited as the service
was by means of the press gang, it was impossible
to expect a high standard of conduct from those
who were pressed from the prisons and the slums.
It is rather to be wondered at that with such
material England's navy did so well.

It was in the month of April, 1797, that the crews
of the Channel fleet rose in rebelhon, and the dis-
affection spread with extraordinary rapidity all over
the world. At the Cape of Good Hope the squadron
stationed there rose in revolt. In the West Indies,
off Porto Rico, the crew of the Hermione, infuriated
by the cruelty of their captain, killed all their offi-
cers and deUvered the ship over to the Spaniards.
At the mouth of the Texel, Admiral Duncan, who
was blockading the coast of Holland, was deserted
by all of his ships save two, and only by skilful
manoeuvring succeeded in keeping the enemy in
ignorance of his perilous position.

The mutiny came at a time when England was
pressed on all sides, and had the state of affairs
been known by the French and the Dutch, irre-
deemable disaster would probably have resulted.
Even the army was affected. At Woolwich the
artillerymen were insubordinate, and it was believed

11

GENERAL BROCK

that secret agents of the French were at work
corrupting the army.

The 49th at that time was quartered on the
banks of the Thames. As the privates of the regi-
ment evidently sympathized with the mutineers,
Brock kept a strict watch over the regiment,
seldom going to bed before daylight, and always
sleeping with loaded pistols beside him. During the
day he frequently visited the barrack rooms to tear
down or erase such inscriptions as, "The Navy
Forever."

Fortunately for England, the blaze that threat-
ened to break out in both services, died out in a
few weeks. The courage, good sense and intrepidity
of the officers in command soon restored order, and
the glorious victory of Camperdown in October,
when Admiral Duncan destroyed the Dutch fleet
showed that the " mariners of England " had once
more returned to duty.

The young colonel of the 49th now devoted him-
self to getting his unruly regiment into a good
state of discipline. He proved most successful in
the management of his men. ''Severe et douce,'" his
stern yet mild rule won the commendation of the
commander-in-chief, who declared that Lieutenant-
Colonel Brock, from one of the worst, had made
the 49th one of the best regiments in the service.

12

CHAPTER II

SERVICE ABROAD— HOLLAND

ISAAC BROCK had now been thirteen years in
the army, but, although his promotion had
been rapid, he had as yet seen but Httle of active
service. In 1798 his regiment was quartered in
Jersey. In 1799 it was ordered to England to be in
readiness to take part in an expedition against
Holland, then occupied by the forces of the French
republic.

It was at the breaking out of the war in 1798
that the first expedition to that country had taken
place under the command of the Duke of York.
At that time England was in alliance with Austria,
whose army was commanded by the Prince of
Coburg. The campaign, which began auspiciously,
ended most disastrously for the allies, and the army
was only saved from utter destruction by the skill,
energy and wisdom of General Abercromby who
conducted the retreat. In spite of his former failure
the Duke of York was again entrusted with the
command in 1799. With him went also General,
then Sir Ralph, Abercromby, who, in 1796, had
won such triumphs for England in the West Indies
by the capture of Grenada, Demerara, Essequibo,
St. Lucia, St. Vincent and Trinidad.

13

GENERAL BROCK

General Moore, who had also greatly distinguished
himself at the capture of those islands, accompanied
the expedition to Holland. England on this occasion
had entered into an alliance with Russia who sent
to Holland an army of sixteen thousand men. The
objects of the expedition were to make a diversion
in favour of the Russian general Suwarrow and the
Archduke Charles of Austria, who were fighting
the French in Italy and Switzerland, and to co-
operate with the English fleet on the coast of Hol-
land. Ostensibly England's purpose was to rescue
Holland from the thraldom of France.

Abercromby's division of ten thousand men set
sail from England on August 13th, 1799, and with
it went the 49th Regiment under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Brock who was then just thirty
years of age. After a stormy passage they landed
near the Helder on the 27th of that month. A
short engagement ensued, when the British troops
compelled the enemy to retreat and Sir Ralph
Abercromby took possession of the peninsula, en-
trenched himself there, and occupied the evacuated
batteries. When the Dutch fleet saw the entrench-
ments of the Helder occupied by the English they
slipped their cables and tried to escape, but were
chased by the British fleet and compelled to
surrender.

The second division of the army, under the
Duke of York, followed on September 9th, as soon
as news was received of the successful landing of
14

THE HELDER

the first. It consisted of thirty battalions of infantry,
five hundred cavalry and a train of artillery. The
fleet remained at anchor off the coast of North
Holland. It was certainly unfortunate, as results
proved, that the chief command, by the arrival of
the Duke of York, was taken from Sir Ralph
Abercromby, for the position of the army on a
hostile shore opposed by that skilful French gen-
eral. Marshal Brune, required a leader of con-
summate experience. Abercromby 's methods had
inspired the troops under him with confidence,
while, to say the least, the Duke of York had but
an indifferent reputation as a commander.

Isaac Brock was accompanied on this campaign
by his younger brother Savery, who had entered
the navy some time before as a midshipman but
had been compelled to retire from that service on
account of some breach of discipline. He had
volunteered for this expedition and had been
allowed to join his brother's regiment as paymaster.

The account of the landing and subsequent
events is related by Brock in a letter to his
brother John, who was then stationed at the Cape
of Good Hope in command of the 31st Regiment.
Brock says : — " After beating the seas from the 8th
to the 27th of August we landed near the Helder.
The fourth brigade was under General Moore and
consisted of the Royals, 25th, 49th, 79th and 92nd.
To our utter astonishment the enemy gave us no
annoyance. On the contrary he evacuated the town

15

GENERAL BROCK

which we took quiet possession of on the following
morning. The next evening a reinforcement of five
thousand men arrived, but could not land for two
days, and in the meantime our troops lay exposed
on the sand hills without the least shelter to cover
them from the wind and rain. At length the army
moved forward eleven miles and got into canton-
ments along a canal extending the whole breadth
of the country from the Zuyder Zee on the one side
to the main ocean on the other, protected by an
amazingly strong dyke running half a mile in front
of the line."

The army, by the arrival of sixteen thousand
Russians, was now increased to thirty-five thous-
and men, but these allies became rather a source
of trouble than a help. Though brave, they were
undisciplined, and in the advance on Bergen, on
September 19th, after driving the enemy before
them, they dispersed for plunder, whereupon the
French rallied, and drove the disorganized Russians
at the point of the bayonet before them, without
giving them a chance to reform. At last they
encounted a British brigade whom they blamed for
not coming sooner to their support. The Russians
had, unfortunately, been entrusted by the Duke of
York with the principal attack, while Sir Ralph
had been detached with ten thousand men to
attack the town of Hoarn. October 2nd was fixed
upon for a final assault on Bergen. In this, Aber-
cromby led the right column along the sand to
16

EGMONT OP ZEE

Egmont op Zee. He was successful, but by the
failure of the other division the victory was of no
avail in the final disaster that overtook the English
troops.

In his letter to his brother, Brock, who was in
Abercromby's column, describes the battle known
as Egmont op Zee. He says : — " No commanding
officer could have been more handsomely supported
than I was on that day, ever glorious to the 49th.
Poor Archer brought his company to the attack in
a most soldier-like manner ; and even after he had
received his mortal wound he animated his men,
calling on them to go on to victory, to glory, and
no order could have been more effectually obeyed.
I got knocked down soon after the enemy began to
retreat, but never quitted the field, and returned to
my duty in less than half an hour."

On this occasion Brock's life was saved, it is said,
by his wearing, as the weather was cold, a stout
cotton handkerchief over a thick, black silk cravat,
both of which were perforated by the bullet. The
violence of the blow was so great that it stunned
and dismounted him. Another fellow-officer wound-
ed at the same time was Lord Aylmer, afterwards
governor-general of Canada.

The letter continues: "Savery acted during the
whole of this day as aide-de-camp either to Sir
Ralph or to General Moore, and nothing could
surpass his activity and gallantry. He had a horse
shot under him, and had all this been in his line he

17

GENERAL BROCK

must have been particularly noticed as he has
become the astonishment of all who saw him. We
remained that night and the following on the sand
hills ; you cannot conceive our wretched state as it
blew and rained nearly the whole time. Our men
bore all this without grumbling, although they
had nothing to eat but the biscuits they carried
with them which were completely wet. We at
length got into Egmont, and the following day,
the 5th, into Alkmaar, where we enjoyed ourselves
amazingly."

It is always with pride and affection that Isaac
Brock speaks of his brother Savery, who resembled
him much both in appearance and character. The
offence for which this young midshipman had been
dismissed from the navy was one occasioned by the
goodness of his heart, for, indignant at the cruel
punishment of mast-heading then prevalent, he had
dared to sign a round robin asking for its discon-
tinuance. Savery remained in his brother's regiment
as paymaster for about six years and then volun-
teered for Sir John Moore's expedition to Spain,
where he acted as aide-de-camp to that general
until his fall at Corunna. In the Peninsular epoch,
to have been one of Sir John Moore's men carried
with it a prestige quite sui generis.

A sergeant of the 49th (Fitz Gibbon^) gives this
tribute to the young paymaster's conduct during
the battle of Egmont op Zee. He writes : — " After

^ Afterwards the distinguished Colonel Fitz Gibbon.

18

SAVERY BROCK

the deployment of the 49th on the sand hills I saw
no more of Lieutenant-Colonel Brock, being separ-
ated from him with that part of the regiment under
Lieutenant- Colonel SheafFe. Soon after, we com-
menced firing on the enemy and at intervals rushing
from one line of sand hills to another, behind which
the soldiers were made to cover themselves and fire
over their summits. I saw at some distance to my
right, Savery Brock, the paymaster, directing and
encouraging the men while passing from the top
of one sand hill to another. He alone kept con-
tinually on the tops of the hills during the firing,
and at every advance from one range to another he
led the men, and again was seen above all the
others. Not doubting but that great numbers of
French soldiers would be continually aiming at
him — a large man thus exposed — I watched from
moment to moment for about two hours expecting
to see him fall, while in my view, he remained
untouched. Being at this time only eighteen years
of age, I did not venture to give any orders or
instructions although a sergeant, but after witness-
ing Savery Brock's conduct I determined to be the
first to advance every time at the head of those
around me. I made up my mind then to think no
more, if possible, of my own life, but leave the care
of it to Divine Providence and strain every nerve
to do my duty. I make this statement to show that
to the conduct of Savery Brock on that day I was
indebted for this valuable example and lesson."

19

GENERAL BROCK

As an instance that discretion is sometimes the
better part of valour the narrator continues, "About
five o'clock p.m., on the same day, while overheed-
lessly running too far ahead of my men, I was
cut off by some French soldiers who issued from
behind a sand hill on my flank, and made me
prisoner alone. After my return from prison in the
January following I heard the soldiers repeat
Colonel Brock's words to the paymaster when he
first saw him among the men in action on that day,
*By the Lord Harry, Master Savery, did not I
order you, unless you remained with the general,
to stay with your iron chest? Go back to it, sir,
immediately,' to which he answered playfully,
* Mind your regiment, Master Isaac, you would not
have me quit the field now ?'"

In the victory of Egmont op Zee several pieces
of cannon, a great number of tumbrels, and a few
hundred prisoners were taken, and the loss of the
French was estimated at more than four thousand
men. Unfortunately the success of the division led
by Abercromby was more than counterbalanced by
the disasters that befell the rest of the army. The
Russians alone in this short campaign lost four
thousand men and two of their generals were taken.
The allies now were unable to advance or to draw
any resources from the country, but had to obtain
their supplies from the fleet.

When the Duke of York first arrived in Holland
he had issued a proclamation announcing that the
20

ALKMAAR

invasion was undertaken to deliver the country
from the servile yoke of France, and calling on all
patriotic Dutchmen to rise in arms. This invitation
had not been accepted.

The Duke then assembled a council of war, and
in spite of Abercromby's protest, it was decided
that the allied forces should fall back and await
orders from the British government. In the mean-
while the English and Russian troops concentrated
behind their entrenchments on the Zyp, where they
were hard pressed by the enemy. As the season
was so far advanced and winter made the naviga-
tion of the coast more dangerous, the Duke was
ordered to evacuate the country. He therefore sent
a flag of truce to General Brune proposing a capitu-
lation on the basis of an armistice or free embarka-
tion of his army. The English restored their
prisoners on condition of being allowed to sail
immediately. This was agreed to at Alkmaar on
October 18th, and thus ended this memorable
expedition, which, in spite of individual bravery,
reflected but little credit on British arms. One
result of it was the withdrawal of Russia in anger
from the alhance. That country had certainly been
most unfortunate not only during the campaign,
but afterwards.

As foreign troops were not allowed in England
and as it was too late in the season to send them
home, the Russians were quartered in Jersey and
Guernsey where a disease contracted in the marshy

21

GENERAL BROCK

lands of Holland broke out and carried off great
numbers.

The 49th Regiment returned to England, and
then was sent to Jersey. Lieutenant- Colonel Brock
obtained leave of absence and spent some time at
his home in Guernsey. His junior, Lieutenant-
Colonel Sheaffe, was left in command, but for some
reason or other incurred the dislike of the men. At
the first regimental parade after Brock's return, the
men as soon as they saw him gave him three cheers.
For this breach of discipline their beloved colonel
marched them into the barrack square, rebuked
them for unmilitary conduct and confined them to
barracks for a week.

22

CHAPTER III

SERVICE ABROAD— THE BALTIC

"Of Nelson and the North sing the day."

— Campbell.

EUROPE was now engaged in a death struggle
with her great foe who was everywhere
victorious. After the battle of Hohenlinden on
December 3rd, 1800, Austria consented to peace
with France, and England was left without an ally.
Paul, the half-mad emperor of Russia, had quar-
relled with her, partly on account of the ill-starred
expedition to Holland, partly because she would
not give up to him the island of Malta. Bonaparte,
whose astute mind saw where advantage was to
be gained, promoted the quarrel, and in order to
gain the czar's friendship collected all the Russian
prisoners in France, clothed them, supplied them
with muskets and sent them back to Russia. This
had the desired effect, and Paul, from an enemy,
became for the time a devoted friend to France.

As a first proof of his friendship he seized the
English vessels in his harbours, his excuse being
that England had sent a fleet to Copenhagen to
oblige Denmark to acknowledge the navigation
laws and the right of search of neutral vessels.

In December, 1800, the Russian emperor con-

23

GENERAL BROCK

eluded a coalition or alliance with Denmark and
Sweden, to which Prussia afterwards acceded. In
consequence of this step, England put an embargo
on the vessels of the Baltic powers.

Bonaparte now had visions of a greater empire
beyond Europe, and secretly concerted with Russia
for an expedition to India. In the meantime, he
hoped by commercial embarrassment, by the weight
of arms, and by the skilful management of the
powers of Europe, to overthrow England, his last
and greatest enemy. He had reckoned without
Nelson.

In order to meet the dangers that threatened her
on all sides. Great Britain brought together the
most powerful fleet she could collect in the northern
waters. There were eighteen sail of the line, besides
frigates, bombs, fire ships, etc., amounting in all to
fifty-three sail. On February 17th, 1801, Nelson re-
ceived orders to place himself under the command
of Sir Hyde Parker, and to prepare for an expedi-
tion against the combined Danish and Russian
fleets in the Baltic. It was Isaac Brock's good for-
tune to assist in this memorable expedition, and
he was placed second in command of the land
forces engaged.

Colonel, afterwards General, Sir William Stewart,
second son of the Earl of Galloway, was in chief
command of the marines on this occasion. It was
another fortunate occurrence for Brock to be thus
associated with one of the most progressive soldiers
24

SAILS TO ELSINORE

of the age. Colonel Stewart had served in the West
Indies in command of the 67th Foot, and afterwards
with the Austrian and Russian armies in the cam-
paign of 1799. On account of what he saw there of
the rifle shooting of the Croats and Tyrolese he
organized a corps of riflemen in the British army,
afterwards known as the Rifle Brigade. Colonel
Stewart was much in advance of his times. He
brought into the army modern methods such as
lectures and schools for the men, classification in
shooting, athletic exercises, and medals for good con-
duct and valour. Nelson called him "the rising hope
of our army." His brother, Charles James Stewart,
was the well-known and beloved Bishop of Quebec.

Colonel Brock embarked at Portsmouth with his
own regiment of about seven hundred and sixty
rank and file on board Nelson's squadron, and sailed
to Yarmouth Roads, where they joined the fleet
under Sir Hyde Parker. Nelson was anxious to pro-
ceed at once before the Danes would have time to
prepare for them, but there were many vexatious de-
lays. It was March 20th before the fleet anchored in
the Kattegat, eighteen miles from Elsinore, where
the Sound narrows to three miles. The Russian
navy was divided, part being at Cronstadt and part
hemmed in by the ice at Revel.

The British fleet advanced very deliberately, a
frigate being sent ahead to land the British envoy,
Mr. Vansittart, whose instructions were to allow
the Danes forty-eight hours to accept the demands

25

GENERAL BROCK

of Great Britain and withdraw from the coalition.
This delay annoyed Nelson, who much preferred
action to parley, and believed that delay only gave
advantages to the defence. ** A fleet of British ships
are the best negotiators in Europe," he had written.
"Strike quick and home," was his motto. On the
23rd Vansittart returned with terms rejected, and
brought a report that the batteries at Elsinore and
Copenhagen were much stronger than they had
been informed. So strong did Vansittart think the
defences, that he said if the fleet proceeded to
attack, it would be beaten. The numerous delays
had given the Danes time to line the shoals and
harbours with a formidable flotilla, and to stud the
shores with batteries.

The attempt to take the place was nearly given
up by Sir Hyde Parker, but Nelson was determined
to persevere, and prevailed upon his chief to adopt
his plan of action. Twelve ships of the line were
given to the daring admiral in addition to his
smaller vessels — in all thirty-three ships, while the
rest of the fleet remained to the north four miles
away.

It was on March 30th, 1801, that Nelson's squad-
ron came to anchor between the island of Huen
and Copenhagen. On the morning of April 2nd
he shifted his flag from the St. George to the
Elephant, placed his ships in order of battle and
gave the signal to advance. Then came a check.
Two vessels, the Bellona and Russell, grounded,
26

A NARROW ESCAPE

and although they could use their guns, they were
too crippled to be of much use. Nelson's ship
followed, and when he saw them ground and
realized that he had lost their support he hailed the
Ganges on which was the 49th Regiment and told it
to keep as close as possible ahead of the Elephant,
Colonel Brock was now ordered to lead the 49th in
storming the principal battery in conjunction with
five hundred seamen under Captain Freemantle of
the Ganges, as soon as the fire of seventy guns
should be silenced.

The Danes made a heroic defence, and the plan
of assault with small boats being impracticable.
Brock and his men remained on board the Ganges.
Savery Brock was with him, and while in the act of
pointing one of the guns a grape shot tore his hat
from his head and threw him on his back. " Poor
Savery is killed," his brother exclaimed, but the
apparently wounded youth jumped up, rubbed his
head, and fired the gun as if nothing had happened.
In the early part of the action, when it was ex-
pected that the 49th would land to storm the
batteries, Savery had announced his intention of
going in the boat with his brother, who, knowing
the hopeless character of the attempt to be made,
insisted on his remaining on board, observing, "Is it
not enough that one brother should be killed?"
The captain of the Ganges then gave Savery com-
mand of the gun and his narrow escape put an end
to the discussion,

27

GENERAL BROCK

With crippled ships and mangled crews Nelson
fought on in spite of the signal that came from
Admiral Parker to leave off action.^ In heroic dis-
obedience he still persevered until what might have
been an overwhelming disaster turned to victory.
When the heavy fire south of the three-crown
battery had ceased, when most of the Danish
vessels were helpless hulks, four of them remained
through which the batteries and the British kept
firing. The ships that had struck were resisting
the attempts of the British to board them, and
it was then that Nelson sent his famous message
to the Crown Prince calling upon him to sur-
render in the name of humanity. It was Brock's
good fortune to be near the admiral when he wrote
it, and the lesson he learned that day was one he
remembered and acted on years afterwards when he
had to send a similar message to a beleaguered foe.
The message was : — " To the brothers of English-
men, the Danes, — Lord Nelson has directions to
spare Denmark when no longer resisting; but if
the firing is continued on the part of Denmark,
I^ord Nelson will be obliged to set on fire all the
floating batteries he has taken, without having the
power of saving the brave Danes who have defended
them. (Signed) Nelson and Bronte."

* When the signal came from Admiral Parker, Nelson said to his
captain, " You know Foley I have only one eye, I have a right to be
blind sometimes," and then putting the glass to his blind eye he
exclaimed, *'I really do not see the signal." It was therefore not
repeated from his vessel and the action went on.

28

NELSON'S DESPATCH

It was in the preparation and despatch of this
note that Nelson gave another illustration, often
quoted, of his cool consideration of all the circum-
stances surrounding him, and of the politic regard
for effect which he ever observed in his official in-
tercourse with men. It was written by his own hand,
a secretary copying as he wrote. When finished the
original was put into an envelope, which the secre-
tary was about to seal with a wafer, but this Nelson
would not permit, directing that taper and wax
should be brought. The messenger sent for these
was killed. When this was reported to the admiral,
his only reply was, "Send another messenger";
and he waited until the wax came and then saw
that particular care was exercised to make a full
and perfect impression of the seal which bore his
own arms. Colonel Stewart said to him, "May I
take the liberty of asking why, under so hot a fire,
and after so lamentable an accident, you have
attached so much importance to a circumstance so
trifling?" Nelson replied, "Had I made use of the
wafer, it would still have been wet when presented
to the Crown Prince ; he would have inferred that
the letter was sent off in a hurry, and that we had
some very pressing reasons for being in a hurry.
The wax told no tales. "^

A verbal message by his principal aide-de-camp
was sent back by the Crown Prince asking the
particular object of sending the flag of truce, to

* " Life of Nelson," Mahan.

29

GENERAL BROCK

which Nelson rephed, "Lord Nelson's object in
sending on shore a flag of truce is humanity ; he
therefore consents that hostilities shall cease till
Lord Nelson can take his prisoners out of the
prizes, and he consents to land all the wounded
Danes, and to burn or remove his prizes." By this
time the Crown Prince had sent orders to the
batteries to cease firing, so the battle ended, and
both sides hoisted flags of truce.

It was acknowledged by Nelson that his ships
had suffered more than in any other battle he had
ever fought. His success, however, was complete.
Niebuhr, the Danish historian, wrote, " We cannot
deny it, we are quite beaten." As to the importance
of the victory, by it the great coalition of the
northern powers was broken and Bonaparte once
more was foiled in his great game.

Unknown to the combatants at the time, how-
ever, was the death of the chief supporter of the
coalition — the Czar Paul. On the night of March
24th he had been murdered, and his young son
Alexander reigned in his stead. This news did not
reach Copenhagen until after the armistice was
signed.

In October of the same year preliminaries of
peace were entered into in London, and on March
27th, 1802, at Amiens, Great Britain, on the one
part, and France, Spain, and Holland on the other,
concluded a treaty of peace. The Marquis Corn-
wallis was the plenipotentiary for England and
30

TREATY OF AMIENS

Joseph Bonaparte for France. By this treaty France
agreed to evacuate Naples and the states of the
church; England on her side gave up all her
conquests during the war to the powers to which
they had formerly belonged, excepting the islands
of Trinidad and Ceylon. Egypt was restored to
Turkey, the Cape of Good Hope to Holland, and it
was promised that within three months the EngUsh
should evacuate Malta, which was to be given back,
under certain conditions, to the Knights of St. John.
After the victory of Copenhagen, when the 49th
returned to England, it was stationed for a time at
Colchester, and in the spring of 1802 was ordered
to Canada where it was destined to remain many
years.

31

CHAPTER IV

IN CANADA

Regarde, me disait mon pere
Ce drapeau vaillamment porte ;
II a fait ton pays prospere
Et respecte ta liberte.

Un jour, notre banniere auguste
Devant lui dut se replier ;
Mais alors, s'il nous fut injuste,
11 a su le faire oublier.

Et si maintenant son pli vibre
A nos remparts jadis gaulois,
C'est au moins sur un peuple libre
Qui n'a rien perdu de ses droits.

Oublions les jours de tempetes.
Et, mon enfant, puisqu* aujourd'hui
Ce drapeau flotte sur nos tetes,
II faut s'incliner devant lui.

"Le Drapeau Anglais." — Frechette.

IT was early in the spring of 1802 that Isaac
Brock with the 49th Regiment sailed up the
St. Lawrence after a long and stormy journey
across the Atlantic. One can well imagine the
feelings of the young colonel as he gazed for the
first time at the rocky height of Quebec crowned
by that fortress, once the stronghold of French rule
in America. In the forty years that had passed
since the conquest, Quebec had changed but little.

83

GENERAL BROCK

There before him rose the craggy steep where
Wolfe had climbed to victory. The grey wall,
pierced with arched gateways and bristling with
guns, still enclosed the town. On one side stood
out the great cathedral whose bell had rung its
summons for more than a century, regardless of the
change of earthly monarchs. Here, too, was the
Ursuline Convent to which Montcalm had been
carried in his death agony. Above on the clifF rose
the old, half-ruined Chateau St. Louis, bearing the
traces of destruction by shot and shell. All spoke to
Brock of stirring deeds which even then could be
recounted by those who had taken part in them.
He was fresh from fighting the French in the
Old World, and the scene of England's triumph
might well rekindle the ardour that a year's peace
had not extinguished. Did a premonition come to
him that on another height in this new land,
he too would find fame and death? Perhaps not,
for Brock was not given to much dreaming. He
only knew that there was work to be done and
as an apt pupil from the school of Nelson and
Abercromby he was ready to do it in the best way
possible.

When Brock arrived in Canada the administra-
tion of affairs there was in the hands of Sir Robert
Shore Milnes, the lieutenant-governor. Sir Robert
Prescott, who had been governor and commander-
in-chief from 1797, in succession to Lord Dor-
chester, had left Canada in 1799, and although he
34

CANADA'S GOVERNORS

held his rank as governor until 1807, he never re-
turned to service in the country.

Canada had been fortunate in the men entrusted
with her government, and owing to their wise ad-
ministration there had been very little discontent
among the new subjects of His Majesty. The French
Canadians had increased and prospered under British
rule. First in the roll of governors stands James
Murray, that good and true soldier who saved
Quebec for England in the stormy year that fol-
lowed Wolfe's death, when the Marquis de L^vis
brought all his consummate genius to the task of
winning it back for France. While the army of
Vaudreuil held the river at Montreal, and when
it looked for many a weary month as if Amherst
would never come to its relief, the half-starved,
sickly but gallant garrison at Quebec struggled
through the terrible winter of 1759 and 1760. The
story cannot be told too often of how Murray kept
up the courage of his men, and cared also for the
feeble folk who were left with him in the town;
how, when spring came, both French and English
watched the river for the coming sails, well knowing
that the side to which food and arms came first
would win the day; how, when it was the English
ships that came, de Levis' army melted away and
Murray marched to join with Amherst at Montreal;
and how Vaudreuil and his abler lieutenant laid
down their arms, and the reign of France in the
New World was over.

35

GENERAL BROCK

General Murray remained as governor until 1767,
when he was succeeded by Sir Guy Carleton,
that gallant soldier and statesman, whose life reads
like a romance, and who, with but a slight inter-
mission was to rule the country until 1796. It was
he who led the grenadiers in 1759 on the Plains of
Abraham and was wounded just before his general
sank in death. It was he who, in 1775, as governor
and commander-in-chief, drove back from Quebec
the American invaders led by Montgomery and
Arnold, and who, in spite of traitors around him
and a people half sullen, half apathetic, encouraged
the remnant to fight for their country and British
rule. It was he who pleaded the cause of the old
inhabitants before a committee of the English par-
liament. He understood the difficulties to be met
with in the government of Canada when the popu-
lation was so preponderatingly French, and he
helped to draw up the Quebec Act of 1774, which
gave to these new subjects the liberties and privi-
leges that in time made them loyal to England.
Even the English population (there were but two
thousand, to a hundred thousand French) were a
little sulky, and inclined to think that too much
had been granted to the Gallo-Canadians, but time
has proved the wisdom of the act. No wonder that
Carleton was welcomed by priest and peasant when
he returned as Lord Dorchester in 1792! It was
Carleton, too, who, when the arrival of the United
Empire Loyalists had increased the number of
36

HALDIMAND AND DORCHESTER

English-speaking citizens, saw the difficulties under
which they laboured, and revised the act of 1791,
which gave to Upper Canada the laws it required.
Between his two administrations, General Haldi-
mand had been governor from 1778 to 1786. He
too had been a gallant soldier, and had fought in
the old French war in America, as well as on many
a field in Europe. He was Swiss French by birth,
and, speaking their language and understanding
their customs, he was well fitted to be the governor
of a French population. His administration was
held under trying circumstances, during those dark
days for England when her armies were waging an
unsuccessful campaign in the neighbouring colonies,
and when her prestige had fallen in the New World.
Haldimand succeeded, however, in steering a very
safe course through a stormy sea, and when he
handed the government over to Lord Dorchester
he left behind him many wise improvements that
he had made in the condition of the country. Stern
as his rule had been, this testimony has been paid
him by Garneau, the French Canadian historian:
"Good intents are recognizable on his part, through
much of what he did, his chief aim really being to
preserve Canada as a British dependency. It was he
who recommended the conservation of the territory
situated between the St. Lawrence and the United
States frontiers, and caused Ijord Sydney, contrary
to the mind of Lord North, to adopt, in 1784, the
right view of this matter. Now that we retrospec-

37

GENERAL BROCK

lively view Haldimand's leaden tyranny without
prejudice, now that we discern what was his master
thought, few of us, perhaps, will refuse to pardon
him for his rough but honest absolutism, out of
regard for his efforts to preserve intact a portion of
the soil reclaimed by aliens, which had been gained
to civilization by our ancestors." After Lord Dor-
chester came Sir Robert Prescott, who was the
titular governor when Brock arrived in 1802.

In England at this time Addington had suc-
ceeded Pitt as prime minister, and had concluded a
delusive peace with the first consul, who had now
taken upon himself the title of president of the
Italian republic. In America, Jefferson had been
elected president and Madison had been appointed
his secretary of state. Both of these men were
hostile to England and friendly to France.

Peace in Europe had made Bonaparte turn his
attention to another quarter of the world. In 1801,
Spain, by treaty, had handed back to France the
immense territory of Louisiana, which had been
ceded to Spain by France in 1763. It stretched
from the Rio del Norte on the south to the boun-
daries of Canada on the north. The great dictator
now dreamed of restoring the old colonial power of
France in America. What would be easier than to
send an army by the Mississippi and Ohio to reach,
by that route. Lake Erie and the Niagara peninsula,
while a fleet might ascend the St. Lawrence, where
he fondly imagined the French population would
88

ST. DOMINGO

easily be seduced from their allegiance to Great
Britain ? The first step he took in the scheme was to
plan an expedition to occupy the island of St.
Domingo, which he intended to make a rendezvous
for the French navy. The story of this expedition
is an interesting one, and as it has a bearing on the
events that happened afterwards in Canada, it may
be as well to glance at it.

The eastern part of the island of St. Domingo
belonged to France, the western to Spain. Before
the French Revolution it contained a population of
six hundred thousand, over half a million being black
slaves, while French planters and officials, with their
families, numbered about fifty thousand, and mu-
lattoes made up the remainder. The trade with it
was very extensive. Its combined exports and im-
ports were valued at one hundred and forty million
dollars, while seven hundred ocean vessels with
eighty thousand seamen were employed in the
coffee, sugar, and indigo trade between France and
the West Indies. After the revolution the white
population remained royalist, while the mulattoes
were republican. This involved the island in civil
war, which led to a general rising of the negroes and
a massacre of the whites in 1791. Slavery was then
abolished in the French part by order of the na-
tional assembly. Then Spain attempted the con-
quest of the whole of the island, but the Spaniards
were defeated and driven out of the country. Tous-
saint L'Ouverture, the grandson of a negro chief,

39

GENERAL BROCK

joined the forces of the French repubhc, and
obtained the rank of general in 1798. He was a
man of the Napoleon type, never resting, of bound-
less ambition and energy, and possessing also the
same love of display — **The gilded African," as the
first consul called him, while others named him "The
Bonaparte of the Antilles."

In 1800, L'Ouverture assumed the title of gover-
nor, and took possession of all the French territory
ceded by Spain to France in the Treaty of Basel of
1795. He then declared it an independent republic.
Bonaparte now determined to send an expedition
there under the command of his brother-in-law.
General Le Clerc, to subdue the insurgents. It
sailed in November, 1801, from Brest, and landed
in St. Domingo in January, 1802. At first Le Clerc
met with some success, though at an immense
cost of men, but the island remained unconquered.
Toussaint L'Ouverture took to the mountains and
carried on a guerilla warfare, most harassing to the
French troops. At last, by a stratagem, the rebel
leader was seized and carried off to France, where
he was imprisoned in the fortress of Joux in the
Jura Mountains, and soon succumbed to the cold of
the climate.

In the island, however, things went from bad
to worse for the French. Fifty thousand troops
had been sacrificed either in action or from the
effects of the climate, and vast sums of money
had been squandered. Plantations had ceased to
40

THE PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA

be cultivated and anarchy ruled. In 1802 Le
Clerc wrote that only four thousand men out of
twenty-eight thousand were fit for duty. More
men and money were needed. General Le Clerc
died of fever in January, 1803, and Rochambeau
was sent out, but met with no better luck than
his predecessor. He demanded thirty-five thousand
more men to get the French out of their predica-
ment. At this time there was a feeling against
France in congress because Le Clerc had seized
supplies belonging to American traders, and there-
fore America was not looking quite so kindly on
the occupation of Louisiana by the French. Bona-
parte had intended to send twenty thousand men
there, but the demands of St. Domingo made this
impossible. The United States had now begun to
feel the need of obtaining possession of the mouths
of the Mississippi, so as to have freedom of com-
merce by that river to supply the needs of Ohio
and Kentucky. Spain had given American traders
the right to land produce at New Orleans, but
suddenly revoked the permission, and now Jeffer-
son was determined to acquire that place for the
United States. Monroe was therefore sent to France
early in 1803 as a special envoy to negotiate for its
transfer. His instructions were, in case of failure, to
propose an alUa,nce with England, so that the end
might be gained. It was also proposed by Jefferson
that the United States should obtain possession of
Louisiana by purchase, and should grant commercial

41

GENERAL BROCK

privileges to Great Britain. Monroe was very well
received in London. The prime minister agreed that
it would be well for the United States to obtain
Louisiana, but if this were not possible they should
prevent it from going to France. In the preceding
year the United States had been quite content that
France should occupy Louisiana, if only West
Florida could be added to the republic. However,
the question was soon settled by Bonaparte. He
had become disgusted with his expedition to St.
Domingo, and his fruitless outlay there of men and
money. He could not afford to lose prestige in
Europe, and he wanted to cover up the disasters
that had overtaken him in the West Indies. He
therefore suddenly determined to give up his plans
in America and to sell his right to Louisiana to the
United States. He then made a definite offer for
the sale to Livingstone, the American minister in
Paris. Livingstone repUed that the United States
did not want the country west of the Mississippi,
but simply Florida and New Orleans. Negotiations,
however, went on, and were completed on the
arrival in Paris of Monroe. The price asked was one
hundred millions of francs. This was not accepted,
but finally the price was fixed at sixty millions,
equal to about eleven million two hundred and fifty
thousand dollars. Florida was not included in the
purchase. The United States also agreed to meet
the claims for damages at St. Domingo made by
American merchants, amounting to about three
42

SHORT-LIVED PEACE

millions in addition. Spain protested vainly against
the sale, for on ceding the territory to France the
stipulation had been that it should not be alien-
ated. Livingstone strenuously endeavoured to have
Florida included in the bargain but failed, though
the first consul promised his support towards ob-
taining it for the republic.

The acquisition of Louisiana changed the whole
attitude of the United States towards Great Britain,^
as now they would not require her assistance to
secure the mouth of the Mississippi and the Flor-
idas. From this time President Jefferson showed a
spirit of animosity in his dealing with England.

The short-lived peace of Amiens was drawing to
a close. In order to cover up his disasters Bonaparte
resolved to renew hostilities in Europe. As an
excuse he declared that he would not tolerate the
British occupation of Malta. England had refused
to give it up without a guarantee from the powers
that it would be left in possession of the Knights of
St. John. At a meeting of the corps legislatif on
February 20th, 1803, these words were used: "The
French government says with pride that England
alone cannot struggle against France." This arro-
gant statement of course aroused the British lion,
and on March 8th, George III sent a message to
the House of Parliament, then assembled, that
owing to the military preparations of the French
he had judged it necessary to take precautions for

1 See "History of Canada," Kingsford, Vol. VIII.

43

GENERAL BROCK

the safety of his kingdom. On May 16th, 1803,
England declared war, a war that was destined to
last more that twelve years, and to tax to the
utmost the resources of the country.

44

CHAPTER V

UPPER AND LOWER CANADA 1802

THE year 1802 was a critical time in Canada,
and so it was felt to be by the few who were
there to guard it. If Bonaparte had succeeded in
his plans on the American continent, and had
occupied Louisiana with an army of twenty thou-
sand men, Canada would probably have been im-
mediately the scene of war between Great Britain
and France. Another enemy, however, was nearer
her borders, although ten years passed before
hostilities broke out.

When Brock arrived, Sir Robert Shore Milnes,
formerly governor of the island of Martinique, was
the lieutenant-governor residing at Quebec. He
was not of miUtary rank, so in the absence of Sir
Robert Prescott, then in England, General Hunter,
the lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, was com-
mander-in-chief of the forces in Canada. The latter
was stationed at York (Toronto) which was, there-
fore, at that time headquarters. The population of
Lower Canada in 1801 is given as 160,000. In
Haldimand's census of 1784 it was 110,837 of
which 108,000 were French Canadians. The towns
of Quebec and Montreal were given as containing
each about six thousand inhabitants, of which the

45

GENERAL BROCK

proportion of French to English was two to one.
In country parishes the proportion was forty to one.
These were almost exclusively French; for the
famiUes of the English soldiers, who after the con-
quest remained in Canada and married French
Canadian wives, had taken the religion and lan-
guage of the mothers, and were French in all
but in name.

Quebec in the early days of the century remained,
as formerly, the centre of society and civilization in
Canada. It had then about twelve thousand inhabi-
tants, of whom half were English, including the
garrison. The government officials were exclusively
English, and, if report be true, formed a rather
arrogant and supercilious set. The French residents
of the upper class, whose very names smacked of
the old regime, were still as gay and brilliant as
when Frontenac and de Vaudreuil reigned in the
Chateau St. Louis. A glance at a subscription list
of 1799 for a patriotic fund to send to England
in aid of the expenses of her great war with France,
shows, however, that the two races, French and
EngUsh, dwelt together in amity. Mingled with the
names of Sewell, Forsyth, Molson, Osgoode, Pow-
nell and Coffin are those of Taschereau, de Boucher-
ville, de Lotbiniere, de L^vis and de Salaberry. The
sum of eight thousand pounds was raised and the con-
tributions came, not only from Quebec and Mont-
real, but from the parishes of Trois Rivieres and
Sorel. Another proof of the good feeling towards
46

THE FRENCH CANADIANS

England that existed at the time on the part of the
French inhabitants was that Nelson's victory of the
Nile was celebrated by a solemn mass, and by a
Te Deum which was chanted in the parish churches
by order of the bishop. His mandement was: —
"Messieurs les curds ne manqueront pas de prendre
occasion de cette fete pour faire sentir vivement
a leurs paroissiens les obligations qu'ils ont au ciel
de les avoir mis sous Tempire et la protection de sa
majesty brittannique, et les exhorter tout de nouv-
eau a s'y maintenir avec fidelity et reconnaissance."^

Throughout the most trying days of the adminis-
tration of Carleton and Haldimand, the priests and
the seigneurs had remained faithful to British rule.
It is probable that the former recognized that under
it their church was more likely to hold its an-
cient privileges than under the sway of the new
republic.

The administration of Sir Robert Milnes was not
favourable to the continuance of this friendly feel-
ing. He always distrusted the French Canadians
and advised that the militia should be disbanded
because, he said, it was not proper to arm and train
the people of a conquered province. He possibly
saw through the eyes of his private secretary,
Ryland, an able but prejudiced man who had a

1 Translation. — ''The curds will not fail to take the opportunity
afforded by this festival to make their parishioners realize the obliga-
tions they owe to heaven for having placed them under the empire and
protection of His Brittanic Majesty, and to exhort them anew to
maintain themselves in it with fidelity and gratitude. "

47

GENERAL BROCK

most pronounced aversion to French Canadians and
Roman Catholics.

Colonel Brock was not long allowed to enjoy the
society and comparative comfort of Quebec. His
regiment was ordered to the Upper Province where
the greater part of it was stationed at Fort George
under Lieutenant- Colonel SheafFe, while he himself
remained at headquarters in York.

The long journey from Quebec was accomplished
by water, for although a road had been cut in 1799
from the Bay of Quints, near Kingston, to York,
and although in 1803 there was a passable highway
from Quebec to Sandwich, a distance of eight hun-
dred miles, yet transport by water was much easier.
No steamboat had as yet been launched on the
St. Lawrence and even the large Durham boat was
unknown, but the bateau, about eighteen or twenty
feet long and six feet wide, was in general use.
It was capable of carrying about three tons. In
ascending the St. Lawrence there were many rapids
to pass and portages were long and difficult. To
avoid these. Governor Haldimand, in 1784, had
designed and built small canals, the first on the
American continent, and the forerunners of those
magnificent canals which have done so much for
the development of Canada. When the river was
passed, schooners from Kingston conveyed freight
and passengers by Lake Ontario to York and
Niagara.

In Upper Canada there were at this time, 1803,
48

UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS

about forty thousand new settlers, for, in addition
to the United Empire LoyaHsts, reckoned in 1791
at ten thousand, there had been an emigration from
the north of Scotland and Ireland and also from
the United States, the latter being chiefly of Dutch
farmers and Quakers from Pennsylvania. The num-
ber of regular troops in Lower Canada was a little
over two thousand, in Upper Canada about six
hundred, scattered at various posts along the fron-
tier. The settlements in the Lower Province were
on the banks of the St. Lawrence and its tributary
streams. In Upper Canada there were small ham-
lets on the shores of Lake Ontario, of which King-
ston, York and Niagara were the principal, and
military training-posts at great distances apart on
Lakes Erie and Huron. Trappers, hunters and
wandering tribes of Indians roamed through the
vast forests that lay beyond.

So scanty was the population of Upper Canada,
and so unknown its capabilities, that there had
been many protests against the division of the
country into Upper and Lower Provinces. The
English residents of Lower Canada wished rather
for the total repeal of the Quebec Act of 1774 and
the retention of the old boundaries, and sent Adam
Lymburner, a merchant of Quebec, to represent
them in 1791, before a committee of the House of
Commons. In his argument he said there was no
reason for the division of the province, as Niagara
must be the limit of Upper Canada. The country

49

GENERAL BROCK

beyond, he represented, could not be of importance
for settlement as the falls of Niagara would be an
insurmountable barrier to the transportation of the
produce of the land. Burke, in parhament, speak-
ing against the passage of the act, had declaimed
against settlement in "the bleak and barren regions
of Canada."

In the ten years that followed this protest,
despite Lymburner's prophecy, trade had much
increased on the lakes, and had even found its way
west of Lake Erie. Merchandise was brought from
Albany by the Mohawk River, Oneida Lake and
the Onondaga River to Oswego, and then shipped
on schooners for Prescott, York and Niagara. There
were ports of entry at Cornwall, Johnstone (Brock-
ville), Amherstburg and Sandwich. York, the infant
capital of the province, was, in 1803, much smaller
than Newark, or Niagara, the former seat of govern-
ment. In 1793 there was on its site one solitary
Indian wigwam, and although in ten years the
solitary wigwam had multiphed into many frame
and log dwellings of the rudest description, there
were as yet no public buildings of any kind. Lieu-
tenant-Governor Hunter represented to the gov-
ernment in England that the executive had to meet
in a room in the clerk of the council's house, and
the only place for the meetings of the assembly
was a room in a building originally designed as a
residence for the governor. The courts of law also
held their sittings there. The governor asked for
50

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR HUNTER

eighty thousand pounds for the purpose of erecting
suitable quarters for the legislature, for various
public offices and for courts of law. He represented
also that contributions from England had been given
to erect a Protestant cathedral at Quebec, while
the inhabitants of York had subscribed amongst
themselves for a church.

Lieutenant-Governor Hunter, who was in com-
mand when Brock arrived at York, was a Scotsman
of whom but little is known except that he had been
governor of Barbadoes. There are few records of
his administration, and he is but a shadowy figure
in the annals of the time. He seems to have lived,
as government house was occupied for offices, in
the barracks, which were about two miles west of
the town. These barracks consisted of a wooden
blockhouse, and some cottages of the same material,
little better than temporary huts. Another block-
house was at the eastern end of the town, and
between were jutting points of land clothed with
spreading oak trees. The harbour was considered
the safest on Lake Ontario. The long peninsula
that enclosed the beautiful bay was fringed with
trees, whose reflection in the placid waters was said
to have been the origin of the Indian name Toronto.
The wild grape vine threw its tendrils around them,
and in their shade were refreshing springs of water.
Wild fowl made its sandy beaches and reedy marshes
their home, so that it was a very paradise for sports-
men. There were salmon in the lake and in the rivers

51

GENERAL BROCK

that flowed into it, and game of all kinds abounded
in the neighbourhood. A road that had been cut
through the wilderness north of the town by the
orders of Governor Simcoe, led to Cook's Bay,
Lake Simcoe, which was thirty-seven miles distant,
and by that lake there was water communication
of seventy miles north to Matchedash Bay on Lake
Huron. Another military highway west of the town
led to Coote's Paradise (Hamilton) and thence to
New London on the Thames, thus opening up an
inland way to Lake Erie. Settlers were slowly
hewing out homes for themselves in these remote
districts.

52

CHAPTER VI

MILITARY POSTS

IT was in the year 1796 that England had given
up possession to the Americans of Forts Mich-
ihmackinac, Miami, Detroit, Niagara, and Oswego,
and now at the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury Kingston, York, Fort George, Fort Chippawa,
Fort Erie, and Amherstburg were the chief miH-
tary posts. The very names of the forts take one
back to very stirring days in the country, and a
glance at their history shows that this new province
of Upper Canada had been once the scene of many
a struggle for supremacy between the French, the
English, and the Indian.

Michilimackinac, or Mackinaw, the island which
lies in the strait between Lakes Huron and Michi-
gan, had been for more than a century the resort
of North- West traders, where furs were collected
and shipped for Montreal. In 1671 it had been a
Jesuit mission, and stories of treachery and mas-
sacre hover round its shores.

Fort Miami was in the heart of the Indian
country on the Maumee River about fifteen miles
from Lake Erie, into which the river flows. Lord
Dorchester had ordered the reconstruction of the
fort, a step to which the United States had ob-

53

GENERAL BROCK

jected, deeming it an invasion of their territory.
Both the 8th and the 53rd Regiments had been
stationed there during the war with the colonies.

Fort Detroit, on the river of the same name,
situated about twenty-eight miles above Lake Erie
and ten miles below Lake St. Clair, had had a most
exciting history. The strait was the key to the
upper lakes, and gave Canada the readiest access to
the Mississippi. Five times its flag had changed in
the century since it was founded by La Mothe
Cadillac. Twice it was besieged by Indians, once
burned to the ground. In the last days of the
eighteenth century it was surrounded by a flourish-
ing little town, with a mixed French and English
population.

Fort Niagara, like Detroit, had also been the
scene of many a conflict when France and England,
with varying fortunes, had struggled for its posses-
sion. It was in 1678 that La Salle, La Mothe, and
Father Hennepin, saihng up Lake Ontario from
Fort Frontenac, found, at the entrance of what
was afterwards known as the Niagara River, a
small village of Seneca Indians. Here they built a
stockade of pahsaded storehouses, and dedicated it
by chanting a Te Deum, and placing within it a
large wooden cross. This stockade was burnt in
1680, and afterwards rebuilt of stone by Denon-
ville. It was designed to be large enough to hold a
garrison of five hundred men. This fort was aban-
doned in 1687, and of the hundred men left there
54

FORT NIAGARA

by Denonville, all but ten perished by disease or in
conflict with the Indians. Charlevoix, the priestly
historian, mentions a blockhouse being on the site
in 1721, and that in 1726 it was the quarters of
some French officers, who strengthened it by add-
ing four bastions. In 1749 it was rebuilt as one of
the chain of forts designed to surround the French
domain as far as the Gulf of Mexico. In 1759, after
an obstinate siege, the fort capitulated to General
Johnson. One of the English officers. General Lee,
writing at that time to a friend in New York, gives a
glowing description of the fort and its surroundings.
He ends his letter thus: "I am afraid you will
think I am growing romantic, therefore shall only
say it is such a paradise and such an acquisition to
our nation that I would not sacrifice it to redeem
the dominion of any one electoral province of Ger-
many from the hands of the enemy." In 1763 a
dreadful massacre took place, near the fort, of an
English regiment that fell into an ambuscade of the
Indians while marching alongside the river Nia-
gara to Fort Schlosser, above the falls. Only a few
escaped to tell the tale, and the spot has since been
known as the Devil's Hole. In 1764 peace was
made with the Indians, who, to the number of two
thousand, met Sir William Johnson at the fort, and
agreed to give up to the British four miles on each
side of the river from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario.
In 1783, after the American war, this fort was sur-
rendered by treaty by the British, but on account

55

GENERAL BROCK

of unsettled claims of the United Empire I^oyalists,
whose property had been confiscated, possession
was not given up until 1796, when Fort George
on the western side of the river received its flag,
garrison, guns and stores.

Fort Oswego, on Lake Ontario, almost opposite
Kingston, had also been the centre of many a
bloody struggle in the eighteenth century, when
the French with their Indian allies battled for its
possession, knowing well that to the victor be-
longed the command of the lake.

Of the military posts left to the British in 1803,
Kingston was the largest and most populous of the
Upper Province. It was founded in 1784 on the
site of old Fort Frontenac, and was the main
entrepot between Montreal and the settlements
along the lakes. It was three hundred and seventy-
five miles from Quebec, one hundred and ninety-
five from Montreal, and one hundred and fifty-three
from York. Governor Simcoe had designed to
make the latter a fortified shipping town, but this
had been vetoed by Lord Dorchester who preferred
Kingston for this purpose.

Fort George was on the west bank of the river
Niagara, about a mile from its entrance into Lake
Ontario. It was, in 1803, a low square fort with
earthen ramparts and palisades of cedar. It con-
tained very badly planned loop-holed barracks of
logs, and mounted no heavier metal than nine
pounders. Newark, or Niagara, for it resumed its
56

NEWARK OR NIAGARA

old name in 1798, by act of parliament, was the
village near by, and had enjoyed for a brief period
the distinction of being the capital of the Upper
Province. It lay directly opposite Fort Niagara
where the river is eight hundred and seventy-five
yards wide.

Here the first parliament of Upper Canada met
in 1792, and to add to the glory of the occasion
we are told that a guard of the 26th Cameronians,
then stationed at Fort Niagara, was brought across
the river to escort Governor Simcoe in state to the
opening. Five sessions were held here before the
seat of government was removed to York, and dur-
ing the last years of the eighteenth century Newark
was, next to Kingston, the most flourishing place
in Upper Canada. It was here at Navy Hall that
Governor Simcoe and his wife dispensed their gra-
cious hospitality. Among their distinguished guests
were the Duke of Kent, who rode from their house
to see the famous falls of Niagara, and the Duke de
Rochefoucauld de Liancourt, who wrote a lengthy
account of his visit.

The 5th Regiment and part of the 26th Cam-
eronians were then stationed at Fort Niagara, and
Butler's Rangers and the Queen's Rangers occupied
the barracks at Newark.

The first newspaper in the country, the Upper
Canada Gazette, was published here, and there was
a public library and a court-house and churches
(St. Mark's and St. Andrew's) long before York,

57

GENERAL BROCK

its rival and supplanter across the lake, was pro-
vided with any public buildings. It was Governor
Simcoe who planned Fort George and gave to it
its first rough outlines. In 1803 there was a light-
house on Mississaga Point, at the entrance of the
river near where a fort of that name was after-
wards constructed. A dockyard where many work-
men were employed, was one of the industries of
the place, and here was built and launched in 1792
the first Canadian merchant vessel.

It was in 1783 that there landed on the beach
the first band of Loyalist refugees who left their
homes in the revolted colonies for the sake of king
and country, and who were to be the founders of a
new nation in this wilderness. For more that two
years rations were issued to the poor wanderers from
Fort Niagara and Butler's barracks, but by the
beginning of the new century the thriving farms in
the neighbourhood of Newark showed that the
"hungry years " had passed.

Seven miles higher up the river was Queenston,
a transport post which had, in 1803, grown to be a
village of over a hundred houses with church and
court-house and government stores for the Indian
department. All the goods for the North- West
were landed here from the vessels which brought
them from Kingston, and were then sent by portage
above the falls to Chippawa.

Fort Chippawa, on Lake Erie, a mile and a half
above the falls of Niagara, was the end of the carry-
58

ERIE, AMHERSTBURG, SANDWICH

ing place, and was also a transport post. It was
sixteen miles from Fort George and it had a block-
house and quarters for one officer and thirty-six
men, enclosed with palisades which were much
decayed and useless for defence. Eighteen miles
up the lake was Fort Erie. General Hunter, in 1803,
had planned a new fort at this place as the old one
was in ruins, and had made a report on the subject
to Lord Hobart, the secretary of the colonies, but
this undertaking was not carried out for some years.

Further west at Amherstburg was another poorly
constructed fort This village was the only British
naval station on Lake Erie, and contained over a
hundred houses, with a court-house, and stores for
the Indian department.

The other military post in this district was Sand-
wich, nearly opposite Detroit, and sixteen miles
distant from Amherstburg. There was a mixed
French and English population here, and many
American settlers in the neighbourhood who had
found their way to this lovely and fertile peninsula
— the garden of Canada.

At this time a regiment quartered in Upper
Canada was divided into several parts, sometimes
hundreds of miles asunder. The posts being on the
frontier line, and new roads into the interior of the
United States being constantly opened out, every
facility was afforded for desertion. The pay of the
British soldier was small, the discipline enforced at
that time very severe, and by the insidious work of

59

GENERAL BROCK

agents from the neighbouring republic, desertions
became very frequent.

Soon after Brock's arrival in Upper Canada, six
men of a company of the 49th stationed at York,
listened to the tempting proposals held out to them,
and with a corporal of the 41st who had been left
there in charge of some work, set off across the
lake for Niagara. The news of their desertion was
brought to Colonel Brock at midnight by the ser-
geant of the guard. With the promptness that al-
ways marked his actions he immediately ordered a
boat to be manned by a sergeant and twelve privates
of the light company, and with them he started on
a night journey across Lake Ontario, a distance of
thirty miles.

After a hard pull of eight hours they reached
their destination and a search along the shore was
made. A few miles from Fort Niagara on the
American shore, the renegades were found. They
were brought back to York and afterwards con-
fined in the prison cells at Fort George. General
Hunter found fault with the midnight expedition
across the lake, as he thought the risk Brock had
taken in crossing in a small open boat was too
great. It was not, however, likely that a Guernsey
man, inured to the perils of the coast of the
Channel Islands, would hesitate to cross Lake On-
tario on a summer night. Even if the dangers had
been greater. Colonel Brock was not one to shirk
his duty.
60

CONSPIRACY AT FORT GEORGE

Once again he was called upon to undertake
another expedition to enforce discipline, and again
the strong arm and cool brain were needed. This
time it was not desertion alone he had to cope with,
but a very serious mutiny among the troops quar-
tered at Fort George, under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Sheaffe, who, by his severe
discipline had rendered himself very unpopular.
The plan of the mutineers, as was afterwards dis-
covered, was to place the officers in the cells, then
to march to Queenston and cross the river into
the state of New York. It was said too that the
murder of Colonel Sheaffe was contemplated. The
discovery of the plot was accidental. A servant of
an officer of the Royal Artillery was met on the
common by a soldier of the 49th, named Fitz-
patrick, who asked him the hour. On being told
Fitzpatrick exclaimed, " Thank God, I will not be
too late for roll call ; if I were that tyrant would
give me knapsack drill for a week, but — " with an
oath he muttered some threatening words and ran
off to the fort. The servant reported the con-
versation to his master who immediately told
Colonel Sheaffe. Fitzpatrick was sent for and
questioned. On examination he showed such symp-
toms of guilt that he was put in a cell in the guard-
room. Another soldier named Daly confessed to the
conspiracy, and said that he had entered into it by
the persuasion of Sergeant Clarke of the 49th who
had told him that he and his wife and children

61

GENERAL BROCK

would be much more comfortable in the United
States than in the regiment.

SheafFe sent immediate word of the conspiracy
to Colonel Brock, who was then at York. The
latter lost no time in hastening to the scene.
The mutiny of the Nore in 1796 had taught him
that promptness and decision were necessary to
prevent an appalling disaster. This was no time
for half measures, when the mother country was at
war in Europe, and when a wily neighbour was
undermining the allegiance of His Majesty's forces
in America. Stern and quick must be the remedy.
The vessel that brought him the news took him
quickly over the lake, and, unannounced, he landed
on the beach below the town and walked to the
fort. The sentry on duty soon recognized the com-
manding figure of the colonel and called out the
guard, which was commanded, as it happened, by
the very sergeant who had been suspected as the
instigator of the conspiracy. It was all the work of
a few moments. As the guard shouldered arms the
sergeant was ordered to come forward and lay down
his pike, and to take off his sword and sash. As soon
as this was done a corporal named O'Brien was told
to bring a pair of handcuffs and put them on the
sergeant who was then marched off to the cells.
Then came the corporal's turn, for he too was one
of those implicated, and in obedience to the stern
command his arms and accoutrements were also
laid down, and a soldier was ordered to handcuff
62

THE SENTENCE

him and convey him also to the cells. Brock then
sent a young officer to arrest the other malcontents.
Twelve men in all were put in irons and sent off to
York together with the seven deserters who had
been arrested some weeks before.

General Hunter directed that their trial should
take place at Quebec. They were found guilty
and four of the mutineers and three of the deserters
were condemned to be shot. The extreme rigour of
their commanding officer, Colonel Sheaffis, was the
only plea they made in extenuation of their crime.
The sentence was carried out on March 2nd, 1804,
at Quebec. The unfortunate men declared publicly
that had they continued under the command of
Colonel Brock they would have escaped their mel-
ancholy end.

At York, when the letter came announcing the
execution, the colonel ordered every man under
arms, that he might read to them its contents. He
then addressed them and said : — "Since I have had
the honour to wear the British uniform I have
never felt grief like this. It pains me to the heart
to think that any member of my regiment should
have engaged in a conspiracy which has led to their
being shot like so many dogs. . . " We are told that
the soldiers who saw the glistening tear and heard
the faltering voice of their colonel were so moved
by the touching scene that there was not a dry eye
among them.

After this melancholy affair Brock assumed com-

68

GENERAL BROCK

mand at Fort George, and all complaints and
desertions instantly ceased. He put into practice
the more humane methods of treating the com-
mon soldier that he had learned in the school
of Abercromby and Stewart. The men were al-
lowed, under proper restrictions, to visit the town
freely. It was no longer a crime to fish in fatigue
dress, and even the sport of shooting the wild
pigeons that were in such abundance was allowed,
with the proviso that the men should provide their
own powder and shot. Under Colonel SheafFe's dis-
cipline the four black holes were always full, but
now under a milder rule complaints were unknown.

The mutiny, however, had made such an impres-
sion on Colonel Brock that he sought a remedy for
the evils that had occasioned it, and his ideas on
the subject were embodied in a report which he
subsequently sent to the Duke of York.

During the long winter months of 1803-4 at Fort
George he had the opportunity of visiting many of
the new settlers in the country. He found that with-
out any special merit, they had obtained large grants
of land, although some of them had even taken
part against England in the revolutionary war. Land
at that time was of so little value that on condition
of settling, any person, by paying a fee of sixpence
an acre, could obtain a grant of two hundred acres.

In order to improve the prospects of soldiers in
Canada, Brock, in his report, recommended the
establishment of a corps of veterans, who would by
64

BROCK'S REPORT

long and faithful service be deserving of the most
liberal protection and favour. The men, he thought,
might be selected in the first instance from veteran
corps already established, and afterwards they might
be selected impartially from every regiment in the
service. Every year men were discharged who could
with propriety be recommended for this corps. Ten
companies, each of sixty rank and file with the
usual proportion of officers, might be distributed at
St. Johns, Chambly, Kingston, York, Fort George
and its dependencies, Amherstburg and St. Joseph.
Colonel Brock gave a scale of the number of years
each soldier should serve in the veteran battaUon
proportionate to his length of former service. On
their discharge he suggested that the men should
be located on a large tract of land on the river
Credit (west of York) which had been purchased
by Lieutenant-Governor Hunter from the Missis-
saga Indians. He also recommended that they
should be furnished with implements of husbandry
and rations for a short period. He concluded with
these words : — " I have considered the subject only
in a military point of view ; the advantages arising
from the introduction of a number of men into the
country attached to government by ties of interest
and gratitude and already acquainted with the use
of arms, are too obvious in a political light to need
any comment. It is highly gratifying to observe the
comfortable state of the Loyalists, who, in the year
1784, obtained small tracts of land in Upper Canada.

65

GENERAL BROCK

Their conduct and principles form a striking con-
trast to those practised and professed generally by
the settlers of 1793."

There is no doubt that Colonel Brock was right
in his estimate of the character of some of the
recent settlers in Upper Canada. They had come,
not as Loyalists because they wished to live under
the English flag, but because of the easy terms on
which they could obtain grants of land. They were
still at heart citizens of the United States, and
openly sympathized with that country. They formed
a rather troublesome element in the beginning of
the war of 1812, but were gradually weeded out in
the struggle that "tried men's hearts."

It was not only in theory that Brock endeavoured
to ameliorate the condition of the soldier. He was
ever ready with advice and assistance to those
under him. One instance may be given in his treat-
ment of Fitz Gibbon, the young sergeant-major of
the 49th, in whom he took much interest, and who
said he owed everything to him. He tells the story
that when stationed at York in 1803, Colonel
Brock told him he intended to recommend him for
the adjutancy of the regiment, and said: "I not
only desire to procure a commission for you, but I
also wish that you should qualify yourself to take
your position among gentlemen. Here are my
books; make good use of them." He often wrote,
he said, to the colonel's dictation, and thereby
learnt much that was useful to him in after life.
66

A SOLDIER'S DICTIONARY

Another reminiscence of the sergeant-major gives
a trait of Brock's character that was predominant
throughout his career. One day he asked Fitz Gibbon
why he had not carried out some order, and re-
ceived for answer that it was impossible to execute
it. "By the Lord Harry, sir," said the colonel in
wrath, "do not tell me it is impossible. Nothing
should be impossible to a soldier; the word * impos-
sible' should not be found in a soldier's dictionary."

Some time after, at Quebec, when the sergeant-
major was an ensign, he was ordered to take a
fatigue party to the bateau guard, and bring round to
the Lower Town twenty bateaux to embark troops
for Montreal. The tide had fallen and there were
two hundred yards of mud over which it looked
impossible to drag the bateaux, which were large,
heavy, flat boats. He thought he would return, but
it suddenly occurred to him that the colonel would
ask: "Did you try?" He therefore gave the word,
"Front!" and said to the soldiers: "I think it im-
possible for us to put these bateaux afloat, but you
know it will not do for me to tell Colonel Brock so,
unless we try it. Let us therefore try. There are the
boats. I am sure if it be possible for men to put
them afloat you will do it. Go at them." In half an
hour the work was done. Thus the indomitable
spirit of the commander was infused into the men
who served under him.

67

CHAPTER VII

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR

IN 1805 Brock was again quartered in Quebec.
In August of that year, General Hunter, the
acting Heutenant-governor of Upper Canada and
commander-in-chief was taken ill and died at
Quebec, just after the departure on leave of Sir
Robert Milnes. His death placed both provinces in
a peculiar position. There was neither a governor,
commander-in-chief, nor lieutenant-governor in the
Canadas. Nor was there a chief justice, for Chief
Justice Elmsley, who had succeeded Osgoode at
Quebec, had died rather suddenly, while Chief
Justice Cochrane, who had taken the former's place
in Upper Canada, had been drowned with the
solicitor-general and other members of the court by
the foundering of the Speedy in Lake Ontario.
The country was therefore deprived of almost all
its leading officials. To meet the emergency Colonel
Bowes of the 6th Regiment, as senior officer, had
assumed the military authority and Mr. Thomas
Dunn, president of the council, had been appointed
civil administrator on the departure of Sir Robert
Milnes. In Upper Canada, Mr. Peter Russell, senior
councillor, called a meeting of the legislative coun-
cil, and Mr. Alexander Grant, better known as

69

GENERAL BROCK

Commodore Grant, was chosen acting lieutenant-
governor. Alexander Grant was a native of Inver-
ness, Scotland, and had served in Amherst's army,
under whom he had been appointed to command a
small fleet on Lake Erie. His home was at Grosse
Point, above Detroit.

In October, 1805, Lieutenant-Colonel Brock was
made a full colonel and shortly afterwards returned
to England on leave. While there he seized the
opportunity to lay before the Duke of York, then
commander-in-chief, the scheme he had drawn up
for the improvement of the army in Canada. The
report was favourably received and some of its
recommendations were afterwards carried out.

During the absence of Brock in Canada, some
changes had come to his family. His eldest brother
John, the brevet lieutenant-colonel of the 8Ist, and
a soldier of great promise, had been killed in 1801
in a duel at the Cape of Good Hope. The second
brother had long before been killed in service at
Baton Rouge, on the Mississippi. The third brother,
Daniel de Lisle, was now a very important man in
Guernsey. In 1795 he had been elected a jurat of
the royal court and had been sent as its representa-
tive to London in connection with the trade and
certain ancient privileges of the island. He was
afterwards for many years Ueutenant-bailiff or chief
magistrate of Guernsey. The next brother, William,
was a merchant residing in London and engaged in
trade with the Baltic. He was married but had no
70

EVENTS IN EUROPE, 1804-5

children, and had taken the keenest interest in his
brother Isaac s career, advancing the money when
it was required for his various steps. Savery Brock,
younger than Isaac, was the one whose exploits
have been already related. Irving, the next brother,
had literary tastes, was a clever translator, and a
writer of pamphlets, some of which were of great
merit. The two sisters were both married. EUzabeth
to John E. Tupper, of Guernsey; Mary to Thomas
Potenger, of Compton, Berkshire. Isaac Brock
was tenderly devoted to his family as his many
letters show, and his sojourn once more among
them filled his heart with joy.

The years 1804-5 had been eventful ones in
Europe. In May, 1804, the first consul had been
made by "the grace of God and the constitution of
the republic," emperor of the French, and hence-
forth dropped the name of Bonaparte for that of
Napoleon. He was crowned on December 2nd
at Paris by the Pope, and afterwards at Milan as
king of Italy. In England Pitt was once more
at the helm as prime minister.

During the summer of 1805 Napoleon had as-
sembled a large force on the shores of the English
Channel with a flotilla at Boulogne, and had given
to this force the significant name of the ** Army of
England." The invasion of that country and the
plunder of London were confidently talked of
among his soldiers.

Austria was in vain remonstrating against his

71

GENERAL BROCK

occupation of Italy, while the czar of Russia and
Gustavus of Sweden were also protesting against
his encroachments on the territory of the weaker
powers. A new coalition was now formed against
him of England, Russia, Austria and Sweden.
Prussia remained neutral. General Mack, who had
shown his incapacity in 1798, was unfortunately
placed at the head of the Austrian army, while
the more capable Archduke Charles commanded in
Italy where General Massena led the French army.
With one of those sudden coups for which he was
famous, Napoleon withdrew his "Army of England"
to march to the Rhine and ordered other troops from
Holland, France and Hanover to meet them there.
This formed what was called the "Grand Army,"
commanded in person by the emperor. No coalition
was able to withstand his victorious progress.

But England held the sea. On October 17th,
1805, General Mack was surrounded at Ulm, and
surrendered with two hundred thousand men. The
French entered Vienna on November 15th. The
Russian army under the Emperor Alexander in
person had assembled in Moravia. Being joined by
some Austrian divisions it amounted to about
eighty thousand men. Then came the great battle
of Austerlitz on December 2nd. Both armies were
about equal in numbers but the Russians extended
their line too much. The slaughter among the allies
was terrific and thousands were drowned trying to
cross the half frozen lakes in the rear.
72

THREATENING NEWS

"Roll up the map of Europe," said the dying
Pitt, when he heard of these disasters, " it will not
be wanted these ten years." After his crushing
defeat the czar had an interview with Napoleon
when an armistice was agreed upon and the Rus-
sians were allowed to return to their own country.
On December 27th peace was signed between
Austria and France, the former giving up Dalmatia
and the Venetian provinces to Italy.

While these events were occurring in Europe
the feeling in the United States against England
was becoming more and more bitter. The news
from America was so threatening that Colonel
Brock, who was in Guernsey, determined to go
back to Canada before the expiration of his leave.
He left London, never to return, on June 26th,
1806, and sailed from Cork in the Lady Saumarez^
a Guernsey vessel well manned and armed as a
letter of marque bound to Quebec. His sister wrote
on the 27th, "Isaac left town last evening for
Milford Haven. Dear fellow ; Heaven knows when
we shall see him again !"

At the time of Brock's second arrival in Canada
the civil government of the Lower Province was still
administered by President Dunn,^ but as Colonel
Bowes of the 6th Regiment had given up his com-
mand in order to go on active service in Europe,
Colonel Brock succeeded to the command of the

^ Dunn used the title of president in virtue of his position in the
council. He was at this time acting governor.

78

GENERAL BROCK

troops in both provinces. Eight companies of the
49th were at this time quartered in Quebec under
the command of Lieutenant-Colonel SheafFe.^ The
latter had learned a lesson from the melancholy
affair of the mutiny at Fort George, and Colonel
Brock reported on the good order and discipline
that prevailed in the garrison.

Besides the 49th there was quartered in Quebec
part of the 100th Regiment, consisting then nearly
altogether of raw recruits. The men were mostly
Protestants from the North of Ireland, robust,
active and good looking, and Brock reported that
the order and discipline of so young a corps was
remarkable. They were under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Murray. A terrible disaster had
overtaken the regiment the year before. On its way
to Quebec on October 21st, 1805 (the day that the
battle of Trafalgar was fought) it was wrecked off
the coast of Newfoundland. Major Bertram, three
captains, six lieutenants, the assistant surgeon and
about two hundred men perished. Part of the 100th
was now quartered in Montreal under Major Ham-
ilton. The 41st Regiment was scattered throughout
Upper Canada at Kingston, Fort George, Am-
herstburg and St. Joseph. Lieutenant-Colonel Proc-
ter commanded at Fort George.

^ A contemporary said of Lieutenant-Colonel SheaiFe : — " He was
kind^ benevolent and reli^ous, but these sentiments were, in his early
days, nearly, if not entirely overruled by his extreme ideas of military
authority. "

74

FORTIFICATIONS OF QUEBEC

The first thing that occupied Colonel Brock's at-
tention in his new position as commander-in-chief was
the repair of the fortifications of Quebec. Something
had been done to restore them in Sir Guy Carleton's
time, and again during the administration of Sir
Robert Prescott, but the walls on the western side
were old and decayed, and not in a condition to
stand a heavy fire. Hospital accommodation was also
needed, and Brock wrote at once to the secretary
of the colonies, the Rt. Hon. Sir W. Wyndham,
representing that the sick had to be placed in hired
houses of the most miserable description, unfitted
to keep out the cold of winter or the heat of
summer. Brock advised the construction of a hos-
pital to cost about three thousand pounds. The
quarters then occupied by the various offices of
government, both civil and military, were an exten-
sive building on the opposite side of the square
to that on which stood the old and dilapidated
Chateau St. Louis. The part used by the governors
as a residence contained a suite of apartments
wherein balls and entertainments were given. The
building was of very plain exterior, and formed
part of the curtain that ran between the two
exterior bastions of the old fortress which covered
about four acres of ground. South-west of the
Chateau was an excellent and well-stocked garden ;
for, cold as the winters were, the hot summers
ripened quickly all sorts of fruits and vegetables.
The monastery of the Jesuits near by had been

75

GENERAL BROCK

turned into barracks and was a spacious stone
building three stories high. It had been in former
years surrounded by large and beautiful gardens.
The bishop's palace, too, had been taken over by
the government, and w^as used as offices for the
legislative council, the executive council, and the
House of Assembly. The latter met in v^hat w^as
once the chapel, a room sixty-five feet long by
thirty-six feet wide. Forty acres around Cape
Diamond were reserved for military use. A house,
once the residence of Chief Justice Elmsley, had
been converted into barracks for officers. During
the winter of 1806, Brock occupied himself with
plans for the fortification of Quebec, and a great
deal of correspondence took place on the subject
between him and the acting governor, Mr. Dunn.
He represented to the latter that the reserves of the
Crown were being encroached upon by the inhabi-
tants, and that a great portion of the ground in
question would be required for the erection of new
and extensive works. He referred particularly to
the enclosures and buildings on the glacis in front
of St. John's Gate, and said that if these encroach-
ments were permitted, it might at some future day
endanger the safety of the place.

A long correspondence also took place about a
piece of vacant land that was needed as a parade
ground for the troops, of which there were then
about a thousand in garrison. The ground in ques-
tion was the garden of the Jesuits adjoining the
76

CIVIL OR MILITARY AUTHORITY

barracks, and had been seized by the Crown on the
death of Father Cazot, the last of the order in
Canada. It was a standing grievance with the
French Canadians that this property had been
appropriated by the government. The correspond-
ence between President Dunn and Colonel Brock
was rather a heated one, and the latter laid the case
before the authorities in England. He tells the
story of how he had asked permission of the presi-
dent to use this vacant ground for drilHng the
troops, and how he had cleared it of weeds on the
understanding that the president, although he could
not officially allow it to be converted into a parade
ground, would shut his eyes and not interfere. The
troops had paraded there and at first no notice was
taken, but a few days afterwards a letter was re-
ceived from the acting governor, expressing his dis-
approbation of the proceedings, and denying that
he had given his tacit consent to the measure.
It was one of the not unusual differences of opinion
between the civil and military authorities. Mr.
Dunn had lived for a long time among the in-
habitants of the country, and had to consider
their prejudices.

Brock had his own way, however, for a few years
later a writer mentions these once beautiful gardens
as a place for the exercise of the troops, and laments
the fall of the stately trees that from the foundation
of the city had been the original tenants of the
ground.

77

GENERAL BROCK

At this time, 1807, Mr. Francis Gore was lieu-
tenant-governor of Upper Canada. H'e had entered
the 44th Regiment as an ensign in 1787 when
eighteen years of age, and had been quartered as a
subaltern with Isaac Brock, both in Jersey and
Guernsey. Fate had once more thrown them to-
gether. After the peace of Amiens in 1802, Gore
had retired from the army, but when hostilities had
broken out again he was appointed inspecting field
officer of volunteers with the rank of lieutenant-
colonel. He succeeded so well in his new position
that Pitt made him governor of Bermuda, and from
that post he succeeded General Hunter as lieu-
tenant-governor of Upper Canada. He did not,
however, supersede Colonel Brock as commander-
in-chief, and military returns were sent from the
Upper Province to Quebec during the winter by
Indians hired for this purpose. Sometimes it took
months for communications between the two pro-
vinces. There was also some correspondence about
Indian affairs, and Colonel Brock announced that
although his predecessor. Colonel Bowes, had given
directions about the management of Indians in
Upper Canada, he intended himself to follow His
Majesty's instructions of 1796, and leave the sole
control of Indian affairs in that province to the
lieutenant-governor.

As soon as Colonel Brock assumed command of
the troops he found it necessary to look into the
accounts of the deputy commissary-general. They
78

STRICT ACCOUNTS

were in great confusion, a sum of thirty-six thou-
sand three hundred and fifty pounds sterling not
being accounted for. The commissary when called
upon to explain the large deficit objected to the
rank of Colonel Brock, and wrote that he did not
think any authority then in Canada was competent
to give orders by which his duties and responsi-
bilities under the instructions of the lords commis-
sioners of His Majesty's treasury could be in any
manner altered. Colonel Brock looked upon his
position as commander-in-chief in a different light,
and replied: — "In respect to the last paragraph
of your letter, relating to the two characters (the
president of Lower, and the lieutenant-governor
of Upper Canada), whom you consider as more
competent than myself to exercise authority, it
will be time to investigate the question when either
of them shall express a wish to assume the com-
mand, but in the meantime I shall exercise it with
promptitude and decision."

There certainly was need for an enquiry, for it
was found that no examination had been made in
the stores account since 1788, nor in the fuel ac-
count since 1796. The enquiry resulted in the
retirement of the officer in charge, who was found
to be insolvent. Colonel Brock was most careful
and precise himself in money affairs, and required
all those under him to be rigidly correct in the
expenditure of the public money.

He writes in January, 1807, to Colonel Glasgow,

79

GENERAL BROCK

president of the board of accounts: — "I have to
request the board to continue diligently to ascertain
the sufficiency of every authority for expenditure

before it sanctions the smallest charge When

expense is incurred without the most urgent cause,
and more particularly when large sums are stated
to have been expended in anticipation of services
not yet authorized, my duty strictly compels me
to withhold my approval to all such irregular pro-
ceedings."

There was another and very important branch of
the service in Canada which required supervision,
namely, the marine department, and it was to
Brock's foresight that Great Britain owed her su-
premacy of the lakes when the war of 1812 broke
out. He ordered the building and outfitting of ves-
sels and bateaux for the lakes and rivers of both the
Upper and Lower Province. He also directed that
an assistant quartermaster-general should be sta-
tioned at Amherstburg and another at Kingston,
the former to superintend the repairs and stores of
the boats on Lake Erie, the latter those on Lake On-
tario. Colonel Brock ordered the following number
of boats to be kept in constant repair at the several
military posts: At Quebec, six; Three Rivers, two;
Fort William Henry, four; Montreal, seven; St.
Johns, two; Kingston, four; Fort George, twelve;
York, three; Amherstburg, four.

In September, 1806, Charles Fox, who had al-
ways been friendly and conciliatory in his dealings
80

THE BERLIN DECREES

with the United States, died, and what w^as known
as "The ministry of all the talents" was dissolved.
Early in 1807, the Duke of Portland's ministry
was formed, of which Spencer Perceval and George
Canning were the leading spirits. In France, Tal-
leyrand was still foreign minister, although his
influence was waning, and he no longer approved
of Napoleon's methods. He had been foreign minis-
ter under the Directory when he attached himself
to the growing power of the First Consul; and
while the great diplomat remained at his side.
Napoleon's career was one of continued success.
Soon after this date, as Prince of Benevento,
Talleyrand disappears from the field of politics.

In America, Jefferson was assisted in his second
administration by Madison and Gallatin, while Mon-
roe and Pinkney and Armstrong were his ministers
abroad.

News came early in 1807 of Napoleon's further
triumphs. The victories of Jena and Auerstadt fol-
lowed Austerlitz, and on October 27th Napoleon
entered Berlin, and from that city on November 2nd
issued the famous Berlin decrees against British
commerce. They began by charging that England
disregarded the law of nations, that she made non-
combatants prisoners of war, confiscated private
property, blockaded unfortified harbours and con-
sidered places as blockaded although she had not a
single ship before them.

By the Berlin decrees it was proclaimed that the

8X

GENERAL BROCK

British Isles were in a state of blockade. Inter-
course with them was prohibited. All British sub-
jects within French authority were to be held as
prisoners of war. All British property, private and
public, was declared prize of war. No British ships
were to be admitted to any port of France or her
allies. Every vessel eluding this rule was to be
confiscated. These decrees not only affected Eng-
land but struck at the roots of neutral rights and
of American commerce with Europe. The motive
was obvious. Stung by his repeated defeats at sea,
and unable to cope with his great enemy on the
ocean, Napoleon had turned his attention to the
utter destruction of the trade of Great Britain. At
this moment the latter had not one ally on the
continent of Europe.

The treaty with America that had been under
consideration for some time, had been signed in
London by Monroe and Pinkney on behalf of the
United States. It had, however, been repudiated by
the president, and the unfriendly feeling towards
England had been still further increased by the
affair of the Leopard and Chesapeake on June 21st,
1807. This arose from the desertion in March of
certain seamen from the sloop Halifax commanded
by Lord Townshend, while lying in Hampton
Roads, Virginia. One of its boats and five men with
a petty officer had been sent on some duty. The men
rose against their officer, and threatened to throw
him overboard. They then rowed to shore, landed at
82

" LEOPARD * AND " CHESAPEAKE

Norfolk, Virginia, and immediately enlisted on
board the Chesapeake. On a formal demand being
made for the men to be given up, the municipal
authorities refused to interfere, although in similar
cases of desertion at Gibraltar and elsewhere, British
municipal assistance had been rendered to the
United States. Three deserters from H.M.S. Mel-
ampus were also alleged to have enlisted on the
Chesapeake.

On June 21st, the Leopard, under command of
Captain Humphrey met the Chesapeake^ under
the command of Commodore Barron, and demand-
ed the British deserters who were on board. On the
latter's refusal to have his crew mustered, the
Leopard fired a broadside doing considerable dam-
age. The Chesapeake, not being in a condition to
resist, then struck, and the captain offered to give
her up as a prize, which Captain Humphrey re-
fused, saying that he had executed the order of
his commander and had nothing more to do. Four
deserters were brought as prisoners on board the
Leopard, two more were killed by her fire and one
jumped overboard. The responsibility for the order
rested on Admiral Berkeley, then stationed at
Halifax.

Intense excitement was caused by this event and
the president issued a proclamation ordering all
armed British vessels to depart from the harbours
of the United States. In England, Canning, who
was then secretary of war, had some correspondence

83

GENERAL BROCK

on the subject with Monroe, the American repre-
sentative. The British minister expressed regret
and offered to make reparation if it should be
proved such was due. Monroe, in pursuance of his
instructions, demanded that the men taken from
the Chesapeake should be restored, the offenders
punished, that a special mission should be sent
to the United States to announce the reparation,
and that all impressment from merchant vessels
should cease. Canning absolutely refused to con-
sider the latter clause. He also asked whether the
proclamation of the president as to British ships
of war was authentic, or would be withdrawn on
the disavowal of the act which led to it. The
nationality of the men seized, he added, must also
be considered, not in justification of their seizure,
but in the estimate of the redress asked. As to
impressment. Canning said, the mode of regulating
the practice might be considered, but if Monroe's
instructions left him no discretion it was useless to
discuss the matter.

Then followed a proclamation by the govern-
ment regarding the desertion of British seamen.
Naval officers were ordered to seize them from
merchant vessels without unnecessary violence. All
who returned to their allegiance would be par-
doned. Those who served on ships of war at en-
mity with Great Britain, would be punished with
extreme severity.

Just before this proclamation was issued the Non-
84

THE EMBARGO

importation Act, which had been passed in April by-
congress, came into force. Then followed the presi-
dent's embargo on United States vessels/ which con-
tinued all through 1808. In the meantime Admiral
Berkeley had been recalled, though public opinion
in England took his side, and recognized the right
of search in ships of war for seamen who had
deserted in order to enlist in the United States
service. As to the Chesapeake affair, Mr. Rose,
vice-president of the board of trade, was sent
by Canning to negotiate at Washington. He was
empowered to state that the three men taken
were to be discharged, but the right was re-
served of reclaiming from American vessels such
as were proved to be deserters or natural born
subjects of England. As the attack had been
disavowed an allowance would be made to the
widows and orphans of those killed who could be
proved not to be British subjects ; no severe pro-
ceedings were asked to be taken against Com-
modore Barron, but a demand was to be made for
the formal disavowal on the part of his government
of his conduct in encouraging deserters. Negotia-
tions failed, however, as neither party would yield
on several important points, such as power of im-
pressment, the president's proclamation and the

^ Erskine, the British minister at Washington, wrote officially that
President Jefferson's embargo was not intended as a measure of hos-
tility against Great Britain, but as a precaution against the capture of
United States vessels by France.

85

GENERAL BROCK

disavowal of Commodore Barron's action. The Ches-
apeake affair therefore remained as an unadjusted
national dispute.

All through that year on the borders of Canada
the expectation was that muttered threats would
turn to blows, and that those who would defend
the land must make ready. In Quebec, Brock, who
was still in command, aided the administration by
zeal and energy, and used all the resources in his
power to make the fortress of Quebec impregnable.
In August the militia were called out, one fifth to
be prepared to march wherever required. In spite
of the opinions expressed by some of the English
officials, the French Canadians turned out with
alacrity. Secretary Ryland, their bitter enemy, was
one who expressed himself as doubtful of their
loyalty. Colonel Brock wrote in reply that he was
not prepared to hear that the population of the
province, instead of affording him ready and effec-
tual support, might probably add to the number of
his enemies. He was confident that should an
emergency arise, voluntary offers of service would
be made by a considerable number of brave and
loyal subjects. "Even now," he said, "several
gentlemen are ready to come forward and enrol
into companies, men whose fidelity can be re-
Ued on."

The administrator, Mr. Dunn, also expressed
himself as confident of the loyalty of the French
Canadians. He wrote this testimony as to their
86

FRENCH CANADIAN LOYALTY

conduct, **The president also feels himself justified
in asserting that a more ardent devotion to His
Majesty's person and government had never been
witnessed in any part of the British dominions."
Monseigneur Plessis, the CathoHc Bishop of Que-
bec, was always a staunch supporter of English
rule. In common with the majority of the priests
and leading Roman Catholics, he probably feared
that their church would be more in danger if the
"Bastonais" as they were called, became masters
of the country than if it remained under England.
The Bishop's mandevient to his flock emphasized
his loyalty : — " You have not waited until this pro-
vince should be menaced by an invasion nor even
until war should be declared, to give proofs of your
zeal and of your good-will in the public service. At
a suspicion even, at the first appearance of a rupture
with the neighbouring states, you have acted as it
was your duty to do — ready to undertake anything,
to sacrifice everything, rather than to expose your-
selves to a change of government, or to lose the
inestimable advantage that your present condition
assures to you." In every parish, as fathers and sons
mustered for service, Te Deums were sung and
Psalms were chanted, and all along the banks of
the St. Lawrence the people of an alien tongue and
race and religion rallied round the standard of the
English king.

87

CHAPTER VIII
OLD QUEBEC

CAPE DIAMOND, or the rock of Quebec,
rises sheer from the river St. Lawrence to a
height of three hundred and forty-five feet. The
citadel on its highest point presented in the begin-
ing of the nineteenth century a formidable com-
bination of powerful works, whence a strong wall,
supported by small batteries in different places, ran
to the edge of the precipice, along which it was
continued to the gateway leading to the Lower
Town. This gateway was defended by heavy can-
non, and the approach to it, up Mountain Street,
was both enfiladed and flanked by many guns of
large calibre. Thence a line of defence connected
with the grand battery, a work of great strength,
armed with a formidable train of 24-pounders,
and commanding the basin and passage of the
river, which was here eighteen hundred and thirty-
seven yards broad. From the battery another line
was carried on beyond the Hope and Palace Gates,
both of which were protected by similar defences
to those of the Lower Town Gate until the line
formed a junction with the bastion of the Coteau
de Palais.^ In the Lower Town, on the west side of

^ Bouchette'a "Topography of Canada."

89

GENERAL BROCK

St. Nicholas Street, were, in 1808, the ruins of the
intendant's palace, once of much importance. In
1775 its ruin was completed, for when the Ameri-
cans under Arnold blockaded the city, they estab-
lished a body of troops in it, but were dislodged
from their quarters by shells, which set it on fire
and nearly consumed it.

The Castle of St. Louis was of stone, built near
the edge of the precipice about a hundred feet
below the summit of the cape, and two hundred
and fifty feet above the river. It was supported
towards the steep side by a solid work of masonry,
rising nearly half the height of the edifice, and was
surrounded by a spacious gallery which gave a most
commanding view of the river and surrounding
country. The Chateau was a hundred and sixty-two
feet long, forty-five feet broad, and three stories
high. In the direction of the cape it had the appear-
ance of being much more lofty. It was built shortly
after Quebec was fortified in 1721, but was neg-
lected for a number of years, suffered to go to
decay, and had long ceased to be the residence of
the governor-general. At the time when Brock was
commandant it was used only for government
offices, but in 1808 parliament passed a resolution
for repairing and beautifying it, and seven thousand
pounds were voted for the purpose. An additional
sum of seven thousand pounds was, however, re-
quired to complete the work.

Sir James Craig was the first who occupied it
90

SIR JAMES CRAIG

after its restoration. It was in October, 1807, that
this veteran officer arrived in Canada as governor-
general and commander-in-chief. He was then about
fifty-eight years of age, and had been constantly on
service since the age of fifteen, when he entered the
army. He had served in Canada in 1775 during the
invasion of Montgomery and Arnold, and had been
in command of the troops that had pursued the
Americans in their disastrous retreat. He had been
engaged afterwards under Burgoyne throughout his
unfortunate campaign, and in the after events of
the Revolutionary War. In 1794 he became a
major-general, and was, the following year, at the
capture of the Cape of Good Hope. He then did
good service in India, and was promoted to be
lieutenant-general in 1801. In 1802 he was placed
in charge of the eastern district in England, and
in 1805 was sent to the Mediterranean, where his
health broke down. Believing that he had recovered
he accepted the position of governor-general of
Canada. In many respects it was an unfortunate
appointment, for, experienced as he was in military
affairs, he was lacking in tact and political know-
ledge, and he came to the country prejudiced to
an unreasonable extent against the majority of the
people he had come to govern. He had an utter
disbelief in the loyalty of the French Canadians,
and his treatment of them bore bitter fruit in after
years. It was owing partly to his mistaken policy
that the misunderstandings and ill-feeling arose

91

GENERAL BROCK

which led ultimately to the rebellion of 1837. His
views were strengthened by the hitherto veiled
opinions of most of the official class in Quebec,
and the constant daily machinations of Ryland,
who filled again, as in preceding administrations,
the post of private secretary to the governor, and
clerk of the council. Ryland was certainly not
a very suitable secretary for the governor of a
country whose inhabitants were largely French and
Catholic. In one of his letters the secretary wrote
that he despised and hated the Catholic religion, for
it degraded and embruted human reason, and be-
came the curse of every country wherein it existed.
His pet scheme, to which he tried to commit the
governor, was to break the power of the Roman
Catholic church by taking away its endowments,
and by making the priesthood dependent on execu-
tive authority.

Late in 1806 a newspaper named Le Canadien
had made its appearance in Quebec. It was pub-
lished in French, and bore for its motto: *^Nos in-
stitutions, notre langue, et nos his" There was little
or no antagonism between the French and English
inhabitants of the province when it was founded,
and its constitution simply claimed the freedom of
British subjects, or in its own language, "ia liberty
dun Anglais, qui est a present celled' un Canadien"
The newspaper, however, appealed to race pre-
judices. It was the organ of the majority of the
legislative assembly, and claimed for that assembly
92

THE NEWSPAPERS

a power that was not given to it by the constitu-
tion. The Quebec Gazette, the Quebec Mercury,
and the Montreal Gazette had hitherto been the only-
newspapers in the province, and the editors of all
had fallen under the displeasure of the assembly,
which had ordered the publisher of the latter to be
arrested, while the editor of the Mercury only
escaped incarceration by offering an apology. The
offence was that these journals had censured the
vote of the majority of the popular assembly on a
jail tax, which was then a burning question. It was
little wonder that the wrath of the Gallo-Canadians
was roused, for in one of its articles the Mercury
thus expressed its opinion: "This province is far too
French for a British colony. Whether we be in a
state of peace or war, it is absolutely necessary that
we exert all our efforts, by every avowable means,
to oppose the increase of the French and the aug-
mentation of their influence. After forty-seven years
possession, it is now fitting that the province be-
come truly British."

Sir James Craig's first duty on his arrival was,
of course, to consider the defence of Canada, for
the hostile feeling in the United States was still
growing, and had been increased by the orders-in-
council that England had passed in November
in retaliation for the Berlin decrees. These orders
refused to neutrals the right of trading from one
hostile port to another, and bore heavily upon the
profitable carrying trade of the United States.

93

GENERAL BROCK

Before Sir James Craig's arrival, Brock had peti-
tioned the government for the means to place the
fortifications of Quebec in what he considered a
proper condition. He said he would require from
six hundred to one thousand men every day for six
weeks or two months to complete the defences.
From the correspondence it is shown that the
president-in-council considered that embodying the
militia according to law was all that the civil gov-
ernment could undertake to do. Brock wrote to
Colonel Gordon on September 6th, 1807, that he
was expecting hostilities to break out at any mo-
ment, and that President Dunn had taken no
precautionary measures except to order one-fifth of
the militia — about ten thousand men — to be in
readiness to march on the shortest notice. In spite
of the lack of cooperation on the part of the gov-
ernment, repairs and additions had been made to
the fortifications under Colonel Brock's superin-
tendence. Amongst other things, he had caused
a battery of eight 86-pounders to be raised six-
teen feet upon the "cavalier" in the centre of the
citadel, so as to command the opposite heights.
This was known at first as "Brock's Battery," but
the name was afterwards altered by Sir James
Craig to "King's Battery." "Thinking," as Brock
good-humouredly writes to his brother, "that any-
thing so very preeminent should be distinguished
by the most exalted appellation — the greatest
compliment that he could pay my judgment."
94

MILITARY SERVICE

Volunteering was going on with spirit as the
following letter from Brock to his friend James
Cuthbert, of Berthier,^ shows. He writes October
12th, 1807 : — "You may well suppose that the
principal subject of conversation at headquarters is
the military state of the country. I have been care-
ful, in justice to you, to mention to Sir James
Craig the public spirit you have manifested in
forming a company from among the inhabitants
of your seigniory, without the least pecuniary or
other assistance from government. You must be
aware that in any future general arrangement it
will become an essential object with government to
secure a more substantial hold on the service of the

^ The James Ross Cuthbert of this letter was the son of the Hon.
James Cuthbert who had served in the navy as lieutenant of the flag-
ship at the siege of Carthagena, in 1721. He afterwards entered the
42nd Regiment on its formation. He was present in the 15th Regiment
at the capture of Louisbourg and served under Wolfe at Quebec, carry-
ing to England the despatches of Brigadier-General Murray to whom
he was aide-de-camp.

After the conquest, having left the army and become a settler in
Canada, he was appointed by Lord Dorchester one of the members of
the first legislative council. In the invasion of 1775, he was par-
ticularly active in visiting the American camp at Sorel, was taken
prisoner by the Americans and sent in irons to Albany. During his
absence they burned his manor house and destroyed his property. Hia
son, James Ross Cuthbert, married an American, a daughter of Doctor
Rush, of Philadelphia. A sister of this lady was married to a Captain
Manners of the 49th.

Brock writes of them both to his sister-in-law in England, begging
her to call on Mrs. Manners, who was then living at Bamet. He says,
" Her sister Mrs. Ross Cuthbert, a charming little creature, makes her
husband, (my most intimate friend and with whom I pass a great part
of my leisure hours) a most happy man."

95

GENERAL BROCK

men than their mere promise, and as it is intended
to give every possible latitude to their prejudices,
and to study in everything their convenience, it is
thought no regulation to that effect can operate to
diminish the number of voluntary offers. As you
have been the first to set such a laudable example,
Sir James thinks it but just that Berthier should
take the lead in any new project he may adopt, and
he desires me to ask your opinion in regard to the
following points." Then followed the proposals of
government with regard to arms, clothing and pay,
and the rank of the officers.

Before the arrival of Sir James Craig, Brock
wrote that voluntary offers of service had been
made by numbers of the inhabitants to form
themselves into corps of cavalry, artillery and
infantry, at little or no expense to government if
they were furnished with arms, but these offers
had not been encouraged by President Dunn. The
fact was, as the minutes of council show, there
were no means at the disposal of the executive for
equipping, arming, and paying troops. The militia,
when embodied, were entitled to receive the same
pay and allowance as the king's troops. The minute
of council reads : — "No funds for this purpose are
at the disposal of the civil government, but have
invariably been provided by the commander-in-
chief of the forces. The civil government is not by
law authorized to provide for the furnishing of
carts or horses for works as proposed."
96

VOLUNTEERS OF GLENGARRY

At this time Lieutenant-Governor Gore had been
supphed with four thousand muskets from the
king's arsenal at Quebec, and with various military-
stores. This left at Quebec only seven thousand
muskets for the militia of Lower Canada. As to
the temper of the militia of the province, Brock
says in a letter to his friend, Colonel Gordon :
"The Canadians have unquestionably shown a great
wilHngness upon this occasion to be trained, and
I make not the least doubt, would oppose with
vigour any invasion of the Americans. How far the
same sentiments would actuate them were a French
force to join I will not undertake to say ; at any
rate I feel that every consideration of prudence and
policy ought to determine me to keep in Quebec a
sufficient force to secure its safety. The number of
troops that could be detached would be small,
notwithstanding a great deal might be done, in
conjunction with the militia, in a country inter-
sected in every direction by rivers, deep ravines,
and lined at intervals on both sides of the roads by
thick woods."

Another proposal to raise a volunteer corps among
the Scottish settlers of Glengarry had been made
by Colonel John Macdonell. This was forwarded
by Brock to the secretary of state. Brock strongly
advocated the formation of the corps, as he said at
that time there were only three hundred militia
trained to arms in both the Canadas. He also
advocated the appointment of the Rev. Alexander

97

GENERAL BROCK

Macdonell as chaplain of the corps. The men were all
Highland Catholics, and were very much attached to
him. He had acted as the chaplain of the Glengarry
Fencibles during the rebellion in Ireland in 1796,
who had emigrated to Canada under his leadership in
1803, and had settled in the eastern district of Upper
Canada. Brock thought the corps would be soon
completed and would form a nursery from which
the army might draw a number of hardy recruits.
It was some time, however, before this was done.

At the close of the year 1807, there was a feeling
of greater security in Canada, for public feeling in
the states had calmed. Brock writes on December
13th, to his friend Ross Cuthbert : — ** You will do
me the justice to believe that I did not lose a
moment in laying the clear and satisfactory state-
ment you sent me of the constitution and character
of the volunteer company under your command
before the governor. That something will shortly
be done there is no doubt, although the prevailing
idea here is against a war with our neighbours.
People imagine the Americans will not dare to
engage in the contest, but as I consider their
councils to be directed solely by French influence,
it is impossible to say where it will lead them."

The French influence feared by Brock was still
further to be exercised the following year, when
Napoleon, by every means in his power, endeav-
oured to force on a war between the United States
and Great Britain.
98

CHAPTER IX
AFFAIRS IN EUROPE, 1808

EARLY in 1808, Colonel Brock left Quebec to
take command in Montreal. Shortly after-
wards he was appointed acting brigadier-general by-
Sir James Craig, an appointment which was con-
firmed in September. In a letter to his brother.
Brock wrote that, although General Ferguson had
been newly appointed major-general, he thought he
would not likely come, as was intended, to Canada,
but that he (Brock) would succeed him both in
rank and command at Quebec. Montreal, in 1808,
was both a lively and a hospitable place. The
magnates of the North- West Company were estab-
lished there, and entertained with a lavishness that
was not to be found elsewhere. The fame of the
Beaver Club has remained unrivalled in Canada.

Montreal, the old Ville Marie, once the fortified
Indian stronghold of Hochelaga, was founded in
1642 by Maisonneuve. Soon afterwards the hospital
or Hotel Dieu was established by Madame de
Bouillon, and in 1650, the cathedral of Notre Dame
was founded by Marguerite de Bourgeois. Montreal
can therefore claim an antiquity almost equal to
that of Quebec.

For more than fifty years a struggle continued

GENERAL BROCK

between the French settlers and their Indian foes.
At one most critical time in 1660, the whole island,
up to the palisades that surrounded the town, was
swept by war parties, and only the sacrifice of
Dollard (sometimes called Daulac) and his seven-
teen associates, saved the place. In 1665 the Mar-
quis de Tracy arrived with the Carignan Regiment
and established forts at Ste. Therese, Sorel, and
Chambly, naming the two latter places after offi-
cers in his regiment.

Montreal soon became the centre of the great
fur trade with the North- West. UnUke its sister
city, Quebec, whose narrow, steep streets with the
bristhng fortifications that towered above, kept the
characteristics of a century before, Montreal, by
1808, had already put on the appearance of a
modem town. The old wall that had once sur-
rounded it had been removed in 1801. On the
banks of the river St. Lawrence, which flowed
around it, were fine warehouses in which were
stored the costly skins destined for the markets of
Frankfort and St. Petersburg. There were colleges
and churches and taverns, too, of no mean repute,
and scattered here and there were the fine mansions
and spacious gardens of the " Lords of the North."

Here lived James McGill, to whom the Montreal
of to-day owes its famous university. He had a
beautiful house on the slope of Mount Royal,
which he bequeathed with an endowment of ten
thousand pounds to trustees for the purpose of
100

BROCK AT MONTREAL

establishing an English college — the first in Canada.
Here also lived William McGillivray and Simon
McTavish, whose names are familiar in the annals
of the "great company."

Brock was quartered at the Chateau de Ramezay,
then much out of repair. When Montreal was
occupied by the Americans in 1776, this had been
the headquarters of the leaders of the invasion.
Benjamin Franklin, Bishop Carroll, and Mr. Chase,
when they came from congress on their mission
to the French Canadians, had also been sheltered
by its walls.

General Brock, with the bonhomie that was
natural to him, seems to have entered very heartily
into the gaieties of the place. His friend, Colonel
Thornton, writes to him from Quebec, "You ought
never to feel uneasy about your friends, for in your
kindness and hospitality no want of comfort can
ever be felt by them ; in this I am fully supported
by all the accounts from Montreal."

News came at this time that Sir George Prevost
had been appointed lieutenant-governor of Nova
Scotia, and had also been made second in command
to Sir James Craig in North America. He arrived
in Halifax in January, 1808, bringing with him the
7th, 8th, and 23rd Regiments of Foot.

During this year there seems to have been very
little correspondence between General Brock and
his family. He complains to one of his brothers
that although he had written to all of them since

101

GENERAL BROCK

navigation opened, he had heard only from Irving,
"who, to do him justice, is the most attentive and
regular correspondent amongst you." It was not
always the fault of the correspondents that letters
from England were so few and far between, for
each vessel now on the high seas was liable to
capture, and sometimes even when the coveted
mail did arrive, an accident, such as the upsetting
of a canoe, would deprive the colony of the longed-
for home news. Official letters from England by
way of Halifax and Quebec took four and some-
times six months to reach Toronto. There was only
irregular communication between that place and
Montreal, and it took a month — sometimes longer
— ^for the carriage of letters.

Brock, in his letter, tells his brother that he is
getting on pretty well at Montreal, although "the
place in summer loses the advantage it had over
Quebec in winter." One thing he rejoices in — "not
a desertion for sixteen months in the 49th, except
Hogan, Savery's former servant. He was servant
to Major Glegg, at Niagara, when a fair damsel
persuaded him to this act of madness."

Brock writes in July from Montreal to his friend
Cuthbert as to the equipment of the volunteer force
he had raised: "Be assured the general has very
substantial reasons for objecting to any issue of
arms at this time. Were your corps the sole con-
sideration, be satisfied he would not hesitate a
moment, but he cannot show you such marked
102

SIR JAMES CRAIG

preference without exciting a degree of jealousy
which might occasion unpleasant discussions. I am
sorry you have deprived yourself of the very hand-
some dagger your partiality induced you to send me.
No such proof was needed to convince me of your
friendship. We have not a word of intelligence
here more than what the Quebec papers give. The
Americans appear to me to be placed in a curious
and ridiculous predicament. War with that republic
is now out of the question, and I trust we shall
consider well before we admit them as allies."

A letter from Sir James Craig to Lord Castle-
reagh, of August 4th, gives the possible reason why
he delayed equipping Cuthbert's company, and
shows that the prejudices he had formed thirty
years before were still strong. He says: "The mil-
itia have hitherto been only contemplated in theory,
except in the town of Quebec. Lord Dorchester
could not assemble any in 1775. In the following
year I commanded the largest body ever brought
together, but I was then in pursuit of a flying
enemy. Since then no attempt to assemble them
has been made. The Canadians of to-day are not
warlike; they like to make a boast of their militia
service, but all dislike the subordination and con-
straint. If the seigneurs possessed their old influence
it might be different. Lawyers and notaries have
now sprung into notice, and with them insubordina-
tion. The members returned to the new House
consist of fifteen lawyers, fourteen farmers, and

103

GENERAL BROCK

only seven seigneurs. In the event of having to
contend with a French force no help is to be ex-
pected from this province. On the contrary, arms
in their hands would be dangerous. They are French
at heart yet."

From the time of his arrival Sir James Craig
was possessed with the idea that the French Cana-
dians, their leaders especially, were hostile to Brit-
ish suzerainty, and were to be distrusted in all
things. At his elbow was the partisan secretary,
always magnifying local disputes, and increasing his
suspicion of hidden conspiracies. However, at the
opening of parliament in January, 1808, the gover-
nor's address was conciliatory. He spoke warmly of
the zeal and the loyalty of the militia, and said
that all appearances gave promise that if the colony
were attacked it would be defended in such a man-
ner "as was to be expected of a brave race who
fight for all that is dear to it." The session was taken
up with the question of Jews and judges sitting in
parliament. A resolution was passed excluding the
former, and by a vote of twenty-two to two the
assembly passed a bill excluding judges as well.
This bill was rejected by the legislative council, and
a hostile feeling arose between the governor and
the assembly, whose speaker, M. Panet, he looked
on with special aversion as a shareholder in Le
Canadien,

The first session of Sir James Craig's administra-
tion was the last of the fourth parliament, and a
104

THE DISMISSALS

new election took place in May. Shortly afterwards
the governor took the impolitic step of dismissing
from the militia Lieutenant-Colonel Panet (the
speaker), Captains B^dard and Taschereau, Lieu-
tenant Borgia and Surgeon Blanchet. The letter of
dismissal to each, signed by H. W. Ryland, stated
that the reason of the dismissal was that His Ex-
cellency could place no confidence in the services
of a person whom he had good ground for consider-
ing as one of the proprietors of a seditious and
libellous publication.

As to the opinion expressed by Brock in his
letter of July, 1808, that war with the United
States was now out of the question, it may be well
to glance at the condition of affairs in Europe, and
to find out what had produced the change of feel-
ing in America. Russia, in 1807, had vainly strug-
gled to free herself from the power of France, but
after an unsuccessful campaign had concluded the
Treaty of Tilsit with Napoleon. By its secret articles
France allowed Russia to take Finland from Swe-
den, and Russia, on her part, promised to close her
ports against British vessels. Napoleon's Berlin de-
crees had not really gone into force until the sum-
mer of 1807, when he ordered them to be executed
in Holland, and in August a general seizure of
neutrals took place at Amsterdam. From that time
trade with the continent ceased. The seizure of
their vessels had been a severe blow to the United
States, and had roused in that country a feeling of

105

GENERAL BROCK

distrust in Napoleon's friendship. Then followed
the British orders-in-council, by which all neutral
trade was prohibited from Copenhagen to Trieste.
No American vessel was to enter any port of
Europe from which the British were excluded,
unless it had first cleared from a British port.
Truly, neutrals were in a very difficult position.

In July, 1807, England sent a large naval ex-
pedition to Copenhagen under command of Lord
Gambler, with transports containing twenty-seven
thousand troops under Lord Cathcart. This expedi-
tion was sent with a peremptory request to the
Prince Regent to deliver up the Danish fleet. From
September 1st to the 5th, Copenhagen was bom-
barded. Scarcely any resistance was offered, and
the fleet was surrendered, while Danish merchant
vessels worth ten millions of dollars were confiscated.
These arbitrary measures were taken in order to
protect British trade and to defeat the designs of
Napoleon to form a powerful navy. In consequence,
the Russian fleet was shut up at Cronstadt, and the
Baltic remained under the control of Great Britain.
The naval combination carefully prepared by Na-
poleon in the Treaty of Tilsit utterly failed.

Late in 1807, Napoleon had stripped the elector
of Hesse Cassel of his dominions on the plea that
he had not joined him in the war against Prussia,
and had done the same to the Duke of Brunswick
on the ground that the duke had joined Prussia
against him. Out of these domains the arch dictator
106

NAPOLEON'S ACTIVITY

had created the kingdom of WestphaHa, and had
bestowed it upon his brother, Jerome Bonaparte.
Soon after, because the Prince Regent of Portugal
had refused to enforce the Berhn decrees against
England, Napoleon sent Junot with thirty thousand
men to take possession of Portugal, and announced
in the Moniteur that the House of Braganza had
ceased to reign in Europe. Junot entered Lisbon
without opposition, to find that the Prince Regent
and the court had embarked for Brazil, taking with
them the ships that Napoleon coveted.

Then Tuscany was seized and added to France,
and the Pope was ordered to declare war against
England. Having refused to do this on the plea
that he was a sovereign of peace, the French
general, by Napoleon's orders, entered Rome in
February, 1808, occupied the Castle St. Angelo,
and took the papal troops under his own com-
mand.

Napoleon's next move was against Spain. The
government there was in a most corrupt state, but
up to this time the country had been the humble
and submissive aUy of France. Napoleon, still in
the guise of friendship, took possession of her
strongest fortresses, and having by a ruse got the
king and queen and the heir Ferdinand into his
power at Bayonne, he induced the old King Carlos
IV. to resign his Crown in favour "of his friend
and ally the Emperor of the French."

Napoleon then issued a decree appointing "his

107

GENERAL BROCK

dearly beloved brother Joseph, King of Naples and
Sicily, to the Crowns of Spain and the Indies." By
another decree he bestowed the vacant Crown of
Naples and Sicily on his "dearly beloved cousin,
Joachim Murat." Thus having distributed the
Crowns of Europe he turned his attention with
redoubled energy to the humbling of his great
enemy, England. "Great Britain shall be des-
troyed," he said at Fontainebleau, "I have the
means of doing it and they shall be employed."

In the United States, President Jefferson had
determined on a scheme of non-intercourse and
had laid an embargo on American shipping. " The
whole world," he said, "is laid under an inter-
dict by these two nations (England and France)
and our vessels, their cargoes and crews, are to be
taken by one or the other, for whatever place they
may be destined out of our limits. If, therefore, on
leaving our harbours we are certain to lose them, is
it not better for vessels, cargoes and seamen to
keep them at home?" Gallatin, secretary of the
navy, wished to limit the duration of the embargo,
as he said he preferred war to a permanent em-
bargo, but Jefferson was obstinate and said it
should continue until the return of peace in Eu-
rope. He had not counted the cost.

The embargo continued in force aU through 1808

in spite of its extreme unpopularity throughout the

United States. As a substitute for war it proved a

failure. By it every citizen was tempted to evade

108

EFFECT OF EMBARGO

or defy the law. " It made men smugglers or
traitors but not a single hero."

The embargo reacted in favour of the British
provinces in America, partly by calling forth the
energies of the population and making them ac-
quainted with their own resources, and partly by
means of the indirect trade that was carried on
from Eastport in Maine, across the border, and by
way of Lake Champlain and the St. Lawrence.
In order to avoid the embargo on the coasts, goods
were smuggled over the frontier to be sent to the
West Indies and Halifax. In spite of new regula-
tions and restrictions put forth by the American
government, smugghng flourished. Craft of all sorts
and sizes crowded the river St. Lawrence, and
Canadian merchants prospered. Immense rafts were
collected near the boundary line on Lake Cham-
plain. These rafts were said to be loaded with the
surplus products of Vermont for a year, consisting
of wheat, potash, pork and beef. The coasting
vessels, which were the means of commerce be-
tween the states, used to try to evade the law by
putting into some port in Nova Scotia or the West
Indies on pretence of stress of weather, and then
leaving their cargo.

Fresh and stricter regulations were now made.
At first the embargo was not felt in the United
States, but when supplies were consumed the out-
cry against it became violent. As the year went on
it was found to have paralyzed the country. A

109

GENERAL BROCK

reign of idleness was established, demoralizing to
everybody. A traveller (Lambert) writes that the
harbour of New York was full of shipping, but the
ships were dismantled and laid up. "Not a box or
a bale to be seen on the wharves. Counting-houses
all shut up, and merchants, clerks, porters and
labourers walking about with their hands in their
pockets.*

New England was in a worse plight. The people
believed that Jefferson was sold to France. Wheat
in the Middle States fell from two dollars to
seventy-five cents a bushel. The chief burden how-
ever fell on the Southern States, especially on
Jefferson's own state — Virginia. Tobacco there was
worthless. Planters were beggared. The country was
deprived of tea, coffee, sugar, salt, molasses and rum.

During 1808, the feeling in the country against
France became stronger. By Napoleon's Milan de-
cree, which reached America in March, "every ship
which should have been searched by a British ves-
sel, or should have paid any duty to the British
government, or should come from or be destined to
any port in the British possessions in any part of
the world should be good prize." It was after the
Milan decree that the question was mooted in the
United States of an alliance with England, and it
was announced by Secretary Madison that an order
had been issued to discharge all British subjects
from national ships. The non-intercourse and em-
bargo had done England immense harm and were
110

THE WAR OF TRADE

working havoc among certain classes of the popula-
tion. The artizans of Staffordshire, Lancashire and
Yorkshire were reduced to the verge of famine,
while quantities of sugar, coffee, etc., overfilled the
warehouses of London. Under the orders-in-coun-
cil the whole produce of the West Indies, shut
out from Europe by Napoleon's decrees, and from
America by the embargo, came to England, until
the market was overstocked. English merchants
sent their goods to Brazil until the beach at Rio
de Janeiro was covered with property perishing for
want of buyers and warehouses.

While this war of trade was going on. Napoleon,
by every means in his power, by taunts, and threats,
and cajolery, was trying to force America into a
declaration of war against England. He said, " The
United States, more than any other power, have
to complain of the aggressions of England. In the
situation in which England has placed the con-
tinent. His Majesty has no doubt of a declaration
of war against her by the United States." He wrote
to his secretary of war, Champagny, "In my mind,
I regard war as declared between England and
America from the day when England published
her decrees." Again he wrote, "Let the American
minister know verbally that whenever war shall be
declared with England, and whenever, in conse-
quence, the Americans shall send troops into the
Floridas to help the Spaniards and repulse the
English, I shall much approve of it. You will even

111

GENERAL BROCK

let him perceive that in ease America shall be
disposed to enter into a treaty of alliance and
make common cause with me, I shall not be un-
willing to intercede with the court of Spain to
obtain the cession of these same Floridas in favour
of the Americans." So the tempting bait of Florida
was held dangling before Jefferson, whose cherished
hope it was to see that territory added to the
United States.

General Armstrong, the American minister in
Paris, does not seem to have been deceived by
Napoleon's manoeuvres. He writes: "With one
hand they offer us the blessing of equal alUance,
with the other they menace us with war if we do
not accept the kindness, and with both they pick
our pockets with all imaginable dexterity, diligence,
and impudence."

Napoleon during this year (1808) was not having
the success in Spain that he had expected. A patriot
party had arisen there, aided by EngUsh troops and
gold, and had driven Joseph Bonaparte from his ill-
gotten throne. Arthur Wellesley had landed, and at
the battle of Vimiera, on August 21st, had defeated
Junot, who at Cintra consented to evacuate Portu-
gal on the consideration that his army of twenty-two
thousand men should be conveyed by sea to France.
In August, also, news came to the emperor that
General Dupont's army had been captured by the
Spaniards, and eighty thousand French troops were
thrown back on the Pyrenees. Napoleon was stung
112

THE REPEAL OF EMBARGO

to anger at this ill-success, and in September sent
a fresh army of two hundred and fifty thousand
men across the mountains, and announced that he
himself was departing in a few days in order to
crown Joseph as king of Spain in Madrid, and to
plant his eagles on the fort of Lisbon. It was not
the probable loss of Spain and Portugal that he
cared for then, but the loss of their fleets that were
to have given France the supremacy of the ocean.

Napoleon left Paris October 29th, 1808, and in
November began his campaign. He occupied Mad-
rid on December 4th, and learned that Sir John
Moore had marched from Portugal to the north of
Spain. He then hurried over the mountains to cut
off his retreat, but was out-generalled. Moore es-
caped to his fleet, and Napoleon, in January, 1809,
leaving Soult to march to Corunna, abandoned
Spain forever.

England at this time was defiant, and fondly
hoped that the power of the devastator of Eu-
rope was on the wane. She passed a new order-
in-council in December, doing away with export
duties on foreign articles passing through England.
It was her object now to encourage Americans to
evade the embargo by running produce to the
West Indies or South America. England had to
feed her own armies in Spain, and the Spanish
patriots also, and did not want to tax American
wheat or salt pork on their way there. By the end
of 1808 the embargo was so unpopular in America

113

GENERAL BROCK

that its repeal was decided on. Jefferson wished to
be spared the humiliation of signing the repeal, and
hoped that it would continue in force until June,
1809, when the new president, James Madison,
would be in power, but public opinion was too
strong, and its withdrawal was signed as the last
act of his administration.

114

CHAPTER X

POLITICS IN QUEBEC

IN September, 1808, Brock was superseded in his
command at Montreal by Major-General Drum-
mond, and returned to Quebec. He did not like
being separated from the 49th, but, as he remarks,
"soldiers must accustom themselves to frequent
movements, and as they have no choice it often
happens they are placed in situations little agreeing
with their inclinations." His appointment as briga-
dier was confirmed, but he writes, "if the 49th are
ordered away my rank will not be an inducement
to keep me in the Canadas." As to the embargo, he
says, "it has proved a famous harvest to merchants.
It was evidently adopted with the idea of pleasing
France, but no half measures can satisfy Napoleon,
and this colony has been raised by it to a degree of
importance that ensures its future prosperity." Sir
James Craig, in his speech at the opening of par-
liament, referred to the embargo as having had the
effect of calling forth the energies of the population
of Canada, adding that it had made the country
acquainted with its resources.

It was in April, 1809, that the new House met,
and the speaker was again M. Panet, who, al-
though defeated for Quebec, had been elected

115

GENERAL BROCK

member for Huntingdon. Much to everybody's sur-
prise, the governor ratified the appointment. There
were fourteen members of British origin in the
assembly, while thirty-six were French Canadians,
and again the question of judges and Jews having
seats in the assembly was discussed with much
warmth. In the midst of the debate, when a resolu-
tion had been passed excluding Jews, and a bill for
the disquahfication of judges had been read a first
time, the governor suddenly appeared upon the
scene, and stated his intention of proroguing and
dissolving the House. He reproved the members
for having wasted their time in frivolous debates,
and while reproving them he took occasion to
thank the legislative council for their zeal and
unanimity. The session had lasted just thirty-six
days.

The governor afterwards visited several of the
principal places in the province, where he was
received with effusion by the anti-Canadian party.
The Quebec Mercury, alluding to the conduct of
the assembly in persisting in its action against the
judges, said: "The conduct of a conquered people,
Ufted by their victors from the depths of misery to
the height of prosperity, and to whom has been
extended every species of indulgence, is not such as
might have been expected at their hands." Le
Canadien naturally justified the opinion of the
majority of the House, and quoted Blackstone,
Locke, and other British authorities as to the rights
116

THE QUEBEC ASSEMBLY

of parliament. The editor of the Journal wrote:
"The king's representative has power by law to
dissolve the House when he thinks fit to do so, but
he has no right whatever to make abusive remarks
such as his harangue contained upon the action of
the legislature — a body which is absolutely inde-
pendent of his authority." So the little rift grew
wider every day. The governor fondly hoped that
the new elections would give a different complexion
to the House, but in this he was disappointed. It
was even more strongly opposed to his party than
the former one, and included among the new mem-
bers M. Louis-Joseph Papineau, then a student of
twenty, who, in after years, was destined to take
a very prominent part in the long struggle between
the assembly and the legislative council.

In the meantime, before the new House met, the
British ministry had sent instructions to Sir James
Craig as to the ineligibility of judges to sit in
parliament, and directed him to sanction the bill
excluding them.

The year 1809 saw Napoleon's waning star once
more in the ascendant. Austria had risen against
him, only to be defeated, and on May 10th the
victor had entered Vienna in triumph. Then fol-
lowed the battle of Wagram on July 6th, which
was a crushing blow to the Austrian army under the
command of the Archduke Charles. An armistice
was signed on the 12th, and on October 24th, by a
treaty of peace, Austria ceded all her sea-coast to

117

GENERAL BROCK

France. The news of Napoleon's successes aroused
England to fresh exertions. Canning, the war minis-
ter, increased the army to five hundred thousand
men. The regulars were fed by volunteers from the
militia. The militia was kept up by voluntary re-
cruiting and by ballot. Sir Arthur Wellesley, who
had returned to England after Cintra, was again
sent out after the death of Moore at Corunna,
at the head of a much better army than he had
had the year before, to match his strength against
Generals Soult and Massena. There was a scarcity,
though, of transport, supplies, and specie. England
was drained of gold to supply the needs of her
army in the Peninsula, and to assist the Spanish
patriots in their struggle against France.

There was little chance for Canada's needs to be
attended to in this great crisis. Sir James Craig in
February asked the home government for a re-
inforcement of twelve thousand troops, with the
necessary camp equipage, two thousand to be sta-
tioned in the citadel at Quebec, two thousand in
Upper Canada, and eight thousand for an active
field force. This was his estimate of what he con-
sidered necessary for the proper defence of the
country. His request arrived at a time when the
cabinet was rent asunder by dissensions. The Duke
of Portland, the nominal leader, was powerless.
Castlereagh and Canning were at war. Both hated
Perceval. Castlereagh was bent on sending troops
to the Scheldt to take Flushing and Antwerp,
118

WALCHEREN, TALAVERA

where Napoleon was building a fleet. Canning
wanted troops only for the Peninsula. The former
had his way, and the ill-fated Walcheren expedition
was undertaken. Forty thousand troops were sent
against Antwerp, with thirty-three sail of the line,
besides frigates. Flushing was besieged, but Ant-
werp, being reinforced and strengthened, was im-
pregnable. Disputes arose between Lord Chatham,
who was the commander-in-chief, and Admiral Sir
Richard Strachan. By September the siege was given
up, and fifteen thousand men were sent to the island
of Walcheren. A plague of fever attacked them
there, and the whole expedition turned out a fail-
ure. The result was the breaking up of the Portland
ministry, and the retirement of Castlereagh under a
cloud. No wonder was it under these circumstances
that Sir James Craig's request was ignored, and
no troops were available for Canada. Sir Arthur
Wellesley alone was holding up abroad the honour
and fame of England. He drove Marshal Soult out
of Portugal, marched up the valley of the Tagus,
caused Joseph Bonaparte to fly a second time from
Madrid, and, on July 28th, 1809, fought and won
the desperate battle of Talavera. For these services
the brilliant soldier was rewarded by the title of
Viscount Wellington of Talavera.

Public opinion in England was so occupied with
affairs in the Peninsula and political dissensions at
home that it did not concern itself with distant
Canada, or even with the standing quarrel with the

119

GENERAL BROCK

United States. The new president, James Madison,
while removing the embargo, still held to non-
intercourse with France and England, their col-
onies or dependencies. The Non-Intercourse Bill,
brought in by the committee on foreign relations
and passed by congress, excluded all public and
private vessels of France and England from Ameri-
can waters, and forbade, under severe penalties, the
importation of British or French goods. It was at
this time that one John Henry, was sent by Ry-
land, on behalf of the governor-general of Canada,
into the New England States to report on the state
of public opinion there with regard to internal
politics and the probability of war. It was supposed
then that the Federalists of Massachusetts, rather
than submit to the difficulties they were subjected
to, would bring about a separation from the union.
Henry's letters, unimportant in themselves, after-
wards came into the possession of the government
of the United States, and were made use of to
foment the war feeling of 1812.

Early in 1809 Canning had sent instructions to
the British minister in Washington, Mr. Erskine,
to offer to withdraw the orders-in-council on cer-
tain conditions. The minister exceeded his instruc-
tions, and announced in April that the orders
of 1807 would be withdrawn, in respect to the
United States, on June 10th. There was univer-
sal joy and satisfaction throughout that country
at the resumption of trade. A thousand ships
120

NEW ORDER-IN-COUNCIL

hurried out of the harbours laden with merchandise
for British ports. The French minister at Washing-
ton remonstrated at the hasty beUef in promises,
and it was soon found that the announcement was
premature. The conditions attached to the with-
drawal had not been insisted upon by the English
envoy, and on the very day, June 10th, that the re-
vocation of the order was arranged for, it was learned
in America that on April 26th another order-in-
council had been passed by England establishing a
strict blockade of the ports of Holland, France,
and Italy.^ British merchants, frightened at the
prospect of free entrance of American ships to the
Baltic, had crowded the board of trade protesting
that if American vessels with cheaper sugar, cotton,
and coffee were allowed into Amsterdam and Ant-
werp, British trade was at an end. Their warehouses
were stuffed full, and they could not stand Ameri-
can competition and the resulting fall in prices.
Relations with the United States were more strained
than ever. Smuggling during these years of restric-
tion seems to have flourished everywhere, and the
island of Hehgoland was the chief depot for Eng-
lish traders in the Baltic.

Much as they hated the English orders-in-coun-
cil, Americans, on the other hand, were awak-
ing to the knowledge that Napoleon's friendship

* An order-in-council was, however, passed, protecting for a limited
time those United States vessels which had sailed, believing the orders
were rescinded.

121

GENERAL BROCK

was a hollow mockery. He was no longer the cham-
pion of republics, for he was an emperor surrounded
by an aristocracy on whom he had conferred heredi-
tary titles. He had seized American ships on the
high seas on the pretext that they had British
merchandise on board. By his Bayonne decree, he
had sequestered all American vessels arriving in
France, or in any port within the military contest,
subsequent to the embargo, as British property or
under British protection. When Louis of Holland
refused to seize American ships at Amsterdam,
Napoleon came to the conclusion that the former
must abdicate and Holland be annexed to France.
It was calculated that by the seizures in Amster-
dam, Antwerp, Spain, France, Denmark, Ham-
burg, Italy and Naples, more than ten millions of
dollars had been added to the revenues of France.
Twenty years afterwards the United States re-
ceived five million dollars as indemnity.

Mr. Erskine, after his indiscreet proclamation,
had been recalled from Washington, and Mr. Fran-
cis Jackson had been sent there instead, but was
but coolly received in Washington. In England this
year, chaos reigned in politics. Mr. Perceval had
succeeded the Duke of Portland, while Canning's
place at the foreign office had been taken by the
Marquis of Wellesley, who was scarcely on speak-
ing terms with the first minister. Lords Liverpool,
Bathurst, and Eldon were the other prominent
members of the cabinet, and the young Viscount
122

DULL DAYS

Palmerston became secretary of war. News from
the Peninsula was not encouraging. Napoleon's
armies were subduing Spain, while Wellington had
retreated into Portugal. With defeat abroad and
ruin at home, the prospects of England were ex-
tremely dark.

To return to Canada and General Brock — ^the
letters of 1808-9 that have been preserved show his
intense longing for service in Europe. His younger
brother, Savery, had been with Moore in Spain,
and his letters from there were eagerly looked for-
ward to by his brother Isaac, who could scarcely
bear in patience the inactive life he was forced to
lead. He was ill and out of sorts. He writes of bad
weather and heavy gales, that the frigate Iphigenie
could scarcely have cleared the land, and that there
were apprehensions for her safety. Her commander.
Captain Lambert, had been in Quebec, and Brock
writes: "I found him an exceedingly good fellow,
and I have reason to think he is well satisfied with
the attention he received from me." This was the
Captain Lambert who was mortally wounded in
December, 1812, while in command of the Java
when it was captured by the American frigate
Constitution,

Colonel Baron de Rottenburg, of the 60th, was
now expected in Canada as a brigadier, and Brock
thought his appointment would mean a change for
him, as one or the other would have to go to the
Upper Province, and de Rottenburg, being the senior,

123

GENERAL BROCK

would have the choice. There seemed but little
chance for Brock, much as he wished it, to return
to Europe, while affairs with the United States
were so unsettled. In his letter to his brother, he
says: "I rejoice Savery has begun to exert himself
to get me appointed to a more active situation. I
must see service, or I may as well, or indeed much
better, quit the army at once, for not one advantage
can I reasonably look for hereafter if I remain
buried in this inactive remote comer. Should Sir
James Saumarez return from the Baltic crowned
with success, he could, I should think, say a good
word for me to some purpose." Sir Thomas Sau-
marez, a brother of Sir James (Admiral Lord de
Saumarez), had, in 1787, married Harriet, daughter
of Wilham Brock of Guernsey. One of Brock's
confreres is mentioned in this letter as having just
recovered from a severe illness. This was Colonel
Vincent of the 49th, a soldier who was destined to
take a very active part in the coming war. Vincent
entered the army in 1781, served hke Brock in the
West Indies, and was also with him in the expedi-
tion to Copenhagen under Sir Hyde Parker.

In December, 1809, Brock writes to his brother
William of the imminence of the war with the
United States, and says : " Whatever steps England
may adopt, I think she cannot in prudence avoid
sending a strong military force to these provinces,
as they are now become of infinite importance to
her. You cannot conceive the quantities of timber
124

PROGRESS OF CANADA

and spars of all kinds which are lying on the beach
ready for shipment to England in the spring. Four
hundred vessels would not be sufficient to take all
away. Whence will England be supplied with these
essential articles but from the Canadas?"

Brock had now been seven years in Canada, and
had had an opportunity of witnessing the wonder-
ful progress the country had made during those
years. Formerly lumber for the use of the province
had come chiefly from Vermont, but from 1806 the
lumber trade in Canada had immensely increased,
and attention was being given to its development.
The condition of the Baltic had stopped supplies
being sent from there, and had given an impetus to
the trade in Canada. No one reahzed then the
dimensions to which it was to grow. Shipbuilding,
too, had increased. Hitherto the fur trade with the
Indians had been the principal source of wealth in
Canada, but now its iUimitable forests were to be
utilized. One evidence of its prosperity was the in-
creased importation of British manufactures. Com-
forts and luxuries were finding their way into the
homes of the settlers. Roads were being built in all
directions, and Sir James Craig made use of mili-
tary labour in their construction. By the building
of these roads provisions in the towns became more
plentiful and cheaper.

As to the French question in Canada, which was
just then troubling the minds of the governor and
his council, Brock believed that Napoleon coveted

125

GENERAL BROCK

the ancient possessions of France, and that he could,
with a small French force of four or five thousand
men, with plenty of muskets, conquer the province.
He thought the French Canadians would join them
almost to a man, and he believed that if EngUsh-
men were placed in the same situation they would
show even more impatience to escape from French
rule. He wrote in December: "The idea prevails
that Napoleon must succeed, and ultimately get
possession of these provinces. The bold and violent
are becoming more audacious. The timid think it
prudent to withdraw from the society of the Eng-
lish. Little intercourse exists between the two races.
The governor, next month, will have a difficult card
to play with the assembly, which is really getting
too daring and arrogant."

It was in January, 1810, that the new House
met, and the governor opened it with a long
address, referring to European affairs, to the cap-
ture of Martinique, in which Sir George Prevost
had taken part, and to the threatened war with the
United States. He also announced that he was
ready by His Majesty's pleasure to give his assent
to the bill as to the inelegibility of judges having
seats in the assembly. At that time Judge de Bonne
was the member for the Upper Town of Quebec.
The assembly brought in the bill, but it was
amended by the Upper House by a clause that it
should only come into effect at the end of the
session. The assembly was defiant, and passed a
126

A WRATHFUL GOVERNOR

resolution that de Bonne, being a judge, should not
vote. This was carried. The governor, accustomed
to camps and ready obedience to his orders, could
not brook the insubordination of his members, and
with soldier-like promptness came down and pro-
rogued the House, and told the members he meant
to appeal to the people and have a new election. In
dismissing them Sir James Craig lamented the
measure that excluded men from the House who
were so eminently fitted for it as were the judges.
The governor was well received at his entrance and
departure from the council chamber, and addresses
of approval were sent him from many places. It
was thought that the assembly was trying to as-
sume too much power.

If Sir James Craig had done no more than this,
the flame that he had kindled among the French
Canadians might soon have been extinguished. He,
however, proceeded to stronger measures. Because
Le Canadien continued to publish what he con-
sidered inflammatory articles, criticizing his con-
duct and that of the executive, he sent, on March
17th, a party of troops with a magistrate and two
constables to its office, seized the press, and com-
mitted the printers to gaol. The city was then put
under military patrol, as if a rising were contemp-
lated. After an examination of the papers found on
the premises, Messrs. B^dard, Blanchet, and Tas-
chereau were arrested on a warrant under the act
for the better preservation of His Majesty's govern-

127

GENERAL BROCK

ment. There were three other arrests made in the
Montreal district — Laforce, Pierre Papineau (of
Chambly), and Corbeil. Then the governor issued a
long proclamation, which ended with a caution not
to listen to the artful suggestions of designing and
wicked men, who, by the spreading of false reports
and by seditious and traitorous writing, ascribed to
His Majesty's government evil and malicious pur-
poses. There was a pathetic touch given to this
proclamation by its closing words : " Is it for my-
self, then, I should oppress you? For what should I
oppress you? Is it from ambition? What can you
give me? Alas! my good friends, with a life ebbing
not slowly to its close, under the pressure of dis-
ease acquired in the service of my country, I look
only to pass what it may please God to suffer to
remain of it, in the comfort of retirement among
my friends. I remain amongst you only in obedi-
ence to the command of my king."

Blanchet and Taschereau were discharged from
prison in July, as they pleaded ill-health. The
printer was also discharged, and the men from
Montreal, but Bedard, an influential and eloquent
member of the assembly, declined to be liberated
without having been brought to trial. He said that
he had done nothing wrong, that he did not care
how long he was kept in prison, and applied for a
writ of habeas corpus. This was all very embarras-
sing to the government, who would have much
preferred to release him. Many petitions were sent
128

LE CANADIEN

in on his behalf, and the governor at last sent for
Bedard's brother, a priest, saying that he would
consent to his being set free if he would not resume
his attempts to disturb public tranquillity. Bddard
sent his thanks, and said that if any man could
convince him that he had been at fault it was the
governor, but as that conviction must arise in his
own mind he must be content to submit to his fate.
So he remained in gaol.

Sir James Craig now determined to send an
agent to London to propose certain changes in the
constitution by which the power of the Crown
would be increased. He also wished to obtain the
approval of the home government as to the sup-
pression of Le Canadien, and the arrest of the
members of its staff. Mr. Ryland was selected as
the messenger. He arrived in London in August,
1810.

In the previous May the governor, in his de-
spatch to the home government, said that the
French and the English did not hold any inter-
course; that among the Canadian community the
name of Britain was held in contempt; that the
Canadians were sunk in gross ignorance; that they
were drunken, saucy to their betters, and cowards
in battle; and as for their religion, the Catholic
clergy ought to be put under the Anglican hier-
archy; their peculiar faith made them enemies of
Britain and friendly to France — yes, even to Bona-
parte himself, since the Concordat, Sir James then

129

GENERAL BROCK

praised his legislative council, whom he described
as composed of the most respectable personages in
the colony, while, on the contrary, the assembly
was made up of very ignorant individuals, incap-
able of discussing rationally a subject of any import.
He also informed the government that the anti-
British party was becoming more audacious in con-
sequence of Napoleon's successes in Europe, and
that its members were doing all they could to bring
about the loss of Canada to Great Britain.

130

CHAPTER XI

QUEBEC AND NIAGARA

IN July, 1810, Brock was still in Quebec. He
writes from there to his brother Irving, thank-
ing him for executing some commissions for him in
London. All had arrived safely with the exception
of "a cocked hat," and not receiving it was a most
distressing circumstance, "as," he added, "from the
enormity of my head I find the utmost difBculty in
getting a substitute in this country."

General Brock was most anxious to go to Eng-
land, but had almost given up the thought. Several
events of a disturbing nature had occurred in the
upper country, and it was agreed that he should
be sent there, whether temporarily or permanently
it was not decided. If a senior brigadier should come
out he would certainly himself be fixed in Upper
Canada. With a little bitterness, not often noticed
in his correspondence, he writes: "Since all my
efforts to get more actively employed have failed;
since fate decrees that the best portion of my life
is to be wasted in inaction in the Canadas, I am
rather pleased with the prospect of removing up-
wards." He writes in his letter of July 10th that
three hundred vessels have already arrived in Que-
bec. A Guernsey vessel had come, bringing, much

131

GENERAL BROCK

to his delight, letters from his brother Savery, who,
after Sir John Moore's death, had returned home.
The May fleet which had arrived from Portsmouth
in thirty days (a very quick passage) had brought
nothing for him — "not the scrape of a pen." His
brother Irving was then in London, writing political
pamphlets, which seem to have pleased his brother
very much. He writes: "You have taken a very
proper view of the poUtical discussions which at
this moment disgrace England. . . . Those to whom
I have allowed a perusal, and who are infinitely
better judges than I can be, speak of the purity of
the language in terms of high approbation. I am
all anxiety for your literary fame."

Quebec seems to have been particularly gay at
this time, in spite of wrangles with the governor on
the part of some of the inhabitants. Two frigates
were at anchor in the harbour, and the arrival of
Lieutenant-Governor Gore and his wife from the
Upper Province had given a zest to the gaiety.
There were races and country and water parties, a
continual round of festivity. Brock remarks: "Such
stimulus is necessary to keep our spirits afloat. I
wish I could boast a little more patience." We read
that General Brock contributed to the festivities by
giving a grand dinner in honour of Mrs. Gore, at
which Sir James Craig was present; and also a ball
to a "vast assemblage" of the beau monde of the
place.

In the midst of the gaiety he received his orders
132

BROCK AT FORT GEORGE

to depart for the Upper Province, to remain there if
another brigadier should arrive in Quebec. He was
puzzled what to do with his possessions. If he left
them behind he would be miserably off, as he wrote:
"Nothing but eatables can be obtained there, and
the expense will be ruinous if I move everything
and then am ordered back. But I must submit to
all without repining, and since I cannot get to
Europe I care little where I am placed. I leave the
most delightful garden imaginable, with abundance
of melons and other good things."

He found time before he left to do an act of
kindness to one of the soldiers of the 49th, an act
so natural in him to those who served under him.
He writes: "I have prevailed upon Sir James to
appoint Sergeant Robinson, master of the band, to
a situation in the commissariat at Sorel, worth
three and sixpence a day, with subaltern lodging,
money and other allowances. He married a Jersey
lass, whose relations may enquire for him."

He tells his sister that he means to procure in
the autumn handsome skins to make muffs for his
two young nieces, Maria and Zelia Potenger. He
wants "the two dear little girls" to write to him,
and bids them appreciate the advantages they are
receiving as to education, so different "from this
colony, where the means for education for both
sexes are very limited."

By September, 1810, Brigadier- General Brock is
settled at Fort George, and a chatty letter from

183

GENERAL BROCK

the Adjutant-General, Colonel Baynes, tells him
what is happening in Quebec — how Baron de Rot-
tenburg had arrived, and although a year older than
Sir James Craig (who was sixty), looked a much
younger man; how his wife, Madame de Rotten-
burg, had made a complete conquest of all hearts.
She was remarkably handsome both in face and
figure, and her manners were pleasing, graceful and
affable. She was much younger than her husband,
and they both spoke English very well, with but a
slight foreign accent. Sir James Craig was reported
as being very well, and his sixtieth birthday had
just been celebrated at a very pleasant party at
Powell Place. Colonel Baynes told Brock that
there had just been a court-martial on some de-
serters. Two, one of them a Canadian, had been
sentenced to be shot; the others, a dozen in num-
ber, were to be sentenced to be transported to serve
for life in Africa.

Brock writes to his brother in September, from
Fort George, a very homesick letter. He says: "At
present, Vincent, Glegg, and Williams enliven this
lonesome place. They are here on a court-martial,
but will soon depart, and I will be left to my own
reflections. I hope to obtain leave after Christmas.
The arrival of Baron de Rottenburg has, I think,
diminished my prospect of advancement in this
country. I should stand, evidently, in my own
light if I did not court fortune elsewhere."

He had taken a trip to Detroit which he thought
134

LIFE AT NIAGARA

had most delightful surroundings, far exceeding
anything he had seen on the continent. "As to the
manners of the American people, I do not admire
them at all. I have met with some whose society-
was everjrthing one could desire, and at Boston and
New York such characters are, I believe, numerous,
but these are the exceptions." He had not had
a letter from Europe since May. He continues,
" I wish you would write to me by way of New
York. I avail myself of an unexpected passenger to
scribble this in presence of many of the court, who
tell me it is time to resume our labours, therefore,
my beloved brother, adieu."

A list still remains of the books which helped
to enUven his solitude at Niagara.^ Among them
one finds Johnson's Works, twelve volumes ; Reed's
and Bell's Editions of Shakespeare ; Plutarch's Lives;
Hume's Essays; Arthur on Courts' Martial; RoUins'
Ancient History; Marshall's Travels; Life of Cond^;
Wharton's Virgil; Francis's Horace; Gregory's Dic-
tionary of Arts and Sciences ; Pope's Works ; Ex-
pedition to Holland; Si^cle de Louis Quatorze; Gui-
bert's (Euvres Militaires; Reglement de I'lnfanterie;
Aventures de Tel^maque; Voltaire's La Henriade;
Walcheren Expedition ; Erudition Militaire ; King of
Prussia's Tactics; European Magazine; Edinburgh
Review; Memoirs of Talleyrand; Wolfe's Orders;

^ Dr. James Bain, of the Public Library, Toronto, discovered this
list amongst some old papers left in the residence of the late Hon.
G. W. Allan.

135

GENERAL BROCK

Reflexions sur les Preguges Militaires; Hume's
Works. He writes to his brother, "I read much, but
good books are scarce, and I hate borrowing, I like
to read a book quickly and afterwards revert to such
passages as have made the deepest impression and
which appear to me important to remember, a
practice I cannot conveniently pursue unless the
book is mine. Should you find that I am likely
to remain here I wish you to send me some choice
authors in history, particularly ancient history, with
maps, and the best translation of ancient works. I
read in my youth Pope's translation of Homer, but
till lately never discovered its exquisite beauties.
I firmly believe the same propensity was always
inherent in me, but strange to tell, although many
were paid extravagantly, I never had the advantage
of a master to guide and encourage me. I rejoice
that my nephews are more fortunate."

Brock's application for leave was not favourably
received by Sir James Craig, who was strongly im-
pressed with the necessity of having some one like
him in the Upper Province to correct the errors and
neglect that had crept in there. Baynes writes : *' In
confidence between ourselves, I do not think he
will be more ready to part with you in consequence
of the arrival of Colonel Murray, who is not at
all to his taste." It seems that Colonel (afterwards
the distinguished Major-General Murray), had of-
fended the governor at a dinner by warmly espousing
and defending the opinions of Cobbett respecting
136

LETTER FROM QUEBEC

German troops and foreign officers, although sitting
opposite to Baron de Rottenburg.

Baynes writes that Brock's successor, the baron,
was a good kind of man and devoted to his pro-
fession, ** but," he continues, " it would be vain to
attempt to describe the genuine admiration and
estimation of his cava dolce sposa. Young, only
twenty-three — fair, beautiful, lively, discreet, witty,
affable — in short, so engaging, or rather, so fascin-
ating that neither my courier nor my paper will
admit of my doing her justice. Nevertheless the
charms of madame have not effaced you from
the recollection of your friends, who very sincerely
regret your absence."

He reports that two hundred volunteers for
Colonel Zouch, from other veteran battalions, had
arrived and landed. The regiment was to be com-
pleted in this manner to one thousand.

Baynes writes again about Brock's leave and
says that he had talked with the commander-in-
chief, who expressed his desire to forward his views,
but said that he had been contending so long for
the necessity of a third general officer being kept
constantly on the staff of the Canadas, that he
did not feel at liberty to overset the arrangement
which he had been two years soliciting. When he
(Bajnies), said that Brock regretted inaction, and
looked with envy on those employed in Spain
and Portugal, the governor replied, " I make no
doubt of it ; but I can in no shape aid his plans

137

GENERAL BROCK

in that respect." " If he hked you less," Baynes
continued, " he might perhaps be more readily
induced to let you go."

Brock had taken a great interest in an old
veteran, formerly in the 8th, or King's, the regiment
in which he had begun his military life, and in
which his brother John had served. Colonel Baynes
writes, " I have not failed to communicate to Sir
James your account of and your charity towards
the poor old fellow. He has in consequence directed
the allowance of the ration to be authorized and
continued to him; but I am to remind you of
the danger of establishing a precedent of this nature,
and to request, in the general's name, that you
will refrain as much as possible from indulging the
natural benevolence of your disposition in this way,
as he has hitherto resisted all applications of this
sort."

At this time, early in 1811, Lieutenant-Governor
Gore was contemplating a visit to England, and
there was some correspondence between him and
General Brock about the location of a grant of five
thousand acres of land that had been made some
years before to Colonel Vesey. Brock had promised
the latter to arrange about it before the lieutenant-
governor left Canada, and wrote that there were
tracts of excellent land on Lake Erie belonging
to the Crown, and also that a new township was
being surveyed near the head of Lake Ontario,
either of which situations would be eligible. The
138

WEST FLORIDA

lieutenant-governor replied that it was not in his
power to comply with Colonel Vesey's wish in
respect of location without a special order from the
king, as in the case of Colonel Talbot, and that it
was impossible in any township to obtain five
thousand acres in a block.

The lieutenant-governor remarked in his letter
that he thought President Madison's address very
hostile to England, but that congress would hesi-
tate before consenting to go the length he proposes.
** Taking forcible possession of West Florida may
provoke a war sooner than any other act. It is
impossible to foresee how this may be viewed by
the Cortez."

As to Florida, a convention of American citizens
settled near the borders of West Florida, had
attacked the Spanish fort at Baton Rouge, and
announced that country to be a free and inde-
pendent state. The leader of the convention then
wrote to the secretary of state, urging that it
should be annexed to the United States, but claim-
ing all public lands for themselves. In reply the
president sent a sharp message to the revolutionary
convention saying that their independence was
an impertinence and their design on public lands
something worse. He also issued a proclamation
announcing that Governor Claiborne would take
possession of West Florida. The military occupation
of the country was, in fact, an act of war against
Spain, but that kingdom which had once held sway

139

GENERAL BROCK

over two American continents, from the sources
of the Missouri and the Mississippi, to the borders
of Patagonia, was powerless to resist.^

Letters of this date speak of the awful suspense
felt in England while the armies of Wellington and
Massena were in such close proximity, and the
latter was advancing on the lines of Torres Vedras
to drive the English army into the sea. They speak,
too, of the sad illness of the old king, who after
the death of the Princess Amelia had relapsed into
hopeless insanity. Brock writes, " If we are to be
governed by a regent I trust that ambition, jealousy
or party interests, will not conspire to diminish
or circumscribe his regal powers."

He writes to his brother, Irving Brock, that he
had seen " Thoughts on Political Transactions," in
answer to his admirable pamphlet, and remarks
that the author appears to proclaim his servile
attachment to Bonaparte without in any way re-
futing his (Irving's) arguments.

Another notable man among General Brock's
friends writes to him in January. This was Colonel
Kempt, afterwards General Sir James Kempt,
G.C.B., governor-general of British America.

Colonel Kempt was at this time quartermaster-
general in Canada, and had, under Sir James Craig,

' As to the occupation of Florida, Monroe declared that no satisfac-
tion had been made by Spain for spoliation on the commerce of the
United States in 1798-9, nor for denying to the United States the right
of deposit at New Orleans. He also contended that West Florida was a
part of Louisiana, which had been acquired by purchase from France.

140

COLONEL KEMPT

superintended the building of roads and bridges in
the Lower Province. In November, 1811, he was
made local major-general in Spain and PortugaL
He afterwards served on the staff in America and
in Flanders. He was made a K.C.B. in January,
1815, was wounded at Waterloo, and was then
promoted to be a Grand Cross. The sovereigns
of Austria, Russia and the Netherlands also decor-
ated him for his services. In 1820 he was governor
of Nova Scotia in place of the Earl of Dalhousie,
whom he succeeded as governor-general of Canada.
He died in England after a long and glorious
career, at the age of ninety.

Colonel Kempt wrote to Brock on the subject of
his leave. He assured him that he had no reason to
dread being unemployed in any rank while he
wished to serve. " This opinion, my dear general,"
he writes, "is not given rashly or upon slight
grounds — before I came to this country I had, you
must know, several opportunities of hearing your
name mentioned at head-quarters, both by General
Calvert and Colonel Gordon, who unquestionably
spoke the sentiment of the then commander-in-
chief, and in such a way as to impress me with
a thorough conviction that few officers of your rank
stood higher in their estimation. In short, I have no
manner of doubt whatever that you will readily
obtain employment upon active service the moment
that you do get home, and with this view I recom-
mend you to express, through Baynes, your sense

141

GENERAL BROCK

of His Excellency's good intentions and wishes to
you in respect to leave of absence, and your hopes
that when the circumstances of the country are
such as will permit him to grant six months' leave
to a general officer, that this indulgence will be
extended in the first instance to you.

" I am very happy that you are pleased with
Mrs. Murray. I have just received a long letter
from her, giving me an account of a splendid
ball given by you to the beau vionde of Niagara and
its vicinity. The manner in which she speaks of
your liberality and hospitality reminds me of the
many pleasant hours I have passed under your roof.
We have no such parties now. Sir James being ill
prevents the usual public days at the Castle, and
nothing more stupid than Quebec now is can
be imagined."

The Mrs. Murray mentioned in this letter was a
cousin of Colonel Kempt. Brock, in one of his
letters from Fort George, says, " Colonel Murray
of the 100th went home last year and brought out
a charming little wife, full of good sense and spirit.
They dined with me yesterday." A letter from
Colonel Baynes also mentions receiving a letter
from Murray, and he congratulates General Brock
on having found means to enliven the solitary scene
that had so long prevailed at Fort George.

Letters from home had cheered the general's
heart. "What can I say," he writes, "from this
remote corner in return for the pleasure I experience
142

A VISIT TO YORK

at the receipt of your letters." He speaks of his life
as sombre, and yet thinks that the enforced quiet
has done his health good. He begs his brother
Irving to dispel all fears about him.

He had just returned in February from York,
where he had spent ten days with the lieutenant-
governor, whom he pronounces "as generous and
honest a being as ever existed." He found Mrs.
Gore perfectly well and very agreeable. Their so-
ciety, he said, was ample compensation for travel-
ling over the worst roads he had ever met with. He
and the governor, who had formerly been quartered
with the 44th in Guernsey, had talked over old days
in the Channel Islands, and had recalled with
pleasure the simple hospitality that reigned there,
and the charming society of Guernsey and Jersey,
"where, although there was little communication
with England, there were always officers in the
garrison to be entertained."

Brock writes of the reports from New York as to
the many failures there, and says, "Merchants there
are in a state of great confusion and dismay. A
dreadful crash is not far off."

The news he had received from Quebec was
that Sir James had triumphed completely over the
French faction in the I^ower Province, and that the
House of Assembly had passed every bill required
of it, among others, one authorizing the governor-
general and three councillors to imprison any one
without assigning a cause.

143

GENERAL BROCK

The House of Assembly at Quebec had met on
December 10th, 1810, and the inaugural address
had been very conciliatory. The governor did not
allude to any vexed questions, but protested that
he had never doubted the loyalty and zeal of
the previous assembUes he had convoked. In reply,
the assembly observed, " We shall earnestly concur
in all that is done tending to the maintenance
of unbroken tranquillity, a state all the more diffi-
cult to preserve in this province as those who
inhabit it cherish a diversity of ideas, habitudes and
prejudices, not easy to reconcile."

The governor justified the acts committed as to
imprisonment of members, and said that only those
who had too much reason to dread the law inclined
to object to its potency, and the united clamour of
such might have deceived the assembly as to their
real number.

In the meantime the vexatious Bedard still re-
mained in prison. The assembly drew up an address
on his behalf, and the elder Papineau had an
interview on the subject with the governor at
the Castle. The latter in his reply to M. Papineau,
said: "It is the common discourse of the assembly
that they intend to oblige me to release M. Bddard.
I think, therefore, that it is time the people should
be made to understand the rightful limits of the
several powers in the state, and that the House,
while it represents, yet has no right to directly
govern the country."
144

BEDARD S RELEASE

The session passed peacefully, and at its close,
when all the members had returned to their homes,
Bedard was quietly and unconditionally released by
the executive. It was the last public act of Sir
James Craig's administration.

The act which had been the cause of so much
trouble, namely that of excluding the judges from
the assembly, was one of the laws passed, and
strange to say, in proroguing the House, the gov-
ernor said, "Among the acts to which I have just
declared His Majesty's assent, there is one which
I have seen with peculiar satisfaction. I mean the
act for disquahfying the judges from holding a seat
in the House of Assembly."

The opinions of the official and military class as
to the proceedings of the House, may be gathered
from a letter of Colonel Baynes to Brock, in March.
" You will see by Sir James' speech the very
complete triumph his firmness and energy have
obtained over the factious cabal of this most con-
temptible assembly. Bedard will shortly be released.
That fellow alone of the whole gang has nerve, and
does not want ability or inchnation to do mischief
whenever opportunity offers; the rest, old Papi-
neau and the blustering B. (Bourdages), are all
white livered renegades to a man; but when Sir
James' back is turned they will rally and commence
the same bullying attack on his successor, who,
I trust, will follow his example."

In the meantime, Mr. Ryland in England had

145

GENERAL BROCK

not found his task an easy one, nor had he met with
the reception he had hoped for. Mr. Perceval, the
prime minister, Lord Liverpool, the minister of
war, and Mr. Robert Peel, the under secretary for
the colonies, received him with perfect courtesy,
and asked many questions, but Mr. Ryland made
no progress in his design of changing the con-
stitution. One point he particularly wished to press,
namely, the necessity of controlling the patronage
of the Roman Catholic Church so that the clergy
would be on the government side. The assembly
in its session of 1810, had offered to undertake the
expenses of the civil government hitherto borne
by England. Ryland's scheme was to take possession
of the Jesuit estates and also of those of the semin-
ary at Montreal. From these he proposed to grant
a certain sum for education, and to apply the rest
to the civil government, and thus do away with the
necessity of supplies being voted by the assembly.
In fact, his intention was to break the power of the
Roman CathoUc Church in Canada by taking away
its endowments. Mr. Ryland also proposed that the
province should revert to government by the legis-
lative council without the assembly, as it was pre-
vious to the Canada Act.

Lord Liverpool was afraid, if the act of 1791 was
annulled, that Lord Grenville, the father of the act,
would rally his followers in favour of the French
Canadians. He suggested a redivision of constitu-
encies so as to obtain a greater number of English
146

RYLAND'S MISSION

representatives, and also thought that members
might be conciliated by other means.

Several matters were referred to the attorney-
general, w^ho said that it was possible for parhament
to unite the two provinces under a single govern-
ment, but that he thought no new division could be
made of electoral districts, nor in the number of
representatives. As to the question of Le Cana-
dieUy the ministers did not think the passages
quoted from it were strong enough to fix on its
publishers a charge of treason, and it might be
difficult, they thought, to justify what had been
done in the matter of their arrest and imprison-
ment. They were inclined to call the passages quoted
seditious libels. The extreme measures taken were,
perhaps, excusable, but not strictly justifiable. In
fact, the attorney-general said that such an arbitrary
measure as the suppression of Le Canadien would
not have been tolerated in England.

Mr. Ryland's mission was a failure, but in order
to conceal his discomfiture he decided to remain in
England for the winter, nor did he return to Canada
until the spring of 1812. In the meantime this poor
governor's health broke down utterly. General Brock
wrote in March, 1811: "Sir James cannot long sur-
vive the frequent attacks of his disorder. His death
will be bewailed by all who possess the feelings of
Englishmen in this country."

147

CHAPTER XII

1811 IN CANADA AND EUROPE

EARLY in 1811 there was some correspondence
between Sir James Craig and General Brock
as to the treatment of the Indians. The question
was, whether in case of hostihties breaking out as
threatened between the Americans and the Indians,
the latter should be supplied, as usual, with arms
and ammunition by the British. No doubt the
Americans would expect a strict neutrality to be
observed; but by stopping supplies, Brock thought
the British might lose all their influence over the
tribes. There had been a council held in which
the chiefs had resolved to go to war with the
Americans, and they seemed to have had a firm
conviction that although they could not expect
active cooperation, yet they might rely on receiving
from the British the requisites of war.

They had suffered much of late. Napoleon's de-
crees and the English orders-in-council had put
a stop to their trade in furs. They could obtain
nothing for their peltries, for the warehouses of the
great companies were filled with costly furs for
which there was no market. The Americans, too,
of late had encroached more and more on their
hunting-grounds. It had been tacitly understood

149

GENERAL BROCK

in the treaty of 1783 that the Indian country west
of the Ohio was to be left to the tribes, but on one
pretence and another, by strategy and persuasion,
different Indian tribes had been induced to sell their
lands for a nominal price, and were being pushed
further and further back from the plains and forests
and rivers which gave them their sustenance. One
chief had foreseen the doom that awaited them,
and planned to avert it. This was Tecumseh, a
Shawanese warrior and statesman. He dreamed of
a confederation of all the tribes of North America,
in order to regain, if possible, their old boun-
daries, and to resist the further encroachments of
the white race.

The Indians knew quite well the unsettled re-
lations between the United States and England,
and had not made up their minds in 1811 as to
which country they would ally themselves to. They
had been threatened with retaliation on their wives
and children if they dared to serve the British.

Tecumseh was willing to be friendly to the
United States if the latter would agree to give up
some lands lately purchased, and would agree not
to enter into treaties without the consent of all the
tribes. Tecumseh pledged himself on these con-
ditions to be a faithful ally to the United States
and to assist them in war against the English,
otherwise he would enter into an English alliance.
At an interview with General Harrison, when he
was told that the matter rested with the president,
150

INDIAN AFFAIRS

Tecumseh replied: " If the great chief is to decide
the matter I hope the Great Spirit will put sense
enough in his head to induce him to direct you
to give up the land. It is true he is so far off he
will not be injured by the war. He may sit still
in his town and drink his wine, while you and I
will have to fight it out." The demands of Tecum-
seh as to lands and treaties were not complied with,
therefore he summoned his people to go to war
against the Americans.

Brock wrote in February as to the recent distri-
bution of stores among the tribes. " Our cold at-
tempt to dissuade that much injured people from
engaging in such a rash enterprise could scarcely
be expected to prevail, particularly after giving
such manifest indications of a contrary sentiment,
by the liberal quantity of military stores with which
they were dismissed." For information about them,
General Brock said he had to rely on the reports of
officers commanding at the outposts, as " the lieu-
tenant-governor witholds all communication on the
subject."

The management of the Indians was in the .hands
of the lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, and
agents were employed by him to administer their
affairs. Mr. Elliott was then in charge at Amherst-
burg. Brock speaks of him as an exceedingly good
man, who having lived much among the Indians,
sympathized with their wrongs, but he thought that
he was rather biased and prejudiced in their favour.

151

GENERAL BKOCK

The general was of the opinion, however, that if
Mr. Elliott had delayed giving them presents until
he reported their mission to Lieutenant-Governor
Gore, they would have returned to their companions
with different impressions as to the sentiments of
government.

The instructions issued by Lord Dorchester in
1790 were continued in full force. The charge of
the Indian department was vested in the civil ad-
ministration, and Brock thought this led to con-
fusion. Vast numbers of Indians assembled every
year at Amherstburg from a great distance. Brock
said he had seen eight hundred waiting for a month
on rations for the presents to come, and he thought
the storekeeper-general in Upper Canada ought to
be allowed to buy them in case they did not reach
the Upper Provinces before the close of navigation.

In March Brock writes to Major Taylor of the
100th Regiment, commanding at Amherstburg, and
the first sentence is a reproof to that officer for not
having reported to him the important resolution by
which the Indians formally announced their inten-
tion of going to war with the Americans. He had
learnt of it from another source and had reported it
to the commander-in-chief. He then gave Major
Taylor an extract from His Excellency's secret and
confidential answer, which especially enjoined on
all military officers to report at once to General
Brock whatever transpired at any councils of the
Indians at which they might be present.
152

AN ACCUSATION

Sir James Craig was of the opinion that every
effort should be made to prevent a rupture be-
tween the Indians and the United States. General
Brock therefore advised Major Taylor that if he
perceived the smallest indication to depart from the
line so strongly laid down by His Excellency, he
should offer friendly advice to the officers of the
government in charge of Indian affairs, and even
have recourse to written protests to deter them
from persevering m any act that might irritate and
dispose the two nations to a conflict. Brock adds,
"This you must do as coming from yourself, and
report circumstantially every occurrence that may
come to your knowledge."

It was not for some months after this that actual
hostihties broke out, and the accusation was then
formally made in congress, that by supplying some
of the tribes with arms, ammunition and food,
the British had aided the Indians in their warlike
designs.

In April Colonel Vesey writes from England and
thanks General Brock for the interesting details
he had given him of local politics, both civil and
military, in Canada, although the colonel expresses
himself as not partial to that country, and he re-
grets that the 49th should be detained there so
long. He condoles with the general on the lonely
winter he must have passed at Fort George, in
spite of the companionship of Colonel Murray and
his nice little wife. He adds, ** Pray remember me

153

GENERAL BROCK

to my old friend St. George. Mrs. Vesey has charged
me to call her to your recollection. She and my six
children are as well as possible, and a very nice
little group they are, all as healthy as can be. I
wish I had a daughter old enough for you, as I
would give her to you with pleasure. You should
be married, particularly as fate seems to detain you
so long in Canada, but pray, do not marry there."

There is a legend, not confirmed, that General
Brock at this time was engaged to a " lady living
at York"; but no hint of this is shown in his
letters, and it seems improbable, in his position,
that if it were the case, nothing should be said of it
by contemporaries.

In another letter Colonel Vesey thanks him for
the interest he had taken in procuring for him his
grant of land. He adds, " I quite feel for you, my
good friend, when I think of the stupid and un-
interesting time you must have passed in Upper
Canada. With your ardour for professional employ-
ment in the field, it must have been very painful.
Had you returned to Europe there is little doubt
but that you would have been immediately em-
ployed in Portugal; and as that service has turned
out so very creditable, I regret very much that you
had not deserted from Canada. I take it for granted
that you will not stay there long, and should the
fortune of war bring us again upon duty in the
same country, I need not say how I shall hail the
event with joy. If you come to England, I would wish
154

CRAIG'S DEPARTURE

you to call upon the Duke of Kent, who has a high
respect for you and will be happy to see you. The
Duke of York is to return to the army. Sir David
Dundas will not be much regretted."

A letter from Colonel Baynes in March reports
that Sir James Craig, owing to extreme ill-health,
was to return to England early in the summer. He
wished to be relieved from the anxiety of his office,
which, now that a war with the United States
seemed probable, was too onerous a position. For
himself, his mind was made up, and he was re-
signed to a speedy termination of his sufferings.

Communication was so slow between Upper and
Lower Canada that many of Colonel Baynes's let-
ters were transmitted through the United States.
At that time there was only a post once a fortnight
between Montreal and Kingston, and from the
latter place to York and Fort George the post was
scarcely established at all, and letters came at un-
certain intervals. Colonel Baynes's letter contained
the last wishes of the commander-in-chief with
regard to Brock. "I assure you," he writes, "Sir
James is very far from being indifferent in regard
to forwarding your wishes, but from the necessity
of returning himself, and that without waiting for
leave, he feels it the more necessary to leave the
country in the best state of security he can. He
desires me to say that he regrets extremely the
disappointment you may experience, and he re-
quests that you will do him the favour to accept as

155

GENERAL BROCK

a legacy, and as a mark of his very sincere regard,
his favourite horse 'Alfred,' and that he is induced
to send him to you, not only from wishing to secure
to his old favourite a kind and careful master, but
from the conviction that the whole continent of
America could not furnish you with so safe and
excellent a horse. * Alfred' is ten years old, but
being high bred, and latterly but very little used,
may be considered as still perfectly fresh. Sir James
will give him up to Heriot whenever you fix the
manner of his being forwarded to you. Kempt goes
home with His Excellency."

Sir James Craig left Canada on June 19th, 1811,
in the frigate Amelia. Although his administration
was known afterwards among certain of the popu-
lation of Lower Canada as the "reign of terror,"
he was yet beloved by many and respected by all.
Even his enemies gave him credit for the purity
of his motives, and no one doubted his courage,
straightforwardness, and devotion to duty. He is
described as being "of agreeable countenance and
impressive presence. Stout and rather below the
middle height, he was yet manly and dignified. He
was positive in his opinions and decided in his
measures. Although hasty in temper he was not
implacable, and was easily reconciled to those who
incurred his displeasure. Hospitable and princely in
his style of living, he was yet a friend of the poor
and destitute." He did not long survive his depar-
ture, but died in London the following March.
156

ARRIVAL OF PREVOST

When he left Canada, Mr. Thomas Dunn, the
senior member of the council, was again left in
charge of the civil government, while Lieutenant-
General Drummond, who was one step higher than
General Brock in the service, was left in command
of the forces in the Canadas.

On June 4th of this year Brigadier- General
Brock was made a major-general on the staff of
North America His friend Vesey, who had also
been made a major-general, writes his congratula-
tions to him on June 10th, and says: "It may,
perhaps, be your fate to go to the Mediterranean,
but the Peninsula is the most direct road to the
honour of the Bath, and as you are an ambitious
man, that is the station you would prefer. As it is
possible you may have left Canada, I will enclose
this letter to our friend Bruy^res." Lieutenant-
Colonel Bruy^res was an officer in the Royal En-
gineers, and was at that time engaged in reporting
to General Brock on the condition of the different
forts scattered throughout Upper Canada.

In September, 1811, Sir George Prevost arrived,
anc^ ' the chief command of British North

America., xxx^ .nilitary reputation then stood high,
and he had been much liked in Nova Scotia, where
his administration had been a success. Sir Greorge
was bom at New York on May 19th, 1767o His
father was a native of Geneva who became a
major-general in the British army, served under
Wolfe at Quebec, was wounded there, and after-

157

GENERAL BROCK

wards distinguished himself in the defence of Sa-
vannah. His mother was a Swiss, the daughter of
M. Grand of Lausanne. Sir George was heutenant-
colonel of the 60th Regiment, and had served in
the West Indies. He greatly distinguished himself
at St. Vincent, where he was dangerously wounded.
In reward for his services he was made governor of
Dominica, which he had successfully defended. He
returned to England in 1805, when he was ap-
pointed lieutenant-governor of Portsmouth. He
was then promoted to be lieutenant-general and
lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia, and in the
same year, 1808, was second in command at the
capture of Martinique. He then returned to Nova
Scotia, where he remained until called upon to
take the place of Sir James Craig. His appoint-
ment gave great satisfaction to the French Cana-
dians, and he began his administration by very
conciliatory measureSo The man whom his prede-
cessor had imprisoned as a promoter of sedition
(M. B^dard), was appointed to a judgeship at
Three Rivers. Mo Bourdages, another adversary of
the late governor, was made a colonel of militia,
and all the officers who had been dismissed from
the militia were re-instated. Speaking French as his
mother tongue, Sir George Prevost's knowledge of
their language aided him in gaining the confidence
of the people, and he very judiciously began by
professing perfect belief in the loyalty of the
Canadians.
158

BROCK'S NEW OFFICE

News came from England to Brock that his
friend General Kempt had had a very flattering re-
ception there, and that the Duke of York had told
him he would give him a carte blanche as to his
future destination. Colonel Thornton, another of
Brock's friends, had been appointed to a regiment,
one battalion of which was in Portugal, the other
in the East Indies. Thornton hoped to persuade
his senior to go to India, leaving him in Portu-
gal. He sends a message by Colonel Baynes to his
friends in Canada. "Pray give a hint in private to
General Brock and SheafFe that if the former were
to ask for a brigade at home or on European ser-
vice, and the latter to be put on the staff in Can-
ada, I am almost certain they would succeed."

No wonder Brock pined at inaction while his
more fortunate friends were leaving him far behind
in the race for glory. It was not glory alone that his
ardent soul desired, but a chance to use the powers
that he knew were his. The chance was nearer than
he thought, and he found it in the common path of
duty. Soon after Sir George Prevost's arrival in Can-
ada as governor-general and commander-in-chief,
Major-General Brock was appointed president and
administrator of the government of Upper Canada
during Lieutenant-Governor Gore's absence in Eng-
land. He entered on his new office in what to him
was a fateful month, October 9th, 1811.

159

CHAPTER XIII

THE NEW GOVERNOR

TO be a major-general, and governor, and com-
mander-in-chief of a provmce at the age of
forty-two was no doubt an enviable position, but,
with the irony of fate, just as he had reached it,
an unlooked-for financial misfortune, involving his
whole family, came upon Isaac Brock. Apart from
the personal loss to himself, there was besides a
threatened rupture of friendship between his bro-
thers which touched his tender heart most keenly.
The story of the misfortune is as follows: In June,
1811, a firm of London bankers and merchant
brokers failed. Isaac Brock's eldest brother, Wil-
liam, was the senior member of the firm, and it was
from this brother that he had received about three
thousand pounds for the purchase of his commis-
sions. William Brock had no children, and never
intended to ask for the repayment of this sum.
Unfortunately the loan appeared on the books of
the firm, and General Brock was on the hst of its
debtors. The news of the failure came with double
poignancy to Brock, on account of the difficulties in
which it involved him, and also on account of the
distress which had overtaken his favourite brother.
Savery Brock was also a loser by the failure, which

161

GENERAL BROCK

was aggravated by a coolness and estrangement
that arose between William and his brother Irving,
who was also connected with the firm.

General Brock writes from York to his brother
Savery on October 7th, 1811: "I have this instant
finished a letter to Irving. I attempted to write
composedly, but found it impossible. The news-
papers gave me the first intimation of the heavy
misfortune we have all sustained. To this day I am
without a single line fi-om any of the family. Let
me know how William and his wife support the
sad change in their affairs. I want to be at once
apprized of the full extent of our misery. Why keep
me in this horrid suspense? I write merely to say
— for my poor head will not allow me to say more —
that to-morrow I enter into the official duties of
president of this province. The salary attached to
the situation is a thousand pounds, the whole of
which I trust I shall be able to save, and after a
year or two earn more. I go to Niagara next week,
and shall again write through the states. Yesterday
was the first truly gloomy birthday I have ever
passed."

It was indeed a stinging blow to one who was
the soul of honour and scrupulous to a degree in
money affairs to find himself a debtor to such an
amount, with no prospect of being able to discharge
the debt. One may be sure, however, that sore as
was the heart of the general, in outward appearance
he was calm and unruffled, and none of the many
162

AN UNEXPECTED MISFORTUNE

who must have offered congratulations upon his
inauguration as governor of the province would
guess at the sorrow that weighed upon his heart.

The first letter that he received from home
brought also the news of the estrangement of his
brothers, Irving and William. General Brock writes
to the former on October 30th: "Your letter of the
3rd of August was only received this day. To what
a state of misery are we fallen 1 Poverty I was pre-
pared to bear, but oh, Irving, if you love me, do
not by any action or word add to the sorrows of
poor unfortunate William. Remember his kindness
to me — ^what pleasure he always found in doing me
service. Hang the world ! — it is not worth a thought
— be generous, and find silent comfort in being so.
Oh, my dear boy, forget the past, and let us all
unite in soothing the griefs of one of the best
hearts that heaven ever formed. I can well conceive
that the cause of his ruin was excited by too
ardent a wish to place us all in affluence. His
wealth we were sure to divide. Why refuse him
consolation? It is all, alas, I can offer. I shall write
to him the instant I feel sufficiently composed.
Could tears restore him he would soon be happy —
every atom of resolution leaves me the moment I
require it most. I sleep Httle, but am compelled to
assume a smiling face during the day. My thoughts
are fixed on you all, and the last thing that gives
me any concern is the call which Savery prepares
me to expect from the creditors. I did not think

163

GENERAL BROCK

that I appeared in the books. The mistake was
wholly mine. Let me know the sum. Are my
commissions safe, or must they be sold? Can
I not retain out of the wreck my two or three
hundred a year? They would save us all from
want, and we might retire to some corner and
still be happy. You know the situation to which
I have been lately raised. It will enable me to
give up the whole of my salary — a thousand
pounds yearly — and I shall enclose a power of at-
torney to enable you to receive it. Do with it what
justice demands — ^pay as fast as you receive, unless,
indeed, want among any of you calls for aid; in
that case make use of the money and let the worst
come. I leave everything to your discretion. If you
possibly can satisfy my creditors, do so. I have
been at three or four hundred pounds' expense in
outfits, which I fear will prevent my remitting any-
thing home this year, but the next I hope to spare
to that amount. Depend upon my exercising the
strictest economy, but I am in a position which
must be upheld by a certain outlay. Did it depend
upon myself, how willingly would I live upon
bread and water. Governor Gore is gone home with
a year's leave. Probably he will not return as long
as the war continues. I ought not, however, to look
to retain my situation above two years. I shall make
all I can out of it by any fair means, for be satis-
fied that even your stern honesty shall have no just
cause to censure one of my actions. But I cannot
164

HOME LETTERS

look for much popularity in the homely way. I
shall be constrained to proceed in the administra-
tion. Much show and feasting are indispensable to
attract the multitude, especially in a colony like
this where equality prevails to such a degree that
men judge of your disposition by the frequency of
the invitations they receive, At present all classes
profess great regard and esteem for me, but al-
though I hope they may, I cannot expect such
sentiments will continue long. If I retain the friend-
ship of the considerate and thoughtful I shall be
satisfied, and I shall strive to merit the good
opinion of such men. Henceforth I shall address
you without reference to the past; we must con-
sider how to get on in the future. You have read
much, and I trust will profit by the lessons philoso-
phers inculcate. BeUeve me, yours till doomsday."
Another letter is from the unfortunate cause of
the trouble. William Brock writes: "You have
received, or will receive shortly, a letter from our
assignees, desiring to be informed in what manner
the debt, which appears in our books as owing
by you, is to be liquidated. Too well do I know,
my dearest Isaac, your inability to pay it off your-
self. It now amounts to something above three
thousand pounds. The assignees will not, I believe,
take any unpleasant steps to enforce the payment,
yet it will be natural that they shall exact some
sort of security from you. It was reported that
legal proceedings were commenced against you,

165

GENERAL BROCK

and upon this report, a young man lately from
Canada, a Mr. EUice, called on Charles Bell to
enquire if it were so, and told Bell that rather than
anything unpleasant should happen to you, so great
was his esteem and friendship for you, that he
would contrive to pay the debt himself. Besides
his attachment to you, he told Bell you were so
beloved in Canada that you would not want friends
who would feel pleasure in assisting you to any
amount, if necessary. I know your love for me,
and shall therefore say a little about myself. Savery
was in London when the house stopped, and never
shall I forget what I owe him for the warmth and
interest he has uniformly shown in this hour of
need. Do not, I pray you, my dearest Isaac, at-
tribute my former silence to any diminution of
affection, but to a depression of spirits which this
final catastrophe has in some measure reheved, as a
reality of misfortune is probably less painful than
the preceding anxiety of it. Let us pray the pros-
pect may again brighten. In you is all my present
pride and future hope. Savery has within the last
few days sent me a copy of your welcome letter of
September 10th, from Montreal, and most cheering
it is to our drooping spirits. May this find you well
and hearty in your new honours at York."

The state of affairs in England at this time (1811)

is told in a contemporary letter from Thomas G.

Ridout, who was then on a visit there. He writes to

his father, the surveyor-general of Upper Canada:

166

DEPRESSION IN ENGLAND

" Trade is at a total stand here. In July and August
the merchants made a desperate effort to get off their
goods, and loaded eight hundred ships, which they
sent to the Baltic for Russia, Sweden and Prussia,
under an insurance of forty per cent. Some were
lost on the sea, others taken by privateers, and the
remainder got into ports where they were immedi-
ately seized and condemned. In consequence, most
of the insurers at Lloyd's have failed, along with
many rich and reputable houses. The foreign trade
is almost destroyed, the Custom House duties are
reduced upwards of one half. Of such dreadful
powei are Bonaparte's orders or edicts which have
of late been enforced in the strictest manner all
over the continent, that the commerce of England
has been almost ruined."^

This was doubtless the financial crisis in which
William Brock had lost all.

Isaac Brock was not of a temperament to brood
over his misfortunes; rather, he set himself with
a will to the work that lay before him. There was
much to be done in the province he had been called
upon to govern, for his predecessor, Mr. Francis
Gore, was an easy-going man, who had been content

* When the bankers and merchants of Paris came to the Tuileries to
congratulate Napoleon upon the birth of his son. Napoleon said in
answer to their address : '^ When I issued my decrees of Berlin and
Milan, England laughed, yet see where she stands to-day. Within two
years I shall subject England, I want only maritime force. . . . No
power in Europe shall trade with England. ... I made peace with
Russia at Tilsit because Russia undertook to make war on England."

167

GENERAL BROCK

to leave affairs much as he found them, and many
abuses had crept into the civil administration. One
rather amusing instance was the discovery that two
oxen had been maintained for some years at the
public expense, for the purpose of making a road
and of clearing away the heavy timber that lay
between the garrison and the town. As the work
was still unfinished, though years had passed since
General Hunter had given orders for it, it was
surmised that the oxen had been idle or kept for
other purposes. General Brock requested the com-
mander-in-chief to allow the oxen to resume their
work, a completion of which was most necessary.
So bad was the road at that time that communi-
cation between the garrison and Little York except
by water was very difficult.

A letter from Surveyor-General Ridout tells of
the new governor's energy. He writes from York
on December 18th, 1811, " General Brock intends
making this his headquarters, and to bring the navy,
engineers and all the departments here in the spring.
He told me a day or two ago that he will build an
arsenal between the park and the beach on the lake,
the government buildings, or rather, the public
offices, in front of Mr. Elmsley's house, a regular
garrison where the government house now is, and a
government house contiguous to the public build-
ings. These intentions seem to show that he thinks
of remaining with us for a certain time at least.
I own I do not think that Governor Gore will
168

BROCK'S ADMINISTRATION

return hither, but if this is not to be a permanent
military government, I should think that depends
upon himself. General Brock has also required from
me plans of all the townships in the province, with
the locations, which will be very heavy work." We
can almost hear the sigh with which the worthy
gentleman writes : " I own I do not like changes in
administration."

169

CHAPTER XIV

GATHERING CLOUDS

IN 1811 the financial storm that had burst on
England had spread to France. Quarrels had
again arisen between the latter country and the
two independent Baltic powers, Russia and Sweden,
Denmark had taken to piracy and had seized more
than fifty American ships, and Russia expected to
fight France in order to protect neutral commerce
in the Baltic. England had that year almost ceased
to send ships there, and America swarmed in until
the Russian market was glutted with its goods.
The United States had now a monopoly of the
Baltic trade, but while members were announcing
in congress at Washington that Napoleon's decrees
had been withdrawn, Russia and Sweden were in
the act of declaring war against France in order to
protect American rights from the effects of those
decrees.

The British prize court held that the French
decrees had not been repealed, therefore, that Ameri-
can vessels entering French ports were good prize.
It was truly a complicated state of affairs.

In the New England States there were some
political changes which boded ill for peace. In
Massachusetts, where the Federalist party had been

171

GENERAL BROCK

distinctly in favour of England/ Elbridge Gerry, the
Republican candidate for governor was elected and
for the first time the Republicans had a majority in
the state senate. Senator Pickering, possibly from
his friendly action towards England, lost his seat.
It was he who at a banquet in Boston to Mr. Jack-
son, the English envoy, gave as a toast, "The
world's last hope ; Britain's fast-anchored isle."

There was a growing feeling of antagonism to
England at Washington. The report of the com-
mittee appointed by congress on foreign relations,
recommended an increase of ten thousand men to
the army, a levy of fifty thousand from the militia,
the outfit of all vessels of war not on service, and
the arming of merchant vessels. In the debate that
followed, Mr. Randolph said: "Since the report of
the committee came into the House we have heard
but one word, Uke the whippoorwill's monotonous
tone, 'Canada, Canada, Canada.'"

Napoleon kept the Americans still in doubt as to
whether his Berlin and Milan decrees were or were
not revoked. Champagny, now Duke of Cadore,
said the emperor would favour the trade of the
United States so far as it did not cover or pro-
mote the commerce of England. The Americans
chose to believe that the decrees were revoked, but
as soon as they renewed their trade with France
the British navy renewed their blockade of New

^On this occasion the state was divided into districts in party
interests. Hence the word ^^gerrymander" so well-known in Canada.

172

THE "LITTLE BELT"

York harbour, and His Majesty's ships, the Me-
lampus and Guerriere captured some American
vessels bound for France, and impressed the Eng-
lish seamen found on board. In retaliation, Secre-
tary Hamilton ordered the forty- four gun frigate
President to sail at once and protect American
commerce. Then occurred near Annapolis the af-
fair between the President, commanded by Captain
Rodgers, and the Little Belt, a corvette of eighteen
guns, commanded by Captain Bingham. The cor-
vette was chased by the frigate, and an action
ensued in which the smaller boat was much dam-
aged. Eleven of her crew were killed and twenty-
four wounded. Both vessels disclaimed firing the
first shot, and Captain Rodgers said that in the
dusk of the twilight he was unaware of the size of
his opponent. Whether it occurred by mistake or
not, this affair served to increase the bad feeling
between the two nations.

Brock wrote on the subject: "President Madison
has committed himself most openly and unjusti-
fiably in the affair of the Little Belt by accusing
that poor little sloop of a wanton act of aggression
in attacking a huge American frigate, when Com-
modore Rodgers himself admits that he was nearly
eight hours the chasing vessel."

In his address to congress, November 4th, 1811,
the president said : " With the evidence of hostile
inflexibility in trampling on rights, which no inde-
pendent nation can relinquish, congress will feel the

173

GENERAL BROCK

duty of putting the United States into an armour,
and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and corres-
ponding with the national expectation." This some-
what grandiloquent message showed plainly the
desire of the president for war.

In this address it was also mentioned that it had
been necessary to march a force towards the north-
western frontier, in consequence of murders and
depredations committed by the Indians. The story
of this expedition may be briefly told.

On the banks of the Tippecanoe creek, near the
river Wabash, not far from Vincennes, and about
one hundred and fifty miles south-east of Fort
Dearborn (Chicago), was a flourishing Indian vil-
lage. Cultivated fields testified to the industry of
its inhabitants. As the home and headquarters of
the great chief, Tecumseh, the village was fre-
quented by bands of Indian warriors, then number-
ing about five thousand in the territory, who hoped
to keep for themselves and their children a portion
of the heritage of their forefathers. They were
animated by a spirit of patriotism, fostered by the
teaching of their leader. On July 31st, 1811, Te-
cumseh set off on a mission to the Creeks in the
far south. No sooner had he gone than the white
dwellers on the Miami River determined to take
active measures against the Indians. It happened
that there had been depredations committed by the
latter, and a feeling of distrust had arisen among
the settlers, many of whom had encroached on the
174

TIPPECANOE

Indian boundaries, and had thus laid themselves
open to attack.

General Harrison was at that time governor of
Indiana, and was authorized by the president to fit
out an expedition, nominally as a protection for the
white inhabitants, but in reality with an intention
of breaking up the Indian settlement. Among the
members of this expedition were a number of hot-
headed young Kentuckians, eager to emulate the
deeds of their fathers who had taken part in the old
Indian wars of the century before.

The expedition set off through what was then a
wilderness, carrying with them a rather scanty
supply of ammunition and food. General Harrison
was himself in command, and pressed on with all
haste in order to reach the village before their
supplies should give out. At last they came to the
banks of the Wabash, and there, within a short
distance of Tippecanoe they encamped for the
night on a hill. Word had gone to the village of
their approach, and before the dawn a party of
nine hundred young Indian braves stole on the
sleeping camp and made a sudden attack. All was
soon in confusion, and in the melee several hundred
Americans, including some prominent Kentuckians,
were killed and wounded. Having accomplished
their task, and not waiting for the break of day,
the Indians retired to their village.

When day came, General Harrison gathered
the remnants of his force together, and marched

175

GENERAL BROCK

on the village, to find it, however, deserted by
its inhabitants, who had fled to escape his venge-
ance. All that he could do in retaliation was to
burn the wigwams, destroy the stores of com and
fruits, and lay waste the fields. This done, he took
his shattered band back by the way they came.
This expedition was magnified by the Americans
into a victory, and henceforth General Harrison
was known by the name, " Old Tippecanoe." The
Americans, willing always to blame the English
government, placed the responsibility for the fight
on the latter, and accused them of having incited
the Indians to acts of aggression. One effect of the
so-called battle was to make the Indians more
favourable to an alliance with King George, and to
make them hate, with a more bitter hatred, the
despoilers of their homes.

In January, 1812, Tecumseh returned to find
famine where he had left plenty, ruin and desolation
where he had left a prosperous community. From
that time Indian hostilities began again on the
frontier, and were carried on with great ferocity.

In a letter to Sir James Craig on December 3rd,
Brock wrote: "My first care on my arrival in the
province was to direct the officers of the Indian
department to exert their whole influence with the
Indians to prevent the attack, which I understood
a few tribes meditated against the American fron-
tier. But these efforts proved fruitless. Such was
their infatuation, the Indians refused to listen to
176

PLAN OF CAMPAIGN

advice, and they are now so deeply engaged that I
despair of being able to withdraw them from the
contest in time to avert their destruction. A high
degree of fanaticism, which has been for years
working in their minds, has led to the present state
of things." Again he vn-ites, "The Indians felt they
had been sacrificed in 1794. They are eager to
avenge their injuries."

In view of the expected American invasion, as
early as December, 1811, General Brock gave his
plan of campaign to Sir George Prevost. After
events' proved how right he was in his forecast. He
represented that Amherstburg was a most import-
ant position, and that Detroit and Michilimackinac
ought to be taken in order to convince the Indians
that the British were in earnest about war. At that
time the garrisons of those two places did not exceed
seventy rank and file, but reinforcements. Brock
thought, would be drawn from the Ohio, where
there was an enterprising, hardy race of settlers,
famous as horsemen and expert with the rifle. He
also thought that unless a diversion were made
at Detroit, an overwhelming force would be sent
against Niagara.

In December, 1811, the militia at Amherstburg
numbered about seven hundred men. Brock pro-
posed to increase the garrison there by two hundred
rank and file from Fort George and York. As for
the protection of the country between Amherstburg
and Fort Erie, he depended on the naval force on

177

GENERAL BROCK

Lake Erie, which consisted then of one sloop, the
Queen Charlotte, and one schooner, the Hunter,
The latter was old and out of repair, and yet was
the only vessel able to navigate Lake Huron. The
Americans had on Lake Erie a sloop and a fine
brig, the Adams, of twelve guns. Both were in
perfect readiness for service.

General Brock counselled the immediate pur-
chase or hire of vessels, and also advised that gun-
boats should be built at once, constructed to draw
but little water. Owing to his representations another
schooner, the Lady Prevost, was ordered to be built
on Lake Erie, and also one on Lake Ontario, the
Piince Regent. News had come that the only
American vessel of war on Lake Ontario, then
lying at Sacketts Harbour, was being manned as
fast as possible. The Americans were also recruiting
for the navy at Buffalo, and had crossed to Fort
Erie to inveigle men away from there.

General Brock wrote to Sir George Prevost that
he believed an attempt at invasion would be made
at the strait between Niagara and Fort Erie, and
that he thought he could raise about three thousand
militia and five hundred Indians to guard that line.
He believed a protracted resistance would em-
barrass the enemy, for their troops, being volunteers,
had hardly any discipline. He would need cavalry,
and he had had many offers from young men to
form a troop, but they would require swords and
pistols. He considered Kingston a most important
178

DEPOTS OF ARMS

place to guard, for he believed a strong detachment
of the enemy would follow Lord Amherst's route
of 1760, and enter the province by way of Oswega-
tchie (Ogdensburg), where the river St. Lawrence
is one thousand six hundred yards broad.

The militia between the Bay of Quints and
Glengarry were, he thought of excellent quality.
They could not be better employed than in watch-
ing such a movement. " Mr. Cartwright, the senior
militia colonel at Kingston," he wrote, "possesses
the influence to which his firm character and
superior abilities so deservedly entitle him."

Sir George Prevost wished to establish depots of
arms throughout the country. Brock proposed that
there should be proper places at each post where
arms could be deposited after the militia had exer-
cised. Sir George proposed sending two thousand
three hundred and twenty-nine muskets to Upper
Canada ; but as there was no place to store them
there Brock urged the completion at once of the
proper buildings for the purpose at York.

In the summer of 1811 the 41st Regiment was
at Montreal, eight hundred strong. In October it
was moved to York. In November three hundred
recruits for the regiment arrived at Quebec. They
had been sixteen weeks on the passage, and had
suffered much. " What a noble battahon this will
be when brought together," Brock writes. It was
not long before their mettle was tried and proved.

The work of raising the corps of Glengarry

179

GENERAL BROCK

Fencibles, proposed some years before, was now
gone on with, and Colonel George Macdonell was
entrusted with the task. Among the officers ap-
pointed to it were three sons of General -^neas
Shaw, then adjutant-general of miUtia.^ It was de-
cided that the uniform of this corps should be dark
green, like that of the 95th Rifles. Recruiting went
on for the Glengarries, as they were called, not only
in the province of Upper Canada, but also in Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick, and sturdy High-
landers were gathered from the coast and gulf,
men who in the stern days to come fought to
the death for Canada.

In January a letter from Colonel Baynes told
Brock that by the October mail had come the long-
looked-for permission for him to return to England
for service in Spain. Brock sent his formal acknow-
ledgment of the receipt of this permission to leave
Canada, but on account of the strong presumption
of war with the Americans, he begged to be allowed
to remain in his present command. Sir George

^ On page 154 reference was made to General Brock's engagement
to a lady in York. Fuller confirmation of the story has been since re-
ceived, although in the form of a family tradition unsupported by
letters. It was to a daughter (Susan) of Lieutenant-General Shaw that
Brock was said to be engaged. The lady in question never married, but
died at an advanced age at the house of her sister, Mrs. John Baldwin.
Another sister, Isabella, was said to be the fiancee of John Macdonell,
Brock's friend and A.D.C. She afterwards married the eldest son of
Chief Justice Powell. His granddaughter, Mrs. Ridout, now aged
ninety, relates the story heard in her youth of the romantic engage-
ment of the two sisters whose lovers fell together on Queenston Heights.

180

FLANK COMPANIES

Prevost wrote saying that he had heard from
Colonel Baynes that General Brock would not
avail himself of his leave of absence, and expressed
himself as much pleased that at this critical time
he was not to be deprived of his services.

A scheme of General Brock's was now carried
out under his immediate supervision, namely, the
formation of flank companies, in the different militia
regiments, of specially drilled men, in order, as
he said, to organize an armed force to meet future
exigencies, and to demonstrate, by practical experi-
ence, the degree of facility with which the militia
might be trained to service. The companies were to
consist of one captain, two subalterns, two sergeants,
one drummer, and thirty-five rank and file. In
General Brock's address to the officers of these
companies, he said: "Assisted by your zeal, pru-
dence and intelligence, I entertain the pleasing
hope of meeting with very considerable success,
and of being able to establish the sound policy
of rendering permanent a mode of military instruc-
tion little burdensome to individuals, and in every
way calculated to secure a powerful internal defence
against hostile aggression."

The arms and accoutrements for the flank com-
panies were to be obtained from Fort Erie. General
Brock also asked for clothing for them from the
king's stores. As to their training, they were to drill
six times a month, and as there was no provision
for remunerating the men. Brock asked that the

181

GENERAL BROCK

commissariat should issue rations for the number
actually present at exercise.

This organization proved a very useful measure,
as the flank companies were ready when the war
broke out. The numbers embodied at first were
about seven hundred; when the companies were
completed they might be reckoned at eighteen
hundred.

During the winter of 1811-12, military works
were going on with all speed throughout the pro-
vince. Artificers were preparing temporary maga-
zines for the reception of spare powder at Fort
George and Kingston, the proposed fortifications at
York were begun, and ship-building was in pro-
gress. "Be ready," was the watchword for the
spring.

182

CHAPTER XV

CANADA^S DEFENCE

ON February 3rd, 1812, the House of Assem-
bly at York was opened with all due state and
ceremony, and a brilliant suite attended the acting
governor. In his speech General Brock deplored
the treatment of England by the United States,
from whose harbours English vessels were inter-
dicted, while they were open to those of her foes.
Although he still hoped that war would be averted,
he recommended measures that would defeat the
aggressions of the enemy and secure internal peace.
He appealed to the sons of those who had stood by
England in the past, not that he thought it was
necessary to animate their patriotism, but in order
to dispel any apprehension in the country of the
possibility of England deserting them. On February
12th General Brock wrote to Colonel Baynes: "The
assurance which I gave in my speech at the open-
ing of the legislature, of England co-operating in
the defence of this province, has infused the utmost
confidence, and I have reason at this moment to
look for the acquiescence of the two Houses to
every measure I may think necessary to recom-
mend for the peace and defence of the country."
General Brock's hopeful anticipation of help from

183

GENERAL BROCK

England was not realized during 1812. The pre-
parations for defence were woefully hampered by
the instructions which Sir George Prevost un-
doubtedly received from the home government to
avoid expenditure. He was limited as to expenses,
and repeatedly cautioned not to provoke hostilities.
Consent had been given to the completion of the
defences of Quebec, but while millions were given
to help Spain, and Austria, and Russia, and Prussia
against Napoleon, Canada was left without money
or soldiers. There was neither money to meet the
cost of a war, nor troops to carry it through with
any chance of success. Nor was it in a quarrel of
her own that Canada was engaged, but the quarrel
was forced upon her because she was the most vul-
nerable part of the British empire.

The measures that General Brock hoped to carry
through the House were: (1) A militia supplemen-
tary act; (2) the suspension of the habeas corpus^
(3) an alien law, and the offer of a reward for the
apprehension of deserters. He knew well that there
were traitors even in the House of Assembly and
among the militia, men who had recently come
from the United States and whose sympathies were
with the latter country. He was convinced that it
was advisable to require every one to take an oath
of allegiance abjuring all foreign powers. He wrote:
"If I succeed in all this I shall claim some praise,
but I am not without my fears."

The administrator was doomed to be disappointed
184

THE PRESIDENT S MESSAGE

in securing the support of the two Houses of the
legislature to the measures he had thought neces-
sary to recommend. The bill to introduce the oath
of abjuration was lost by the casting vote of the
chairman. The bill for the suspension of the habeas
covpus was lost by a small majority, partly because
the members did not see its necessity, not believing
that war would take place. General Brock thought
that the reason for the acts not passing was the
great influence the numerous settlers from the
United States possessed over the decision of the
Lower House. He thought this influence was al-
arming, and could be remedied only by encourag-
ing "real subjects" to settle in the province. He
recommended that grants of Crown lands should
be given to any Scotch emigrants who should enlist
in the Glengarry Fencibles. He wrote to Colonel
Baynes at Quebec concerning the disappointment
he felt at the failure of the assembly to pass the
bills he wanted. In reply, Baynes said: "Sir George,
who is well versed in the fickle and intractable dis-
position of public assemblies, feels more regret than
disappointment. He has a very delicate card to
play himself with his House of Assembly here,
who would fain keep up the farce of being highly
charmed with his amiable disposition and affable
manners."

In March, 1812, congress met, and the president's
message was decidedly hostile. It began by charg-
ing that British cruisers had been in the continued

185

GENERAL BROCK

practice of violating the American flag on the great
highway of nations, and of seizing and carrying off
persons sailing under it. This was the first time the
government of the United States had alleged im-
pressment as its chief grievance, or had announced
its intention to claim redress.

There was another grievance that the president
brought forward in his message. It will be remem-
bered that in 1808 one John Henry went to the
United States from Canada on a secret mission,
and entered into a correspondence with Mr. Ry-
land, the secretary of Sir James Craig, relative to
the feeling in the United States at that time as to
war with England. Henry wrote fourteen letters in
all, none of which were important or incriminating
to the government of Canada. They were merely
what an ordinary journalist might write on public
affairs. Nevertheless he seems to have placed a high
value on his services, and not receiving from Sir
James Craig as much as he expected, he went to
England in 1811 and claimed a reward from the
government there. This was refused, and he was
told to apply to the successor of Sir James Craig
as better able to appreciate the ability and success
with which his mission had been executed. Enraged
by this refusal, Henry determined to sell his docu-
ments to the United States. On his way back to
America for this purpose he had as a fellow-passen-
ger a young Frenchman, Count Edward de Crillon,
who represented himself as belonging to a noble
186

HENRY'S LETTERS

French family. To this man Henry confided his
woes and grievances, and met with much sympa-
thy. The count agreed to accompany him to Wash-
ington and assist him in selHng his papers to the
government there. He also persuaded Henry to
purchase from him his family estate of " Castle St.
Martine," to which he might retire and renew the
health and strength which had been shattered by
anxiety and the ingratitude of his country. All the
payment the count would ask was the money from
the American government which Henry would re-
ceive by his assistance from the authorities at Wash-
ington. Henry joyfully agreed. De Crillon, who had
most engaging manners, was welcomed by the best
society at the capital, who lavished on him all the
attentions that his rank demanded. The memory of
Lafayette still lingered in the United States, and
the count touched the right chord in the national
heart. By his clever persuasion. Secretary Monroe
paid over the sum of fifty thousand dollars for the
papers, which were made use of by the president
to fan the flame of war.

Madison in his address informed congress that
while the Americans were at peace with the British,
the governor of Canada had employed an emissary
to traverse the states of the union, and especially
Massachusetts, in order to excite the people to
revolt. A thousand copies of the letters were
ordered to be printed and distributed. The English
government was charged in the press with foment-

187

GENERAL BROCK

ing disaffection, intriguing with the disaffected to
destroy the union, and draw the eastern states
into an alliance with Great Britain.^ Sir George
Prevost wrote on the subject to Lord Liver-
pool: "Before your Lordship receives this letter
you will probably be in possession of all the cir-
cumstances relative to Henry's treachery. From
Mr. Henry's residence in this country and his re-
ligion, from his thorough acquaintance with the
Canadian character and language, and, above all,
from his deep resentment against the government,
Bonaparte may be incHned to give him a favour-
able reception in France, with a view to his keeping
his talents in reserve to suit the exigencies of the
government of the United States, in event of an alli-
ance being formed between these countries against
England."

The sequel of the story, which was not known
until long afterwards, was that de Crillon was an
impostor. When the money was paid over to him
he disappeared, leaving with Henry the worthless
title deeds to an imaginary estate. Even in this
small affair one can trace the hand of the astute
master of Europe, for the so-called Count de Cril-
lon turned out to be an agent of Napoleon's secret
police!

'^Henry's letter to H. W. Ryland, April Uth, 1808.— "From all I
have been able to collect I can with confidence infer that in case of a
war the states on our borders may be detached from the union, and,
like the Germanic body, each state consult its own safety and interest. "

188

BROCK S ACTIVITY

The hostile address of the president, and the pre-
parations for war that were being made throughout
the United States, inspired Brock to fresh exertions
for the defence of his province, which would un-
doubtedly be the part of Canada to be first attacked.
No possible precaution was omitted, there was no
weak spot that was not strengthened to the best of
his ability. He spared himself no fatigue. One day
at York, engaged in the duties of his office, the next
day he would be at Fort George superintending the
defences of that frontier, reviewing and animating
the militia, giving the word of praise where it was
needed, cheering the timid, awing the disloyal.
Even the Indians were not forgotten, and a visit
was paid to the Grand River, where were settled
the Six Nation Indians, with whom he was ex-
tremely popular.^

The boasts in congress of the easy conquest
of Canada, and the insolence of the press in the
United States, had roused an intense national feel-
ing among both the French and English inhabitants.
In Quebec the corps known as "The Voltigeurs"
had been raised and placed under the command of
Major de Salaberry. We read in the papers of the
day that it was completed with a despatch "worthy
of the ancient warlike spirit of the country."

^The Iroquois, after being driven by the Americans from their
territory south of Lake Ontario, received a grant of land from Sir
Frederick Haldimand in 1784 on the Grand River between Lakes Erie
and Ontario. Some also settled on the Thames, which falls into Lake
St. Clair.

189

GENERAL BROCK

In Lower Canada, by the militia law, the pro-
vince was divided into fifty-two divisions. All males
from sixteen to sixty were required to enrol their
names with a captain of companies mustered to
serve a year. This was the sedentary militia, con-
sisting of about fifty thousand men. The incor-
porated militia, by an act passed May 19th, 1812,
was fixed at two thousand men, but was increased
afterwards. This body was chosen by ballot from
unmarried men in the sedentary militia, the term of
service to be two years, which was afterwards
increased to three years. No substitutes were per-
mitted to serve. In the Upper Province, with some
trifling modifications, the same system prevailed,
but on account of the more scanty population the
force was proportionately less.

The commander-in-chief still preached caution
and forbearance. In his letter to General Brock,
of March 31st, 1812, he says: "I have carefully
examined Lieutenant- Colonel Macdonell's report
on the American fort at Detroit, written at your
desire from information he had received during
a residence of a few days in the vicinity. Whatever
temptations may offer to induce you to depart from
a system strictly defensive, I must pointedly request
that under the existing circumstances of our re-
lation with the government of the United States,
you must not allow them to lead you into any
measure bearing the character of offence, even
should a declaration of war be laid on the table of
190

WAR IMMINENT

congress by the president's influence, because I am
informed by our minister at Washington there pre-
vails throughout the United States a great unwill-
ingness to enter upon hostilities, and also because
the apparent neglect at Detroit might be but a bait
to tempt us to an act of aggression, in its effects
uniting parties, strengthening the power of the
government of that country, and affording that
assistance to the raising of men for the augmen-
tation of the American army, without which their
ability to raise an additional regiment is now ques-
tioned. You are nevertheless to persevere in your
preparations for defence."

Three weeks later, in a letter to Lord Liverpool,
Sir George Prevost's tone had changed, and he was
inclined to think war was more imminent. He
writes: "The recent passing of an embargo act in
congress, the orders issued for the march of sixteen
hundred men to reinforce the American positions
on Lakes Erie and Ontario and the river St.
Lawrence, indicate an inevitable disposition for
hostilities, which have induced me to accept the
services of five hundred Canadian youths, to be
formed into a corps of light infantry, or voltigeurs."
On the same date, the minister at Washington,
Mr. Foster, wrote to Lord Castlereagh, who had
succeeded the Marquis of Wellesley as secretary of
war: "The mihtia in the northern, and particularly
the eastern states, are well trained and armed. The
general who has been lately appointed commander-

191

GENERAL BROCK

in-chief (Dearborn) is a heavy, unwieldy looking
man, who was a major in the American revolution-
ary war, and was a prisoner in Canada. He has
apparently accepted his appointment with great
reluctance. There is a cannon foundry near here
from which a hundred cannon have been lately
sent to New York, many of them cast iron. They
have fifty more now on hand. Considerable supplies
are daily sending to Albany, the contractors having
shipped for that place every barrel of beef and pork
in the market."

On April 14th, the president of the United States
placed an embargo on all American vessels for
ninety days, so as to limit the number on the high
seas, and also to enable them to man their ships of
war and privateers. Their fastest merchant vessels
were made into cruisers. The anti-war party in the
United States, however, still hoped that the orders-
in-council would be repealed or at least some
friendly message sent from the EngKsh govern-
ment. But no friendly message came.

In England at this time there was an interregnum
of confusion. It was on May 8th, 1812, that Spencer
Perceval, the prime minister, was assassinated. A
letter of that date says: "Never has the British
government been in the situation it now is, Mr.
Perceval dead, and all public offices in confusion,
and the great men caballing one against the other.
If they repeal the orders-in-council, the American
trade will flourish beyond all former periods. They
192

REPEAL OF ORDERS-IN-COUNCIL

will then have the whole commerce of the con-
tinent in their hands, and the British, though
blockading with powerful armaments the hostile
ports of Europe, will behold fleets of American
merchantmen enter in safety the harbours of the
enemy, and carry on a brisk and lucrative trade,
whilst the English, who command the ocean and
are sole masters of the deep, must quietly suffer
two-thirds of their shipping to be dismantled, and
to lie snug and useless in little rivers or alongside
huge but empty warehouses. Their sailors, in order
to earn a little salt junk and flinty biscuit, must
spread themselves like vagabonds over the face of
the earth, and enter the service of any nation. If,
on the contrary, they continue to enforce their
orders, trade will still remain in its present deplor-
able state. An American war will follow, and poor
Canada will be obliged to bear the whole brunt
of American vengeance."^

On April 21st, 1812, the Regent had agreed to
revoke the orders-in-council if the Berlin and Milan
decrees should be repealed. It was June 15th, how-
ever, when Mr. Brougham, in the House of Com-
mons, moved for their repeal. They were revoked
on June 23rd, a few days after the actual declara-
tion of war by the United States.

In May the Enghsh government did not appre-
hend war. So little did they think it was coming
that both the 41st and 49th Regiments were ordered

1 Thos. G. Ridout, in ''Ten Years of Upper Canada," p. 114.

193

GENERAL BROCK

back for service in Portugal. In July even Lord
Liverpool, the new prime minister, wrote that he
hoped there would be no occasion for the sacrifices
that the people of Lower Canada were willing to
make for the defence of their country, and that the
repeal of the orders-in-council would bring about
a better feeling between the two countries. He
directed that preparations for defense should be
delayed, and that the proposed raising of the Glen-
garry Regiment should be given up. When that
letter arrived at its destination, war was in progress.
It was well for Canada that by the foresight of one
man in command there, preparations had been made
to meet it.

In April news came from Washington that five
hundred militia from the state of New York were to
be sent to Niagara, five hundred to Black Rock,
opposite Fort Erie, and six hundred to Lake Cham-
plain. It was thought that this measure would
provoke hostilities, as it looked as if the Americans
were determined to pick a quarrel. Again and again
Sir George Prevost cautioned Brock to use every
effort to prevent a collision. He was evidently
afraid that his energetic colleague would precipitate
hostilities.

In spite of his conviction that the sooner events
came to a climax the better for Canada, General
Brock writes in obedience to the orders of his
commanding officer: "I entreat you to believe that
no act within my control shall afford the govern-
194

A FORECAST

ment of the United States a legitimate pretext to
add to the clamour so artfully raised against Eng-
land." Brock's keen military instinct had divined
what the enemy would first attempt, and he had
urged upon Sir George Prevost the importance of
striking the first blow. Sir George apparently agreed
with Brock, yet held back, seemingly in doubt as
to the line he should pursue. He was, no doubt,
hampered by his instructions from England. In a
letter to Colonel Baynes, Brock repeats : " I declare
my full conviction that unless Detroit and Michili-
mackinac be both in our possession at the com-
mencement of hostilities, not only the district of
Amherstburg, but most probably the whole country
as far as Kingston must be evacuated." As to arms
for the militia, he urged that they should be sent to
Upper Canada with all speed. He says: "I have
not a musket more than will suffice to arm the
active part of the militia from Kingston westwards.
I have to request, therefore, that the number of
arms may be sent according to enclosed requisition
to place on the communication between Glengarry
and Kingston. Every man capable of carrying a
musket along the whole of that line ought to be
prepared to act." He wanted to find an enterpris-
ing, intelligent commander for that district, and
afterwards selected Major-General Shaw, in whom
he had much confidence. As for himself, he in-
tended to give his attention to Amherstburg and
Niagara. He hoped that both the 41st and the 49th

195

GENERAL BROCK

would be placed at his disposal. If so, he would
send the former to Amherstburg. He thought it
was impossible to send a force from the latter place
to reduce Michilimackinac, for no vessel could
pass the river St. Clair unless the British occupied
both banks of the river. He then suggested a plan
which had been contemplated some years before by-
Sir James Craig and himself, namely, that of trans-
porting a small force by the Ottawa. He advocated
sending forty or fifty of the 49th Light Company,
and a detachment of artillery by canoe from Mont-
real. The North- West Company had, in 1808, pro-
mised them transport.

With the attention to detail for which Brock
was remarkable, he ordered the purchase at Am-
herstburg of two thousand bushels of corn. It had
to be purchased on the American side, and was
absolutely necessary in case of war. He also ordered
the purchase of horses for the car brigade, as this
was a service, he said, which required infinite trouble
and practice to bring to any degree of perfection.

This car brigade was a volunteer artillery com-
pany of farmers' sons who had offered their services
to Brock, together with their draught horses, free
of expense. The company was completed in July,
fully equipped, and placed under Captain Holcroft
of the Royal Artillery. General Brock also ordered
a minute survey of stores to be made at Amherst-
burg and other posts. One effect of the embargo
had been to keep forty thousand barrels of flour,
196

THE INDIANS

the product of the southern shores of Lake Ontario,
from the Montreal market. Most rigorous measures
were being used by the United States officials to
prevent the least infringement of the embargo on
the Niagara River. Armed men in civilians' clothing
were constantly patrolling the shore. An idle boy
was said to have wantonly fired with ball from the
Canadian side of the river at the guard opposite
Queenston. The Americans were guilty of a similar
outrage by firing at night into a room where a
woman was sitting.

So the winter and spring passed in constant
anxiety and preparation. In May Brock wrote that
nothing but the public voice was restraining the
United States from commencing hostilities. He
thought it probable they would seize some island in
the channel. It was reported that six companies of
Ohio militia were on their way to Detroit. Fort
Niagara had been reinforced, and barracks were
building at Black Rock, opposite Fort Erie.

The Indians were now actively engaged against
the Americans on the frontier, and Brock thought
the neutral policy pursued towards them by the
government of Canada was not wise. Each day that
the officers of the department were restrained from
interfering in their concerns, each time that they
advised peace, and withheld the accustomed sup-
ply of ammunition, their influence diminished. He
thought the British would lose the interest of the
Indians if they remained inactive. "I have always

197

GENERAL BROCK

considered," he says, "that the reduction of Detroit
would be a signal for a cordial cooperation on the
part of the Indians, and if we be not in sufficient
force to effect this object, no reliance ought to be
placed on them."

The inspection of the king's stores showed they
were at a very low ebb. There were in them scarcely
any articles of use or comfort. Blankets, hammocks,
kettles ought to be purchased. Tents were urgently
needed. In a letter to Colonel Baynes, General
Brock says that he thought the disposition of the
people throughout the country was very good. The
flank companies had been instantly completed with
volunteers, and he hoped to extend the system, but
he ends with, "My means are very limited."

There was great inconvenience for want of specie
in Upper Canada, an evil which was increased by
the embargo. In case of war there would be none
to defray ordinary expenses. General Brock had to
consider the best means of meeting this difficulty,
and consulted some of the leading merchants of the
country as to the possibility of a paper currency.
He thought it would be generally approved of
throughout the province, and that the circulation
of ten or fifteen thousand pounds would meet pres-
ent emergencies. His representations resulted in a
number of gentlemen of credit forming themselves
into what was called the Niagara and Queenston
Association, and several thousand pounds were is-
sued in the shape of bank notes, which were cur-
198

A PAPER CURRENCY

rently received throughout the country, and after-
wards redeemed with army bills. So little by little
the resourceful commander met every difficulty,
and prepared himself for the inevitable conflict.

199

CHAPTER XVI

ON THE FRONTIER

Let every man who swings an axe,
Or follows at the plough.
Abandon farm and homestead,
And grasp a rifle now !
We'll trust the God of Battles
Although our force be small ;
Arouse ye, brave Canadians,
And answer to my call !

Let mothers, though with breaking hearts.

Give up their gallant sons ;

Let maidens bid their lovers go.

And wives their dearer ones !

Then rally to the frontier

And form a living wall ;

Arouse ye, brave Canadians,

And answer to my call !

— /. D. Edgar J "This Canada of Ours."

THE frontier of Canada to be defended, reckon-
ing from Fort Joseph at the head of I^ake
Huron to Quebec, was over twelve hundred miles in
length. The number of regulars in both the Canadas
was a little less than five thousand. The 8th, the
41st, the 49th, the 100th Regiments, the 10th Royal
Veterans, some artillery and the Canadian, New-
foundland and Glengarry Fencibles composed the
force, of which about fourteen hundred and fifty
were in Upper Canada, divided between Forts

201

GENERAL BROCK

Joseph, Amherstburg, Chippawa, Erie, York and
Kingston. The most assailable frontier was the
river Detroit from Sandwich to Amherstburg, the
river Niagara from Fort Erie to Fort George, and
the St. Lawrence from Kingston to St. Regis
where the American boundary touches the St.
Lawrence. Between that place and Quebec was an
impenetrable forest. The population of Upper Can-
ada was about seventy thousand, of which eleven
thousand might be called out as militia, although
not more than four thousand were ready for service.
This, then, was the material of which Brock had to
make an army of defence. It looked out of the
question for it to be an army of attack.

Early in May a warning note came from Mr.
Thomas Barclay, the English consul-general at
New York. He wrote to Sir George Prevost: "You
may consider war as inevitable. It will take place in
July at the latest. Upper Canada will be the first
object. Military stores of all kinds and provisions
are daily moving hence towards the lines. Thirteen
thousand five hundred militia, the quota of the
state, are drawn and ordered to be in readiness at a
moment's notice."

During this month Brock had hurried up ord-
nance and other stores to St. Joseph, and had
ordered Captain Roberts, in command there, to be
on his guard. At Amherstburg there were about
seven hundred militia, rank and file. The general
proposed to increase the garrison there by two
202

WAR DECLARED

hundred men from Fort George and York, and guns
were sent also from those places, relying upon others
coming from Kingston by the Earl of Moira.

On June 1st General Hull, the civil governor of the
Michigan territory, and then recently made brigadier-
general, in command of about two thousand men,
began his march for the Michigan territory from
Dayton, Ohio. On June 7th he arrived at Urbana,
where he was joined by the 4th Regiment. Colonel
McArthur, from Detroit, with his regiment of
Michigan militia, had been ordered to open a road
as far as the Scioto River, where two blockhouses,
joined by a strong stockade, were called Fort Mc-
Arthur. General Hull's march lay for part of the
way through thick and trackless forests. On June
18th war was formally declared by the United
States against England, but news of this did not
reach Sir George Prevost at Quebec until the 26th
of that month, and then it did not come officially
but by a letter to the secretary, H. W. Ryland,
from the firm of Forsyth, Richardson & Company,
and James McGillivray of the North-West and
South- West Fur Companies. The letter was as fol-
lows: "Montreal, June 24th. You will be pleased to
inform the governor-general that we have just re-
ceived by an express which left New York on the
20th and Albany on Sunday last at 6 a.m., the
account that war against Great Britain is declared."
Fortunately General Brock was not left to learn
the news by the circuitous channel of the govemor-

203

GENERAL BROCK

general. He, too, had a communication sent him by
express from Niagara. It came to Thomas Clark
from John Jacob Astor, New York, and was im-
mediately sent on to General Brock, who received
it in York on June 26th.^ In a few hours two
companies of the 41st Regiment in garrison at York
were embarked in boats to the Niagara frontier,
while the general assembled his council, called an
extra session of the legislature, and then in a small
open boat, with his brigade major, Evans, and his
aide-de-camp. Captain Glegg, crossed the lake,
(thirty miles) to Fort George, where he established
his headquarters. Colonel Baynes wrote to him as
soon as the intelligence reached Sir George, and
said His Excellency was inclined to believe the
report, but it was not official. Colonel Baynes also
reported that six large canoes of the North- West
Company going to the upper lakes by the Ottawa,
to receive their furs, had offered to accommodate
six soldiers in each canoe, in order to reinforce St.
Joseph, but Sir George did not think it well to
weaken the 49th by sending them. The letter ends,
" Sir George desires me to say that he does not
attempt to prescribe specific rules for your guidance
— ^they must be directed by your discretion, and
the circumstances of the time — the present order of
the day with him i^ forbearance "

^ Mr. Astor had extensive fur interests in Canada, and obtained
early and private information from Washington in order to prevent his
store of furs being sent from their depots.
204

NEWS FROM QUEBEC

On July 3rd there was still doubt about war
being really declared, but Colonel Baynes writes to
General Brock on that date from Quebec: "We have
a report here of your having commenced operations
by levelling the American fort at Niagara. His Ex-
cellency is most anxious to hear good and recent
news from your quarter. The flank companies here
are on the march, and two thousand militia will
form a chain of posts from St. Johns to Laprairie.
The town militia of Montreal and Quebec, to the
amount of three thousand in each city, have volun-
teered, are being embodied and drilled, and will
take their part in garrison duty to relieve the troops.
The proclamation for declaring martial law is pre-
pared and will speedily be issued. All aliens will be
required to take the oath of allegiance or immedi-
ately quit the province. Our cash is at its last issue,
and a substitute of paper must perforce be re-
sorted to."

General Brock did not wait to receive official
instructions from the commander-in-chief, but im-
mediately issued his orders for the disposal of his
scanty force. He called out the flank companies,
consisting of eight hundred well drilled men, and
also sent an express to Captain Roberts at Fort
Joseph with instructions to attempt the capture of
Michilimackinac.

The district general order from Niagara on June
27th, was as follows: "Colonel Procter will assume
the command of the troops between Niagara and

205

GENERAL BROCK

Fort Erie. The Hon. Colonel Clans will command
the militia stationed between Niagara and Queens-
ton, and Lieutenant-Colonel Clark from Queenston
to Fort Erie. The commissariat at their respective
posts will issue rations and fuel for the number
actually present. The car brigade and the provin-
cial cavalry are included in this order. The detach-
ment of the 41st, stationed at the two and four-mile
points, will be relieved by an equal number of the
1st Lincoln militia to-morrow morning. It is recom-
mended to the militia to bring blankets with them
on service. The troops will be kept in a constant
state of readiness for service, and Colonel Procter
will direct the necessary guards and patrols which
are to be made down the bank and close to the
water's edge. Lieutenant -Colonel Nichol is ap-
pointed quartermaster-general to the militia forces,
with the same pay and allowances as those granted
to the adjutant-general."

The appointment of Colonel Nichol to this posi-
tion is another instance of General Brock's foresight
and judgment in choosing men for special work. In
1804, when Brock was a colonel in command at
Fort George, this Mr. Nichol kept, in the village
near by, a small shop or general store, where all
sorts of wares were sold. He was a clever little
Scotsman, and the colonel soon became his warm
friend, and invited him often to dine with him at
the mess. At this time there was a menace of war,
and Colonel Brock soon discovered that his friend
206

COLONEL NICHOL

had a very good knowledge of the country. At his
request Mr. Nichol drew up a statistical account of
Upper Canada, showing its resources in men, horses,
provisions, and its most vulnerable and assailable
points. The sketch was in fact a military report,
embracing every detail which the commander of an
army would desire to have in the event of a war.
The statement proved most valuable in after years
to General Brock, and now that he was choosing
his men for service in the various posts required,
Colonel Nichol, to the surprise of some who thought
themselves entitled to the position, was given an
appointment where his particular qualities would
be of use. Lieutenant- Colonel Nichol had been in
command of the 2nd Norfolk Militia, a regiment
composed almost entirely of native Americans, and
naturally not much to be depended on at the be-
ginning of the war. Colonel Nichol, in a letter to
Captain Glegg, gives his idea of how to manage
such a regiment. He says: "You know well, sir,
that in a militia composed as ours is of independent
yeomanry, it would be both impolitic and useless
to attempt to introduce the strict discipline of the
line. Just and fair conduct and a conciliatory dis-
position on the part of their commanding officer
will do much, and this was the line I had marked
out for myself"

Strange to say, the official communication of the
declaration of war did not reach Sir George Prevost
until about July 7th, at Montreal. He writes on

207

GENERAL BROCK

that date to General Brock: "It was only on my
arrival here that I received Mr. Foster's notification
of the congress of the United States having declared
war against Great Britain." The actual declaration
took place on June 18th. The vote in the American
senate was one hundred and ninety-three to thirteen,
in the lower house seventy-nine to forty-nine. So
unpopular was it in Massachusetts that on the
receipt of the news the flags in the harbour of
Boston were placed at half-mast. The declaration
of war did not reach England until July 30th, and
when it arrived, the government, thinking that the
revocation of the orders-in-council would bring a
suspension of hostihties, only ordered the detention
of American ships and property. It was not until
October 13th that directions were issued for general
reprisals against the ships, goods and citizens of the
United States.

Colonel Baynes writes on July 8th, acknowledg-
ing a letter from Brock of the 3rd: "Only four
days from York." He continues, "We have felt
extremely anxious about you ever since we have
learnt of the actual declaration of war, which has
been so long threatened that we never believed it
would ever seriously take place. Even now it is the
prevailing opinion that offensive measures are not
likely to be speedily adopted against this country."

At that moment General Hull, who had received
news of the declaration of war on June 26th, was
preparing to enter Canada. On June 24th the
208

HULI/S ADVANCE

American general wrote, " I feel a confidence that
the force under my command will be superior to
any which can be opposed to it. It now exceeds
two thousand rank and file." On June 30th he
reached a village on the broad Miami, and engaged
a small schooner there to take the baggage on
to Detroit, while he continued his march with the
troops. On July 4th his army reached the Huron
River, twenty-one miles from Detroit, and the next
day encamped at Springwells, four miles from the
town. Here six hundred Michigan militia joined
him. His order from Washington was : " Should the
force under your command be equal to the enter-
prise, consistent with the safety of your own post,
you will take possession of Maiden, and extend
your conquests as circumstances may justify." Hull
did not think himself equal to the reduction of
Fort Maiden. On the 12th he passed over the
Detroit River, and established his headquarters in
Colonel Baby's house. Colonel Baby was then ab-
sent attending to his parliamentary duties in York.
One can hardly realize in these days of rapid
communication how difficult it was then to obtain
information of what was happening in different
parts of the province, or to convey orders. Much
depended on the individual capacity of those in
charge of distant posts, and a certain latitude had
to be allowed them in carrying out instructions
from headquarters. Seven hundred miles from York
and about fifty miles north-east of Michilimackinac

209

GENERAL BROCK

was a lonely outpost on the island of St. Joseph, at
the head of Lake Huron. A small company of the
10th Royal Veteran Battalion was stationed here
under the command of Captain Roberts. On June
26th, from Fort George, General Brock sent a des-
patch to that officer, giving him orders to attack
Michilimackinac, the island lying in the strait be-
tween Lakes Huron and Michigan. On the 27th
this order was suspended, but on the 28th it was
renewed. On the very day this letter was received,
another dated June 25th arrived at Fort Joseph
from Sir George Prevost, ordering Captain Roberts
to act only on the defensive. This was rather a
puzzUng position for the captain, but he knew well
the importance General Brock attached to the tak-
ing of the island, and he resolved to act on the
instructions received in the letter of the 28th. He
was confirmed in his intentions by another letter
from General Brock, dated July 4th, in which he
was told to use his discretion either to attack or
defend.

On July 16th he therefore set out with a flo-
tilla of boats and canoes in which were embarked
forty-five officers and men of the 10th Veterans,
about one hundred and eighty Canadian voyageurs
under Toussaint Pothier, the agent of the Hudson's
Bay Company, and a goodly number of Indians,
the whole convoyed by a brig, the Caledonia, be-
longing to the North-West Company. Under cover
of night they approached the white cUfis of Mac-
210

CAPTURE OF MACKINAW

kinaw. It is a true Gibraltar of the northern lakes,
accessible only on one side, and had sufficient time
been allowed, it could no doubt have been easily
defended. Its garrison consisted of sixty-one officers
and men under command of a Captain Hanks. The
expedition had been so cleverly managed that the
enemy were completely taken by surprise, and at
dawn of July 17th, the fort, which by the treaty of
1794 had been ceded to the Americans, once more
came under the British flag. It was the first opera-
tion of the war, and a most important one. By it
the wavering tribes of Indians in the North- West
were confirmed in their allegiance to Great Britain,
and these proved a very powerful aid in the coming
contest. MiUtary stores of all kinds were found in
the fort, also seven hundred packs of furs, for this
was the rendez-vous of the traders of the North
West. The news of this success did not, of course,
reach Fort George until the end of the month,
while it was August 3rd when the paroled men
from Mackinaw reached Detroit and bore the first
news of the disaster to General Hull.

From Fort George, early in July, General Brock
wrote to the commander-in-chief that the militia
were improving in disciphne, but showed a degree
of impatience under restraint. "So great was the
clamour," he says, "to return and attend to their
farms, that I found myself in some measure com-
pelled to sanction the departure of a large propor-
tion, and I am not without my apprehension that

211

GENERAL BROCK

the remainder will, in defiance of the law which
only imposes a fine of twenty dollars, leave the
service the moment the harvest begins."

The general, however, knew how to deal with his
homespun warriors, and instead of blaming the men
his general order of July 4th gave them the word
of praise they needed. He also gave them the word
of sympathy that showed them he realized how hard
it was for them to leave their homes and their un-
gathered harvests, and spend their days and nights
in tedious drill and outpost duty, without tents,
without blankets, some even without shoes, which
at that time could scarcely be provided in the
country. His order ran as follows: "Major-General
Brock has witnessed with the highest satisfaction
the orderly and regular conduct of such of the
militia as have been called into actual service, and
their ardent desire to acquire military instruction.
He is sensible that they are exposed to great priva-
tions, and every effort will be immediately made to
supply their most pressing wants, but such are the
circumstances of the country that it is absolutely
necessary that every inhabitant should have re-
course to his own means to furnish himself with
blankets and other necessaries. The major-general
calls the serious attention of every militiaman to
the efforts making by the enemy to destroy and lay
waste this flourishing country. They must be sens-
ible of the great stake they have to contend for, and
will by their conduct convince the enemy that they
212

A TACTFUL COMMANDER

are not desirous of bowing their necks to a foreign
yoke. The major-general is determined to devote
his best energies to the defence of the country, and
has no doubt that, supported by the zeal, activity
and determination of the loyal inhabitants of this
province, he will successfully repel every hostile
attack, and preserve to them inviolate all that they
hold dear. From the experience of the past the
major-general is convinced that should it be neces-
sary to call forth a further proportion of the militia
to aid their fellow-subjects in defence of the pro-
vince, they will come forward with equal alacrity to
share the danger and the honour." Thus he took
the rough metal at his hand, and out of it forged a
weapon of strength that did good service through
three years of trial.

The position of affairs in Upper Canada in the
early part of July was extremely unpromising.
About four thousand American troops under the
command of Brigadier-General Wadsworth were on
the Niagara frontier between Black Rock and Fort
Niagara, with headquarters at Lewiston, directly
opposite Queenston. A report had come to General
Brock of the bombardment of Sandwich (which
was not true), but a further report came of its
occupation by the American general. President
Madison announced in his address to congress that
General Hull had passed into Canada with a pros-
pect of easy and victorious progress. From Sand-
wich Hull issued a proclamation to the people of

213

GENERAL BROCK

Canada, offering the alternatives of " peace, liberty
and security, or war, slavery and destruction."*
Colonel St. George, who commanded the Canadian
militia on the Detroit frontier, reported to General
Brock that they had behaved badly and that many
of them had joined the invading army. There is no
doubt that on that western peninsula there were
many American settlers, bound by no tie of patriot-
ism to Canada, whose S5m[ipathies were entirely
with the United States. A very different feeling
prevailed in that part of the country which had
been mainly settled by Loyalists after the American
revolution, and also where General Brock was per-
sonally known and where his influence extended.
He wrote to Sir George his impressions about the
loyalty of the population of Upper Canada, and
said that although a great number were sincere in
their desire to defend the country, there were
many others who were indifferent, or so completely
American as to rejoice in the prospect of a change
of government.

Another disquieting report came at this time of
the feeling among the Indians on the Grand River.
They had heard of General Hull's successful entry
into the country, his emissaries were already among
them, and they had decided to remain neutral.

The American press was now fiill of boastful

^ Hull's proclamation to the people of Canada runs : " You will be
emancipated from tyranny and oppression and restored to the dignified
station of free men."

214

AMERICAN ASSERTION

predictions of the early fall of Canada. Dr. Eustis,
the American secretary of war, said : " We can take
the Canadas without soldiers, we have only to send
officers into the province, and the people, disaffected
towards their own government, will rally round our
standard." Henry Clay said : " It is absurd to sup-
pose we shall not succeed in our enterprise against
the enemy's provinces. We have the Canadas as
much imder our command as Great Britain has the
ocean; and the way to conquer her on the ocean is
to drive her from the land. I am not for stopping
at Quebec or anywhere else, but I would take
the continent from them. I wish never to see a
peace till we do."

In the face of all this assertion, and with a
knowledge that a handful of regulars and a few
thousand undisciplined militia were all that he had
to drive the invaders back, it was hard for the
general in command to keep a confident air, and to
prevent the people dependent on him from giving
up in despair. To Sir George Prevost Brock wrote:
"It is scarcely possible that the government of the
United States will be so inactive or supine as to
permit the present limited (British) force to remain
in possession of the country. Whatever can be done
to preserve it, or to delay its fall, your Excellency
may rest assured wiU be done." "I talk loud and
look big," he laughingly says in a letter to Colonel
Baynes.

General Brock lost no time in sending Colonel

215

GENERAL BROCK

Procter to Amherstburg, where he was expected to
arrive on July. 2*1 st. Of that officer he says: "I have
great dependence on his decision, but fear he will
arrive too late to be of much service." The letter,
which was to the commander-in-chief, continues:
"The position which Colonel St. George occupies
is very good, and infinitely more formidable than
Fort Maiden itself. Should he be compelled to
retire I know of no other alternative for him than
embarking in the king's vessels and proceeding to
Fort Erie. Your Excellency will readily perceive
the critical situation in which the reduction of
Amherstburg wiU place me. I shall endeavour to
exert myself to the utmost to overcome every
difficulty. I now express my apprehensions on a
supposition that the slender means your Excellency
possesses will not admit of diminution, consequent-
ly, that I need not look for reinforcements. The
enemy seem more incUned to work on the flanks,
aware that if he succeeds every other part must
soon submit."

Just before the news came of General Hull's
occupation of Sandwich, Sir George had written
to Brock, still counselling forbearance. He said:
" While the states are not united themselves as to
the war, it would be unwise to commit any act
which might unite them. Notwithstanding these
observations, I have to assure you of my perfect
confidence in your measures for the preservation of
Upper Canada. All your wants shall be supplied as
216

THE NAVAL FORCE

fast as possible, except money, of which I have
none."

Parliament was now sitting at Quebec, and Sir
George Prevost was obliged to be at that place,
while General de Rottenburg remained in Mont-
real. A small reinforcement of troops had arrived
in Canada, consisting of the 103rd Regiment, a weak
battalion of Royal Scots, and some recruits for the
100th. The arrival of the 103rd allowed the re-
mainder of the 49th to proceed to Upper Canada.
"Oh, for another regiment," Brock sighed. The
naval force available in Upper Canada was a small
squadron on Lake Ontario, consisting of the Royal
George of twenty-four guns, the brig Moira six-
teen guns, the Prince Regent, which had just been
built and equipped at York, and two other small
schooners. On Lake Erie the Queen Charlotte was
at Fort Maiden, and the sloop of war Hunter had
been sent to the straits of Mackinaw.

General Hull's boastful proclamation from Sand-
wich had not been received with the enthusiasm
he had expected from the population of Upper
Canada. A counter appeal had been issued from
Fort George by General Brock, ending in these
words: " Beholding, as we do, the flame of patriot-
ism burning from one end of the Canadas to the
other, we cannot but entertain the most pleasing
anticipations. Our enemies have indeed said that
they can subdue the country by a proclamation,
but it is our part to prove to them that they are

217

GENERAL BROCK

sadly mistaken; that the population is determinedly
hostile, and that the few who might be otherwise
inclined will find it to their safety to be faithful."

It was well to be cheerful and confident in the
face of the difficulties that surrounded him, and
this spirit was shared by his followers. Once more
he writes to the commander-in-chief: "The alacrity
and good temper displayed when the militia marched
to the frontier has infused in the minds of the enemy
a very different sentiment of the disposition of the
inhabitants, who he (the American general) was led
to believe would, on the first summons, declare
themselves an American state."

On July 20th news came of an unexpected
success. It will be remembered that General Hull
on his march to Detroit had left his heavy baggage
and stores to be conveyed by a schooner, Cayahoga,
fi^om the Miami River to Detroit. The boats of the
Hunter, under the command of lieutenant Rolette,
came across this schooner and succeeded in captur-
ing it. General Brock wrote at once to Sir George
Prevost to tell him that Colonel St. George had
reported the capture and had sent him some inter-
esting documents found on board. From the corres-
pondence taken he judged the force at Detroit
to consist of about two thousand men. It was re-
ported also that the enemy were making numerous
and extensive inroads from Sandwich up the river
Thames. He had therefore sent Captain Chambers
with about fifty of the 41st to the Moravian town,
218

BROCK'S APPEAL

where he had directed two hundred militia to join
him. He was most anxious to set off himself for
Amherstburg, but was obliged to wait for the
meeting of the legislature, which was summoned
for July 27th.

As to making an attack on Fort Niagara, which
had been suggested. General Brock did not think it
was of immediate consequence. He writes: " It can
be demoHshed when found necessary in half an
hour." His guns were in position and he considered
his front to be perfectly safe. In the meantime he
was devoting himself to the training of the militia,
to enable them to acquire some degree of discip-
line.

On July 22nd from Fort George, General Brock
issued another proclamation as president of the
province. It ran as follows: ''The unprovoked de-
claration of war by the United States of America
against the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland has been followed by the actual invasion of
this province, in a remote frontier of the western
district, by a detachment of the armed forces of
the United States. The officer commanding that
detachment has thought proper to invite His Ma-
jesty's subjects not only to a quiet and unresisting
submission, but insults them with a call to seek
voluntarily the protection of that government.

"Where is the Canadian subject who can truly
affirm to himself that he has been injured by the
government of Great Britain in his person, his

219

GENERAL BROCK

liberty or his property? Where is to be found in any
part of the world a growth so rapid in wealth and
prosperity as this colony exhibits, settled not thirty
years ago by a band of veterans exiled from their
former possessions on account of their loyalty? Not
a descendant of these brave people is to be found
who under the fostering liberality of their sovereign
has not acquired a property and means of enjoyment
superior to what were possessed by his ancestors.
This unequalled prosperity could not have been
attained by the utmost Uberality of the government
or the persevering industry of the people, had not
the maritime power of the mother country secured
for its colonists a safe access to every market where
the produce of their labour was in demand.

"The unavoidable and immediate consequence of
a separation from Great Britain must be the loss of
this inestimable advantage. What is offered you in
exchange? To become a territory of the United
States and share with them that exclusion from the
ocean which the policy of their present government
enforces. You are not even flattered with a prospect
of participation in their boasted independence, and
it is but too obvious that once excluded from the
powerful protection of the United Kingdom, you
must be re-annexed to the Dominion of France,
from which the provinces of Canada were wrested
by Great Britain, at a vast expense of blood and
treasure, from no other motive than to relieve her
ungrateful children from the oppression of a cruel
220

BROCK'S APPEAL

neighbour. This restitution to the empire of France
was the stipulated reward for the aid afforded to
the revolted colonies, now the United States. The
debt is still due and there can be no doubt the
pledge has been renewed as a consideration for
commercial advantages, or rather, as an expected
relaxation in the tyranny of France over the com-
mercial world. Are you prepared, inhabitants of
Upper Canada, to become wilhng subjects, or
rather, slaves to the despot who rules Europe with
a rod of iron? If not, arise in a body, exert your
energies to cooperate cordially with the king's
regular forces to repel the invader, and do not give
cause to your children, when groaning under the
oppression of a foreign master, to reproach you with
having too easily parted with the richest inheritance
on earth — a participation in the name, character
and freedom of Britain.

"Let no man suppose that if in this unexpected
struggle His Majesty's arms should be compelled to
yield to an overwhelming force, the province will
be abandoned. The endeared relation of its first
settlers, the intrinsic value of its commerce, and the
pretensions of its powerful rival to repossess the
Canadas, are pledges that no peace will be estab-
lished between the United States and Great Britain
of which the restoration of these provinces does not
make the most prominent condition."

On July 27th General Brock returned to York,
where, attended by a numerous suite, he opened

221

GENERAL BROCK

the extra session of the legislature. His speech on
that occasion rings like a trumpet note: "Gentle-
men of the House of Assembly, we are engaged in
an awful and eventful contest. By unanimity and
despatch in our councils, and vigour in our opera-
tions we may teach the enemy this lesson, that a
country defended by free men enthusiastically de-
voted to the cause of their king and constitution,
can never be conquered!"

222

CHAPTER XVII

A VIGOROUS COMMANDER

ON July 29th news arrived at York of the success-
ful capture of Michilimackinac, and General
Brock immediately sent a despatch announcing it
to Sir George Prevost. He also informed him that
the militia at York had volunteered for service to
any part of the province, and he had selected a
hundred to proceed at once to Long Point, Lake
Erie. He thought that unless the enemy could be
driven from Sandwich it would be impossible to
avert the ruin of the country. He intended leaving
himself on the 30th for Fort George, but would
return the next day. On the same date Sir George
wrote to him telling him that he had placed Major-
General SheafFe on the staff, and was sending him
to Upper Canada to assist in the arduous service
there. News had just arrived at Quebec of the revo-
cation of the orders-in-council, as regarded America,
and Sir George was incUned to moderate measures.
In the meantime, on the American seaboard, and
the coasts of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,
stirring scenes were enacting.

Sir Thomas Saumarez, who had married a cousin
of General Brock,^ writes to him from Halifax that

^ Sir Thomas Saumarez married, in 1787j Harriet, daughter of
William Brock and Judith de Beauvoir.

223

GENERAL BROCK

he and his wife had safely arrived there, and con-
sidered themselves very fortunate at not having
fallen into the enemy's hands, as war had been
declared a week before they reached port. He says:
"We came out in a very valuable ordnance store
ship, which would have been a great acquisition to
the enemy, and its loss would have been severely
felt, as all the stores on board are much required.
Our squadron on this station has been very active.
Prizes arrive here daily, I could almost say hourly.
The Emulous brought in ten yesterday, and thirty
thousand dollars were found on some of them. Mr.
Foster, the late ambassador to the states, has been
here nearly a week, he is to sail for England to-
day. The northern and eastern states are extremely
inimical to, and dissatisfied with this war, so much
so that there is reason to suppose they will dissolve
the union shortly, and declare themselves totally
independent of the southern and western states.
The American privateers are extremely numerous
and daring in this neighbourhood, and I am sorry
to add they have proved but too successful, having
captured several of our vessels bound to Quebec
and New Brunswick, and some to this port. I re-
ceived a note about an hour ago from Lieutenant-
Colonel Pearson, who sailed from here last Sunday
with his wife and family, for Quebec, being ap-
pointed inspecting field officer in Canada, to inform
me that he had been made prisoner by an American
privateer. Most of our ships are looking out for the
224

THE MILITIA

squadron under Commodore Rodgers, who is sup-
posed to have sailed from New York with a view to
intercept our West India fleet. A transport with a
hundred and forty men of the Royals, from the
West Indies to Quebec, was boarded by the Essex,
an American frigate, about ten days ago, and per-
mitted to proceed on condition that the master of
the vessel promised to pay a ransom of twelve
thousand dollars for her, and that the officers com-
manding should consider themselves on parole, and
give their assurance that the troops would not fight
against the Americans during the war."

This was a rather aggravating piece of news
when men and money were needed so badly.

While General Brock was in York attending to
the meeting of the legislature, affairs at Fort George
were in charge of Lieutenant-Colonel Myers, an
officer in whom he had great confidence. "Niagara
on the British side, or as it is sometimes called,
Newark," so an American soldier writes, "looks
wicked everywhere. It is a charming, fertile village,
but all a camp fortified at every point."

The militia, who had been allowed to go to their
homes on account of the harvest, had been recalled.
There was a question raised at this time as to the
powers which General Brock had in his combined
military and civil capacity. As civil governor he
could convene general courts-martial for the trial of
offenders belonging to the militia, and even inflict
punishment by death; but in his military office he

225

GENERAL BROCK

could only convene the court. He thought he ought
to have equal authority in both offices. He wrote
from York on August 4th to Sir George Prevost,
as follows: "I have the honour to enclose a state-
ment made by me yesterday to His Majesty's
executive council, which will fully apprize your
Excellency of my situation. The council adjourned
for deliberation, and I have no doubt will recom-
mend the prorogation of the assembly and the
proclamation of martial law, but doubts occurring
in contemplation of such an event, I take the liberty
to submit these questions to your Excellency, and
request the aid of your experience and superior
judgment. In the event of declaring martial law
can I without the sign manual approve and carry
into effect the sentence of a general court-martial ?
2nd. Can I put upon a general court-martial, after
martial law is proclaimed, any person not a com-
missioned officer in His Majesty's regular forces?
In other words, can officers of the militia sit in
conjunction with those of the line?"

The answer to this was written on August 12th,
and Sir George said: "As the martial law which
you propose declaring is founded on the king's
commission and upon the extreme case of invasion
alluded to in it, I am inclined to think that what-
ever power is necessary for conveying the measure
into effect must have been intended to be given
you by your commission. The officers of the militia,
becoming themselves subject to martial law, I con-
226

SIR GEORGE PREVOST

ceive they may sit upon courts-martial with officers
of His Majesty's regular force, but upon both these
points I desire not to be understood as speaking
decisively."

News had just reached Quebec of Captain Rob-
erts's capture of Fort Michilimackinac. Sir George
wrote: "Great credit is certainly due that officer
for the zeal and promptitude with which he has
performed this service. At the same time I must
confess my mind has been very much relieved by
finding that the capture took place at a period
subsequent to Brigadier-General Hull's invasion of
the province, as had it been prior to it, it would not
only have been in violation of Captain Roberts's
orders, but have affiDrded a just ground for the
subsequent conduct of the enemy, which I now
plainly perceive no forbearance on your part would
have prevented." As a matter of fact the capture
of Michilimackinac was effected contrary to Sir
George Prevost's order, because Fort St. Joseph,
being nearly three hundred and fifty miles from De-
troit and Sandwich, and the expedition having left
the fort four days after Hull's invasion, it was not
possible for Captain Roberts to have heard in that
time of the event. In his letter to the adjutant-
general announcing the capture, he does not say
that he had heard of the invasion. In his letter to
Lord Bathurst, Sir George expresses himself rather
diffisrently. He says: "In these measures Major-
General Brock was most opportunely aided by the

227

GENERAL BROCK

fortunate surrender of Fort Miehilimaekinac, which
giving spirit and confidence to the Indian tribes in
its neighbourhood, part of whom assisted in its cap-
ture, determined them to advance upon the rear
and flank of the American army as soon as they
heard it had entered the province."

At this time Sir George was much occupied with
the meeting of the legislature at Quebec. To the
credit of the House it must be said that they took
prompt measures for the safety of the country.
Past differences were forgotten, and all the mem-
bers worked for the common weal. An act was
passed providing for the issue of army note bills.
The province was to pay the interest accruing upon
the notes and the expense of the establishment.
They were to be legal tender. Fifteen thousand
pounds annually for five years were granted to pay
the interest that might become due on these bills,
of which two hundred and fifty thousand pounds
were authorized to be put into circulation. Large
bills, of twenty-five dollars and upwards, were to
bear interest at the rate of four pence a day for
every one hundred pounds. At the end of five years
all those who might be the holders of such
army bills were entitled to receive the amount of
the same, with interest due, out of the provincial
treasury.^

1 In February, 1815, it was estimated that |5, 200,000 had been
issued, of which $3,200,000 were bearing- interest amounting' to
$192,000, of which the province paid $60,000.

228

THE QUEBEC FRONTIER

The commander-in-chief was at last able to send
the much-needed money and stores to Upper Can-
ada. Major Ormsby, with three companies of the
49th, protecting a large supply of ordnance, left
La Chine on August 6th for Kingston and Fort
George, taking two thousand five hundred pounds
for the payment of regulars and militia. Another
company, with one hundred and ten men of the
Newfoundland Regiment and fifty picked Veterans,
were to follow under Major Heathcote. Camp
equipage for five hundred men was also promised
as soon as bateaux could be collected at La Chine.
Colonel Vincent with the remainder of the 49th,
and a subaltern and ten gunners of the Royal
Artillery, with two 3-pounders, were ordered to
Fort George.

As to military affairs on the frontier of Quebec,
it was reported that the Americans were forming
depots in the neighbourhood of Montreal, and were
also building bateaux on Lake Champlain. In the
meantime the House of Assembly at York was
prorogued as soon as it had passed the necessary
supply bill, and Major-General Brock was free
to proceed to the western frontier. Most of the
members of the House were in the active militia
and were needed in their respective districts. Colonel
Baby, who had been attending to his parliamentary
duties, had been bereft of his house in his absence,
as General Hull had chosen it for headquarters,
being the largest and best in Sandwich.

229

GENERAL BROCK

Colonel Elliott, another member of the legis-
lature, lived near Amherstburg, and had long been
in charge of the Indians in that district, over whom
he exercised great influence. John Macdonell, the
acting attorney-general and member for Glengarry,
a young man of much promise, was chosen as aide-
de-camp by the general. The latter called for
volunteers to accompany him on the expedition,
and such was the enthusiasm aroused that more
than five hundred offered their services. The general,
however, could only accept half of that number as
the rest were required to guard the Niagara frontier.
Forty men of the 41st Regiment were also detached
from the little garrison at Fort George, to pro-
ceed to Amherstburg. The volunteers chosen were
chiefly young men, sons of the principal residents
of York and the adjacent country. Before they left
on their perilous expedition they attended a service
at St. James's Church in York, where- their friend
and rector. Dr. Strachan, whose pupils most of
them had been, preached them a stirring sermon,
and sent them on their way with his blessing to
drive back the invaders of the land.

A word of farewell was sent to the general by
his friends Colonel Bruy^res and Colonel Ba5mes.
The former wrote: "The difficult task placed in any
other hands I should consider very discouraging,
but I acknowledge that I look with a certain degree
of confidence to your abilities and perseverance in
surmounting every difficulty." The other says:
230

BROCK LEAVES YORK

"Adieu, my dear general, we cannot command
success, but I am sure you will not fail to merit
it."

General Brock and his little band left York on
August 6th for Burlington Bay, and thence pro-
ceeded by land to Long Point, Lake Erie. On the
way he passed the Mohawk village on the Grand
River, and took the opportunity of personally find-
ing out the disposition of the Indians there. About
sixty promised to follow him. At Long Point the
forty regulars and two hundred and sixty volun-
teers which composed the troop, embarked in all
sorts of boats for the journey of about two hundred
miles along the coast to Amherstburg. Up this
same lake had journeyed fifty years before. Major
Rogers with his rangers, bearing with them the
English flag for the old French fort of Detroit.
There it waved until, by the treaty of 1794, the
fort was ceded to the Americans. The coast of
Lake Erie is a dangerous one to navigate, with
sand cliffs rising one hundred to two hundred feet
sheer from the water, and there were very few
creeks or inlets where safe landing could be made.
At times a heavy surf breaks upon the shore. The
weather was bad, rainy and stormy, but, inspired by
their leader, the men bore their privations without
a murmur. Once the boat in which were the general
and some of his new recruits ran on a rock. Oars
and poles were used in vain, when Brock with the
daring expertness learnt long before on the Guern-

231

GENERAL BROCK

sey coast, jumped overboard, an example quickly
followed by the others, and the boat was safely
pushed into deep water.

On August 12th they reached Point aux Pins,
and the general wrote there his orders to his little
fleet. **lt is Major-General Brock's intention, should
the wind continue fair, to proceed during the night;
officers commanding boats will therefore pay at-
tention to the order of sailing as directed yesterday;
the greatest care and attention will be required
to prevent the boats from separating or falling
behind. A great part of the banks of the lake
where the boats will this day pass is much more
dangerous and difficult of access than any we
have passed; the boats will therefore not land
except in the most extreme necessity, and then
great care must be taken to choose the best place
for beaching. The troops being now in the neigh-
bourhood of the enemy, every precaution must
be taken to guard against surprise. By order, J.
Glegg."

After five days and nights of incessant exertion,
the little squadron reached Amherstburg shortly
before midnight on August 13th. There is a note
in General Brock's handwriting which gives this
tribute to the men who accompanied him: " In no
instance have I seen troops who would have en-
dured the fatigue of a long journey in boats during
extremely bad weather, with greater cheerfulness
and constancy; and it is but justice to this little
232

THE ARMISTICE

band to add that their conduct throughout excited
my admiration."

It was well for Canada that no message reached
Brock to stop him on the way, for while he was
pressing on, the over-cautious and vacillating com-
mander-in-chief, possessed with the idea that the
repeal of the orders-in-council would bring a ces-
sation of hostilities, had sent Colonel Baynes to
General Dearborn at Albany, with a proposition
for an armistice.

233

CHAPTER XVIII

BROWNSTOWN AND MAGUAGA

THE garrison at Amherstburg consisted of a
subaltern detachment of the Royal Artillery,
three hundred men of the 41st, and about the same
number of mihtia. Captain Chambers, with fifty
men of the 41st, had been sent to the Moravian
town on the river Thames for the purpose of col-
lecting the militia and Indians there, and advancing
on the left flank of the enemy. Forty more had
been sent to Long Point to collect the militia in
that neighbourhood. Sixty of the 41st had just
arrived with Colonel Procter at Amherstburg.
General Hull, after issuing his futile proclamation,
seems to have remained closely in his quarters at
Sandwich, evidently afraid to venture too far from
Fort Detroit. He had not met with the encourage-
ment he expected from the settlers of Essex and
Kent. Although some malcontents had joined his
standard, the majority of the inhabitants had re-
mained firm in their allegiance to Great Britain.
An advance upon Fort Maiden (Amherstburg) had
been expected, but three detachments of Americans
on three successive days had been foiled in their
attempt to cross the river Canard, scarcely four
miles from that place. On July 22nd General Hull

235

GENERAL BROCK

wrote to Washington: "If Maiden were in our
possession, I could march the army to Niagara or
York in a very short time." Sir George Prevost on
the 27th of the same month had written to Brock :
"The possession of Maiden, which I consider
means Amherstburg, appears a favourable object
with the government of the United States. I sin-
cerely hope you will disappoint them."

The fort of Amherstburg could not, from the
description given of it, have sustained a siege.
" Quadrangle in form, four bastions alone flanked a
dry ditch, offering little obstacle to a determined
enemy. This passed, there was but a single line of
picketing, perforated with loopholes for musketry,
and supported by a shght breastwork. All the
buildings within were of wood, covered with pine
shingles of extreme thinness."^ Colonel St. George,
who was in command there, well knew the disad-
vantage of awaiting the enemy in this position, and
sallied out with his small garrison to guard the
approaches to the river Canard. In one of the slight
skirmishes that occurred between his troops and an
advance body of American cavalry and infantry,
the first blood was shed in the war of 1812. It was
that of a private of the 41st, named Hancock, who
was killed when defending a bridge, while his com-
panion Dean was carried off a prisoner to Detroit.^

1 Richardson in "The War of 1812."

* The brave conduct of the two privates was thus noticed in a
general order, dated Quebec, August 6th : ''The commander of the
forces takes great pleasure in also announcing to the troops that the
236

BROWNSTOWN

Their determined resistance gave time for a rein-
forcement of Indians led by Tecumseh to arrive,
whose appearance and wild shouts carried such a
panic among the Americans that they retired in
disorder. This was Tecumseh's first exploit as an
ally. As soon as Colonel Procter arrived he sent the
chief with a band of Indians and a detachment of
the 41st under Major Muir across the river to
Brownstown, a place about twenty-five miles south
of Detroit, and nearly opposite Amherstburg. The
object of the expedition was to intercept a body of
the enemy, which was marching from Detroit as
an escort for the mail, and also to meet and convoy
a supply of provisions from the river Raisin. The
American troops consisted of about two hundred
Ohio volunteers, under Major Van Home. Tecum-
seh with about twenty-five Indians, learning from
their scouts the route the Americans had taken,
formed an ambuscade three miles from Brownstown
and lined the thick woods on either side of the
road. When Van Home with the mounted riflemen

enemy under Brigadier-General Hull have been repulsed in three
attacks made on the 18th, 19th and 20th of last month upon part of
the garrison of Amherstburg, on the river Canard, in which attacks
His Majesty's 41st Regiment have particularly distinguished themselves.
In justice to that corps, His Excellency wishes particularly to call the
attention of the troops to the heroism and self-devotion displayed by
two privates, who being left as sentinels when the party to which they
belonged had retired, contrived to maintain their station against the
whole of the enemy's force, until they both fell, when one of them,
whose arm had been broken, again raising himself, opposed with his
bayonet those advancing against him until overwhelmed by numbers."

237

GENERAL BROCK

appeared, the Indians opened a deadly fire, killing
twenty of the number, including five oflicers, and
wounding as many more. The Americans sought
safety in flight, and the despatches and correspond-
ence from Detroit fell into the hands of Tecumseh,
who lost only one man in the encounter. The
provision train, with cattle and other supplies for
Detroit, in charge of Captain Brush, was also inter-
cepted by the Indians. This was most discouraging
for General Hull, who received all his provisions
and supplies from Ohio by the rivers Raisin and
Miami. News of the reverse followed quickly on the
news of the loss of Michilimackinac, which Hull
said let loose the northern hive of Indians on his
frontier. So discouraged w^as he that on July 7th
and 8th he abandoned Sandwich in order to con-
centrate his forces at Detroit.

He then sent a detachment of six hundred men
with some artillery to dislodge the British from
Brownstown. These met at Maguaga, fourteen
miles below Detroit, a company of the 41st under
Major Muir, with about sixty militia and two hun-
dred Indians. A sharp engagement ensued, in which
the Americans were successful, and the British had
to retire to their boats. Major Richardson, who was
present as a subaltern on this occasion, has given
a detailed account of this skirmish, to which the
Americans seem to attach undue importance. He
says: —

"On the morning of Sunday, the 9th, the wild
238

MAGUAGA

and distant cry of our Indian scouts gave us to
understand that the enemy were advancing. In the
course of ten minutes the Indians appeared issuing
from the wood, bounding like wild deer chased by
the huntsman, and uttering that peculiar shout
which is known among themselves as the 'news
cry.' From them we ascertained that a strong col-
unm of the enemy, cavalry and infantry, were on
their march to attack us, but that the difficulty of
transporting their guns rendered it improbable that
they could reach our position before night, although
then only at a distance of eight miles. It being in-
stantly decided on to meet them, the detachment
was speedily under arms and on its march for Ma-
guaga, a small Indian village distant about a league.
Having taken up a position about a quarter of a
mile beyond Maguaga, our dispositions of defence
were speedily made, the rusthng of the leaves alone
breaking on the silence which reigned throughout
our Une. Following the example of the Indians, we
lay reclined on the ground, in order to avoid being
perceived until within a few yards of the enemy.
While awaiting in this manner the approach of
the column, our little force was increased by the
arrival of Lieutenant Bullock of the 41st Grena-
diers, who, with a small detachment of twenty men
of his own company, twenty Light Infantry, and
twenty Battalion men, had been urged forward by
General Brock from the headquarters of the regi-
ment then stationed at Fort George, for the pur-

239

GENERAL BROCK

pose of reinforcing the little garrison of Amherst-
burg, and who, having reached their destination the
preceding day, had been despatched by Colonel
Procter to strengthen us. Shortly the report of a
single shot echoed through the wood, and the in-
stant afterwards the loud and terrific yells of the
Indians, followed by a heavy and desultory fire,
apprised us that they were engaged. The action
then became general along our line, and continued
for half an hour without producing any material
advantage, when, unluckily, a body of Indians that
had been detached to a small wood about five hun-
dred yards distant from our right, were taken by
the troops for a corps of the enemy endeavouring
to turn their flank. In vain we called out to them
that they were our Indians. The fire which should
have been reserved for their foes was turned upon
their friends, who, falling into the same error, re-
turned it with equal spirit. The fact was, they had
been compelled to retire before a superior force, and
the movement made by them had given rise to the
error. Closely pressed in front by an almost invis-
ible foe, and on the point of being taken in the rear
as was falsely imagined, the troops were at length
compelled to yield to circumstance and number.

"Although our retreat in consequence of this
unfortunate misapprehension, commenced in some
disorder, this was soon restored, when Major Muir,
who had been wounded early in the engagement,
succeeded in rallying his men and forming them on
240

THE RETREAT

the brow of a hill which commanded a short and
narrow bridge intersecting the high road and cross-
ing a morass, over which the enemy's guns must
necessarily pass. This was about a quarter of a mile
in the rear of the position we had previously occu-
pied. Here we remained at least fifteen minutes,
when, finding that the Americans did not make
their appearance as expected, Major Muir, whose
communication with Tecumseh had been cut oiF,
and who heard some smart firing in the woods
beyond his left, naturally inferred that the enemy
were pushing the Indians in that quarter with a
view of turning his flank, gaining the high road in
our rear, and thus cutting off our retreat. The order
was then given to retire, which we certainly did at
the double quick, without being followed by the
enemy, who suffered us to gain our boats without
further molestation. . . .

"In this skirmish we had first an opportunity of
perceiving the extreme disadvantage of opposing
regular troops to the enemy in the woods. Ac-
customed to the use of the rifle from his infancy,
dwelling in a measure amid forests with the intri-
cacies of which he is wholly acquainted, and pos-
sessing the advantage of a dress which renders him
almost undistinguishable to the eye of a European,
the American marksman enters with comparative
security into a contest with the English soldier,
whose glaring habiliment and accoutrements are
objects too conspicuous to be missed, while his

241

GENERAL BROCK

utter ignorance of a mode of warfare in which
courage and discipline are of no avail, renders the
struggle for mastery even more unequal. The prin-
cipal armies to which the Right Division was op-
posed during the war consisted not of regular and
well disciplined troops, but levies of men taken
from the forests of Ohio and Kentucky, scarcely
inferior as riflemen to the Indians. Dressed in
woollen frocks of a gray colour, and trained to
cover their bodies behind the trees from which
they fired, without exposing more of their persons
than was absolutely necessary for their aim, they
afforded us on more than one occasion the most
convincing proofs that without the assistance of the
Indian warriors the defence of so great a portion of
western Canada as was entrusted to the charge of
the numerically feeble Right Division would have
proved a duty of great difficulty and doubt."

In this engagement at Maguaga, the American
forces consisted, according to their own report, of
the 4th United States Infantry, except one com-
pany left at Sandwich, a small detachment of the
1st Infantry, and some artillerymen, in all about
three hundred regulars, and sixty men of the Michi-
gan MiUtia, forty Dragoons, and three hundred
riflemen of the Ohio Volunteers. The British force
was about a hundred men of the 41st Regiment,
the reinforcement of sixty men of the Grenadier
Company under Lieutenant Bullock, and a few
militia — Richardson says forty or fifty. The number
242

INDIAN ALLIES

of Indians is variously stated. It was probably about
two hundred, although in the American account
they give the number as four hundred and fifty.^
As an offset to the reverse of Maguaga, Lieu-
tenant Rolette, on August 7th, with boats from
the Queen Charlotte and Hunter, had attacked and
captured a convoy of eleven bateaux on their way
from Maguaga to Detroit, having on board fifty
wounded men from Brownstown, some prisoners,
and a quantity of provisions and baggage.

The news of the capture of Michilimackinac
was the means of largely augmenting Tecumseh's
forces, for as soon as he heard of its downfall he
despatched runners to all his associate tribes, bid-
ding them assemble at Fort Maiden immediately,
and telling them that the Americans, by not march-
ing on Maiden and by the easy discomfiture of sev-
eral detachments, had shown they would not fight;
that the braves should come forward with all speed
so as to participate in the capture of the army and
share in the plunder, which would be great. His
appeal was promptly responded to, and by August
15th seven hundred warriors had joined him.

1 Although the skirmish at Maguaga ended in the retreat of the
British, their loss in killed and wounded was much less than that of
the enemy. General Hull's despatch of August 13th puts the American
loss at eighteen killed and sixty-one wounded. Colonel Procter's de-
spatch of the 11th says the British loss including regulars, militia, and
Indians, was six killed, twenty-one wounded, two missing.

243

CHAPTER XIX

DETROIT

Que faut-il pour vaincre les ennemis de la patrie? De Taudace,
encore de I'audace, et toujours de I'audace. — Danton.

THE events described in the last chapter show
the condition of affairs when General Brock
arrived at Amherstburg. He immediately sum-
moned a council of war to meet at Colonel Elliott's
quarters. It was here that he first met his Indian
ally, Tecumseh, and both seem to have been favour-
ably impressed with each other. After hearing what
had happened at Brownstown and Maguaga, the
general explained to the savage warrior his inten-
tion of immediately advancing upon Detroit. Te-
cumseh, taking a roll of birch bark, spread it on
the ground, and with his scalping knife etched
upon the bark a plan of the country, its hills,
woods, morasses and roads. One who was present
at the meeting reported Tecumseh's speech on the
occasion. He said: "I have fought against the ene-
mies of our great father, the king, beyond the great
lakes, and they have never seen my back. I am
come here to fight his enemies on this side the
great salt lake, and now desire with my soldiers to
take lessons from you and your warriors that we
may learn how to make war in these great forests."

245

GENERAL BROCK

The commanding figure and fine countenance of
General Brock seemed to strike the savage chief,
and turning round to his people he stretched out
his hand, exclaiming in his own tongue, "This is a
man."

It is stated that although Tecumseh could speak
English, he never spoke any language but his own
at any council or when in the presence of any officer
or agent of a government, preferring to make use
of an interpreter. He held the opinion that the
honour of his people and race required official in-
tercourse to be carried on in the Shawanese tongue.
He is described as being of about five feet nine
inches in height, very erect, with an oval face,
clear hazel eyes, straight nose, and a Napoleonic
mouth, finely formed and expressive. He was in-
variably dressed in tanned buckskin made in the
usual Indian fashion, that is, a fringed hunting
frock descending to the knee, over underclothes of
the same material. Leggings and moccasins and a
mantle, also of buckskin, completed the costume.
In his belt was a silver-mounted tomahawk, also a
knife in a strong leather case. On the occasion of
their first interview General Brock presented Te-
cumseh with his sash, but the next morning he
appeared without it. When asked the reason, he
said an abler warrior than himself, the Wyandot
chief Roundhead, was present, and he had trans-
ferred it to him. This little piece of diplomacy
shows how well Tecumseh understood the art of
246

TECUMSEH

keeping his savage allies in good humour. In a
letter to Lord Liverpool, General Brock gives his
impression of the chief. He writes: "Among the
Indians whom I found at Amherstburg, who had
arrived from distant parts of the country, were
some extraordinary characters. He who attracted
most of my attention was the Shawanese chief,
Tecumseh, brother to the prophet, who for the last
two years has carried on, contrary to our remon-
strances, an active warfare against the United States.
A more sagacious or more gallant warrior does not
exist. He was the admiration of every one who con-
versed with him. From a life of dissipation, he has
not only become in every respect abstemious, but
has likewise prevailed on all his nation and many of
the other tribes to follow his example."

On August 14th, at Amherstburg, General Brock
issued the following general order: "The troops in
the western district will be formed into three brig-
ades. 1st Brigade, under Lieutenant-Colonel St.
George, to consist of a detachment of the Royal
Newfoundland Regiment, and of the Kent and
1st and 2nd Regiments of Essex Militia; 2nd
Brigade, under Major Chambers, to consist of fifty
men of the 41st Regiment, and the whole of the
detachments of the York, Lincoln, Oxford, and
Norfolk Militia; 3rd Brigade, under Major Tallon,
to consist of the remainder of the 41st Regiment.
Colonel Procter will have charge of the whole line
under the orders of the major-general. James Givins,

247

GENERAL BROCK

late captain of the 5th Regiment, is appointed pro-
vincial aide-de-camp, with the rank of major of the
militia."

General Brock called together his principal offi-
cers to confer with them on the proposed crossing
of the river to attack Fort Detroit. He had already-
made up his own mind, but only one officer, the
quartermaster-general. Colonel Nichol, agreed with
him as to the advisability of the enterprise. The
general then said: "I have decided on crossing, and
now, gentlemen, instead of any further advice, I
entreat of you to give me your cordial and hearty
support." If the ideal officer is the man who can
decide rightly what to do in any situation of war,
who is able to make up his mind quickly what
course to adopt and how to carry it out, then Isaac
Brock was that ideal officer. Nature had given him
the hero's outfit, — "courage and the faculty to do."

Early on August 15th orders were given to ad-
vance at once to Sandwich, sixteen miles from Am-
herstburg and four miles below Detroit. The troops
arrived the same day at their destination. A detach-
ment of two hundred and fifty Americans, left by
General Hull in a fort on the Canadian side, evacu-
ated it on the approach of the British, and crossed
the river to the American side. General Brock
occupied as headquarters Colonel Baby's house, so
lately vacated by General Hull. Preparations had
already been made for bombarding Detroit, for
batteries had been constructed under the superin-
248

SANDWICH AND DETROIT

tendence of Captain Dixon, of the Royal Engineers.
They were equipped for one 18-pounder, two 12 J
and two 5|-inch mortars. It is scarcely to be won-
dered at that doubts were felt as to the possibility
of crossing the river to attack a strong fort with
the scanty force at the command of the British
general. He had but two hundred and fifty of the
41st Regiment, fifty of the Royal Newfoundland
Regiment, thirty Royal Artillery, four hundred
mihtia, and about seven hundred Indians. For ar-
tillery there were but five guns — ^three 6-pounders
and two 3-pounders. In the Detroit River there
were two British gunboats, one the Queen Char-
lotte (Captain Finnis) a sloop of war armed with
eighteen 24-pounders, the other the brig Hunter.
On the Canadian side of the river, directly opposite
Detroit, was the battery under the command of
Captain Dixon. The river at Sandwich is about
three-quarters of a mile wide.

The American general had under his command
two troops of cavalry, one company of artillery,
the 4th United States Regiment, detachments of
the 1st and 3rd Regiments of the regular army of
volunteers, three regiments of Ohio militia and
one of the Michigan territory. In all there were
about two thousand men posted in and around the
fort, while a detachment of three hundred and sixty
men under Colonel McArthur, who had left for the
river Raisin, had been recalled and were now on
their way back. All these troops were well armed.

249

GENERAL BROCK

The fort was defended by twenty-six pieces of
ordnance of large calibre. There was an abundance
of ammunition, as Colonel Cass's report to the
secretary of war showed. He stated that they had
four hundred rounds of 24-pound shot fixed, and
about one hundred thousand cartridges made. There
were also forty barrels of powder and two thousand
five hundred stand of arms.

It was indeed a bold enterprise to attempt to
take the place by assault. As General Brock said
afterwards, he made a cool calculation of the pours
and contres, and was helped in his decision by the
letters that had fallen into his hands at Brownstown
addressed to the secretary of war ; and also by the
private letters of hundreds of the American army
to their friends. These showed that confidence in
General Hull was gone, and that despondency pre-
vailed throughout the fort.

When General Brock arrived at Sandwich on
the morning of August 15th, he determined at once
to carry out his plan. From his headquarters he
penned a missive summoning the American general
to surrender. In coolness and boldness it is only
equalled by that of Nelson to the Crown Prince at
Copenhagen. Possibly Brock thought of that day
when he stood by England's great admiral and saw
him write his demand for the surrender of the
Danish forts. In almost similar terms the British
general wrote: " The force at my disposal authorizes
me to require of you the immediate surrender of
250

BROCK'S DEMAND

Fort Detroit. It is far from my inclination to join
in a war of extermination, but you must be aware
that the numerous body of Indians who have at-
tached themselves to my troops will be beyond my
control the moment the contest commences."

This letter was taken to Fort Detroit by the
two aides-de-camp. Captain Glegg and Lieutenant-
Colonel Macdonell. General Hull refused to see
them, and after keeping them waiting about two
hours, returned this answer: *' I have received your
letter of this date. I have no other reply to make
than to inform you that I am prepared to meet any
force which may be at your disposal, and any con-
sequences which may result from any exertion of it
you may think proper to make."

On the receipt of this the batteries were ordered
to open fire upon the fort, which apparently threw
the enemy into some confusion. An effort was made
to return the fire from the opposite bank, but with-
out effect. No damage was done on either side. All
night the troops in Sandwich lay on their arms,
prepared to cross the river at early dawn. Under
the cover of darkness, six hundred Indians led by
Tecumseh crossed over during the night, and were
ordered to attack the enemy in flank and rear if
they should oppose the landing of the troops. At
six o'clock on Sunday, the 16th, three hundred
regulars and four hundred militia under Brock's
immediate command, were embarked in boats and
canoes, carrying with them five pieces of light

251

GENERAL BROCK

artillery, and were landed at Springwells, four
miles below Detroit. One who was present writes:
"A soft August sun was just rising as we gained
the centre of the river, and the view at the moment
was certainly very animated and exciting, for amid
the little squadron of boats and scows conveying
the troops and artillery were mixed numerous
canoes filled with Indian warriors decorated in their
half-nakedness for the occasion, and uttering yells
of mingled defiance of their foes and encourage-
ment of the soldiery. Above us again were to be seen
and heard the flashes and thunder of the artillery
from our batteries, which, as on the preceding day,
were but feebly replied to by the enemy, while the
gay flags of the Queen Charlotte, drooping in the
breezeless, yet not oppressive air, and playing on
the calm surface of the river seemed to give earnest
of success, and inspired every bosom. "^

Years before Isaac Brock had crossed the river on a
peaceful visit to this garden of the West. The land-
scape was the same but what a change had comel
There were still the settlers' homesteads, the or-
chards laden with fruit, the vines heavy with grapes,
the fields of rich grass that lined the water's edge.
But the flbwer-decked homes were deserted. Through
the orchards gleamed the bayonets of armed men.
Under the vines lurked the half-naked savage ready
for his cruel work. Instead of the welcome he had
once received, guns pointed their grim muzzles

1 Richardson, in ^'The War of 1812."
252

THE ADVANCE

down the road. The women and children who
had met him with smiles before were gathered
trembling in the fort, and instead of the church
bells calling them to prayer this Sunday morning,
came the dull boom of the cannon from the shore
and fort.

The road from Springwells passed up across the
ground between the fort and the river. A few
village dwellings were on the river side of the road,
and a few farm houses on the west side. Fronting
the road and commanding the approach in that
direction were two 24-pound field guns, two 12-
pound iron and two 6-pound brass guns. The 1st
Regiment of Ohio volunteers was posted in an
orchard on the west ; next to them, extending to
the west curtain of the fort, was the 2nd Regiment,
and then the 3rd Regiment covering the north-west
bastion and wagon train ; while in the fort was the
entire 4th United States Regiment, and a company
of artillery. When the troops had crossed the river
they formed and advanced in column. General
Brock leading. Colonel Nichol went up to him and
said : '* Pardon me. General, but I cannot forbear
entreating you not to expose yourself thus. If we
lose you, we lose all. Let me pray you to allow the
troops to pass on led by their own officers ;" but the
only answer he received was, "Master Nichol, I
duly appreciate the advice you give me, but I feel
that in addition to their sense of loyalty and duty,
many here follow me from personal regard, and

253

GENERAL BROCK

I will never ask them to go where I do not lead
them."

The Indians under Tecumseh moved through
the skirt of the woods covering the left flank, while
the right rested on the river protected by the Queen
Charhtte, The guns of the fort commanded the
road by which Brock led his men, and there seemed
no reason why a withering fire should not have met
them.^ General Brock continued the advance until
within three-quarters of a mile of the fort, and then
deployed to the left through a field to a house
about three hundred yards from the road, which he
selected as his headquarters. In this position the
troops were covered. He then ascended the rising
ground to reconnoitre. Scarcely had he done so
when an officer bearing a white flag was seen
coming from the point at which were stationed the
threatening guns.

General Brock had not miscalculated the effect
of the boldness of his advance. The explanation of

^ **The column having been formed we moved forward by sections, at
nearly double distance, in order to give to our little force a more im-
posing appearance. Lieutenant Bullock commanded the advance guard,
and immediately in rear of this, and preceding the column, were the
light artillery (three 6 and two 3-pounders) with which only we ad-
vanced against the enemy's fortress. Nothing but the boldness of the
enterprise could have assured its success. When within a mile and a
half of the rising ground we distinctly saw two long heavy guns planted
in the road, and around them the gunners with their fuses burning.
At each moment we expected they would be fired, yet although it was
evident the discharge must literally have swept our small but dense
column, there was neither halt nor indecision perceptible. Had there
been the slightest wavering or appearance of confusion in the men, the

254

HULL'S SURRENDER

the pusillanimous conduct of the American general
is not hard to find. The cannonade from the battery
on the Canadian side had opened again early on the
morning of the 16th, and the true range having
been found, some round shot fell into the fort,
killing and wounding several. Among the killed
was Lieutenant Hanks, who had been in command
at Michilimackinac, and was then a prisoner on
parole. Fort Detroit at the time was full of women
and children and decrepit men from the surrounding
country who had sought refuge from the Indians,
believing there would be an indiscriminate slaughter.
The fear of the Indians, the presence of some mem-
bers of his own family in the fort, perhaps the
entreaties of the non-combatants, combined to make
General Hull decide on an immediate surrender.

Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell and Captain Glegg
accompanied Captain Hull, the bearer of the flag of
truce, back to the fort to arrange the terms of the
capitulation. At mid-day of the 16th the British
troops marched in. The territory of Michigan, the

enemy, who were closely watching us, and who seemed intimidated by
the confidence of our advance, would not have failed to profit by the
discovery, and fearful, in such case, must have been the havoc." —
Richardson.

General Brock says in nis despatch to the commander-in-chief:
'* I crossed the river with an intention of waiting in a strong position
the efl^ect of our force upon the enemy's camp, and in hopes of com-
pelling him to meet us in the field ; but receiving information upon
landing that Colonel McArthur, an oflScer of high reputation, had left
the garrison three days before with a detachment ot five hundred men,
and hearing soon afterwards that his cavalry had been seen that morn-
ing three miles in our rear, I decided on an immediate attack."

255

GENERAL BROCK

fort with thirty-seven pieces of ordnance, the brig
Adams were ceded to the British. Two thousand
five hundred American troops became prisoners
of war. Four hundred rounds of 24-pound shot,
one hundred thousand cartridges, and two thousand
five hundred stand of arms, much needed by the
Canadian mihtia, also fell into General Brock's
hands.

He wrote to his friend Major Evans, on the 17th.
"Detroit is ours, and with it the whole Michigan
territory, the army prisoners of war. The force you
so skilfully prepared and forwarded to me at so
much risk, met me at Point aux Pins in high
spirits and most effective state. Your thought of
clothing the militia in the 41st's cast-off clothing
proved a most happy one, it having more than
doubled our own regular force to the enemy's
eye."

At the time of the surrender large reinforcements
were on their way to General Hull, and had it not
been for General Brock's bold and rapid advance,
western Canada would undoubtedly have fallen,
and perhaps in consequence the rest of the country
also. The general well deserved the praise he
received. In nineteen days he had met his legis-
lature, settled the public business of the province,
had made a troublesome journey of three hundred
miles by land and water, and, without the loss of a
man, had won for the British Crown a territory
almost equal in size to the province of Upper
256

AMERICAN DISCOMFITURE

Canada. Colonel Cass, the American quartermaster-
general, in his report to the secretary of war at
Washington said: "That we were far superior to
the enemy, that upon any ordinary principle of
calculation we would have defeated them, the
wounded and indignant feelings of every man there
will testify. I was informed by General Hull the
morning after the capitulation, that the British
forces consisted of eighteen hundred regulars, and
that he surrendered to prevent the effusion of
human blood. That he magnified their regular force
nearly five fold there can be no doubt. Whether
the philanthropical reason assigned by him is a
sufficient justification for surrendering a fortified
town, an army and a territory is for the governor to
determine. Confident I am that had the courage
and conduct of the general been equal to the spirit
and zeal of the troops, the event would have been
briUiant and successful as it is now disastrous and
dishonourable."

After the surrender Tecumseh came to General
Brock and said : " I have heard much of your fame,
and am happy again to shake by the hand a brave
brother warrior. The Americans endeavour to give
us a mean opinion of British generals, but we have
been the witness of your valour. In crossing the
river to attack the enemy we observed you from a
distance standing the whole time in an erect position,
and when the boats reached the shore you were
among the first who jumped on land. Your bold

257

GENERAL BROCK

and sudden movement frightened the enemy, and
you compelled them to surrender to half their own
force."

On the morning of August 17th the victory was
celebrated by firing a salute from the esplanade in
front of the fort, while a general parade of the
British troops was held by General Brock, who
with his staff appeared in full dress to receive the
spoils they had won. The salute from the fort was
returned by the guns of the Queen Charlotte which
"dressed with flags, and with streamers flaunting
proudly, sailed up the stream." Nor was the vic-
torious general forgetful of those whose conduct in
their several positions deserved praise at his hands.
Dean, the private of the 41st, who had so bravely
kept the bridge at the Canard, and had been taken
a prisoner to Detroit, was released from the guard-
room by General Brock himself, called before the
assembled troops and warmly commended. The
general shook him by the hand and declared that he
was indeed an honour to the service. In the orders
of the day, Isaac Brock expressed his admiration of
the conduct of the several companies of the militia
who had accompanied him, and requested Major
Salmon, Captains Hatt, Heward, Bostwick and
Robinson to assure the officers and men under
their respective commands that their services had
been duly appreciated, and would never be for-
gotten. It was the first enterprise in which the
militia had been engaged, and its success imparted
258

BROCK'S DESPATCHES

confidence. Isaac Brock was the idol of the hour.
The untrained men he had led felt there was one
standing by them on whom they could depend for
sure guidance. He had taught them the value of a
citizen soldiery who in the hour of danger could be
a "tough and stubborn barrier between an invading
force and the homes and hearths of the nation."

That the Americans had anticipated a very dif-
ferent result is easily seen by the letters of their
public men. Ex-President Jefferson had written:
"The acquisition of Canada as far as Quebec will
be a mere matter of marching, and will give us
experience for the attack on HaUfax and the final
expulsion of England from the continent." The
scene on the esplanade of Detroit on that 17th of
August was a forcible answer to the boastful pre-
diction.

To Captain Glegg, A.D.C., was given the honour
of bearing to Quebec General Brock's despatches to
the commander-in-chief, together with the colours
of the 4th United States Regiment. Another young
officer of the militia who had done good service at
Captain Dixon's battery, was entrusted with des-
patches bearing the good tidings to the Talbot
Settlement. This was George Ryerson of the 1st
Norfolk Militia, of which regiment his father was
the colonel. Lieutenant Ryerson rode all day
through the woods and by the river Thames, and
when night fell found himself in an Indian en-
campment occupied only by women and children

259

GENERAL BROCK

and some aged warriors, who received the good
news with shouts of joy, and chanted all night
their songs of victory.

One short message General Brock sent to his
brothers in England: "Rejoice at my good fortune,
and join with me in prayers to heaven. Let me hear
that you are all united and happy." This letter was
add essed to Irving Brock and reached him on
Oct >ber 13th.

260

CHAPTER XX

THE ARMISTICE

GENERAL BROCK lost no time in making
preparations to return to the Niagara frontier,
where he hoped to strike another sudden blow. He
dismissed the militia of Michigan to their homes,
placed the volunteers on parole, and sent General
Hull with a thousand of his regular troops in boats
to Fort Erie, en route to Montreal as prisoners of
war. After issuing a proclamation to the inhabit-
ants of the Michigan territory, by which their
private property was secured and their laws and
religion confirmed, he set out on his return journey
on August 18th. On his voyage down Lake Erie in
the schooner Chippewa he was met by the Lady
Prevost, whose commander gave him the first in-
telligence of the armistice unfortunately concluded
with General Dearborn.

General Brock could not conceal his regret and
mortification, as the armistice prevented an attack
on Sacketts Harbour which he had contemplated.
At that place vessels were being fitted out whose con-
struction would immensely strengthen the enemy's
position on Lake Ontario, of which it was of the
first importance to hold the mastery. He had given

261

GENERAL BROCK

orders to Colonel Procter who was left in command
at Detroit, to send a detachment of the 41st to join
with the Indians in an expedition against Fort
Wayne, a supply post in the Miami country.
Brock was now compelled to write and request him
on account of the armistice to postpone the attack,
and also to keep the Indians back from predatory
excursions on their own account. On August 25th
General Brock arrived at Fort George, and on the
27th at York, where he was received in triumph.
Addresses of welcome and letters of congratulation
were showered upon him. One^ wrote: "There is
something so fabulous in the report of a handful of
troops supported by a few raw militia leaving their
strong post to invade an enemy of double the
number in his own fortress and making them all
prisoners without the loss of a man, that it seems to
me the people of England will be incredulous until
they see the exterminating boaster a prisoner in
London. I shall hardly sleep until I have the satis-
faction of hearing particulars of the wonderful
excursion, for it must not be called a campaign.
The verd, vidi, vici is again the faithful report. Your
good fortune in one instance is singular, for if your
zeal had been thwarted by such adverse winds
as frequently occur on the lake, the armistice might
have intercepted your career."

In answer to the address from the people of
York, General Brock said with characteristic sim-

^ Chief Justice Powell.
262

ANSWER TO ADDRESS

plicity: "Gentlemen, I cannot but feel highly
gratified by this expression of esteem for myself;
but in justice to the brave men at whose head I
marched against the enemy, I must beg leave to
direct your attention to them as the proper objects
of your gratitude. It was a confidence founded on
their loyalty, zeal and valour that determined me
to adopt the plan of operations which led to so
fortunate a termination. Allow me to congratulate
you gentlemen at having sent out from among
yourselves a portion of that gallant band, and that
at such a period a spirit has manifested itself on
which you may confidently repose your hopes of
future security."

It was by such unassuming, sincere words that
Brock endeared himself to the people of Canada.
The victory he had won had an immediate moral
effect. It has been well said that it was as if an elec-
tric shock had passed through the country, awing
the disaffected and animating the timid and waver-
ing. The success at Detroit caused the Six Nation
Indians on the Grand River to drop their policy of
neutrality and to take an active part on the British
side. If General Brock's hands had not been tied,
he would doubtless have swept the frontier from
Sandusky to St. Regis.

A letter from John Lovett, secretary to General
Van Rensselaer, describes the arrival of the prison-
ers from Detroit on their way to Fort George, and
shows the feeling that prevailed in the enemy's

263

GENERAL BROCK

camp. "Yesterday the first we saw was a guard
of about fifty men passing with some wagons on
the opposite shore. It was the victorious Brock
returning to Fort George. He sent over Colonel
Macdonell, his aide-de-camp, and Major Evans,
two strapping lads in scarlet and gold, to make
a communication to General Van Rensselaer. This
part of the country now thinks their whole salvation
rests upon our little raw army. I think I know the
fact that after Brock had taken Hull he expressed
his determination to return and take Niagara. I
think his mind is altered by the armistice, but he
can take Niagara any hour he pleases. Yes, my
friend, we cannot defend Niagara one hour, and as
for our present camp, I now write with an eye on a
single gun on yon hill in Queenston which would
rout us all in three minutes. The Ohio officers'
prisoners were also last evening with us, and say
that the Indians with Brock are the finest fellows
they ever saw. They are commanded by the
prophet's brother Tecumseh. He is hourly expected
at Fort George, and it is said the tawny host is to
follow. Well, be it so, one thing our friends may be
assured of, we are not scared yet. We shall never
be 'Hulled.' Our general is thoughtful but firm."^

Of the loss of Detroit the same officer wrote
on the 28th : " This event has animated Canada
beyond anything you can conceive. It has put a
serious face on our Indians on the whole frontier.

^ From John Lovett to J. Alexander, dated August 26th, 1812.
264

LOVETT'S LETTER

Tecumseh, the prophet's brother, a warrior of
almost unbounded influence, now openly holds
that the Great Spirit intended Ohio River for the
boundary between his white and red children,
that many of the first warriors have always thought
so, but a cloud hung over the eyes of the tribes
and they could not see what the Great Spirit
meant, that General Brock has now torn away
the cloud and the Indians see clearly that all
the white people must go back east of the Ohio.
Yesterday I beheld such a sight as God knows
I never expected to see, and He only knows
the sensation it created in my heart. I saw my
countrymen, free born Americans, robbed of the
inheritance which their fathers bequeathed them,
stripped of the arms which achieved our independ-
ence, and marched into a strange land by hundreds
as black cattle for the market. Before and behind,
on the right and the left, their proud victors gleamed
in arms, their heads erect in the pride of victory. I
think the line, including wagons, was half a mile
long. The sensations the scene produced in our
camp were inexpressible, mortification, indignation,
apprehension, suspicion, jealousy, rage, madness. It
was a sad day, but the poor fellows went last
evening on board the shipping, and I presume
passed over to York. I saw a gentleman who was
present when General Hull alighted from his car-
riage at Fort George, hale, corpulent, and ap-
parently in high spirits. He goes to Quebec."

265

GENERAL BROCK

One other reverse the Americans had met with
this month in the loss of Fort Dearborn, (Chicago).
The Indians had attacked it, massacred the garrison,
and destroyed it by fire.

On August 30th Brock left by a schooner for
Kingston in order to review the militia there. On
the way he wrote to his brothers. It was almost the
last letter they were to receive from him, and it
breathes throughout a spirit of love and of yearn-
ing that the unhappy differences between them
might be healed.

Lake Ontario, September 3rd, — " You will have
heard of the complete success which attended the
efforts I directed against Detroit. I have received
so many letters from people whose opinion I value,
expressive of their admiration of the exploit, that I
begin to attach to it more importance than I was
at first inclined. Should the affair be viewed in
England in the light it is here, I cannot fail of
meeting reward and escaping the honour of being
placed high on a shelf never to be taken down.
Some say that nothing could have been more
desperate than the measure ; but I answer that the
state of the province admitted of nothing but
desperate remedies. I got possession of the letters
of riy antagonist addressed to the secretary of
war, and also of the sentiments which hundreds
of his army uttered to their friends. Confidence
in the general was gone, and evident despondency
prevailed throughout. I have succeeded beyond
266

BROCK'S LETTER

expectation. I crossed the river contrary to the
opinion of Colonel Procter. It is therefore no
wonder that envy should attribute to good fortune
what in justice to my own discernment, I must say,
proceeded from a cool calculation of the pours and
contres. It is supposed that the value of the articles
captured will amount to thirty or forty thousand
pounds. In that case, my proportion will be some-
thing considerable. If it enables me to contribute to
your comfort and happiness, I shall esteem it my
highest reward.

"When I returned heaven thanks for my amaz-
ing success, I thought of you all. You appeared to
me happy — your late sorrows forgotten; and I felt
as if you acknowledged that the many benefits,
which for a series of years I received from you,
were not unworthily bestowed. Let me know, my
dearest brothers, that you are aU again united. The
want of union was nearly losing this province with-
out a struggle, and be assured it operates in the
same way in famihes.

"A cessation of hostilities has taken place along
this frontier. Should peace follow the measure all
will be well; if hostilities recommence, nothing
could be more unfortunate than this pause.

"I shall see Vincent, I hope, this evening at
Kingston. He is appointed to the command of that
post, a most important one. I have withdrawn
Plenderleath from Niagara to assist him. James
Brock is likewise at Kingston. The 41st is an

267

GENERAL BROCK

uncommonly fine regiment, but, with few excep-
tions, badly officered."

At Kingston, where he arrived on the morning
of September 4th, General Brock was also received
with demonstrations of joy. In answer to the ad-
dress presented to him there, he said: *' Nothing
but the confidence which the admirable conduct of
the York and Lincoln Regiments of militia excited,
could have induced me to undertake an expedition
such as lately terminated so much to the advantage
of the country. I have reason, from the reports
made to me by the officers stationed at Kingston,
to rely with equal confidence on the discipline and
gallantry of the militia in this district. It is with the
highest satisfaction I understand, that in the midst
of unavoidable privations and fatigue, they bear in
mind that the cause in which they are engaged
involves their dearest interests and the happiness of
their famiUes."

While at Kingston General Brock received a
letter of congratulation from Sir George Prevost,
dated August 30th. It was as follows: "I propose
sending an aide-de-camp to England with your
short despatch. I shall delay his departure from
hence until September 1st in hopes of obtaining
from you before that time, further particulars of
the operations which led to General Hull's disgrace.
Well aware of the difficulties you have surmounted
for the preservation of your government entire, I
shall endeavour to do justice to your merit in my
268

EFFECT OF ARMISTICE

report to His Majesty's minister upon the success
which has crowned your energy and zeal. I am in
hourly expectation of receiving from General Dear-
born intelligence respecting the reception of the
proposed suspension of hostilities in consequence of
the revocation of the orders-in-council, which are
the plea for war in the American cabinet. The
king's government having most unequivocally ex-
pressed to me their desire to preserve peace with
the United States, that they might, uninterruptedly,
pursue with the whole disposable force of the
country the great interests committed in Europe,
I have endeavoured to be instrumental in the ac-
compUshment of their views, but I consider it most
fortunate to have been enabled to do so without
interfering with your operations on the Detroit. I
have sent you men, money, and stores of every
kind."

This was rather an aggravating statement under
the circumstances, for by reason of the armistice,
of which the Americans knew how to take full
advantage, stores of all kinds were at this time
being sent as rapidly as possible by Lake Ontario
to the enemy's camp at Niagara, and vessels at
Ogdensburg were moved in perfect safety to
Sacketts Harbour, there to be fitted out as ships of
war.

On the 31st Sir George wrote again : " I had
scarcely closed the letter addressed to you yesterday
when an aide-de-camp from Major-General Dear-

269

GENERAL BROCK

born made his appearance and delivered to me the
despatch herewith transmitted." The despatch an-
nounced that the president of the United States
had not thought proper to authorize a continuance
of the provisional measure entered into by His
Excellency and General Dearborn, through the
Adjutant- General Colonel Baynes ; consequently,
the armistice was to cease four days from the time
of the communication reaching Montreal and the
posts of Kingston and Fort George. This despatch
had been written while the authorities at Washing-
ton were in ignorance of what had happened at
Detroit, for it said : " If a suspension of offensive
operations shall have been mutually consented to
between General Hull and the commanding officer
of the British forces at and near Detroit, as pro-
posed, they will respectively be authorized at the
expiration of four days, subsequent to their re-
ceiving copies of this communication, to consider
themselves released from any agreement thus en-
tered into."

General Brock adds a postcript on September 4th
to the letter to his brother: "Hostilities, I this
instant understand, are to be renewed in four days,
and though landed only two hours I must return
immediately to Niagara, whence I shall write fully."
General Brock was of the opinion that an expe-
dition should be immediately sent to Sacketts
Harbour, thirty-five miles across the lake from
Kingston, in order to destroy the arsenal there,
270

THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT

but Sir George Prevost disapproved. The official
intelligence of the president's refusal to continue the
truce reached the commander-in-chief at Montreal
on August 30th, a day or two before the arrival
there of Captain Glegg with the trophies and the
despatches relating to the capture of Detroit. The
attack on Sacketts Harbour could have been carried
into effect immediately on the cessation of the
armistice, but the opportunity was allowed to
pass. In fact, in his general order of August 31st,
Sir George Prevost was rather apologetic for
having dared to invade the territory of the United
States.

The British government approved of Sir George
Prevost's pacific policy at the commencement
of the war, as we gather from a letter of
Lord Bathurst to the governor-general, written
on October 1st, 1812, before the refusal of the
American president to ratify the armistice was
known in England : " The desire which you have
unceasingly manifested to avoid hostilities with the
subjects of the United States, is not more in con-
formity with your own feelings than with the
wishes and intentions of His Majesty's government,
and therefore your correspondence with General
Dearborn cannot fail to receive their cordial con-
currence." By the time this letter reached its des-
tination, had it not been for General Brock's more
vigorous measures. Sir George Prevost's careful
avoidance of hostilities, so much approved of by

271

GENERAL BROCK

the home government, would probably have led to
the loss of the Canadas.

As it was, the month's armistice had immensely
strengthened the position of the enemy on the
Niagara frontier. General Brock, who had hastened
back there from Kingston, wrote from Fort George
on September 7th to the commander-in-chief: —

"Sir, on my arrival here yesterday morning I
found that intimation had been received by Major-
General Sheaffe to renew hostilities at noon to-
morrow. During the cessation of hostilities vast
supplies have been received by the enemy. His
field artillery is numerous, and I have reason to
believe his heavy ordnance has been considerably
increased. He is now busy erecting batteries in
front of Fort George, and everything indicates an
intention of commencing active operations. Rein-
forcements of troops of every description have evi-
dently arrived. 1 have written to Amherstburg for
such troops as Colonel Procter conceived the state
of affairs in that quarter enabled him to part with.
Colonel Vincent has likewise been written to on
the same subject. The prodigious quantity of pork
and flour which have been observed landing on the
opposite shore from a number of vessels and large
boats which have entered the river during the
armistice, are sufficient to supply the wants for
a long period of a considerable force. I expect an
attack almost immediately. The enemy will either
turn my left flank, which he may easily accomplish
272

BROCK'S LETTER

during a calm night, or attempt to force his way
across under cover of his artillery. We stand greatly
in need of officers, men and heavy ordnance. Captain
Holcroft has been indefatigable and has done every-
thing in the power of an individual, but on such an
extended line assistance is necessary.

"I look every day for the arrival of five 24-
pounders from Detroit, and other artillery and
stores which are not required there, beside two
thousand muskets. Should your Excellency be in a
situation to send reinforcements to the upper coun-
try, the whole of the force at present at Kingston
might be directed to proceed hither. One thousand
additional regulars are necessary. A force of that
description ought to be stationed at Pelham on the
Grand River, to act as exigencies might require.
At present, the whole of my force being necessary
for the defence of the banks of the river Niagara,
no part can look for support. If I can continue to
maintain my position six weeks longer the campaign
will have terminated in a manner little expected in
the states. I stand in want of more artillerymen
and a thousand regulars. I have thus given your
Excellency a hasty sketch of my situation, and this
I can aver, that no exertions shall be wanting to do
justice to the important command with which I am
entrusted." Two days afterwards he wrote again
that news had come from Colonel Procter that
another attack was expected at Amherstburg, as
reinforcements for the Americans were on their

273

GENERAL BROCK

way from Kentucky. Although so short himself of
men, General Brock determined to send to the
Detroit frontier two flank companies of the New-
foundland Regiment, which had just joined him at
Fort George. Fresh troops were still arriving for
the enemy at Niagara, supposed to belong to the
Pennsylvania quota. They were reported as in a
wretched state as to clothing, and ill-fitted to brave
the rains and cold of the coming season. There was
much sickness in the American camp. Two or
three hundred Indians had joined them, but General
Brock did not beUeve they would act against him.
It all depended, however, on which side success
lay. Any disaster would send them to the winning
side.

On September 10th Colonel Procter wrote that
the Queen Charlotte had been sent off from Detroit
with ordnance and stores for Fort Erie, and also
the remainder of the prisoners of war, with a guard
of two subalterns and forty men of the 41st Regi-
ment, with whom, as Procter says, "I cannot now
afford to part." The Detroit, formerly the Adams,
captured at Detroit, was to sail in a few days with
prisoners and stores.

The expedition to Fort Wayne had already set
off before any counter orders arrived. It w^as a
troublesome and difficult journey of several hundred
miles into the enemy's country, but its capture was
important as being the base of supplies for the left
division of the American army. It was at this time
274.

FORT WAYNE

invested by a body of Indians. Captain Muir of the
41st, with one hundred and fifty men of that regi-
ment, the same number of mihtia, some field guns
and a howitzer, crossed Lake Erie to the Miami
River, thence to the village of that name, where they
were joined by three hundred Indian warriors. They
had proceeded only about half way to the fort when
they were met by some Indians who informed them
that two thousand five hundred Ohio and Kentucky
volunteers under General Winchester were advanc-
ing to the Miami, and were then only about three
miles distant. As a proof of this story they pro-
duced the scalps of five Americans, part of the
advance guard, whom they had treacherously killed
while engaged in friendly conversation. Under the
circumstances it would have been folly to proceed,
so Captain Muir conducted an orderly retreat, ex-
pecting at any moment to be attacked by the
advancing force. He at last reached his boats with-
out the loss of a man or any of his supplies, and
returned to Amherstburg after a fruitless absence
of three weeks. As it turned out afterwards the
Americans had avoided an engagement, thinking
the British had a much superior force.

In the meantime Sir George Prevost was again
complicating affairs by his vacillating and contra-
dictory orders. He wrote on September 7th finding
fault with General Brock's conduct of affairs on
the Detroit frontier. It drew from the general the
following reply, dated September 18th: "I have

275

GENERAL BROCK

been honoured with your Excellency's despatch,
dated the 7th inst. I have implicitly followed your
Excellency's instructions, and abstained under the
greatest temptations and provocations from every
act of hostility." He enclosed a letter from Colonel
Procter containing the information of the force
sent under Captain Muir against Fort Wayne, and
continued: "I gave orders for it previous to my
leaving Amherstburg, which must have induced
Colonel Procter to proceed upon receiving intelli-
gence of the recommencement of hostilities, without
waiting for further directions. I regret exceedingly
that this service should be undertaken contrary to
your Excellency's wishes, but I beg leave to assure
you that the principal object in sending a British
force to Fort Wayne is with the hope of preserving
the lives of the garrison. By the last accounts the
place was invested by a numerous body of Indians,
with very little prospect of being relieved. The
prisoners of war, who knew perfectly the situation
of the garrison, rejoiced at the measure, and give
us full credit for our intentions. The Indians were
likewise looking to us for assistance. They heard of
the armistice with every mark of jealousy. Had we
refused joining them in this expedition I cannot
calculate the consequences. I have already been
asked to pledge my word that England would
enter into no negotiation in which their interests
were not included. Could they be brought to
imagine that we should desert them, the conse-
276

PREVOST'S ADVICE

quences must be fatal." General Brock added that
the attack of the enemy on his frontier could not be
long delayed, and that he thought the militia could
not be kept together without such a prospect.

On the 14th Sir George Prevost wrote again,
evidently in a panic, and advised General Brock to
take immediate steps for evacuating Detroit, to-
gether with the territory of Michigan. This must
have indeed been galling to the second in command.
The reason for this advice. Sir George said, was a
despatch dated July 4th from Lord Bathurst, which
seems to have been somewhat belated. It said that
His Majesty's government trusted he would be
able to suspend with perfect safety all extraordinary
preparations for defence which he might have been
induced to make, also that every special requisition
for warUke stores and accoutrements had been com-
plied with, except the clothing of the corps proposed
to be raised from the Glengarry emigrants, and
that the minister had not thought it necessary to
direct the preparation of any further supplies.

Sir George adds : "This will afford you a strong
proof of the infatuation of His Majesty's ministers
upon the subject of American affairs, and show how
entirely I have been left to my own resources in
the event which has taken place." He informed
Brock that he could not expect any more reinforce-
ments.

The latter did not agree with Sir George Pre-
vost's opinion as to the advisability of evacuating

277

GENERAL BROCK

Detroit and the Michigan territory, the fruits of
his splendid victory. He wrote from York on Sep-
tember 28th to the commander-in-chief: " I have
been honoured with your Excellency's despatches
dated the 14th inst. I shall suspend, under the
latitude left by your Excellency to my discretion,
the evacuation of Fort Detroit. Such a measure
would most likely be followed by the total ex-
tinction of the population on that side of the river,
as the Indians, aware of our weakness and inability
to carry on active warfare, would only think of
entering into terms with the enemy.

"The Indians, since the Miami affair in 1793,
have been extremely suspicious of our conduct, but
the violent wrongs committed by the Americans on
their territory have rendered it an act of policy
with them to disguise their sentiments. Could they
be persuaded that a peace between the belligerents
would take place without admitting their claim to
an extensive tract of country fraudulently usurped
from them, and opposing a frontier to the present
unbounded views of the Americans, I am satisfied
in my own mind that they would immediately
compromise with the enemy. I cannot conceive a
connection more likely to lead to more awful con-
sequences. Should negotiations of peace be opened
I cannot be too earnest with your Excellency to
represent to the king's ministers the expediency of
including the Indians as allies, and not to leave them
exposed to the unrelenting fury of their enemies.
278

ARMY DISCIPLINE

"The enemy has evidently assumed defensive
measures along the strait of Niagara. His force,
I apprehend, is not equal to attempt the expedition
across the river v^th any probability of success. It
is, however, currently reported that large reinforce-
ments are on their march. Should they arrive an
attack cannot be long delayed. The approach of
the rainy season would increase the sickness with
which the troops [of the United States] are already
afflicted. Those under my command are in perfect
health and spirits."

It speaks well for the discipline and morale of
Brock's little army that he is able to say: "It is
certainly something singular that we should be up-
wards of two months in a state of warfare, and that
along this widely extended frontier not a single
death, either natural or by the sword, should have
occurred among the troops under my command,
and we have not been altogether idle; nor has a
single desertion taken place."

On September 17th General Brock had written
to Colonel Procter that he approved of his expedition
against Fort Wayne, which would probably save
the garrison from the fate of Chicago. He added,
however, in obedience to Sir George Prevost's in-
structions: "It must be exphcitly understood that
you are not to resort to offensive warfare for pur-
poses of conquest; your operations are to be con-
fined to measures of defence and security. It may
become necessary to destroy the fort of Sandusky

279

GENERAL BROCK

and the road which runs through it from Cleveland
to the foot of the rapids. The road from the river
Raisin to Detroit is perhaps in too bad a state to
offer any aid to the approach of an enemy except
in the winter. As to the Indians, Colonel Elliott
does not possess the influence over them that Cap-
tain McKee does. In conversation with him you
may take an opportunity of intimating that I have
not been unmindful of the interests of the Indians
in my communications to ministers ; and I wish you
to learn (as if casually the subject of conversation)
what stipulations they would propose for themselves
or be willing to accede to in case of either failure
or success. I wish the engineers to proceed immedi-
ately to strengthening Fort Amherstburg, the plan
for which I shall be glad to see as soon as possible.'*
On September 18th the general wrote to his
brother Savery: "You doubtless feel much anxiety
on my account. I am really placed in a most awk-
ward predicament. If I get through my present
difficulties with tolerable success I cannot but ob-
tain praise. But I have already surmounted diffi-
culties of infinitely greater magnitude. Were the
Americans of one mind the opposition I could
make would be unavailing; but I am not without
hope that their divisions may be the saving of this
province. A river of about five hundred yards di-
vides the troops. My instructions oblige me to
adopt defensive measures. It is thought that with-
out the aid of the sword the American people may
280

49th regiment

be brought to a due sense of their own interests. I
firmly believe I could at this moment sweep every-
thing before me between Fort Niagara and Buffalo,
but my success would be transient." No doubt the
general thought of that other victory, which by the
supineness of the commander-in-chief had been
taken so little advantage of.

The letter continues : "I have now officers in
whom I can confide. Six companies of the 49th are
with me here, and the remaining four are at King-
ston under Vincent. Although the regiment has
been ten years in this country, drinking rum with-
out bounds, it is still respectable and apparently
ardent for an opportunity to acquire distinction. It
has five captains in England and two on the staff
in this country, which leaves it bare of experienced
officers. The United States regiments of the line
desert to us frequently, as the men are tired of the
service. Their miUtia, being chiefly composed of
enraged Democrats, are more ardent and anxious
to engage, but they have neither subordination or
discipline. They die very fast. You will hear of
some decided action in the course of a fortnight, or
in all probability we shall return to a state of tran-
quillity. I say decisive, because if I should be beaten
the province is inevitably gone; and should I be
victorious, I do not imagine the gentry from the
other side will care to return to the charge. I am quite
anxious that this state of warfare should end, as I wish
much to join Lord Wellington and to see you alL"

281

CHAPTER XXI

CONSEQUENCES OF ARMISTICE

THE month of September had seen the arrival
at Montreal of the wretched prisoners from
Detroit. Colonel Baynes wrote that they had reach-
ed there in a very miserable state, having trav-
elled without halt. They had been sent to Fort
WiUiam Henry on their way to Quebec. The officers
were to be on parole and the men confined in the
transports on the river. General Hull had been
allowed to return home on parole, and also most of
the officers who had famiUes with them. "General
Hull," Colonel Baynes said, "seemed to possess less
feeling and sense of shame than any man in his
situation could be supposed to have. The grounds
on which he rests his defence are not well founded,
as he said he had not gunpowder enough for one
day. Sir George showed him the return of the large
supply found in the fort. It did not create a blush!"
The unfortunate and incapable general was tried
by court-martial on his return on parole to the
United States. He was found guilty and sentenced
to death. His defence was that he had not pro-
visions enough to maintain the siege, that he ex-
pected the enemy would be reinforced, and that he
knew the savage ferocity of the Indians. His sen-
tence of death was remitted on account of his past

288

GENERAL BROCK

services, but his name was struck off the roll of the
army, and he passed the remainder of his life in
disgrace and obscurity.

Colonel Baynes reported in September that about
half of the 8th, or King's Regiment, three hundred
men, were at Coteau du Lac and the Isle aux Noix.
These two places were the keys of Lower Canada,
the former commanding the navigation of the St.
Lawrence at its entrance into Lake Francis, the
latter, in the Richeheu River, being the barrier of
Lower Canada from the Champlain frontier. In the
conflict of the eighteenth century these places had
been much thought of by French engineers. They
were, after the conquest, fortified by General Haldi-
mand. Colonel Baynes was confident, he wrote, that
the British could bring as many men into the field
as the Americans, and of superior stuff, as the militia
had improved so much in discipline, and therefore
in spirit and confidence. Montreal, he thought,
could turn out two thousand volunteer militia very
tolerably drilled.

A naval success on the Atlantic on August 19th,
when H.M.S. Guerriere was taken by the Consti-
tution, had gone far to console the Americans for
their discomfiture at Detroit, and they were hope-
fully preparing for another invasion, in this instance
on the Niagara frontier, where Major-General Van
Rensselaer^ had assembled an army of over six

1 General Van Rensselaer, '' padron " of New York, was not a pro-
fessional soldier, but relied in military matters on the advice of his
cousin and adjutant. Colonel Van Rensselaer.
284

DEARBORN'S COMMAND

thousand men, with headquarters at the village of
Lewiston, opposite Queenston.

At Plattsburg there were about five thousand
troops, half of them regulars under the immediate
command of Major-General Dearborn, who wrote
on September 26th to General Van Rensselaer:
"At all events we must calculate on possessing
Upper Canada before the winter sets in." Ex-Presi-
dent Jefferson wrote: " I fear that Hull's surrender
has been more than the mere loss of a year to us.
Perhaps, however, the patriotic efforts from Ken-
tucky and Ohio by recalling the British force to its
upper posts, may yet give time to Dearborn to
strike a blow below. Effective possession of the
river from Montreal to Chaudi^re, which is practi-
cable, would give us the upper country at our
leisure."

So spoke the generals and politicians. In the
meantime, courteous messages were passing from
Major-General Van Rensselaer to Major-General
Brock as to the disposition of the prisoners of war,
and of the women and children who had accom-
panied them from Detroit. General Brock writes to
the American general : " With much regret I have
perceived very heavy firing from both sides of the
river. I am, however, given to understand that on
all occasions it commenced on your side, and from
the circumstance of the flag of truce which I did
myself the honour to send over yesterday, having
been repeatedly fired on while in the act of crossing

285

GENERAL BROCK

the river, I am inclined to give full credit to the
correctness of the information. You may rest as-
sured on my repeating my most positive orders
against the continuance of a practice which can
only be injurious to individuals, without promoting
the object which both our nations may have in
view."

Another letter from John Lovett, — secretary to
General Van Rensselaer — to Joseph Alexander,
gives an idea of the state of affairs from the Ameri-
can point of view, and indirectly bears testimony to
the unceasing labour and watchfulness of the British
general: —

Headquarters, Lewiston, September 22nd, 1812,
"The enemy appears to be in a state of preparedness
to give or receive an attack. Every day or two they
make some movement which indicates a disposition
to attack us immediately. The night before last
every ship they have on Lake Ontario came into the
mouth of Niagara. Then, to be sure, we thought it
time to look out for breakers. But yesterday, when
Colonel Van Rensselaer went over with a flag to
Fort George, there was not a ship in sight nor a
general officer there; where gone we know not.
Notwithstanding the most positive orders on both
sides, our sentries have kept up almost a constant
warfare for a month past. On the bank of the river
musket balls are about as thick as whip-poor-wills
on a summer evening. We are promised reinforce-
ments by companies, battalions, regiments, brigades,
286

THE NIAGARA FRONTIER

and I might almost say armies, but not a single
man has joined us in some weeks. Besides our men
here are getting down very fast. The morning's
report of sick was one hundred and forty-nine.
Give Mrs. Lovett the inclosed. It contains an im-
pression of General Brock's seal, with his most ap-
propriate motto, ' He who guards never sleeps.'"

Although this did not happen to be the general's
motto, it very well expressed his attitude. That
forty miles of frontier to defend with his limited
force, was a problem ever present to him. The
American army on the Niagara frontier consisted
of five thousand two hundred men of the New
York militia, three hundred field and light artillery,
eight hundred of the 6th, 13th and 23rd Regiments
of Foot (regulars), in all six thousand three hundred
men, stationed between Niagara and Lewiston,
under the command of Major-General Van Rens-
selaer. At Black Rock and Buffalo, twenty-eight
miles distant, were one thousand six hundred and
forty regulars three hundred and eighty-six militia
and two hundred and fifty sailors under the command
of Brigadier-General Smyth. Four hundred Seneca
Indians had also joined the United States forces.

Major-General Brock had under his immediate
command part of the 41st and 49th Regiments,
a few companies of militia and three hundred
Indians, a force in all of about fifteen hundred men,
dispersed between Fort Erie, opposite Black Rock,
and Fort George, thirty-six miles distant. Only a

287

GENERAL BROCK

small number could be available at any one point.
With unwearied diligence the British commander
watched the motions of the enemy, but under the
circumstances he knew that it was impossible to
prevent the landing of the hostile troops, especially
if their operations were carried out at night. There
was one point in his favour, the want of accord
between the American generals. Smyth thought
the crossing should be made above the Falls, Van
Rensselaer favoured the attack on the river below.

A letter to Brock from Sir George Prevost of
September 25th, showed that he still held the idea of
simply being on the defensive, and had a slavish fear
of doing anjrthing that might draw on himself blame
from the English ministry. He wrote: " It no longer
appears by your letter of the 13th that you consider
the enemy's operations on the Niagara frontier
indicative of active operations. If the government
of America inclines to defensive measures, I can
only ascribe its determination to two causes, the
first is the expectation of such overtures from us as
will lead to a suspension of hostiUties preparatory
to negotiations for peace ; the other arises from
having ascertained by experience our ability in the
Canadas to resist the attack of a tumultuary force.
I agree in opinion with you that so wretched is the
organization and discipHne of the American army,
that at this moment much might be effected against
them ; but as the government at home could derive
no substantial advantage from any disgrace we
288

THE "DETROIT" AND "CALEDONIA"

might inflict on them, whilst the more important
concerns of the country are committed in Europe,
I again request you will steadily pursue that policy
which shall appear to you best calculated to promote
the dwindling away of such a force by its own in-
efficient means."

These were certainly rather enigmatical words
from the commander-in-chief, and calculated rather
to dampen than to inspire the ardour of the defenders
of the country. The evil effect of the policy of
inaction was soon apparent.

On October 9th the brig Detroit (late United
States brig Adams), and the North- West Com-
pany's brig Caledonia (one hundred tons), having
arrived at Fort Erie the preceding day from De-
troit, were boarded and carried off at dawn by
Lieutenant Elliott of the American navy with a
hundred seamen and soldiers in two large boats.
This officer was stationed at the time at Black Rock,
superintending the equipment of some schooners
purchased for service on Lake Erie. Had it not
been for the defensive measures forced on General
Brock by the commander-in-chief, these schooners
would probably have been destroyed. The two
British vessels contained forty prisoners, some
cannon and small arms captured at Detroit, and
also a valuable lot of furs in the Caledonia belong-
ing to the South- West Company. The Americans
who attacked the two brigs far out-numbered
the crews and militia on board, who amounted

289

GENERAL BROCK

in all to sixty-eight men. After the capture Lieu-
tenant Elliott ran the Caledonia close under the
batteries at Black Rock, but on account of the heavy
fire from Fort Erie he was compelled to abandon
the Detroit at Squaw Island. Here she was boarded
by a subaltern detachment from Fort Erie, which
had come to the rescue. Unfortunately their efforts
were unavailing, and the Americans set her on
fire.

General Brock's letter relating to the disaster is
dated Fort George, October 11th, 1812: "I had
scarcely closed my despatch to your Excellency, of
the 9th, when I was suddenly called away to Fort
Erie, in consequence of a bold, and I regret to say,
successful attack by the enemy on His Majesty's
ship Detroit and the private brig Caledonia, which
had both arrived the preceding day from Amherst-
burg. It appears by every account I have been able
to collect, that a little before day a number of
boats, full of men, dropped down with the current
unobserved, boarded both vessels at the same mo-
ment, and cutting their cables were proceeding with
them to the American shore, when Major Ormsby
who witnessed the transaction, directed the bat-
teries to open upon them, and soon compelled the
enemy to abandon the Detroit, which grounded
about the centre of Squaw Island, a little more
than a mile below Black Rock. She was then
boarded by a party of the 49th Regiment, but as
no anchor remained, and being otherwise unpro-
290

THE CAPTURE

vided with every means by which she could be
hauled off, the officers, throwing her guns over-
board, after sustaining a smart fire of musketry,
decided to quit her. A private, who is accused of
getting drunk, and a prisoner of war, who was
unable from his wounds to escape, with about
twenty prisoners brought by the Detroit from Am-
herstburg, remained, however, behind; these it be-
came necessary to remove before the vessel could
be destroyed, and Cornet Pell, major of the Pro-
vincial Cavalry, offered his services. Being unfortu-
nately wounded as he was getting on board, and
falling back into the boat, a confusion arose, during
which the boat drifted from the vessel, leaving on
board two of the 41st who had previously ascended.
In the meantime the Caledonia was secured by the
enemy, and a cargo of furs belonging to the South-
West Company landed. I reached the spot soon
after sunset, and intended to have renewed the
attempt to recover the Detroit, which I had every
prospect of accomplishing, assisted by the crew of
the Lady Prevost, which vessel had anchored a
short time before, but before the necessary arrange-
ments could be made, the enemy boarded her, and
in a few minutes she was seen in flames. This event
is particularly unfortunate, and may reduce us to
incalculable distress.

"The enemy is making every exertion to gain
a naval superiority on both lakes, which if they
accomplish I do not see how we can retain the

291

GENERAL BROCK

country. More vessels are fitting out for war on the
other side of Squaw Island, which I should have
attempted to destroy but for your Excellency's
repeated instructions to forbear. Now such a force
is collected for their protection as will render every
operation against them very hazardous. The manner
our guns were served yesterday points out the
necessity of an increase, if possible, of artillerymen
to our present small number of regulars. The militia
evinced a good spirit, but fired without much effect.
The enemy, however, must have lost some men,
and it is only wonderful that in a contest of a whole
day, no life was lost on our side. The fire of the
enemy was incessant, but badly directed till the
close of the day, when it began to improve.

" Lieutenant Rolette, who commanded the De-
troit, had, and I beheve deservedly, the character of
a brave, attentive officer. His vessel must, however,
have been surprised — an easy operation when she
lay at anchor, and I have reason to suspect that
this consideration was not sufficiently attended to
by the officers commanding on board and on shore.
We have not only sustamed a heavy loss in the
vessel, but hkewise in the cargo, which consisted of
four 12-pounders, a large quantity of shot and
about two hundred muskets, all of which were
intended for Kingston and Prescott. The only con-
solation is that she escaped the enemy, whose con-
duct did not entitle him to so rich a prize.

" The enemy has brought some boats overland
292

COLONEL PROCTER

from Schlosser to the Niagara River, and made an
attempt last night to carry off the guard over the
store at Queenston. I shall refrain as long as pos-
sible under your Excellency's positive injunctions,
from every hostile act, although sensible that each
day's delay gives him an advantage."

On the same day General Brock wrote to Colonel
Procter, who was still in command on the Detroit
frontier. After various instructions the letter con-
cludes as follows : " An active, interesting scene is
going to commence with you. I am perfectly at
ease as to the result, provided we can manage the
Indians and keep them attached to your cause,
which, in fact, is theirs. The fate of the province is
in your hands. Judging by every appearance we are
not to remain long idle in this quarter. Were it not
for the positive injunctions of the commander of
the forces I should have acted with greater decision.
This forbearance may be productive of ultimate
good but I doubt its policy — perhaps we have not
the means of judging correctly. You will, of course,
adopt a very different line of conduct. The enemy
must be kept in a state of constant ferment. No-
thing new at Montreal. Lord Wellington has totally
defeated Marmont, near Salamanca."

293

CHAPTER XXII

QUEENSTON HEIGHTS

IT was on October 6th, 1812, General Brock's
forty-third birthday, when the despatches an-
nouncing the victory of Detroit and the colours
taken there, arrived in London. It was a time when
England waited breathless for news of her arms
abroad. She was in the midst of her Ufe and death
struggle with her arch-foe in Europe, and blood
and treasure were being poured on the fields of
Spain. No wonder, then, that news of a victory
even in distant Canada was hailed with acclaim,
and bells were set ringing and guns were fired
to let the people know the good news.

Early in the day the wife of William Brock
asked her husband why the park and tower guns
were saluting. "For Isaac, of course," was his reply.
"Do you not know that this is his birthday?"
Later he learnt that what he had said in jest was
true. It was indeed for Isaac Brock that bells were
ringing and guns saluting.

Sir George Prevost's despatch to Lord Bathurst
told of the great ability and judgment with which
General Brock had planned, and the promptitude,
energy, and fortitude with which he had effected
the preservation of Upper Canada with the sacrifice

295

GENERAL BROCK

of so little British blood. The answer was prompt.
Lord Bathurst wrote: "I am commanded by His
Royal Highness to desire you to take the earliest
opportunity of conveying His Royal Highness'
approbation of the able, judicious and decisive con-
duct of Major-General Brock, of the zeal and spirit
manifested by Colonel Procter and the other officers,
as well as of the intrepidity of the troops. You will
inform Major-General Brock that His Royal High-
ness, taking into consideration all the difficulties by
which he was surrounded from the time of the
invasion of the province by the American army under
the command of General Hull, and the singular
judgment, firnmess, skill and courage with which he
was enabled to surmount them so effectually has
been pleased to appoint him an extra knight of
the most honourable Order of the Bath."

On October 10th the honours were gazetted. It
was on October 13th, a date not to be forgotten,
that Irving Brock received the short note, written
at Detroit : "Rejoice at my good fortune and join
me in prayers to heaven. Let me hear you are
united and happy." William Brock writes on that
day to his brother Savery in Guernsey: " Since I
sent you on Tuesday last the Gazette containing
the despatches, I have been so engrossed with the
one all-exciting subject as to be unable to attend to
your business. As I well know that Isaac would
not consider his good fortune complete unless a
reconciliation took place between Irving and my-
296

THE ORDER OF THE BATH

self, I went up to-day on seeing him and shook
hands. He then showed me two lines which he had
just received from Isaac. It is satisfactory to me
that we shook hands before I was aware of the
contents. I have again seen Captain Coore, who
told me that the Prince Regent had spoken to him
about Isaac for nearly half an hour. His Royal
Highness was pleased to say that General Brock
had done more in one hour than could have been
done in six months' negotiation with Mr. Russell,
that he had by his exploit given a lustre to the
British army, etc. The very prompt manner in
which the red riband has been conferred, confirms
the flattering remarks of the prince, and proves the
favourable impression of the ministry. I look for-
ward to Isaac receiving the thanks of parliament
when it meets again. Captain Coore thinks he will
now take Niagara. May Sir Isaac long live to be an
example to your Julian and an honour to us all."

While the brothers were rejoicing in his good
fortune, the general was passing anxious days and
nights. It was apparent that an attack on the fron-
tier was coming, but at what point on the line it
was impossible to determine. An American spy had
visited the British camp and reported that General
Brock had left for Detroit with all the forces he
could spare from Niagara. Possibly this report en-
couraged the American general to hasten his move-
ments.

The night of October 12th was cold and stormy.

297

GENERAL BROCK

General Brock sat late at his desk writing des-
patches and instructions for the officers commanding
at different points of the river. His last letter to Sir
George Prevost was written then. It reads : '' The
vast number of troops which have been this day
added to the strong force previously collected on
the opposite side, convinces me, with other indi-
cations, that an attack is not far distant. I have, in
consequence, directed every exertion to be made to
complete the militia to two thousand men, but
I fear that I shall not be able to effect my object
with willing, well-disposed characters."

It was past midnight when the general sought
repose. Was the beatific vision again vouchsafed
him of his brothers once more united and happy ?
Before the dawn, about four a.m., the sound of dis-
tant firing roused him from his short slumber. The
hour so long expected had come at last. In a few
moments the general was in his saddle, and not
waiting even for his aide-de-camp to accompany
him, he galloped off by the road to Queenston,
seven miles away, whence the ominous sound came.

It was not the general only who had waited with
impatience for the decisive moment. One of the
young volunteers on guard. Lieutenant Robinson,
in his account of that fateful day, writes : '* The
lines had been watched with all the care and at-
tention which the extent of our force rendered
possible, and such was the fatigue which our men
underwent from want of rest, and exposure to the
298

THE RIVER NIAGARA

inclement weather, that they welcomed with joy
the prospect of a field which they thought would
be decisive."^

All along the river bank from Fort George to
Queenston, a mile or two apart, Canadian batteries
commanded different points where a crossing might
be made. The principal were at Brown's Point, two
miles from Queenston, and Vrooman's Point, nearer
that village. At the former was stationed a company
of York volunteers, under the command of Captain
Cameron. The latter, which commanded Lewiston
and the landing at Queenston, was guarded by
another company of York volunteers under the
command of Captain Reward.

Above the village of Queenston the channel of
the river narrows, and the banks rise to the height
of three hundred feet, thickly covered with trees
and shrubs. At the ferry between Lewiston and
Queenston the river is one thousand two hundred
and fifty feet in breadth, with a depth of from two
to three hundred feet and a very rapid current.
Half way down the hill, or the mountain, as it was
called, was the redan battery, where the flank
hght company of the 49th Regiment, under Captain

^ This letter appears in full in the present writer's '*Ten Years of
Upper Canada." When that hook was published the name of the writer
of the letter was not known, as the manuscript containing it found in
the archives at Ottawa was not signed. Happily, from a draft of the
letter which was among the Robinson family papers, it was discovered
that the writer of this admirable account of the battle of Queenston
Heights was Lieutenant Robinson, afterwards the distinguished Sir John
Beverley Robinson, chief justice of Upper Canada.

299

GENERAL BROCK

Williams was stationed. The other flank company
of the 49th, the grenadiers, numbering only forty-
six men, under Major Dennis, was at the village of
Queenston, where also was stationed Captain Chis-
holm's company from York, and Captain Hall's
company of 5th Lincoln militia. There was a small
detachment of artillery in the village, with two
3-pounders, under the command of I^ieutenant
Crowther and Captain Ball. On the height opposite
Queenston, on the American side, was Fort Grey,
whose guns commanded that village. From this
point the firing first came.

It was about half an hour before daylight, prob-
ably about four a.m., inthe midst of a violent storm
of wind and rain, that, under cover of darkness, the
Americans began crossing the river. They were seen
by the miUtia sentinel on guard at Queenston, who
immediately ran to the guardhouse to give the
alarm. As soon as possible, the grenadier company
of the 49th and the militia company stationed
there, began firing on them, using also the two
3-pounders with good effect. Colonel Van Rens-
selaer, a relative of the general, who had charge
of the troops crossing, was at this time severely
wounded, as well as many of the rank and file,
before the boats had gone far from their side of the
river. The gun at Vrooman's Point, which com-
manded the landing at Lewiston, also joined in,
and many of the boats were driven back, whilst
others in a battered condition drifted down the
300

THE YORK VOLUNTEERS

river and ran ashore near Vrooman's Point. Those
on board, many of them wounded, were made
prisoners.

The detachment of York Volunteers at Brown's
Point, two miles below, had heard the firing, and
made ready to join their comrades in helping to
drive the invaders back. Dawn was now glimmering
in the east, but the semi-darkness was illumined by
the discharge of musketry and the flash of artillery.
In spite of the constant fire, some boats succeeded
in effecting a landing.

Captain Cameron, in command of the York
company at Brown's Point, was at first undecided
whether to advance or to remain at the post as-
signed him to defend. It had been thought that the
enemy would make various attacks at different
points on the line, and this might be a feint, while
the real landing would take place elsewhere. How-
ever, he decided to go to the aid of the troops above,
and had scarcely set off on his march in that direc-
tion when General Brock galloped past alone. He
waved his hand as he flew by, bidding the little
troop press on.^ Little need to tell them to follow.
Their confidence in their general was unbounded.
They were ready to follow him through danger and
death. In a few minutes the general reached and
passed Vrooman's Point, and was soon followed by

^ This command, the author thinks, is the origin of the report that
Brock's dying words were, "Push on, brave York Volunteers." It is
more probable that this was the occasion on which he used them.

301

GENERAL BROCK

his two aides, Major Glegg and Lieutenant-Colonel
Macdonell.

The reception given to the invaders had been
a warm one. To quote from Lieutenant Robinson:
" Grape and musket shot poured upon them at close
quarters as they approached the shore. A single
discharge of grape from a brass 6-pounder, directed
by Captain Dennis of the 49th, destroyed fifteen in
a boat. Three of the bateaux landed below Mr.
Hamilton's garden in Queenston and were met by
a party of miUtia and a few regulars, who slaughtered
almost the whole of them, taking the rest prisoners.
Several other boats were so shattered and disabled
that the men in them threw down their arms and
came on shore, merely to deliver themselves up as
prisoners of war. As we advanced with our com-
pany, we met troops of Americans on their way to
Fort George under guard, and the road was lined
with miserable wretches suffering under wounds of
all descriptions, and crawling to our houses for
protection and comfort. The spectacle struck us,
who were unused to such scenes, with horror, but
we hurried to the mountain, impressed with the
idea that the enemy's attempt was already frus-
trated, and the business of the day nearly com-
pleted."

Thus far, everjrthing had gone well for the defense,

and the general, on his approach to Queenston,

was greeted with the news that the greater number

of the boats had been destroyed or taken. Another

302

THE REDAN BATTERY

brigade of four boats was just then setting off from
Lewiston, and the 49th Light Company, which had
been stationed at the redan battery on the moun-
tain, was ordered down to assist in preventing
them landing. General Brock had ridden forward to
inspect this battery, where the 18-pounder had been
left in charge of eight artillerymen. He had just
dismounted to enter the enclosure when shots from
above warned him that the enemy had gained the
crest of the hill. As was learned afterwards. Captain
Wool, of the United States army, on whom de-
volved the command of the boats when Colonel
Van Rensselaer was wounded, had very skilfully
conducted his men up the river, and on shore, until
they came to a fisherman's path leading up the
south side of the mountain, a path so steep and
narrow that it had been left unguarded. They had
succeeded in reaching the height unobserved, where
they remained concealed by the crags and trees. It
was now about seven in the morning.

In the dangerous and exposed position in which
General Brock found himself, there was nothing to
be done but to order the gun to be spiked and
to evacuate the battery with all the speed possible.
There was no time for him even to mount his horse.
He led it down the hill and entered the village to
reform his troops and gather them for an assault on
the enemy above. There were but two hundred
men available for the work, two companies of the
49th, about a hundred men, and the same number

303

GENERAL BROCK

of militia. It was a hazardous and daring enterprise
to attempt to regain the heights with so small a
force, but regardless of danger, as was his wont,
General Brock, on foot, led his men to the charge
up the hill. In vain was the attempt. The enemy
above were so advantageously placed, and kept up
such a tremendous fire, that the small number
ascending were driven back. Again the general
ralUed them, and proceeded by the right of the
mountain, meaning to attack them in flank. His
tall form and prominent position as leader made
him too easy a mark. Scarcely had he ascended
a few paces when the fatal bullet struck him in the
breast, and he fell, "too prodigal of that life so
needed by all."

Of the last words of a hero there are always con-
flicting stories. Some say Isaac Brock called on his
men to press forward, some say he murmured his
sister's name; but who can doubt but that his faith-
ful heart, in that supreme moment, was back with
his loved ones, and it was not the heights of
Queenston he was climbing but the steep cliffs of
Guernsey, and it was not the roar of the cannon or
the rush of the river that filled his dying ear, but
the sound of the waves as they surged in the
caverns of his island home.

They bore him from the place where he fell to a

house at the foot of the hill, where his comrades

covered his lifeless form, and then went back to the

work he had left them to do. The handful of troops

304

A HOT FIGHT

had retreated to the village, where they were joined
by the two companies of York Volunteers from
Brown's and Vrooman's Points. About half-past
nine Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell, aide-de-camp,
formed them again for an advance up the hill to
dislodge the enemy.

Lieutenant Robinson tells the story : " We were
halted a few moments in Mr. Hamilton's garden,
where we were exposed to the shot from the
American battery at Fort Grey, and from several
field pieces directly opposite to us, besides an in-
cessant and disorderly fire of musketry from the
sides of the mountain. In a few minutes we were
ordered to advance. The nature of the ground and
the galHng fire prevented any kind of order in
ascending. We soon scrambled to the top to the
right of the battery which they had gained, and
were in some measure covered by the woods. There
we stood and gathered the men as they advanced,
and formed them into line. The fire was too hot to
admit of delay. Scarcely more than fifty had col-
lected, about thirty of whom were of our company,
headed by Captain Cameron, and the remainder of
the 49th Light Company, commanded by Captain
Williams.

" Lieutenant- Colonel Macdonell was mounted
and animating the men to charge. . . . The enemy
were just in front, covered by bushes and logs.
They were in no kind of order, and were three or
four hundred in number. They perceived us form-

305

GENERAL BROCK

ing, and at about thirty yards distance, fired. Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Macdonell, who was on the left of
our party calling upon us to advance, received
a shot in his body and fell. His horse was at the
same instant killed. Captain Williams, who was at
the other extremity of our little band, fell the next
moment apparently dead. The remainder of our
men advanced a few paces, discharged their pieces,
and then retired down the mountain. Lieutenant
McLean was wounded in the thigh. Captain Cam-
eron, in his attempt to save Colonel Macdonell, was
exposed to a shower of musketry, but most miracu-
lously escaped. He succeeded in carrying off his
friend. Captain Williams recovered from the mo-
mentary effect of the wound in his head in time to
escape down the mountain. This happened, I think,
about ten a.m."

The two companies of the 49th and the militia,
retreated to Vrooman's Point to wait there for
further reinforcements, and the Americans remained
in possession of the hill. They were enabled by the
cessation of fire from the Canadian side to land
fresh troops unmolested, and to carry back their
dead and wounded in their boats.

The morning had ended most disastrously for the
British. The beloved and trusted general was still
in death, and near him lay his friend and aide-de-
camp, mortally wounded. All along the line from
Fort George to Erie, the evil tidings sped. How
the news of defeat was brought to Fort Erie is told
306

AT FORT ERIE

by an officer^ of the 100th stationed there. He
relates how on the morning of October 13th the
booming of distant artillery was faintly heard.
Hunger and fatigue were no longer remembered,
and the men were ordered to turn out under arms,
and were soon on their way to the batteries opposite
the enemy's station at Black Rock. The letter
continues : —

" We had not assumed our position long, when
an orderly officer of the Provincial Dragoons rode
up and gave the information that the enemy were
attempting to cross at Queenston, and that we
must annoy them by every means in our power
along the whole line, as was being done from
Niagara to Queenston. The command was no sooner
given than, bang, went off every gun we had in
position. The enemy's guns were manned and re-
turned the fire, and the day's work was begun.
It was about two o'clock in the afternoon when
another dragoon, not wearing sword or helmet,
bespattered horse and man with foam and mud,
rode up. Said an old ' green tiger '^ to me, * Horse
and man jaded, sir, depend upon it he brings bad
news' 'Step down and see what news he brings.'
Away my veteran doubles and soon returns. I
knew from poor old Clibbom's face something
dreadful had occurred. 'What news, Clibborn —
what news, man ? ' I said, as he advanced toward

"^ Captain DriscoU.

* The 49th Regiment was known by that sobriquet.

307

GENERAL BROCK

the battery that was still keeping up a brisk
fire.

" Clibborn walked on, perfectly unconscious of
the balls that were ploughing up the ground around
him. He uttered not a word, but shook his head.
The pallor and expression of his countenance indi-
cated the sorrow of his soul. I could stand it no
longer. I placed my hand on his shoulder. *For
heaven's sake, tell us what you know.' In choking
accents he revealed his melancholy information.
* General Brock is killed, the enemy has possession
of Queenston Heights.' Every man in the battery
was paralyzed. They ceased firing. A cheer from the
enemy on the opposite side of the river recalled
us to our duty. They had heard of their success
down the river.

"Our men who had in various ways evinced their
feelings, some weeping, some swearing, some in
mournful silence, now exhibited demoniac energy.
The heavy guns were loaded, traversed and fired as
if they were field pieces. ' Take your time, men,
don't throw away your fire, my lads.' ' No, sir, but
we will give it to them hot and heavy.' All the guns
were worked by the forty men of my company as
if they wished to avenge the death of their beloved
chief." ^

At Niagara, the other extremity of the fine, in
obedience to General Brock's last order, sent from
Queenston, a brisk fire had been kept up all morn-

^ " Laura Secord/' by Mrs. Curzon.

308

GENERAL SHEAFFE

ing with the American fort opposite, whence hot
shot poured on the little town, threatening to en-
velop it in flames. Captain Vigareaux, R.E., by a
daring act of valour, saved a powder magazine from
being ignited. As at Fort Erie, news of the disaster
at Queenston only impelled the artillerymen to
redouble their exertions. So well directed was
their fire that by mid-day the American fort was
silenced.

Major-General SheafFe had, early in the morning,
in obedience to a summons from General Brock,
prepared to march to Queenston with about four
companies of the 41st, three hundred and eighty
rank and file, and nearly the same number of
militia, together with the car brigade under Captain
Holcroft. News of the repulse and the loss of the
general was followed by a second despatch, telling
of Lieutenant- Colonel MacdonelFs attempt to take
the hill, which had ended so disastrously.

General SheafFe, with the field pieces of the car
brigade, arrived at Vrooman's Point about eleven
o'clock, and found there the handful of troops who
had retreated to that place to await his arrival.
Captain Holcroft's company, with the heavy guns,
was placed in position to command the landing at
Lewiston, and to prevent any more troops from
crossmg. The general decided that it was useless to
attempt a charge up the hill in the face of the
addition that had been made to the enemy's force,
and their commanding position on the heights.

809

GENERAL BROCK

He determined, therefore, to make a long detour
through the fields and woods behind Queenston.
His force had been strengthened by about one
hundred and fifty Mohawk Indians, under Chief
Norton, who had come from the lake shore near
Niagara, had skirted the village of St. Davids near
Queenston, and then had silently moved eastwards
through the dense forest, hemming the Americans
in. About two p.m. Major Merritt's troop of cavalry
appeared on the scene, and later still, a detachment
of the 41st and two flank companies of militia
arrived from Chippawa.

It was three o'clock in the afternoon when the
real battle of Queenston Heights began. General
Sheaffe had gradually advanced towards the battery
on the mountain held by the enemy. One spirit
animated all the men, a fierce desire to avenge
the death of their beloved chief, and to drive the
aggressors back from Canadian soil. The main body
on the right consisted of the 41st, and the flank
companies of the Niagara militia, with two field
pieces, 3-pounders, which had been dragged up the
hill. The left consisted of the Mohawk Indians and
a company of coloured troops, refugee slaves fi'om
the United States. The Light Company of the 49th,
with the companies of York and Lincoln militia,
formed the centre. In all a little over a thousand
men, of whom half were regulars.

The Indians were the first to advance, and the
Americans, who were expecting an attack from
310

THE BATTLE

quite another direction, were completely taken by
surprise. General Sheaffe had succeeded in reaching
their rear unseen. There was scarcely time for them
to change their front when a fierce onslaught was
made on them from all sides, the Indians uttering
their terrific war whoop, and the rest of the troops
joining in the shout.

In vain did the American officers, among them
Winfield Scott, attempt to rally their men. A panic
seized them in the face of the determined fire that
was poured upon them, and, scarcely waiting to fire
a volley, they fled by hundreds down the mountain,
only to meet more of their enemies below. There
was no retreat possible for them. It was indeed
a furious and avenging force that pressed upon
them, and drove them to the brink of that river
whose deep waters seemed to offer a more merciful
death than that which awaited them above. They
fell in numbers. " The river," says one who was
present,^ "presented a shocking spectacle, filled with
poor wretches who plunged into the stream with
scarcely a prospect of being saved." Many leaped
from the side of the mountain, and were dashed
to pieces on the rocks below.

At last the fire from the American batteries at
Lewiston ceased, and the battle was over in one
short hour. Brock was indeed avenged. Two offi-
cers were now seen approaching bearing a white
flag. They were conducted up the mountain to

^ Lieutenant J. B. Robinson.

311

GENERAL BROCK

General Sheaffe, and with difficulty the slaughter
was stopped. By the surrender, General Wadsworth
and over nine hundred men, including sixty officers,
were made prisoners of war. It was a complete
victory, but dimmed by a national loss. That loss
was felt through the two years of fighting that
followed the battle of Queenston Heights. Sheaffe,
who succeeded the fallen general, was lacking in
the qualities that are requisite for a successful
commander. His conduct at the taking of York in
1813, proved his unfitness for the position. Procter
who had been left in command on the western
frontier also lacked the firmness in action and fer-
tility of resource that characterized the leader who
had opened the campaign so briUiantly. But the
influence which the lost leader wielded on the
youth of the province lived after him, and stimu-
lated them throughout the long struggle "to keep
the land inviolate." Under Vincent and Harvey
and Drummond and Macdonell and de Sala-
berry they fought as veterans, and when at the
close of the war they laid down their arms not one
foot of Canadian territory was occupied by the
enemy.

Three times were Sir Isaac Brock's funeral rites
observed. First, on that sad October day when
a pause came in the conflict, and minute guns from
each side of the river bore their token of respect
from friend and foe for the general who had fallen
in the midst of the battle. He was laid to rest first
312

HIS MONUMENT

in the cavalier bastion of Fort George which he
himself had built. Dark days were yet to fall on
Canada, when shot and shell poured over that
grave in the bastion, and fire and sword laid the
land desolate ; but the spirit kindled by Brock in
the country never failed, and though his voice was
stilled, the echo of his words remained and the
force of his example.

When peace came again, a grateful country
resolved to raise to his memory a monument on
the field where he fell, and twelve years afterwards
a solemn procession passed again over that road by
the river, and from far and near those who had
served under him gathered to do him honour. A
miscreant from the United States shattered this
monument on April 13th, 1840, a crime that was
execrated in that country as well as in Canada.

In order to take immediate steps to repair the dese-
cration. Sir George Arthur, the governor-general,
called upon the militia of Upper Canada and the
regular troops then in the country, to assemble on
Queenston Heights on June 30th of that year. The
summons was obeyed with enthusiasm, and no
greater civil and miUtary display had ever been held
m Canada. The youths whom Isaac Brock had led
were gray-headed men now, judges and statesmen,
the foremost in the land, but they had not forgotten
him, and once again, in eloquent words, the story
was to id of how he had won the undying love and
respect of the people.

313

GENERAL BROCK

A resolution was unanimously passed, that an-
other monument, higher and nobler still, should be
built in place of the one destroyed. No public money
was asked, but the regular troops, officers and men,
and the militia gave a freewill offering. In due time
the sum of fifty thousand dollars was raised. While
the monument was building, General Brock's body
was placed in a private burying-ground in Mr.
Hamilton's garden at the foot of the hill. In 1854,
more than forty years after the battle, the column
was finished, and once again a long procession
followed the hero's bier. Nor was this all. In 1860
there was a notable gathering on that historic
hill, when King Edward VII, then Prince of
Wales, came to do honour to the dead hero, and
laid the topmost stone on the cairn that marks
the spot where he fell. One hundred and sixty
survivors of the volunteers of 1812 were present.
Sir John Beverley Robinson was their spokesman.
In his address to the prince he said: " In the long
period that has elapsed very many have gone to
their rest, who, having served in higher rank than
ourselves, took a more conspicuous part in that
glorious contest. We rejoice in the thought that
what your Royal Highness has seen and will see of
this prosperous and happy province will enable you
to judge how valuable a possession was saved to
the British Crown by the successful resistance made
in the trying contest in which it was our fortune to
bear a part, and your Royal Highness will then be
314

A TRIBUTE

able to judge how large a debt the empire owed
to the lamented hero Brock, whose gallant and
generous heart shrank not in the darkest hour of
the conflict, and whose example inspired the few
with the abiUty and spirit to do the work of many."
In reply the prince said : " I have willingly con-
sented to lay the first stone of this monument.
Every nation may, without offence to its neigh-
bours, commemorate its heroes, their deeds of arms,
and their noble deaths. This is no taunting boast of
victory, no revival of long passed animosities, but a
noble tribute to a soldier's fame, the more honour-
able because he readily acknowledges the bravery
and chivalry of the people by whose hands he fell.
I trust that Canada will never want such volunteers
as those who fought in the last war nor her volun-
teers be without such a leader. But no less I fer-
vently pray that your sons and grandsons may never
be called upon to add other laurels to those which
you so gallantly won."

The noble shaft on Queenston Heights dominates
a wide expanse of land and lake. Deep and strong
is the current of the river that flows at its base, but
not deeper and stronger than the memory of the
man who sleeps below.

315

INDEX

Abercromby^ General, 13, 14, 15,
16, 20, 21, 34, 64

Act, non-importation, 85

Adams, United States brig, 178,
256

Albany, 50, 192, 203, 233

Amherstburg, Fort (Maiden), de-
scription of, 59 ; 41st Regiment
at, 74; assistant quartermaster-
general stationed at, 80 ; Indians
gather there, 152; militia at, 177
Brock gives his attention to, 196
Colonel Procter arrives, 216
Brock and his squadron set out
for, 230-2 ; the advance expected,
235 ; first skirmish, 236 ; Brock's
general order from, 247-8; an-
other attack expected, 273-4 ; Cap-
tain Muir returns to, 275

Amherst, General Lord, 35, 70, 179

Amiens, peace of, 9, 30-1, 43, 78

Armistice, the, 233, 261, 270-2, 276

Armstrong, General, 81 ; American
minister in Paris, 112

Assembly, House of, 76, 143-5, 183,
184, 228, 229

B
Baby, Colonel, 209, 229, 248
Baton Rouge, on the Mississippi, 7,

139
Baynes, Colonel, adjutant-general,

letters to Brock, 134, 137-8, 145,

155, 180, 185, 204, 205, 208;
Brock writes to, 183, 185, 198;
sent to General Dearborn with the
proposition for an armistice, 233

Bedard, Captain, 105 ; arrest of,
127-9 ; release of, 145 ; appointed
judge, 158

Bowes, Colonel, 69, 73, 78

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 6, 9, 23, 24,
30, 38, 40, 41, 45, 71, 140, 167,
188

Brock, Daniel de Lisle, 70

Brock, Elizabeth, wife of John E.
Tupper, 71

Brock, Irving, 71, 102, 131, 132,
140, 143, 162, 163

Brock, Isaac, his birthplace, 1 ; fa-
mily of, 6, 6 ; sent to school, 7 ;
obtains a commission by purchase,
7 ; purchases his lieutenancy, 8 ;
gazetted as captain, 8 ; service in
the West Indies, 9 ; purchases a
majority, 10 ; becomes senior lieu-
tenant-colonel of the 49th, 10;
associated with Nelson and Stew-
art, 24-5 ; leads the 49th, 27 ; ar-
rives in Canada, 33 ; at York, 48,
60-3 ; in command at Fort George,
64 ; his report, 64-7 ; at Quebec,
69; made a full colonel, 70; as
commander-in-chief, 75 ; his cor-
respondence with PresidentDunu,
76, 77 ; correspondence about
Indian affairs, 78; looks into

317

GENERAL BROCK

Brock, Isaac — Continued

accounts^ 79, 80 ; supervises the
marine department, 80 ; in Que-
bec, 86, 90 ; on military service,
96; letter to Colonel Gordon, 97;
letters to Ross Cuthbert, 98, 102;
leaves Quebec and takes command
in Montreal, 99 ; appointed acting
brigadier-general, 99 ; letter to his
brother Irving, 102 ; returns to
Quebec, 115 ; longing for service
in Europe, 123, 124 ; settled at
Fort George, 133; his books, 135-

6 ; letters, 140 ; a visit to York,
143 ; correspondence with Sir
James Craig, 149, 151, 152, 176 ;
made major-general, 157; ap-
pointed president and administra-
tor of the government of Upper
Canada, 159 ; misfortune to, 161-

7 ; declines permission to return
to England, 180-1 ; his measures
in the House of Assembly, 184-
6 ; preparations for war, 189-90 ;
letter to Colonel Baynes, 198 ;
general order from Niagara, 205-
6 ; general order from Fort
George, 212-13 ; his appeal, 219-
21 ; his powers in his combined
military and civil capacity, 225-7 ;
describes Tecumseh, 247 ; general
order from Amherstburg, 247-8 ;
demands Hull's surrender of De-
troit, 250-1 ; celebrates the vic-
tory, 258 ; regrets the armistice,
261 ; letter to his brothers, 266-8 ;
receives congratulations from Sir
George Prevost, 268-9 ; writes
from Fort George, 272-3 ; letter
re the attack on Fort Wayne,

318

276-7; letter to Savery Brock,
280-1 ; regiments under his im-
mediate command, 287 ; his report
of the loss of the Detroit and the
Caledonia^ 290-3 ; appointed a
knight of the Order of the Bath,
296 ; last letter to Sir George
Prevost, 298 ; his ride to Queen-
ston, 298-301 ; orders the evacua-
tion of the redan battery, 803 ;
leads the attack on the heights,
304 ; his death, 304 ; funeral rites,
312-15
Brock, John, father of Sir Isaac, 6
Brock, Mary, wife of T. Potenger,

71
Brock, Savery, 15, 17, 18, 19, 27,
71, 123, 132, 161, 162, 163, 166
Brock, William, 5, 70, 124, 161,

163, 165, 167
Brownstown, 237, 238, 248, 245
Bruyeres, Lieutenant-Colonel, 157,
230

C

Caledonia, brig, 210 ; captured by
Americans, 289-92

Cameron, Captain, 299, 301, 306

Canadien, Xe, newspaper, 92, 104,
116, 127, 147

Canning, George, secretary of war,
81, 83, 84, 85, 118, 119, 120, 122

Carleton, Sir Guy, see Lord Dor-
chester.

Castlereagh, Lord, 103, 118 ; suc-
ceeds the Marquis of Wellesley
in office, 191

Chambers, Captain, 218, 235; major,
247

Champagny, Napoleon's secretary
of war. 111, 172

INDEX

Chateau de Ramezay, Brock quar-
tered at_, 101

Chateau St. Louis, 34, 46, 75, 90

Chesapeake, the, 82-6

Chippawa, Fort, 53, 58, 202, 310

Constitution, American frigate, 123,
284

Copenhagen, 23, 26, 30, 31, 106,
124

Craig, Sir James, governor-general
and commander-in-chief, 90-2 ;
his first duty, 93 ; appoints Brock
brigadier-general, 99 ; writes to
Lord Castlereagh, 103 ; distrusts
the French Canadians, 104 ; re-
fers to the effect of the embargo,
115 ; asks for reinforcements,
118 ; prorogues the House, 127 ;
seizes the press of Le Canadien,
127 ; unwilling to grant Brock
leave of absence, 136 ; ill health,
142 ; last public act, 145 ; his
triumph over the assembly, 145 ;
utterly broken down, 147 ; in re-
ference to the Indians, 149, 153 ;
leaves Canada, 156 ; his death,
156

D

Dean, private, 236-7, 258

Dearborn, Fort, (Chicago), 174, 266

Dearborn, General (United States),
192, 233, 261, 285

Decrees, Bayonne, 122; Berlin, 81-
2, 93, 105, 172, 193 ; Milan, 110,
172, 193

Detroit, formerly the Adams, 274;
captured by the Americans, 289-92

Detroit, Fort, 53, 54, 177, 190-1,
195, 197, 218, 235, 238, 245 ; its
attack and capture, 248-60

Dorchester, Lord, (Sir Guy Carle-
ton), 34, 36-8, 47, 53, 56, 76,
103, 152
Drummond, Major-General, 116,

157
Dunn, Thomas, president and acting
governor, 69, 73, 76, 77, 86, 94,
96, 157

E
Egmont op Zee, 17, 18
Elliott, Colonel, 230, 245, 280
Elmsley, Chief Justice, 69, 76
Embargo, the, 85, 108 ; effect of,

109 ; repeal of, 113
Emulous, vessel, 224
Erie, Fort, 53, 59, 178, 181, 206,
216

F
FiTZ Gibbon, Colonel, 18, 66, 67
Florida, West, 42, 43, 112, 139

G

Gallatin, secretary of the United
States navy, 81, 108

Gangesy battleship, 27

Gazette, Upper Canada, 57 ; Quebec,
93 ; Montreal, 93

George, Fort, description of, 56;
planned by Simcoe, 58 ; Procter
commands at, 74 ; boats kept at,
80 ; Brock winters at, 153 ; maga-
zines prepared at, 182 ; Brock's
headquarters, 204 ; counter ap-
peal issued from, 217; another
proclamation from, 219; Myers
in charge of affairs at, 225 ; pri-
soners at, 263-4 ; Brock buried
there, 313

Glegg, Captain, A.D.C., 204, 207,
232, 261, 256, 269, 271, 302

319

GENERAL BROCK

Glengarry Fencibles, proposed, 97-
8 ; the corps raised, 180 ; Brock
proposes giving grants of land to
members of, 185 ; part of the force
for the defence of the frontier,
201

Gore, Sir Francis, lieutenant-gov-
ernor of Upper Canada, 8, 78, 97,
138, 159, 167-8

Guerrierey H.M.S., 173, 284

H

Harrison, General, (** Old Tippe-
canoe"), 175-6

Henry, John, agent on secret mis-
sion, 120, 186-8

Hull, General, marches for Michi-
gan, 203 ; his advance, 208-9 ; oc-
cupies Sandwich, 213 ; his procla-
mation to the people of Canada,
213-14 ; loses heavy baggage and
stores, 218; writes to Washing-
ton, 236 ; abandons Sandwich for
Detroit, 238 ; receives and refuses
Brock's demand to surrender,
251 ; surrenders, 255 ; criticized,
257; as prisoner of war, 261 ;
home on parole, 283 ; trial and
sentence, 283-4

Humphrey, Captain of the Leopard,
83

Hunter f sloop of war, 178, 217, 218,
243, 249

Hunter, General, lieutenant-gover-
nor of Upper Canada, 45, 50, 51,
69, 60, 63, 65, 69

Jefferson, President, 38, 41, 43,
108, 112, 113, 259, 285

320

K
Kempt, Colonel, afterwards Gene-
ral Sir James, 140-1
Kingston, 6Q, 65, 178-9, 203, 229,
268

L

Leopard, the, 82-3

Lewiston, 285, 299, 300, 303, 309,

311
Little Belt, a corvette, 173
Louisiana, handed back to France,

38 ; its purchase, 41-3
Lovett, John, secretary to General

Van Rensselaer, 264, 286

M

Macdonell, Lieutenant-Colonel,
chosen as aide-de-camp, 230 ; sent
with the demand for the sur-
render of Detroit, 251 ; goes back
to Detroit to arrange the terms
of capitulation, 255 ; at Vroo-
man's Point, 301-2 ; at the battle
of Queenston Heights, 305-6.

Mc Arthur, Colonel, United States,
203, 249

Madison, President, 120, 139, 173,
187, 213

Maguaga, 238-43, 245

Maiden, Fort, see Amherstburg.

Michilimackinac, Fort, 53, 177,
205, 210-11, 227-8

N

Napoleon, Emperor, 71, 72, 73, 81,
82, 98, 105, 106-8, 111-13, 117-
19, 125-6, 172, 188

Nelson, Lord, 24-30, 47

Niagara (Newark), 60 ; invasion ex-
pected between Fort Erie and,
178 ; Brock gives his attention to,

INDEX

Niagara (Newark) — Continued
195 ; general order from, 205 ;
well fortified, 225

Niagara, Fort(U.S), 54-6 ; its attack
suggested, 219 ; stores and troops
arriving, 269, 274 ; silenced, 309

Nichol, Lieutenant-Colonel, 206,
207, 248, 253

Non-Intercourse, Bill, 120

Orders-in-Council, 93, 106, 111 ;
withdrawal of, 120-1, 223, 269

P

Panet, Lieutenant -Colonel,
speaker of the assembly, 104,
105, 115

President, United States frigate, 173

Prevost, Sir George, arrives in
Halifax, 101 ; assumes command,
157-8 ; letter from Brock to, 178-
9 ; hampered by home instruc-
tions, 184 ; cautious and forbear-
ing, 190, 194-5, 216, 288, 204 ;
receives word of declaration of
war, 207-8 ; despatch from Brock
to, 223 ; correspondence re Brock's
powers, 226-7 ; his views concern-
ing the capture of Fort Michili-
mackinac, 227-8 ; congratulates
Brock, 268-9 ; advises evacuation
of Detroit, 277

Procter, Lieutenant-Colonel, com-
mands at Fort George, 74 ; to as-
sume command between Niagara
and Fort Erie, 205-6; sent to
Amherstburg, 216 ; sends a de-
tachment to Brownstown, 237 ; in
charge of the western district,
247 ; in command at Detroit, 262 ;

letter from Brock to, 293 ; com-
pared with Brock, 312

Q

Quebec, description of, 83-4 ; centre
of society, 46 ; mutineers and de-
serters sentenced at, 63 ; Brock
quartered at, 69 ; 49th and 100th
Regiments there, 74 ; fortifications
of, 75-7, 94 ; boats at, 80 ; old,
89-98 ; gaiety in, 132 ; House of
Assembly at, 143-5 ; the town
militia volunteers, 205

Queenston, 58, 61, 206 ; battle of
Queenston Heights, 298-312

R

RiDOUT, Surveyor-General, letter

from, 168
Roberts, Captain, 202, 205, 210, 227
Robinson, Lieutenant, afterwards

Sir John Beverley, 298, 29»(note),

302, 305, 314
Rolette, Lieutenant, 218, 243, 292
Rottenburg, Colonel Baron de, 123,

134, 137, 217
Ryland, H. W., secretary, 47, 86,

92, 105, 120, 129, 145-7, 186, 203

S
Sacketts Harbour, 178, 261, 269,

270, 271
Sandwich, 50, 213, 218, 229, 238,

248, 250, 251
Saumarez, Admiral Lord de, 6, 124
Sheafi^e, Lieutenant-Colonel, at Eg-

mont op Zee, 19 ; in command in

Jersey, 22 ; at Fort George, 48 ;

mutiny under, 61-4 ; in Quebec,

74 ; a hint from Thornton, 169 ;

major-general on the stafi^, 223 ;

at Queenston Heights, 309-12

321

GENERAL BROCK

St. George, Colonel, 214, 216, 218,

236, 24f7

St. Joseph, Fort, 74, 202, 204, 210,

227

T

Tbcumseh, Indian chief, 150-1, 174-

6, 237-8, 243, 245-7, 251, 254, 257
V
Van Rensselaer, Major-General,

384, 285, 288
Van Rensselaer, Colonel, 284 (note),

300
Vincent, Colonel, 124, 134, 229
Vesey, Colonel, 138-9, 153-4 ; made

major-general, 157
W
Wadsworth, Brigadier-General,

213

Wayne, Fort, a base of supplies for
the United States army, 262 ;
unsuccessful expedition against,
274-5
William Henry, Fort, 80, 283
Wyndham, Rt. Hon. Sir W. , secre-
tary of the colonies, 75

York, Duke of, 13, 15, 16, 20-1,
64, 70, 155, 159

York (Toronto), 45, 51 ; seat of gov-
ernment, 57 ; number of vessels
at, 80; its fortifications begun,
182 ; House of Assembly opened
at, 183 ; news of declaration of
war reaches Brock at, 204 ; Brock
returns to, 221-3

322

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